Sojourner Truth: Slave, Prophet, Legend 9780814763131

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SOJOURNER TRUTH

ALSO B Y C A R L E T O N M A B E E The American Leonardo: A Life of Samuel F. B. Morse (PULITZER PRIZE )

Black Education in New York State: From Colonial to Modern Times (JOHN BE N SNO W PRIZE )

Black Freedom: The Nonviolent Abolitionists from 1830 through the Civil War (ANISFIELD-WOLF AWARD )

A Quaker Speaks from the Black Experience: The Life and Selected Writings of Barrington Dunbar (WITH JAME S A . FLETCHER )

The Seaway Story

SOJOURNER TRUTH Slave, Prophet, Legen d by Carleto n Mabe e with Susan Mabe e Newhous e

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N E W YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S New York and Londo n

New Yor k Universit y Pres s New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 1993 , 199 5 b y New Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Mabee, Carleton , 1914 Sojourner Truth—slave , prophet , legen d / by Carleto n Mabee , wit h Susan Mabe e Newhouse . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-5484- 8 ISB N 0-8147-5525- 9 pbk . 1. Truth , Sojourner , d . 1883 . 2 . Afro-Americans—Biography . 3. Abolitionists—Unite d States—Biography . 4 . Socia l reformers — United States—Biography . I . Newhouse , Susa n Mabee . II . Title . E185.97.T8M32 199 3 3°5-5'6Vo92—dc20 [B] 93-937 ° CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s books are printed o n acid-free paper , and their bindin g material s are chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of America 10

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Contents

Illustrations vi i Preface i x Chronology o f Truth's Lif e xii i i. Growin g U p a Slave i 2. Slav e Mother 1 6 3. Monstrou s Kingdo m 2 5 4. Ne w Mission s 4 3 5. Wh y Di d Sh e Never Lear n t o Read? 6 0 6. He r Famou s Akron Speec h 6 7 7. Confrontin g Douglas s 8 3 8. Northampto n t o Battle Creek 9 3 9. Undergroun d Railroader ? 10 4 10. Romanticized : Libya n Siby l n

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11. Wit h Presiden t Lincol n an d the Freedmen 11 12. Ridin g Washington's Hors e Cars 12 9 13. Movin g Freed Slave s to the North 13 9 14. Wester n Lan d 15 6 15. Women' s Right s 17 2 v

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CONTENTS

16. Goos e Wings an d Hig h Heel s 18 5 17. Drin k an d Smok e 19 3 18. Frien d Titu s 20 0 19. Friend s and Supporter s 20 9 20. Singe r 21 9 21. Talkin g wit h Go d 23 2 Notes 24 7 Bibliography o f Works Cite d 27 5 Acknowledgments 28 3 Index 28 5

Illustrations

The illustrations appear as a group after p. j8. i. Rondou t Creek , Nea r Kingsto n 2. Ulste r Count y Cour t Hous e 3. Rober t Matthia s 4. Broadway , Ne w Yor k 5. Brookly n Ferr y 6. Northampto n Associatio n Buildin g 7. Sojourne r Truth , 185 0 8. Truth' s "Onl y Know n Signature " 9. Akro n Churc h Wher e Trut h Spok e in 185 1 10. Trut h Scrubbin g a t a Wash Tu b 11. Th e Libya n Siby l 12. Sojourne r Truth , 186 4 13. Free d Slave s Seeking Protectio n 14. Sunda y Servic e at Freedman's Villag e 15. "Fre e Lecture ! Sojourne r Truth " 16. Truth' s House , Battle Cree k Vll

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17. Sojourne r Truth , Carryin g Ba g 18. "Woman' s Emancipation " 19. Playin g for a Juba Danc e 20. Th e Adventists ' Sanitarium , Battle Cree k

Preface

Sojourner Trut h wa s bor n an d gre w u p a slave in Ne w Yor k State . As a slave, she was called Isabella. I t wa s only long after sh e was freed tha t sh e adopted the name of Sojourner Truth . Unde r her new name, in the perio d before an d afte r th e Civi l War , sh e becam e a nationa l figure i n th e struggle fo r the liberation o f both black s and women . Drawing o n he r fait h i n God , Trut h acte d courageousl y agains t th e folly an d injustic e o f her time . Despit e he r povert y an d illiteracy , despit e being blac k i n a predominantl y whit e society , despit e th e customar y pressure a t tha t tim e fo r wome n t o remai n passive , sh e significantl y shaped bot h he r ow n lif e an d th e struggl e fo r huma n rights . Sh e becam e in he r tim e an d our s a n inspiratio n t o women , t o blacks , to the poor , an d to the religious . Myths ofte n gre w u p abou t Truth . Becaus e sh e wa s s o colorful , an d because s o little precise informatio n abou t he r ha s been available , person s with cause s to promote hav e often foun d i t eas y to mythologize her. Ove r time, th e variou s myth s hav e serve d a variet y o f changin g needs , need s that wer e ofte n psychologica l o r political . Much tha t wa s writte n abou t Trut h i n he r tim e an d our s ha s bee n written withou t statin g sources , whic h ha s encourage d mythmaking . Several o f her twentieth-centur y biographer s hav e invente d conversatio n for her , withou t makin g clea r t o reader s tha t the y wer e doin g so , whic h added t o th e myths . Eve n he r ow n stor y o f he r lif e a s publishe d i n he r Narrative, first i n 185 0 an d late r i n revisions , shoul d b e use d cautiously . The first versio n wa s base d o n he r recollection s whe n sh e wa s alread y IX

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PREFACE

about fifty-three year s old , an d wa s supporte d b y fe w writte n records . Moreover, becaus e Trut h wa s illiterate , he r Narrative wa s writte n dow n by friend s wh o interprete d he r lif e t o som e degre e i n term s o f their ow n interests an d experience . Perhaps some of the myths about Trut h hav e served positive functions , up t o a point . Bu t the y hav e als o contributed , I believe , t o distortion s about America n history , particularl y abou t th e histor y o f black s an d women. Surel y anyon e wh o chos e fo r hersel f th e nam e o f Truth, with — she believed—th e hel p o f God, woul d understan d an y effor t t o pus h th e myths aside to discover the truth abou t he r life . I believ e thi s boo k t o b e th e first biograph y o f Trut h eve r publishe d that ha s bee n seriousl y concerne d t o discove r th e bes t availabl e source s about her , t o sta y clos e t o thos e sources , an d t o stat e wha t the y are . Because th e source s remai n limited , portion s o f he r stor y necessaril y remain elusive . Recognizin g tha t limitation , I hav e trie d t o tel l th e stor y of he r lif e a s directl y a s th e mos t origina l an d reliabl e availabl e source s permit. Writin g fo r th e genera l reader , I hav e trie d t o avoi d academi c jargon. Writin g fo r th e long-term , I hav e trie d t o avoi d currentl y chi c o r political interpretation . The hun t fo r original source s on Truth ha s led me on a six-year searc h scouring ol d records , including manuscript s an d loca l newspapers. I t ha s led me to prowl where Truth live d or worked o r travelled a s a speaker, as from Ne w Yor k t o Washington , DC , fro m Northampto n t o Rocheste r and Akron , fro m Battl e Cree k t o Chicag o an d Topeka . Wit h th e ai d o f librarians, archivists , an d devotee s o f Truth , I hav e locate d document s that giv e us significan t ne w knowledge , a s about he r puzzlin g relatio n t o her children , wh y sh e neve r learne d t o read , th e authenticit y o f famous quotations attribute d t o he r (suc h a s "Ar'n' t I a woman? " an d "I s Go d Dead?"), wh y sh e move d fro m Massachusett s t o Michigan , he r relatio n to Presiden t Lincoln , he r movin g free d slave s fro m th e Sout h t o th e North, he r polic y o n racia l separatism , he r rol e a s a singer , an d he r participation i n spiritualism . I hope this boo k encourage s reassessmen t o f the enigmatic Sojourne r Trut h an d her plac e in American history . In reportin g wha t Trut h said , som e recent writers , i n th e understand able effor t t o avoi d th e nineteenth-centur y tendenc y t o repor t black s a s speaking i n a n exaggerated , stereotype d blac k dialect , hav e freel y trans lated he r word s int o mor e standar d English . However , thi s ma y remov e us stil l furthe r fro m he r ow n peculia r styl e o f speech , whic h wa s a n

PREFACE

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ingredient o f her charm. Although th e original sources may be inadequat e in conveying her language , they are nevertheless the best we have. Therefore, althoug h occasionall y I hav e altere d punctuatio n fo r readability , m y policy has been t o preserve as much a s possible the words that Trut h wa s originally reporte d a s saying. I hav e fel t encourage d t o writ e abou t Sojourne r Trut h becaus e I liv e in Ulste r County , i n th e mid-Hudso n Rive r Valle y o f Ne w Yor k State , where sh e wa s bor n an d gre w u p a s a slave . I kno w th e sam e essentia l landscape tha t sh e knew, includin g th e grandeu r o f the Hudso n Rive r t o the east and the swee p of hills toward th e Catskill Mountain s to the west . In thi s region , th e Stat e Universit y o f Ne w York , Colleg e a t Ne w Palt z —of which I have long been a part—has name d it s library, the Sojourne r Truth Library , in her honor, and has long been collectin g materials abou t her. Ther e ar e people connecte d wit h th e librar y an d othe r nearb y librar ies, historical societies , and towns—suc h a s New Paltz , Hurley , Esopus , and Kingsto n wher e sh e live d a s a slave—wh o hav e bee n eage r t o dis cover mor e abou t he r life . I wis h t o than k the m fo r thei r hel p an d encouragement, especiall y Corinn e Nyquis t an d Jea n Saue r (Sojourne r Truth Library) , Harriet t Strau s (Ne w Yor k Suprem e Cour t Library , Kingston), Doroth y Dumon d (Tow n Historian , Esopus) , an d Kennet h E. Hasbrouc k (Hugueno t Historica l Society , New Paltz) . I wish to than k my colleague s fo r hint s an d criticism , particularl y Alber t J . Williams Myers, Donal d Roper , Margare t Wade , an d Evely n Acom b Walker . I wish t o than k correspondents , archivists , an d librarian s everywher e fo r preserving material s abou t he r an d makin g suggestions , particularl y Mar y Wolfskill (Librar y o f Congress), Marlen e Steel e (Willar d Library , Battl e Creek, MI) , Rut h E . Wilbu r (Northampton , MA , Historica l Society) , Betty Gubert , Nashorme h Lindo , an d Ernes t Kaise r (Schombur g Cen ter, Ne w Yor k Publi c Library) . I als o wis h t o than k man y other s fo r information o r stimulation , an d regre t I ca n nam e onl y a few , includin g William Gibbon s (Ne w York) , Kathry n Weis s (Gardiner , NY) , Wendel l Tripp (Editor , New York History), Willia m Gerbe r (Washington , DC) , Nell Painte r (Princeto n University) , Nanc y Hewit t (Universit y o f Sout h Florida), Richard Chartie r (Col d Spring , NY) , John Daniel s (Cobleskill , NY), Jea n Ra y Laur y (Clovis , CA) . Fo r checkin g m y English , I wis h t o thank Joh n Noffsinge r (Norfolk , VA) ; fo r compute r trouble-shooting , Karen Vassa l (Gardiner , NY) ; fo r seasone d advice , edito r Nik o Pfun d (New Yor k Universit y Press) ; fo r pointin g th e way , man y wh o hav e

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studied an d writte n abou t Trut h before ; fo r thei r sustaine d support , al l my family, an d particularl y m y wife Norma . Our daughter , Susa n Mabe e Newhouse (Baltimore , MD), psychother apist, has worked wit h m e so closely on this book tha t he r nam e has bee n placed o n th e titl e pag e a s an associat e author . Sh e ha s suggeste d count less revision s i n organization , expression , an d interpretatio n whic h hav e made thi s boo k mor e readabl e an d wis e tha n i t otherwis e woul d hav e been. New Paltz , N Y

CARLETON M A B E E

Chronology o f Truth's Lif e

1797?-1829: Live d i n Ulste r County , N Y 1797? Bor 1799-1806? Slav i8o6?-8? Slav I 8 O 8 ? - I O Slav 1810-26 Slav 1826, Fal l Walke 1826—27 Legall 1827, Jul y 4 Legall 1827-28 Too 1827-28? Converte 1828?—29 Live

n a slav e o f Johanne s Hardenbergh , i n Swartekill neighborhood , tow n o f Hurley, N Y e o f Charles Hardenbergh , Swartekill , tow n of Hurle y e o f John Neely , tow n o f Kingston, N Y e o f Martinu s Schryver , [Por t Ewen ] tow n of Kingsto n e of John Dumont , [Wes t Park ] town o f New Paltz, N Y d awa y fro m Dumon t y slav e of Isaac Van Wagenen , Wagondal e [Bloomington], tow n o f Hurle y y freed , wit h al l th e remainin g slave s i n New Yor k Stat e k lega l actio n i n Kingston , NY , t o recove r her so n fro m slaver y i n Alabam a d t o Christ ; joine d th e Methodis t Church, Kingsto n d i n Kingston , workin g a s a domesti c

1829—43: Live d i n o r Nea r Ne w York , N Y 1829 Move

d t o New Yor k City ; worked a s a domestic Xlll

CHRONOLOGY O F T R U T H ' S LIF E

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1832—34 I 1843, Jun e 1 Lef

n Matthias' s Utopia n community , th e King dom, i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d Sin g Sing , N Y t Ne w Yor k Cit y t o becam e a wanderin g evangelist i n Lon g Island , Connecticut , an d Massachusetts

1844-57: Live d i n Northampton , M A 1844-46 I

n th e Utopia n Northampto n Association , Northampton, M A 1850, Apr . 1 5 Bough t he r first house , Northampto n 1850 He r Narrative first published , wit h hel p o f Wil liam L . Garriso n 1850, Fal l He r first documente d speakin g a s a reformer : spoke fo r women' s right s an d agains t slavery , i n Massachusetts an d Rhod e Islan d 1851, Feb.-Ma y Spok e agains t slaver y acros s upstat e Ne w Yor k 1851, Ma y 2 8 - 2 9 Spok e a t Akron , OH , Women' s Right s Conven tion, sayin g wome n shoul d hav e a chanc e t o se t the worl d "righ t sid e up " 1851-52 Itineran t antislaver y speake r i n Ohi o 1852, Aug . 2 2 A t a n antislaver y meetin g i n Salem , OH , con fronted Frederic k Douglass , asking , "I s Go d gone?" 1853 Visite d Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , Andover , M A 1 8 5 3 - 5 5 Spok e in Ne w England , Pennsylvania , an d Ne w York 1854, Nov . 1 Pai d of f mortgag e o n he r Northampto n hous e 1 8 5 6 - 5 7 Spok e i n Midwest : Ohio , Michigan , Indian a

1857-83: Live d i n o r Nea r Battl e Creek , M I 1857, Jul y 2 8 Bough

1858, Oct . Spok

t a hous e lo t i n Harmonia , a Spiritu alist community , tow n o f Bedford , nea r Battl e Creek, M I e agains t slaver y i n Silve r Lake , IN ; whe n pro-slavery enemie s accuse d he r o f bein g a ma n

CHRONOLOGY O F T R U T H ' S LIF E

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in disguise , sh e bare d he r breast s t o th e audi ence 1861, May-Jun e Spok e agains t slaver y an d fo r th e Unio n i n Steuben County , IN ; threatene d wit h violenc e and arreste d 1863, Apr . Harrie t Beeche r Stow e publishe d a n articl e o n her, i n th e Atlantic Monthly 1863, Nov . Carrie d donation s o f foo d fro m Battl e Cree k t o black soldier s a t Cam p Ward , Detroit , fo r thei r Thanksgiving dinne r 1864-67 I n Washington , DC , counselling , teaching , re settling free d slave s 1864, Oct . 29 . Visite d Presiden t Lincol n a t th e Whit e Hous e 1865, Mar.—Sept . Rod e i n Washingto n streetcars , pressin g t o de segregate the m 1867, Mar.—Jul y Move d free d slave s fro m th e Sout h t o Roches ter, N Y 1867, Ma y 9 Spok e a t a n equa l right s conventio n i n Ne w York, fo r suffrag e fo r bot h black s an d wome n 1867, Aug.-Nov . Bough t a bar n i n Battl e Cree k proper ; bega n converting i t int o a hous e 1868, Aug.-Dec . Spok e i n Ne w Yor k State ; qui t smokin g 1869-70, Sept.-Jan . Spok e i n Rochester ; Ne w Yor k City ; Philadel phia; Vineland , N J 1870, Mar . 3 1 Visite d Presiden t Gran t a t th e Whit e Hous e 1870 Bega n t o spea k conspicuousl y agains t alcohol , tobacco, an d fashionabl e dres s 1870-74 Campaigne d fo r wester n lan d fo r free d slaves , from Massachusett s t o Kansa s 1872, Fal l Spok e fo r th e reelectio n o f Presiden t Grant ; trie d to vot e i n Battl e Creek , bu t wa s refuse d 1874, Mar.-Jul y Spok e i n Baltimore , Washington , Pennsylvania , New Jersey , especiall y fo r wester n lan d for free d slaves 1875 Expande d versio n o f her Narrative published ; il l 1877-78 Spok e i n Michigan , especiall y fo r temperanc e 1878-79, July-Ma y Spok e i n Ne w Yor k Stat e

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1879, Fal l I 1880—81 Spok 1883, Nov . 2 6 Die

CHRONOLOGY O F T R U T H ' S LIF E

n Kansa s workin g wit h th e blac k refugee s ar riving fro m th e Sout h e i n Michigan , Indiana , Illinois , especiall y for temperanc e an d agains t capita l punishmen t d a t he r hom e i n Battl e Cree k

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Growing U p a Slave "I thought it was mean to run away, but I could walk away."

Isabella, o r Sojourne r Trut h a s sh e wa s late r called , wa s bor n a slave i n Ulster County , Ne w York , near the Hudson River . Mos t American s hav e long sinc e forgotte n tha t ther e eve r wa s an y slaver y alon g th e Hudso n River. Bu t Isabell a wa s bor n a t a time whe n slaver y alread y ha d a lon g history i n the Hudson region , reaching back to its early Dutch settlers . Isabella's parent s wer e slave s o f th e Dutch-speakin g Hardenberg h family. Th e onl y language Isabella' s parents spok e was Dutch, an d i t wa s the only language Isabell a learne d a s a small child . She wa s bor n i n a hilly neighborhoo d the n calle d b y th e Dutc h nam e Swartekill (no w just nort h o f Rifton), par t o f the town o f Hurley. 1 I t wa s within sigh t o f the Catskil l Mountains , nea r wher e tw o smal l rivers , th e Swartekill an d Wallkill , converg e int o th e large r Rondou t Creek , abou t six miles before i t in turn flows int o the mighty Hudson . Johannes Hardenbergh , th e owne r o f th e infan t Isabella , ha d bee n a member o f the Ne w Yor k colonia l assembl y an d a colonel i n th e Revolu tionary War . H e operate d a gris t mill , an d wa s a larg e landowner , hi s claims reaching fro m Swartekil l sout h fo r severa l miles along the Wallkil l River. Althoug h mos t Ulste r Count y household s hel d n o slaves , in 179 0 the Hardenberghs , being wealthier than mos t families, held seve n slaves. 2 Both o f Isabella' s parents , Betse y an d James , wer e probabl y o f all black Africa n ancestry . Bu t earl y i n Isabella' s caree r a s a public speaker , a legend sprang up that there was a Mohawk India n amon g her ancestors. 1

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Perhaps th e legen d emerge d t o explai n ho w straigh t Isabell a stood , an d how tall—sh e gre w t o b e nearl y si x fee t tall . O r perhap s i t emerge d because som e white s fel t a nee d t o explai n Isabella' s intelligenc e b y attributing i t t o Mohaw k ancestry . Bu t ther e i s n o substanc e t o suppor t this legend . Isabella , a s her frien d Luc y Ston e wa s t o say , wa s "a s blac k as night." Isabell a wa s to sa y o f herself: "I a m th e pur e African . Yo u ca n all see that plai n enough." 3 Isabella di d not kno w whe n sh e was born, an d because records of slave births wer e no t the n kept , i t i s difficul t t o b e sure . I t wa s ofte n claime d that sh e wa s bor n abou t 177 6 o r 1777 . Thi s clai m wa s base d i n par t o n her earl y memor y o f a "dar k day " whe n th e su n seeme d mysteriousl y shrouded (though t t o b e Ma y 19 , 1780). 4 However , ther e wa s probabl y more than on e "dark day, " and he r memorie s o f her childhood , lik e thos e of most people , may well have been hazy . Especially from th e claim in th e first editio n o f he r Narrative tha t sh e wa s probabl y bor n betwee n 179 7 and 1800 , an d fro m a signe d statemen t i n 183 4 b y on e o f he r forme r slavemasters sayin g tha t sh e seeme d t o b e betwee n twelv e an d fourtee n years of age when h e bought he r i n 1810 , it is reasonably certai n tha t sh e was born abou t 1797. 5 When Isabell a wa s still an infan t i n 1799 , her maste r Colone l Harden bergh died , and sh e and her parents became the slaves of the colonel's son Charles Hardenbergh, wh o lived nearby i n the same Swartekill neighbor hood. Fro m soon afterward , Charle s Hardenberg h wa s reporte d t o hav e four o r five slaves. 6 Charle s Hardenbergh' s hous e serve d bot h a s hi s dwelling an d a hotel , bu t h e house d hi s slave s i n it s dam p cellar , al l i n one room . Her e the y slept , accordin g t o Isabella' s recollection , o n stra w laid o n loos e floor boards , whic h i n tur n reste d o n a n earthe n floor. Th e floor wa s ofte n wet , an d wate r coul d b e hear d sloshin g unde r th e floor boards. Charles Hardenberg h seeme d t o carr y o n a modes t far m an d hote l enterprise. It was largely self-sufficient, lik e that of many of his neighbors, so tha t hi s slave s doubtles s engage d i n a considerabl e variet y o f tasks . Among hi s possessions, according t o an inventor y mad e i n 180 8 afte r hi s death, were three horses, eight hogs, four cows , thirteen sheep , five geese, eight fowls , a windmill , "cyde r mil l & press," spinnin g wheel , weaver' s loom, pigeo n net , eel-po t (fo r catchin g eels) , log chains, a trivet ( a threelegged iro n stan d fo r holding pots over an open fire), grindstone , scythes , a "whiting" (whitewash ) pot , "cooper' s compresses" (for makin g woode n

GROWING U P A SLAV E

3

barrels), tar barrel , vinegar barrel , fifteen othe r barrels , a wagon, an d tw o sleighs, one for wor k an d on e for pleasure. 7 Isabella's mothe r probabl y ha d te n o r twelv e children , Isabell a bein g the younges t chil d sav e one, but mos t o f the othe r childre n ha d bee n sol d away befor e Isabell a coul d remember . Isabell a recalle d ho w he r parents , in "thei r dar k cella r lighte d b y a blazin g pine-knot, " coul d "si t fo r hour s . . . recountin g ever y endearing , a s wel l a s harrowin g circumstanc e tha t taxed memor y coul d supply , fro m th e historie s o f thos e dea r departe d ones, of whom the y had bee n robbed." 8 Her mother , Isabell a remembere d afterward , taugh t he r t o b e honest , obey he r master , an d sa y th e Lord' s Prayer . O n summe r evening s he r mother woul d si t outdoor s an d tel l he r tha t Go d "live s i n th e sky, " an d that "whe n yo u ar e beate n . . . o r fal l int o an y trouble, you mus t as k hel p of Him , an d H e wil l alway s hea r an d hel p you." 9 I t i s possibl e tha t he r mother, o r othe r slave s aroun d her , als o taught he r somethin g o f Africa n religious tradition , suc h a s belief i n communicatio n betwee n human s an d spirits. Fo r slave s brough t religiou s tradition s fro m Africa , an d di d no t necessarily perceiv e thes e tradition s a s conflictin g wit h th e Christianit y they learne d i n America . Nevertheless , w e hav e n o evidenc e o f Isabella' s learning an y Africa n religiou s tradition. Sh e is not known t o have spoke n about it . When Isabell a wa s "near nin e years old," according to her recollection , her slavemaste r Charle s Hardenberg h died . A t tha t tim e th e remainin g Hardenberghs decide d t o free Isabella' s father James , as he was too old to work an y more. They als o decided to free her mother Betsey, even thoug h she wa s younger , t o allo w he r t o loo k afte r James , an d t o allo w the m both, fo r th e tim e being , t o continu e livin g i n th e dar k cellar . Bu t the y decided t o auctio n of f Isabell a an d he r younge r brother , alon g wit h Charles Hardenbergh' s far m animals . A t th e auctio n Isabell a wa s sol d away fro m he r parent s an d he r brother . Sh e wa s sold , sh e believed , wit h a lot of sheep. 10 Isabella seldo m sa w he r parent s afte r that . Sh e kne w he r mothe r die d first. He r father , b y thi s tim e blin d an d unabl e t o car e fo r himself , ha d been abandone d b y th e Hardenbergh s an d everyon e else , to liv e alon e i n a shanty i n the woods. Finally on e winter—according t o a haunting stor y that Isabell a told—h e died , covere d wit h vermin , too feeble t o keep a fire going, frozen b y the cold. 11 At th e auction , Isabell a hersel f wa s sol d fo r $100 , sh e recalled . Sh e

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was sold to John Neely , who operated a store about a mile and a half fro m the villag e o f Kingston, i n th e town o f Kingston, o n Rondou t Creek . Fo r his store , Neel y importe d good s fro m Europ e an d th e Wes t Indies . Th e goods came to him b y sail up the Hudso n Rive r and then u p the Rondou t Creek t o hi s landing . H e sol d the m fo r cash , lumber , o r almos t anythin g else. While Isabell a spok e onl y Dutch , th e Neely s spok e onl y English — Dutch wa s wel l o n it s wa y ou t i n th e mid-Hudso n regio n b y thi s time . When th e Neely s gav e he r order s sh e di d no t understand , an d therefor e could no t carr y out , John Neel y whipped her . H e cut her s o severely tha t she was scarred fo r the rest o f her life. 12 Long afterwar d durin g the Civi l War, a s one of her abolitionis t friend s told it , whe n Isabella—b y the n know n a s Sojourner Truth—wa s speak ing agains t slaver y a t Kalamazo o Colleg e i n Michigan , som e o f th e stu dents wer e hissin g her , an d thumpin g o n thei r seats . Sh e sai d t o them , " 'Well , children , whe n yo u g o t o heave n an d Go d ask s yo u wha t mad e you hat e th e colore d people , hav e yo u go t you r answe r ready? ' Afte r a pause sh e continue d i n a dee p voic e lik e rollin g thunder : 'Whe n I g o before th e thron e o f Go d an d Go d says , Sojourner , wha t mad e yo u hat e the whit e people ? I hav e go t m y answe r ready. ' Sh e undi d th e colla r o f her dres s an d bare d he r arm s t o th e shoulders , showin g the m covere d with a perfect networ k o f scars made by the slave master's lash. The effec t was overwhelming." 13 After stayin g probabl y onl y a yea r o r tw o wit h th e Neelys , sh e wa s sold t o Martinu s Schryver , a fisherman an d taver n keepe r wh o live d i n the tow n o f Kingsto n no t fa r fro m th e Neelys , bu t close r t o th e Hudso n River, i n wha t i s no w Por t Ewen . Th e Schryver s wer e crude—sh e learned fro m the m ho w t o swear—bu t the y wer e usuall y decen t t o her . For them , Isabell a di d hoeing , carrie d fish, an d ra n errands . Sh e ha d a good dea l o f freedom t o roam outdoors . Occasionally, watchin g th e man y white-sailed sloop s on th e Hudson , sh e was startle d t o se e among the m a newfangled steamboa t throwin g u p blac k smoke. 14 Once whe n Isabell a wa s abou t ten , a "gran d ball " was hel d a t Schry ver's tavern , an d i t s o entrance d he r tha t sh e recalle d i t year s afterward . The wome n wor e "whit e caps " tha t wer e "high-crowned, " Isabell a re called, an d dresse s that wer e "starche d an d ironed" s o well that sh e coul d see he r fac e i n them . A s th e dancer s prance d abou t th e taver n t o th e music, the y shoute d ou t a popula r song , "Washington' s Ball, " whic h

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5

celebrated Georg e Washingto n fo r havin g plante d th e tre e o f liberty . From havin g hear d thi s son g a t th e ball , Isabell a wa s abl e t o sin g i t fo r the rest of her life. 15 Isabella clun g t o th e belie f i n Go d tha t he r mothe r ha d give n her , an d developed th e habi t o f talking to God , pourin g ou t he r grie f to Him . Sh e believed that Go d woul d no t hear her unless she spoke to Him aloud , an d that th e loude r sh e spok e the mor e likel y H e wa s to hear her . Sometime s she bargained wit h God . Sh e would say , as she recalled later , "Now God , ef I wa s you , an ' yo u wa s me, and yo u wante d an y hel p I' d hel p ye ; wh y done yo u hel p me? " In th e lon g run sh e felt Go d di d hel p her , an d whe n He did , sh e woul d promis e t o b e good , bu t foun d sh e coul d no t alway s keep her promises. 16 In 1810 , a t abou t th e ag e o f thirteen, sh e wa s sol d t o Joh n Dumont , who lik e al l th e res t o f he r master s live d i n Ulste r County . Dumon t operated a modes t far m overlookin g th e Hudso n Rive r i n Wes t Park , about te n mile s sout h o f Kingston, i n wha t wa s then par t o f the tow n o f New Paltz . Dumon t ha d onl y a fe w slaves , sometime s reporte d a s four . The Dumonts , o f Frenc h Hugueno t extraction , spok e English . Whe n Isabella becam e thei r slave , according t o the Dumonts ' recollectio n later , she still seemed to be learning English "wit h muc h difficulty." 17 However, Mr . Dumon t foun d Isabell a unusuall y stron g an d energeti c in plowing , hoeing , an d reaping , an d h e praise d he r generously . Sh e responded b y working harder . H e cam e to say that sh e could d o as muc h work a s half-a-dozen commo n far m hands . No t surprisingly , othe r slave s taunted he r wit h bein g a "white folks' nigger." 18 According t o he r recollection s i n he r Narrative, Isabell a wa s confuse d about ho w sh e fel t bein g a slave . B y th e standard s o f the time , Dumon t was humane. Th e mos t sever e whippin g Dumon t eve r gav e her, Isabell a recalled, wa s whe n sh e ha d tormente d a cat . Althoug h sometime s sh e considered slaver y cruel and prayed to God to kill all whites, she recalled , at othe r time s sh e believe d slaver y right , adore d Dumont , an d confuse d him wit h God. 19 While she was a slave of Dumont, Isabell a developed a n attachment fo r Robert, a slav e o n a neighborin g farm . Bu t Robert' s maste r forbad e hi m to see Isabella, saying he was going to marry Robert t o a slave on his ow n farm. Despit e thi s prohibition , a s Isabell a reporte d it , Rober t continue d to visit Isabella, but "ver y stealthily. " Isabella's Narrative describe d Robert' s maste r a s a neighbor , a n En -

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glishman calle d "Catlin, " which i s probably a misinterpretation o f Isabella's pronunciatio n fo r "Catton, " Charle s Catton , a neighborin g farmer . Catton ha d bee n a flourishing artis t i n England , wel l patronize d b y th e upper class , particularl y a painte r o f animals . Bu t afte r havin g accumu lated some wealth, Catton emigrate d to America, bought a farm overlook ing the Hudso n a t New Paltz , and devote d himself to farming, wit h a son and severa l slaves . Catton wa s afflicte d wit h gout , whic h ma y hav e con tributed t o his being irascible. 20 One Saturda y afternoo n whe n Isabell a was ill, Robert se t out to see her and the Catton s heard o f it. The Cattons , father an d son , followed Rober t to th e Dumonts , an d i n a grea t rag e seize d him . Whil e Isabell a watche d from a n upstair s window , a s reporte d i n he r Narrative, th e Catton s "fel l upon hi m lik e tigers , beatin g hi m wit h th e heav y end s o f thei r canes , bruising an d manglin g hi s hea d an d fac e i n th e mos t awfu l manner , an d causing th e blood , whic h streame d fro m hi s wounds , t o cove r hi m lik e a slaughtered beast. " Mr. Dumont , seein g what wa s happening, interfered , saying they coul d no t spil l human bloo d o n hi s premises. H e woul d hav e "no niggers killed" here. The Catton s the n tie d Robert' s hand s behin d hi m wit h a rope . The y did i t s o tightl y tha t Dumon t insiste d o n loosenin g th e rope , "declarin g that n o brut e shoul d b e tie d i n tha t manne r wher e h e was. " Whe n th e Cattons le d Rober t away , Dumon t followe d the m fo r a time, a s Robert' s protector. O n Dumont' s retur n t o hi s own house , he told Isabell a tha t h e thought th e Catton s woul d no t continu e t o strik e Rober t a s thei r ange r had cooled . However, th e Cattons , b y beatin g Rober t an d b y whateve r els e the y did t o hi m afterward , succeede d i n breakin g hi s spirit , an d h e stoppe d visiting Isabella . Rober t too k a wife, a s the Catton s ordered , fro m amon g their slaves , but di d not liv e many year s thereafter. 21 Isabella's Narrative reporte d tha t sh e eventuall y marrie d Tom , a slav e from he r ow n farm , wh o wa s considerabl y olde r tha n hersel f an d ha d been marrie d twic e before . Accordin g t o he r recollection , Isabell a an d Tom wer e married "afte r th e fashion o f slavery, one of the slaves perform ing the ceremon y fo r them, " and ove r some years Isabella "foun d herself " to b e "th e mothe r o f five children." Thes e childre n were , accordin g t o a variety o f sources , Dian a (bor n abou t 1816) , Pete r (bor n abou t 1820) , Elizabeth (bor n abou t 1825) , Sophi a (bor n abou t 1826) , an d on e mor e who did not liv e to grow up. 22 But th e Narrative, sanitize d as it was, does

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7

not specif y wh o wa s the father o f each o f them, leadin g to the assumptio n that To m wa s th e fathe r o f all. There i s reason t o believe , however, tha t the father o f her first chil d wa s Robert . In th e mid-1850s , lon g afte r Isabell a ha d bee n free d fro m slavery , sh e herself twic e sai d publicl y tha t sh e ha d ha d tw o "husbands, " evidentl y meaning Rober t an d Tom . Muc h later , whe n Isabella' s first chil d Dian a died a s a n age d woman , Diana' s obituary , whic h wa s evidentl y base d o n family tradition , sai d tha t Dian a wa s Isabella' s chil d b y th e slav e o f a neighboring Englishman , whil e he r othe r childre n wer e th e childre n o f another slave. 23 When Isabell a marrie d Tom , probabl y i n 1816 , the la w o f New Yor k State, lik e tha t o f othe r slav e states , di d no t recogniz e marriag e amon g slaves a s legal . Slav e master s coul d forc e slave s t o "marry. " The y coul d also separat e a slav e woma n fro m he r "husband " b y sellin g on e o f the m away. Fro m 1817 , a s Ne w Yor k Stat e la w prepare d t o brin g slaver y i n the stat e t o a gradual en d (Ne w Yor k Stat e wa s on e o f the las t Norther n states to abolish slavery) , it recognized tha t slav e marriages could be legal if properly "contracted, " as they probabl y seldo m were. 24 Isabella an d To m perhap s fo r a tim e go t alon g fairl y wel l wit h eac h other. Isabell a reported i n the Narrative tha t sh e and Tom dreame d o f the time when the y would b e freed fro m slaver y and could have "a little home of thei r own. " Bu t thei r happines s wit h eac h othe r seeme d no t t o hav e lasted. A so n o f Mr. Dumon t recalle d muc h late r tha t Isabell a an d To m had "live d unhapp y together. " Dumont' s daughte r Gertrude , wh o wa s friendly t o Isabella , recalle d i n he r ol d ag e tha t Isabell a an d To m argue d about whethe r the y wer e reall y married : Isabell a claime d tha t the y ha d been, but , Gertrud e said , "Tom' s versio n o f the affai r wa s tha t the y ha d merely bee n ou t o n a froli c togethe r an d ha d agree d t o liv e togethe r a s man an d wife." 25 According t o Isabella' s recollection , whil e sh e wa s th e slav e o f Du mont, she was sufficiently acceptin g of slavery that sh e was proud sh e had brought five childre n int o th e worl d fo r Dumont . Sh e "rejoice d i n bein g permitted t o b e th e instrumen t o f increasin g th e property " o f he r mas ter. 26 When Isabell a went int o the field to work, sh e sometimes took som e of her childre n wit h her . Sh e woul d pu t a n infan t i n a basket, tie the baske t by a rope to the branch o f a tree, and se t an older child to swinging it . Many slave s reporte d tha t t o surviv e the y wer e force d t o deceive , bu t

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Isabella insiste d o n followin g he r mother' s urgin g t o b e honest . I f he r children wer e hungr y an d sh e ha d n o foo d t o giv e them , sh e woul d no t steal i t fro m he r maste r fo r the m no r le t the m stea l i t fo r themselves . Instead sh e woul d whi p he r childre n t o teac h the m no t t o steal . Late r Isabella recalle d tha t he r refusa l t o stea l helpe d t o for m i n he r a n hones t character tha t serve d he r wel l all her life . Mr. an d Mrs . Dumon t ha d differen t attitude s towar d Isabella . Mrs . Dumont wa s ofte n displease d wit h Isabella' s work , sayin g he r kitche n work wa s shoddy. However , i f Mr. Dumon t cam e in the house and foun d one o f Isabella's infant s cryin g becaus e Isabell a wa s doin g somethin g fo r Mrs. Dumont , Mr . Dumon t woul d scol d his wife, accordin g to Isabella' s recollection, fo r no t lettin g Isabell a take car e of her ow n child . "I wil l no t hear thi s crying, " h e woul d say . " I can' t bea r it , an d I wil l no t hea r an y child cr y so . Here , Bell , tak e car e o f this child , i f no mor e wor k i s don e for a week." 27 The explanatio n tha t th e Narrative gav e fo r th e marke d differenc e i n attitude toward Isabella by Mr. an d Mrs. Dumont wa s that Mr. Dumont , who ha d bee n use d t o slaves , foun d Isabell a valuabl e a s a n unusuall y hard-working an d hones t slave , whil e Mrs . Dumont , wh o ha d no t bee n used t o slaves , foun d he r an d al l slave s annoying . Thei r contrastin g attitudes towar d Isabell a hav e induce d som e writer s t o sugges t tha t Du mont wa s Isabella's lover , o r that h e raped her , an d that h e was the fathe r of at least som e of her children. 28 One passag e i n he r Narrative i s particularl y relevan t t o th e questio n about whethe r an y of Isabella's childre n coul d b e Dumont's . Afte r speak ing of the contrastin g attitude s of Mr. an d Mrs. Dumont towar d Isabella , the passage—clearl y i n th e voic e of Olive Gilbert , wh o wrot e th e Narrative for Isabella—reads : "Fro m thi s sourc e aros e a long serie s o f trials i n the lif e o f ou r heroine , whic h w e mus t pas s ove r i n silence ; som e fro m motives o f delicacy, an d others , because the relatio n o f them migh t inflic t undeserved pai n o n som e no w living , whom Isabe l remember s onl y wit h esteem an d love." 29 "Motives o f delicacy " suggest s tha t Isabella—i n keepin g wit h th e customary inhibition s o f the time—migh t wis h t o withhol d informatio n about he r sexua l life , whateve r i t was . Furthermore , coul d "som e no w living" mea n Isabell a wa s especiall y tryin g t o protec t he r ow n children , or Dumon t himself , o r Dumont' s wif e an d children ? (H e wa s know n t o have ha d nin e children. ) Whe n th e Narrative wa s writte n i n 1850 , Isa -

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9

bella seeme d t o hav e a goo d relatio n t o Dumont . A t thi s tim e he r polic y was to forgiv e slaveowner s fo r th e cruelt y the y ha d don e to her an d othe r slaves; i n fact , b y thi s tim e Dumon t ha d com e t o believe , a s h e ha d confessed t o her , tha t slaver y wa s wrong . Sh e commented : "Wha t a confession fo r a master t o mak e t o a slave ! A slaveholdin g maste r turne d to a brother ! Poo r ol d man , ma y th e Lor d bles s him." 30 Woul d he r forgiving hi m fo r holdin g he r a s a slav e b e a reason fo r tryin g t o protec t him o r hi s childre n fro m th e knowledg e tha t h e wa s th e fathe r o f any o f her children ? Another simila r passage in the Narrative explaine d that Isabella wishe d to omi t som e "har d things " tha t happene d t o he r whil e a slave , thing s that sh e say s becaus e o f thei r natur e "ar e no t al l fo r th e publi c ear. " I n this passage , however , Isabell a sai d th e person s fro m who m sh e ha d suffered th e "har d things " had alread y died. 31 Sinc e Dumon t a t th e tim e was no t ye t dead , sh e apparentl y ha d no t suffere d thes e "har d things " from him . Perhap s sh e meant sh e had suffere d the m especiall y fro m wha t Charles Catton , who b y this time was dead, had don e to Robert . There seem s to have been n o claim b y Isabella o r her childre n tha t an y of he r childre n wer e Dumont's , eve n late r whe n suc h a clai m migh t n o longer hav e cause d th e hur t i t coul d hav e earlier . Furthermore , ther e ar e no available report s tha t an y o f Isabella's childre n appeare d light-skinne d or Caucasian-featured . Als o i n th e stor y o f Dumont' s effor t t o protec t Robert fro m th e Cartons ' fury , ther e i s no sig n tha t Dumon t wa s a love r of Isabell a wh o migh t the n b e jealous o f Rober t o r wan t hi m ou t o f th e way. Moreover , i n he r year s a s a n antislaver y speaker , Isabell a di d no t focus o n slaver y a s givin g master s sexua l powe r ove r thei r slaves , a s sh e might hav e don e i f thi s wer e a n aspec t o f slaver y tha t ha d particularl y victimized her . Altogether , whil e there is no evidence that ther e were an y sexual relations between Dumon t an d Isabella, nevertheless the emotiona l ties betwee n the m see m unusuall y clos e fo r a maste r an d slave , an d a sexual relationship betwee n the m canno t b e ruled out .

During al l th e tim e sh e wa s a slave , Isabell a recalled , non e o f he r slav e masters taugh t he r t o read , o r eve n allowe d he r "t o hear th e Bibl e o r an y other book s read. " I t ma y b e tha t book s di d no t pla y a larg e rol e i n th e life o f som e o f he r masters . Th e inventor y o f Charle s Hardenbergh' s possessions afte r h e die d indicate d tha t h e ha d book s value d a t onl y $2 ,

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while h e ha d gun s value d a t $6 , an d a silver watc h value d a t $12.50 . A s late a s 180 9 a t leas t on e o f the Hardenberg h famil y wive s coul d no t sig n her ow n name. 32 Although som e o f Isabella's earl y owner s seeme d narro w o r cruel , th e Dumont family , th e family tha t owne d he r longest , seeme d les s so. When Isabella wa s doing domesti c wor k fo r them , a s she often did , i t i s hard t o believe tha t sh e woul d no t b e expose d i n som e wa y t o schoo l books , newspapers, th e Bible , almanacs , o r th e like . Lon g afterwar d tw o o f th e Dumont children—wh o wer e onl y a littl e younge r tha n Isabella—recalle d that "i t seeme d almost impossible to teach her anything." 33 This suggest s that b y thi s tim e i t wa s no t onl y th e immediat e constraint s o f slaver y o n her that wer e preventin g he r fro m learnin g to read but als o factors withi n Isabella herself . In Ne w Yor k Stat e fro m earl y colonia l times , ther e ha d bee n a threa d of concern t o Christianiz e th e slaves , which sometime s include d teachin g them t o rea d th e Bible . I n th e earl y 1800s , when th e pus h t o end slaver y in th e stat e wa s alread y wel l advanced , som e white s wer e becomin g convinced tha t blacks , because they wer e to become free, would loo k afte r themselves mor e responsibl y i f the y wer e Christianize d an d taugh t t o read. Churche s i n th e regio n wher e Isabell a live d sometime s admitte d blacks, including slaves , to membership . It i s tru e tha t durin g slaver y i n Ne w Yor k Stat e u p t o 182 7 whe n i t was abolished , mos t blacks , lik e Isabella , wer e illiterate . Bu t educatin g slaves i n Ne w Yor k Stat e wa s neve r prohibited , a s i t wa s i n man y Southern states . And i n 1810 , about whe n Isabell a wa s sol d to Dumont , the state , as part o f its pla n t o abolis h slaver y b y gradua l steps , adopted a law providin g tha t slav e masters mus t hav e their slav e children taugh t t o read the scriptures . From soon afterward , a considerabl e numbe r o f school s i n th e stat e were ope n t o slave s an d othe r blacks . Abou t thi s time , befor e publi c schools wer e ye t commo n i n th e state , ther e wa s a stron g movemen t fo r the establishmen t o f Sunday schools , which wer e ofte n intende d t o teac h not onl y religio n bu t als o readin g an d writin g t o thos e wh o ha d littl e opportunity t o lear n the m otherwise . Thes e Sunda y schools , sometime s church-affiliated, ofte n welcome d slave s an d othe r blacks ; an d blacks , including adults , attended the m i n numbers greate r than thei r proportio n in th e population . Ther e wer e separat e Sunda y school s fo r black s i n Ulster County , on e i n Kingsto n i n a t leas t 181 1 an d 1817 , a s wel l a s

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II

another i n Ston e Ridg e b y 1818 . Ther e wer e probabl y othe r Sunda y schools in th e count y ope n t o blacks , and certainl y othe r kind s o f schools as well. Als o there wer e Quaker s i n th e area . Th e Esopu s Friend s Meet ing Hous e i n Poppletow n wa s onl y abou t fou r mile s from wher e Isabell a lived with the Dumonts, and one Quaker family who m she knew operate d a school. 34 Wh y didn' t Isabella , aggressiv e an d capabl e a s sh e was , see k out a school , o r a t leas t someone—perhap s a friendl y Quaker—wh o would teac h her ? Like Isabell a herself , Isabella' s thre e daughters—Diana , Elizabeth , and Sophia—neve r learne d t o rea d an d write. 35 Whil e Dian a wa s stil l living wit h he r mothe r a t th e Dumonts' , a s Dian a recalle d afterward , Diana "wa s sen t t o schoo l fo r jus t on e week , bu t ha d n o ide a wha t th e school was for, o r why sh e was sent there. The schoo l teacher never spok e to he r whil e sh e wa s a t school." 36 Diana' s recollectio n suggest s tha t th e Dumonts' sendin g Dian a t o schoo l ma y hav e bee n merel y thei r perfunc tory respons e t o th e la w requirin g master s t o hav e thei r slav e childre n taught t o read . Diana' s stor y als o suggests , however , tha t th e Dumont s would no t hav e directly prevente d thei r slaves , including Isabell a and he r daughters, from attainin g a basic education i f they had pursued i t actively. Compare Isabell a wit h anothe r energeti c slav e child, Frederic k Doug lass. Douglas s gre w u p a s a slav e i n Marylan d wher e ther e wa s a muc h higher proportio n o f black s i n th e populatio n (3 6 percen t i n 1820 ) tha n in Ne w Yor k Stat e ( 3 percent) , an d thu s mor e reaso n fo r white s t o b e anxious t o kee p slave s unde r contro l b y no t educatin g them . Douglass' s master an d mistress , afte r som e wavering , trie d t o preven t hi m fro m learning t o rea d an d write . Bu t Douglas s learne d anyway . On e wa y h e did s o wa s b y cajolin g th e whit e childre n h e me t o n th e street s o f Baltimore, wher e h e live d a t th e time , t o teac h him—h e gav e the m bit s of foo d the y wanted , o r mad e a gam e ou t o f wh o coul d bes t writ e something o n the pavement . If Douglas s coul d lear n t o rea d an d writ e i n Maryland , wh y couldn' t Isabella d o so , a t abou t th e sam e time , i n mor e libera l Ne w Yor k State , even i f he r maste r di d no t encourag e it ? Douglas s ha d th e advantag e o f living muc h o f the tim e i n a city , wher e h e wa s considerabl y fre e t o mi x with whit e childre n i n th e street , an d d o wha t hi s maste r di d no t kno w about, whil e Isabella , livin g in a rural area , may hav e had les s freedom o f that kind . Sh e recalle d later , i n contras t t o othe r o f her recollections , tha t "as a slave she had neve r bee n allowe d t o go anywhere." 37

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Probably mor e important , Douglass , for whateve r reason , had a burn ing driv e t o learn . Fo r hi m learnin g wa s associate d wit h hi s desir e t o b e free. H e insiste d o n learnin g to write, for on e reason, s o that h e would b e able t o writ e a pas s fo r himself , a pas s suc h a s slave s wer e oblige d t o carry, whic h h e woul d nee d fo r hi s pla n t o escap e from slavery . No t onl y did Isabell a no t associat e learnin g wit h freedo m a s Douglas s did , bu t i n fact, durin g muc h o f the approximatel y sixtee n year s tha t sh e live d wit h the Dumonts—i f he r Narrative ca n b e believed—sh e di d no t eve n wis h to b e free. 38 Sh e though t sh e wa s a "brute, " sh e recalle d afterward . Sh e heard peopl e sa y that black s "wer e a species o f monkeys o r baboons ; an d as I ha d neve r see n an y o f thos e animals , I didn' t kno w bu t wha t the y were right." 39 Also , ther e i s n o availabl e evidenc e tha t whil e sh e wa s a slave sh e hersel f desire d t o lear n t o rea d o r write, o r t o have her childre n do so . Sh e ma y hav e been , lik e mos t slaves , s o weighe d dow n b y th e experiences o f slavery, s o conditioned t o the usua l expectatio n tha t slave s would no t lear n t o rea d o r write , s o los t i n ignoranc e (sh e recalle d afterward tha t slave s were so ignorant that their thoughts were "no longe r than he r finger"), 40 s o lackin g i n rol e model s o f slaves wh o ha d attaine d any meaningful education , that sh e had n o significant desir e to learn .

New Yor k State , followin g a polic y first adopte d i n 1799 , abolishe d slavery b y gradua l steps . Th e proportio n o f slave s i n th e populatio n o f Ulster Count y wen t dow n fro m 9 percen t i n 180 0 t o 5 percen t i n 1820 . Isabella kne w tha t al l th e remainin g slave s i n th e stat e wer e t o b e free d on July 4 , 1827 . However, eve n thoug h Isabell a kne w this , i n th e fal l o f 1826 , onl y about nin e month s befor e th e la w wa s to free he r anyway , sh e decided t o escape fro m Dumont . Sh e decide d this , sh e said , becaus e Dumon t ha d promised he r an d he r husban d To m tha t h e woul d giv e the m thei r freedom o n July 4, 1826 , a year earlier than whe n al l the remaining slave s in th e stat e wer e t o b e freed . Dumon t ha d als o promise d tha t h e woul d give them a log cabin a s a home o f their own . But whe n th e time came in 1826, h e refuse d t o d o so , explainin g tha t becaus e Isabell a ha d recentl y hurt on e hand , h e ha d los t considerabl e wor k fro m her , an d h e believe d she stil l owe d i t t o him . (Gertrud e Dumon t recalle d that on e o f Isabella' s fingers ha d bee n cu t of f b y som e injury , an d tha t Isabell a alway s seeme d confident tha t i t would gro w ou t again.) 41 Isabella saw this as unjust, an d

GROWING U P A SLAV E

13

determined t o escap e fro m Dumont . However , amazingl y conscientiou s as she was, she determined t o do extra work fo r him first, to satisfy hersel f that sh e was doing righ t b y him. S o she spun abou t on e hundred pound s of woo l fo r him , an d then , i n th e fal l o f 1826 , on e nigh t shortl y befor e dawn, sh e walked of f from th e Dumonts, carryin g her infant Sophia . Suggesting ho w limite d he r thinkin g wa s a t thi s time , sh e explaine d years later , " I thought i t wa s mean t o ru n away , bu t I coul d wal k away. " Or anothe r tim e stil l later : " I di d no t ru n off , fo r I though t tha t wicked , but I walked off , believin g that t o be all right." 42 While it was still dark, Isabell a walke d ou t o f the neighborhood wher e she wa s known , an d the n afte r i t wa s ligh t sh e walke d on , severa l mile s more, goin g perhap s si x o r seve n mile s altogether . Sh e knew , a s sh e recalled later , tha t Dumon t woul d com e afte r her , an d sh e wante d t o make i t eas y for hi m t o find her . A t leas t a t first, he r escap e was intende d not s o much fo r he r t o hide from Dumon t o r to protest agains t slavery , as to protest Dumont' s injustic e i n not keepin g his promise. Believing Go d wa s directin g her , sh e walke d first t o th e hous e o f th e young Lev i Roe , a Quaker who m sh e expected t o b e friendly t o her . Sh e discovered, however, that h e was ill, on his death bed, and unable to keep her. Ro e directe d her , however , t o Isaa c an d Mari a Va n Wagenen , wh o lived in Wahkendal l (Wagondale) , now calle d Bloomington. 43 The Va n Wagenens , wh o ha d know n he r fro m infancy , too k he r in . Though no t Quaker s a s they hav e often bee n called, 44 the Van Wagenen s did not believ e in slavery. They told Isabella that sh e could work for the m voluntarily, a s i f sh e wer e a fre e person , whic h sh e decide d t o do . Mr . Van Wagene n "wa s a goo d man, " Isabell a recalle d lon g afterward , "an d treated m e kindly. " Dumont soon foun d he r a t the Va n Wagenens ' and wante d t o take he r back int o slavery . Havin g ha d a taste o f freedom, however , sh e refused t o go bac k wit h him . A s sh e recalle d i t afterward , Dumon t threatene d tha t if she di d no t com e bac k wit h him , h e woul d se e her g o to jail. Sh e said , "I can do that, bu t I won't g o back." 45 To preven t Dumon t fro m forcin g he r t o g o bac k wit h hi m o r t o jail , the Va n Wagenen s offere d t o bu y Isabell a fro m Dumon t o n th e spot , fo r $20, plu s $ 5 mor e fo r th e bab y Sophia . Whateve r hi s reasons , Dumon t consented. Isabell a continue d t o wor k fo r th e Va n Wagenen s fo r abou t a year. ° It i s natura l t o as k wh y Isabella , i n escaping , di d no t tak e al l o f he r

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family wit h her—no t onl y he r bab y Sophia , bu t als o he r husban d To m and al l her children . Peter , abou t five years old, had recentl y bee n len t o r sold b y he r maste r Dumon t t o a neighbor, Dr . Gedney , withou t a s far a s is known an y protes t b y Isabella , bu t a t leas t Pete r wa s probably stil l no t far away. 47 He r othe r childre n wer e still young, too, Diana abou t ten, an d Elizabeth onl y about one . According t o he r recollection s i n he r Narrative, sh e ha d apparentl y consulted wit h he r husban d To m abou t he r intende d escape , bu t h e preferred stayin g at Dumont's t o taking the risk o f escaping (whe n younge r he ha d ru n awa y t o Ne w Yor k City , bee n caugh t an d returne d t o Du mont.) I n an y event , i t i s doubtfu l tha t ther e wa s muc h affectio n lef t between To m an d Isabella . A s fo r th e childre n sh e lef t behind , sh e fel t Tom coul d kee p a n ey e on them , sh e reported; an d i f she had take n the m all wit h her , sh e kne w sh e woul d scarcel y b e abl e t o loo k afte r the m herself. Also, while according to law, she and Tom wer e to be completel y free i n 1827 , her children, while they wer e already technically free , woul d still b e "bound " lik e apprentice s t o serv e thei r master s fo r man y years — Diana, becaus e sh e was probabl y bor n befor e th e la w of 181 7 was adopted , until sh e was twenty-five year s old, the othe r children , becaus e they wer e probably bor n afte r th e 181 7 la w wa s adopted , unti l the y wer e twenty one. S o her walking off with all her childre n woul d have compounded th e illegality o f he r walkin g of f wit h onl y Sophia , a s wel l causin g a muc h greater economi c los s t o th e Dumonts—a s Isabell a migh t hav e bee n a t some level aware. 48 Moreover, a s her Narrative explained , Isabell a "ha d know n th e joys of motherhood" onl y briefly , "fo r sh e ha d bee n cruell y separate d fro m he r babes, an d he r mistress ' children give n t o occup y th e plac e whic h natur e designed fo r he r own. " As a slave Isabella coul d giv e onl y limite d car e t o her children , force d a s sh e ofte n wa s t o wor k i n th e kitche n o r fields, o r to loo k afte r th e Dumonts ' man y children , eve n t o breas t fee d them . Th e Dumonts ha d severa l children o f about th e sam e age as her ow n children , and Isabell a hersel f recalle d that a s a slave she had "suckle d man y a white babe." 49 Afterward Isabell a mad e muc h o f the injur y sh e fel t slaver y ha d don e to her , no t onl y t o hersel f directly , bu t als o indirectl y throug h he r rela tionship wit h he r children . I n on e speech , sh e sai d tha t white s ha d "robbed me , too k al l m y bes t day s fro m me , too k m y chill'e n fro m me. " In anothe r speech , sh e sai d i n poignan t words , tha t a s a slav e sh e ha d

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15

never owne d an y o f her ow n children . " I . . . never coul d tak e an y on e of dem u p an d say , 'm y child ' . . . unless i t wa s whe n n o on e coul d se e me . . . . I di d no t kno w ho w dea r to me was my posterity, I was so becloude d and crushed. " I f I ha d know n i t woul d hav e bee n "mor e tha n d e min e could bear . . . . Fs e bee n robbe d o f al l m y affectio n fo r m y husban d an d for m y children." 50

2 Slave Mothe r "I felt so tall within."

O n Jul y 4 , 1827 , all the remaining slaves in New Yor k Stat e were freed . This included Tom an d Isabella, but i t did not include Isabella's children . According to the law gradually freeing th e slaves in the state, the childre n were already free, but they remained boun d servants, required to continu e serving their master s until the y wer e in their twenties . On thi s Jul y 4th—chose n b y th e stat e a s th e da y t o fre e th e slave s because th e da y symbolize d America n freedom—unusua l number s o f Ulster Count y black s foun d thei r wa y t o Kingston , th e count y seat , t o celebrate. We do not know whethe r Isabell a or any members of her famil y were amon g them . Accordin g t o a Kingsto n newspape r a t th e time , th e black wome n wor e "ga y colors, " vying with eac h othe r t o look their best ; and th e blacks , bot h me n an d women , "conducte d themselves , generally , with propriety. " Th e newspape r itsel f indicate d neithe r jo y no r sorro w that th e black s were freed . On this same day, Ulster County whites celebrated American Indepen dence Da y a s usual , firing cannon , ringin g bells , an d shootin g of f fire works. The y als o hel d a bi g dinne r a t a Kingsto n hote l a t whic h the y drank man y toasts , a s t o Georg e Washington , women , an d America n liberty, but non e particularly t o blacks and their ne w liberty. 1 A fe w month s later , Isabell a hear d tha t he r five-year-old so n Pete r ha d been sen t int o slaver y i n th e South , an d sh e wa s furious . Isabell a under stood tha t afte r th e Dumont s ha d sol d Pete r t o th e neighborin g Gedne y 16

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family, th e Gedney s i n tur n ha d sol d hi m t o anothe r on e o f their family , who ha d the n take n hi m t o Alabam a a s hi s slave . Sh e hear d fro m he r friends tha t i t wa s illega l t o hav e sol d o r otherwis e sen t Pete r ou t o f th e state. The la w graduall y freein g th e slave s i n Ne w Yor k Stat e ha d mad e a poin t o f prohibitin g an y black s bein g sol d o r otherwis e sen t ou t o f the stat e t o circumven t thei r bein g free d withi n th e stat e a t th e appro priate time . Thi s provisio n o f th e la w applie d bot h t o slave s an d slav e children, lik e Peter , wh o becaus e o f thei r ag e ha d becom e boun d ser vants. 2 Once Isabell a understoo d tha t he r so n Pete r ha d bee n sol d ou t o f th e state illegally , sh e undertoo k strenuou s actio n t o recove r him . Firs t sh e walked from th e Van Wagenens' , where sh e was still working a t the time, to th e Dumonts' . A s Isabell a recalle d i t i n he r Narrative, sh e poure d ou t her fury t o Mrs. Dumont tha t the Dumonts had allowed Peter to be taken to Alabama . Mrs . Dumon t replied , " A fin e fus s t o mak e abou t a littl e nigger! . . . A pit y 'tis , the niggers are not al l in Guinea! " Isabella insisted , "I'l l have my child again. " "How ca n yo u ge t him? " asked Mrs . Dumont . "An d wha t hav e you t o support hi m with , i f you could? Have you any money? " "No," replied Isabella . "I have no money, bu t Go d has enough." "I fel t so tal l within, " sh e recalle d afterward ; " I fel t a s i f th e powe r o f a natio n was with me! " Isabella als o wen t t o se e th e Gedne y family , on e o f whom , Solomo n Gedney, ha d sol d Peter , sh e understood , t o th e relativ e wh o ha d take n him t o Alabama . Whe n Isabell a vente d he r fur y t o Solomo n Gedney' s mother, th e mothe r jus t laughed , i t seeme d t o Isabella , i n a manner tha t was "almost demoniacal. " Isabella als o went to the nearby Quakers , in the Poppletown neighbor hood, t o ge t hel p i n gettin g bac k he r son . A Quake r famil y hear d he r story, an d gav e he r a roo m fo r th e night , with , a s sh e remembere d it , a "clean, white , beautifu l bed. " Sh e wa s used t o sleepin g o n the floor, s o at first sh e though t tha t sh e woul d slee p underneat h th e bed , sh e recalled , laughing at the recollection o f her timid, inexperienced self . Finally decid ing that i t woul d offen d he r host s i f she slep t unde r th e bed , sh e slept o n it afte r all . I n th e mornin g he r host s arrange d t o hav e he r drive n t o Kingston, wit h direction s t o g o t o th e Ulste r Count y Cour t Hous e an d enter a complaint t o the gran d jury.

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On arrivin g in Kingston , sh e found th e cour t house . Deciding that th e first imposin g ma n sh e me t ther e wa s "grand " enoug h t o b e th e gran d jury, sh e bega n t o tell him he r complaint . H e directe d he r upstair s to th e grand jury room , an d eventuall y sh e wa s abl e t o presen t he r stor y t o th e grand jury. 3 It wa s astonishin g tha t a poo r blac k woma n jus t ou t o f slavery , an d especially on e who , a s sh e hersel f late r said , ha d bee n brough t u p "a s ignorant a s a horse, " woul d tak e an y cas e t o court. 4 Bu t sh e pushe d i t forward wit h th e sam e ferociou s energ y wit h whic h sh e ha d worke d i n the fields for her slavemaste r Dumont . In th e effor t t o recove r he r son , Isabell a fo r a tim e travelle d th e five miles o r s o bac k an d fort h betwee n he r hom e a t th e Va n Wagenen s an d Kingston, ofte n barefoot , walkin g o r trottin g wit h a gai t tha t wa s dis tinctly he r own . Sh e alternated , accordin g t o he r late r recollections , be tween confidenc e tha t Go d woul d hel p he r brin g he r so n bac k an d fea r that in her ignorance and poverty sh e could accomplish nothing. Sh e kep t waiting impatiently, month afte r month , as various legal steps were taken. When requeste d t o wait , sh e di d no t eve n understan d time—sh e ha d n o idea how lon g a n hou r was , or a week. Eventuall y sh e decide d tha t t o b e near th e cour t hous e sh e shoul d liv e i n Kingston , a village o f abou t 17 5 houses. B y th e summe r o f 182 8 sh e foun d wor k ther e a s a domesti c fo r A. Bruy n Hasbrouck , a lawye r wh o ha d just serve d a term i n Congress . Hasbrouck late r testifie d tha t Isabell a wa s "a n industrious , an d hones t woman, wit h regula r habit s o f grea t fidelity." 5 Hasbrouc k an d hi s la w partner Charle s H . Ruggle s wer e amon g thos e who , apparentl y withou t fee, helped Isabell a in her effor t t o regain he r son . Meantime, Solomo n Gedney , doubtles s fearin g th e considerabl e pen alty the law could impose on him, brought Pete r bac k from Alabama . Bu t Gedney stil l avoide d producin g Pete r i n court , a s he was supposed t o do . Isabella kep t pesterin g variou s lawyer s t o hel p he r forc e Gedne y t o pro duce Pete r i n cour t unti l sh e worrie d tha t th e lawyer s wer e becomin g tired o f her . A t lengt h sh e foun d stil l anothe r lawyer , Herma n M . Ro meyn, wh o aske d n o pa y fo r himself , bu t aske d $ 5 t o hir e someon e t o bring bot h Solomo n Gedne y an d Pete r i n perso n t o court . Thoug h sh e recalled tha t sh e ha d neve r unti l thi s tim e ha d a dolla r i n he r life , sh e managed t o wal k t o Poppletown , abou t te n miles , probabl y barefoot , where sh e raise d mor e tha n $ 5 fro m he r Quake r friends . Instea d o f keeping the amount ove r $5 for herself to buy shoes as some of her friend s

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suggested, sh e gav e i t al l t o lawye r Romeyn , explaining , "Oh , I d o no t want mone y o r clothe s now , I onl y wan t m y son ; an d i f five dollars wil l get him, more will surely ge t him. " Finally b y lat e 1828 , Gedney , prodde d b y lawye r Romeyn , brough t Peter t o cour t i n Kingston . I n court , whe n Isabell a sa w Peter , sh e wa s shocked to see that h e was badly scarred on his forehead an d cheek. Whe n Isabella identifie d hi m a s he r son , Pete r denie d it , cringin g fro m he r a s from a "monster. " Isabell a believe d tha t hi s Gedne y master s ha d traine d Peter t o den y it , an d als o traine d hi m t o explai n hi s scar s b y sayin g the y came fro m accident s rathe r tha n beatings . Th e judge , however , decide d that h e wa s Isabella' s son , an d turne d hi m ove r t o her , declarin g him , because h e ha d bee n wrongl y sol d ou t o f the state , to b e entirel y free , a s the la w required . Afte r that , i t stil l too k som e tim e fo r lawye r Romeyn , the clerks, and Isabell a to persuade the bo y that sh e was really his mothe r who wanted t o care for him . Taking Pete r hom e wit h her , Isabell a soo n discovere d tha t h e ha d been scarre d "fro m th e crow n o f his head t o the sol e of his foot," an d tha t his bac k ha d welt s a s big a s her fingers. "Oh , Lor d Jesus , look!" Isabell a exclaimed, a s sh e recalled . "Se e m y poo r child ! Oh , Lord , rende r unt o them doubl e fo r al l this!" In Alabama , a s Isabella graduall y learne d fro m Peter, hi s maste r Fowle r ha d whippe d Pete r often . Sometime s Fowle r had don e s o severely , an d Peter , bleeding , woul d craw l i n hi s miser y under a porch , wher e Mrs . Fowle r woul d discove r him . Takin g pit y o n him, when other s were asleep she would "grease " his wounds . Months later , Isabell a hear d tha t maste r Fowle r ha d bee n crue l no t only t o Pete r bu t als o t o hi s ow n wife—h e ha d beate n he r t o death . Isabella immediatel y decide d tha t Go d ha d punishe d th e Fowler s "dou ble" i n answe r t o he r prayer . Bu t sh e di d no t therefor e rejoice . Instea d she told Go d tha t H e ha d punishe d th e Fowler s "to o much. " Sh e said , " I did no t mea n quit e so much, God!" 6 This accoun t o f how Isabell a recovere d he r so n i s base d primaril y o n her Narrative, whic h depende d o n wha t Isabell a recalle d year s later , a s written dow n b y a n antislaver y friend . Di d th e naive , illiterat e Isabell a understand wha t ha d happene d wel l enoug h s o that sh e coul d explai n it , with reasonabl e accuracy , year s late r t o he r friend ? Di d th e frien d recor d it without significantl y distortin g the account for the benefit o f antislavery readers? No t eve n th e essenc e o f the story—tha t someon e sen t Isabella' s son int o slaver y i n Alabama , tha t sh e wen t t o cour t t o recove r him , an d

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that sh e succeeded i n recoverin g him—has bee n directl y corroborate d b y court record s o r reports i n newspapers o f the time. 7 However, som e indirect corroboratio n o f Isabella's story is provided b y a New Yor k Cit y editor , Gilber t Vale , who cam e to know he r wel l in th e mid-1830s, an d wh o becam e convince d tha t sh e wa s unusuall y honest . At tha t tim e Val e reporte d tha t sh e ha d recovere d he r so n i n tw o sen tences thus: "One of these children [Peter ] was sold illegally into souther n slavery, b y on e Solomo n Gedne r [Gedney] , and he r exertion s t o ge t hi m back, whic h wer e crowne d wit h success , mar k th e energ y o f her charac ter. I n thi s sh e wa s greatl y assiste d b y Judg e Ruggles , . . . Squire Chip , Lawyer Romai n [Romeyn] , Lawye r Hasbrouck , an d others. " All fou r o f these person s name d b y Val e a s assistin g her , eve n i f thei r name s ar e spelled differently , ar e als o name d i n he r Narrative a s assistin g her , an d can b e identified i n loca l sources. 8 On th e othe r hand , lon g afterwar d he r master' s daughte r Gertrud e Dumont believed , a s reported b y a Kingston journalist , tha t Isabell a ha d been influence d b y her abolitionis t friend s t o giv e an "imaginary " pictur e of how th e Dumont s ha d treate d her , an d that "none " of her childre n wa s "ever sol d fro m her. " Perhap s Gertrude , quibblin g defensively , mean t Peter wa s len t o r rente d ou t t o th e Gedney s rathe r tha n "sold. " Fo r Gertrude admitted , i n wha t provide s considerabl e suppor t fo r Isabella' s story o f th e recover y o f her son , tha t th e Dumont s allowe d Pete r t o liv e for a time wit h th e Gedneys , and "finall y [Peter ] wen t awa y to Alabama , which greatl y troubled hi s mother whe n sh e heard o f it, and sh e manage d to get him bac k afte r a time." 9 In he r late r life , Isabella was several times reported a s saying that mor e than on e o f her children—an d sometime s all—ha d bee n sol d awa y fro m her. 10 Som e twentieth-centur y writer s hav e accepte d suc h claims . W e know, however , tha t a t leas t tw o o f her daughters , Dian a an d Elizabeth , were stil l living with th e Dumont s lon g after Isabell a an d al l the slave s in the stat e ha d bee n freed , an d ther e i s no corroboratin g evidenc e tha t an y of her childre n othe r than Pete r had bee n sol d away from her . As fo r Peter , hi s separatio n fro m hi s parent s a t the ag e of five, and th e harsh treatmen t h e ha d endure d fro m hi s late r master s lef t hi m wit h emotional a s wel l a s physical scars . As w e shal l see , he becam e a distres s to his mother . But Isabella' s experienc e wit h Peter , crue l a s it was , di d no t embitte r

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21

her. I n fact , Isabell a wa s s o forgivin g tha t soo n afte r th e tria l wa s over , when Solomo n Gedney' s uncle , Fred Waring , aske d her t o work fo r him , she decide d t o d o so , eve n thoug h Warin g ha d declared , i n connectio n with th e trial , tha t Isabell a wa s th e "wors t o f devils. " Whe n he r forme r master Dumon t advise d he r no t t o wor k fo r Waring , sh e replied sh e wa s "glad to have people forget thei r ange r towards her." n Indeed, Isabella' s recover y o f Pete r reinforce d he r optimism . I t gav e her experienc e o f white assistance , no t onl y fro m th e Va n Wagenen s bu t also fro m th e lawyers , jury , judge , Poppletow n Quakers , an d variou s people wh o ha d employe d he r a s a domesti c i n Kingston . I t gav e he r confidence tha t th e court s wer e just. I t als o reinforced he r fait h tha t Go d was looking ou t fo r her . Sh e believed , sh e said , that fundamentall y i t wa s God wh o had recovere d her son. 12

According t o Isabella , whil e sh e wa s a slave som e o f her master s wen t t o church. 13 Bot h th e Hardenbergh s an d Dumont s wer e affiliate d wit h th e Dutch Reforme d church , the traditional churc h o f the Dutch settlers , an d both familie s ha d a t leas t som e o f thei r ow n childre n baptized . Bu t a s would b e expected , ther e i s n o availabl e recor d tha t the y ha d Isabell a o r her childre n baptized. 14 Also , however , a s woul d b e les s likel y t o b e expected, Isabell a recalle d tha t the y neve r too k he r t o church , an d s o sh e never went . Sh e also said, surprisingly, tha t durin g al l the time sh e was a slave, which wa s until sh e was about thirt y year s old, she never heard th e gospel preached o r the Bible read. 15 When sh e wa s livin g wit h th e Va n Wagenens , shortl y befor e Ne w York Stat e legall y free d her , Isabell a Va n Wagenen , a s sh e wa s no w called, becam e s o comfortable , sh e sai d afterward , tha t sh e nearl y forgo t about God . T o her , Go d ha d bee n someon e sh e turne d t o fo r hel p i n trouble, an d becaus e sh e ha d n o trouble , wh y remembe r God ? Bu t sh e found hersel f bore d wit h he r placi d lif e wit h th e Van Wagenens . Early i n 1827 a s the bi g slav e holiday o f Pinkster (Pentecost ) approached , sh e fel t ready t o giv e u p he r freedo m a t th e Va n Wagenens' , an d retur n t o th e Dumonts' wher e sh e coul d sing , drink , smoke , an d danc e wit h he r slav e friends. Bu t the n suddenl y "Go d reveale d himsel f t o her, " a s he r 185 0 Narrative reporte d it , "wit h al l the suddennes s o f a flash of lightning." A s she reported i t in the 1870s , she cried out :

22

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"Oh, God! How bi g you be!" . . . and bein g overwhelmed wit h the greatness of the Divin e presenc e . . . falling upo n he r hand s an d knees , tried t o craw l awa y from the Almighty, but could find no place to hide from his presence.16 Then sh e fel t he r ow n wickedness , an d th e nee d fo r someon e wh o could spea k t o Go d fo r her , t o as k Hi m t o spar e her . I n wha t sh e late r considered t o b e he r conversio n t o Christ , a spac e seeme d t o ope n be tween he r an d God , an d i n th e spac e sh e suddenl y saw , fo r th e firs t tim e in her life , Jesus. As she recalled it once long afterward: " I felt Hi m com e between Go d an d m e as sensibly a s I ever felt a n umbrella raise d ove r m y head." O r a t anothe r time : "My voic e sounde d different , an d then cam e a great thought , lik e a hiccough . I see n him ! I sa w th e hai r o n hi s head , and I sa w his cheek; and I sa w him smile , and I have seen the sam e smil e on peopl e since. " After thi s experience , accordin g t o th e recollectio n o f one o f the Va n Wagene n family , Isabell a wa s "goin g aroun d throug h th e kitchen preachin g a s sh e went, " an d h e added , a s i f h e fel t sh e wa s a nuisance, she "kept preachin g al l day." 17 As sh e explaine d i t afterward , he r conversio n no t onl y save d he r personally, bu t als o drasticall y change d ho w sh e relate d t o othe r people . As sh e declare d once , " I wa s civilize d no t b y th e people , bu t b y Jesus. " As sh e als o pu t it , "Whe n I go t religion , I foun d som e wor k t o d o t o benefit somebody. " Sh e als o said , sh e use d t o urg e Go d t o kil l "all " whites, an d no t t o "leav e enoug h fo r seed. " Bu t whe n "d e lob e [love ] come i n m e . . . I said , 'Yea , God , I'l l lob e ev'ybudd y a n d e w'it e pepu l too.'" 1 8 It i s difficult t o believe that Isabella' s conversion coul d have conforme d so closely t o th e accepte d for m o f Christian evangelica l conversio n i n he r time, i f indee d i t cam e befor e sh e ha d bee n expose d i n som e manne r t o evangelical experience . Nevertheless , a s sh e recalle d it , i t wa s onl y afte r her conversio n an d perhap s onl y a fe w month s afte r he r emancipation , that Isabell a first attended a church meeting. According to Isabella, it wa s a Methodist meetin g held in a private house. Knowing that i t was not th e custom fo r black s t o ente r whit e meeting s unles s the y sa t i n a separat e "Negro pew, " Isabella feare d t o enter , an d s o stood outside , peering i n a t an ope n window . Th e preacher , Mr . "Ferriss, " a circui t rider , a s sh e recalled it , "lined " the word s o f the hymn , "Ther e i s a holy city , a worl d of ligh t above, " describin g th e immorta l lif e tha t awaite d th e faithful ; a s he san g i t lin e b y line , perhap s thumpin g th e rhyth m o n th e floor, th e

SLAVE MOTHE R

23

congregation san g i t afte r him . Fro m thu s hearin g th e hym n repeated , Isabella learned it , and san g it often durin g the rest o f her life. 19 Continuing t o atten d suc h Methodis t meetings , Isabell a learne d t o accept th e advic e sh e hear d fro m he r Methodis t friends , t o tel l al l he r troubles t o Jesus . A t on e meeting , whe n sh e sai d a devi l wa s afte r her , apparently meanin g it quite literally, a Methodist brothe r advised her tha t if she called o n Jesus, the devil would leave . Recalling this once, she said , in he r drol l style , "An ' I tol e hi m I knowe d da t al l d e time , bu t I didn' t happen t o think o f it afore." 20 While livin g in Kingston , sh e joined a church fo r th e firs t time ; it wa s a Methodis t church. 21 I n Ulste r Count y a t thi s time , Methodist s wer e a new, populis t denomination , disdaine d b y th e mor e formal , mor e elitis t Dutch Reforme d wh o tended t o dominat e th e area . The Kingsto n Meth odists, lik e man y Methodist s elsewhere , welcome d blacks , i f ambiva lently, and had establishe d a Sunday Schoo l for them a s early as 1811 . By the mid-1820 s Methodist s ha d buil t thei r firs t churc h i n Kingston , a primitive buildin g o f roug h hew n timber. 22 Methodist s emphasize d di rect, personal experience of God; they witnessed and preached extempore , in th e vernacular , an d like d t o sing , al l o f whic h suite d Isabella . On e o f the Dumon t famil y recalle d Isabell a i n thi s perio d a s havin g becom e a "roaring" Methodist . Isabell a hersel f recalle d tha t whe n sh e could , sh e prayed with he r childre n an d took them t o church wit h her. 23 In accor d wit h th e evangelica l expectation s o f th e time , Isabella' s conversion—and he r subsequen t struggl e t o respon d t o God' s voic e withi n her—led her , a s simila r experience s le d others , towar d a conviction tha t she coul d b e a n instrumen t o f God. The y le d her , regardles s o f her race , class, gender, or education, toward feeling empowere d to "perfect" hersel f and the world . Isabella was going through profoun d alteration s in her life. By walkin g away fro m he r slavemaster , bein g legall y freed , goin g t o cour t t o recove r her son , being converted , an d attendin g churc h fo r the first time , she wa s opening herself to new way s of looking at herself and the world . By 182 9 whe n Isabell a wa s about thirty-tw o year s old, sh e decided t o move ou t o f Ulste r County , dow n th e Hudso n Rive r t o Ne w Yor k City . Still considerably mire d in ignorance, she wanted to widen her experienc e of life. Sh e went wit h a Miss Gear , a white teacher wh o was interested i n Christian evangelism. 24 This tim e Isabell a too k Pete r wit h her . Sh e coul d als o have taken he r

24

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youngest child , Sophia , the n abou t three . Althoug h legall y Sophi a prob ably owe d year s o f servic e t o th e Va n Wagenens , becaus e the y wer e antislavery the y wer e no t likel y to ask for suc h service . However, becaus e Isabella intende d t o wor k a s a house servan t i n Ne w York , sh e woul d b e expected t o live-i n wit h he r employers , an d he r bein g accompanie d b y a small chil d o f her ow n migh t b e a hindrance. I n fact , i n a n ironica l twist , Isabella lef t Sophia , i f no t a t first, a t leas t eventuall y wit h th e Dumonts ; the Dumont s recalle d late r tha t Isabell a lef t Sophi a t o liv e wit h the m fo r many years. 25 He r leavin g Sophi a wit h he r forme r maste r suggest s th e sardonic powe r o f th e slav e system , eve n afte r i t ha d bee n legall y de stroyed, to perpetuate itsel f in the behavior o f both white s and blacks . Isabella als o lef t behin d a t th e Dumonts ' he r tw o olde r daughters , Diana, abou t thirteen , an d Elizabeth , abou t four , bot h o f who m stil l legally owe d man y year s o f service t o th e Dumonts . I n addition , Isabell a left behin d he r husban d Tom . Hi s havin g bee n free d fro m slaver y wa s not muc h o f a boon to him, as he was old and ill. He remained i n the mid Hudson are a but wa s scarcely able to earn a living, and eventuall y die d in a poor house. 26 Isabella wa s choosin g t o g o fa r enoug h awa y fro m he r husban d an d most o f her children , abou t io o miles , s o that sh e woul d seldo m b e abl e to se e them . Still , i f sh e ha d no t dare d t o strik e ou t boldl y fo r ne w experience, awa y fro m mos t o f he r family , woul d sh e eve r hav e becom e Sojourner Truth ?

3 Monstrous Kingdo m "I will crush them with the truth."

In Ne w Yor k City , wit h th e hel p o f Mis s Gear , Isabell a Va n Wagene n found wor k a s a domesti c i n whit e households . Keepin g a certai n self respect, sh e refuse d t o allo w herself , sh e said , t o "bo w t o th e filt h o f th e city."* Nevertheless , sh e wa s uncertai n o f herself, stil l tryin g t o discove r who sh e was, what sh e believed, an d wha t sh e could do . She joine d Methodis t churches , a t first th e Joh n Stree t Church , th e mother churc h o f America n Methodism . I t wa s a predominantl y whit e church tha t ha d include d black s fro m it s beginning ; sh e joine d i t b y bringing a letter from th e Methodist churc h in Kingston. Late r sh e joined a blac k churc h instead , th e Zio n Churc h i n Churc h Street , whic h ha d split of f fro m th e Joh n Stree t Churc h i n a protest agains t it s discrimina tion—white Methodist s refuse d t o ordai n black s a s ministers. Thi s churc h was becoming , throug h a serie s o f gradua l steps , th e mothe r churc h o f the African Methodis t Episcopa l Zio n connection. 2 It wa s clea r tha t afte r sh e wa s freed , i n bot h Ulste r Count y an d Ne w York City , Isabell a wa s circulatin g amon g peopl e wh o coul d ope n th e way fo r he r t o pursu e a n education—Quakers , Methodists , benevolen t whites, activist blacks—i f sh e asked them. Isabella recalled afterward tha t in Ne w Yor k Cit y a t thi s time , "despised " a s sh e wa s a s a n "ignorant " black wh o coul d no t eve n "spea k Englis h ver y well," she was determine d to "go among the white peopl e and lear n al l she could." 3 What Isabell a mean t b y goin g amon g white s t o "lear n al l sh e could " 25

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seems especially to have been learnin g to become an evangelist, on e of the few leadershi p role s outsid e th e hom e tha t wa s ope n t o women , bot h black an d white . A t thi s tim e Methodists , lik e nearl y al l denominations , did no t ordai n wome n a s ministers , bu t the y welcome d women , wit h supervision, a s grou p leaders , evangelists , an d activist s i n mora l reform . Isabella vigorousl y prayed , preached , an d sang , ofte n i n associatio n wit h whites, i n churc h meetings , a t cam p meetings , a t meeting s t o evangeliz e prostitutes. New Yor k Cit y i n thi s period , just afte r th e las t slave s in the stat e ha d been free d fro m slavery , wa s an excitin g plac e for ambitiou s blacks . Ne w York black s wer e no t onl y organizin g thei r ow n churche s bu t als o thei r own self-hel p societies . The y starte d th e city' s first blac k newspaper . They worke d wit h white s i n abolitionis t societie s an d i n th e Under ground Railroad . The y supporte d existin g school s fo r black s an d helpe d to organize mor e suc h schools , public an d private . They pushe d fo r mor e black teacher s fo r th e blac k school s i n th e state . B y th e 1840 s probabl y most o f th e teacher s wer e blacks , an d abou t hal f o f the m wer e women , women wh o wer e settin g ne w standard s fo r othe r blac k wome n t o emu late.4 Thoug h expose d t o thi s ne w blac k activism , a s throug h he r blac k church, Isabell a i s not know n t o have responde d directl y t o it . Sh e i s not known t o hav e attende d an y blac k schools , o r participate d i n an y aboli tionist o r self-help societies . During thi s perio d Isabell a wa s handicappe d b y no t knowin g ho w t o read an d write . Sh e coul d no t rea d th e Bibl e eve n thoug h sh e believe d that knowin g the Bible was important. Sh e could not guid e her so n Pete r in hi s schoolwork : H e wa s suppose d t o b e attendin g a navigation school , but sh e di d no t kno w fo r a lon g tim e tha t h e wa s onl y pretendin g t o attend. Sh e had a bank account , bu t coul d not read the bank records . The onl y availabl e evidenc e fo r anywher e nea r thi s perio d tha t associ ates her wit h a n attemp t t o lear n t o rea d i s the following : Accordin g t o a newspaper repor t o f a speec h sh e gav e i n he r ol d age , sh e recalle d that , "when liberated , an d a n attemp t wa s mad e t o educat e he r . . . she coul d never ge t beyon d he r a , b , ab s [sic.]." 5 I t ma y b e significan t tha t he r recollection i s expresse d a s someon e els e tryin g t o teac h her , no t a s he r initiating an attempt t o learn . Although Isabell a remaine d illiterate , sh e becam e "zealous " amon g Methodists, her styl e being t o preach an d pra y lon g and loud . Accordin g

MONSTROUS KINGDO M

2

7

to a newsman wh o befriended he r later, she believed what sh e was taught ; she out-praye d an d out-preache d he r fellows ; sh e "becam e th e mean s o f converting som e b y he r zeal , an d wa s muc h respected. " Accordin g t o a white Methodis t leade r a t th e time , "th e influenc e o f he r speakin g wa s miraculous." Still , whil e sh e wante d t o lear n especiall y fro m whites , sh e wanted t o ministe r especiall y t o blacks , bu t sh e ofte n fel t tha t whe n sh e tried to , they rebuffe d her . Onc e sh e offere d t o pra y wit h a black woma n who decline d he r offer ; hurt , sh e wen t away , weeping . Black s wante d t o hear grea t preachers , Isabell a explained , no t ignoran t one s lik e herself. 6 Finding onl y limite d satisfactio n i n preachin g an d praying , Isabella , a t about th e ag e o f thirty-three, wa s looking for someon e who sh e felt coul d guide her , someon e educated , someon e wh o seeme d t o b e i n touc h with God . Some time after sh e arrived i n the city , Isabella becam e involved i n th e efforts o f Elija h Pierso n t o evangeliz e prostitutes . Eventuall y Pierso n asked her to do housework fo r him. Sh e graduall y fel l under his spell. Pierson ha d lon g bee n a respected merchan t downtow n o n Pear l Street . He wa s perhap s abou t fifty, an d semiretired . H e wa s a Bibl e scholar , given t o fasting , fait h healing , an d preachin g i n hi s ow n house . H e believed that eac h person shoul d liste n t o the direc t teachin g o f the Spiri t within. He advocated abstemiou s living, including simple dress, food, an d furniture. H e advocate d tha t churche s shoul d abolis h their commo n prac tice o f rentin g ou t pew s fo r th e exclusiv e us e o f thos e wh o coul d affor d them, thu s makin g i t difficul t fo r th e poo r t o find a plac e t o sit . H e als o argued agains t payin g minister s a t all . No t surprisingly , h e wa s no t a n ordained clergyman—hi s ow n Baptis t associate s declined t o ordain him . Early i n 1830 , Pierson' s wif e Sara h wa s il l wit h tuberculosis . I t i s probable, on e docto r said , tha t excessiv e fastin g ha d helpe d t o weake n her. B y June , sh e wa s nea r death . I n a ceremon y i n whic h i t ha s bee n claimed—probably mistakenly—tha t Isabell a participated , Mr . Pierso n tried t o sav e hi s wif e b y anointin g he r wit h oi l an d prayin g fo r her , i n accordance wit h Jame s 5:14-15 , whic h sai d tha t i f an y amon g yo u i s sick, le t th e elder s o f the churc h "pra y ove r him , anointin g hi m wit h oi l . . . an d th e Lor d shal l rais e hi m up. " I n a fe w day s Mrs . Pierso n died . Nevertheless, a t he r funera l Pierso n extende d hi s hand s ove r he r coffin , and aske d al l those presen t t o pra y tha t th e Lor d woul d rais e he r up . A s he an d hi s friend s stoo d aroun d th e coffin , occasionall y strokin g Mrs .

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Pierson's body, looking for signs of returning life , he kept praying , "Now , Lord, w e clai m th y promise! " Fo r year s thereafte r Pierso n continue d t o believe that hi s wife would ris e from th e dead. 7 In time , Isabella, withdrawing fro m he r blac k Methodis t church , associated hersel f wit h th e littl e fellowshi p o f believer s tha t Pierso n led , consisting o f his family an d a few others . They sai d they wer e attemptin g to establis h th e Kingdo m o f Go d o n earth , an d sometime s the y calle d themselves th e "Kingdom. " I n thi s grou p Isabella , apparentl y treate d a s an equal , testifie d o n he r experienc e o f talkin g wit h God , an d exhorte d others to be faithful . Observing tha t Pierso n faste d tw o day s at a time, Isabella decide d tha t if he neede d tw o days , she , wh o neede d mor e ligh t tha n he , shoul d fas t three day s a t a time. After sh e tried it , o n th e mornin g o f the fourt h da y when sh e go t up , sh e fel l t o th e floor. Sh e sai d afterward , humorously , that "sh e did ge t light , bu t i t was all in her bod y an d non e in her mind. " 8 In May , 1832 , Isabell a wa s doin g domesti c wor k fo r Pierson , a t hi s house o n Fourt h Street , an d wa s alon e i n th e hous e whe n sh e hear d someone at the door. O n openin g the door, according to her own recollec tion later , sh e sa w a slight , young-appearin g ma n wit h a beard , an d sh e instantly though t h e wa s Jesus. Inviting hi m in , sh e soon learne d tha t h e called himsel f Rober t Matthias , tha t h e ha d hear d o f Pierson' s religiou s interests, an d wante d t o mee t him . Sh e foun d hersel f confuse d b y hi s saying h e wa s a Jew, bu t afte r furthe r conversatio n wit h him , sh e under stood hi m t o b e a converted Jew . Finall y sh e recalled, "sh e fel t a s if Go d had sen t him t o set up the kingdom. " A few day s later Matthias returned to the house, met Pierson , and they entered int o intense conversation . A s Isabella listened , Matthias and Pier son discovere d tha t the y hel d simila r belief s an d ha d receive d simila r revelations fro m God . Bu t the y decide d tha t Matthia s wa s th e "Father, " or accordin g t o Isabella' s recollection , "h e wa s Go d upo n earth , becaus e the spiri t o f Go d dwel t i n him ; whil e Pierso n the n understoo d tha t hi s mission wa s like that o f John th e Baptist." 9 Soon Pierso n an d Matthia s merge d thei r forces , bu t unde r Matthias' s lead. Pierson' s Kingdom , whic h Pierso n ha d calle d Christian , becam e Matthias's Kingdom , whic h Matthia s calle d Jewish; Isabell a becam e par t of the ne w Kingdom . Isabell a seeifie d t o transfe r he r allegianc e no t onl y from Pierso n t o Matthias, but als o from Chris t t o Matthias . Thus bega n Isabella' s associatio n fo r severa l year s wit h Matthia s an d

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his Kingdo m cult . Afte r a scanda l ha d expose d th e Kingdom , th e Ne w York Sun wa s t o sa y th e stor y o f th e Kingdo m wa s "almos t to o mon strous" to be believed. 10

When Isabell a me t Matthias , h e wa s i n hi s forties , an d wor e profus e shoulder-length hai r an d a long beard. H e sai d that an y man wh o di d no t wear a bear d wa s a devil . Matthia s wa s bor n a s Rober t Matthews , o f Scottish ancestry , i n Washingto n County , Ne w York . H e calle d himself , as variousl y reported , a Jewish teacher , o r a prophe t o f the Lord , o r th e Spirit o f Jesus, o r "Matthias , th e twelft h an d las t o f the Apostles. " Som e of his followers , includin g Pierso n an d Isabella , see m t o hav e considere d him t o b e God , bu t whethe r h e himself directl y s o claimed wa s disputed . He made it clear, however, that h e believed he had power to heal the sick , to forgiv e sins , an d t o punis h th e wicked . H e rejecte d fasting , bu t ab stained fro m win e an d pork , an d incline d towar d vegetarianism . Believ ing in reincarnation, he said that whe n goo d people die, their spirit s ente r the bodie s o f th e living . H e sometime s preache d i n th e streets , boister ously, an d befor e comin g t o Ne w Yor k Cit y h e ha d sometime s invade d churches, interrupting clergymen , an d ha d bee n jailed. Matthias ha d a wife an d childre n wh o live d in Albany , New York . Hi s wife, wh o believe d hi m honest , nevertheles s oppose d hi s calling himself a Jew, rejecte d hi s beliefs , an d decline d t o accompan y hi m i n hi s travels t o convert th e world . Fo r lon g period s h e ha d virtuall y abandone d he r an d their children . A littl e o f what w e know abou t Matthia s an d Isabella' s relatio n t o hi m comes fro m Isabella' s recollection , a s recorde d i n he r Narrative. Mor e o f it comes from newspapers , and from th e books and pamphlets that fed th e public curiosit y abou t Matthias , particularl y tw o book s writte n b y tw o very different Ne w Yor k newspape r editors . One o f thes e editor s wa s th e conservativ e Willia m L . Stone , o f th e Commercial Advertiser, a popular Ne w Yor k newspaper . H e was born th e son o f a ministe r i n Ne w Paltz , wher e Isabell a ha d live d a s a slave . Inclined t o establishment-approved opinions , he opposed th e extension o f the suffrage , ridicule d women' s right s advocat e France s Wright , an d favored th e colonizatio n o f American black s i n Africa . I n hi s boo k abou t Matthias, publishe d i n 1835 , Ston e calle d fo r Christia n charit y towar d those who had bee n delude d b y Matthias, but declare d extravagantl y tha t

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there wa s no t "th e slightes t admixtur e o f truth " i n Matthias' s teaching , that Matthia s himsel f wa s insane , an d tha t Isabell a wa s "probabl y . . . among the most wicke d o f the wicked." 11 The othe r edito r wa s Gilber t Vale , a recent immigran t fro m England . Vale ha d bee n educate d fo r th e Anglica n ministr y bu t ha d sinc e becom e a religious skeptic , and an advocat e of such libera l reforms a s labor's righ t to organize. Vale made his living as a teacher o f the scienc e of navigation, but h e also was the editor o f the Citizen of the World, an obscure reformis t newspaper. Val e admired To m Pain e an d France s Wright. H e was suspi cious o f revelation , an d wa s a fanati c fo r facts . H e wa s hard-headed — Walt Whitma n calle d hi m a "har d nut " wit h n o poetr y i n hi s soul . Val e was draw n int o writin g a boo k abou t Matthias , h e explained , partl y because h e wante d t o mak e clea r wha t danger s eve n sincer e peopl e ge t into whe n the y "ascrib e thei r feeling s t o divin e influence, " an d als o be cause he becam e convince d tha t Ston e wa s wrong to call Isabella "amon g the most wicke d o f the wicked." 12 According to editor Stone , after Isabell a began to work for Matthias a s a domestic , Matthia s wa s suspecte d o f bein g licentiou s becaus e h e wa s seen to have female visitors . Also according to Stone, sometimes Matthia s would preac h to the crowd that gathere d a t his front door , but "wheneve r he becam e irritate d wit h Isabell a . . . i n regar d t o househol d o r othe r matters, h e woul d remai n a t home , an d preac h t o he r th e whol e day. " According t o riva l edito r Vale , Ston e thu s conveye d th e possibility — without sayin g it directly—that a t this time Matthias had sexua l relation s with Isabella , bu t edito r Vale , defendin g Isabella , wrot e tha t h e sa w n o reason t o believ e so , explainin g tha t Isabell a i s "neithe r ver y youn g o r beautiful." 13 When th e famil y o f on e o f Matthias' s follower s brough t a charg e against hi m fo r lunacy , th e polic e cam e to Matthias' s hous e t o arres t hi m and wer e roug h wit h him . The y strippe d him , too k hi s money , an d cu t off his beard. As Vale recounted it , Matthias submitte d philosophicall y t o this treatment . Bu t Isabella , "wh o i s a powerfu l an d energeti c woman , offered som e resistanc e t o th e violenc e t o Matthias, " an d wa s struc k b y one of the family tha t ha d brough t th e charges against Matthias . She kep t being pu t ou t o f the house , bu t kep t comin g bac k in . A crow d gathere d outside the house to chee r on the arrest an d the roughing u p o f Matthias. The crow d include d som e Christia n clergymen , an d som e i n th e crow d called ou t tha t Matthia s wa s a n impostor . Bu t accordin g t o Vale , thi s

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claim wa s los t o n Isabell a "fro m th e fac t o f these person s sanctionin g th e tormenting, a s sh e expresse s it , o f Matthias . Sh e coul d se e nothin g hu mane i n thi s treatment , o r anythin g t o recommen d th e religio n whic h suggested it, " an d s o sh e wa s draw n close r t o Matthias . Th e polic e too k Matthias t o Bellevu e prison , t o th e sectio n fo r th e insane , bu t Pierson , supported b y Isabella , arrange d t o secur e a wri t o f habea s corpu s t o release him. 14 While Pierso n ha d le d hi s follower s t o wor k wit h th e poor , Matthias , according t o th e Ne w Yor k Sun, "neve r evince d an y ambition t o becom e the apostl e o f th e poor." 15 Amon g Matthias' s follower s wer e Benjami n H. Folge r an d hi s wife . Folge r wa s a wealthy , respecte d Ne w Yor k hardware merchant , wh o had lon g been a friend o f Pierson's an d recentl y had joined Pierson' s fellowship o f believers. The Folgers owned a summer house and far m abou t thirt y miles up the Hudso n River , near Sin g Sing . In August , 1833 , Matthia s visite d th e Folgers ' Sin g Sin g hous e an d then staye d on . I t wa s particularl y i n thi s hous e tha t Matthia s graduall y gathered hi s littl e religiou s community , th e Kingdom , includin g Pierso n and th e Folgers . Ther e cam e t o b e fiftee n o r twent y member s i n th e Kingdom, al l o f who m wer e expecte d t o hol d thei r possession s i n com mon, whic h mean t tha t th e wealth y Folge r an d Pierso n pu t i n consider able money. Th e Kingdo m als o at times occupied th e Folger an d Pierso n houses i n Ne w York , o n Thir d an d Fourt h Streets , th e member s a t various time s passin g bac k an d fort h betwee n Sin g Sin g an d Ne w Yor k by carriag e o r steamboat . O n Matthias' s invitation , Isabell a joine d th e Kingdom i n Sin g Sin g a s a housekeeper , takin g he r furnitur e an d he r savings with her, an d mergin g them i n the property o f the Kingdom . Isabella continue d t o distanc e hersel f fro m he r children . Ther e i s n o indication tha t sh e brough t an y o f the m wit h he r t o th e Sin g Sin g Kingdom, eve n thoug h ther e wer e othe r childre n there . Pierso n brough t his youngest daughter , Elizabeth , aged about twelve ; the Folgers brough t two children , age d abou t five an d ten ; late r Matthia s brough t fou r o f his children there too; and Catherine Galloway, another member o f the King dom wh o wa s invited to help with housekeeping, brough t a child as well. Because Isabell a di d no t brin g an y o f he r childre n wit h her , sh e migh t have boun d t o servic e her so n Peter , wh o wa s now abou t twelve , as poo r children, whethe r whit e o r black , ofte n wer e boun d a t th e time . (Earlie r Isabella ha d place d Pete r nea r Kingsto n a s a cana l lock tender , o n th e recently opene d cana l tha t connecte d th e Hudso n an d Delawar e Rivers ;

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later sh e placed hi m a s a coachman i n Ne w York. ) Sophia , wh o wa s onl y about seven , Isabella probabl y continue d to leave with the Dumonts . At th e Kingdom , a s Val e reporte d it , Isabell a "ha d n o wages , pu t i n some goods , an d ha d al l things i n commo n [wit h th e res t o f the commu nity]; he r regula r employmen t was , however , i n th e kitchen. " Th e Fol gers late r sai d tha t Matthia s wa s eas y o n Isabell a a s a n ex-slave , becaus e his polic y "wa s t o requit e thos e wh o ha d bee n oppresse d wit h extr a blessings." It is not evident, however, that Isabella had any special exemption fro m work . I n fact , a s usual it seems as if she did more than he r shar e of work . Beside s cooking , Isabell a helpe d car e fo r th e sick—whe n Mr . Pierson wa s sick, Mrs. Folger recalled, sh e would often "cal l the coloure d woman t o chang e hi s position , a s sh e wa s a stron g an d abl e person , an d was alway s willin g t o d o it." 16 Isabell a als o worke d sometime s o n th e farm, a s b y helpin g t o brin g i n th e hay . Th e Folger s alread y ha d on e black han d workin g fo r them , bu t Isabell a wa s apparently th e onl y blac k who wa s regarde d a s a membe r o f th e Kingdom . Al l th e member s di d some physica l labor—eve n Pierso n di d som e ligh t wor k o n th e far m an d Matthias i n the garden—an d al l ate at the sam e table. In hi s Kingdom , Matthia s preache d an d prayed , bu t scarcel y allowe d any one else to do so, and certainly not women; the correct role of women, he believed , wa s to b e obedien t an d sta y home. Although Isabell a hersel f had bee n accustome d t o preachin g an d prayin g i n public , sh e seeme d t o find Matthias' s fran k insistenc e o n th e subordinatio n o f wome n accept able. Accordin g t o Vale , Isabell a like d "Matthias ' apparen t candou r an d openness, whic h ha s fascinate d her ; sh e doe s no t conceiv e o f suc h open ness with a base design." 17 Matthias insiste d o n bein g th e hea d o f th e Kingdo m household . H e expected t o b e calle d "Father. " Unde r hi s fir m authority , th e hous e wa s clean an d orderly. At meals he presided, wit h decorum, and serve d all the food. Al l the members dran k water , no t alcohol , but Matthia s drank fro m a silver goblet , whil e the rest dran k fro m ordinar y glas s tumblers. Excep t for Matthias' s fine clothe s an d carriage , thei r lif e wa s generall y plain , s o their expense s wer e no t great . Matthia s gav e order s t o everyone , eve n Pierson, as if they were servants. He whipped hi s own children , includin g his daughte r wh o ha d just bee n married . H e whippe d Isabell a onc e too , as th e Folger s explained , whe n Isabell a wa s sick , an d Matthia s gav e hi s permission fo r he r t o rest . Sh e wa s restin g i n th e kitche n sittin g b y th e fire, whe n Matthia s cam e in , "foun d on e o f hi s son s i n som e mischief ,

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which h e correcte d hi m for , an d th e coloure d woma n undertoo k t o in tercede, whic h wa s offensiv e t o Matthias , a s i t wa s a femal e intercessor , possessed o f a sick devi l withal—upo n whic h h e quickl y lashe d he r wit h his cowhide , saying , 'Shal l a sic k devi l undertak e t o dictat e t o me?'" 1 8 Much a s whe n Isabell a ha d bee n a slave , sh e ha d no t fundamentall y rebelled agains t slaver y a s wrong, s o in th e Kingdom , sh e di d no t funda mentally rebe l agains t Matthias' s authoritarianism . Als o much a s she ha d once seeme d t o regar d Dumon t a s God , no w sh e accepte d Matthia s a s God, o r a t leas t a s specially ordaine d b y God , an d wa s devoted t o him — and her devotio n persisted . It graduall y becam e apparen t tha t Matthias , onc e h e secure d enoug h money fro m hi s follower s t o permi t it , ha d a taste fo r swaggering . Whe n in Ne w York , h e woul d driv e o n Broadway , elegantl y dressed , i n a fin e carriage. O r h e woul d wal k o n th e Battery , hi s usua l styl e bein g t o wal k slowly, wit h dignity . Hi s hai r no w wa s neatl y parte d i n th e middle , an d worn lon g wit h ringlet s hangin g ove r hi s shoulders . Wit h mone y espe cially fro m hi s wealth y supporter s Folge r an d Pierson , Matthia s migh t appear wit h a gree n froc k coat heavil y embroidere d wit h gold , a line n shirt wit h wristband s fringe d wit h lace , a crimso n sil k sas h aroun d hi s waist, well-polishe d Wellingto n boots , an d a gol d watch . Sai d edito r Stone, "His appearance wa s striking and calculate d to attract notice." 19 From th e first, on e o f the ceremonia l practice s o f the communit y ha d been fo r th e members , i n accordanc e wit h biblica l tradition , t o was h an d kiss eac h other' s feet , a s an ac t o f humility. On e commentato r late r mad e sport o f thi s practice : Focusin g o n Isabella , h e reporte d tha t afte r a discussion o f humility , "On e brother , wh o believe d i n doin g an d no t talking, proceeded i n humility t o kiss the foot o f the colore d cook." 20 However, th e community' s ceremonia l washin g wen t beyon d foo t washing. Accordin g t o a rumor , whe n the y wer e al l nude , Matthia s washed th e bodie s o f al l o f them , mal e an d female , explainin g tha t thi s was fo r th e purpos e o f washin g unclea n spirit s away . Thi s wa s done , s o the Ne w Yor k Sun claimed , whe n the y wer e al l together , includin g Isabella, standin g nake d aroun d a stove . Accordin g t o Vale , the y di d practice a ceremony o f washing fo r purificatio n i n the nude, and Matthia s did preach tha t al l shame wa s a sin an d that th e most pur e person s woul d have th e leas t shame , bu t th e wome n washe d onl y th e women , an d th e men washe d onl y the men. 21 Isabella notice d tha t Folger' s wife , An n Folger , a cultivated woma n o f

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soft manners , appeare d particularl y desirou s o f pleasin g Matthias , an d flattered him . Isabell a hersel f wa s quit e differen t fro m Mrs . Folger : Sh e was no t coquettish . Accordin g t o Vale , Isabell a "ha s shrewd , commo n sense, energeti c manners , an d apparentl y despise s artifice " suc h a s sh e saw in Mrs. Folger. 22 One o f the doctrine s Matthia s taugh t hi s follower s wa s tha t minister s were devils , an d therefor e marriage s performe d b y the m wer e no t bind ing. Marriages , Matthia s taught , shoul d b e performe d b y him , t o bin d together "matc h spirits, " tha t is , person s who m Go d recognize s a s be longing together . Eventually , i n accordanc e wit h Matthias' s doctrine , Mrs. Folge r becam e convince d tha t he r spiri t wa s matched t o Matthias's . She an d Matthia s propose d openl y withi n th e communit y tha t the y shoul d be united . Mrs . Folge r trie d t o persuad e Mr . Folge r t o giv e he r up , s o that sh e could follow th e will of God t o become Matthias's lover . To Val e i t seeme d a "monstrou s proposition " tha t " a virtuous , re spected, an d amiabl e marrie d female " lik e An n Folge r woul d openl y "undertake t o induc e he r husban d t o giv e he r up " to someon e "claimin g to be very holy, and endowe d wit h the Spiri t o f God." 23 To persuad e Mr . Folge r t o consen t t o losin g his wife, Matthia s prom ised Folge r tha t h e coul d hav e a s his "matc h spirit " Matthias's daughter , aged eighteen, eve n though sh e had recently married someon e else. While Matthias wa s tryin g t o wor k ou t thi s arrangement , Isabell a though t Mr . Folger "looke d lik e a dog with hi s tail singed," and pitied him. 24 According t o Matthias' s daughter , Matthia s whippe d he r t o persuad e her t o consen t t o becom e Folger' s lover . Bu t Vale' s vie w wa s tha t th e daughter wa s s o enamore d o f Mr . Folger' s polishe d manner s an d kin d treatment o f her , s o differen t fro m he r husband' s crude , low-clas s style , that sh e di d no t nee d t o b e whippe d fo r thi s reason , bu t wa s reall y whipped primaril y fo r impertinenc e t o he r father . Whateve r th e reasons , eventually Matthias' s daughte r consente d t o b e swapped , an d th e whol e community, includin g Isabella , consente d t o th e doubl e wife-swapping ; to accomplis h it , appropriat e solem n "marriages " wer e held , withi n th e community, unde r Matthias' s direction . Before long , however , th e husban d o f Matthias's daughte r discovere d where she was, and after considerabl e difficulty wa s able to take her away , depriving Mr . Folge r o f hi s lover . Mr . Folge r the n too k anothe r o f th e Kingdom member s a s his "matc h spirit" : Catherin e Galloway , a homely , uneducated, unpolishe d servant . Isabella , who , accordin g t o Vale , ha d a

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profound sens e o f he r ow n integrit y bu t als o o f he r ignoranc e an d lo w class, considere d Catherin e wa s "onl y fit t o b e i n th e kitche n wit h her, " and fel t Folge r wa s takin g Catherin e a s " a hack." 25 Folger , dissatisfie d with thi s switch , graduall y los t hi s fait h i n Matthias , becam e convince d that Matthia s wa s a n impostor , an d bega n t o pro d Matthia s t o giv e hi m back his own wife . In repl y Matthia s shoute d a t Folge r an d curse d hi m fo r n o longe r having fait h i n hi s propheti c powers . Folge r the n threatene d Matthia s with brooms , a poker , an d knives . The y fel l int o periodi c fighting, an d once whe n the y fough t Isabell a seize d Folge r b y th e arm s an d hel d hi m against a door till he calmed down . Isabella herself , althoug h sh e di d no t oppos e th e communit y polic y o f mating member s wit h "matc h spirits, " did no t tak e anyon e as her "matc h spirit." Isabell a explaine d later , a s Val e reporte d it , tha t thi s happene d because o f "circumstances, as much a s anything." 26

Meanwhile, Pierson , wh o ha d begu n t o hav e seizure s befor e comin g t o Sing Sing , wa s developin g mor e seriou s seizures . B y th e summe r o f 1834, h e ha d becom e s o wea k tha t h e ofte n staye d i n bed . Th e commu nity di d no t cal l fo r a doctor , a s tha t woul d hav e bee n agains t bot h Pierson's an d Matthias' s beliefs . I n fact , Matthia s believe d tha t disease s were caused by the presence of devils, and that he had power to cast the m out, s o non e o f th e member s o f th e Kingdo m woul d die . Fro m tim e t o time Isabella , Pierson' s daughte r Elizabeth , an d Mrs . Folge r sa t u p wit h Pierson, an d Isabell a an d other s bathe d him . Once when h e had bee n in a seizure an d wa s unconscious , Isabella , i n accordanc e wit h Matthias' s beliefs, slappe d Pierso n o n th e nec k an d face , saying , "com e ou t o f you r hellish sleep, " trying , a s Mrs . Folger , wh o wa s present , afterwar d ex plained, t o driv e th e evi l spiri t ou t o f Pierson. 27 Bu t i n a fe w days , o n August 6 , 1834 , Pierson unexpectedl y died . Pierson's relative s an d friend s raise d question s abou t hi s death . Th e people o f th e neighborhoo d raise d question s too . The y wer e alread y suspicious o f th e Kingdom , an d Matthia s ha d fanne d thei r suspicion s because h e insiste d o n identifyin g a s "devils " al l thos e wh o refuse d to* agree with his doctrines, which include d nearl y everyone in the neighbor hood. Suspectin g murder , th e loca l corone r aske d doctor s t o examin e Pierson's body . A jury investigated , revelin g i n th e opportunit y t o pok e

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into the affairs o f the notorious Kingdom. On e of the jurors asked Isabell a what sh e considere d a n impertinen t question : Wha t ha s becom e o f Pier son's "evi l spirit" ? Isabell a replie d wit h wha t sh e considere d a n appro priately impertinen t answer : It ma y have entered on e of the jurors. 28 Pierson's deat h an d th e suspicion s arisin g fro m i t le d th e Kingdo m t o fall apart . Westcheste r Count y seize d the Sin g Sin g house, forcing al l the Kingdom member s out . Mrs . Folge r decide d t o retur n t o he r husband , and th e Folger s togethe r move d bac k t o thei r hous e i n Ne w York , o n Third Street . Isabell a an d Matthia s an d hi s childre n move d i n wit h th e Folgers there, but th e Folgers by this time were reluctant t o have them . In September , 1834 , Folger , wh o wa s havin g busines s losses , ex plained t o Matthia s tha t h e coul d no t affor d t o support th e Kingdo m an y more. Thi s le d t o painfu l wranglin g betwee n th e Folger s an d Matthias . Then th e Folgers , wit h th e hop e tha t i t woul d hel p Isabell a leave , pai d Isabella $2 5 a s wages , contrar y t o th e Kingdom' s polic y tha t everyon e served withou t wages . Isabella , stil l loya l t o Matthias , turne d ove r th e $25 t o him, makin g clea r that sh e wanted t o stay with him . But Matthia s returned th e mone y t o Isabella . Als o th e Folgers , hopin g t o fen d of f Matthias, gav e him $530 , with th e expectation , a s Isabella understoo d it , that h e woul d us e i t to carr y ou t hi s dream o f buying a farm i n the West . By Septembe r 19 , 1834 , Matthias ha d lef t th e Folge r hous e an d gon e t o Albany, preparin g t o g o west . At tha t tim e Isabell a wa s expecting tha t sh e woul d soo n g o west wit h Matthias. Onc e agai n sh e wa s willin g t o mov e awa y fro m he r children , including Pete r an d Sophia , youn g a s the y stil l were . O n th e sam e da y that Matthia s lef t th e Folge r house , Isabell a als o left , separately , takin g her luggag e wit h her . Sh e parte d fro m th e Folger s o n goo d terms , sh e thought. 29 Isabella wen t north , visitin g those o f her childre n wh o wer e stil l at th e Dumonts' i n Ne w Paltz , an d the n wen t o n b y Hudso n Rive r steamboa t to Alban y t o join Matthias . Sh e foun d Matthia s a t hi s wife' s house . Bu t while there , o n abou t Septembe r 21 , 1834 , Isabell a wa s astounde d t o learn tha t th e police , o n charge s brough t b y th e Folgers , wer e abou t t o arrest Matthia s fo r stealin g the $53 0 tha t Isabell a understood th e Folger s had give n him . Confuse d an d upset, sh e returned t o New York . What th e Folger s ha d done , onc e Matthia s wa s ou t o f the city , wa s t o complain t o th e polic e tha t Matthias , b y claimin g h e wa s divin e an d asking the m fo r money , ha d obtaine d mone y fro m the m unde r fals e

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pretenses. Th e Folger s a t onc e circulate d othe r charges , too , feedin g th e suspicions abou t th e Kingdo m tha t wer e alread y rife . Th e Folger s charge d that Matthias , with Isabella' s help, had murdere d Pierso n b y serving hi m poisoned blackberries . Th e Folger s als o charge d tha t Matthias , wit h Isabella's help , ha d trie d t o murde r the m to o b y servin g the m poisone d coffee. Accordin g t o Vale , th e Folger s wer e tryin g t o fi x th e blam e fo r their ow n foll y an d humiliatio n o n Matthia s an d Isabella , bot h person s i t would b e easy for the public to distrust. 30 In respons e t o th e ne w charges , official s ordere d tha t Pierson' s bod y be disinterred an d re-examine d b y doctors . Although th e doctor s di d no t find an y clea r evidenc e o f poison i n th e body , the y foun d som e unknow n but "deadly " substanc e i n it . But Isabell a di d no t pani c o r ru n away . Sh e acted forthrightly . T o protec t hersel f sh e went t o her former employers — in Ulste r Count y a s wel l a s i n Ne w Yor k City—t o ge t writte n endorse ments o f he r character , an d succeede d i n gettin g excellen t ones . A s i t turned out , th e distric t attorne y charge d Matthia s wit h murder , bu t di d not charg e Isabella . Apparentl y th e accusation s agains t he r seeme d to o flimsy. Bu t Isabell a believe d tha t Matthia s ha d no t trie d t o murde r any body, and sh e wanted t o assist hi m i n vindicatin g himself. After Matthia s had secure d a lawyer, Henr y M . Western , Isabell a wen t t o Wester n an d told him th e whole stor y of the Kingdom , a s she understood it . Western, a skillful lawyer , advised Isabell a to prosecute the Folgers fo r slander agains t he r a s th e onl y wa y t o clea r he r name , an d mak e he r a credible witnes s i n suppor t o f Matthias . Sh e agree d t o d o so . A s Val e reported it , Isabell a exclaimed , "wit h muc h energ y (fo r sh e i s really ver y energetic an d no t ver y timid) , ' I hav e go t th e truth , an d I kno w it , an d I will crus h the m wit h th e truth.' " Val e cam e t o agre e tha t Isabell a di d have th e truth ; Val e eve n declared , "W e hav e neve r detecte d he r i n a single exaggeration , no r ha s Mr . Western. " However , a s Val e explained , much o f th e public , finding i t difficul t t o believ e th e testimon y o f an y black, wante d th e testimony o f whites. 31 Meanwhile, Isabell a wa s workin g a s a domestic fo r Pere z S . Whiting , as she ha d before , a t hi s hous e o n Cana l Stree t wher e h e operate d a sho e store. Whitin g wa s amon g he r man y forme r employer s wh o ha d atteste d to he r honesty : " I d o stat e unequivocally, " Mr . Whitin g ha d written , "that w e neve r hav e ha d a servant tha t di d al l her wor k s o faithfully, an d one i n who m w e coul d plac e suc h implici t confidence—i n fact , w e did , and d o still, believe her to be a woman o f extraordinary mora l purity." 32

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On Octobe r 16 , 1834 , Ne w Yor k City' s Cour t o f Session s arraigne d Matthias o n th e charg e o f stealing . Accordin g t o th e Ne w Yor k Journal of Commerce, when Matthias appeared in court—with "th e eyes of several hundred spectator s . . . intentl y fixed o n him"—hi s manne r "wa s mor e that o f a dandy i n a drawing-room tha n a prisoner abou t t o b e tried." H e appeared dresse d i n a claret-colore d froc k coat , wit h lac e ruffle s a t hi s wrists, a scarlet sas h aroun d hi s waist , an d seve n silve r star s o n eac h sid e of his breast. 33 Lawye r Western , defendin g Matthias , argue d tha t h e ha d never claime d tha t h e wa s Jesu s o r Go d th e Father , onl y sayin g tha t h e was imbued wit h thei r spirit . Thoug h th e distric t attorne y sai d he doubte d whether th e evidenc e justified a n indictment , a jury di d indic t him . Bu t the tria l fo r stealin g wa s postpone d s o tha t Matthia s coul d b e move d t o Westchester Count y t o b e trie d especiall y fo r murderin g Pierson , an d ultimately th e charge o f stealing was withdrawn . In Westcheste r County , th e murde r tria l wa s held i n Whit e Plains , i n April, 1835 . Th e presidin g judg e wa s stat e circui t judg e Charle s H . Ruggles, o f Kingston, wh o befor e h e became a judge, had helped Isabell a recover he r so n fro m Alabama . Probabl y Judg e Ruggle s ha d a favorabl e impression o f Isabell a no t onl y becaus e o f he r effor t t o recove r he r son , but als o becaus e hi s la w partne r A . Bruy n Hasbrouc k respecte d he r a s a servant i n his house. As lawyer Western tol d the court, he had brought t o court characte r reference s t o hel p sho w tha t Isabell a woul d b e a reliabl e witness, an d a recentl y writte n referenc e fro m Hasbrouc k wa s on e o f them. At th e trial , lawye r Wester n frankl y declare d tha t "hi s principa l wit ness" was "Isabella, a black woman, " even thoug h h e very well knew tha t many white s woul d find an y blac k witnes s har d t o believe . Isabella , Western explained , "wa s i n cour t an d read y t o giv e he r evidence , bu t a s her characte r for veracit y had bee n impeached , h e wished to support i t by the testimon y o f som e witnesse s wh o ha d no t ye t go t there." 34 T o giv e Western mor e time, the cour t postpone d th e trial until the next day . When th e trial proceeded, Matthia s pronounce d a curse o f God o n th e jury, fo r whic h h e wa s examined fo r insanity , bu t declare d sane . Doctor s testified tha t the y ha d no t clearl y foun d an y poiso n i n Pierson' s stomach . Lawyer Wester n argue d tha t Pierso n die d o f epilepsy . Th e prosecutio n could offe r n o substantia l evidenc e tha t Pierso n ha d bee n murdered , no r that Pierson , eve n i f h e ha d receive d adequat e medica l care , woul d no t have die d soo n fro m epileps y anyway . Judg e Ruggle s advise d th e jur y

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that i n th e absenc e o f adequat e evidence , Matthia s shoul d b e acquitted , and the jury promptl y agreed . Isabella believe d tha t justic e ha d triumphe d i n thi s case . Bu t th e character witnesse s fo r Isabell a ha d neve r bee n calle d t o testify , a s th e trial ha d no t gon e tha t far ; als o Isabell a hersel f ha d neve r bee n calle d t o testify. Val e reporte d tha t sh e wa s "grievousl y disappointed." 35 I t wa s partly becaus e Isabell a ha d neve r ha d a chance t o tell her stor y tha t Val e asked her to tell it to him, and decide d t o write it up . According to Vale , the distric t attorney , i n sympath y wit h th e public' s feeling tha t Matthia s wa s a rogue wh o shoul d b e convicted o f something , immediately presse d agains t Matthia s anothe r charge , assaultin g hi s daughter. Eve n thoug h hi s daughter , th e prett y youn g Mrs . Laisdell , asked th e cour t t o dro p thi s charge , sayin g sh e ha d forgive n he r father , her husband, Charle s Laisdell , who wa s present, insiste d tha t th e cas e g o forward. Th e daughter , calle d to testify, sai d that he r father Matthia s ha d whipped he r wit h hi s cowhide acros s her arm s an d shoulders , one reaso n being tha t h e intende d t o find anothe r husban d fo r her , which , sh e said , she refused t o accept . Instructing th e jury , Judg e Ruggle s sai d tha t becaus e thi s daughte r was legall y married , Matthia s coul d no t legall y chastis e her . Th e jur y then convicte d Matthia s o f assaultin g hi s daughter , an d Judg e Ruggle s sentenced hi m t o thre e month s i n priso n fo r thi s conviction , plu s on e more mont h fo r contemp t o f cour t fo r cursin g th e jury . I n sentencin g him, Judg e Ruggle s calle d Matthia s a "bareface d impostor, " wh o ha d tried t o tel l hi s daughte r he r marriag e wa s void , "an d endeavore d t o inculcate i n he r th e sam e immoralitie s tha t h e ha d alread y inculcated " i n the other "inmate s o f the house." 36 Newspapers splashe d th e juic y stor y o f Matthia s an d hi s Kingdo m over thei r pages , a t leas t on e pape r i n Ne w Yor k an d on e i n Alban y devoting a whol e fron t pag e t o a repor t o f the murde r trial. 37 Th e Ne w York Times foun d i t intriguin g tha t amon g thos e a t Sin g Sin g who , a t Matthias's "command, " ha d "submitte d themselve s t o th e deepes t degra dation" wer e suc h a n educate d an d wealth y famil y a s th e Folgers . Th e Albany Argus calle d Matthia s "th e mos t notabl e impostor , a t least , o f modern times. " Th e Ne w Yor k Sun circulate d th e rumo r tha t i n th e community Matthia s ha d ha d on e wife fo r eac h da y o f the week , an d tha t he reserved Isabell a for Sundays. 38 After comin g ou t o f prison , Matthia s wen t west , withou t Isabella . I t

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is no t clea r whethe r b y tha t tim e Isabell a an y longe r wante d t o g o wit h him. In Ohi o in November , 1835 , Matthias visite d Joseph Smith , the Mor mon churc h founder , a t th e Mormo n settlemen t i n Kirtland . Matthia s identified himsel f a s Joshua , a Jewis h teacher , an d Smith , hi s curiosit y aroused, invite d hi m t o sta y with hi m severa l days . After listenin g to hi m at length , Smit h figured ou t tha t h e wa s i n fac t th e notoriou s Matthias . Smith decide d h e was a murderer an d his doctrines were of the devil, and asked him t o leave. 39 When Isabella' s sui t cam e t o trial—th e sui t tha t sh e ha d brough t against Benjami n Folge r fo r slander—he r employer , Pere z Whiting , tes tified tha t Folger , afte r chargin g tha t Isabell a ha d trie d t o hel p murde r both Pierso n an d th e Folgers , ha d admitte d t o Whitin g tha t hi s charg e was no t true . Folge r offere d n o defence . S o Isabell a won , bu t agai n without havin g th e opportunit y sh e wante d t o testif y i n court . Isabell a was awarded th e larg e sum o f $125, plus costs. 40 This was , remarkably, th e secon d time this illiterate blac k woma n ha d taken a cas e t o cour t (th e first bein g he r sui t t o recove r he r so n Peter) , and th e secon d tim e sh e ha d won . Thes e tw o victories , alon g wit h he r belief tha t Matthia s wa s justl y acquitte d o f murder , ma y hav e lef t he r with a n exalted respec t fo r the law .

After th e trial s wer e over , Val e talke d a t lengt h wit h Isabella . I n par t from wha t sh e said , Val e decide d tha t Matthia s a t leas t originall y ha d been "sincere, " bu t tha t i n tim e hi s "cunning " predominated . A s fo r Isabella herself , Val e reporte d tha t sh e n o longe r believe d i n th e "super natural characte r o f Matthias. " Bu t sh e stil l regarde d Matthia s a s "mor e rational" tha n an y othe r teache r o f religion. 41 Sh e ha d remaine d faithfu l to Matthias , a s fa r a s i s known , longe r tha n an y othe r membe r o f hi s Kingdom. Isabella ha d bee n th e mos t faithfu l amon g thos e th e Ne w Yor k Times called "th e miserabl e fanatic s wh o hav e bee n th e willin g dupe s o f thi s rascal." Sh e ha d bee n par t o f a communit y tha t wa s cite d b y a church woman lon g afterwar d a s a n illustratio n o f ho w easil y religio n withou t the constraint s o f th e organize d churc h ca n ru n t o excess , an d b y a n advocate of psychoanalysis a s an illustration o f how rapidl y the "road fro m spiritual lov e to . . . final abandon t o carnal appetites" can b e travelled. 42

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In th e breaku p o f the Kingdom , Isabell a recovere d som e o f her furni ture, bu t los t al l her savings . Fo r he r rol e i n th e Kingdom , sh e had bee n accused, o n th e basi s o f flimsy circumstantia l evidence , o f licentiousnes s and murder . He r honest y ha d bee n attacke d b y the Folgers, editor Stone , and man y others . Bu t lawye r Wester n ha d bee n willin g t o rel y o n he r a s his chie f witness . Als o her honest y ha d bee n directl y atteste d t o b y man y of he r forme r employers , vindicate d b y a court , an d eve n celebrate d b y Vale. In fac t Vale , after talkin g wit h man y witnesses , decided tha t "ever y material poin t o f he r evidenc e ha s bee n verifie d b y othe r respectabl e witnesses." 43 That wa s something sh e could prize . In th e Kingdom , Isabell a ha d bee n considerabl y accepted . Whe n An n Folger foun d tha t sh e coul d no t slee p wit h eithe r o f he r husbands , sh e would com e t o Isabella' s bed , an d tel l he r he r woes . Bu t ther e i s no sig n that Isabella' s voic e ha d bee n especiall y influentia l i n th e Kingdom . Al though sh e ha d no t bee n allowe d t o preac h o r otherwis e freel y expres s herself, a s Vale had discovere d sh e had quietl y kep t makin g independen t judgments: "Fro m ou r listenin g t o thi s coloure d female , questionin g he r frequently, an d ofte n recurrin g t o ver y curiou s an d doubtfu l subjects , w e have discovered " tha t whil e sh e di d no t see m "ver y observan t o r intelli gent i n her looks, " yet she is always "reflecting," an d "she had her ow n o r private opinio n o n ever y thing ; an d thes e opinion s o f he r ow n w e hav e frequently foun d ver y correct." 44 Als o as Vale seemed to hint, her energy , competence, an d sens e o f responsibilit y mean t tha t sh e ha d contribute d more than he r shar e of work t o the communit y an d thus had won respect , and sh e was always aware that sh e could a t any time return t o supportin g herself outsid e th e communit y i f she wished, a s in fact , soo n afte r sh e lef t the community, sh e did . If Ston e o r Val e ha d see n i n Isabell a an y involvemen t i n th e large r reform community , i t i s likel y tha t on e o r th e other , particularl y Vale , would hav e sai d so—an y connectednes s t o the movement s fo r blac k self help o r t o abolis h slavery , fo r example . The y reporte d n o suc h involve ment. Isabell a wa s remot e fro m an y suc h movement s a t thi s time , to o isolated fro m othe r blacks , too isolate d fro m mai n current s o f progressiv e thought, no t enoug h inwardl y emancipate d a s yet , fo r an y suc h involve ment. Whil e progressiv e refor m ofte n bubble d ou t o f th e prevailin g American fait h i n bot h evangelicis m an d th e perfectibilit y o f man , an d while bot h Pierso n an d Matthia s coul d b e see n a s at leas t o n th e foamin g edge o f this bubbling , stil l Isabella' s willingnes s t o play a submissive rol e

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in suc h a n authoritarian , male-dominate d communit y a s th e Kingdo m makes i t clea r that sh e was not ye t clos e to being a significant advocat e of the liberatio n o f blacks or women . As she emerged fro m he r experience of the Kingdom, sh e continued t o believe tha t Go d care d fo r her , thoug h sh e migh t b e a bi t shak y abou t who Go d was . Sh e stil l esteeme d hersel f a s hard-workin g an d honest . "Her mora l principle s ar e th e sam e a s formerly, " Val e reported . "Sh e i s still faithful , attache d t o truth , industrious , an d consequentl y indepen dent; wit h a read y perceptio n o f righ t an d wrong , an d wit h a n upright ness and energy of character not apparently ver y common amon g the class from whic h sh e originated." 45 Isabella had bee n gullibl e to enter the Kingdom an d cling to it so long. Her ignoranc e an d naivet e ha d doubtles s contribute d t o he r bein g gulli ble. S o als o ha d he r experienc e o f slavery , includin g he r heav y depen dence o n he r slav e maste r fo r car e for hersel f an d he r family . S o als o ha d her hunge r fo r bein g par t o f a n intimat e familylik e circl e o f mutua l support. Wit h hig h hopes , sh e had entere d a n idealisti c communit y onl y to fin d hersel f caugh t i n a mortifyin g delusion , an d sh e resolved , accord ing to her Narrative, "no t t o be thus delude d again." 46 Perhaps trus t i n authoritaria n figures wa s the kind o f delusion sh e was most determine d t o avoid . Fo r sh e neve r agai n allowe d hersel f t o b e a s submissively trustin g i n any authoritarian individua l o r group .

4 New Mission s "God, you drive."

Jmfter livin g fourtee n year s i n o r nea r Ne w Yor k City , Isabell a Va n Wagenen decide d tha t Ne w Yor k wa s n o longe r th e plac e fo r her . Sh e felt i t wa s " a wicke d city, " a "Sodom." I n Ne w York , sh e said , "th e ric h rob th e poor , an d th e poo r ro b on e another. " Sh e becam e convince d tha t she hersel f ha d bee n robbin g th e poo r becaus e sh e ha d bee n miserl y i n trying to save her money, and because she had been taking jobs away fro m the poo r b y taking o n extr a jobs that sh e did no t reall y need . Sh e felt sh e herself had bee n "unfeeling , selfis h an d wicked." 1 Furthermore sh e believe d tha t "ever y thin g sh e had undertake n i n th e city o f Ne w Yor k ha d finally prove d a failure." Sh e ha d trie d t o preach , but fel t tha t black s a t least , who m sh e especiall y wante d t o reach , ha d rejected her . Sh e ha d trie d t o hel p buil d th e kingdo m o f Go d o n eart h through Matthias' s community , bu t i t ha d blow n u p i n scandal , taintin g her name . Sh e ha d trie d t o sav e mone y enoug h t o hav e a hom e o f he r own, bu t ha d failed . Sh e ha d trie d t o rais e he r so n Peter , whe n sh e ha d time t o se e him , t o b e hones t an d industriou s lik e herself , bu t h e ha d fallen int o stealing , an d bee n imprisone d severa l times . A t first whe n h e had appeale d t o he r fro m priso n fo r help , sh e ha d trie d t o hel p him . Bu t when h e continue d t o stea l an d b e imprisoned , sh e decline d t o hel p hi m any further . Finall y Pete r ha d take n a job a s a seama n (on e o f th e fe w occupations easil y ope n t o blac k men) , travelle d th e world , an d disap peared—she hadn' t hear d fro m hi m fo r tw o years. 2 43

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In he r uneas e wit h herself , sh e decided sh e must leav e the city, but fo r some tim e sh e sai d nothin g abou t i t t o anyone . Sh e wa s afrai d tha t i f he r children an d friend s kne w abou t it , "the y woul d mak e suc h a n ad o abou t it a s would rende r i t ver y unpleasant , i f not distressin g t o all parties." 3 I t was 184 3 by this time, and she was about forty-six year s old. Even Sophi a was abou t seventee n now ; sh e wa s probabl y stil l a t th e Dumonts ' wit h her olde r sisters . Isabella had decide d to become a travelling evangelist. Althoug h it was unusual fo r wome n t o preach , ther e wer e severa l blac k wome n i n th e Northeast wh o ha d becom e travellin g evangelists , includin g Rebecc a Jackson (Philadelphia) , Jarena Le e (Philadelphia) , and Julia Foot e (Bos ton an d Binghamton , Ne w York). 4 Befor e becomin g travellin g evange lists, thes e women , lik e Isabella , ha d gaine d experienc e a s exhorter s among Methodists . Als o severa l o f them, lik e Isabella ha d bee n widowe d or otherwis e separate d fro m thei r husbands , thu s freein g the m fro m th e constraints tha t husband s migh t pu t o n suc h unconventiona l behavior . However, althoug h Bisho p Richar d Alle n o f the African Methodis t Epis copal Churc h a t leas t helpe d Jaren a Le e to find place s to preach , Isabell a was settin g ou t t o b e a travelling evangelist , a s fa r a s w e know , withou t connection t o an y churc h o r an y othe r group , withou t anyon e t o advis e her, and withou t promis e o f support . For an y woma n jus t t o wande r an d spea k a s th e wa y opene d wa s unusual an d eve n dangerous . Bu t Isabell a fel t tha t Go d ha d calle d he r t o repudiate he r unhappy , "wicked " lif e i n Ne w York , an d tha t sh e ha d a mission, dangerous o r not, to cleanse herself an d spea k for God . On Jun e 1 , 1843 , s n e prepare d t o leave , placin g a fe w article s o f clothing i n a pillow cas e to carr y wit h her . Abou t a n hou r befor e sh e lef t she informe d th e Whitings , fo r who m sh e ha d lon g bee n workin g a s a live-in domesti c o n Cana l Street , tha t sh e was quitting . Accordin g t o he r Narrative, sh e tol d Mrs . Whitin g tha t sh e wa s goin g t o g o east : "Th e Spirit call s me there, and I must go. " She also told her that he r name wa s no longer Isabell a bu t "Sojourner. " Sh e did not sa y specifically wher e he r new nam e cam e fro m o r wha t i t meant , bu t becaus e sh e sai d Go d calle d on her to travel, "Sojourner" coul d be understood a s an appropriate name . She lef t th e cit y b y takin g a ferr y t o Brooklyn , an d the n walke d eas t o n Long Island . Sh e ha d scarcel y an y money , bu t believe d tha t th e Lor d would provide. 5 Although her Narrative explaine d how she acquired her new first name

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of "Sojourner," i t did no t explai n ho w sh e acquired he r ne w secon d nam e of "Truth. " Bu t i n 185 3 sh e explaine d ho w sh e acquire d bot h name s t o Harriet Beeche r Stowe , as Stowe reported i t later : When I left the house of bondage, I left everythin g behind. I wa'n't goin ' to keep nothin' of Egypt o n me , an' so I wen t t o the Lor d an ' asked Hi m t o giv e me a new name. And the Lord gave me Sojourner, because I was to travel up an' down the land, showin ' the people their sins , an 1 bein' a sign unt o them. Afterwards I told the Lord I wanted another name, 'cause everybody else had two names; and the Lord gave me Truth, because I was to declare the truth to the people.6 If Trut h reall y said , a s reporte d b y Stowe , tha t i n leavin g "th e hous e of bondage " sh e di d no t wan t t o leav e anythin g o f "Egypt " o n her , sh e might hav e mean t no t onl y t o repudiat e th e "bondage " o f he r unhapp y life i n Ne w Yor k City , a s th e Narrative indicates , bu t als o i n a large r sense t o repudiat e th e "bondage " o f al l he r pas t life , includin g slavery . Since "Egypt " a s referre d t o i n th e Ol d Testamen t ofte n serve d a s a metaphor fo r slavery , Trut h migh t hav e deliberatel y mean t t o repudiat e slavery b y puttin g behin d he r th e nam e wit h whic h sh e ha d com e ou t o f slavery, especiall y th e nam e Va n Wagenen , th e nam e o f he r las t lega l slavemaster, the name sh e had bee n goin g by during al l her years in Ne w York City . However, i n 184 3 whe n accordin g t o he r late r recollection s sh e ac quired bot h o f he r ne w names , sh e wa s no t yet , a s fa r a s w e know , focusing o n slaver y a s a n issue . Eve n i n 185 0 he r Narrative di d no t connect he r choosin g he r ne w nam e t o he r wis h t o pu t slaver y behin d her, bu t onl y to her wish to put behin d he r he r ow n unhapp y lif e i n Ne w York City . I n 185 3 whe n accordin g t o Stowe , Trut h gav e th e previou s account o f ho w sh e acquire d he r ne w name , i t migh t hav e bee n natura l for Trut h t o hav e enlarge d he r explanatio n t o includ e a n antislaver y aspect, suc h a s this explanatio n ca n b e interpreted t o include , becaus e b y that tim e sh e ha d becom e a n antislaver y speaker . O r perhap s Stowe , a writer o f fiction incline d t o romanticiz e Truth , recognize d th e dramati c possibilities in interpreting Truth' s choic e of her new names as a rejection of slavery, and simpl y added a hint o f this interpretation t o Truth's story . It ma y als o b e sai d tha t i f b y choosin g a ne w name , Trut h mean t t o repudiate slavery , repudiatin g th e nam e Va n Wagene n woul d no t d o thi s very clearl y becaus e th e Va n Wagenens , thoug h legall y he r las t slav e

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owners, opposed slavery , and di d no t trea t he r lik e a slave. Moreover, i f a significant reaso n Trut h chos e he r ne w nam e wa s reall y t o repudiat e slavery, i t seem s od d tha t sh e waite d sixtee n year s afte r sh e wa s free d from slaver y to choose it . Much later , in th e year s 186 9 t o 1879 , Truth repeatedl y tol d how sh e had acquire d he r ne w name , a s reporte d i n seve n differen t newspape r accounts.7 B y thi s tim e Trut h ha d man y year s experienc e o f thinking o f herself a s a n antislaver y speaker ; moreover , sh e ha d talke d wit h man y people wh o wer e familia r wit h Stowe' s accoun t o f how sh e go t he r ne w name, s o tha t Trut h hersel f migh t hav e bee n influence d b y Stowe' s account. While i n severa l o f thes e seve n newspape r account s sh e mentione d slavery, i n non e o f the m di d Trut h clearl y sa y tha t sh e chos e he r ne w name a s a deliberat e protes t agains t slavery . I n th e mos t detaile d o f th e seven accounts , i n whic h sh e sai d th e stor y o f her gettin g he r ne w nam e had "neve r bee n trul y give n before, " sh e at first associate d he r ne w nam e with he r leavin g Ne w Yor k becaus e sh e fel t sh e ha d bee n selfish , a "miser," taking wor k awa y from th e poor, and wit h Go d therefor e direct ing he r "t o g o East. " Bu t the n i n a n indirec t allusio n t o slavery , sh e associated her new name with her having chosen Go d as her master: Afte r she starte d walkin g east , an d Go d gav e he r th e nam e o f Truth, sh e sai d she thanked Hi m fo r it : "Than k yo u God , tha t i s a good name ; Thou ar t my last master, an d Th y nam e is Truth." 8 In anothe r o f these accounts , sh e mentione d he r havin g bee n sol d five times as having cause d her nam e to change each time, but withou t sayin g that he r ow n choic e of a new nam e was a repudiation o f slavery: She stated that during her term of servitude, she was sold and re-sold five different times, and was known by as many names, taking a cognomen each time from the most recen t purchaser . Bu t afte r slaver y ha d ended , "I t cam e t o her , from de Lord, da t he r name was to be Sojourner; an ' also it came to her, whilst trablin g thro' Lon g Island , o n he r wa y to d e East , da t d e ode r part—d e handl e t o he r name—was Truth; an ' a person wh o has got Truth ' alway s present a s I have," she remarked, "cannot be far astray." 9 A historian , i n hi s "Foreword " t o a reprinting o f Truth's Narrative i n 1970, claime d tha t Truth' s acquirin g o f he r ne w name , a s reporte d b y Stowe, i s a n exampl e o f ho w a grea t man y ex-slave s deliberatel y repu diated slavery—o r eve n repudiate d th e whol e "cultur e priso n o f th e

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West"—by droppin g th e name s thei r slav e master s ha d force d o n them , choosing ne w name s instead . Scholars , th e historia n wrote , hav e usuall y thought tha t ex-slave s chos e suc h ne w name s beginnin g onl y wit h th e Civil War , bu t Truth' s example , h e continued , remind s u s tha t ex-slave s had bee n adoptin g suc h ne w name s muc h earlier . However , i t woul d b e easier t o believ e tha t Trut h chos e he r ne w name—o r allowe d Go d t o choose it for her—as a deliberate protest agains t slaver y if we had persua sive evidenc e tha t sh e seriousl y worke d agains t slaver y befor e sh e lef t New York , o r eve n i n th e nex t fe w month s whil e sh e wa s a sojourner i n Long Island , Connecticut , an d Massachusetts . Bu t w e lac k suc h evi dence. In 187 9 sh e wa s quote d i n a Chicag o newspape r a s sayin g tha t afte r she lef t Ne w Yor k an d becam e a wandere r sh e talke d "religio n an d abolition al l th e way " unti l sh e settle d dow n i n Northampton . Bu t thi s claim, mad e s o lat e i n he r life , ha s no t bee n substantiated . He r recollec tions in he r 185 0 Narrative d o not sa y that sh e left Ne w Yor k i n orde r t o preach fo r th e abolitio n o f slaver y o r fo r an y othe r publi c refor m cause , but rathe r t o exhort th e people "to embrace Jesus." 10 Once i n he r wandering , accordin g t o he r Narrative, sh e cam e acros s a temperance meeting , t o whic h sh e contribute d b y helpin g t o cook , con cocting "dishe s a l a Ne w York , greatl y t o th e satisfactio n o f thos e sh e assisted." 11 Thu s temperanc e appear s t o b e a caus e wit h whic h sh e wa s comfortable durin g her wandering—her experienc e with Methodists, an d with Pierso n an d Matthias , woul d doubtles s hav e prepare d he r t o b e comfortable wit h th e temperanc e movement . Bu t he r Narrative doe s no t say that whil e sh e was wandering sh e spoke a t any temperance meetings , much les s that sh e addressed o r even attende d an y abolitionist meetings . While wandering, sh e was likely to sta y with whoeve r offere d he r foo d and lodging . Sh e foun d i t wa s usuall y th e poor , no t th e rich , wh o mad e such offers . Sh e di d no t see m particularl y afrai d t o liv e thi s way . I f sh e needed to earn money , sh e would sto p to do domestic work fo r a while. Like evangelicals generally , Trut h believe d the worl d wa s wicked; sh e often sai d tha t i t woul d loo k muc h bette r i f w e coul d se e i t "righ t sid e up," a n ide a sh e woul d late r lin k t o he r advocac y o f huma n rights . Sh e was alread y denouncin g th e foll y o f fashion , a theme sh e woul d develo p later.12 In he r wanderin g sh e attende d evangelica l meeting s a t which , a s op portunity offered , sh e spoke , prayed , an d sang . Als o fro m tim e t o tim e

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she go t u p religiou s meeting s o f he r own , o r friend s sh e me t alon g th e way arrange d the m fo r her . Sh e "foun d man y tru e friend s o f Jesus, " i t seemed t o her , "wit h who m sh e hel d communio n o f spirit." 13 However , when sh e attended meeting s o f the Secon d Adventists , as the followers o f William Mille r wer e sometime s called , sh e foun d hersel f somewha t un easy. She found tha t the y expecte d Chris t t o appear very soon and at onc e send fire t o destro y th e wicked , an d sh e fel t the y wer e to o excite d an d fearful. Sh e trie d t o cal m them . Sh e believe d tha t i f people ha d faith—a s she fel t sh e did—the y coul d withstan d an y punishin g fire Go d migh t send. Althoug h Trut h wa s clearl y a n evangelical , sh e di d no t necessaril y agree wit h al l th e evangelical s sh e met . Sh e wa s continuin g t o d o wha t Vale perceive d he r a s doin g whil e sh e wa s i n th e Kingdom , tha t is , making judgments fo r herself . When winte r came , sh e wa s read y t o settl e down fo r a while. Sh e ha d been fo r som e tim e i n th e regio n o f Springfield , Massachusetts , an d a s a friend ther e afterwar d reported , sh e looke d nea r ther e fo r " a quie t place , where a way-worn travelle r migh t rest." 14 Despite he r havin g bee n hur t b y her experienc e i n Matthias' s commu nity, sh e wa s ope n t o th e ide a o f settling agai n i n a n intentiona l commu nity. Sh e hear d o f th e Shake r communit y a t Enfield , Connecticut—th e Shakers emphasize d persona l experienc e o f God an d welcome d black s a s members—and though t o f visiting there to se e if they had a n opening fo r her. Sh e als o considere d th e quit e differen t Fruitlands , a farmin g com munity a t Harvard , Massachusetts , le d b y Bronso n Alcott , th e progres sive educato r an d transcendentalist . Th e 1840 s wa s a tim e whe n man y Americans wer e caugh t u p i n evangelica l excitemen t an d als o man y o f them—sometimes th e sam e persons—wer e caugh t u p i n plannin g Uto pian socialis t communities , like Fruitlands. Emerson sai d that a t this time there wa s "no t a reading ma n bu t ha s a draft o f a new communit y i n hi s waistcoat pocket. " Bu t Truth' s Adventis t friend s advise d he r tha t ther e was a relativel y moderat e intentiona l communit y tha t woul d sui t he r better i n Northampton , Massachusetts . Calle d th e Northampto n Associ ation, it was oriented t o reformist causes . Visiting th e associatio n probabl y earl y i n 1844 , a t first sh e foun d i t stark, an d resolve d t o sta y onl y on e night . Sh e foun d i t wa s locate d o n a 500—acre site, kept th e usua l horses, oxen, cows, swine, and poultry , an d operated bot h gris t an d sa w mills. But the association's activities centere d in a four-story, red-bric k factor y building , whic h wa s used bot h t o hous e

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many o f the 13 0 participants i n Sparta n quarters , and also to manufactur e silk thread—th e associatio n wa s unusua l amon g Utopia n communitie s i n being basicall y a n industria l rathe r tha n a farming community . Althoug h it wa s sinkin g int o debt , Trut h foun d tha t refine d an d educate d person s were member s o f th e community , an d tha t the y seeme d conten t t o liv e and wor k ther e i n a "plai n an d simpl e manner, " hopin g t o mak e thei r experiment work . Sh e foun d tha t the y ha d alread y accepte d black s a s members. Sh e als o found tha t th e associatio n wa s not dependent , lik e th e Millerites an d Matthias' s Kingdom , o n on e ma n a s a leader, who m the y were expecte d t o trus t fo r thei r interpretatio n o f wha t Go d wa s saying , but rathe r ha d n o creed , an d practice d libert y o f religion , thought , an d speech. Althoug h thi s community's effor t t o creat e a Utopian lif e reflecte d the perfectionis t spiri t o f man y evangelicals , thi s communit y wa s mor e liberal tha n evangelical . Sh e decide d sh e like d thi s communit y afte r al l and stayed. 15 At th e communit y everyon e di d som e physica l labor , muc h a s a t th e Kingdom. Trut h wa s soon i n charg e o f th e laundry , i n th e basemen t o f the factor y building , wher e ther e wa s vigorou s scrubbin g t o b e done . Unlike a t th e Kingdom , however , her e everyon e wa s paid , an d al l wer e paid alike , o r nearl y so , withou t distinctio n o f se x o r color , n o matte r what wor k the y did . Th e participant s worke d a t first twelve hours a day, later eleve n hours . The y at e togethe r i n a commo n dinin g room . The y had their light s out a t ten o'clock . Why di d Trut h choos e to live in intentional communities , as she did in Matthias's Kingdom , i n thi s Northampto n community , an d late r i n stil l another one ? Di d sh e believ e tha t intentiona l communitie s migh t offe r a way o f lif e tha t remedie d wha t wa s wron g wit h th e world ? Wa s sh e searching fo r th e experienc e o f hom e an d famil y o f whic h slaver y ha d deprived her ? Di d sh e stil l nee d th e nurtur e o f suc h a communit y t o further he r inwar d emancipation ? The Northampto n Association , founde d i n 1842 , wa s le d amon g oth ers b y tw o advocate s o f th e abolitio n o f slavery , Samue l L . Hill , a n ex Quaker, an d Georg e Benson, who was William Lloy d Garrison' s brother in-law. Garrison , wh o edite d a n abolitionis t weekl y i n Boston , wa s a frequent visitor . A membe r o f the communit y wa s th e blac k Davi d Rug gles, wh o ha d wor n himsel f ou t tryin g t o protec t fugitiv e slave s i n Ne w York Cit y an d wa s becomin g blind . H e foun d Northampto n a refug e where h e coul d experimen t wit h wate r cure s fo r hi s health , an d i n th e

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process graduall y sensitize d hi s touch s o that h e could use it as a means of diagnosis; he became a recognized water-cur e physician . Frederick Douglass , on e o f th e man y fugitiv e slave s Ruggle s ha d helped t o pas s throug h Ne w York , cam e t o th e communit y t o visi t Ruggles. Douglass , alread y becomin g wel l know n a s a n antislaver y ora tor, foun d th e community' s peopl e t o b e "th e mos t democratic " h e ha d ever met , an d foun d himsel f tendin g t o accep t Utopia n communitie s "a s a remedy fo r al l social ills." Here Douglas s me t Trut h fo r th e first time . Douglas s foun d her , h e recalled, "industrious" and "much respected. " "Her quain t speeche s easily gave her a n audience , an d sh e was one of the mos t usefu l member s o f the community." 16 The communit y ha d it s ow n boardin g school , directe d b y a forme r professor o f literatur e a t Harvard . Garriso n sen t a so n there . Ruggle s called i t th e bes t schoo l h e kne w i n th e natio n an d urge d black s t o sen d their childre n there . Bu t Trut h i s no t know n t o hav e mad e an y effor t t o learn t o read and writ e whil e at Northampton . Among othe r peopl e Trut h me t a t th e communit y wer e th e youn g Giles B . Stebbins , wh o wa s studyin g t o b e a Unitarian clergyman . Steb bins foun d tha t th e communit y change d hi m fro m bein g pro-slaver y t o antislavery. H e became Truth's life-lon g friend . As Truth recalle d her experienc e in this community lon g afterward, " I was wit h the m hear t an d sou l fo r anythin g concernin g huma n right , an d my belie f is in me yet and can' t ge t out . . . . What goo d times we had." 17

A fe w month s afte r Trut h joine d th e Northampto n community , sh e attended a nearb y cam p meeting , hel d i n ope n fields. Th e stor y o f he r speaking there , a s sh e recounte d i t fo r he r Narrative, suggest s th e com manding powe r a s a speaker that sh e had develope d b y this time. As ofte n happene d a t cam p meetings , youn g rowdie s invade d thi s meeting t o amus e themselves . The y hoote d t o interrup t th e services , an d said they would bur n th e tents. The leader s of the meeting threatened th e young men , bu t thi s onl y seeme d t o mak e the m mor e boisterous . Whe n they bega n t o shak e th e ten t sh e wa s in , Truth , catchin g th e fea r o f th e camp meetin g leaders , hid behin d a trunk, thinkin g t o hersel f tha t i f th e young me n rushe d in , the y migh t singl e he r out , becaus e sh e wa s th e only black present , an d kill her .

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But the n a s sh e cowered , sh e wondere d whethe r a s " a servan t o f th e living God, " sh e shoul d hide . "Hav e I no t fait h enoug h t o g o ou t an d quell tha t mob , whe n I kno w i t i s written , 'On e shal l chas e a thousand , and two put te n thousan d t o flight'?" She cam e ou t fro m hiding , an d invite d a fe w o f th e cam p meetin g leaders t o g o outsid e wit h he r t o tr y t o cal m th e rowdies . Whe n th e leaders refused , sh e wen t ou t b y herself . Sh e walke d t o a smal l ris e o f ground, and commence d t o sing, fervidly, i n her powerful voice . She san g one o f he r favorit e hymns , o n th e resurrectio n o f Christ , beginning , "I t was early in the morning. " A fe w o f th e rioter s gathere d aroun d her . I n a paus e i n he r singing , she asked them, "Wh y do you come about m e with clubs and sticks? I am not doin g harm t o any one. " Some answered , "W e aren' t a going to hurt you , ol d woman ; w e cam e to hear yo u sing. " Others asked he r to sin g some more. Stil l other s aske d her t o speak . Believin g tha t ther e wer e som e amon g the m wh o woul d b e susceptible to what sh e wanted to say, she began t o preach to them. Fro m time to time they aske d questions , an d sh e answered. The y wer e calmin g down. As the number o f youths listenin g to her grew , they aske d her to stan d on a nearb y wago n s o the y coul d se e he r better . Whe n sh e prepare d t o step u p o n th e wagon , sh e aske d them , i f I ste p u p o n it , wil l yo u ti p i t over? Som e replied that i f anyone tried to, they woul d knock hi m down . They helpe d he r clim b up o n the wagon . Sh e talked an d san g to the m for some time, and finally asked them whether , i f she sang one more song , they woul d g o awa y an d leav e the cam p meetin g i n peace . Som e o f them said they would . Sh e aske d the m t o sa y it louder , an d the y sai d i t louder . She san g on e mor e song , an d the n the y bega n t o mov e off , som e o f thei r leaders disciplinin g thos e wh o wer e reluctan t t o joi n them , unti l al l o f them ha d lef t th e cam p grounds. 18 Truth ha d develope d skil l i n handlin g a rough crowd , a skill sh e wa s apparently a s yet puttin g t o us e onl y i n th e caus e o f evangelism, withou t as far as we can document significantl y mixin g it with the cause of reform. In 184 6 th e associatio n a s a Utopia n enterpris e brok e up , largel y fo r want o f adequate capital . Bu t fo r severa l year s afterward , Samue l L . Hil l stayed o n t o operat e th e sil k mill . Als o Georg e Benso n staye d o n t o operate a cotto n mil l i n wha t ha d bee n par t o f the communit y property . In doin g so , Benso n helpe d Ruggle s buil d a water-cur e resor t nea r th e

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community grounds , a resort Garriso n patronized . Benso n als o employe d one o f the community' s fugitiv e slave s to tak e charg e o f the mill' s teams , and i n hi s home nearb y he employed Trut h a s a housekeeper, i n the styl e of a guest . Through th e association an d the people sh e had me t there , and contin ued t o se e afterward, Trut h wa s exposed to libera l religion, re-expose d t o temperance, an d awakene d t o a grea t variet y o f othe r reform s tha t th e friends o f Garrison wer e likely to support, including antislavery, women' s rights, an d nonviolence . It wa s through th e association tha t Trut h me t Oliv e Gilbert, o f Brooklyn, Connecticut , wh o wa s t o writ e th e first versio n o f th e Narrative o f Truth's life . Althoug h Gilber t hersel f wa s no t a participan t i n th e Nor thampton Association , sh e was an abolitionist-feminist frien d o f Garrison . Hearing o f Truth an d he r singing , Gilber t visite d th e associatio n t o mee t Truth. Gilber t foun d Trut h workin g diligentl y a t the association, bu t fel t her t o b e prematurel y age d b y th e har d lif e sh e ha d led . Gilber t als o found he r t o b e naivel y convinced—quit e mistakenly—tha t th e associa tion woul d loo k after he r fo r the rest of her life. 19 It was soon after Gilber t met Trut h tha t th e associatio n closed . Not unti l severa l year s late r di d Gilber t arrang e t o liste n t o Trut h tell th e stor y o f he r life , t o writ e i t down , an d t o pu t i t togethe r int o a book , calle d th e Narrative of Sojourner Truth. A s first publishe d i n 1850, i t wa s a smal l book , basicall y onl y 12 5 pages . Modestly , Gilber t kept he r ow n nam e of f th e titl e page , an d ou t o f th e boo k altogether . Someone, perhap s Garriso n himself , als o kep t Garrison' s nam e of f th e preface h e ha d writte n fo r th e book , wher e i t migh t hav e ha d som e influence i n encouragin g advocate s o f blacks ' an d women' s right s t o buy it . Gilbert's writin g i n thi s boo k i s earnes t an d sometimes , b y late r stan dards, gushing . Th e boo k contain s contradiction s an d disturbin g omis sions, an d i s no t wel l organized . Bu t th e boo k preserve d fo r th e futur e Truth's stor y o f he r earl y life , an d helpe d t o mak e he r bette r known . Truth's pla n i n regar d t o this book from th e first seemed to have been no t to sell it as books were usually sol d through boo k stores , but rathe r t o sell it directl y herself , b y carryin g copie s wit h he r whe n sh e wen t abou t speaking, a s sh e occasionall y continue d t o do . Sh e sol d i t not , a s ha s sometimes bee n claimed , to support th e causes she favored, bu t to pay her expenses and suppor t herself. 20

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In statement s printe d a t th e bac k o f th e book , severa l friend s o f her s commended th e boo k t o th e public . On e statement , date d March , 1850 , was b y thre e o f her forme r Northampto n communit y associates : Georg e W. Benson , Samue l L . Hill , and A . W. Thayer . The y testifie d t o Truth' s "uniform goo d character , he r untirin g industry , kin d deportment , un wearied benevolence. " Anothe r statemen t wa s signe d b y Garrison—a t least here Garrison' s nam e appeared—testifying t o this illiterate woman' s "under standing " and "enlightenment." 21 Whil e Gilbert , i n her commen tary, showe d som e inclinatio n t o mak e th e boo k int o a n antislaver y tract , the boo k focuse d o n th e stor y o f Truth' s life , an d di d no t repor t tha t Truth ha d ever done any speaking for the abolition o f slavery or any othe r human right s cause . Garrison arrange d fo r th e privat e printin g o f th e boo k i n Boston . Much a s Garriso n wa s a fathe r figure fo r Frederic k Douglas s i n hi s ris e to becom e a well-know n advocat e o f blacks ' an d women' s rights , s o als o Garrison wa s a father figure fo r Truth i n her rise to become a well-known advocate o f blacks' and women' s rights . At abou t th e time her boo k was coming out, George Benson's busines s was goin g bankrupt , an d h e wa s losing the hous e wher e Trut h live d an d worked fo r him . I n thi s situation , Truth , accordin g t o Gilber t i n Truth' s Narrative, dreame d again , a s sh e ha d before , o f securing " a littl e home of her own, " but , sai d Gilbert , fo r suc h a home sh e wa s "dependen t o n th e charities o f th e benevolent, " probabl y meanin g dependen t especiall y o n those wh o wer e willin g t o bu y he r book . A t abou t thi s sam e time , Benson's earlie r associat e i n leadin g th e association , Samue l L . Hill , wh o made a poin t o f encouragin g familie s t o ow n thei r ow n houses , buil t a house fo r Trut h nea r wher e th e associatio n ha d bee n an d nea r wher e h e lived himself , i n th e tow n o f Northampton , i n a predominantl y whit e neighborhood tha t cam e t o b e calle d Florence . O n Apri l 15 , 1850 , Hil l sold i t to Truth fo r $30 0 an d gav e her a mortgage fo r th e whol e amount . In th e dee d he r nam e wa s give n a s "Isabell a Vanwagne r . . . sometime s called 'Sojourne r T r u t h . ' " Sh e signe d th e mortgag e wit h he r "X." 2 2 I t was the first house sh e had eve r owned . Undoubtedly Trut h hope d tha t sh e woul d b e abl e t o pa y of f th e mortgage b y tourin g th e countr y t o spea k an d sel l her books . Ironically , this tourin g kep t he r awa y fro m he r hous e fo r lon g periods , even year s a t a time.

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When di d Trut h first becom e a publi c speake r fo r reform ? Willia m L . Chaplin, wh o publishe d a n antislaver y pape r i n Albany , Ne w York , claimed i n Truth' s late r year s tha t sh e ha d "commence d he r advocac y o f the right s o f her rac e durin g ou r wa r wit h Mexico, " which woul d mea n in 184 6 o r 1847. 23 Chaplin' s clai m seem s plausible , bu t documentar y evidence—citing wher e sh e spok e durin g th e Mexica n War , an d wha t she said—is no t availabl e to support it . Truth's first documente d publi c speakin g a s a reformer wa s i n 1850 , and probabl y occurre d a s incidental t o her promotin g he r book . I n Octo ber sh e spoke a t a national woman' s right s conventio n hel d i n Worcester , Massachusetts, a meetin g tha t man y o f her friend s als o attended , includ ing Georg e Benso n fro m Northampton , Frederic k Douglas s fro m Roch ester, an d Garriso n fro m Boston . Thi s wa s on e o f th e earlies t women' s rights convention s eve r hel d i n th e nation . I t wa s hel d a t a tim e whe n only a few wome n wer e beginnin g t o awake n t o suc h issue s a s their lac k of freedom t o vote or enter man y occupations . According t o Horac e Greeley' s Ne w Yor k Tribune, Trut h "gratified " the conventio n "highly, " showin g "tha t beneat h he r dar k skin , an d un comely exterio r ther e wa s a true, womanl y heart. " Illustratin g he r talen t for comin g t o th e mea t o f a subjec t tersely , Truth , speakin g t o th e convention, use d tw o epigrams . I n on e o f them , perhap s buildin g o n her earlie r conceptio n tha t th e worl d woul d loo k bette r i f w e coul d se e it "righ t sid e up, " Trut h argue d fo r a responsibl e rol e i n th e worl d for women , saying , "Woma n se t th e worl d wron g b y eatin g th e for bidden fruit , an d no w sh e wa s goin g t o se t i t right. " I n th e othe r epigram, Trut h no t onl y showe d he r optimis m bu t als o hinted a t he r in creasing religiou s liberalism , saying : "Goodnes s wa s fro m everlastin g and woul d neve r die , whil e evi l ha d a beginnin g an d mus t com e t o a n end." Th e venerabl e Quake r ministe r Lucreti a Mot t picke d u p thi s second epigram , an d i n he r addres s tha t close d th e conventio n warml y repeated it. 24 At thi s tim e mos t o f the publi c wa s hostil e towar d th e campaign s fo r both women' s right s an d th e abolitio n o f slavery. The Ne w Yor k Herald, catering to this hostility, described the Worcester conventio n a s a "motley mingling o f abolitionists , socialists , an d infidels , o f al l sexe s an d colors, " which intende d t o "abolish " th e Bible , "abolish " th e U.S . Constitution , and establish an "amalgamation o f sexes and colors." The Herald said that Lucretia Mott , thoug h a Quaker , ha d th e "har d iro n expression " o f a

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general. Exaggeratin g th e rol e o f th e fe w black s i n th e conventio n i n order t o ridicule the women' s right s cause , the Herald sai d that Mott , th e "raving" Garrison, an d Douglas s "i n al l hi s glory " "headed" th e conven tion, while "Grabby [Horace ] Greeley " and "Sojourne r Truth , a lady of a very dar k color, " brough t u p "th e rear. " I t calle d Trut h "deluded, " bu t "well poste d u p o n th e right s o f woman. " I t reporte d sarcasticall y that , "with somethin g o f th e ardo r an d th e odo r o f he r nativ e Africa, " Trut h "contended fo r he r righ t t o vote , to hol d office , t o practic e medicin e an d the law , an d t o wea r th e breeche s wit h th e bes t whit e ma n tha t walk s upon God' s earth." 25 No availabl e report s o f th e conventio n fro m th e tim e indicat e tha t Truth spok e directl y agains t slavery . Severa l speaker s a t th e conventio n did, however , compar e th e conditio n o f wome n wit h th e conditio n o f slaves, a s feminist s ofte n did , an d th e conventio n adopte d a resolutio n declaring tha t amon g al l women , slav e wome n wer e "th e mos t grossl y wronged." I t wa s claimed lon g afterward tha t th e adoptio n o f this resolu tion wa s a reflectio n o f th e presenc e o f Truth , amon g others , a t th e convention, bu t direc t evidenc e to suppor t thi s claim is lacking. 26 The nex t month , November , 1850 , whe n Trut h wa s abou t fifty-three years old, she gave her first antislaver y speec h that ha s been documented . She spoke , alon g wit h Douglas s an d others , a t a state antislaver y societ y meeting i n Providence , Rhod e Island . Th e meetin g centere d o n a ne w federal la w tha t presse d th e Nort h t o retur n fugitiv e slave s t o thei r masters i n th e South . Speakin g abou t th e ne w law , Trut h said , a s re ported i n a n antislaver y paper , tha t sh e "coul d no t rea d th e newspapers " and "di d no t kno w anythin g abou t politics, " suggestin g tha t sh e ha d already discovere d tha t man y listener s foun d he r mor e fascinatin g i f sh e played u p he r naivete . But sh e adde d enigmaticall y tha t th e ne w fugitiv e slave law mean t "th e wors t ha d com e to worst," s o now, i n reaction , "th e best mus t com e to best." 27 In December , 1850 , sh e spok e agai n agains t slavery , thi s tim e a t a n antislavery meetin g i n Plymouth , Massachusetts . No t deterre d b y speak ing o n th e sam e platfor m wit h Garriso n an d a visitin g membe r o f th e British Parliament , Georg e Thompson, accordin g to a Boston newspape r she mad e som e "capita l hits " a t Danie l Webster , who m abolitionist s perceived a s largel y responsibl e fo r th e North' s acquiescin g i n th e adop tion o f the odiou s ne w fugitiv e slav e law . Als o i n December , Antoinett e Brown, a recent theologica l graduat e o f Oberlin Colleg e who was defyin g

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the customar y mal e dominatio n o f th e churc h b y tryin g t o becom e a minister, hear d tha t Trut h wa s speakin g nea r Andover , attendin g a n antislavery fai r i n Boston, and sellin g "a good many" of her books. 28 When Trut h spok e agains t slaver y i n 1850 , sh e wa s not , a s has ofte n been claimed , th e first blac k woma n t o d o so . The blac k Mari a Stewar t had spoke n publicl y agains t slaver y i n Bosto n a s earl y a s 1833 , whic h was ver y earl y fo r an y woman , blac k o r white , to spea k i n publi c o n an y subject.29 (Stewart , however , shortl y becam e discourage d an d gav e u p her speaking. ) Thoug h Trut h ha d alread y don e evangelisti c speakin g i n the earl y 1830s , eve n i n 185 0 whe n Trut h wa s speakin g fo r blac k an d women's rights , i t stil l wa s no t commo n fo r wome n t o spea k i n public , especially t o me n a s wel l a s women , thoug h i t wa s distinctl y mor e com mon tha n i n the 1830s . In earl y 1851 , Garriso n planne d a n antislaver y speakin g tri p wit h Member o f Parliamen t Georg e Thompson , an d invite d Trut h t o accom pany them , explainin g t o he r tha t thi s woul d provid e he r a chance t o sel l her books . Man y year s later , whe n a testimonial subscriptio n t o Thomp son wa s bein g collected , Trut h recalle d thi s invitatio n i n a lette r t o Garrison: My heart is glowing just now with the remembrance of his [George Thompson's] kindness t o m e in 1851 . I ha d bee n publishin g m y Narrative an d owe d fo r th e whole edition. A great debt for me! Every cent I could obtain went to pay it. You said to me "I am going with George Thompson o n a lecturing tour. Come with us and you will have a good chance to dispose of your book." I replied that I had no money. You generously offered t o bear my expenses, and it was arranged that I should meet you in Springfield . On the appointed da y I was there, but yo u were not at the Hotel. I enquired for Mr. Thompson & was shown into his room. He received & seated me with as much courtes y an d cordialit y a s i f I ha d bee n th e highes t lad y i n th e land , informing m e that you were too ill to leave home, but if I would go with himself and Mr.[G. W.] Putnam, it would be all the same. But, said I, I have no money, & Mr. Garriso n offere d t o pay my passage. "I'll bear your expenses, Sojourner, " said he. "Come with us!" And so I went. He accompanie d m e to th e car s an d carrie d m y bag . A t th e hote l table s h e seated m e beside himsel f & never seeme d t o know that I wa s poor an d a black woman. A t th e meeting s h e recommende d m y books . "Sojourne r Trut h ha s a narrative o f he r life . Ti s ver y interesting . Bu y largel y friends! " Goo d man ! genuine gentleman! God bless George Thompson! the great hearted friend o f my

race.30

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On thi s trip , i n Februar y an d Marc h 1851 , Truth, Thompson , Put nam, an d other s made their wa y b y train fro m Springfiel d wes t int o Ne w York State , speakin g a t a series of antislavery conventions . A t time s the y were joine d b y Frederic k Douglass . Al l alon g th e wa y Trut h sol d he r books. At Unio n Village , Washingto n County , Ne w York , Trut h mad e a speech, i t wa s reported , "i n he r peculia r manner. " Sh e sai d tha t whil e others "ha d bee n talkin g abou t th e poo r slav e . . . she wa s goin g t o tal k about th e poo r slaveholder . Sh e wante d t o kno w wha t woul d becom e o f him; sh e feare d h e woul d g o dow n t o perdition , unles s h e coul d b e reformed." Accordin g t o Putnam , writin g t o Garrison' s Liberator, Trut h "was mos t kindl y receive d b y th e audience , wh o presse d aroun d he r t o purchase he r books , an d wh o sa w i n he r proo f o f the natura l equalit y (t o say the least ) o f the negr o an d th e white . I t i s devoutly t o b e wishe d tha t all whites were her equals." 31 By th e tim e th e travellin g speaker s reache d Rochester , wher e the y ended thei r trip , Putna m ha d becom e enthusiasti c abou t Truth . Thoug h she could neithe r rea d no r write , he reported, sh e will ofte n spea k wit h a n abilit y whic h surprise s th e educate d an d refined . Sh e possesses a mind of rare power, and often, in the course of her short speeches, will throw out gems of thought. But the truly Christia n spiri t which pervades all she says, endear s he r t o al l wh o kno w her . Thoug h sh e ha s suffere d al l th e ill s of slavery, sh e forgive s al l wh o hav e wronge d he r mos t freely . Sh e sai d he r hom e should b e open t o the ma n wh o had held her a s a slave, and wh o had s o much wronged her . Sh e woul d fee d hi m an d tak e car e o f him i f h e wa s hungr y an d poor. " O friends, " sai d she , "pit y th e poo r slaveholder , an d pra y fo r him . I t troubles me more than anythin g else, what wil l become of the poor slaveholder , in al l his guilt an d al l his impenitence. Go d wil l take car e of the poor trample d slave, but where will the slaveholder be when eternity begins?"32 As Truth wa s no doubt discovering , her repeated concer n for slaveholder s had a dramati c effec t o n he r whit e listeners , especiall y a s comin g fro m a former slave . Also , a s sh e knew , thi s concer n wa s i n keepin g wit h th e Garrisonian mora l suasionist , nonviolen t viewpoint . While in Rochester , Trut h staye d with Isaa c and Am y Post , wh o wer e of Quaker background , an d wer e advocate s o f both women' s an d blacks ' rights. 33 Trut h foun d sh e like d th e Posts . Sh e staye d wit h the m tw o an d a half months, which prove d t o be the beginnin g o f a long friendship .

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While Trut h wa s i n Rochester , a visiting Ohi o abolitionist , Esthe r A . Lukens, wrot e abou t he r warml y i n mor e tha n on e lette r t o th e AntiSlavery Bugle, a n Ohi o Garrisonia n weekly . Accordin g t o Lukens , de spite Truth's illiteracy , Truth wa s "springing upo n th e arena of this grea t conflict [ a phrase that suggest s that Trut h ha d no t bee n speakin g agains t slavery ver y long ] wit h a n energ y an d overwhelmin g powe r tha t w e might loo k fo r i n vai n amon g th e mos t highl y civilize d an d enlightened . Her hear t i s as soft an d lovin g as a child's, her sou l as strong an d fixed a s the everlastin g rocks , and he r mora l sens e has somethin g lik e inspiratio n or divination." 34 Near th e en d o f Ma y 1851 , Truth lef t Rochester , goin g o n alon e t o Ohio t o atten d a stat e woman' s right s convention , an d the n t o begi n a speaking tour o f her own . In Ohi o sh e sometimes drov e about alone , in a buggy a friend ha d len t her. Sh e recalle d tha t wheneve r sh e came to a fork i n a road, becaus e sh e could no t rea d th e signs , sh e woul d la y dow n th e lines , an d say , "God , you drive, " and sh e believe d Go d woul d alway s lea d he r t o a good plac e to hold a meeting. 35 In August , stil l i n Ohio , sh e wrote—tha t is , o f course , someon e els e wrote dow n fo r her—t o he r mento r Garrison , i n Boston , a lette r tha t suggests her fierce determination : Salem [Ohio] , August 28 , 185 1 Dear Mr . Garrison : Will you pleas e infor m m e how muc h I a m now indebte d t o Mr. Yerrington 36 for the printing [o f the Narrative]. . . . I wrot e t o yo u fo r a repor t o f th e numbe r o f book s o n han d bu t hav e a s ye t received n o answer . I a m anxiou s t o kno w jus t wha t i s th e amoun t o f m y indebtedness—what m y means for paying it . I hav e sol d bu t fe w book s durin g th e summe r bu t no w th e wa y seem s opene d for m e to d o bette r a t the convention s whic h ar e now bein g held. Wil l you pleas e forward t o me care of John Skinner , Ravenn a [Ohio] , 600 o f the books . My las t bo x cos t m e $7.00 . I t wa s nearl y hal f ful l o f paper & shavings. Don' t send s o muc h [pape r an d shavings ] nex t time . I don' t lik e t o pa y transportatio n on it . Since I gav e the fifty dollars to yo u I hav e onl y mad e $3 0 whic h I sen t t o Mr . Hill [o f Northampton]. . . . I don' t kno w bu t I shall sta y in Ohio all winter. I have heard that Mr . [William F.] Parke r & hi s famil y hav e move d t o Cleveland , s o tha t I shal l hav e a goo d comfortable plac e to winter . Don't fai l t o sen d thes e book s withou t delay . I ma y ge t ou t o f book s befor e

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they arrive. Pack them tight. Send by the most speedy safe conveyance. Don't get any more books bound. I can't sell the bound volumes. [She prefers paper-covered ones.] I a m no w i n Salem . M y healt h i s prett y good . . .. I sa w Mrs . Boyle a t th e anniversary [o f the Western Anti-Slavery Society] . Mr. Boyle is boarding at Mr. Benson's in Williamsburgh [George Benson had recently moved from Northampton t o Williamsburgh , Lon g Island ] whil e Mrs . Boyle is visiting he r friend s i n Ohio. Affectionately, you r Friend, Sojourner Truth 37 In thi s lette r Trut h seem s preoccupied wit h he r survival . Sh e does no t mention t o Garriso n event s o r issues of common interes t i n the abolition ist movement . Sh e refer s t o friend s fro m th e Northampto n Associatio n even fiv e year s afte r i t disbanded : Hill , Benson , th e Boyles , an d Parke r were al l associatio n friends . Sh e feel s clos e enoug h t o he r Massachusett s friends s o that sh e feel s justified i n expectin g Garriso n t o assis t he r wit h the detail s of her book s and Parker , becaus e he was moving to Cleveland , to provide her a comfortable plac e there for the winter .

5 Why Di d Sh e Neve r Lear n t o Read ? "I can't read a book, but I can read de people."

Isabella emerge d fro m th e miasm a o f slaver y i n Ne w Yor k Stat e t o become, a s Sojourne r Truth , a nationa l figur e i n th e movement s t o ad vance the right s o f women an d blacks . Amazingly, sh e accomplished thi s without eve r learnin g t o rea d o r write . " I nebe r ha d n o eddication, " sh e once told an audience, seeming to mix apology wit h boast. 1 Her illiterac y ha s long been wel l known, bu t th e questio n o f why suc h an abl e an d purposefu l woma n remaine d illiterat e ha s bee n considere d only casually , i f a t all . Th e questio n i s difficul t t o answe r becaus e th e original source s available o n Trut h ar e thin. Als o Truth herself , with he r imprecise language , humor , an d exaggeration , len t hersel f t o th e devel opment o f myths, including myths about wh y sh e remained illiterate . The commo n explanatio n fo r he r neve r learnin g t o rea d an d write , often casuall y give n o r merel y implied , i s that sh e was brought u p a slave and thu s wa s denie d th e opportunit y t o learn . I t i s a natural explanatio n especially because , a s a n antislaver y speaker , sh e wa s ofte n presente d a s having fel t i n he r ow n perso n th e wrong s tha t slaver y coul d inflict , an d these wrong s wer e commonl y understoo d t o includ e denyin g slave s a n education. Truth's friend s ofte n seeme d t o accept thi s explanation. Th e abolition ist Salli e Holley , whil e speakin g wit h Trut h i n Ohi o i n 1851 , wrote pri vately that she "shows what a great intellect slavery has crushed." The novel60

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6l

ist Harriet Beecher Stowe, writing on Truth in 1863 , mourned that Truth , like othe r nobl e blacks , ha d com e ou t o f bondag e crampe d an d scarred , and Stow e longe d t o kno w wha t Trut h woul d hav e bee n lik e i f sh e ha d been allowe d to "unfold" unde r th e "kindly " influence o f education. 2 Truth hersel f directl y claime d i n a speec h tha t slaver y ha d "robbed " her o f an education . I n anothe r speec h sh e recalled, a s we have seen , tha t her slavemaster s ha d no t eve n allowe d he r "t o hear the Bible o r any othe r books read. " I n a n interview , Trut h sai d tha t whil e sh e wa s a slave , "There wa s nobody to tell me anything." My slavemasters , she explained , "were ver y clos e and ignorant , an d so , naturally, to this da y I ca n neithe r read no r write." 3 Surely Trut h experience d muc h i n slaver y t o sca r no t onl y he r bod y but als o her min d an d emotions . Sh e was sold away from he r parents ; she was kep t dependent , ignorant , an d preoccupie d wit h physica l labor ; an d she was cruelly whipped a s a Dutch-speaking chil d for not understandin g English. Sh e ma y hav e develope d a psychologica l bloc k regardin g lan guage that mad e it difficult fo r he r to learn to read and write. At the least , her master s di d no t encourag e he r t o lear n t o rea d an d write , an d sh e lacked adequat e blac k rol e models for learning . In addition , sh e reacted t o her earl y experiences b y developing person ality trait s tha t coul d hav e interfere d wit h he r learning . Sh e struggle d t o offset th e degradation o f slavery b y developing personal qualities of which she could b e proud, suc h a s her honesty , physica l strength , an d industry . With th e hel p o f suc h compensations , Truth , unlik e Douglass , reine d i n her rebellio n agains t slaver y and , alon g wit h acceptin g he r statu s a s a slave, evidentl y accepte d th e ide a tha t slave s di d no t lear n t o rea d an d write. Sh e also struggled agains t he r ignorance an d dependence b y developing a bravad o which , a s i t graduall y evolve d int o he r public-speakin g persona, allowe d he r t o spi n myth s abou t hersel f t o cove r u p feeling s o f inferiority, an d t o adop t a ton e o f disdai n abou t learning . Thus , th e broader effect s o f slaver y o n Truth' s min d an d emotion s ma y hav e con tributed significantl y t o he r continue d illiteracy . I s this, then, a sufficien t explanation? In he r ol d age , Trut h wa s stil l declaring , muc h a s sh e ha d ofte n declared earlier , tha t sh e "neve r ha d a n opportunity " t o lear n t o read . A s we hav e alread y seen , however , som e opportunitie s fo r Trut h t o lear n t o read an d writ e wer e availabl e fo r he r whil e sh e wa s stil l a slave, whethe r or no t sh e reache d fo r them , an d certainl y the y existe d abundantl y afte r

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she wa s freed . Opportunitie s surrounde d he r i n Ulste r County , Manhat tan, an d Northampton . Moreover , fro m 1850 , whe n sh e bega n t o spea k publicly a s a reformer, sh e came to know man y reformers wh o had taugh t schools fo r black s an d woul d likel y b e ope n t o teachin g her , includin g Lucy Ston e wit h who m sh e share d th e platfor m a t women' s right s con ventions; th e Ohi o abolitionis t edito r Mariu s Robinson , wh o publicize d her speech-making ; abolitionis t lecture r Luc y Colman , wh o too k he r t o the Whit e Hous e t o visi t Presiden t Lincoln ; an d he r clos e Michiga n friend o f he r late r years , France s W . Titus . Fo r he r part , Truth , i n a n 1856 discussio n wit h th e whit e Garrisonia n Henr y C . Wrigh t o n th e proper rol e o f abolitionist s i n reachin g dow n t o th e uneducated , seeme d at least tentatively ope n to having abolitionists teach her: "Suppose I wan t to learn t o read," she asked, who will "learn me ? Will friend Wrigh t com e down t o teach me?" 4 According t o a stor y tha t ha s no t bee n authenticated , i n Ohi o i n th e early 1850 s edito r Robinso n trie d t o teac h Trut h t o read , bu t sh e faile d to learn . Sh e wa s probabl y abou t fifty-five year s ol d a t th e time , but , according t o thi s story , sh e tol d Robinson : "M y brain s i s too stif f now. " Long afterward , a n abolitionis t pasto r reporte d tha t Trut h ha d trie d t o learn t o rea d onc e whe n sh e wa s sai d t o b e to o old . Thi s migh t refe r t o Robinson's attemp t t o teach her o r to another suc h attempt. 5 Despite th e man y opportunitie s sh e seeme d t o hav e t o learn , w e hav e no clea r evidenc e tha t a t an y tim e i n he r lif e Trut h hersel f too k th e initiative t o lear n t o rea d o r write. It ma y be that Trut h foun d he r rol e in life satisfying enoug h to take the force out of any impulses to seek learnin g that sh e may have had. I t ma y b e that thos e wh o wrot e letter s for he r di d not interfer e enoug h wit h wha t sh e wante d t o sa y t o pus h he r int o learning t o writ e fo r herself . (I t wa s suc h interferenc e tha t finally pushe d the black Methodist evangelis t Rebecc a Jackson t o learn to write in abou t 1830.) I t als o may be that Trut h ra n int o so much frustratio n i n trying t o learn tha t sh e quickly gav e up. As w e hav e alread y observed , whe n Trut h wa s a slave , accordin g t o her master' s daughter , i t wa s "almos t impossibl e t o teac h he r anything, " and afte r sh e wa s liberated , ther e wa s a hin t tha t Trut h ha d troubl e reading th e letter s o f th e alphabet . I n 187 4 sh e wa s reporte d t o b e "ignorant o f th e alphabet, " seemin g t o confir m tha t sh e stil l coul d no t read letters . A pasto r wh o talked wit h her i n Kansa s in 1879 , quoted he r as explaining wh y sh e failed t o learn : "Th e letter s al l got mixe d u p an d I

W H Y DID SHE N E V ER LEARN TO READ? 6

3

couldn't straighte n the m out. " In 1880 , three years before sh e died, Trut h apparently trie d t o sig n he r nam e o f "Sojourner " i n capita l letters , i n a n autograph tha t a museum ha s preserved; th e museu m call s this her "onl y known signature. " The first tw o letter s ar e recognizable a s S an d 0 . Th e third could be an upside-down J. Th e las t three could be S 0 J i n reverse. In 188 1 sh e sai d sh e stil l coul d no t rea d o r write , o r "eve n spel l m y ow n name if it was before me." 6 Because Trut h foun d tha t sh e coul d no t lear n t o rea d o r writ e th e letters o f th e alphabet , an d tha t the y seeme d t o becom e jumble d befor e her eyes , it seems probable—a probabilit y tha t i s not known t o have been directly propose d i n previou s studie s abou t Truth—tha t Trut h ha d a learning disabilit y whic h a t th e tim e migh t no t hav e bee n understood . Perhaps sh e had irregula r visua l perception tha t jumbled th e letters of the alphabet fo r her , mor e o f a proble m tha n he r glasse s coul d correct . (During muc h o f he r life , Trut h recalle d i n he r ol d age , sh e ha d wor n glasses fo r ironing.) 7 Suc h a perceptua l disabilit y coul d hav e seriousl y frustrated he r i n he r attempt s t o lear n t o rea d o r write . Toda y expert s believe that perhap s 1 0 to 1 5 percent o f Americans have reading disabili ties, bu t the y als o believ e tha t wit h determinatio n an d appropriat e guid ance, these disabled ca n usually lear n to read. In her time, the appropriat e guidance wa s no t likel y t o b e available . Perhap s th e caus e o f he r no t learning t o read , then , ca n bes t b e understoo d a s th e interactio n o f he r experience o f slavery, the developmen t o f her character , an d her probabl e learning disability .

When sh e was young, Trut h seeme d t o allo w he r lac k o f learning to lea d her t o undervalu e education . After sh e becam e a publi c speake r fo r re form, sh e displaye d sign s o f negative attitude s towar d intellectua l educa tion, perhap s disdainin g i t becaus e i t wa s beyon d he r reach . Speakin g i n a church , sh e ridicule d "Greek-crammed " preachers . Speakin g a t a col lege, sh e ridiculed th e student s fo r writin g dow n note s o n wha t sh e said , advising them instea d to keep notes as she did in her head. 8 At leas t sh e clearl y cam e t o respec t certai n kind s o f education . Sh e encouraged he r so n t o stud y navigation . Durin g th e Civi l Wa r whe n sh e called o n Presiden t Lincoln , an d h e proudl y showe d he r a Bibl e give n him b y blacks , sh e tol d hi m tha t sh e grieve d tha t slave s ha d bee n pre vented fro m learnin g t o rea d th e Bible . Afterward , a s w e shal l see , sh e

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campaigned fo r free d slave s t o educat e themselve s s o tha t the y coul d become self-supporting . For her personally, instead of allowing her illiteracy to weigh her dow n as much a s it might have , she learned to use it to her advantage . To avoi d clashing wit h someon e ove r religiou s doctrine , sh e woul d sa y tha t i f sh e could rea d th e Bibl e sh e migh t se e th e matte r differently . A s a speaker , she woul d pla y provocativel y wit h he r illiteracy , a s in thi s one-line r tha t won he r applause : " I tel l yo u I can' t rea d a book , bu t I ca n rea d d e people." Remarkably , sh e seeme d t o b e abl e t o us e he r illiterac y t o lif t herself u p int o a high pulpi t fro m whic h sh e the n coul d mor e effectivel y scold a n audience , a s sh e di d onc e thus : "Wit h al l you r opportunitie s fo r readin' an d writin' , yo u don' t tak e hol d an d d o anything." 9 Fo r man y o f Truth's listeners , he r lac k o f literac y an d cultur e contribute d t o he r fas cination, an d o f course, shrewd a s she was, she knew it , and playe d it up . Her speech—delivere d i n a robus t voice , s o dee p tha t som e o f he r enemies suspecte d tha t sh e wa s a man—evidentl y consiste d o f a uniqu e combination o f elements , whic h varie d fro m tim e t o time , including , a s different observer s understoo d it , a guttural Dutc h accen t fro m he r earl y childhood, th e broke n Englis h o f white illiterates , black dialec t (bu t not , she insisted , Souther n blac k dialect) , an d standar d English . I n he r earl y years a s a n agitato r fo r reform , th e Ne w Yor k Tribune sai d he r Englis h was "tolerabl y correct, " bu t he r "homely " expression s "enhanced " he r style. A Britis h journalis t wh o me t he r i n Washingto n durin g th e Civi l War, an d kne w sh e sometime s spok e i n "broke n negr o dialect, " reporte d that sh e wa s "abl e t o spea k i n correc t an d beautifu l English " whe n sh e chose. Similarly , a Chicag o journalis t wh o interviewe d he r i n 1879 , reported tha t i n conversatio n he r languag e "i s grammatically correct , an d she can sa y what sh e means as well as the most learned colleg e professor. " In a conversatio n i n 1881 , evidentl y fa r fro m usin g blac k dialect , sh e spoke, accordin g t o anothe r Chicag o journalist , "wit h unusua l clearnes s and distinctio n . . . ordinaril y usin g a strong , sinew y Anglo-Saxo n dic tion." However , i n he r speeche s ove r man y years , despite he r associatio n with man y culture d people , sh e di d no t usuall y see m t o choos e t o us e more standar d English . Som e o f her friends , lik e Garriso n an d Pillsbury , may hav e advise d he r t o spea k i n a black style , much a s when Frederic k Douglass was beginning to be an antislavery speaker , they advised him t o do, t o mak e hi m see m mor e believable. 10 Douglas s di d no t follo w suc h advice, bu t Trut h seeme d t o hav e foun d o n he r ow n tha t i t worke d fo r

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her. Sh e seemed to keep her speec h considerably homely , ungrammatical , and i n dialec t becaus e sh e foun d he r audience s like d i t tha t way ; i t mad e her mor e picturesqu e t o them , mor e bewitching , mor e memorable . I n a sense sh e molde d he r publi c imag e aroun d he r illiteracy , usin g i t t o dramatize herself and shape her life, turning her illiteracy from a handicap into a significant elemen t o f her charm . As the perceptive Douglas s recalled, "Sh e seeme d to please herself an d others bes t whe n sh e pu t he r idea s i n th e oddes t forms. " I n 186 7 Trut h complained t o a New Yor k newspaperma n tha t h e wa s not reportin g he r words accurately , bu t sh e admitte d "good-naturedly, " h e said , tha t he r speech wa s difficul t t o recor d becaus e sh e wa s speakin g i n "a n unknow n tongue." I n 187 1 whe n sh e spok e i n Boston , th e Bosto n Post reporte d that althoug h he r pronunciatio n wa s s o outlandis h tha t sh e pronounce d her ow n nam e a s "Sojourn ' Trute, " nevertheles s he r "inimitabl e patois " enhanced th e "piquancy o f her remarks." 11 Also contributin g t o he r fascinatio n wa s he r exoti c ne w nam e o f "Sojourner Truth, " whic h surel y onl y someon e wit h a sense o f theater coul d have relishe d fo r herself . Als o contributin g wa s tha t sh e stoo d nearl y si x feet tall , an d wa s exceedingl y black—on e o f "the blackes t wome n I eve r saw," recalle d on e o f he r friends ; "hideousl y black, " sai d a Ne w Yor k World repor t tha t Truth , i n a curiou s reaction , sai d sh e especiall y like d because it was witty an d light. 12 Truth spok e largel y fro m he r ow n experience , bu t wha t sh e sai d reflected a n awarenes s o f curren t clashe s o f thought, an d sh e wa s some times abl e t o cu t throug h the m wit h startlin g flashes o f insigh t o f he r own. Truth wa s very articulate, if not i n as ordered, sequential , and linea r a fashio n a s Douglass . He r thinkin g wa s mor e fre e associative . I t len t itself to sudden leaps , to metaphor, poetry , an d parable . She spok e extemporaneously , sh e said , no t knowin g wha t th e Lor d would pu t int o he r mouth , explaining , " I g o t o hea r mysel f a s muc h a s anyone els e come s t o hea r me. " Sh e spok e som e phrase s deliberately , emphasizing them , bu t race d throug h others , an d ofte n interrupte d her self wit h drol l asides . A s sh e recalled , sh e di d no t alway s hav e natura l "stops" i n he r flow o f speech . Accordin g t o a Quake r friend , however , Truth ha d "magneti c powe r ove r a n audience. " According t o the Detroi t Advertiser, sh e ha d bot h " a hear t o f love" and " a tongue o f fire." Accord ing t o women' s advocat e Luc y Stone , Trut h spok e "wit h direc t an d terrible force , movin g friend an d fo e alike." 13

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In othe r aspect s o f her life , however, he r illiterac y continue d t o handi cap her. Onc e she conceded that it was "hard work" to get as many letter s written fo r he r a s she wanted. I n anothe r instance , thanking a correspon dent fo r he r "kin d words, " Trut h replied , a s a frien d wrot e i t dow n fo r her, "Oh , i f I coul d bu t writ e an d answe r the m myself!" 14 Mor e impor tantly, he r illiterac y affecte d he r opportunitie s fo r leadership . Durin g th e time sh e wa s a slave , mos t black s i n Ne w Yor k Stat e wer e illiterate , bu t by 185 0 abou t 5 0 percen t o f the black s i n th e stat e ha d becom e literate , and b y 188 0 about 8 0 percent, an d similarl y i n the North a t large. Unde r these circumstances , he r opportunitie s fo r leadershi p amon g black s a s well a s white s wer e limited . Partl y becaus e sh e coul d no t rea d o r write , her participatio n i n refor m movement s remaine d marginal . Sh e neve r became par t o f the decision-makin g inne r council s o f either th e abolition ist o r women' s right s movement , a s Douglass sometime s did . Als o partl y because sh e coul d no t rea d o r write , sh e coul d no t functio n wel l i n th e world o f earning o r handling money, which helpe d to keep her poor . Nevertheless, Truth usuall y adopte d a tone o f jaunty acceptanc e o f her illiteracy. Sh e declared , " I don' t rea d suc h smal l stuf f a s letters , I rea d men an d nations. " Sh e als o insisted, " I kno w an d d o what i s right bette r than man y bi g me n wh o read. " Accordin g t o Luc y Stone , Trut h ofte n even sai d tha t "al l th e grea t troubl e o f th e worl d cam e fro m thos e wh o could read , an d no t fro m thos e wh o coul d not, " s o sh e "wa s gla d sh e never kne w ho w t o read." This suggest s that Trut h protecte d hersel f i n a manner no t uncommo n amon g childre n wh o suffe r fro m learnin g disabil ities: Instea d o f admittin g tha t sh e coul d no t learn , sh e sai d sh e di d no t want t o learn . I n fact , t o th e distres s o f Frederick Douglass , sh e seeme d to reve l i n bein g uncultured . Sh e "seeme d t o fee l i t he r duty, " Douglas s recalled, "t o ridicul e m y effort s t o spea k an d ac t lik e a person o f cultiva tion an d refinement . . . . Sh e wa s a genuin e specime n o f th e unculture d negro. Sh e care d ver y littl e fo r eleganc e o f speech o r refinemen t o f man ners." Trut h seldo m indicate d tha t sh e fel t oppresse d b y bein g illiterat e or unculture d o r inelegant . Accordin g t o Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , Trut h conveyed "almos t a n unconscious superiority." 15 Her overwhelmin g fait h tha t Go d had called her to a special mission t o set th e worl d righ t sid e up , seeme d t o hel p t o convinc e he r tha t he r illiteracy wa s anothe r God-give n trait , lik e he r blacknes s an d he r wom anhood, whic h fashione d he r beautifull y t o carry ou t her mission .

6 Her Famou s Akro n Speec h "Between a hawk and a buzzard."

Sojourner Trut h delivere d a provocativ e speec h a t a women' s right s convention i n Akron , Ohio , i n 1851 . The hauntin g "Ar'n' t I a woman? " question, whic h Trut h i s reporte d t o hav e use d dramaticall y agai n an d again i n th e speech , ha s becom e i n ou r tim e a familia r sloga n i n th e women's right s movement . Moreover , th e speec h an d th e circumstance s surrounding i t have become significant no t onl y in interpreting Sojourne r Truth bu t als o in interpretin g th e formative year s of the struggl e fo r bot h black an d women' s right s i n America . Truth's speec h ha s almos t invariabl y bee n presente d a s reporte d b y Frances D . Gage . Sinc e Gag e wa s th e presidin g office r o f th e Akro n convention, he r repor t ha s seeme d o n th e surfac e t o b e reliable . Consid ering ho w importan t th e speec h ha s become , however, i t i s significant t o inquire whethe r Gag e wa s justifie d i n claimin g tha t th e conventio n re ceived Trut h wit h hostility , "hissing " her; whethe r Gag e wa s accurat e i n reporting wha t Trut h sai d i n he r speech , includin g th e famou s words , "Ar'n't I a woman?" ; an d whethe r Gag e wa s correc t i n reportin g th e "magical influence " o f Truth' s speec h i n "turnin g th e whol e tide " of th e convention fro m bein g "mobbish " into a victory for women' s rights . Gage's repor t ha s customaril y bee n quote d eithe r fro m th e 187 5 edi tion of Truth's Narrative o r from th e 188 1 monumental History of Woman Suffrage b y Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n an d he r friends. 1 However , bot h Truth's Narrative an d Stanton' s History fai l t o cit e wher e Gage' s repor t 67

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was originall y published . Moreover , bot h omi t fro m Gage' s repor t tw o significant admission s b y Gage : tha t sh e wrot e th e repor t twelv e year s after Trut h gav e her speech, and that the report give s only a "faint sketch " of it. Gage's admission s coul d hav e serve d a s a warnin g tha t he r repor t might b e less than accurate . However, almos t al l commentators o n Truth , either no t knowin g o f or not payin g attention t o Gage's admissions , see m to assum e tha t he r repor t i s accurate . On e o f Truth' s biographer s eve n made th e naiv e clai m tha t Gag e preserve d Truth' s speec h "i n it s pristin e form, s o tha t w e kno w exactl y th e kin d o f languag e an d dialec t sh e employed, an d wha t i t wa s i n he r speeche s tha t brough t peopl e o f th e highest grad e o f intelligenc e an d trainin g unde r he r spell." 2 A s fa r a s i s known, n o on e ha s seriousl y attempte d t o chec k th e accurac y o f Gage' s report unti l now . As hardl y an y recen t commentator s see m t o hav e bee n aware , Gag e published he r repor t o n Truth' s speec h i n 1863 , m t n e National AntiSlavery Standard o f May 2 . At tha t time , if Truth though t Gage' s repor t inaccurate, sh e coul d hav e sai d so . O r i n 1875 , when Gage' s repor t wa s about t o b e reprinte d i n a revise d versio n o f Truth's Narrative, i f Trut h thought Gage' s repor t inaccurate , sh e could hav e prevented i t from bein g reprinted. Afte r all , Truth' s Narrative wa s publishe d an d republishe d with he r activ e involvement . But sinc e Trut h neve r learne d t o read , sh e coul d no t easil y chec k th e reliability o f report s o f her speeches . I n an y case , her focu s i n tellin g th e story o f her lif e wa s no t o n factua l trut h abou t he r life , bu t o n th e mora l truth tha t coul d b e learne d fro m it . Trut h ma y hav e fel t tha t th e wa y Gage reporte d he r speech , eve n i f i n he r memor y no t entirel y accurate , was at leas t well intentioned, an d i n line with wha t Trut h wishe d sh e had said. Moreover, Trut h ofte n seeme d willin g to let friendl y myth s develo p about her , myth s tha t migh t mak e he r a more fascinatin g advocat e o f the causes she supported. 3 Why di d Gag e publis h he r repor t o f Truth' s speec h onl y i n 1863 , twelve year s after th e speec h wa s given ? Th e occasio n fo r he r publishin g it then, Gag e explaine d i n a part o f her report, which wa s omitted i n bot h Truth's Narrative an d Stanton' s History, wa s that Harrie t Beeche r Stowe , the well-know n novelist , ha d jus t publishe d i n th e Atlantic Monthly he r account o f Truth' s visi t t o her. 4 Stowe' s account , publishe d durin g th e Civil Wa r whe n nationa l attentio n wa s considerabl y focuse d o n blacks ,

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made Trut h int o a n intriguin g figure fo r man y American s fo r th e first time. Gage, in her account o f Truth's Akro n speech , recalled that Stowe' s article brought "vividl y to my mind" the scen e of Truth's Akro n speech . Frances Dana Gage , as she grew u p in southern Ohi o near the Virgini a border, ha d bee n encourage d b y he r Ne w England-bor n parent s t o hel p slaves escape . B y th e tim e o f th e Akro n conventio n i n 1851 , Gag e wa s already, lik e Truth , a dedicate d advocat e o f bot h blacks ' an d women' s rights. Gage wa s also a writer o f both poetr y an d fiction. Gage doe s no t tel l u s wha t source s sh e use d i n writin g he r accoun t o f Truth's speech , excep t tha t b y he r usin g suc h phrase s a s a "faint sketch " and "vividl y t o m y mind " sh e hinte d tha t sh e use d he r memory . I f Gag e did in fac t us e her memory , ho w accurat e woul d i t have been afte r twelv e years? Perhap s sh e als o use d note s tha t sh e ha d mad e a t th e tim e o f th e convention. I f she did, especially sinc e she said she was presiding over th e convention a t the ver y time that Trut h wa s speaking, her presidin g coul d have limited he r abilit y to record Truth' s word s in accurate detail . In he r report , Gag e too k pain s t o portra y th e atmospher e o f th e woman's right s conventio n a t which Trut h spoke . Woman's rights , Gag e wrote, wa s a "wondrously unpopula r cause. " The leader s o f the woman' s movement a t the conventio n wer e "staggering unde r th e weigh t o f disapprobation alread y lai d upo n them, " an d s o "many o f them" wer e "almos t thrown int o panics " [sic ] o n th e first da y o f th e conventio n whe n the y saw Truth, " a tall, gaunt blac k woma n i n a gray dres s and white turban, " enter th e crowde d churc h wher e th e meetin g wa s held , an d "wal k wit h the ai r o f a quee n u p th e aisle. " Repeatedl y "trembling " wome n aske d Gage no t t o le t Trut h spea k becaus e i t woul d "rui n us " t o "hav e ou r cause mixe d wit h abolitio n an d niggers. " O n th e secon d day , accordin g to Gage , opponent s o f women' s rights , especiall y bombasti c clergymen , "were seemin g t o ge t th e bette r o f us. " Whe n Gag e finally le t Trut h speak, "som e o f th e tender-skinne d friends " o f th e caus e wer e "o n th e point o f losing dignity," and the atmospher e o f the convention wa s "mobbish" and "betokene d a storm. " Contemporary report s abou t th e conventio n ar e available , includin g twenty-seven description s o f it publishe d soo n afte r i t occurred , t o chec k whether the y portra y th e publi c reactio n t o the conventio n an d the moo d of the conventio n itsel f much a s Gage di d twelve years later. The individ ual author s o f eigh t o f thes e description s ar e know n b y name ; al l eigh t were themselves advocates of women's rights and active at the convention ,

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and fiv e o f th e eigh t wer e women . However , th e twenty-seve n descrip tions wer e i n publication s o f variou s politica l persuasion , som e sympa thetic to reform, som e not. 5 In regar d t o Gage' s clai m tha t th e woman' s right s movemen t wa s "wondrously unpopular, " w e not e tha t i n Akron , a bustlin g littl e town , the Universalist s offere d thei r Greek-pillare d ston e churc h t o hous e th e convention, an d a local newspape r welcome d it s coming . Afterwar d sev eral newspapers notice d the courtes y o f Akron citizen s to the convention , one praisin g the m fo r thei r "urbanit y an d generou s hospitality, " anothe r noting tha t a n Akro n lawye r entertaine d member s o f th e conventio n a t his house . Edito r Jan e Swisshelm , a leadin g figure i n th e convention , reported afterwar d i n he r Pittsburg h Saturday Visiter that th e proprieto r of the Akron temperanc e hote l wher e she stayed wa s so kind a s to declin e to bill her for her lodging. 6 Did Gag e exaggerat e popula r hostilit y t o th e convention ? I t i s tru e that a correspondent o f a fashion-conscious Ne w Yor k weekly , the Home Journal, wa s shocke d tha t ladie s o f th e conventio n too k of f thei r hat s a t one session, and feare d tha t wha t th e conventio n advocate d woul d rende r it "impossibl e fo r ma n t o rule his household" a s the Bibl e say s he should . It i s als o tru e tha t a fe w newspaper s suc h a s th e Cincinnat i Gazette sneered a t th e wome n o f th e conventio n a s "ol d maids, " and a t th e me n who attended t o support th e women's caus e as thereby becomin g women . But Gag e hersel f seeme d t o hav e describe d th e genera l newspape r reac tion t o th e conventio n fairl y accuratel y whe n sh e wrot e soo n afte r th e convention—in shar p contras t t o wha t sh e wrot e i n 1863—tha t "th e great press , in mass, have noticed" the convention, "and few have sneere d at or abused it." 7 In contras t t o Gage' s clai m i n he r 186 3 repor t tha t th e conventio n leaders wer e "staggering, " fearin g bein g overwhelme d b y "mobbish " opponents o f women' s rights , on e o f th e conventio n secretarie s wrot e a t the time that th e conventio n wa s a "pleasant socia l gathering." Garrison' s Boston Liberator reporte d tha t a t th e sessio n a t whic h Trut h spoke , as at other sessions , "all faces" were "beaming wit h joyous gladness. " Near th e end o f th e convention , on e o f it s prominen t speakers , Emm a R . Coe , congratulated th e conventio n tha t it s "spiri t o f harmony " ha d no t bee n interrupted b y "on e discordan t note. " Th e Clevelan d Herald (Whig ) reported that , althoug h nearl y half of the audience a t the convention wer e men, yo u di d no t se e "th e sl y leer , th e hal f uttere d jest , tha t yo u migh t

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imagine." On e o f the convention' s vice-presidents , Celi a M . Burr , wrot e that i n th e discussio n ove r th e resolutions , nearl y al l the me n present , fa r from opposin g women's rights, were for such rights in more extreme for m than most o f the women were . Jane Swisshel m reported in her newspape r that th e dange r t o th e conventio n derive d no t fro m th e possibilit y tha t opponents o f women' s right s migh t tak e ove r th e convention , a s Gag e later claimed , bu t fro m presidin g office r Gage' s no t knowin g parliamen tary rules , an d fro m th e extremis m o f some advocate s o f women's rights , including Truth. 8 I n fact , non e o f thes e twenty-seve n description s pub lished a t th e time , despit e thei r man y differen t point s o f view , give s th e impression, a s Gag e di d twelv e year s later , tha t ther e wer e "mobbish " opponents o f women's rights present, muc h les s that the convention o r its leaders wer e eve r "staggering, " o r abou t t o panic , o r abou t t o b e over whelmed b y these opponents . It i s eas y t o believ e tha t som e o f th e wome n a t th e conventio n migh t have bee n anxiou s abou t wha t the y wer e doin g i n this earl y perio d o f the women's right s movement , whe n wome n wer e ofte n considere d "indeli cate" i f the y spok e i n publi c o n an y subjec t a t all . I t i s als o possibl e t o believe that Gag e migh t hav e bee n mor e anxiou s than man y othe r partic ipants becaus e sh e wa s th e presidin g officer , and , because , a s sh e ex plained to the convention, she had never before attende d a public busines s meeting, muc h les s preside d a t suc h a meeting . However , Gag e herself , two year s afte r th e Akro n conventio n whe n sh e wa s presidin g ove r a national women' s conventio n hel d i n Cleveland , sai d tha t whil e wome n had hel d man y convention s a t whic h everyon e wa s give n libert y t o spea k —and sh e mentioned th e Akron conventio n a s one of them—"no on e has had a word t o sa y against u s a t th e time." 9 Thi s wa s i n direc t contradic tion t o what Gag e late r claime d i n her 186 3 report, that opponent s spok e up i n the convention an d threatened t o take it over . In her 186 3 recollections, Gage portrayed the leaders of the conventio n as feeling tha t th e uncouth , ver y blac k Truth , whe n sh e walke d int o th e convention, wa s a n alarmin g intruder . I t i s tru e tha t a t th e tim e man y Ohio whites , lik e man y white s i n man y othe r Norther n states , expecte d blacks t o atten d separat e schools , and , i f the y attende d churc h wit h whites, t o si t separately . Nevertheless , bot h th e Ohi o an d th e nationa l women's right s movement s wer e allie d wit h th e movemen t t o abolis h slavery. In fact , women's rightists often compare d the condition o f women with tha t o f slaves , a s the y di d bot h a t thi s conventio n an d a t th e 185 0

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Worcester convention . Indeed , thoug h som e wome n wer e reluctan t t o admit it , th e women' s right s movemen t t o a considerabl e degre e wa s a n outgrowth o f the movemen t t o abolis h slavery , a s the Salem , Ohio , AntiSlavery Bugle claimed . A s on e woul d expect , man y o f the leader s o f th e convention wer e activ e abolitionists , includin g Gag e herself , edito r Mar ius Robinso n o f the Bugle, an d edito r Jan e Swisshelm . Moreover , Akro n was locate d i n th e bel t o f Yankee settlement s tha t especiall y spawne d th e movements fo r bot h blacks ' an d women' s rights , th e bel t tha t stretche d from Bosto n wes t acros s centra l Ne w Yor k Stat e int o norther n Ohi o an d beyond. I n addition , the cal l to the convention, lik e much women' s right s news, wa s publishe d i n abolitionis t newspapers , an d th e cal l ha d wel comed "al l th e friend s o f Reform , i n whateve r departmen t engaged, " t o come to giv e us "counsel." 10 Also, as Gage di d no t sa y but a s many o f those a t the conventio n wer e likely t o know , som e whit e abolitionist s mad e a poin t o f openin g thei r meetings t o blacks , an d sometime s a few black s participated , i f uneasily . Moreover, a s Gag e als o di d no t sa y bu t a s man y o f the conventio n wer e likely t o know, black s had bee n presen t a t al l three o f the majo r women' s rights convention s tha t precede d th e on e a t Akron : Frederic k Douglas s had playe d a significant rol e a t th e first woman' s right s convention , hel d in 184 8 i n Senec a Falls , Ne w York ; Douglas s ha d als o bee n presen t i n the sprin g o f 185 0 a t th e first Ohi o women' s right s convention , hel d i n the abolitionis t citade l o f Salem (th e cal l to this convention ha d explaine d that it s purpos e wa s t o secur e "equa l rights " t o "al l persons " withou t regard t o "se x o r color"); 11 an d a s w e hav e seen , bot h Douglas s an d Truth ha d spoke n a t th e nationa l woman' s right s conventio n hel d i n Worcester, Massachusetts , i n th e fal l o f 1850 . Als o i t i s likel y tha t som e members o f the Akro n conventio n ha d alread y becom e awar e o f Truth' s startling effectivenes s a s a speake r b y readin g periodical s tha t advocate d both blac k an d women' s rights , suc h a s the Bosto n Liberator, Ne w Yor k National Anti-Slavery Standard, an d the Salem, Ohio, Anti-Slavery Bugle, all of which had praise d Trut h withi n th e past year . Gage, i n he r report , sai d no t onl y tha t "trembling " wome n urge d he r "again an d again " no t t o le t Trut h speak , bu t als o tha t whe n Trut h go t up t o speak , sh e was hissed. Man y writers , including Eleano r Flexner , i n her classi c histor y o f th e America n women' s right s movement , hav e fol lowed Gag e i n highlightin g thi s suppose d hostilit y t o Truth . I n fact , recent work s o n blacks ' an d women' s histor y argu e tha t blac k wome n

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encountered hostilit y fro m th e whit e women' s right s movement , an d th e major evidenc e the y offe r t o substantiat e thi s argumen t i s th e suppose d hostility t o Trut h tha t Gag e describe d a t th e Akro n convention . On e recent wor k o n women' s history , i n arguin g tha t women' s right s conven tions i n genera l wer e racist , charge s tha t a t suc h conventions , "o n ever y occasion Sojourne r Trut h spoke , group s o f white wome n protested, " bu t the onl y evidenc e i t offer s t o suppor t thi s clai m i s the allege d hostilit y t o Truth a t Akron. 12 I n fact , ther e i s n o availabl e evidenc e tha t whit e women feminist s proteste d whe n Trut h spok e a t othe r women' s right s conventions, a s a t Worcester , Massachusetts , i n 1850 ; Massillon , Ohio , 1852; Ne w York , 1853 ; Rochester, 1866 ; Ne w York , 1867 ; New York , 1870; Providence , 1870 ; an d Rochester , 1878 . Thi s lac k o f evidenc e reinforces doubt s tha t Gage' s accoun t o f hostilit y t o Trut h a t Akro n i s accurate. Since the women a t the Akron conventio n wer e generally well-dressed , educated, middle-clas s whites , i t i s certainl y possibl e tha t som e o f the m were uneas y abou t th e presenc e o f a strangel y dressed , illiterat e ex-slav e who wa s sellin g a boo k abou t herself . Als o Jan e Swisshel m hint s o f something othe r tha n eas y acceptanc e o f Truth when , i n describin g lead ing participant s a t the convention , sh e describe s Trut h a s "a larg e Negr o woman wh o wa s ther e sellin g books " withou t givin g he r name , whil e giving th e name s o f at leas t nin e whit e participants . Hanna h Tracy , on e of th e secretarie s o f th e convention , i n he r recollection s lon g afterward , also hint s o f somethin g othe r tha n eas y acceptanc e o f Truth. Accordin g to Tracy , sh e an d Gag e me t Trut h i n a n Akro n hote l shortl y befor e th e convention began . Th e youn g reformer-journalis t Luciu s A . Hine , wh o was i n th e roo m a t th e tim e an d wh o wa s t o b e on e o f th e conventio n vice-presidents, was amused at the awkwardness of Gage and Tracy whe n Truth tol d the m sh e wa s attendin g th e convention . Thoug h bot h Gag e and Trac y bough t fro m Trut h a copy o f her Narrative, Trac y recalled , " I fear w e di d no t fee l read y t o giv e he r a s roya l a welcom e a s he r merit s deserved, fo r Mr . Hin e sa t grinnin g behin d hi s newspape r i n th e corne r of th e room." 13 Thes e instance s probabl y sugges t mor e discomfor t wit h Truth tha n hostilit y t o her , thoug h perhap s a t time s ther e i s onl y a fine line between th e two. Truth herself , just afte r sh e lef t Akron , sen t a letter t o Am y Post , th e abolitionist-feminist frien d wit h who m sh e ha d recentl y bee n stayin g i n Rochester: "O n Tuesda y [I ] wen t t o Akro n t o th e Conventio n wher e I

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found plent y o f kind friends , just lik e you, & they gav e me s o many kin d invitations I hardly kne w whic h t o accep t o f first. . . . I sol d a good man y books at the Convention." Truth sai d nothing about meeting any hostility at the convention. 14 No r d o any of the twenty-seven availabl e description s of th e conventio n publishe d soon afte r i t occurre d mentio n tha t Trut h was hissed o r otherwise me t hostility a t the convention . Gage sai d tha t "trembling " wome n a t th e conventio n ha d repeatedl y urged he r no t t o le t Trut h spea k becaus e "i t wil l rui n us . Every newspa per i n th e lan d wil l hav e ou r caus e mixe d wit h abolitio n an d niggers. " When Trut h di d speak , di d thi s prov e t o b e true ? Althoug h th e Ne w York Herald ha d trie d t o smea r th e Worceste r conventio n becaus e black s spoke a t it , i t i s no t clea r tha t an y o f the twenty-seve n availabl e descrip tions o f th e Akro n conventio n publishe d a t th e time , mos t o f the m i n newspapers, tried t o smear th e women' s right s caus e because the conven tion allowe d the black abolitionis t Trut h t o speak .

Turning to the content o f Truth's speech , we compare Gage's 186 3 "fain t sketch" o f its conten t wit h th e onl y othe r availabl e report s o f its content . There ar e fou r suc h reports . Countin g onl y th e part s o f them tha t relat e strictly t o content , the y rang e fro m a s brief a s one sentenc e t o a s long a s Gage's report . The y wer e al l published i n 185 1 soo n afte r th e event , an d all in reformis t papers. 15 Firs t w e selec t ke y idea s in Gage' s repor t o f th e content, an d the n chec k t o se e whethe r thes e idea s tur n u p i n th e othe r four reports . Several o f th e ke y idea s d o tur n u p i n a t leas t on e o f th e othe r fou r reports. Fo r example , accordin g t o Gage , Trut h replie d t o a clergyman , who ha d argue d tha t wome n shoul d no t hav e th e sam e right s a s me n because Chris t wa s no t a woman , b y sayin g tha t Chris t cam e fro m Go d and a woman , withou t th e hel p o f man . Thi s ide a i s i n bot h th e Ne w York Tribune an d th e Sale m Anti-Slavery Bugle, thoug h neithe r say s i t was i n repl y t o anyone , an d neithe r use s the languag e o r dramati c fervo r in expressin g i t tha t Gag e reported . Fo r anothe r example , accordin g t o Gage, Truth sai d that i f the first woman Go d eve r made turned th e worl d "upside down " b y herself , the n surel y al l th e wome n presen t shoul d b e able t o se t i t "righ t sid e u p again. " Thi s ide a als o i s i n bot h th e Tribune and the Bugle, an d i n simila r language . For stil l another example , accord ing t o Gage , Trut h sai d tha t sh e coul d d o as much far m wor k a s a man .

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This ide a appears in all four o f the other reports, though i n language ver y different fro m tha t i n Gage' s report . Thu s w e ca n b e reasonably sur e tha t Truth include d thes e particula r ke y ideas in her speech , if not expressin g them i n the manner tha t Gag e reported . However, severa l other key ideas in Gage's report o f Truth's speec h d o not appea r i n an y o f th e othe r fou r reports . Fo r instance , accordin g t o Gage, Truth , speakin g abou t man' s traditiona l deferenc e t o women , sai d that althoug h sh e wa s a woman , nobod y eve r helpe d he r int o carriages , or ove r mu d puddles , o r gav e he r th e "bes t place. " Als o accordin g t o Gage, Trut h sai d sh e coul d bea r th e las h a s well a s a man. Sinc e neithe r of these ideas appears in any of the four reports , we have to doubt whethe r Truth expresse d them . Moreover, accordin g t o Gage , Trut h sai d that sh e had "born e thirtee n chillen," an d ha d see n almos t al l o f the m sol d awa y fro m her . No t onl y does n o statemen t abou t he r childre n appea r i n an y o f th e othe r fou r reports, but als o it has been widel y recognized tha t sh e probably had onl y five children an d onl y on e of them wa s sold away from her . Thi s conspic uous erro r i n Gage' s repor t coul d hav e provide d a red flag t o student s o f Truth, suggestin g doubt s abou t th e reliabilit y o f Gage's accoun t i n gen eral. However , som e writers , i n quotin g Gage' s repor t o f wha t Trut h said, covered u p Gage' s erro r b y arbitraril y alterin g the figure o f thirteen children t o five, without givin g any hint o f uneasiness abou t doin g so. Also accordin g t o Gage , Trut h sai d tha t whe n he r childre n wer e sol d away fro m he r an d sh e "crie d ou t wit h a mother' s grief , non e bu t Jesu s heard." No t onl y di d non e o f the othe r fou r report s o f the conten t o f he r speech sa y tha t sh e sai d anythin g lik e this , bu t i n fact , a s w e hav e seen , many person s ha d hear d he r grie f a t th e los s o f he r so n Pete r an d ha d acted t o hel p her . Especiall y becaus e Trut h ha d alread y name d som e o f these person s i n he r Narrative, i t seem s unlikel y tha t sh e woul d mak e such a false an d ungratefu l statemen t a s this. Next w e conside r th e mos t outstandin g expressio n o f Truth' s speec h as Gag e reporte d it , th e wel l know n "Ar'n' t I a woman? " question . I n recent year s th e passag e i n whic h thi s questio n appeare d ha s mad e suc h an impressio n o n reader s o f Gage' s report , tha t ofte n afte r translatin g "Ar'n't" int o th e mor e familia r "Ain't," 16 the y hav e calle d Truth' s whol e speech th e "Ain' t I a woman? " speech , an d th e "Ain' t I a woman? " expression ha s ofte n bee n use d o n th e stage , o n women' s liberatio n post ers, and i n the titles of articles, chapters, and books .

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The "Ar'n' t I a Woman? " expression , a s Gag e reporte d it , wa s un doubtedly a n adaptation o f the motto, "Am I not a Woman an d a Sister?," which ha d fo r man y year s bee n a popular antislaver y motto . I t ha d lon g appeared i n antislaver y literature , ofte n accompanie d b y a pictur e o f a black slav e woman i n chains. 17 We hav e alread y foun d reaso n t o doub t tha t severa l o f the ke y idea s i n this "Ar'n' t I a woman? " passag e ar e reall y Truth's , bu t her e i s th e passage i n full , fro m Gage , t o giv e th e reade r th e chanc e t o fee l directl y the impact o f the "Ar'n't I a woman?" question. Gage reported that Trut h repeated th e questio n fou r times : "Nobody eber helps me into carriages, or ober mud-puddles, or give me any best place"; and, raising herself to her full height , and her voice to a pitch like rolling thunder, sh e asked, "And Ar'n't I a woman? Look at me. Look at my arm," and she bared her right arm to the shoulder, showing its tremendous muscular power. "I have plowed and planted and gathered into barns, and no man could head me —and Ar'n't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man (when I coul d ge t it) , and bea r d e las h a s well—and Ar'n' t I a woman? I have born e thirteen chillen , and seen 'em mos' all sold off into slavery, and when I cried out with a mother's grief, none but Jesus heard—and Ar'n't I a woman?" If Trut h reall y aske d th e questio n "Ar'n' t I a woman? " fou r times , in suc h a hauntin g litan y a s Gag e presented , i t i s difficul t t o believ e anyone seriousl y attemptin g t o repor t he r speec h a t th e tim e woul d omi t it. However , non e o f the fou r 185 1 report s o f her speec h say s that Trut h used thi s question . Th e on e that come s closest t o doin g so , in th e Bugle, asserts tha t Truth , afte r sayin g tha t sh e ha d "plowe d an d reape d an d husked an d choppe d an d mowed, " merel y asked , "Ca n an y man d o mor e than that?" ; and the Bugle doe s not sa y that sh e repeated th e question . If Truth aske d th e questio n "Ar'n' t I a woman?" four times , with suc h persuasive powe r a s Gag e indicates , would i t no t b e natura l fo r Trut h t o repeat th e sam e questio n i n othe r speeches ? I n Truth' s tim e speaker s often repeate d thei r speeches , o r part s o f them, ther e bein g n o televisio n to mak e a speech stal e fro m on e delivery . I n fact , Trut h di d repea t idea s or expression s sh e foun d effective . Sh e repeate d on e o f the ke y idea s tha t we hav e see n sh e expresse d a t Akron , a s authenticated b y report s a t tha t time, th e ide a tha t women , havin g cause d Adam' s fall , an d thu s havin g turned th e world upsid e down , could now turn th e world "righ t sid e up."

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According t o he r Narrative, Trut h ha d alread y bee n approachin g thi s idea i n he r conversatio n b y earl y i n 1850 . Trut h ha d als o alread y use d this idea , a s w e hav e seen , i n he r speec h a t th e Worceste r women' s convention i n th e fal l o f 1850 ; after usin g i t a t Akro n i n 1851 , she agai n used i t i n a speec h i n Ne w Yor k i n 1853 ; a n d accordin g t o newspape r reports a t thos e times , sh e use d simila r expression s i n eac h o f thes e speeches.18 Bu t ther e i s no availabl e evidenc e tha t Trut h i n othe r speeche s ever repeate d th e questio n "Ar'n' t I a woman?, " o r an y equivalent , i f indeed sh e ever sai d it at Akron i n the first place . If Trut h aske d thi s questio n a t Akro n rhythmically , fou r times , a s Gage claims , woul d i t no t b e natura l fo r Trut h t o us e othe r rhythmi c repetitions, i n simila r paralle l grammatica l constructions , i n othe r speeches ? An examinatio n o f availabl e report s o f Truth' s othe r speeche s indicate s that Trut h wa s not give n to such rhythmic repetition. O n the other hand , an examinatio n o f Gage' s speeche s an d writin g indicate s tha t Gag e wa s indeed give n t o it . Fo r instance , i n th e speec h Gag e gav e a t th e Akro n convention, whic h wa s printe d i n th e proceeding s probabl y a s writte n out b y Gag e herself , ther e wer e rhythmi c paralle l sentence s i n a series , each on e beginnin g wit h "S o it" ; ther e wer e als o rhythmic paralle l phrase s such a s "th e sunshin e mor e glorious , th e ai r mor e quiet , th e sound s o f harmony mor e soothing , th e perfum e o f flowers mor e exquisite" ; an d there wer e man y rhetorica l questions , includin g i n on e passag e si x i n a row. Als o i n a lette r t o abolitionis t edito r Garrison , publishe d shortl y before Gag e publishe d he r accoun t o f Truth's Akro n speech , whe n Gag e was i n th e Carolin a se a island s carin g fo r recentl y free d slaves , Gag e artfully repeate d th e wor d "reading " five times i n th e followin g sentence : "I was reading [Wendell ] Phillips' s speec h in Sout h Carolina—readin g i t on on e o f the Se a Islands—readin g i t wit h th e bowe d an d broke n slave s of two year s ag o no w walkin g erect , chainles s an d masterles s al l aroun d me—reading i t in sight o f the great fleet which is (God helping the right ) to tak e Charleston—readin g i t wit h th e mocking-bird s singin g rounda lays i n thi s ol d seces h [secessionist ] garden , amon g th e buddin g an d blossoming roses and jessamines." Undoubtedly, for Gage as a poet, usin g such rhythmi c repetitio n wa s natural . A s on e commentato r ha s said , i n her poetr y sh e was given t o "swinging rhythm." 19 Does it not seem possible, even probable, that Gage , the poet, invente d the powerfu l "Ar'n' t I a woman? " litan y an d impose d i t o n wha t Trut h

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really said ? Coul d Gage' s statemen t tha t i n he r repor t o f Truth's speec h she wa s givin g bu t a "fain t sketch " o f i t b e i n effec t a n apolog y fo r he r having invented muc h o f this and othe r passages ?

Finally w e conside r th e impac t o f Truth' s speec h o n th e convention . According t o Gage , " I hav e neve r i n m y lif e see n anythin g lik e th e magical influenc e [o f Truth] tha t subdue d th e mobbis h spiri t o f the day , and turne d th e jibes an d sneer s o f an excite d crow d int o note s o f respec t and admiration. " Trut h "ha d take n u s u p i n he r great , stron g arm s an d carried u s safel y ove r th e sloug h o f difficulty , turnin g th e whol e tid e i n our favor. " If Trut h reall y ha d suc h a "magica l influence " tha t sh e "turne d th e whole tide " i n th e conventio n fro m "mobbish " hostilit y t o suppor t o f women's rights , i s i t no t likel y tha t Trut h herself , i n he r lette r i n whic h she reported attendin g th e convention , woul d a t leas t hav e hinted so ? O r that Gage , in her comment s o n the convention publishe d soo n after i t wa s held, brie f though the y were , would hav e suggested so? 20 Or that, even if some commentator s migh t b e reluctan t t o conced e s o muc h influenc e t o an illiterat e blac k woman , a t leas t on e o f th e twenty-si x othe r availabl e descriptions o f th e conventio n publishe d soo n afte r i t wa s hel d woul d have suggested it ? In fact , neithe r Trut h no r Gag e i n thes e statement s sai d anythin g about Truth' s havin g an y impac t o n th e convention . Amon g th e nin e descriptions o f th e conventio n tha t mentio n Truth , th e Akro n Summit Beacon sai d tha t Trut h "wo n upo n al l b y he r quain t utteranc e o f goo d hard sense" ; bu t i t als o seeme d t o sa y tha t Trut h wa s merel y on e o f a t least fourtee n "stars " a t th e convention , alon g wit h Gage , Jan e Swiss helm, Celi a Burr , Emm a R . Coe , an d Emil y Robinson . Th e length y official proceedings , signed b y Gage as convention presiden t an d by thre e convention secretaries , mentione d Trut h onl y once , sayin g tha t sh e par ticipated i n a discussion withou t sayin g what sh e said o r that sh e affecte d anyone. Th e And-Slavery Bugle claime d tha t th e conventio n ha d man y stars, but "n o mighty su n eclipse d al l lesser lights." The Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, referrin g t o th e secon d day' s mornin g session , reporte d tha t Truth "delighte d he r audienc e wit h som e of the shrewdes t remark s mad e during th e session" ; bu t altogethe r th e Tribune gav e mor e spac e to thre e other participants i n the convention, includin g Gage and Swisshelm . Th e

i. Rondou t Creek , Nea r Kingston , NY . Trut h wa s bor n an d ofte n live d a s a slave nea r th e creek . Th e Catskil l Mountain s sho w i n th e distance . Paintin g b y local artist Josep h Tubby , 1830s ? (Fro m Ne w Yor k Stat e Offic e o f Parks, Senat e House Stat e Histori c Site , Kingston. )

4. Broadway , Ne w York , Wher e I t Crosse s Cana l Street , i n th e 1830s . Trut h often live d o n Cana l Stree t a t thi s time . Etche d b y Horner . (Fro m th e Museu m of the Cit y o f New York. )

Facing page: 2 . Ulste r Count y Cour t House , Kingston , NY . Trut h too k lega l action her e t o recove r he r so n fro m slaver y i n Alabama . (Fro m F . W . Beers , County Atlas of Ulster, 1875. ) 3. Rober t Matthias , th e Authoritaria n Leade r o f the Ne w Yor k Commun e Trut h Joined. (Fro m W . E . Drake , The Prophet! . . . the . . . case of. . . Matthias, 1834-)

5. Brookly n Ferry , abou t th e Tim e Trut h Too k I t t o Begi n He r Wanderin g a s an Evangelist . Engravin g b y William Bartlett . (Fro m Ne w Yor k Stat e Historica l Association, Cooperstown. )

6. Th e Northampto n Association' s Factor y an d Boarding Hous e Building . Truth wa s i n charg e o f the laundr y i n th e basement . (Fro m Sheffield , History of Florence, 1895. )

7. Th e Earlies t Know n Pictur e o f Sojourne r Truth . (Fro m th e frontispiec e o f her Narrative, Boston , 1850. ) 8. Truth' s "Onl y Know n Signature " (date d Apri l 23 , 1880 , b y someon e else) . It suggest s sh e had problem s i n visua l perception. (Fro m Battl e Cree k Historica l Society.)

g. Universalis t Church , Akron , OH . Here , i n 1851 , Truth ple d fo r wome n t o have a chanc e t o se t th e worl d "righ t sid e up. " (Fro m Samue l A . Lane , Fifty Years . . . of Akron, 1892. )

io. Sojourne r Trut h a t a Was h Tub . Penci l sketc h b y ar t student Charle s C . Burleigh , Jr . (bor n 1848) , so n o f a prominent Ne w Englan d abolitionis t family . (Fro m His toric Northampton , Northampton , MA. )

i i . Th e Libya n Sibyl , Inspire d b y Truth . Sculpture , i860—61 , b y Willia m Wetmore Story . (Fro m Metropolita n Museu m o f Art , Wol f Foundatio n [1979.266].)

13. Slave s Free d b y th e Emancipatio n Proclamation , Seekin g th e Protectio n o f a U.S . Arm y Camp . Drawin g b y A . R . Waud . (Fro m Harper's Weekly, Jan . 31 , 1863.) 14. Sunda y Praye r Servic e a t Freedman' s Village , Arlington , VA . Trut h worke d as a counsellor here . (Fro m Librar y o f Congress. )

Facing page: 12 . Sojourne r Truth , 1864 . Photograp h b y Randall , Detroit . (Fro m State Universit y College , Ne w Paltz , NY. )

16. Truth' s House , Colleg e Street , Battl e Creek . (Fro m Chicag o Semi-Weekly Inter-Ocean, Sept . 25 , 1893. )

Facing page: 15 . "Fre e Lecture ! Sojourne r Truth. " Broadside , 1870s ? (Fro m State Archive s o f Michigan. )

17. Sojourne r Truth . I n he r ba g sh e ofte n carrie d copie s o f the Narrative o f he r life t o sell . Photographe r an d dat e unknown . (Fro m Stat e Universit y College , New Paltz , NY. )

18. "Woman' s Emancipation. " Cartoon Ridiculin g Wome n fo r Dressing and Smokin g Lik e Men . (From Harper's New Monthly Magazine, August , 1851. ) 19. Playin g fo r a Jub a Dance . (From White's New Illustrated Melodeon Song Book, Ne w York , 1848.)

20. Th e Adventists ' Sanitarium , Battl e Creek , i n th e earl y 1880s . Trut h occa sionally spok e t o the patient s i n thei r "grea t parlor. " (Fro m Sevent h Da y Adven tist Genera l Conference , Silve r Spring , MD. )

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Liberator wrote that Trut h "spok e in her own peculia r style , showing tha t she wa s a matc h fo r mos t men, " bu t the n th e Liberator gav e mor e spac e to a t leas t fiv e othe r participant s i n th e convention , includin g Swisshel m and Coe. 21 It i s clea r fro m thes e report s tha t Trut h mad e a significan t impac t o n some o f those attendin g th e convention . Bu t non e o f these reports , whethe r pro- o r antireformist , give s th e impression , a s Gag e did , i n he r repor t twelve year s later , tha t Trut h wa s th e on e "magical " sta r o f th e conven tion. Non e goe s s o fa r a s t o claim , lik e Gage , tha t Trut h turne d "th e whole tide" of the convention . Gage publishe d he r repor t o n Truth's speec h i n 186 3 during th e Civi l War, whe n th e women' s right s movemen t wa s temporaril y suspended , and it s leaders , includin g Gage , wer e concentratin g no t o n women' s rights bu t o n winnin g th e wa r fo r th e Unio n an d freein g th e slaves . I t was a n inopportun e tim e t o publis h a n articl e tha t focuse d o n women' s rights. Gag e ma y hav e deliberatel y publishe d i t a t thi s tim e anywa y because sh e believe d tha t huma n right s advocate s a t thi s time , with al l of their legitimat e concer n fo r justic e t o th e slaves , neede d t o b e reminde d —as Stow e ha d no t reminde d them—tha t th e blac k an d women' s cause s should b e tied together, an d that th e tie was personified i n Truth . When Gage' s repor t first appeared , i t wa s scarcel y noticed , bein g focused to o muc h o n th e unfashionabl e subjec t o f women' s rights , an d written b y a comparativel y littl e know n author , an d publishe d i n a n obscure abolitionis t periodical . B y comparison , th e articl e tha t ha d occa sioned Gage' s report , Stowe' s articl e o n Truth , ha d wo n muc h attentio n because i t wa s largel y focuse d o n th e the n mor e fashionabl e subjec t o f blacks, was writte n b y a famous author , an d wa s published i n th e presti gious Atlantic. After Gage' s report wa s republished i n Truth's Narrative i n 1875 , and again i n Stanton' s History of Women Suffrage i n 1881 , i t bega n t o b e noticed a little more. Late r i n 188 1 the crusadin g Bosto n woman' s right s periodical, Woman's Journal, edite d b y Luc y Stone , quote d th e report , saying tha t i t "wil l bea r t o b e printe d man y time s more. " Whe n Trut h died i n 1883 , tw o majo r newspaper s quote d th e report , includin g th e "Ar'n't I a woman? " passage : Th e Springfiel d Republican sai d tha t i t showed "ho w powerfu l an d original " Trut h ha d been ; th e Detroi t Post and Tribune declared , "Ther e i s not i n al l the annal s o f eloquence a mor e striking passage." 22

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However, fro m th e 1860 s al l th e wa y throug h th e 1910s , i n availabl e writing abou t Truth , ther e wer e many time s more references t o Stow e o r her articl e abou t Trut h tha n t o Gag e o r he r articl e abou t Truth . Fro m the 1920s , when wome n bega n t o exercise their ne w right t o vote nation wide, through th e 1960s , when blac k activis m wa s strong, Gage' s articl e began t o catc h up , bu t reference s t o Gag e o r he r articl e wer e stil l fewe r than t o Stow e o r he r article . I t wa s onl y i n th e 1970 s an d 1980s , i n a period o f heightene d concer n abou t bot h blac k an d women' s right s an d the relation betwee n th e two, that reference s t o Gage or her article for th e first tim e exceeded reference s t o Stow e o r her article. Gage's report , graduall y becomin g wel l known , wov e myth s abou t Truth, myth s tha t helpe d t o buil d u p Trut h int o a heroic figure. Never theless, w e mus t as k whethe r th e frequen t uncritica l us e of Gage's repor t in recen t year s has led to misleading interpretations no t onl y about Trut h and he r plac e i n history , bu t als o abou t earl y black-whit e relation s a t large. When w e compare Gage's 186 3 report o f Truth's speec h with availabl e reports written i n 185 1 soon after th e event, the comparison suggest s tha t we shoul d hee d Gage' s ow n warnin g tha t sh e ha d "give n bu t a fain t sketch" of Truth's speech . The compariso n suggest s that, unless evidenc e to th e contrar y turn s up , importan t part s o f Gage' s repor t regardin g th e atmosphere o f th e convention , th e content s o f Truth' s speech , an d th e effect o f th e speec h o n th e conventio n shoul d b e considere d false . Th e comparison suggest s tha t Gage , th e poet , intende d t o presen t th e sym bolic trut h o f Truth' s word s mor e tha n th e litera l truth ; tha t Gage , th e novelist, imaginin g tha t Harrie t Beeche r Stow e wa s lookin g ove r he r shoulder, fel t presse d t o make Truth's stor y more compelling than i t was; that Gage , the passionat e advocat e o f blacks' and women' s rights , embel lished he r repor t t o strengthe n th e cause s sh e favored, imposin g he r ow n ideas and expressio n o n what Trut h said . Disappointing a s it may be, the comparison make s i t unlikel y tha t Trut h aske d th e thrillin g question , "Ar'n't I a woman?", the principal words by which Truth i s known today . If w e depen d o n contemporar y account s a s more likel y tha n Gage' s t o be reliable, then w e perceiv e that whe n Sojourne r Trut h bega n t o speak , there wer e n o sign s o f panic , n o hissing , n o mobbis h opponent s who m she could overcome . Then w e find that Truth' s words , unadorned, i f less dramatic and smoot h than Gag e wanted them to be, did not make her th e

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one sta r o f the convention , a s Gag e indicates , bu t nevertheles s mad e he r impressive. When Truth' s biographers , followin g Gage , sa y tha t sh e turne d th e convention aroun d fro m opposin g t o favoring women' s rights, we have to suspect tha t the y ma y b e telling u s more wha t Gag e wante d u s to believ e than wha t reall y happened . Whe n recen t writer s o n women' s an d blacks ' history clai m tha t whit e wome n advocatin g women' s right s wer e hostil e to blac k women' s participatio n i n th e women' s movement , an d the y bas e their claim s especiall y o n Gage' s accoun t o f th e suppose d hostilit y t o Truth a t Akron , w e hav e t o wonde r whethe r the y ar e distortin g history . Unless evidenc e t o th e contrar y turn s up , w e hav e t o regar d Gage' s account o f Truth' s askin g th e "Ar'n' t I a woman? " questio n a s folklore , like th e stor y o f Georg e Washingto n an d th e cherr y tree . I t ma y b e suitable fo r tellin g t o children , bu t no t fo r seriou s understandin g o f Sojourner Trut h an d her times . If friend s an d student s o f Trut h wis h t o reasses s thei r views , the y might sto p dependin g o n Gage' s repor t a s if it wer e reliable , and depen d instead o n th e report s o f th e speec h tha t wer e publishe d a t th e time , especially the fullest one , in the Bugle. I f not a s dramatic as Gage's report , the Bugle repor t i s terse, portrays Trut h a s speaking in a folksy styl e tha t rings true , attribute s t o he r som e o f th e sam e provocativ e idea s tha t Gage's report attribute d t o her, an d is much mor e likely to be authentic : One o f the mos t uniqu e an d interestin g speeche s o f the Conventio n wa s mad e b y Sojourner Truth , a n emancipate d slave . It i s impossible t o transfer i t to paper, o r convey any adequat e ide a o f the effec t i t produce d upo n th e audience . Those onl y can appreciat e i t wh o sa w he r powerfu l form , he r whole-souled , earnes t gesture , and listene d t o he r stron g an d truthfu l tones . Sh e cam e forwar d t o th e platfor m and addressin g the Presiden t sai d with grea t simplicity : May I sa y a fe w words ? Receivin g a n affirmativ e answer , sh e proceeded ; I want t o sa y a few word s abou t thi s matter . I a m a woman's rights [sic.] . I have as much muscl e a s an y man , an d ca n d o a s muc h wor k a s an y man . I hav e plowe d and reape d an d huske d an d choppe d an d mowed , an d ca n an y ma n d o more tha n that? I hav e hear d muc h abou t th e sexe s bein g equal ; I ca n carr y a s much a s an y man, an d ca n ea t a s muc h too , i f I ca n ge t it . I a m a s stron g a s an y ma n tha t i s now. As fo r intellect , al l I ca n sa y is , if woman hav e a pint an d ma n a quart—wh y can't sh e have he r littl e pin t full ? Yo u nee d no t b e afrai d t o giv e us ou r right s fo r fear w e will take too much—for w e won't tak e more than ou r pint'l l hold .

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The poo r me n see m t o b e al l i n confusio n an d don' t kno w wha t t o do . Wh y children, i f you hav e woman' s right s giv e i t t o he r an d yo u wil l fee l better . Yo u will have your own rights , and they won' t b e so much trouble . I can' t read , bu t I ca n hear . I hav e hear d th e Bibl e an d hav e learne d tha t Ev e caused ma n t o sin . Wel l i f woman upse t th e world , d o giv e her a chance t o se t i t right sid e u p again . Th e lad y ha s spoke n abou t Jesus , ho w h e neve r spurne d woman fro m him , and sh e was right. When Lazaru s died, Mary and Martha cam e to hi m wit h fait h an d lov e an d besough t hi m t o rais e thei r brother . An d Jesu s wept—and Lazaru s cam e forth . An d ho w cam e Jesu s int o th e world ? Throug h God wh o create d him an d woma n wh o bore him. Man, where is your part ? But th e wome n ar e comin g u p blesse d b e Go d an d a fe w o f th e me n ar e coming u p wit h them . Bu t ma n i s i n a tigh t place , th e poo r slav e i s o n him , woman i s coming on him , and h e is surely betwee n a hawk an d a buzzard. 23

7 Confronting Douglas s "Is God gone?"

In i86 0 Harrie t Beeche r Stow e published a n arrestin g stor y abou t Truth' s confronting Frederic k Douglass . Accordin g t o Stowe , Douglas s wa s speaking and Trut h sa t in the front ro w o f the audience : Frederick Douglass , fire d wit h th e wrong s o f his race , an d th e despair s o f the white race, declared that there was neither hope nor help for the slave but in their own right arms. In the pause that followed this appeal, Sojourner lifte d he r dark face, working with intens e feeling , an d sai d i n a low , dee p voice , whic h wa s hear d i n ever y corner of the room, "Frederick, is God dead?" Stowe tol d th e stor y a s a rebuke t o the Presiden t o f the Unite d States , James Buchanan . H e had proposed to stop the "agitation" against slaver y by amendin g th e Constitutio n t o mak e clea r tha t i t legalize d slavery . Stowe conclude d he r story : Let that old black slave-woman's question ring through the nation, as then it rang through Faneui l Hall . T o al l wh o hop e o r drea m t o pu t dow n agitatio n b y a covenant with death and an agreement with hell, old Africa rises , and raising her poor maimed, scarred hand to heaven, asks us—"Is God dead?" Stowe originall y publishe d th e stor y i n th e Ne w Yor k Independent, and the n relishin g it , republishe d i t thre e year s late r i n th e Atlantic 83

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Monthly. Th e stor y wa s ofte n retol d i n Truth' s time . Truth' s frien d William Stil l retol d i t i n th e Philadelphi a Bulletin o f Jul y 28 , 1876 , commenting: "There i s but littl e room to fear that history will ever allow" Truth's "I s Go d dead? " question "t o g o into oblivion. " When Trut h die d in 1883 , the Rochester Evening Express pointe d t o "Is God dead? " as her "most striking " saying . Afterward , "I s Go d Dead? " wa s carve d o n he r tombstone. In 191 3 W. E. B. DuBois retold the story in a black historica l pageant. I n 194 2 the Detroi t Free Press declared that her "I s God dead? " cry ha d becom e "th e battle-cr y o f fait h an d hop e fo r Negroe s every where." * When Stow e retol d th e stor y i n 1863 , she emphasize d tha t Douglas s believed black s mus t tur n t o violence . Douglass , sh e said , ende d hi s speech b y insistin g tha t black s "ha d n o hop e o f justice fro m th e whites , no possibl e hop e excep t i n thei r ow n righ t arms . I t mus t com e t o blood ; they mus t fight fo r themselves , and redee m themselves , or it would neve r be done. " In thi s secon d telling, Stow e was more specifi c abou t Truth' s effec t o n the audience : Sojourner wa s sitting, tall and dark , o n the ver y front seat , facing th e platform ; and i n th e hus h o f deep feeling , afte r Douglas s sa t down , sh e spoke ou t i n he r deep, peculiar voice, heard all over the house, "Frederick, is God dead?" The effec t wa s perfectl y electrical , an d thrille d throug h th e whol e house , changing a s by a flash the whol e feeling o f the audience . Not anothe r wor d sh e said or needed to say; it was enough. Since the tim e Stow e tol d thi s story , there ha s been widesprea d doub t about wher e an d whe n thi s inciden t occurred , an d indee d som e doub t whether i t occurre d a t all . Stow e first hear d th e stor y fro m Wendel l Phillips. However , Phillip s di d no t clai m t o hav e bee n presen t whe n th e incident occurred , an d neithe r Phillip s no r Stow e gav e an y indicatio n a s to whe n i t occurred . Accordin g t o Stowe , th e inciden t too k plac e i n Faneuil Hall , Boston. Man y hav e followed Stow e i n placin g i t in Boston , but other s hav e place d i t i n th e West . Historian s hav e recentl y reporte d the stor y t o b e "considere d apocryphal." 2 I s thi s anothe r story—lik e Gage's stor y o f the "Ar'n' t I a woman?" speech—which i s so likely to b e untrue tha t w e should no t us e it? In thi s instance , i t ha s bee n possibl e t o establis h wit h certaint y tha t

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Truth's confrontatio n wit h Douglas s di d indee d occu r and , further , t o trace it to Sunday evening , August 22 , 1852 , in a Friends meeting house, in Salem , Ohio. In fact, significan t report s of this meeting were publishe d at th e tim e i n five antislaver y newspapers , report s tha t apparentl y disap peared fro m vie w fo r man y year s unti l uncovere d fo r th e presen t study . These report s togethe r giv e u s a more accurat e stor y o f what Trut h sai d and wha t effec t sh e had o n th e meetin g tha n ha s been availabl e i n studie s of Truth before , and giv e the stor y a surprising twist. 3 Soon afte r th e inciden t occurred , Douglass , reportin g o n th e meetin g for his own Rocheste r newspaper , faile d to report Truth's questio n t o him at all . Sinc e th e questio n wa s embarrassin g t o him , perhap s i t i s natura l that Douglas s woul d no t report it . However, Olive r Johnson , a n experience d journalist, reportin g o n th e incident a t th e tim e fo r hi s antislaver y weekly , th e Philadelphi a Pennsylvania Freeman, tol d u s wha t Truth' s questio n t o Douglas s was . Accord ing to Johnson, Truth's questio n wa s not exactly "Is God dead? " after all . The Friend s meetin g hous e "wa s crowde d t o it s utmost capacity, " John son wrote—abou t 1,00 0 peopl e wer e there , mostly , a s Douglas s calle d them, "hard-hande d farmers " an d thei r families . Douglass , Johnso n wrote , was eloquent, "on e wh o neve r fail s t o comman d th e clos e attention o f his audience." H e ha d brough t th e audienc e t o a "hig h pitc h o f excitement " when, according to Johnson, Trut h asked , "I s God gone? " This "I s Go d gone? " expression , i n th e cours e o f bein g repeate d verbally ove r severa l years , migh t wel l hav e becom e th e smoother , mor e sophisticated "Frederick , i s Go d dead? " that Stow e reporte d later . Bot h Douglass and Johnson, i n later years, when the y heard the story as Stowe told it , accepte d th e "Frederick , i s Go d dead? " version a s conveyin g th e sense of what Trut h said . But th e versio n recorde d a t the time—"Is Go d gone?"—is mor e likely to be accurate . Did Truth's questio n hav e an "electrical" effect, a s Stowe said? Report ing o n th e meetin g a t th e time, Johnson wrot e tha t Truth' s questio n ha d an effec t tha t was , amon g othe r things , "startling. " Late r Johnso n wrot e that whe n Trut h "interjected " he r "solem n question, " "n o bulle t eve r went t o its mark wit h greate r accurac y tha n tha t wit h whic h thi s interro gatory pierce d th e ver y hear t o f the question , an d Douglas s stoo d demol ished an d silent. " Douglas s himsel f late r testifie d t o th e effec t o f Truth' s question, "W e wer e al l fo r a momen t brough t t o a stand-still , just a s w e should hav e been i f someone had thrown a brick through th e window." 4

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Two othe r o f the reports written a t the time tend to substantiate muc h of Johnson's origina l report . The y describ e Trut h a s thrusting a t variou s speakers with a "single question. " One o f these reports wa s in the Salem , Ohio, Anti-Slavery Bugle, th e weekl y newspape r o f the Garrisonia n abo litionist societ y that ra n this meeting. The othe r was in Garrison's Bosto n Liberator and was written b y Parker Pillsbury , who attended the meeting . The Bugle, i n it s report , describe d Trut h a s askin g powerfu l "singl e questions" of speakers who were "politicians." From the Bugle's Garrison ian perspective , Frederic k Douglas s ha d onc e occupie d th e hig h groun d of a mora l suasionist—whe n h e ha d hel d tha t abolitionist s shoul d striv e to abolis h slaver y onl y b y appealin g t o consciences—bu t ha d degrade d himself int o a "politician, " becaus e h e ha d com e t o advocat e th e us e o f political an d physica l force; he even toye d with supportin g Joh n Brown' s use of guns. The Bugle wrote : "Sojourner Trut h woul d sometime s thro w in th e wa y o f the politician s a mos t ugl y difficulty— a whol e argument , with premise , conclusion an d application , i n a single question. " Like th e Bugle, Pillsbury , fo r th e Liberator, calle d Truth' s devic e a "single question. " Pillsbur y als o calle d i t a "singl e dart, " an d sai d sh e directed i t specificall y a t Douglass : "I n tw o o r thre e instances , poo r ol d Sojourner Truth , th e slav e woman , pierce d hi m throug h an d throug h with a single dart , sen t wit h tha t fearfu l ai m an d precisio n fo r whic h sh e is so eminently distinguished. "

What di d Trut h mea n b y he r famou s question , whethe r i n th e origina l 1852 for m o f "I s Go d gone? " or , a s i t late r becam e known , "I s Go d dead?"? After Trut h aske d he r question , simila r expression s becam e wel l know n in othe r contexts . One o f these expression s was the philosopher Friedric h Nietzsche's "Go d i s dead." H e first use d i t i n 188 2 t o asser t tha t ther e i s no Go d t o giv e meanin g t o huma n existence , an d therefor e human s themselves mus t giv e whateve r meanin g ther e i s to thei r existence . Th e same. "God i s dead" expression becam e popula r i n the 1960 s in the "Go d is dead" theological movement . Som e theologians use d thi s expressio n t o mean tha t th e traditiona l God—i n th e sens e o f a patriarc h wit h a bear d who sa t on his throne i n heaven—is n o longer meaningful i n our time, so we nee d t o envisio n Go d differently . I n bot h thes e case s th e expressio n meant a denial that God , o r at least a God o f a certain kind , lives.

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However, Truth , b y her questio n "I s Go d gone?" , was insisting to th e contrary tha t Go d lives . But t o understan d i t s o still doe s no t adequatel y explain wha t sh e meant b y her question . According t o a broa d interpretatio n o f wha t Trut h meant , whic h ha s been give n ove r man y years , Trut h wa s urgin g fait h i n God : Sh e wa s urging Douglas s no t t o despair , bu t t o hav e fait h tha t Go d wil l abolis h slavery. A mor e specifi c interpretation , als o give n ove r man y years , an d not necessaril y contradictor y t o th e broa d one , i s tha t Truth' s particula r concern wa s th e issu e o f violence. Thi s vie w maintain s tha t Douglass , i n saying tha t slaver y coul d onl y b e abolishe d b y blood , wa s endorsin g violence, whil e Trut h wa s insistin g tha t Go d want s slaver y t o b e de stroyed withou t blood , and thus wa s repudiating violence . In line with the first, broa d interpretation, that Truth , b y her question , was emphasizin g fait h i n God , Luc y Ston e commente d lon g afterward , that Trut h mean t t o insis t tha t i f Go d i s o n ou r side , w e canno t fail . Similarly i n lin e wit h thi s broa d interpretation , durin g Worl d Wa r I a writer i n a New Yor k newspaper use d Truth's questio n t o support "faith " as oppose d t o "despair, " an d i n particula r fait h tha t "ou r boys " will wi n the wa r (certainl y thi s us e o f Truth's questio n wa s no t interpretin g i t a s insisting o n nonviolence). Additionally i n lin e with this view is the recen t suggestion b y a n African-America n scholar , tha t Truth' s "outburst " agains t Douglass ha d "little " to d o wit h division s amon g abolitionist s ove r whethe r violence wa s justifie d a s a mean s o f abolishin g slavery , bu t muc h t o d o with whethe r Go d wa s involved . Truth , th e schola r explained , believe d that Go d ha d helpe d he r throug h he r struggle s s o far , an d s o wa s upse t when Douglas s seeme d t o insis t tha t Go d ha d n o par t i n th e struggl e t o abolish slavery. 5 Truth an d Douglas s b y thi s tim e ha d differin g conception s o f God . Douglass wa s comin g t o believ e tha t Go d i s remot e an d depend s o n humans t o carr y ou t Hi s wil l fo r justice. Truth , however , a s an evangeli cal, believed i n a personal, easil y accessibl e God , wh o activel y intervene s for justice. Thu s Truth , i n assertin g tha t Go d lives , could b e understoo d as callin g fo r relianc e o n Go d t o interven e t o destro y slavery , n o matte r how inadequate huma n effort s t o destroy slaver y were . Moving t o th e mor e specifi c interpretation—tha t Truth' s primar y concern wa s the issue of violence—we not e that i n i860 , when the peaceconscious antislaver y edito r Willia m Goodel l republishe d Stowe' s first account o f the "I s Go d dead? " story i n hi s Ne w Yor k Principia, h e use d

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the stor y t o advocat e peacefu l mean s t o abolis h slavery . Goodel l com mented: "Giv e u s bu t seve n thousan d men , wit h th e fait h o f Sojourne r Truth, an d no t man y month s woul d interven e befor e politician s even , would discove r the peaceful solutio n o f our national problem." 6 More directly supportin g the view that Truth wa s primarily concerne d about th e issu e o f violenc e wa s Douglas s himself , whos e testimon y de serves weight . I n hi s memoir s Douglas s wrot e tha t wha t h e ha d sai d a t Salem wa s t o expres s hi s "apprehensio n tha t slaver y coul d onl y b e de stroyed b y bloodshed, " an d tha t wha t Trut h mean t b y he r questio n wa s that sh e oppose d bloodshed . Callin g Trut h "m y quain t ol d sister, " h e explained tha t sh e "wa s o f the Garriso n schoo l o f non-resistants, an d wa s shocked a t my sanguinary doctrine." 7 Moreover, Olive r Johnson' s accoun t o f the incident , writte n immedi ately after i t occurred, interpreted Trut h t o mean that sh e opposed blood shed: Mr. Douglass, in the course of his speech, took occasion to glorify Violenc e as in some circumstances far mor e potent than Mora l Suasion . H e contended, i n fact , that there were cases that could not by any possibility be reached by the latter. In this connection he referred u s to the abject condition of the people of Russia, and ridiculed the idea that anythin g short o f the shedding of the blood of the tyrants could afford relief. When his argument on this point had reached its climax, and the audience had been wrough t t o a high pitc h o f excitement b y hi s rhetoric—i n answe r t o hi s exclamation, "What is the use of Moral Suasion to a people thus trampled in the dust?" was heard the voice of Sojourner Truth , wh o asked, with startling effect , "Is God gone?" Mr. Douglass stood for a moment in silence, and seemed fully conscious of the force o f the question ; an d whe n h e replie d h e coul d onl y affir m tha t Go d wa s present i n th e min d o f the oppresse d t o stimulate the m t o violence! Sojourner' s arrow, however, was sped by more than human power, and it pierced with deadly effect th e Atheis m whic h teache s that th e Swor d i s mightier tha n th e Truth. I t was indee d sublim e t o se e th e plausibl e sophistr y o f Mr . Douglas s rendere d powerless by a simple question from the mouth of an illiterate woman.8 Unlike Johnson, Stowe , in her telling of the "Is God dead? " story bot h times, di d no t clearl y identif y nonviolenc e a s Truth' s primar y concern . Nevertheless, a s becam e wel l known , Stowe , i n writin g he r nove l Dred (published 1856 ) i n th e year s afte r Trut h ha d visite d her , base d on e o f her majo r characters , Milly, o n Truth, an d sh e made Milly clearl y nonvi olent.9

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Milly, lik e Truth , i s a majesti c blac k slav e woma n wh o ha s spiritua l depth. Lik e Truth, sh e influences bot h the blacks and whites around her . Like Truth , sh e ha s overcom e he r earlie r desir e tha t Go d kil l white s fo r holding slaves , an d ha s learne d t o forgiv e them . Whe n a slav e name d Dred plan s a slave insurrection, Milly , saying Christians shoul d lov e their enemies an d leav e vengeanc e t o God , persuade s hi m a t leas t t o postpon e his plans . W e d o no t kno w whethe r Stowe , a t th e tim e sh e wrot e Dred, already kne w th e "I s Go d dead? " story , bu t a t an y rat e Stow e i n thi s novel interpreted Trut h a s distinctly nonviolent . As a slav e Trut h ha d bee n whipped , whic h on e migh t suppos e coul d have accustomed he r to regard violence in human relation s as natural, and perhaps t o b e violen t herself . Indeed , whe n he r childre n wer e young , Truth recalled , i f the y di d wrong , sh e woul d whi p them . Ye t ther e ar e also signs that sh e could b e gentl e an d forgiving . Althoug h a s a slave sh e had sometimes prayed to God to punish slaveholder s by killing all whites, when sh e escape d fro m Dumont , sh e mad e clea r sh e wa s protestin g against hi m bu t di d no t wis h t o hur t him . Als o whe n soo n afterwar d sh e experienced he r religiou s conversion , sh e interprete d i t a s he r turnin g from hatin g to loving whites . However, whe n sh e wa s livin g i n Ne w Yor k City , an d wa s tryin g t o find som e way to keep Pete r ou t o f trouble, she urged hi m to g o to sea on board a "man-of-war." 10 A s note d earlier , sh e tolerated Matthia s a s hea d of th e Kingdo m i n hi s occasiona l whippin g o f it s members , includin g herself. Als o whe n th e polic e cam e t o arres t Matthia s fo r lunacy , sh e physically trie d t o dete r the m fro m wha t sh e felt wa s unjustified violenc e to Matthias . Moreover , sh e late r trie d t o preven t Folge r fro m fighting Matthias b y holdin g Folge r agains t a door . I n thes e las t tw o examples , she wa s practicin g onl y th e defensiv e "violence " o f protectiv e restrain t rather tha n aggressiv e violence . In 184 4 whe n Trut h joine d th e Garrisonian-relate d Northampto n community, sh e foun d th e idea s o f nonviolence freel y circulatin g aroun d her. Havin g alread y ofte n bee n incline d to be forgiving, probabl y sh e wa s ready t o liste n t o thes e ideas . Garriso n ha d helpe d t o se e to i t tha t whe n the America n Anti-Slaver y Societ y wa s founde d i n 1833 , it wa s pledge d to abolis h slaver y b y nonviolen t methods . Garriso n an d som e o f hi s abolitionist associate s ha d founde d th e Nonresistanc e Societ y i n 183 8 t o teach th e principle s o f nonviolence ; Henr y C . Wright , wh o a t on e tim e was a n agen t o f the Northampto n Association , wa s th e society' s genera l

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agent; Georg e Benson , a leade r o f th e Northampto n communit y wh o took a special interest in Truth, had for several years been a vice-president of th e society . Th e Northampto n Associatio n itsel f wa s no t formall y pledged t o nonviolenc e o r t o an y othe r creed , bu t it s schoo l forbad e corporal punishment , an d Garrison , o n one of his visits to the association , told th e member s tha t h e too k i t fo r grante d tha t the y wer e "generall y antislavery, anti-war , an d temperanc e men. " On e o f Truth's biographers , Hertha Pauli , writin g i n th e 1960 s whe n Marti n Luthe r Kin g ha d mad e Americans awar e o f nonviolent protes t a s a means of bringing abou t basi c social change , claime d tha t whil e Trut h struggle d fo r freedo m b y nonvi olence, "she never hear d the slogan s o f nonviolence." However, whil e th e specific slogan s use d i n th e 1960 s wer e differen t fro m thos e use d i n Truth's time , Trut h hear d "slogan s o f nonviolence" a t th e Northampto n community an d elsewher e fro m man y abolitionist s lik e Garrison , Parke r Pillsbury, an d Lucreti a Mott . Trut h hear d slogans , especiall y biblicall y based ones , suc h a s "overcom e evi l wit h good, " abolis h slaver y no t b y "carnal weapons " bu t b y "mora l suasion, " an d overthro w prejudic e "b y the power o f love." 11 In 185 2 whe n sh e wa s speakin g agains t slavery , sh e sometime s san g an antislaver y son g of her own composition , whic h include d thes e verses: Yet those oppressors steeped in guilt— I still would have them live; For I have learned of Jesus to suffer an d forgive. I want no carnal weapons, No enginery of death; For I love not to hear the sound Of war's tempestuous breath. 12 About tw o weeks after sh e had confronte d Douglas s with the question , "Is Go d gone? " sh e agai n showe d he r concer n fo r usin g peacefu l mean s in th e struggl e agains t slavery , thi s tim e i n Clevelan d i n September , 1852, at a n Ohi o stat e convention o f blacks. The conventio n wa s discussing how fa r fugitiv e slave s should g o in using violence to help themselve s escape. Accordin g t o th e officia l proceeding s o f th e convention , man y delegates argue d tha t i f the slav e catchers use d violen t "carna l weapons, " then th e fugitives , t o preven t thei r bein g caught , wer e justified i n usin g them too ; Truth wa s the onl y on e reported a s "urging peac e and forbear -

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ance." 13 Thi s reinforce s th e belie f tha t a t th e Sale m meetin g Trut h wa s concerned abou t th e issue of violence. Speaking at a woman's rights conventio n i n New Yor k in 1853 , Truth said tha t whil e Esther , i n pleadin g t o th e Persia n kin g fo r th e right s o f the Jews , cause d Hama n t o b e hanged , sh e herself , i n pleadin g fo r th e rights o f women, di d "no t wan t an y man t o be killed." 14 In th e whol e decad e befor e th e Civi l War , whil e abolitionist s becam e increasingly disturbe d tha t thei r nonviolen t struggl e t o abolis h slaver y was no t effectiv e enough , Trut h i s neve r know n t o hav e endorse d slav e revolts as a means of abolishing slavery . Once th e Civi l Wa r brok e out , however , i t becam e difficul t fo r Truth , as fo r nearl y al l abolitionist s wh o ha d onc e bee n nonviolent , t o remai n nonviolent. Wa s Douglas s righ t afte r al l that slaver y coul d onl y b e ende d by bloodshed ? Early i n th e war , i n June , 1861 , Truth retaine d onl y a hint o f faith i n nonviolence. Speakin g i n Indiana , sh e ra n int o troubl e fro m anti-blac k Democrats wh o insiste d o n tryin g t o enforc e a n Indian a law—o f ques tionable constitutionality—tha t forbad e black s t o com e int o th e state . These Democrat s ha d Trut h arrested . A pro-Unio n militar y uni t calle d the Hom e Guar d too k he r int o custod y t o protec t he r fro m bein g jailed . When sh e nevertheles s insiste d o n speakin g i n the Steube n Count y cour t house a s planned , he r friend s advise d he r t o carr y a swor d o r pisto l t o protect herself, but sh e replied, " I carr y n o weapon; the Lor d wil l reserv e [preserve] m e withou t weapons . I fee l saf e eve n i n th e mids t o f m y enemies." But sh e accepted th e escor t o f the arme d Hom e Guard , s o tha t when sh e marche d int o th e cour t hous e t o speak , sh e wa s protected , sh e recalled, b y "flashing bayonets." 15 Already b y this time, even thoug h i t was not a t al l certain tha t th e wa r would lea d t o th e abolitio n o f slavery , Trut h wa s sayin g tha t i f she wer e "ten year s younger, " sh e "woul d fly t o th e battle-field , an d nurs e an d cook for the Massachusetts troops, brave boys! and if it came to the pinch , put i n a blow, no w an d then." 16 During th e war , Trut h continue d t o suppor t th e Unio n soldier s ar dently. Sh e encourage d blac k enlistment , an d whe n on e of her grandson s enlisted, sh e gave him he r enthusiasti c blessin g for helpin g "to redeem d e white peopl e fro m d e curs e da t Go d ha s sen t upo n them. " Althoug h Truth's frien d th e Quaker Lucreti a Mot t deliberatel y avoide d visiting th e army cam p fo r blac k soldier s tha t ha d bee n establishe d nea r he r hom e i n

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Philadelphia, becaus e sh e feared i t would b e interpreted t o mean tha t sh e supported th e war , Truth , afte r Michiga n establishe d a cam p fo r blac k soldiers i n Detroit , collecte d foo d fo r the m i n wha t wa s the n he r hom e town o f Battl e Creek , an d delivere d i t i n perso n t o th e soldier s i n thei r camp. Trut h declare d i n a lette r soo n afterward , "I f I wer e te n year s younger, I woul d g o dow n wit h thes e soldier s her e & be th e Mothe r o f the Regiment! " Abou t th e sam e tim e sh e wa s quote d a s sayin g tha t "i f she wer e onl y te n year s younger," sh e would b e "th e Joa n o f Arc t o lea d de arm y o f d e Lord ; fo r no w i s d e da y an d no w d e hou r fo r d e colore d man t o save dis nation." 17 A fe w o f the heretofor e nonviolen t abolitionist s foun d themselve s un comfortable a s they tried to reconcile their belief in nonviolence with thei r inclination t o suppor t th e Unio n caus e i n th e war . Parke r Pillsbur y an d Abby Kelle y Foster, fo r example , continued to advocate freeing th e slave s by voluntary choice , believing that freeing the m instead by military necessity, a s an ac t o f war—as Lincol n di d i n hi s Emancipatio n Proclamatio n —would perpetuat e whit e hatre d o f blacks. Garrison , althoug h support ing th e Unio n cause , too k a n interes t i n me n wh o becam e conscientiou s objectors t o militar y service—on e o f his own son s became suc h a n objec tor. 18 Bu t Trut h showe d n o signs , a s fa r a s availabl e evidenc e indicates , that sh e agonize d ove r reconcilin g he r nonviolenc e wit h he r suppor t o f the war . Th e opportunit y tha t th e wa r provide d t o abolis h slaver y ap peared t o he r o f suc h overridin g importanc e tha t sh e seeme d t o abando n her nonviolence .

8 Northampton t o Battle Cree k "Come spirit , hop up here on the table. "

ww hen Trut h acquire d he r hous e i n Northampto n i n 1850 , i t wa s th e first tim e sh e ha d a hous e sh e coul d shar e wit h he r children . Thoug h earlier sh e ha d severa l time s bee n willin g t o g o awa y fro m he r children , at this time sh e invited al l three o f her daughter s t o live with her. B y thi s time all of them wer e legally free to come . Sophia, th e younges t o f the three , ha d bee n freed , a t leas t informally , at th e sam e time a s Sojourne r herself , th e Va n Wagenen s havin g bough t both o f the m i n effec t t o fre e the m fro m Dumont . I n 1850 , almos t immediately afte r Trut h acquire d he r house , Sophi a cam e t o liv e wit h her, bu t di d no t sta y long . Sh e soon marrie d i n Medina , i n wester n Ne w York. 1 Elizabeth wa s legall y free d fro m servin g Dumon t onl y i n abou t 185 0 when sh e reached th e ag e of twenty-five. Sh e i s believed to have marrie d and ha d a child , Samue l Banks , i n abou t 1852 , i n Ne w Bedford. 2 Bu t soon afterward sh e came to live with her mothe r i n Northampton . Diana, the eldes t daughter , probabl y reache d the age when th e la w n o longer required her to serve Dumont i n about 1841 . But Dian a continue d working for Dumon t unti l 1849 , when h e moved "west" with som e of his sons. By 185 0 Dian a wa s living in Northampton wit h her mother, tryin g to support hersel f b y taking in washing. 3 By April 1853 , however, Dian a was ill. Truth, i n concern, wrote fro m Northampton t o Mrs . Mary K . Gale , a white abolitionis t friend , i n Med 93

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way, Massachusetts , abou t sevent y mile s t o th e east . Fro m th e lette r i t i s apparent tha t Gal e ha d foun d wor k wit h a neighbo r fo r Elizabeth , bu t now T r u t h fel t oblige d t o cal l Elizabet h home : Florence, Northampton, Apri l 14th , 185 3 My dea r Mrs . Gale, Dear belove d friend , I arrive d i n Bosto n an d receive d a dispatc h date d Apri l 3 d sayin g tha t m y daughter Dian a wa s layin g dangerousl y il l a t m y hom e i n Northampton , an d wishing me to come as soon a s possible. The neighbor s have kindly watche d ove r her until m y arrival and are still kind. Sh e is still very sick, with pleuris y an d lun g fever, an d the doctor say s she will scarcely b e fit to leave in two month s i f she get s along well. The dispatc h wa s sen t t o Mr . Garrison , an d I starte d a s soon a s possible afte r I learne d ho w things were . Diana canno t hel p herself a t all. I wan t t o hav e m y daughte r Elizabet h com e her e an d tak e car e o f her awhile , and the n I ca n g o t o Ne w York , an d othe r place s an d d o th e busines s tha t i s necessary I shoul d d o a s soo n a s i t i s prope r fo r m e t o leav e her . Th e neighbor s and friend s thin k thi s i s the bes t cours e I ca n take , and I wan t he r t o b e sure an d come soon , afte r sh e get s this , b y al l mean s com e Monda y o r Tuesday . I t i s impossible t o ge t hel p i n thi s place . Mrs . Anthon y ha s bee n ver y kin d an d ha s taken goo d care , bu t sh e canno t stay , an d Elizabet h mus t come . Dian a i s ver y anxious tha t sh e shoul d com e an d I pra y yo u le t nothin g preven t he r comin g Monday o r Tuesday. I f she does not com e I shall expect a letter Tuesday . If sh e ha s no t mone y i f Mrs . Gal e wil l se e tha t sh e ha s enoug h t o brin g he r here, I wil l satisf y he r whe n I com e tha t way . Wil l Mrs . Gal e apologiz e t o Mrs . Jenks an d tel l he r tha t i t i s onl y necessit y make s m e cal l fo r her , bu t i t doe s no t take ou r Heavenl y Fathe r lon g t o chang e ou r course , an d mak e ou r pathwa y t o differ fro m wha t w e have calculated. Mrs . Gal e will please read this letter to Mrs . Jenks, and they wil l understand . Ever truly yours , Sojourner Truth 4 Probably Elizabet h di d leav e he r wor k an d com e home , a s T r u t h requested, for , a s it turne d out , T r u t h succeede d i n gettin g awa y t o atten d to he r "business, " a s sh e calle d i t prosaicall y here . I n May , T r u t h wa s attending convention s an d speakin g i n an d nea r Philadelphia , an d i n September i n an d nea r N e w York . Sh e wa s speakin g o n slavery , women' s rights, religion , an d th e stor y o f he r life , sometime s mixin g al l thes e together, an d a s usua l sh e sol d he r books . In Ma y o f 185 5 o r 1856 , T r u t h wrot e a n u n k n o w n frien d abou t he r grandson, J a m e s Caldwell . Whic h o f T r u t h ' s daughter s wa s James' s mother i s no t certain . A t an y rate , i t wa s J a m e s w h o m T r u t h ha d take n

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with he r whe n sh e visite d Harrie t Beeche r Stow e i n 1853 . According t o this letter , Trut h apparentl y ha d place d James , who wa s about twelv e o r thirteen b y now, out t o service, but h e was not doin g well: Florence [Northampton], May 12 [1855? 1856? ] Dear Friend, I have this day got your letter. Have been in Conn. & did not stop long enough in any one place to write & have an answer. I am very sorry Jimmy ha s troubled you . I did hope he would be a good boy & be a help and not a hindrance. I will come for him just as soon as I can get my things fixed for a little so that I can leave home. I got home today, found Elizabeth sick. She had been quite sick but is better. Dianna [sic ] i s i n Westfiel d livin g wit h Mr . [Gilbert ] Haven , a Methodis t minister she likes very much & they seem to [like] her. I will try to get to your place in a week or ten days at most. I hope Jimmy will try to do the best he can until I can ge t there. Rest assured I am very sorry you have had such a burden imposed upon you. With much gratitude for your kindness I remain thy friend & sister, Sojourner Truth 5 At th e sam e time tha t Trut h wa s enlargin g he r vie w o f her missio n t o the world, sh e was enlarging her view of her responsibilities to her family , and finding tha t thes e responsibilities sometime s weighe d heavil y o n her .

Meanwhile Trut h wa s doin g wel l enoug h i n he r lecturing , sellin g he r book, an d managin g he r finances t o pa y of f th e mortgag e o n he r house . On Novembe r 1 , 1854 , Samue l L . Hil l discharge d th e mortgage , ac knowledging tha t i t ha d "bee n full y paid. " O n Januar y 18 , 1856 , sh e bought fro m Hil l anothe r lo t nex t t o her hous e fo r $25 , as if she was stil l doing wel l financially, an d expecte d t o sta y i n Northampton. 6 However , she wa s soo n allowin g hersel f t o b e caugh t u p i n th e grea t surg e o f Ne w Englanders an d Ne w Yorker s wh o wer e migratin g t o th e Middl e West , dreaming o f new beginnings . In th e fal l o f 1856 , Trut h wa s visitin g th e Battl e Cree k regio n o f Michigan, wher e Easter n settler s wer e rapidly clearin g the gentl y rollin g land fo r growin g whea t an d fruit . Sh e spok e i n Battl e Cree k i n October , 1856, a t th e annua l meetin g o f th e Michiga n Progressiv e Friend s (als o known a s Friend s o f Huma n Progress) . O n thi s occasio n sh e me t som e

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ardent advocate s o f blacks an d women , includin g Warre n Chase , a Spiri tualist, an d severa l o f Quake r backgroun d suc h a s Henr y Willis , th e Merritt family , an d France s Titus , al l o f who m wer e t o becom e he r friends. I n May , 1857 , she was again i n Battle Creek, speakin g there an d in the vicinity. 7 On Jul y 28 , 185 7 sh e bought a lot i n Harmonia , abou t five miles wes t of Battl e Cree k proper. 8 Harmoni a wa s a smal l Spiritualis t community , its name being a popular Spiritualis t term . Harmoni a ha d bee n formed b y Quakers-become-Spiritualists, particularl y th e Reynold s Cornel l family . It wa s from th e Cornells' son Hiram tha t Trut h bough t he r lot . The Cornells , like many Michigan Quakers , were originally from Ne w York State . The y ha d becom e member s o f th e Battl e Cree k Quake r meeting i n 1838 , an d ha d first settle d i n wha t wa s late r t o becom e Harmonia i n abou t 1844 , buyin g extensiv e lan d an d gatherin g othe r Quaker farmer s aroun d them . I t wa s not unti l severa l year s late r tha t th e Cornells had becom e Spiritualists . Truth hersel f onc e sai d tha t sh e cam e t o Battl e Cree k becaus e "ol d friends o f mine fro m Ulste r County , N.Y. , had removed , an d wante d m e to follow, " bu t wh o thes e friend s wer e sh e did no t say . It i s now possibl e to identify thes e old friends a s including—and perhap s entirely consistin g of—the Cornell s o f Harmonia. Bot h Reynold s Cornel l an d hi s wife Dor cas had grow n u p i n Quake r familie s i n th e par t o f Ulster Count y wher e Truth ha d live d a s a slave . Dorca s Cornell' s parents , th e Alexande r Youngs, had bee n par t o f the Quaker communit y i n Poppletow n tha t ha d helped Trut h i n recoverin g he r son . Trut h remembere d thos e Quaker s warmly. Reynold s Cornell' s daughte r Delia , wh o wa s on e of the teacher s in th e Harmoni a Seminary , recalle d lon g afterwar d tha t befor e Trut h settled i n Harmonia , sh e visite d th e Cornell s ther e a s a guest , an d wa s "greatly please d to find that he r hostess had bee n a neighbor t o her i n th e days o f he r thraldom. " Th e Cornell s foun d tha t the y an d Trut h share d not onl y commo n memorie s o f peopl e an d th e hill y landscap e i n Ulste r County, bu t als o commo n sympathie s fo r refor m causes , includin g anti slavery an d spiritualism . I t woul d b e understandabl e tha t th e Cornell s encouraged he r to settle with them i n Harmonia. 9 On Septembe r 3 , 1857 , Trut h sol d he r hous e an d adjoinin g lo t i n Northampton fo r $740 , thus makin g a tidy profit. 10 Th e lo w price—$4 0 —she pai d fo r he r lo t i n Harmoni a suggest s tha t sh e bought i t withou t a house an d the n buil t on e afterward . He r ne w hous e wa s evidently , lik e

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her hous e i n Northampton , a modes t one , becaus e he r Harmoni a rea l estate wa s value d i n th e i86 0 censu s a t $900 , les s than tha t o f several of her immediate neighbors . Soon afte r movin g to Harmonia , Trut h ha d livin g with he r i n her ne w house a t leas t on e o f he r grandsons , five-year-old Samue l Banks . He r house wa s near th e Cornells ' houses, and nea r Hira m Cornell' s schoo l fo r children, calle d Bedfor d Harmonia l Seminary , whic h wa s controversia l because it was associated with Spiritualists . Her house was also diagonally across th e stree t fro m th e newl y buil t hous e o f Warre n Chase , wh o ha d been th e majo r figure i n a Utopian socialis t communit y i n Wisconsin , an d a membe r o f the stat e senat e there . H e wa s no w on e o f the mos t promi nent promoter s o f spiritualis m i n th e nation . Unlik e man y Spiritualists , Chase considere d himsel f a n "infidel " Spiritualist , no t a Christia n one . Chase wa s please d tha t i n Hira m Cornell' s schoo l "student s wer e no t taught t o pray and rea d the Bible," and sen t his children t o the school. 11 No availabl e evidenc e suggest s tha t Trut h woul d choos e a communit y because i t eithe r discourage d readin g th e Bibl e o r offere d opportunitie s for farming . I t ha s bee n suggeste d tha t sh e move d t o th e Battl e Cree k area becaus e ther e wa s a blac k communit y there. 12 Bu t w e lac k an y indication tha t Trut h particularl y wishe d t o liv e amon g blacks . I n an y case, sh e woul d b e unlikel y t o mov e fro m Massachusett s t o Michiga n i n order t o b e close r to blacks , for a t th e tim e i n Michigan , a s in Massachu setts, black s mad e u p les s tha n on e percen t o f the population , an d bot h the Battl e Cree k an d Northampto n area s ha d insignifican t number s o f blacks. Perhap s a reaso n Trut h move d t o th e are a wa s tha t ther e migh t be more opportunitie s fo r he r childre n an d grandchildre n t o find suitabl e work an d education ; Diana , Elizabeth , an d James had al l been oblige d t o fan ou t fro m Northampto n t o find work. I t i s not clea r if the Battle Cree k area wa s an y mor e antislaver y tha n Northampton , bu t Battl e Creek , perhaps especiall y becaus e o f it s Spiritualist s an d Quakers , seeme d un usually toleran t o f differences ; th e Battl e Cree k Quaker s wer e o f th e Hicksite win g o f Quakers, that is , the mor e tolerant wing . When Warre n Chase decide d t o settl e i n Harmonia , h e considere d Battl e Cree k t o b e one of the mos t libera l town s i n th e state . When i n 186 8 Michiga n vote d on whethe r t o adop t a ne w stat e constitutio n tha t woul d giv e black s th e equal righ t t o vote , Michiga n a s a whol e vote d agains t it , bu t Battl e Creek vote d for it . It i s likely tha t Trut h wa s draw n t o th e Quaker-relate d communit y o f

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reformers i n Battl e Cree k proper , includin g th e Willises , Merritts , an d Tituses. Trut h ha d me t Henr y Willi s b y a t leas t 185 2 a t a n antislaver y convention i n Ohio . Afterwar d whe n Trut h ha d spoke n a t th e Progres sive Friend s conventio n i n Battl e Cree k i n 1856 , i t wa s Willi s wh o suggested tha t a collectio n b e take n u p fo r he r benefit , resultin g i n a "liberal contribution. " Willi s an d hi s Quake r friend s encourage d he r t o continue he r publi c speaking, and also assisted her to find employment a s a domesti c t o hel p suppor t herself . On e o f th e Merrit t famil y claime d much late r tha t hi s mothe r ha d brough t Trut h t o Battl e Cree k t o b e hi s nurse. 13 However, th e fac t tha t Trut h chos e to settl e in Harmonia , th e Spiritu alist community , rathe r tha n i n Battl e Cree k proper , i s significant . I n choosing to settle in Harmoni a sh e was for th e third tim e choosing to live in a n intentiona l community , th e first havin g bee n th e Matthia s commu nity i n Ne w York , the secon d having bee n the Northampton Association . Evidently sh e fel t a need , a s sh e ha d before , t o liv e i n a communit y whose ideals she shared, and from whic h sh e could hope to secure at leas t emotional support . However , althoug h bot h the Matthias and Northamp ton Associatio n communitie s ha d bee n highl y structured , th e Harmoni a community wa s scarcel y structure d a t all . Participant s live d i n abou t a dozen separat e houses , a s separat e families . The y di d no t poo l property , share work , o r liv e b y commo n rules . The y simpl y cam e t o liv e i n th e same communit y becaus e the y believe d the y woul d find i t congenia l t o do so. Frances Titus, who became a long-time Battle Creek frien d o f Truth's, in writin g th e 187 5 versio n o f Truth's Narrative, gav e no explanation fo r Truth's mov e to Michigan. Titus did not even mention tha t Truth settle d in a Spiritualis t community . Possibl y Titus , a s sympatheti c a s sh e an d many o f he r Battl e Cree k Quake r friend s wer e t o spiritualism , fel t tha t linking Trut h t o spiritualis m woul d no t ad d t o Truth's reputation . Sinc e then, man y othe r commentator s o n Truth , i f the y eve n kne w abou t Truth's associatio n wit h Spiritualists , have ignored it . Truth ha d bee n fascinate d b y spiritualis m a s early a s 1851 , when sh e visited wester n Ne w Yor k wher e th e spiritualis t stor m tha t swep t Amer ica i n th e 1850 s arose . I n Rochester , Trut h ha d staye d wit h th e Posts , who wer e intimat e neighbor s o f th e Fo x sister s whos e spiri t "rappings " were convincin g man y American s tha t huma n communicatio n wit h th e spirits of the dead was a reality. Isaac Post, himself a medium, devised th e

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alphabet syste m th e Fo x sister s use d i n communicatin g wit h spirit s b y rappings. While stayin g a t th e Posts , Trut h hersel f too k par t i n a table-rappin g seance. A s a corresponden t o f th e Anti-Slavery Bugle explained , th e se ance was: rendered ver y rich an d piquan t b y the presenc e o f that rar e original , Sojourne r Truth. He r matter-of-fac t simpl e minde d manne r o f seekin g intercours e wit h spirits, wa s amusin g beyon d description . Th e sound s wer e fain t an d low , an d given at lon g intervals, although a complete circle was formed aroun d the table. Sojourner stuc k t o the belie f they coul d b e better heard o n the table, and whil e she listened with all her soul, part of the time with her ear on the floor, called out very unceremoniously, "Come spirit, hop up here on the table, and see if you can make a louder noise."14 When Trut h move d t o th e Battl e Cree k area , severa l o f th e Battl e Creek Quake r familie s suc h a s the Willise s an d Merritt s ha d themselve s become advocate s o f spiritualism—i n fac t s o man y o f th e Battl e Cree k Quakers wer e becomin g Spiritualist s i n th e 1850 s tha t th e Battl e Cree k Quaker meetin g neve r recovere d it s strength . Thes e Battl e Cree k Quak ers-becoming-Spiritualists wer e als o strong advocate s o f blacks and women , as were many Spiritualists . Yet in October, 1857 , when Trut h wa s one of the "principal speakers " at a meeting o f the Michigan Progressiv e Friend s —a meetin g attende d b y abolitionists , temperanc e advocates , women' s advocates, lan d reformers , socialists , an d Spiritualists—accordin g t o th e abolitionist Parke r Pillsbury , th e meetin g wa s dominated b y Spiritualist s who, unlik e th e Merritt s an d Willises , wer e al l to o ofte n "morbid " an d "bigoted" and voted Democratic. 15 In Truth' s time , Spiritualist s playe d a rol e simila r t o tha t o f "Ne w Age" religionist s i n th e lat e 1900s . Th e genera l publi c ofte n ridicule d Spiritualists, an d conservativ e churche s ofte n attacke d them ; Sevent h Day Adventists , wh o wer e stron g i n Battl e Creek , wer e amon g thos e who attacke d Spiritualists , claimin g the y talke d no t t o spirit s o f the dea d but t o devils . Som e abolitionist-feminist s suc h a s Lucreti a Mott , Parke r Pillsbury, an d Frederic k Douglas s wer e skeptica l o f Spiritualists . Other s tended t o avoi d identifyin g wit h the m becaus e the y di d no t wis h t o antagonize th e conventiona l church . Bu t man y abolitionist-feminists , in cluding Garrison , Luc y Stone , an d Paulin a Wrigh t Davis , despit e bein g dubious of certain claim s by particular Spiritualists , tended to believe that

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spiritualism no t onl y reinforce d th e Christia n belie f i n immortality , bu t also wa s a progressiv e developmen t tha t wen t han d i n han d wit h effort s to improv e th e statu s o f blacks an d o f women. B y th e lat e 1850 s mos t o f the Progressiv e Friends— a movemen t especiall y o f dissident Quaker s i n which Trut h an d man y o f her friend s too k part , in Battl e Creek , Roches ter, an d elsewhere—ha d accepte d spiritualism . B y th e 1860 s th e inter mingling o f Progressive Friend s an d Spiritualist s wa s so pervasive that i t was hard to tell them apart . According t o a recen t studen t o f th e relatio n o f nineteenth-centur y feminists t o spiritualism , thos e wh o too k "th e mos t radica l position " fo r women's rights "consistently" became Spiritualists. 16 One reason progres sive women di d s o was that wome n coul d becom e leader s i n th e Spiritu alist movement , a s the y scarcel y coul d i n th e conventiona l church , be cause authorit y i n spiritualis m derive d from individua l spiritua l experienc e rather than , a s in th e conventiona l church , fro m offic e o r education. Thi s may wel l hav e bee n on e o f th e aspect s o f spiritualis m tha t appeale d t o Truth, becaus e he r religiou s authorit y clearl y cam e from he r ow n experi ence. Also , althoug h black s wer e littl e relate d t o th e whit e spiritualis t movement, the y ofte n brough t fro m Afric a belie f i n obligation s t o spiri t ancestors, s o tha t man y black s wer e likel y t o b e a t leas t somewha t ope n to spiritualism . Battle Creek , partl y becaus e o f the nearb y Harmoni a community , wa s a considerable cente r o f spiritualism. Althoug h man y people who becam e Spiritualists remaine d i n conventiona l churches , from a t leas t 185 7 f° r a s long a s Trut h remaine d alive , ther e wa s a Spiritualis t churc h i n Battl e Creek proper , an d a t least five of Truth's once-Quake r abolitionis t friend s were activ e i n it : Henr y Willis , Josep h Merritt , an d thre e o f hi s sons , Richard, Charles , an d Willia m Merritt . No t onl y di d Warre n Chas e sometimes spea k i n thi s church , bu t visitin g advocate s o f blacks ' an d women's rights , includin g suc h friend s o f Truth a s Parke r Pillsbur y an d Giles B . Stebbins , di d s o a s well . Whil e evidenc e i s no t availabl e tha t Truth directl y participate d i n thi s church , a t leas t sh e wa s friendl y wit h its colorful pastor , James M . Peebles , who bought propert y i n Harmonia . He was an impressive man , six-feet-four-inches tall , "slim a s a May-pole," with hai r flowing ove r hi s coa t collar , wh o sai d hi s purpos e wa s no t t o destroy Christianit y bu t t o "giv e it broade r scope. " He thundered agains t slavery an d whiskey , practice d hypnotism , befriende d mediums , and pro moted herba l medicines . I n 186 3 Peeble s carrie d t o Ne w Yor k Cit y a

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letter fro m Trut h t o he r abolitionis t edito r friend , Olive r Johnson , wh o was himself bot h a Progressive Friend an d Spiritualist. 17 Truth ma y hav e live d amon g th e Harmoni a Spiritualist s comfortabl y for a time. Accordin g t o he r Harmoni a neighbo r Warre n Chase , writin g in 186 3 i n a widely rea d nationa l Spiritualis t weekly : Truth live s here i n "quiet an d health. " "Th e neighbor s occasionall y giv e he r a surpris e party, " and sh e ofte n sing s t o u s he r "anti-slaver y an d religiou s songs , t o th e delight o f al l wh o hea r them. " Trut h "amuse s us " wit h "stories " o f he r experiences o f slavery, "th e mos t touching " o f which wa s how he r fathe r died i n hi s ol d age , alon e i n th e cold , abandone d b y hi s slav e master . Chase considere d Trut h t o b e "th e mos t remarkabl e an d talente d perso n without education , o f an y color , tha t I eve r me t with. " Chas e als o con sidered Trut h t o b e a Spiritualist : Sh e "ha s lon g sinc e discovere d tha t much whic h sh e onc e attribute d t o Go d i s th e wor k o f guardia n spirits , one of which i s no doubt he r father." 18 Despite he r choosin g t o liv e i n a Spiritualis t community , Trut h ma y have foun d spiritualis m disturbin g a s well a s attractive. Doubtles s i t wa s unsettling to her that som e spiritualists like Chase were aggressively anti Christian, an d som e other s wer e no t progressiv e abou t socia l issues . Perhaps als o he r wrenchin g experience s wit h Matthias' s Kingdo m ha d led he r t o b e somewha t skeptical , an d som e o f he r mor e sophisticate d abolitionist-feminists associate s ha d le d he r i n tha t directio n a s well . I n any case , Trut h i s no t know n t o hav e eve r becom e on e o f th e man y Spiritualists wh o hel d seances , o r wen t abou t speakin g i n a trance , o r publicly advocate d spiritualism . Trut h i s no t know n t o hav e sai d i n he r speeches, a s Spiritualist s sometime s did , tha t sh e receive d specifi c mes sages fro m departe d love d one s suc h a s he r father . He r availabl e publi c references t o spirit s ar e fe w an d ambiguous . Fo r example , accordin g t o a Syracuse newspaper , sh e sai d tha t "th e spiri t o f prophecy" had give n he r a specifi c message . A t anothe r time , accordin g t o a Ne w Yor k Cit y newspaper, sh e sai d th e "spirits " told he r sh e wa s a s "black a s thunder, " though wh y she needed the spirits to tell her that i s not evident—perhap s she o r th e newspape r wa s spoofing . Accordin g t o a n unconfirme d story , when a false rumo r wen t ou t tha t Trut h wa s dead , on e o f her daughter s came hom e stricke n wit h grief , an d wa s astonishe d t o find he r mothe r still aliv e to gree t he r a t th e door . Trut h tol d her , whethe r facetiousl y o r not: "Why , honey , chile , e f I wa s dead , doa n yo u s'pos e I' d sen ' yo u word?" Accordin g t o he r perceptiv e abolitionis t frien d Luc y Colman ,

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who wa s herself a Spiritualist sympathizer , Trut h wa s "what th e Spiritu alists call mediumistic," but, Colma n said , i n seemin g contras t t o Warre n Chase, that he r "control, " instead o f being the spiri t o f someone who wa s dead, wa s Go d Himself . "Sh e hel d almos t hourl y convers e with , a s sh e supposed, the God of the universe," Colman explained, "asked his opinion about an y contemplate d busines s tha t sh e propose d t o do , an d wen t b y his direction." 19

Many o f Truth's famil y gathere d aroun d he r i n the Battle Cree k area . B y i860 Trut h ha d livin g wit h he r i n he r hous e i n Harmoni a he r daughte r Elizabeth Banks , an d tw o grandsons , Elizabeth' s so n Samue l Banks , about eight , an d th e grandso n Trut h ha d alread y ofte n looke d after , James Caldwell , abou t sixteen . Abou t thi s time Elizabet h remarried , thi s time t o Willia m Boyd , an d the y soo n ha d a son . B y th e lat e 1860s , Truth's othe r tw o daughters , Dian a an d Sophia , joined he r i n th e Battl e Creek are a too , Dian a wit h he r husban d Jaco b Corbin , an d Sophi a wit h her husband To m Schuyler , an d their children. 20 If th e Harmoni a Seminar y was , a s ha s bee n claimed , fo r a lon g tim e the onl y schoo l i n th e Harmoni a neighborhood , som e o f Truth' s grand children probabl y attende d it . W e kno w tha t black s di d atten d there , because the black John Evans , later a barber i n Battle Creek , di d so. However, considerabl e dissensio n gre w u p i n th e Harmoni a commu nity, whic h eventuall y helpe d t o brea k i t up . Evan s recalle d tha t Trut h came to dislike Harmonia, an d wanted to leave. 21 By i86 0 Hira m Cornel l and hi s family ha d left , b y 186 3 Reynold s Cornel l an d hi s family, an d b y 1864 Warre n Chas e an d hi s family a s well. By 186 3 Trut h ofte n seeme d to be stayin g not i n Harmoni a bu t i n Battl e Cree k proper , an d b y at leas t 1867 Trut h ha d move d permanentl y there , leavin g he r daughte r Sophi a and he r famil y t o occup y he r Harmoni a house . Bu t Trut h continue d t o relate herself to Spiritualists . Battle Cree k wa s onl y a village , almos t unknow n t o th e natio n whe n Truth move d t o the area . Afte r Harrie t Beeche r Stow e mad e Trut h wel l known b y writing abou t her , Trut h ma y have helped to put Battl e Cree k on the map, almost a s much a s did afterward th e Adventists' Battle Cree k Sanitarium, an d th e breakfas t cerea l industry tha t gre w ou t o f it, particu larly the big Kellogg an d Pos t companies . In bot h Harmoni a an d Battle Creek proper , aside from he r ow n family ,

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Truth primaril y associate d wit h whites , a s she also had i n Northampton . Although ther e wer e blac k churche s i n Battl e Creek , sh e did no t identif y with them . He r grandchildre n attende d schoo l primarily wit h whit e chil dren an d playe d primaril y wit h whites . O n summe r evening s sh e too k delight i n strolling with on e of her grandson s along the tree-shaded Battl e Creek streets , read y t o sto p alon g th e wa y t o cha t wit h he r mostl y whit e neighbors. 22 Having he r famil y aroun d he r mean t no t onl y jo y fo r Trut h bu t als o burden. Severa l o f the m live d wit h he r i n he r hous e i n Battl e Creek , a s they ha d i n Harmonia , an d the y wer e ofte n poor , a s sh e wa s herself . When the y coul d find wor k i n Battl e Creek , variou s member s o f he r family wer e employe d a s domestics , cooks , laborers , far m laborers , me chanics, o r th e like . A t variou s time s som e o f the m wen t elsewher e t o work, a s i f the y coul d no t find adequat e wor k i n Battl e Creek . He r daughters Elizabet h an d Sophi a temporaril y wen t bac k East , t o wor k i n the Rochester , Ne w York , area , a s di d som e o f Truth's grandsons . Onc e Truth too k he r grandso n Samue l t o Toledo , Ohio , hopin g t o plac e hi m in work there. 23 Truth's daughters , lik e herself , remaine d illiterate , an d non e o f he r family i s know n t o hav e becom e especiall y wel l educated . Non e becam e known fo r identifying wit h refor m o r with eithe r Quakers or Spiritualists . Elizabeth ha d troubl e wit h he r secon d husband , Willia m Boyd , takin g him t o cour t i n 187 2 fo r desertin g her , neglectin g t o suppor t hi s family , and leavin g the m a burde n o n th e public ; h e pleade d guilty . (On e ca n imagine that Truth , wit h her successful experienc e in court cases, encouraged Elizabet h t o tak e hi m t o court. ) Althoug h a friendl y visito r onc e reported tha t al l Truth' s grandchildre n wer e "promising, " Diana' s so n Jacob Corbi n wa s sen t i n 187 8 first t o a "count y house " an d the n t o a state schoo l fo r proble m youth s i n Coldwater . Whe n h e wa s release d th e next year , h e was indentured t o Truth. 2 4 Truth' s achievement s stan d ou t against he r ofte n pinche d an d troubled famil y life .

9 Underground Railroader ? "I'm on my way to Canada, That cold, but happy land."

Wf he n Trut h wa s i n he r ol d age , a reporter onc e asked he r whethe r sh e had helped slave s escape through the Underground Railroad . Sh e replied, "Yes, indeed, chile. " But sh e gav e n o detail s an d seeme d t o tur n quickl y to something else. 1 Many twentieth-centur y publication s hav e asserte d tha t Trut h partici pated significantl y i n th e Undergroun d Railroa d withou t supplyin g de tails o f where o r whe n sh e di d so . For example , a history o f the Railroa d claimed tha t Trut h wa s on e o f the Railroad' s "majo r personalities. " Th e scholars Jan e an d Willia m Peas e claime d tha t Trut h wa s a s well know n "on fugitive escap e routes" as "on the lecture circuit." A study of women's power claime d tha t Sojourne r Trut h an d Harrie t Tubma n bot h "wen t back tim e an d again , wit h hug e price s o n their heads , to free othe r slave s on thei r ow n plantations, " a s if both Trut h an d Tubma n ha d com e fro m Southern plantations . A n advertisemen t i n Ebony magazin e presente d a picture o f Trut h a s a commandin g figure, underneat h whic h th e onl y claim i t mad e for he r fam e wa s that sh e was "Leader o f the Undergroun d Railway Movement." 2 It seem s unlikel y tha t Trut h coul d hav e participate d significantl y i n the Undergroun d Railroa d whil e sh e wa s a slav e o r soo n afte r sh e wa s freed. I n thes e year s i t i s doubtful i f she had ye t develope d th e comman d of hersel f o r th e antislaver y ideolog y t o enabl e he r t o tak e suc h radical , 104

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dangerous actio n fo r others . Also , whil e sh e wa s stil l livin g i n Ulste r County an d i n Ne w Yor k City , she lacked a home of her ow n i n which t o hide slaves , an d i s no t ye t know n t o hav e becom e clos e t o anyon e activ e in the Railroad . It wa s onl y i n 1844 , whe n Trut h settle d i n th e Utopia n Northampto n Association, tha t sh e first clearly cam e close to Underground Railroaders . One o f th e impressiv e member s o f th e Northampto n Association , th e black Davi d Ruggles , ha d previousl y bee n th e principa l agen t o f th e Underground Railroa d i n Ne w Yor k City , hidin g fugitive s an d plannin g how the y woul d mov e o n u p th e Hudso n Rive r o r int o Ne w England . After th e associatio n brok e up , Ruggle s establishe d a water-cur e sp a i n Northampton, an d secretl y use d i t t o hid e fugitiv e slaves . Also operatin g an undergroun d statio n i n Northampto n wa s Samue l L . Hill , a leader o f the associatio n an d a majo r benefacto r o f Truth . Possibl y sh e sa w fugi tives in Ruggles' s o r Hill' s care , and eve n helpe d fee d o r nurs e them , bu t there i s no evidence that a t any time during the thirteen year s Truth live d in Northampton, sh e took an y part i n the Underground Railroad. 3 By the tim e Trut h bega n t o spea k publicl y agains t slavery , sh e owne d a hous e o f he r own , an d sh e ha d develope d a thoroughgoin g oppositio n to slaver y tha t encourage d he r t o car e abou t fugitiv e slaves . I n 185 1 Truth sai d thos e wh o supporte d th e la w b y sendin g fugitiv e slave s bac k to thei r master s "di d no t kno w God." 4 I n 1853 , whe n Trut h spen t several day s wit h Harrie t Beeche r Stow e i n Andover , Massachusetts , Truth wa s fon d o f singin g a son g abou t a fugitiv e slave , a son g tha t Harriet Tubma n san g when sh e was guiding fugitive s north : I'm on my way to Canada, That cold, but happy land; The dire effects o f slavery I can no longer stand. O righteous Father Do look down on me, And help me on to Canada, Where colored folks are free! 5

While Trut h wa s travelling, sh e staye d i n Rochester , Ne w York , wit h Isaac an d Am y Post , wh o hi d fugitiv e slave s o n thei r wa y t o Canada .

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Frederick Douglass , wh o live d i n Rocheste r muc h o f th e time , sen t fugitives t o th e Posts . Th e Rocheste r abolitionis t Luc y Colma n claime d that nearl y al l th e fugitive s wh o fled fro m anywher e i n th e State s t o Canada kne w Am y Post' s name . Trut h migh t hav e see n fugitive s i n Rochester, an d perhap s incidentall y helpe d them . Bu t neithe r th e Posts , Douglass, Colman, no r anyon e els e likely to be familiar wit h the Railroa d in Rocheste r i s know n t o hav e claime d tha t Trut h assiste d i n i t i n an y way.6 Truth wa s s o wel l know n amon g person s wh o wer e likel y t o b e involved i n th e Undergroun d Railroad , o r wh o wer e likel y t o commen t on i t afterward , tha t i f an y shre d o f hard evidenc e turne d u p connectin g her t o it , the y woul d b e likel y t o mentio n it . Amon g th e man y othe r persons Truth cam e to know i n her travel s who assiste d fugitiv e slave s in varying degree s wer e th e Unitaria n pasto r Samue l J . May , o f Syracuse , New York ; the volubl e Stephe n an d Abb y Foster , Worcester , Massachu setts; antislavery edito r Marius Robinson, Salem , Ohio; and the dominan t figure i n th e Undergroun d Railroa d i n Philadelphia , th e blac k Willia m Still. Nevertheless , evidenc e i s lackin g tha t Trut h assiste d an y o f thes e friends, o r anyone els e she visited i n her travels , in harboring fugitives , i n protecting them , o r i n guidin g the m o n thei r wa y farthe r north . Thi s i s so although Trut h spok e on the same platform wit h many of these friends , visited man y o f them i n their homes , and admire d man y o f them warmly . This i s also true eve n thoug h i n her speakin g sh e often recounte d experi ences o f her ow n life , whic h woul d see m t o hav e mad e i t natura l fo r her , at leas t b y 186 5 whe n al l slave s ha d bee n free d an d ther e wa s scarcel y need an y longe r t o protec t Railroa d secrets , t o sa y publicl y tha t sh e ha d worked i n the Railroad, if she had . In 185 7 whe n Trut h move d he r permanen t hom e fro m Northampto n to Battl e Creek , sh e migh t hav e don e so , i t ha s bee n hinted , becaus e Quakers invite d he r ther e t o participat e i n th e Undergroun d Railroad . A Detroit newspape r claime d in 191 5 that whil e Truth wa s living in Battl e Creek, sh e "helpe d hundred s o f slaves" escape to Canada , an d tha t i t wa s an "open secret " that sh e did so. 7 Others have made simila r claims . Battle Cree k wa s a n importan t statio n o n th e Railroad . B y th e tim e Truth settle d i n Battl e Creek , however , it s mos t activ e Railroa d day s were already over , bette r route s having developed fro m th e Ohio River t o Canada tha t bypasse d Battl e Creek . Th e blac k Harrie t Tucke r recalle d afterward tha t he r famil y sheltere d fugitive s i n Battle Creek i n associatio n

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with th e Quake r Erastu s Hussey , bu t sh e mad e n o mentio n o f Truth' s participating. Erastu s Husse y himself , th e majo r figure i n th e Battl e Creek Railroad , recalle d those wh o worked wit h him i n the Railroad, bu t did no t mentio n Truth . I n hi s recollections , th e blac k Willia m Lambert , an outstandin g Railroa d figure i n Detroit—wher e som e o f th e fugitive s who passe d throug h Battl e Cree k wer e als o likel y t o pas s e n rout e t o Canada—named man y co-workers , bu t no t Truth . Berenic e Lowe , a close student o f Truth's lif e in Michigan, wrote in 195 6 that Battl e Cree k Quakers "ma y hav e foun d wor k fo r Sojourne r t o do " i n th e Railroad . "Casual newspape r biographie s mentio n tha t thi s i s so , bu t ther e i s n o proof."8 Moreover, th e Narrative o f Truth's life , i n it s variou s versions , excep t for reprintin g a newspape r repor t o f Truth' s offhan d clai m tha t sh e helped i n th e Railroad , di d no t clai m tha t sh e worke d wit h th e Under ground Railroad. 9 Thi s i s tru e eve n thoug h th e Narrative wa s writte n with Truth' s assistance , considerabl y fro m he r ow n recollections . Thi s i s also tru e eve n thoug h it s authors , Oliv e Gilber t fo r th e earlies t edition s and France s Titu s fo r th e late r ones , were themselve s familia r wit h Truth' s life i n Northampto n an d Battl e Creek . I f Gilbert , becaus e sh e wrot e i n 1850, ha d bee n restraine d b y th e desir e t o protec t bot h Railroa d secret s and Trut h herself , certainl y Titus , writin g abou t 187 5 an d later , afte r al l slaves had bee n freed , woul d no t hav e been similarl y restrained . In addition , mos t historie s o f the Undergroun d Railroa d d o no t clai m that Trut h participated . Als o significantly , som e writer s wh o hav e writ ten abou t Truth' s lif e i n detai l hav e insiste d flatly tha t Trut h di d no t participate i n th e Railroad , notabl y Saunder s Reddin g an d Herth a Pauli. 10 The absenc e o f an y specifi c detail s t o indicat e tha t Trut h participate d anywhere i n th e Railroa d i s impressive . Despit e Truth' s offhan d clai m that sh e participated , an d despit e claim s b y man y recen t writer s tha t sh e participated extensively , w e conclud e tha t sh e di d no t participat e signifi cantly in the Undergroun d Railroad .

Why, then, did Truth no t participate significantl y i n the Railroad? Woul d not participation hav e been natural for her? It was down-to-earth, person to-person actio n suc h a s might b e expected o f her. I t woul d hel p som e of God's most unfortunat e childre n t o recover the freedom sh e believed Go d gives His children a s a matter o f right.

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Did Trut h no t participat e in the Railroad because she feared sh e migh t be to o easil y identified , caught , an d imprisoned , a s he r frien d Davi d Ruggles ha d been ? Sh e migh t hav e bee n eas y t o catc h becaus e sh e wa s conspicuous no t onl y a s a public speake r bu t als o as a very blac k woma n who was nearly six feet tall . Yet when sh e was speaking against slaver y in Indiana, an d supporter s o f slavery threatened t o bur n th e buildin g wher e she wa s speakin g an d "blo w ou t ou r brains, " sh e insiste d o n continuin g to speak. 11 Fea r doe s not see m to be a likely reason fo r her no t participat ing in the Railroad . Perhaps Trut h fel t tha t becomin g par t o f the Railroa d woul d forc e he r to trus t othe r peopl e to o muc h fo r he r safet y when , fro m experience , sh e knew sh e coul d b e wron g i n he r judgmen t concernin g whic h peopl e t o trust. Sh e migh t als o have believe d tha t Go d ha d calle d he r t o spea k ou t for freedom , whil e H e calle d other s to d o othe r importan t work , lik e tha t of the Railroad . Possibly als o Trut h hesitate d t o def y la w directly . I t i s tru e tha t she , like many abolitionists , had learne d t o abhor the U.S . Constitution fo r it s support o f slavery . A s Trut h onc e explained , whe n sh e too k hol d o f th e Constitution, an d looke d i n i t fo r he r right s a s a black , sh e foun d non e there. S o sh e aske d God , "Wha t ail s di s Constitution? " Go d replie d t o her, sh e reported , "Sojourner , dar e i s a littl e wease l [weevil ] i n it." 12 However, a s w e hav e seen , certai n law s ha d helpe d he r i n way s tha t inclined he r t o regar d la w favorably , suc h a s the law s that free d he r fro m slavery, recovere d he r so n fro m Alabama , an d protecte d he r fro m th e Folgers' charges . Sh e migh t hav e ha d mor e respec t fo r la w tha n man y abolitionists wh o wer e willin g t o def y th e la w b y takin g par t i n th e Railroad. Finally, Trut h ma y not hav e participated significantl y becaus e in som e respects sh e wa s too outspoken , to o open , o r too individualistic . Particu larly afte r he r reformis t speakin g caree r wa s wel l launched , sh e freel y scolded al l kind s o f people , bot h black s an d whites , associate s an d ene mies. Perhap s sh e woul d no t hav e bee n a s goo d a t keepin g secret s a s Railroaders neede d t o be . Sh e wa s somewha t o f a loos e cannon ; wh o knew wha t sh e woul d sa y next ? Sh e hersel f di d no t see m t o know , explaining once , "D e Lo' d jus t put s d e word s int o m y mouth. " Sh e usually went abou t speakin g on her own, as, she boasted, a "free agent." 13 Strikingly, onc e sh e lef t Ne w York , eve n thoug h sh e joined intentiona l communities, sh e avoide d identifyin g wit h organizations : Ther e i s n o

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9

convincing evidenc e tha t sh e eve r becam e a n agen t o r office r o f a n anti slavery society, a women's rights society, a temperance society , a women's club, o r a church . I f sh e wa s to o individualisti c t o ti e hersel f t o suc h organizations a s these, she might hav e deliberately shie d awa y from tyin g herself i n an y significan t wa y to suc h a shifting, shadowy , illega l networ k as the Underground Railroad .

10 Romanticized: Libya n Siby l "I don't wan' to hear about that old symbol."

A t th e world' s fai r i n Londo n i n 1862 , a statu e inspire d b y Sojourne r Truth becam e a center o f attention. Harrie t Beeche r Stow e ha d playe d a role in the statue' s creation . Several years earlier when Stow e had been visiting Rome, she attende d a breakfas t a t th e hous e o f th e sculpto r Willia m Wetmor e Story , o f Massachusetts, a so n o f a U.S . Suprem e Cour t Justice . Stor y wa s the n working o n a statu e o f th e Africa n queen , Cleopatra . Strivin g t o find a style tha t wa s distinctl y hi s own , Stor y rejecte d th e ide a o f portrayin g Cleopatra i n a conventionally elegant , coo l Gree k style , choosing instead , it seeme d t o Stowe , t o portra y he r a s havin g "slumberin g weigh t an d fullness o f passion " lik e a "heav y thunder-cloud " tha t "i s charge d wit h electricity." At the breakfast, Stow e happened to tell Story about another "African " woman, Sojourne r Truth , who m Stow e remembere d vividl y from Truth' s visit t o he r i n Andover . Wha t Stor y learne d abou t Truth , a s he listened , appealed t o hi s imagination . Accordin g t o Stowe , i t "le d hi m int o th e deeper recesse s o f the Africa n nature—thos e unexplore d depth s o f bein g and feeling , might y an d dar k a s th e giganti c depth s o f tropica l forests , mysterious a s th e hidde n river s an d mine s o f tha t burnin g continen t whose life-histor y i s yet t o be. " Stowe romanticize d Africa , Africans , an d Sojourner Truth , an d Stor y warml y responded . A fe w day s late r Stor y no

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told Stow e tha t h e had conceive d o f a statue to be based o n Truth tha t h e would cal l the "Libya n Sibyl, " after th e name of a character fro m classica l mythology. Two year s later , Stowe , agai n i n Rome , found tha t Stor y ha d finishe d sculpting hi s Cleopatra , an d wa s alread y movin g o n t o anothe r Africa n statue, hi s Libya n Sibyl . Stor y invite d Stow e t o visi t hi m again , "an d repeat t o hi m th e histor y o f Sojourne r Truth. " Stow e di d so , an d Stor y showed he r a clay model o f his Libyan Sibyl. 1 By th e summe r o f 1861 , Story wa s puttin g hi s Siby l int o marble , an d feeling i t wa s hi s bes t work . H e alread y planne d t o sen d i t t o th e Worl d Exposition i n Londo n th e nex t year , an d threatene d tha t i f it di d no t ge t favorable attentio n h e would giv e up sculpting. 2 Truth hersel f di d no t kno w tha t Stor y wa s usin g he r a s an imaginar y model fo r hi s statue . Stor y i s no t know n eve r t o hav e see n Truth . I t i s even doubtfu l tha t Stor y ha d see n photograph s o f her, fo r Trut h wa s no t yet havin g photograph s o f herself take n t o sell . An engravin g o f her wa s available i n th e frontispiec e o f he r Narrative, whic h Stor y coul d hav e seen; but i t was only a bust, while the statue he was making was a full figure. I n an y event , hi s callin g th e statu e Libya n Sibyl , an d no t Sojourne r Truth, mean t tha t h e wa s no t necessaril y portrayin g he r directl y a t all . He wa s simply inspired b y Truth a s Stowe had describe d he r to him . Indeed, th e Libya n Siby l wa s a characte r fro m Gree k an d Roma n mythology, havin g th e god-give n powe r t o foretell th e future . Accordin g to a Roman version , there wer e ten sibyls , all of them women , the Libya n Sibyl bein g the earliest o f the ten, from befor e th e Trojan War . By usin g Trut h a s a n inspiratio n fo r hi s Libya n Sibyl , Stor y wa s taking artisti c liberty , a s h e knew . B y ancestr y Trut h wa s no t nort h African, no t a Libya n wh o wa s likel y t o hav e relativel y ligh t ski n an d Caucasian features , bu t instea d centra l African , dar k skinned , wit h Ne groid features . Story wante d hi s Siby l t o b e o f th e rac e o f thos e wh o wer e ofte n enslaved. Stor y wante d hi s Sibyl , h e said , t o b e a n "anti-slaver y sermo n in stone. " Yet b y producin g hi s statu e i n whit e marble , h e gav e his Siby l white skin . Moreover , h e shie d awa y fro m givin g he r blac k central African features , althoug h h e seeme d defensiv e abou t havin g don e so : I n 1861, Stor y wrot e a friend tha t h e ha d mad e hi s Siby l "ful l lipped , long eyed, low-browed an d lowering, " with th e

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largely-developed limb s o f th e African . Sh e sit s o n a rock , he r leg s crossed , leaning forward . . . . I t i s a very massiv e figure, big-shouldered, large-bosomed , with nothin g o f th e Venu s i n it , but , a s fa r a s I coul d mak e it , luxurian t an d heroic. She is looking out of her black eyes into futurity an d sees the terrible fate of her race. This is the theme of the figure—Slavery on the horizon, and I made her head as melancholy and severe as possible, not at all shirking the real African type . . . —Libyan Africa o f course, not Congo.3 Not onl y di d Stor y presen t hi s Siby l a s unlike a central Africa n black , but h e als o mad e he r reflective , passive , brooding . Stow e ha d doubtles s led Stor y to conceive of his Siby l in this way . As w e hav e seen , Harrie t Beeche r Stow e firs t me t Trut h i n 1853 , when Trut h mad e a n uninvite d visi t t o Stow e a t he r hous e i n Andover , Massachusetts. Stow e found he r s o fascinating tha t sh e invited her to stay for severa l days . No t unti l te n year s later , i n 1863 , di d Stow e finally publish a n accoun t o f Truth's visi t i n th e Atlantic Monthly. I n he r article , Stowe followed Story' s lead calling Truth th e "Libyan Sibyl. " In he r famou s nove l Uncle Tom's Cabin, Stow e ha d give n a classi c white expressio n t o a "romantic" view o f race, base d o n biologica l deter minism. Sh e ha d presente d black s a s gentle , childlike , forgiving , an d natural Christians , inherently differen t fro m Anglo-Saxons . In keepin g wit h thi s view, in her articl e o n Truth, Stow e mad e Trut h more o f a preacher tha n a reformer , on e wh o preache d ove r an d ove r o n the sam e theme—"Whe n I foun d Jesus"—an d wa s give n t o singin g about th e "glory " tha t wa s t o com e i n heaven . Stow e picture d he r a s inclined t o "reverie, " suggestin g tha t ther e wa s a passive , inwar d aspec t to her , an d sai d tha t bot h he r humo r an d he r eye s were "gloomy" ; i t wa s especially Stowe' s indicatio n o f thes e passiv e an d gloom y qualitie s tha t Story ha d seize d o n fo r hi s purpose . Stow e als o foun d Trut h eccentric , but romanticize d he r eccentricity , portrayin g he r a s "warm, " "droll, " "shrewd," and having more "personal presence " than anyon e she had eve r come across before. Stow e emphasized her African origin s (Stowe mistak enly sai d sh e wa s bor n i n Africa) , declarin g tha t Trut h stoo d amon g th e company a t Stowe' s house , "cal m an d erect , a s on e o f he r ow n nativ e palm-trees wavin g alon e i n th e desert, " whe n i n fac t Trut h ha d probabl y never see n a palm tree or a desert i n her life. 4 It ma y hel p u s t o se e Stowe' s vie w o f Trut h i n perspectiv e i f w e compare i t wit h Frederic k Douglass' s vie w o f her . Bot h Douglas s an d

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"3

Stowe kne w Trut h fro m earl y i n her publi c career. Douglass , lik e Truth , was a n ex-slav e an d a radica l advocat e o f blac k an d women' s rights . H e worked wit h Trut h a s a colleague , althoug h no t a clos e one , sometime s speaking o n th e sam e platfor m wit h her . Stowe , fro m a substantial Yan kee family , whil e a powerfu l opponen t o f slavery , wa s no t a radica l advocate o f eithe r blac k o r women' s rights , an d scarcel y worke d wit h Truth a s a colleague. Indeed , i t i s not certai n whethe r Stow e eve r hear d her spea k o n a public platform . Douglass first me t Trut h whe n sh e wa s a t th e Northampto n Utopia n community. A s h e recalle d later , sh e wa s respecte d there , fo r sh e wa s "honest, industrious , an d amiable, " thu s portrayin g Trut h a s havin g down-to-earth qualitie s tha t Stow e skippe d ove r lightl y i n he r portraya l of Truth. Lik e Stowe, Douglass found Trut h eccentric , but unlike Stowe , Douglass did no t romanticize her eccentricit y o r relate it to Africa. Doug lass, lik e Garriso n an d othe r radica l abolitionists , wa s no t s o muc h a romantic o r biologica l determinis t o n race a s he wa s a cultural determin ist, holding that althoug h al l races have the sam e basic psychological an d moral capabilities , th e behaviora l difference s amon g the m ar e du e funda mentally to cultural differences . Douglass foun d Trut h "strange"—sh e wa s a "strang e compoun d o f wit an d wisdom , o f wil d enthusias m an d flint-like commo n sense. " H e also found ove r th e year s a s they worke d together , tha t sh e differe d fro m him an d trie d t o chang e him : H e foun d he r seemin g "t o fee l i t her duty " to "trip " hi m i n hi s speeches , an d t o "ridicule " hi s effort s t o elevat e hi s cultivation. Douglass , on e senses , felt uncomfortabl e wit h Truth' s illiter acy, and wa s embarrassed b y her choosin g to play the role of an ignorant , naive, amusing chil d o f nature, whereas Stow e delighted i n it, and playe d it up . Bu t Douglass , unlik e Stowe , emphasize d Truth' s contributio n t o the caus e o f freedom . Whe n Trut h died , Douglas s commente d tha t sh e was "remarkable " fo r he r "independenc e an d courageou s self-assertion, " characteristics tha t Stow e scarcel y noticed. 5 Other o f Truth's abolitionist-feminis t colleague s looked on Truth mor e as Douglass di d than a s Stowe and Stor y did . Garrison , Parke r Pillsbury , Lucy Stone , an d Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n di d no t se e Truth a s primaril y passive, brooding , an d reflective . The y looke d o n Trut h mor e nearl y a s sprightly, enthusiastic , optimistic, and sometime s eve n defiant .

. . .

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In 1862 , Pop e Piu s IX , a s head o f the Papa l States , arrange d t o sen d Story's "Libya n Sibyl, " along with othe r work s of art produce d i n Rome , to Londo n t o b e exhibite d i n th e Worl d Expositio n i n th e Roma n Pavil ion. The statu e becam e Story' s first major triump h a s a sculptor. Story's Sibyl , sai d th e Londo n Athenaeum, i s a "secret-keepin g . . . dame," a characterizatio n tha t migh t fit a siby l bette r tha n Truth . T o keep he r secret s close , th e Athenaeum continued , "sh e rest s he r shu t mouth upo n on e close d palm , a s i f holdin g th e Africa n myster y dee p i n the brooding brai n tha t look s out through mournful , warnin g eyes." 6 In 1863 , the yea r o f the Emancipatio n Proclamation , Harper's Magazine declare d tha t fo r Americans , Story' s statu e ha s becom e a nationa l symbol: "I t i s our peculia r interes t i n th e Africa n rac e a t thi s tim e whic h nationalizes Story' s statu e o f The Libya n Sibyl. " Soo n afterward , Jame s Jackson Jarves , a n artis t frien d o f Stor y wh o kne w tha t Stor y ha d base d his Siby l o n Truth, describe d i t to be lofty, creative , and daring. Near th e end o f the Civi l War , accordin g t o th e urban e Massachusett s abolitionis t Lydia Mari a Child , th e wa r ha d mad e concer n abou t African s s o perva sive that eve n artist s wer e "breathing " the concern : "Passin g through th e soul o f Story , i t cam e fort h i n th e shap e o f a n Africa n Sibyl ; an d s o strangely fascinatin g wa s the subject, tha t th e statue attracted mor e atten tion tha n an y othe r i n th e gran d exhibition. " Man y year s later , th e novelist Henr y James , writin g o n hi s frien d Story , regarde d th e Libya n Sibyl a s hi s bes t sculpture , an d accounte d fo r it s grea t popularit y b y explaining tha t i t tol d a rich , warm , dramati c tal e i n stone , whic h wa s what th e public wanted. 7 Even thoug h man y peopl e di d no t a t first kno w tha t Trut h ha d in spired Story' s statue , i n tim e i t contribute d t o Truth' s bein g bette r known . More directl y contributin g t o Truth' s reputation , however , wa s Stowe' s 1863 "Libya n Sibyl " articl e i n th e Atlantic, whic h tol d ho w Trut h ha d inspired Story' s statue . Truth hersel f di d no t see m muc h intereste d i n Stowe' s article. She di d not lik e having i t rea d t o her. Accordin g t o a Detroit frien d o f hers, "Sh e would neve r liste n t o Mrs . Stowe' s Libya n Sibyl . Oh ! Sh e woul d say , ' I don't wan ' to hear about that ol d symbol; read me something that i s going on now.' " 8 However, afte r th e publicatio n o f Stowe' s article , Trut h wa s ofte n called "th e Libya n Sibyl. " Elizabeth Cad y Stanto n calle d he r that . Theo dore Tilton calle d her just "Sibyl. " Parker Pillsbur y calle d her "Ethiopia n

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Sibyl." Newspaper s ofte n referre d t o he r b y suc h variation s a s "colore d Sibyl," "sabl e Sibyl, " "America n Sibyl, " o r "ancien t Sibyl. " Onc e i n a public announcement , Trut h describe d hersel f a s th e "wel l know n Mrs . Stowe's African Sybi l [sic.]." 9 The Springfiel d Republican insiste d tha t "Libya n Sibyl " wa s no t a suitable nam e fo r Trut h becaus e sh e wa s no t a classica l Siby l bu t a Christian one , "an d mor e devote d t o goo d word s an d work s tha n t o obscure predictions." Indeed, i f the word "Sibyl " suggested a person wh o made obscur e predictions , i t i s a question ho w appropriat e th e nam e wa s for Truth . Sh e onl y occasionall y mad e predictions , an d the y wer e mor e likely t o b e down t o eart h tha n obscure . On e o f her characteristi c predic tions foreshadowe d tha t th e tim e woul d com e whe n wome n woul d b e legislators, along with men, and make their "power" felt. Anothe r pointe d out tha t th e tim e woul d com e whe n black s woul d hol d "prominen t of fices" in thi s country , an d b e God' s "humbl e instruments " fo r "savin ' di s nation fro m disgrac e an ' destruction." 10 If th e wor d "Sibyl " suggeste d a mysteriou s figure wh o broode d ove r ambiguous message s fro m Heaven , a s som e classica l prophet s wer e por trayed a s doing, i t seem s onl y slightl y appropriat e fo r Truth . Mos t o f the time sh e seeme d t o b e les s broodin g an d mysteriou s tha n forthright . Sh e did no t usuall y see m t o fee l tha t wha t Go d wa s sayin g t o he r wa s ambiguous. Although sometimes , when sh e was reporting wha t Go d wa s saying to her, Truth use d parables and humor tha t could seem ambiguou s to others , usuall y sh e spok e authoritatively , deliverin g bol d message s from a God sh e was sure was compassionate an d just. Both Stor y an d Stow e desire d t o portra y Sojourne r Trut h a s fascinat ing, deep , spiritual . Bot h artist s wer e tryin g t o reac h educated , sensitive , middle- and upper-clas s Americans , an d to awaken i n the m sympath y fo r blacks. I n considerabl e degre e bot h artist s succeeded . The y succeede d because th e romantic , refine d appea l the y mad e wa s th e kin d t o whic h many American s wer e read y t o respond . Man y American s wer e mor e willing to see Truth a s passive than active , African rathe r than American , lofty rathe r tha n dow n t o earth . Man y wer e mor e willin g t o se e he r a s brooding an d secre t rathe r tha n a s aggressive an d willin g t o threaten th e established order . Stor y and Stowe , in the process of romanticizing Trut h to sui t America n tastes , helped t o arous e sympath y fo r Trut h an d black s at large . Ye t i n retrospect , i f they helpe d t o cas t ligh t o n som e aspect s of who Truth was , they helped to cloud others .

11 With Presiden t Lincol n an d th e Freedme n "I felt that I was in the presence of a friend."

B y earl y 1864 , Truth ha d decide d t o visi t Washington . A s sh e put i t i n a lette r a t th e time , sh e wante d t o visi t Washingto n "t o se e the freedme n of m y people . Thi s i s a grea t an d gloriou s day . I t i s goo d t o liv e i n i t & behold th e shackle s fal l fro m th e manacle d limbs." 1 Th e peopl e sh e wished t o se e were black s in th e rebe l state s who had recentl y bee n free d by Lincoln' s Emancipatio n Proclamation . Ami d th e chao s o f th e Civi l War, man y o f them, especially from Virginia , wer e crowding in confusio n into Washington , ofte n hungr y an d lost , lookin g fo r refuge . A s becam e apparent later , Trut h als o ha d bee n dreamin g fo r a long tim e o f visitin g Washington t o see President Lincoln . At th e beginnin g o f th e war , Trut h ha d bee n disturbe d b y Lincoln' s insistence that hi s purpose in the war was only to preserve the Union, no t to fre e th e slaves . Nevertheles s sh e ha d supporte d him , hopin g tha t h e would chang e hi s view. By 1863 , although Lincol n b y his Emancipatio n Proclamation ha d free d th e slave s only in the rebel states , not i n the loya l slave states, according to a friend, Truth' s "fait h i s strong that God' s han d is i n thi s war , an d tha t i t wil l en d i n th e [complete ] destructio n o f slavery."2 As it became clear at about this same time that the Lincoln administra tion wa s at last welcoming black troops to help fight fo r the Union, Trut h perceived a sardoni c aspec t t o thi s policy : "Jus t a s i t wa s whe n I wa s a slave—the nigger s alway s have to clean u p afte r th e white folks. " On th e 116

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other hand , sh e welcome d th e enlistmen t o f black s a s "th e mos t hopefu l feature o f the war." Sh e was delighted tha t black s would have this chanc e to fight "t o redeem d e white peopl e fro m d e curse da t Go d ha s sent upo n them." Whe n Massachusett s organize d a Colore d Regiment , sh e wa s proud tha t her grandso n Jame s Caldwel l volunteere d fo r it, saying to her , "Now i s our time, Grandmother, t o prove that w e are men." 3 In th e fal l o f 1863 , whe n Michiga n als o ha d organize d a blac k regi ment, an d it s volunteer s wer e trainin g i n a camp i n Detroit , sh e decide d to collec t contribution s fo r a Thanksgivin g dinne r fo r them . Walkin g about Battl e Cree k askin g fo r contributions , b y chanc e sh e aske d on e man wh o refused , expressin g hi s unhappines s wit h th e wa r an d "th e nigger." Startled , sh e aske d hi m wh o h e was , an d h e replied : " I a m th e only so n o f my mother. " " I a m gla d there ar e no more," she rejoined, an d walked on. 4 Sh e succeeded , however , i n collectin g substantia l contribu tions, as from variou s merchants, from he r long-tim e friends th e Merritts , Willises, and Tituses, and from a Dutch Reforme d pasto r whom sh e ofte n visited to express her anxietie s about th e war . When Thanksgivin g came , she herself too k th e foo d sh e had gathere d to th e blac k soldier s a t thei r cam p i n Detroit , Cam p Ward . Th e colone l in charg e ordere d the m int o lin e fo r her , an d sh e gav e the m a patrioti c speech. A fe w day s later sh e went bac k t o the cam p agai n t o spea k t o th e soldiers, a s ha d bee n arranged , bu t thi s tim e s o man y white s crowde d about t o hear her that sh e had to promise to come back yet again to spea k to the black soldiers. 5 By this time she had compose d a song for blac k soldier s to sing. It wa s to the tune of "John Brown, " a tune everybody knew, the same tune Juli a Ward How e use d th e yea r befor e t o compos e th e "Battl e Hym n o f th e Republic." Truth san g it to the soldiers at the camp : We are the valiant soldier s who've 'listed for the war ; We are fighting fo r the Union, we are fighting fo r the law ; We can shoo t a rebel farther tha n a white man eve r saw , As we go marching on . (Chorus:) Glory, glory , hallelujah! Glory , glory , hallelujah ! Glory, glory , hallelujah, a s we go marching on . Look there abov e the center, wher e the flag is waving bright ; We are going out o f slavery, we are bound fo r freedom's light ;

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We mean to show Jeff Davis how the Africans can fight, As we go marching on. (Chorus) Father Abraham has spoken, and the message has been sent; The prison doors have opened, and out the prisoners went To join the sable army of African descent , As we go marching on. (Chorus) 6 In this song, she included the phrase "fighting fo r the law," illustratin g her characteristi c respec t fo r th e law . Sh e di d no t pu t int o th e son g eve n a hin t o f he r havin g an y pacifis t reservation s abou t killin g th e enemy , such a s sh e ha d onc e had . A historia n i n th e 1890 s claimed— a clai m which has not bee n confirmed—tha t thi s song "became a favorite wit h all the colore d soldiers " fighting fo r th e Union , an d tha t on e vetera n tol d him h e had heard them sin g it as they entere d a battle. 7 Truth remaine d i n Detroi t fo r severa l weeks , int o Februar y 1864 , staying wit h friends . On e o f them reporte d a t thi s tim e tha t "he r whol e soul i s aglow " wit h th e grea t issue s raise d b y th e war . Whe n someon e protested Lincoln' s dela y i n freein g al l th e slaves , Trut h replied : "Oh , wait, chile ! hav e patience ! I t take s a grea t whil e t o tur n abou t thi s grea t ship o f state. " I n tw o letter s writte n a t thi s time , sh e mentione d sh e wanted t o visi t Washingto n t o se e th e recentl y free d slaves , withou t saying she also wanted t o see Lincoln. 8 After a few month s a t home , i n th e summe r o f 186 4 Trut h se t ou t fo r Washington. Sh e mad e a long , meanderin g trip , takin g alon g he r four teen-year-old grandso n Samue l Bank s t o hel p rea d an d writ e fo r her . B y July, sh e passe d throug h Detroit . I n Augus t sh e wa s i n Bosto n wher e she met Harrie t Tubman , wh o had bee n i n the Sout h behin d Confederat e lines a s a sp y fo r th e U.S . Army ; Trut h trie d t o persuad e Tubma n tha t Lincoln wa s a rea l frien d t o blacks , bu t Tubma n insiste d h e wa s no t because h e allowe d blac k soldier s to b e paid les s than whit e soldiers. 9 By September 2 5 Truth wa s in Orange, New Jersey, speaking for the reelection o f Lincoln, an d expecte d to speak i n Newark an d Trenton a s well. A few day s later sh e was in Washington where , instead of merely seein g th e freed slaves , as she had sai d she would, sh e began workin g with them . On Octobe r 29 , 1864 , Trut h visite d Lincol n a t th e Whit e House . A t this tim e fo r an y presiden t t o welcom e blac k visitors , a s Lincol n wa s occasionallv doine , was new .

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M u c h o f wha t w e kno w abou t bot h he r earl y wor k wit h th e freedme n and he r visi t t o Presiden t Lincol n i s fro m tw o o f he r letters , a privat e on e of Novembe r 3 , whic h stil l exist s i n it s origina l form , an d th e other , a fuller letter , o f Novembe r 17 , whic h wa s intende d fo r publicatio n an d was publishe d a t th e time . T r u t h ' s lette r o f Novembe r 3 wa s writte n fro m a governmen t cam for freedmen , o n a n islan d i n th e Potoma c River , opposit e Washing ton. I t wa s writte n t o he r frien d A m y Pos t i n Rochester , addresse d t her affectionatel y a s "daughter. " I n th e lette r T r u t h seeme d exuber ant:

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Mason's Island , Virginia, Novembe r 3d , 186 4 My Dea r Daughter : And her e I a m i n th e mids t o f th e freedmen , women , an d children—an d I am i n a comfortabl e plac e her e a t th e hous e o f Rev . D . B . Nichols , Super intendent o f Freedme n [a t th e governmen t cam p fo r freedme n here ] an d a m treated ver y kindl y indeed . I d o no t kno w bu t wha t I shal l sta y her e o n th e island al l winte r an d g o aroun d amon g th e freedmen' s camps . The y ar e al l de lighted t o hea r m e talk . I thin k I a m doin g good . I a m neede d here . I se e tha t the peopl e her e (white ) [governmen t employees ] ar e onl y her e fo r th e loave s and fishes whil e th e freedme n ge t th e scale s an d crusts , an d Mr . Nichol s see s it too. I hav e ha d . . . opportunit y t o tal k wit h Mr . Nichol s an d hi s wif e an d the y have tol d m e thing s tha t woul d rende r [rend ] a heart o f stone. An d t o hea r wha t Mr. Nichol s an d wif e hav e gon e throug h i n tryin g t o elevat e thes e folks , i t i s awful. Thes e offic e seeker s trie s t o roo t ever y on e ou t tha t tr y t o elevat e thes e people and make them kno w the y ar e free. . . . I a m goin g aroun d amon g th e colore d folk s an d find ou t wh o i t i s sell s th e clothing t o them tha t i s sent t o them [a s free gifts ] fro m th e North . The y wil l tel l me for they think a good deal of me. . . . Sammie an d I ar e perfectl y wel l an d h e i s delighted wit h th e place . H e think s he can b e useful . I don' t calculat e t o as k th e governmen t fo r an y thing , onl y wha t I hav e to eat , for the colored peopl e must b e raised ou t o f bondage. . . . I hav e bee n t o se e th e Presiden t an d wa s ther e thre e hours . Mrs . Colema n [Lucy Colma n o f Rochester] wa s wit h m e [a t th e Whit e House ] al l th e forenoo n from eigh t i n the mornin g unti l twelve a t noon . He pu t hi s name in m y book an d invited m e to com e again . . . . I calculat e t o g o and se e President Lincol n again . I hope all will do all they ca n i n putting hi m i n as President again . . . . I hav e ha d tw o meeting s i n Wash , an d tw o her e a t Mason' s Island . Thos e i n Wash, wer e fo r th e benefi t o f the Freedmen' s Ai d Society . They too k twenty-fiv e cents at the door from everyon e and gav e me some of the money. . . . Sojourner Truth 1 0

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Truth seeme d especiall y exuberan t becaus e sh e fel t tha t sh e coul d b e useful t o th e freedmen . Thoug h he r visi t t o Lincol n please d her , sh e di d not particularl y dwel l o n it , no r di d sh e relat e i t t o th e wor k sh e wa s doing fo r th e freedmen. I n thi s letter, writte n onl y five day s after sh e sa w Lincoln, Trut h indicate s tha t sh e wa s alread y stayin g a t th e hous e o f a n official wh o wa s workin g wit h th e freedmen , ha d twic e spoke n i n Wash ington o n behal f o f th e freedmen , ha d twic e spoke n t o th e freedme n themselves, an d ha d decide d tha t th e freedme n neede d her . Sinc e al l o f this probabl y too k mor e than five days to accomplish, i t seem s likely tha t she began t o work wit h the freedmen befor e sh e met Lincoln . Not lon g afte r writin g thi s letter , Trut h wen t t o spea k a t anothe r nearby governmen t camp , thi s on e i n Arlington , Virginia , calle d Freed men's Village , wher e abou t 1,60 0 free d slave s wer e bein g give n tempo rary refuge . Whe n th e superintenden t o f th e village , Capt . Georg e B . Carse, a voluntee r soldie r fro m Pennsylvania , wen t t o hea r her , th e first words h e heard he r say , he recalled, wer e "B e clean, b e clean, for cleanli ness i s a par t o f godliness. " Trut h als o tol d th e free d people , Cars e reported, that the y mus t lear n t o b e independent—lear n industr y an d economy—an d above all strive to show the people that they could be something. She urged them to embrace for their childre n al l opportunities of education an d advancement. In fact sh e talked t o the m a s a white perso n coul d not , fo r the y woul d hav e been offended wit h suc h plain truths from an y other source. I think sh e will do much good among them. Sh e is one of them—she ca n call them he r people—g o int o their houses and tell them much they should know. . . . She goes into their cabins with he r knittin g i n he r hand, an d while sh e talks with the m sh e knits. Few of them know how to knit, and but few how to make a loaf of bread, or anything of the kind . Sh e want s t o teac h th e ol d peopl e ho w t o knit , fo r the y hav e n o employment, and they will be much happier if usefully employed . Carse arrange d fo r Trut h t o liv e i n a cabi n a t th e villag e ren t free , an d also use another building , whic h coul d hold 20 0 people, for whateve r sh e wished. 11 Cars e mad e n o mentio n o f Lincoln' s havin g place d he r i n thi s work, a s he would hav e been likel y to do if it had bee n true . On Novembe r 17 , Trut h wrot e fro m Freedmen' s Village , reportin g much mor e abou t he r visi t wit h Lincoln . Thi s letter , compose d wit h more car e tha n he r lette r o f Novembe r 3 , Trut h addresse d t o Rowlan d Johnson, a New Jerse y Quake r an d supporte r o f Lincoln who m sh e ha d

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visited o n he r wa y t o Washington , an d gav e hi m permissio n t o publis h a s much o f i t a s h e though t suitable . Johnso n evidentl y sen t th e lette r t o both th e National Anti-Slavery Standard i n N e w Yor k an d th e Liberator in Boston , bot h abolitionis t weeklie s whic h ha d lon g bee n printin g new s of T r u t h . T h e Standard publishe d th e lette r o n Decembe r 17 , 1 8 6 4 , t n e Liberator o n Decembe r 2 3 . T h e Standard version , bein g fuller , i s proba bly mor e authentic : Freedmen's Village , Va., Nov. 17 , 186 4 Dear Friend : . . . I t wa s abou t 8 o'clock , a . m. , whe n I calle d o n th e President . Upo n entering hi s receptio n roo m w e foun d abou t a doze n person s i n waiting , amon g them tw o colore d women . I ha d quit e a pleasan t tim e waitin g unti l h e wa s disengaged, an d enjoye d hi s conversatio n wit h others ; he showe d a s muc h kind ness an d consideratio n t o th e colore d person s a s to th e whites—i f ther e wa s an y difference, more . . . . The Presiden t wa s seate d a t hi s desk . Mrs . C[olman ] sai d t o him , "Thi s i s Sojourner Truth , wh o ha s com e al l the wa y fro m Michiga n t o se e you." H e the n arose, gave me his hand, mad e a bow, and said , "I am pleased to see you. " I sai d to him, "Mr. President , whe n yo u first took your seat I feared yo u woul d be tor n t o pieces , fo r I likene d yo u unt o Daniel , wh o wa s throw n int o th e lions ' den; an d i f th e lion s di d no t tea r yo u int o pieces , I kne w tha t i t woul d b e Go d that ha d save d you ; an d I sai d i f H e spare d m e I woul d se e yo u befor e th e fou r years expired, an d H e has done so , and no w I am here to see you for myself. " He the n congratulate d m e o n m y havin g bee n spared . The n I said : "I appreci ate you , fo r yo u ar e th e bes t Presiden t wh o ha s eve r take n th e seat. " H e replie d thus: " I expec t yo u hav e referenc e t o m y havin g emancipate d th e slave s i n m y proclamation. But, " sai d he , mentionin g th e name s o f severa l o f his predecessor s (and amon g the m emphaticall y tha t o f Washington), "the y wer e al l just a s good , and woul d hav e don e just a s he had don e i f the time ha d come . If the peopl e ove r the river (pointin g acros s the Potomac ) ha d behave d themselves , I could no t hav e done wha t I have ; but the y di d not , an d I wa s compelle d t o thes e things." I the n said: " I than k Go d tha t yo u wer e th e instrumen t selecte d b y hi m an d th e peopl e to do it. " He the n showe d m e th e Bibl e presente d t o hi m b y th e colore d peopl e o f Baltimore, o f whic h yo u hav e n o doub t see n a description . I hav e see n i t fo r myself, and i t i s beautiful beyon d description . Afte r I had looke d i t over , I sai d t o him: "Thi s i s beautifu l indeed ; th e colore d peopl e hav e give n thi s t o th e Hea d o f the government, and that governmen t onc e sanctioned laws that would not permi t its peopl e t o lear n enoug h t o enabl e the m t o rea d thi s Book . An d fo r what ? Le t them answe r wh o can. " I mus t say , an d I a m prou d t o say , tha t I neve r wa s treate d b y an y on e wit h more kindness an d cordialit y tha n wer e shown t o me by that grea t an d goo d man ,

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Abraham Lincoln , b y th e grac e o f God Presiden t o f the Unite d State s fo r fou r years more . H e too k m y littl e book , an d wit h th e sam e han d tha t signe d th e death-warrant of slavery, he wrote as follows: "For Aunty Sojourner Truth , "Oct. 29, 1864 A. Lincoln." As I was taking my leave, he arose and took m y hand, and said he would be pleased to have me call again. I felt tha t I was in the presence of a friend, an d I now thank Go d fro m th e botto m o f my hear t tha t I alway s have advocate d hi s cause, and have done it openly and boldly. I shall feel still more in duty bound to do so in time to come. May God assist me. Now I mus t tel l yo u somethin g o f this place . . .. I fin d man y o f the [freed ] women ver y ignoran t i n relatio n t o house-keeping , a s mos t o f the m wer e in structed in field labor, but not in household duties. They all seem to think a great deal of me, and want to learn the way we live in the North. I am listened to with attention an d respect, an d fro m al l things I judge it is the will of both Go d and the people that I should remain. . . . Ask Mr. Olive r Johnson t o please send me the Standard while I am here, as many o f the colored peopl e lik e to hear wha t i s going on, and t o know wha t i s being don e fo r them . Sammy , m y grandson , read s for them . W e are both well, and happy, and feel that we are in good employment. I find plenty of friends. Your friend, Sojourner Trut h In thi s letter , unlik e th e previou s one , Truth emphasize d he r enthusi asm fo r Lincoln . Stil l sh e mad e n o connectio n betwee n he r visi t t o Lincoln an d her wor k wit h th e freed slaves .

Many claim s about Truth' s associatio n wit h Lincol n g o beyon d wha t sh e put i n thes e tw o letters . Th e claim s tha t hav e bee n mos t frequentl y repeated ar e thos e tha t mos t deepl y fulfil l th e psychologica l an d politica l needs o f Truth , he r friends , an d th e friend s o f Lincoln , desire s tha t sometimes changed over the years and sometimes contradicted eac h other . To man y abolitionists , th e imag e o f Lincoln welcomin g a poor, illiter ate, black grandmothe r t o th e Whit e Hous e wa s appealing. I n th e 1870s , Truth's ol d frien d Olive r Johnson , th e wartim e edito r o f th e National Anti-Slavery Standard, asserte d tha t Lincol n ha d "treate d he r wit h th e utmost respect , an d eve n reverence. " However , mor e recentl y i n th e activist 1960s , when sit-in s wer e a powerful weapo n agains t segregation ,

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an articl e i n a historica l journa l claime d tha t whe n Trut h wen t t o se e Lincoln, sh e sa t i n hi s offic e "quietl y an d resolutely " a s i f sh e wer e unwelcome there , unti l h e wa s willin g t o see her , an d tha t thu s Trut h staged "th e first Sit-in." 12 What reall y happened , a s fa r a s w e ca n tel l fro m th e mos t authenti c early source s available , i s this : Soo n afte r Trut h arrive d i n Washington , she attempted t o secure a n appointmen t wit h Lincoln , bu t foun d tha t sh e was unabl e t o d o s o o n he r own . Trut h the n aske d Luc y Colman— a white, Massachusetts-bor n abolitionist , whos e permanen t hom e wa s i n Rochester, an d wh o a t th e tim e wa s teaching free d slave s in Washingto n —to arrang e an appointment fo r her. Colman admire d Truth, once saying that Trut h ha d neve r "disgraced " he r name, 13 an d wa s willin g t o hel p her. After som e time , Colman , usin g Mrs . Lincoln' s blac k dressmaker , Elizabeth Keckley , a s a go-between , succeede d i n arrangin g a n appoint ment. Whe n Colma n finally too k Trut h t o th e Whit e Hous e o n Octobe r 29, the two wome n ha d to wait severa l hours until it was their turn t o see the bus y president . Havin g ever y expectatio n o f bein g welcomed , the y were not "sitting-in " in protest . When th e presiden t wa s finally abl e t o se e Trut h an d Colman , a s Colman recalle d i n a lette r shortl y afterwar d o n Novembe r i , Lincol n received Truth wit h "pleasin g cordiality." However, Colman, in her 189 1 memoirs, writte n whe n sh e wa s fre e o f any compulsio n t o mak e Lincol n look better , gav e a less favorable impressio n o f Lincoln' s attitud e towar d Truth. Colma n reporte d tha t Lincol n di d no t believ e i n th e equalit y o f the races, and "Mr . Lincol n wa s not himself wit h thi s colored woman: h e had n o funn y stor y fo r her , h e calle d he r Aunty , a s he would hi s washer woman." 14 In 194 0 a n articl e i n Opportunity magazin e mad e th e larg e clai m tha t Lincoln "alway s welcomed " Trut h a t th e Whit e House . However , whil e Lincoln wa s president , black s wer e sometime s exclude d fro m th e Whit e House o n racia l grounds , an d o n a t leas t on e occasion , Trut h hersel f wa s barred fro m a public receptio n there , according to both Colma n an d Fre d Tomkins. A Britis h journalist , Tomkin s happene d t o b e presen t a t th e reception o n Februar y 25 , 1865 , whe n h e sa w Trut h bein g refuse d admission becaus e sh e wa s black . Tw o day s later , whe n Tomkin s inter viewed Lincoln , Tomkin s expresse d hi s regre t tha t Trut h wa s "th e onl y person I sa w wh o ha d bee n refuse d admission. " I n reply , Lincol n "ex -

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pressed hi s sorrow , an d sai d tha t h e ha d ofte n see n her , [and ] tha t i t should no t occu r again. " I n fact , Tomkin s said , Lincol n sen t "fo r he r a few day s afterwards." 15 Despite thi s repor t b y Tomkins , Trut h probabl y visite d Lincol n onl y once, a t leas t i n a formal , prearrange d interview , thoug h sh e ma y hav e seen hi m casuall y a t othe r times , a s a t publi c receptions . Trut h hersel f often referre d t o he r Octobe r 2 9 visi t wit h Lincol n a s i f i t wa s th e onl y time sh e ha d talke d wit h him , a t leas t significantly . France s Titus , wh o was a s clos e t o Trut h a s anyon e i n Battl e Creek , wrot e lon g afterwar d that Truth' s firs t meetin g wit h Lincol n wa s th e "onl y meeting " sh e ha d with him , an d quote d Trut h a s explaining tha t afte r he r visi t t o Lincol n she becam e "deepl y interested " i n he r wor k wit h th e freedmen , an d "never repeate d m y visit." 16 Altogether , availabl e evidenc e indicate s tha t although Trut h wa s no t "alway s welcomed " a t Lincoln' s Whit e House , nor necessaril y welcome d wit h "reverence, " she wa s clearl y welcomed — even i f wit h som e discomfor t o n Lincoln' s part—fo r a t leas t on e forma l interview. Some report s o f Truth' s intervie w wit h Lincol n ma y hav e bee n af fected b y th e desir e o f abolitionist s t o champio n Lincol n a s th e Grea t Emancipator. A s we have seen, according to what Truth state d soon afte r her intervie w i n he r lette r i n th e Standard, whe n sh e complimente d Lincoln for his Emancipation Proclamation , Lincol n responded that if the Southerners "ha d behave d themselves , I coul d no t hav e don e wha t I have." Lincol n concluded , "Bu t the y di d not , an d I wa s compelle d t o d o these things," as if circumstances "compelled " him agains t hi s will to fre e the slaves . However , accordin g t o the versio n o f Truth's lette r publishe d eleven year s later , i n France s Titus' s 187 5 editio n o f Truth' s Narrative, Lincoln instea d concluded , "Bu t the y di d not , whic h gav e me the oppor tunity t o do these things," as if he had bee n lookin g for a n opportunity t o free th e slave s al l along. 17 On e canno t hel p bu t wonde r whethe r Titu s deliberately altere d Truth's lette r to make Lincol n loo k more like a frien d to the slaves. There ar e othe r claim s tha t Trut h significantl y influence d Lincol n o n behalf o f blacks . On e suc h claim , b y Truth' s friend , antislaver y edito r Oliver Johnson , ca n b e easil y dismissed . I n 187 6 h e noted , "Whe n th e war brok e ou t sh e wen t t o Washington , t o urg e th e Presiden t t o fre e th e slaves," an d Lincol n wa s "deepl y move d b y he r appeals." 18 However , Truth di d no t mee t Lincol n unti l October , 1864 , mor e tha n thre e year s

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after th e wa r brok e out , b y whic h tim e h e no t onl y ha d issue d th e Emancipation Proclamation , abolishin g slaver y i n th e rebe l state s a s a temporary wa r measure , bu t also , a s par t o f hi s presidentia l reelectio n campaign, ha d calle d fo r a constitutional amendmen t tha t woul d abolis h slavery permanently i n the whole United States . Another suc h overstatement , mor e widespread , ha s Truth influencin g Lincoln t o allow black s to enlist a s volunteer soldiers . In th e early 1940s , a textboo k fo r blac k childre n asserte d tha t Trut h urge d Lincol n t o ar m free black s t o fight fo r th e Union . I n th e lat e 1940s , executiv e secretar y Walter White of the National Association fo r the Advancement o f Colored People (NAACP ) insiste d extravagantl y tha t Trut h returne d t o th e Whit e House "tim e an d tim e again " t o urg e Lincol n t o enlis t fre e black s an d that "he r arguments , combine d wit h th e manpowe r need s o f th e Unio n Army, eventuall y wo n ove r Lincol n an d Congress. " Sinc e the n man y writers, including , alas , th e presen t writer , hav e mad e similar , i f les s extreme, claims. 19 It i s true tha t earl y i n th e Civi l War, Lincoln , alon g with mos t North erners, oppose d enlistin g blacks . B y th e summe r o f 1863 , however, Lin coln was praising the performance o f black soldiers and encouraging mor e blacks, both th e already fre e an d th e newly freed , t o enlist, and the y wer e enlisting i n considerabl e numbers . Whe n Trut h first me t Lincol n i n October, 1864 , hi s polic y t o suppor t th e enlistmen t o f black s wa s wel l established, s o i t seem s unlikel y tha t Trut h woul d hav e fel t i t necessar y to urge the cause further. Moreover , Truth's predominan t goa l in visitin g Lincoln, accordin g t o bot h Colma n i n he r lette r o f Novembe r 1 an d Truth hersel f i n he r lette r o f Novembe r 17 , seem s t o hav e bee n no t t o push Lincol n t o gran t an y furthe r right s t o black s bu t t o than k hi m fo r what h e had alread y done .

There ar e tw o intriguin g storie s abou t Trut h tha t portra y he r a s a n old , uneducated, ex-slav e woma n wh o wa s cleverl y bras h t o Presiden t Lin coln, manipulatin g him , an d gettin g awa y wit h it . Th e first stor y ha s Truth tellin g Lincol n tha t sh e ha d neve r hear d o f hi m unti l h e wa s proposed a s a candidat e fo r president . Thi s tal e wa s no t mentione d i n Truth's 186 4 letter s describin g he r visi t t o th e president , bu t Trut h recounted i t i n a n 186 9 speec h i n Detroit . Whe n France s Titu s prepare d the 187 5 editio n o f Truth's Narrative, however , withou t acknowledgin g

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what sh e was doing, Titus apparentl y inserte d thi s tale into Truth's lette r of November 17 , 1864 , as if it had bee n there in the first place. According to thi s inserte d passage , Trut h said , " I tol d hi m [Lincoln ] tha t I ha d never hear d o f hi m befor e h e wa s talke d o f fo r president . H e smilingl y replied, ' I ha d hear d o f you man y time s befor e that.' " Herth a Paul i wa s so impressed wit h thi s stor y tha t sh e began he r fictionalized biograph y o f Truth wit h it. 20 This stor y tend s t o sugges t tha t Trut h wa s wel l know n an d ha d lon g influenced Lincoln . I t ha s a n obviou s appea l t o thos e wh o woul d enjo y seeing a poor, uneducated , blac k woma n unafrai d of , i f not impuden t to , a whit e perso n o f power . Th e remar k attribute d t o Trut h i s i n accor d with th e per t remark s sh e wa s fon d o f making. Still , i f this stor y i s eve n partially true , w e mus t ask—becaus e i t i s s o strikin g a n exampl e o f th e tales Trut h relishe d abou t herself—wh y di d i t no t appea r i n Truth' s letter a s originally published ? The othe r stor y portray s Trut h a s tryin g t o sel l Lincol n he r photo graph fo r a "greenback " tha t bor e a pictur e o f Lincoln . Thi s stor y wa s published i n abbreviate d for m i n 1880 . I t wa s publishe d i n detai l i n 1890, twenty-fiv e year s afte r i t supposedl y occurred , i n a version offere d by Calvin Fairbank , a n antislavery her o whose health had bee n broke n b y his long imprisonment i n Kentuck y fo r helping slaves escape and who , of particular relevanc e here, had a reputation fo r bein g inaccurate . Fairban k said h e ha d bee n a t a huge publi c receptio n a t th e Whit e Hous e celebrat ing Lincoln' s secon d inaugura l o n Marc h 4 , 1865 , when Trut h cam e i n and aske d t o se e th e president . Whe n sh e sa w him , sh e hande d hi m a copy of her photograph (whic h b y this time she often sol d to help suppor t herself, normall y fo r abou t 3 5 to 50 cents). She said, "It's got a black fac e but a whit e back ; an ' I' d lik e on e o'your n wi d a green back. " Accordin g to Fairbank , th e presiden t "laughe d heartily " a t he r reques t an d the n drew a ten-dolla r greenbac k ou t o f hi s pocke t fo r her , saying , "Ther e i s my fac e wit h a gree n back." 21 Becaus e ten-dolla r "greenback " bill s car rying Lincoln' s pictur e wer e i n circulatio n a t th e time , th e stor y doe s wear a face of plausibility. However, Truth tol d a similar story about herself and President Grant , saying that whe n sh e gav e Gran t a copy o f her photograp h h e gav e her a five-dollar bill . Trut h tol d thi s Gran t stor y soo n afte r i t wa s suppose d t o have happened, an d retold i t in her 187 5 Narrative, bu t i t is doubtful tha t she ever told th e Lincol n story . Moreover , contrar y t o the Lincol n story ,

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the Gran t stor y doe s no t portra y he r a s boldl y requestin g mone y fo r herself fro m a president. 22 I t seem s possible that som e wag picke d u p th e inert Gran t story , embellishe d it , an d gav e i t panach e b y attachin g i t t o Lincoln.

Truth an d her friends seeme d to seek to project a n image of her as having been appointe d b y Lincol n t o wor k wit h th e freedmen , o r a t leas t a s having receive d Lincoln' s encouragemen t fo r he r work , a s i f thi s woul d enhance he r effectivenes s an d prestige . A s w e hav e seen , Truth' s letter s of November 3 and 1 7 give us no evidence that Lincol n appointe d he r t o any wor k o r encourage d he r t o d o an y particula r kin d o f work , o r tha t she asked hi s guidance abou t it . No r di d Colma n a t the time o r afterwar d say tha t Lincol n le d he r i n an y wa y i n thi s work . I n 1869 , however , Truth recalle d i n a n antislaver y meeting , a s reporte d i n th e minute s o f the meeting, that he r cours e in "denouncing slavery " and in workin g "fo r her race " ha d bee n "recognize d a s th e prope r cours e b y Abraha m Lin coln." Als o i n 186 9 an d 1871 , friend s o f Truth , afte r listenin g t o her , reported tha t Lincol n ha d pu t he r t o work wit h the freedmen. I n 1871 , a Topeka reporter , afte r talkin g wit h her , wen t s o fa r a s t o clai m tha t sh e had sai d that Lincol n "place d in her hands the important trus t o f organizing an d carryin g ou t a syste m fo r th e car e an d managemen t o f contra bands [freedmen]. " I n editin g th e 187 8 versio n o f Truth' s Narrative, Frances Titu s claimed , perhap s o n th e basi s o f wha t Trut h ha d sai d t o her, tha t Lincol n gav e Trut h a "commission " t o wor k amon g th e freed men i n the Washington area . In 187 9 Truth herself , in a n interview wit h a Chicag o journalist, sai d tha t whe n sh e me t Lincoln , h e "wante d m e t o see t o th e colore d peopl e a t Arlingto n Height s an d Mason' s Island." 23 Many late r writers have repeated suc h claims. It i s possible—perhap s eve n likely—tha t Lincol n encourage d he r i n working wit h the freedmen, i f only incidentally. Bu t n o direct evidenc e is available—either i n he r ow n letter s o r i n commen t b y other s a t th e tim e —that Lincol n encouraged , muc h les s authorized o r guided Truth's wor k with the freedmen . Because o f he r eccentricit y an d inabilit y t o rea d an d write , Truth' s activities wer e prim e materia l fo r mythmaker s an d sometime s Trut h herself appeare d t o encourag e them . A s a n activis t wh o fel t a mission t o speak ou t fo r God , Trut h di d not customaril y focu s on the objective trut h

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about he r ow n past . Sh e interprete d he r ow n lif e an d th e worl d a t larg e more i n term s o f image s an d parable s whic h coul d b e use d t o conve y symbolic truth . Truth fel t a t eas e wit h Lincol n i n th e Whit e House . Sh e fel t a t eas e with whit e an d black , ric h an d poor , powerfu l an d weak . Bu t sh e some times chos e to identif y wit h th e black , poor , an d unfortunate , suc h a s the freedmen. Sh e i s al l th e mor e impressiv e i n thi s identificatio n because , according t o th e availabl e evidence , sh e di d no t depen d o n Lincol n t o guide he r t o wor k wit h th e freedmen , bu t instea d sough t ou t th e oppor tunity t o work wit h the m essentiall y b y herself.

12 Riding Washington's Hors e Car s "Dere's nothin' like standin' up for yer rights!"

B y 1865 , when Trut h wa s working with the freed slave s in Washington , she already ha d lon g experience wit h discriminatio n i n publi c transporta tion. Ne w Yor k Cit y hors e car s ha d ofte n bee n segregated , wit h black s allowed to ride onl y on the outsid e platform, o r only in certai n infrequen t cars reserve d fo r blacks . Acros s th e Nort h o n stag e coaches , black s ha d often bee n force d t o rid e o n top, in th e open , i f they wer e allowe d t o rid e at all . On trains , Truth a s a black ha d ofte n bee n sen t int o smokin g cars , whether o r not sh e wanted to "swallow" the smoke. 1 Now i n Washingto n she found tha t sometime s whe n sh e signalle d fo r a horse-drawn streetca r to stop , th e driver s woul d tur n thei r head s th e othe r way , a s i f they ha d not see n her . Before 186 5 Trut h i s no t know n t o hav e participate d i n ride-in s t o desegregate transportation . However , anyon e lik e Trut h wh o ha d bee n familiar wit h th e abolitionis t movemen t ove r the year s would b e likel y t o know tha t a fe w abolitionist s ha d alread y occasionall y bee n conductin g such ride-ins, often deliberatel y nonviolen t ones . In 184 1 the black Davi d Ruggles, no t lon g before h e ha d joine d th e Northampto n community , stepped ont o a train i n Ne w Bedford , intendin g to go to Boston, and too k a seat . Bu t whe n conductor s aske d hi m t o mov e t o a Jim Cro w car—a s segregated car s fo r black s wer e alread y called—h e refused , an d conduc tors dragged hi m out , tearing his clothes. Ruggles brough t actio n agains t 129

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the railroa d i n a Ne w Bedfor d court , bu t lost , th e judg e rulin g tha t th e railroad had the right t o seat blacks as it wished . Soon afterward , Frederic k Douglas s als o insiste d o n ridin g i n Massa chusetts trai n car s reserve d fo r whites . H e to o wa s aske d b y conductor s to mov e t o th e Ji m Cro w car , refused , an d wa s dragge d out . Accordin g to Douglass , th e ride-in s i n whic h he , Ruggles , an d other s ha d partici pated, b y heightening publi c awareness o f discrimination, helped to mak e the railroa d companie s "ashamed " t o discriminate , an d b y 184 3 al l th e Massachusetts railroads had been desegregated . In the 1850 s several Ne w York Cit y blacks , led by the black Presbyteria n pasto r J. W . C . Penning ton, organize d a campaign agains t streetca r segregatio n throug h ride-ins . Pennington himsel f rode in a Sixth Avenue car reserved for whites. When asked t o leave , he refuse d an d wa s censure d b y a cour t fo r breac h o f th e peace.2 By earl y 1865 , such effort s ha d helpe d t o reduc e segregatio n i n trans portation, s o tha t black s i n Boston , Ne w York , Chicago , an d Baltimor e generally rod e a s equals i n th e stree t hors e cars . But i n Philadelphi a an d Washington, streetca r segregatio n wa s still common . In earl y 1865 , Senato r Charle s Sumne r o f Massachusett s succeeded , after severa l year s of struggle, in pushin g through Congres s a law forbid ding al l Distric t o f Columbi a streetca r companie s t o exclud e anyon e o n account o f color , unde r th e threa t tha t the y migh t los e thei r charter s t o operate. On Marc h 3 , 1865 , President Lincol n signe d the law. 3 According t o he r Narrative, whe n Ji m Cro w car s ha d bee n lega l i n Washington, Trut h ha d foun d tha t ther e wer e no t enoug h Ji m Cro w cars, so that i f she was able to ge t ont o on e of these cars at all, she usuall y had to stand, and she had complained about that to the streetcar company . It i s not know n whethe r Trut h ha d tried, as a protest agains t segregation , to rid e th e car s legall y reserve d fo r whites . Othe r blacks , however , had . On a rainy day , Dr . A . T . Augusta , a blac k arm y surgeon , ha d climbe d into a white car . Whe n th e conducto r aske d hi m t o ride up fron t wit h th e driver i n th e rain, he had refused , an d s o found himsel f pu t ou t o f the car . Dr. August a publicl y complained , an d Senato r Sumne r rea d hi s com plaint int o the Senate' s records. 4 After Senato r Sumner' s ne w la w wa s passed, Washingto n newspaper s publicized it , Ji m Cro w car s disappeared , an d som e black s rod e th e car s with whites . Bu t white s wer e ofte n rud e t o them . Fo r instance , whe n a white woma n wearin g fur s an d scente d wit h lavende r entere d a car, an d

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found th e onl y sea t availabl e wa s nex t t o blacks , sh e "pu t he r cambri c t o her nos e t o th e infinit e amusement " o f othe r passengers , an d muttere d that "things " wer e no t "a s the y use d t o b e i n Washington." 5 I n othe r instances, black s wer e kep t ou t o f cars altogether , thoug h suc h exclusio n was now clearl y agains t th e law . Many Washingto n blacks , havin g bee n onl y recentl y freed , wer e s o accustomed t o bein g looked dow n o n a s slaves that the y di d no t dar e rid e the hors e car s a s the equal s o f whites. Whe n Trut h ha d first com e ou t o f slavery, feelin g ignoran t an d inexperience d i n th e world , sh e to o ha d found i t difficul t t o ac t a s an equal . Bu t no w whe n sh e knew tha t th e la w was supporting her , as she did o n this issue, she had courag e to spare. T o assure that th e ne w la w would b e observed, Trut h fel t tha t black s neede d to push t o use the cars as equals, and sh e was delighted t o push .

In Washingto n on e da y i n 1865 , Trut h signalle d a ca r t o stop . Whe n i t did not , sh e ra n afte r it , yelling . Th e conducto r kep t ringin g hi s bel l s o that h e coul d preten d h e ha d no t hear d her . Whe n a t las t th e conducto r had t o sto p th e ca r t o tak e o n whit e passengers , Trut h als o climbe d int o the car , scoldin g the conductor : "I t i s a shame to make a lady run so. " He replied tha t i f she said another wor d he would pu t he r off . Sh e threatene d him: "I f yo u attemp t that , i t wil l cos t yo u mor e tha n you r ca r an d horse s are worth." When a "dignified" ma n in the uniform o f a general interfere d on her behalf , the conductor le t her alone. 6 In thi s inciden t sh e showe d no t onl y fierce determinatio n t o ride , bu t also kee n awarenes s tha t th e la w wa s o n he r side . Afte r all , Lincol n ha d signed th e ne w law . I n this , a s in al l her know n ride-ins , sh e di d no t tr y to organiz e group s o f blacks to join her , bu t whe n circumstance s seeme d to suggest it , she acted directly, essentially o n her own . In anothe r inciden t i n Washington , Trut h agai n hel d u p he r han d t o signal a horse ca r t o stop . Tw o car s passe d withou t stopping . Whe n th e third cam e i n sight , accordin g t o he r recollection , sh e gav e tremendou s yelps: " I wan t t o ride ! I wan t t o ride ! I WAN T T O RIDE! " He r shouting, whethe r intende d o r not , startle d enoug h nearb y horses , driv ers, pedestrians, an d boy s pushing carts , to block th e traffic, whic h stoppe d the horse car. That gav e her a chance to climb into the car, to the laughte r of some o f the passersby , wh o decide d wit h relis h tha t sh e had outwitte d the conductor, som e of them callin g out, "She has beaten him. "

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The conducto r wa s furiou s an d tol d he r t o g o u p front , outsid e wit h the driver . Bu t sh e sa t dow n inside , wit h th e othe r passengers . H e tol d her t o ge t up , o r h e woul d thro w he r out . Sh e told th e conducto r "t o fr o me out i f he dar," for "sh e was neither a Marylander no r a Virginian" bu t "from th e Empir e Stat e o f Ne w York , an d kne w th e law s a s wel l a s h e did." A t leas t on e o f th e passenger s i n th e car , a soldier , seeme d t o sympathize wit h her , for , a s ne w passenger s cam e in , h e exclaime d t o them delightedly , "Yo u ough t t o hav e hear d tha t ol d woma n tal k t o th e conductor." Sh e herself felt s o pleased to be riding in the car that sh e rode farther tha n sh e ha d intended , an d whe n sh e left , sai d happily , "Bles s God! I have had a ride." 7 Another day , sh e wa s goin g abou t th e cit y wit h Josephin e Griffing , a white abolitionis t frien d wh o like Truth wa s devoted to the welfare o f the freed slaves . Griffin g signalle d a n approachin g horse-draw n streetca r t o stop. The ca r stopped for Griffing bu t did not wait lon g enough for Trut h also t o ge t int o th e car , but , a s Trut h wrot e a frien d afterward , sh e di d succeed i n "holdin g o n t o th e iro n rail . The y dragge d m e a numbe r o f yards befor e sh e [Griffing ] succeede d i n stoppin g them. Sh e reported th e conductor t o th e presiden t o f th e Cit y Rai l Wa y wh o dismisse d hi m a t once, and told me to take the number o f the car wherever I was mistreate d by a conducto r o r driver , an d repor t t o hi m an d the y shoul d b e dis missed." 8 This an d al l her report s o f her ride-in s revea l he r eas y confidenc e tha t she wa s doin g right . Ther e ar e n o sign s tha t sh e agonize d ove r whethe r she shoul d insis t o n ridin g a s an equa l i n th e cars , or ho w sh e shoul d d o it. On anothe r occasion , whe n Trut h wa s bringin g a blac k nurs e fro m Georgetown t o the Freedmen's Hospital , Truth foun d tha t th e nurse wa s uneasy abou t ridin g th e hors e car s wit h whites . Nevertheless , a t a hors e car statio n Trut h le d he r int o a n empt y hors e ca r tha t wa s preparin g t o leave, an d the y seate d themselves . Afte r th e ca r proceede d o n it s way , i t stopped fo r tw o whit e women , wh o cam e in , sa t opposit e th e tw o blac k women, and began to whisper about them. According to Truth's recollec tion: The nurse, for the first time in her life finding herself in one sense on a level with white folks and being much abashed, hung her poor old head nearly down to her lap; but Sojourner, nothing daunted, looked fearlessly about. At length one of the

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ladies called out, in a weak, faint voice , "Conductor, conductor, does niggers ride in these cars?" He hesitatingl y answered , "Y e yea-yes, " t o whic h sh e responded , " 'Tis a shame and a disgrace. They ought to have a nigger car on the track." Sojourner remarked , "Of course colored people ride in the cars. Street cars are designed for poor white and colored folks. Carriages are for ladies and gentlemen. There ar e carriage s (pointin g ou t o f the window) , standin g read y t o tak e yo u three o r four mile s for sixpence , and then yo u talk o f a nigger car!!! " Promptl y acting upon this hint, they arose to leave. "Ah!" sai d Sojourner , "no w the y ar e goin g t o tak e a carriage . Goo d by , ladies."9 Truth seeme d t o reve l i n he r abilit y t o manipulat e th e tw o whit e women int o leaving the horse car . In anothe r inciden t Trut h sough t t o ride a horse car in the compan y of the whit e Laur a Haviland , a well-known Michiga n abolitionis t wh o wa s temporarily workin g alon g wit h Trut h i n th e Freedmen' s Hospital . A s Truth recalle d i t afterward , Haviland , no t Truth , signalle d fo r th e ca r t o stop. At th e same time, Truth, t o trick the conductor, mad e it appear tha t only Havilan d wa s gettin g o n th e car , b y steppin g t o "on e sid e a s i f t o continue m y walk. " Bu t whe n th e ca r stopped , Trut h ra n ahea d o f Haviland, and , a s Truth recalle d it, "jumped aboard." 10 Truth wa s again wit h Havilan d i n anothe r incident , o n Septembe r 13 . When Trut h climbe d ont o th e platfor m o f a car , wit h Havilan d som e distance behin d her , a s Trut h reporte d i t i n a letter writte n soo n after , a man just leavin g the ca r called out : "Have yo u go t roo m fo r nigger s here? " As th e conducto r the n notice d m y black face, [he] pushed me, saying "Go back—get off here." I told [him ] I was not going off. "The n I'l l put you off," sai d he furiously . . . clenching m y righ t ar m wit h bot h hands , usin g suc h violenc e tha t h e seeme d about t o succeed , whe n Mrs . Havilan d reache d us , an d tol d him , h e wa s no t going to put me off, placin g her hands upon both of us. "Does she belong to you? if she does, take her in out of the way," said he, in a hurried angry tone. She replied, "Sh e doe s not belon g to me, but sh e belongs to Humanity , an d she would have been out of the way long ago, if you had have [sic] let her alone." The conducto r pushe d Trut h hard , sh e recalled, slammin g her agains t a doo r an d bruisin g he r righ t shoulder . Bu t afte r Trut h aske d Havilan d to not e dow n th e numbe r o f the car , th e conducto r lef t the m alone . "I t i s

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hard fo r th e ol d slaveholdin g spiri t t o die, " Trut h reflected , "Bu t di e i t must." 11 Back a t th e hospital , whe n Trut h an d Havilan d aske d a surgeo n t o examine Truth' s shoulder , h e found i t swollen . Trut h an d Havilan d the n reported the incident to the president of the streetcar company. He promptl y dismissed th e conductor , th e secon d conducto r Trut h ha d cause d t o b e dismissed. The compan y presiden t als o advise d Trut h t o hav e th e conducto r arrested fo r assault , whic h sh e did , wit h th e Freedmen' s Burea u furnish ing he r a lawyer . A fe w day s later , Justic e Willia m Thompso n hel d a hearing fo r th e conductor , a s reported i n a curious articl e publishe d i n a t least four Washingto n papers : Alleged Assault Upo n Sojourne r Truth.—Joh n C . Weeden, a conductor o n the Seventh stree t railroad, had a hearing yesterday before Justice Thompson, at the Park station, charged with assault and battery, on the 13t h instant, on Sojourne r Truth, a colored woman , eight y year s o f age [actuall y abou t sixty-eight] . Mrs. Laura S. Haviland, of the Freedman's Hospital, testified that when Sojourner was attempting t o ge t i n th e ca r a t th e Sevent h stree t junction , Weede n seize d he r with suc h violenc e as to injure he r shoulder , an d that i t wa s done with unusua l and unnecessar y violence . Dr. W . B. Ellis, of the Freedman's Hospital , testifie d that th e ol d woman' s shoulde r wa s ver y muc h swollen , an d h e ha d applie d liniment, &c . In answer to a question fro m th e justice, he replied that it was not from rheumatic affection, bu t from the wrenching of her shoulder. On th e othe r hand , Willia m Kannough , H . McAllister , an d tw o othe r wit nesses state that the conductor held the woman back to prevent her from gettin g into the car, until the passengers, who were to get out at the junction had left the car. Afte r a ful l hearin g o f th e testimony , Justic e Thompso n decide d t o hol d Weeden t o bai l for hi s appearanc e a t cour t t o answe r th e charg e o f assault an d battery upon Sojourne r Truth . Witnesse s also testified t o the general good character of Weeden.12 The onl y informatio n availabl e o n th e outcom e o f the cas e comes fro m a Britis h journalis t wh o wrot e simply , Trut h "ha s bee n rudel y dragge d from a stree t car , bu t sh e brough t a n actio n fo r trespas s t o he r person , and obtaine d a verdict."13 Thi s wa s the third know n tim e that Trut h ha d taken a cas e t o court , th e first havin g bee n t o recove r he r so n Peter , th e second havin g bee n t o charg e Benjami n Folge r wit h slande r agains t her . She apparently wo n al l three cases. Truth hersel f claime d tha t he r takin g a conducto r t o tria l "create d a

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great sensation. " Th e fac t tha t fou r Washingto n newspaper s printe d th e story o f the hearin g i n th e case lends credenc e t o he r claim . Als o accord ing t o Trut h befor e th e tria l wa s over , s o man y black s wer e no w darin g to ride in the car s that "th e inside o f the car s looked like pepper an d salt, " implying tha t sh e wa s responsibl e fo r th e change . Soo n conductor s wh o before had "curse d me for wanting to ride," she said, "could stop for blac k as wel l a s white , an d coul d eve n condescen d t o say , 'Wal k in , ladies.' " More directl y Trut h late r claime d tha t b y her Washingto n ride-ins—sh e had take n par t i n a t leas t si x o f them , al l i n 1865—sh e ha d effecte d a "reformation" i n th e Washingto n hors e cars. 14 However , th e claim s tha t she wa s responsibl e fo r th e chang e hav e no t bee n corroborate d i n aboli tionist o r Washington newspapers , or in any authoritative sourc e from th e time. Other black s insiste d o n ridin g the Washingto n streetcar s a t abou t th e same tim e tha t Trut h did , whethe r stimulate d b y wha t the y hear d sh e had don e o r o n thei r ow n initiative ; sometime s the y to o brave d hostility . In March , 1865 , whe n a blac k woma n go t int o a ca r i n Georgetown , a soldier aske d he r t o ge t out , an d whe n sh e refused , h e struc k her . Sh e had hi m arrested . I n June , accordin g t o th e pro-segregationis t Washing ton Daily Times, black s kept insistin g o n riding the cars with whites , an d when whit e soldier s "daily " proteste d agains t ridin g wit h them , "blow s follow, and , finally , th e black s ar e ejecte d fro m th e cars. " I n July , a n "immense" black woma n entere d a car, coul d no t fin d a seat, an d n o on e offered he r one . Whe n a whit e woma n entered , an d a white ma n go t u p to offe r hi s sea t t o the whit e woman , th e blac k woma n too k it . Whe n th e white ma n protested , "Bu t I gav e i t u p t o a lady, " th e blac k woma n replied, "Th e lad y ha s go t it, " an d refuse d t o move . A t th e en d o f 1865 , three month s afte r Trut h ha d take n a conductor t o court, a white passen ger, who sai d he did not "associat e with niggers, " ordered a black ma n t o get of f a car, and whe n h e refused, threatene d hi m wit h a revolver. 15 Nearly a yea r later , however , i n November , 1866 , Truth' s ol d frien d Giles B . Stebbin s wa s reporte d a s sayin g tha t h e ha d see n white s ridin g in Washingto n car s besid e black s wit h "neve r a frown . . . . Becaus e th e equality o f the blac k ma n i n th e car s ther e i s an accomplishe d fact. " Bu t Stebbins was not reporte d a s identifying thi s achievement wit h Truth. 1 6 Certainly som e twentieth-centur y commentator s hav e give n to o muc h credit t o Trut h fo r he r ride-ins . Popula r journalist Bruc e Blive n claime d that Trut h "wa s th e firs t Freedo m Rider, " whic h w e hav e see n wa s fa r

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from true . Joann e Grant , i n he r Black Protest, claime d tha t Trut h wa s "the mos t famous o f battlers " agains t segregate d transportatio n i n th e abolitionist period . Bu t i f David Ruggle s an d J . W . C . Penningto n wer e less famous battler s tha n she , Frederic k Douglas s wa s probabl y mor e famous. Th e Detroi t Free Press claimed extravagantly tha t Trut h "single handedly integrate d th e trolley s i n Washington." 17 Bu t surel y man y others contributed t o the desegregation, includin g army surgeon August a and othe r black s wh o defie d whit e oppositio n t o rid e i n th e cars , as wel l as President Lincoln , Senato r Sumner , Congres s a t large , the courts , th e railway companie s tha t responde d t o Truth' s complaints , the Freedmen' s Bureau tha t supplie d he r a lawyer, he r friend s Laur a Havilan d an d Jose phine Griffin g wh o accompanie d her , an d Washingto n newspaper s lik e the Chronicle and Republican tha t advocate d equa l rights for black s in th e cars.

When Trut h confronte d Douglas s wit h he r "I s Go d gone? " questio n i n 1852, sh e wa s committe d t o nonviolenc e and , accordin g t o Douglass , even committe d t o th e ver y idealisti c for m o f nonviolenc e know n a s Garrisonian nonresistance . T o wha t exten t wa s sh e nonviolen t i n he r ride-ins? Accordin g t o th e availabl e report s o n thes e si x incidents , sh e herself use d n o direc t violence . Althoug h tw o conductor s use d violenc e against her , pushing her, an d at least one other threatened t o put her of f a car, she herself did not shov e or strike anyone . But probin g further , t o wha t exten t wa s sh e nonviolen t i n accordanc e with the principles o f the Garrisonians' Nonresistance Society , the societ y to whic h sh e ha d bee n expose d throug h th e Northampto n Associatio n and suc h friend s a s Georg e Benson , Henr y C . Wright , Lucreti a Mott , and Garrison ? Th e Nonresistanc e Societ y wa s mor e concerne d wit h ap pealing t o people' s conscience s tha n changin g outwar d situations . I t rec ommended individua l non-cooperatio n wit h evi l a s mor e likel y t o reac h consciences tha n actio n throug h government , includin g bringin g action s in court . Idealistically , th e societ y aske d it s members, who wer e virtuall y all abolitionists, to resist evil with good ; to disobey unjust law s with mee k acceptance o f any resulting punishment ; an d not s o much to inflict suffer ing on others as to take suffering o n themselves . In keepin g wit h thes e principles , durin g th e Civi l War , th e elderl y Quaker Lucreti a Mott , ridin g a Philadelphia streetca r on e cold rainy day ,

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deliberately rod e wit h a blac k woma n o n th e outsid e platfor m wher e blacks were suppose d t o ride, until a conductor, begge d b y white passen gers inside, invited bot h Mot t an d th e blac k woma n t o come inside. Also in keepin g wit h thes e principles , Garriso n onc e berate d Douglas s fo r using tricker y a s a means fo r gettin g a sleeping roo m o n a Hudson Rive r steamer. T o avoi d stayin g al l nigh t o n dec k a s black s wer e expecte d t o do, Douglas s ha d aske d a whit e frien d t o ren t a roo m an d the n tur n i t over t o him . Garriso n scolde d Douglass : Unjus t rule s canno t b e con quered "b y stealth , whic h onl y irritate s an d harden s th e spiri t whic h framed them . The y mus t b e conquered openly , and through muc h suffer ing." 18 In he r ride-ins , Truth seeme d to be comfortable wit h trickin g conduc tors i n orde r t o ride , and wit h playin g o n whit e prejudic e i n orde r t o ge t two whit e wome n t o leav e a car . Also , whil e sh e di d no t sho w sign s o f being vengeful , sh e seeme d comfortabl e wit h causin g th e firing o f tw o conductors an d takin g on e conducto r t o court , thu s inflictin g pai n o n them. I n thes e ride-ins she put he r emphasi s not o n redeeming those wh o were unjust, a s the Nonresistanc e Societ y recommended , an d a s she onc e had don e whe n sh e ha d emphasize d redeemin g slav e owners , bu t o n abolishing the outwar d injustice . Truth ha d alread y pu t th e earl y Garrisonia n scruple s agains t wa r behind he r whe n sh e frankl y endorse d blac k participatio n i n fighting fo r the Unio n caus e i n th e war . No w b y he r styl e o f ride-ins sh e wa s furthe r putting the Garrisonia n bran d o f nonviolence behin d her. Sh e was adopt ing a less self-sacrificing, mor e assertive bran d o f nonviolence o f her own . She was becoming mor e independent o f Garrison an d his friends .

In perspective , th e passag e o f Sumner' s ne w antisegregatio n la w fo r th e District o f Columbia create d a n opportunit y fo r Truth , an d sh e seize d it . She initiate d he r ride-in s apparentl y withou t plan . I f sh e scarcel y seeme d to think abou t possibl e theoretical inconsistencie s i n wha t sh e did, o r an y incidental pai n sh e caused others , her timing wa s right. Sh e acted boldly , with flair. Sh e kne w tha t becaus e he r nam e wa s known , sh e coul d focu s attention o n th e illegalit y an d injustic e o f segregation . Sh e repeate d he r ride-ins ofte n enoug h an d ove r a lon g enoug h perio d o f tim e t o driv e home her point . She force d th e streetca r companie s t o pa y attentio n t o th e ne w deseg -

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regation law , an d raise d awarenes s amon g bot h black s an d white s abou t the evolving concept o f equal rights for blacks. By not retaliating violentl y even whe n sh e was roughly pushed , sh e invited sympath y wit h her pligh t and th e pligh t o f all blacks discriminate d agains t i n the cars . Getting tw o conductors fired, an d taking one to court, if not calculate d to change thei r motivation, dramatize d he r struggl e fo r equa l rights, as well as the powe r of the la w to reduce discrimination . At a time whe n larg e number s o f blacks , accustome d t o th e degrada tion o f slavery , wer e to o fearfu l t o asser t thei r rights , Trut h acte d coura geously fo r equa l rights . Sh e riske d bein g humiliated . Sh e riske d he r physical safety . B y he r forthrigh t example , sh e encourage d othe r black s to ride the horse cars , and helped to bring about a significant ste p towar d equality. In he r ride-ins , fa r fro m bein g th e brooding , passive , secret-keepin g Libyan Siby l o f Stowe's an d Story' s creation , sh e revelled i n bein g asser tive. Recountin g he r ride-in s severa l year s later , sh e tol d a n audience , " I tell yer, dere's nothin' lik e standin' up for yer rights!" 19

13 Moving Freed Slave s to the Nort h "They have all to learn."

S o o n afte r Sojourne r Trut h arrive d i n Washingto n i n 1864 , sh e talke d to th e free d slave s i n on e o f th e temporar y camp s provide d fo r the m b y the federal government . Accordin g to her recollection, sh e told them the y were "i n disgrace " livin g a s the y wer e "of f th e government. " Sh e tol d them t o "get of f the governmen t an d take care of themselves." They gre w angry a t he r an d turne d he r ou t o f the buildin g wher e sh e wa s speakin g to them. But sh e followed the m t o their barracks , and continued to berat e them. Sh e tol d the m "t o hol d u p thei r head s an d b e men. " The n the y began t o understand her , and they sang : Free, free, free indeed, Free, free, my people are free, Sound the loud cymbals, My people are free. 1 Truth, havin g hersel f ha d crue l experience s growin g u p a s a slave, fel t that slaver y ha d lef t scar s o n thes e black s whic h mad e he r "hear t bleed. " She also perceived, a s she recalled it, that th e governmen t hire d peopl e t o help thes e black s wh o wer e no t fit t o d o so , includin g "minister s tha t never preache d a sermo n i n thei r life , doctor s wh o fee l th e puls e wit h gloves on. " Whe n sh e trie d t o teac h som e o f the free d wome n t o sew — particularly som e wh o ha d bee n field hands—sh e decide d i t woul d b e 139

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"quicker t o lear n a ho g t o dance. " Trut h believe d tha t givin g the m handouts wa s makin g the m "lazy. " Whe n sh e hersel f hande d ou t relie f clothes t o them, clothe s suc h a s Northern peopl e sen t dow n t o Washing ton i n boxes , som e o f them wor e th e clothe s a week , sh e said , an d the n instead o f washin g them , thre w the m away , an d cam e bac k t o "grab " more relie f clothes . Man y wer e developin g int o thieves , sh e declared , filling th e jails "as full a s a beehive." And thei r number s wer e increasing ; they breed , she protested, "lik e hogs." 2 In January , 1865 , when tw o o f her Harmoni a neighbors , the Spiritu alist lecture r Warre n Chas e an d a Harmoni a Seminar y teacher , wer e visiting Washington , the y cam e to se e her a t th e cam p calle d Freedmen' s Village. Whe n sh e recognize d them , sh e "blesse d th e Lor d lon g an d loud," Chas e reported . The n sh e poure d ou t t o the m he r fur y a t th e condition o f the free d slaves . Many o f them wer e idle , sh e said , an d "ar e worse off " her e "tha n i n slavery , an d som e eve n voluntaril y retur n t o it. " Chase continued , "Sh e wa s most scathingl y sever e o n some of the officer s connected wit h th e freedmen' s care. " The y neglect , sh e said , t o infor m the free d peopl e o f their rights ; also the surgeon s wh o ar e supposed t o b e caring fo r them , ofte n "hasten " thei r deaths , "an d sel l th e bodie s o f th e poor victims. " Chas e wa s impresse d tha t Trut h fel t s o fre e t o complain . "She holds some position there," he wrote, "that enable s her to talk freely , as sh e should , fo r sh e i s a powe r anywhere , a s al l kno w wh o hav e see n her i n publi c o r privat e life." 3 Chas e thu s implie d tha t he r positio n a t Freedmen's Villag e wa s no t likel y t o b e tha t o f a governmen t employee , but h e did no t explai n wha t he r positio n was . When a sympatheti c lad y visite d Trut h a t th e village , sh e foun d he r "tall, dark , ver y homely, " livin g i n a littl e fram e hous e provide d b y th e village authorities , "wit h th e America n flag ove r th e door. " Whe n th e lady aske d wha t Trut h wa s doin g there , Trut h answere d "Fightin g th e devil." What devil ? "A n unfaithfu l man, " Trut h explained , hold s a gov ernment offic e i n whic h h e i s suppose d t o b e helpin g th e freedmen , bu t he i s onl y doin g i t "a s a matter o f business," not, a s he shoul d be , "fro m love"; h e shoul d b e removed . Th e lad y asked , wh y don' t yo u g o t o th e president wit h suc h complaints ? Trut h replied : "Don' t yo u se e the presi dent ha s a big job o n hand? An y littl e matter Sojourne r ca n d o for hersel f she ain't goin g to bother hi m with." 4 At th e camps, Truth trie d t o teach the freed slave s to know an d defen d their rights. At a time when slaver y still legally existed in Maryland, som e

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Maryland thug s wer e raidin g the camps , seizing som e o f the free d slaves ' children an d sellin g them of f into slavery again. This ma y have been don e with th e acquiescenc e o f som e o f th e cam p guards , for , Trut h recalled , mothers who objected wer e thrown int o a guard house , cowing them int o silence. Truth becam e th e mothers ' champion , screamin g a t th e thug s i n protest. "Didn' t I scar e thos e Marylands , didn' t I jus t screa m ou t 'ti l I frightened the m fellows, " Trut h remembered . " I telle d 'e m I wa s a fre e agent, an d th e governmen t ha d sen t m e t o d o thi s work. " Sh e als o tol d them, sh e recalled , tha t i f the y "pu t m e i n th e guar d house " too , "I' d make th e Unite d State s roc k lik e a cradle. " Whe n th e free d peopl e understood tha t sh e was no t afrai d o f the thugs , sh e said , the y "bega n t o lift u p thei r head s a t las t . . . and yo u neve r hear d suc h singin g a s thos e poor critters did sing." 5 At abou t th e sam e time, in February , 1865 , journalist Tomkin s foun d her on e da y i n Washingto n i n th e basemen t o f Calvar y Baptis t Church , which the Nationa l Freedmen' s Relie f Association, o f New York , used fo r clothing distribution . Amon g severa l hundre d blac k wome n wh o wer e pushing forwar d t o pic k u p clothing , Tomkin s foun d Trut h i n charge , "an erect , tal l age d blac k woman , neatl y clad , wearin g a pai r o f gol d spectacles." "Sh e wa s reprovin g he r dark-skinne d sister s fo r thei r eage r haste t o obtai n relief, " Tomkin s wrote . " 'You hav e you r liberty, ' ex claimed th e goo d ol d woman ; 4 but what' s you r libert y wort h withou t regulation; b y you r thoughtles s eagernes s yo u hinde r you r friend s reliev ing yo u a s quickl y a s the y would. " Sh e scolde d th e wome n severely : " I have spoke n t o som e o f you befor e abou t thi s foolis h haste , an d no w sa y to you in the words of the fable, that havin g tried wha t tur f wil l do, if that fail, the next time I shal l try stones. " The journalist aske d her if she foun d these peopl e difficul t t o manage. Sh e answered , "Lor ' bles s you, chile , no —they ar e a s gentl e a s lambs , bu t the y mus t b e brough t unde r rul e an d regulation. Ah ! poor things, they have all to learn." 6 Truth's outspokennes s stirre d u p considerabl e hostilit y fro m thos e around her , no t onl y fro m Marylan d kidnapper s an d som e of the govern ment worker s suppose d t o b e carin g fo r th e free d slaves , bu t als o fro m some o f th e free d slave s themselves . Sh e ha d standard s o f behavio r fo r herself an d everyon e els e tha t wer e demanding , an d sh e fel t sh e ha d t o live up t o thes e standard s hersel f n o matte r wher e sh e was. As sh e wrot e her frien d Am y Post : "Yo u kno w I mus t b e faithfu l Sojourne r every where." 7

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However, Sojourne r foun d som e suppor t fro m hig h official s i n th e Freedmen's Bureau , a n agenc y create d b y Congres s nea r th e en d o f th e war to help the freed slaves . By the fall of 1865 , General John Eaton , th e officer i n charg e o f the bureau' s Distric t o f Columbia region , ha d recom mended he r a s havin g "goo d idea s abou t th e industr y an d virtu e o f th e colored people, " an d sh e wa s workin g a t leas t par t o f the tim e i n Wash ington a t th e bureau' s Freedmen' s Hospital. 8 Sh e serve d primaril y a s a counsellor t o th e hospita l patients , wh o include d bot h blac k soldier s an d destitute free d slaves . At time s governmen t official s provide d meal s fo r her , an d a t leas t a t Mason's Islan d an d Freedmen' s Village , the y provide d housin g fo r he r too. Bu t i t i s doubtfu l tha t Truth , whil e sh e wa s workin g fo r th e freed men, eve r becam e directl y a pai d governmen t employee . I n 186 7 whe n Truth aske d th e Freedmen' s Burea u t o compensat e he r fo r som e trave l she ha d don e fo r th e bureau , he r Battl e Cree k frien d Richar d B . Merrit t wrote t o th e bureau : U I believ e sh e has neve r receive d anythin g fro m th e government i n an y shap e while , o n th e othe r hand , sh e think s sh e ha s given he r time and considerabl e money , for the benefit o f the freedpeople , and for the relief of the government." 9 Even i f sh e wante d t o be , Trut h coul d hardl y expec t t o b e hire d b y government i n an y ver y responsibl e position . After all , sh e wa s nearl y seventy, stil l illiterate , an d scarcel y refine d i n he r languag e o r manners ; while sh e sometime s seeme d war m an d gentle , sh e could als o be volatile , with a n explosiv e temper . Sh e seeme d directe d fro m within , b y what sh e considered t o b e the voic e o f God speakin g t o her, whic h migh t lea d he r in unexpected , unconventiona l directions . Moreover , soo n afte r sh e ha d begun workin g wit h th e free d slaves , sh e wrot e he r frien d Am y Post , a s we hav e seen , tha t sh e di d no t expec t "t o as k th e governmen t fo r any thing, onl y wha t I hav e t o eat , fo r th e colore d peopl e mus t b e raise d ou t of bondage." She seemed t o intend t o be an example to the freed slave s of avoiding dependenc e o n government , eve n i n th e form o f employment b y government. In fact , a s ha s no t bee n generall y understood , Truth , i n mos t o f he r work wit h th e free d slave s in th e Washingto n regio n fro m 186 4 throug h 1866, wa s employe d b y th e Nationa l Freedmen' s Relie f Association , o f New York , a private, nonsectarian agency . The association , on e of several such philanthropic , paternalisti c freedmen' s ai d societie s base d i n th e North, worke d i n cooperatio n wit h th e Freedmen' s Burea u an d othe r

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agencies o f the government . Th e associatio n employe d her , bu t b y agree ment wit h th e bureau , len t he r a t variou s time s t o b e a counsello r a t Freedmen's Village , late r a t Freedmen' s Hospital . Als o th e associatio n gave he r th e statu s o f "teacher " (th e associatio n employe d 25 0 teachers , most o f the m whites , fo r thei r school s fo r th e childre n o f free d slave s i n Washington an d elsewher e in the South) , with the responsibility o f being a "visitor " an d "distributor " o f relie f supplies. 10 Thu s althoug h Trut h could reasonabl y sa y sh e wa s sen t t o wor k amon g th e free d slave s wit h the approva l o f the government , th e fac t tha t sh e wa s no t a governmen t employee enhance d he r freedo m t o criticiz e th e governmen t employee s among whom sh e worked . The Nationa l Freedmen' s Relie f Associatio n pai d Trut h an d othe r "teachers" i n Washingto n o n a subsistenc e level , fa r les s tha n publi c school teacher s generall y receive d i n th e North . Nevertheless , the associ ation too k prid e tha t Trut h worke d fo r them . Soo n afte r Presiden t Lin coln wa s assassinated , whe n tw o officer s o f the association—on e o f the m Truth's frien d Luc y N . Colman—calle d o n th e ne w Presiden t Andre w Johnson, the y aske d hi m i f h e woul d lik e t o se e Truth . The y reporte d happily i n th e association' s journa l tha t h e sai d h e "woul d b e muc h pleased t o se e he r . . . a t an y time, " an d Colma n too k he r t o th e Whit e House to visit Johnson, th e second president Trut h ha d visite d there. 11

In 186 5 ^ e Freedmen' s Burea u bega n t o mov e able-bodie d bu t idl e Washington free d slave s of f governmen t suppor t b y resettlin g the m i n jobs elsewhere . Truth , believin g dependenc e o n governmen t t o b e de grading, felt calle d to help carr y ou t this plan . The Freedmen' s Bureau , a n agenc y o f th e Wa r Department , wa s headed b y Gen. O . O. Howard, afte r who m Howar d Universit y wa s soon to b e named . B y a t leas t Christmas , 1865 , Trut h ha d becom e awar e o f Howard personall y whe n the y bot h ha d spoke n a t a dinne r fo r th e pa tients a t Freedmen' s Hospital, 12 an d sh e cam e t o admir e hi m a s desirin g to b e just t o blacks . O n th e othe r hand , man y to p burea u official s wer e conservative arm y officers , no t likel y to b e sensitive to blacks. Hardly an y of them wer e outrigh t abolitionist s suc h a s those wit h who m Trut h ha d often associated . Moreover , Truth , a n individualist , wa s no t use d t o working with suc h a bureaucratic organization a s the Freedmen's Bureau . Nevertheless, Trut h coul d brin g he r ow n experienc e a s a free d slav e t o

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this resettlemen t program . Sh e ha d persona l connection s i n bot h Michi gan an d Ne w Yor k Stat e wher e ther e wa s a deman d fo r blac k workers . Also Trut h ha d faith , perhap s naiv e faith , tha t wit h God' s hel p th e live s of these freed slave s could be dramatically improved . By th e summe r o f 1866 , fo r mor e tha n a year th e Freedmen' s Burea u had alread y bee n movin g freedme n ou t o f idleness in Washingto n t o jobs in th e North . A t tha t time , Trut h wrot e Am y Pos t i n Rochester , Ne w York, proposin g t o resettle some of the freedmen there . Truth aske d Pos t whether sh e o r he r friend s coul d find "good " jobs fo r freedwomen , som e with children , i f Trut h hersel f brough t the m t o Rochester . Bu t nothin g seems to have come of Truth's proposa l immediately. 13 By fall, Truth wa s pushing more directly to resettle freed peopl e out of Washington. Sh e wa s doin g s o especiall y b y workin g wit h Josephin e Griffing, wh o ha d recentl y accompanie d Trut h i n on e o f her ride-in s i n the Washingto n streetcars . Fro m 186 4 Griffin g ha d bee n th e genera l agent o f a privat e freedmen' s relie f agenc y simila r t o th e on e fo r whic h Truth worked . Griffin g ha d als o been a t times a paid agen t o f the Freed men's Bureau , whic h sh e hersel f b y he r strenuou s lobbyin g i n Congres s had significantl y helpe d to create; by this time Griffing wa s often goadin g the burea u t o b e mor e responsiv e t o th e free d slaves ' needs . Trut h ar ranged wit h Griffin g tha t Truth , i n workin g t o mov e free d slave s ou t o f Washington, woul d no t b e a n officia l Freedmen' s Burea u agent , bu t would wor k i n cooperatio n wit h Griffin g an d th e bureau . Th e burea u would pa y transportatio n expense s fo r Trut h an d an y free d slave s sh e transported. In November , 1866 , Josephin e Griffin g fo r th e Freedmen' s Burea u telegraphed Henr y Willis , Truth' s frien d i n Battl e Creek , tha t twenty eight free d peopl e wer e soo n to arriv e from Washingto n fo r hi m i n Battl e Creek. A s Griffin g explaine d t o othe r burea u officials , Willi s "receive s & provides temporary rest " for the freedmen i n Battle Creek. 14 Henry Willi s ha d grow n u p a s a Quake r i n Baltimore , wher e h e became consciou s o f th e cruelt y o f th e slaver y aroun d him . Garrison , visiting Willis in Battl e Creek , ha d foun d Willi s to be an active abolition ist and " a rough, energetic , enterprising farmer, " a s Garrison wrot e to his family i n Boston , bu t adde d tha t Willi s wa s s o "injudicious " (a n ironi c term t o com e fro m Garriso n a s h e wa s widel y believe d t o b e injudiciou s himself) tha t h e does "a great dea l more harm tha n goo d to any cause" he espouses. However , i n Washington , Josephin e Griffing' s daughter , her -

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self a burea u agent , describe d Willi s t o a Freedmen' s Burea u officia l a s "an ol d resident o f Battle Creek " who is "responsible." 15 Josephine Griffin g tol d burea u official s tha t sh e herself hope d t o brin g these twenty-eigh t free d peopl e t o Willi s i n Battl e Creek , an d alon g th e way, drop off still other freed peopl e at several sites in Ohio: Youngstown , Cleveland, Elyria , an d Oberlin . Althoug h Griffin g di d no t sa y sh e planne d to bring Trut h wit h her , i t is possible that Trut h hersel f wa s on the trai n which brough t thes e freed peopl e to Battle Creek . Long afterward , th e black Payto n Grayso n recalle d that i n November , 1866, whe n h e wa s onl y a boy o f seven years , "Aunt Sojourner " brough t him an d hi s famil y fro m Washingto n b y trai n t o Battl e Creek . "Aun t Sojourner wante d t o hel p u s hel p ourselves, " Grayso n recalled . "That' s the reaso n sh e ha d u s com e t o Battl e Cree k an d smal l towns , instea d o f the big cities, so we could find work. " According to Grayson , Trut h ha d visited the Grayso n family— a mothe r and thre e children—wher e the y wer e livin g i n a temporar y cam p fo r freedmen, probabl y Freedmen' s Village , outsid e o f Washington . Black s like th e Graysons , h e explained , free d fro m slaver y i n Virginia , ha d fled to Washington , lookin g fo r a bette r life , bu t whe n the y go t there , foun d no better plac e to g o than suc h a camp. Truth tol d th e Grayson s tha t ther e wa s n o futur e fo r the m there , Grayson recalled . "W e wer e to o thic k there, " sh e tol d us , "an d sh e tol d us w e wante d t o g o ou t wes t wher e w e coul d ge t work. " Trut h wa s a n authority figure t o th e Graysons . "Whateve r sh e sai d w e did, " Grayso n remembered. According t o Grayson , Trut h arrange d wit h Mrs . Griffin g fo r th e Graysons an d other s t o g o b y trai n t o th e Midwest . Trut h accompanie d them o n th e train, whic h include d fou r o r five cars of freed people . Trut h told the freed peopl e a t whic h plac e it wa s arranged tha t the y wer e to ge t off to find ne w homes , he recalled. Sh e directed the Grayson s to ge t of f at Battle Creek, where b y Truth's arrangement , the y staye d at first for a few days wit h a blac k family , th e Fran k Snodgrasses . Soo n Mrs . Grayso n found wor k wit h Henr y Willis , an d too k he r childre n wit h he r t o liv e a t Willis's. Afte r abou t a year , Grayso n recalled , hi s mothe r marrie d a freedman wh o ha d com e ou t t o Battl e Cree k o n anothe r o f Truth' s trains. 16 Other black s i n Battl e Cree k recalle d lon g afterwar d tha t Trut h an d Griffing ha d arrange d fo r sixtee n o r seventee n o f the m t o com e fro m

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Washington t o settl e i n Battl e Creek . Whil e the y sai d tha t Trut h me t them i n Washingto n befor e the y cam e an d agai n i n Battl e Cree k afte r they came, they di d not sa y that sh e accompanied the m o n the train. 17 Truth's Battl e Cree k frien d France s Titus, writing in 187 5 that Trut h found place s fo r freedme n i n th e North , mentione d he r doin g s o i n Rochester bu t no t i n Battl e Creek. 18 Moreover , Truth' s nam e doe s no t appear i n th e availabl e Freedmen' s Burea u record s a s taking freedme n t o Battle Creek , bu t i t doe s a s taking the m t o Rochester . I t i s possibl e tha t Grayson wa s confuse d i n hi s recollections , s o tha t althoug h Trut h ma y have me t th e Grayson s i n thei r cam p i n Virgini a an d arrange d fo r the m to move to Battle Creek , sh e did no t accompan y the m o n the train . In th e fal l o f 1867 , another Battl e Cree k frien d o f Truth's, Mrs. E. M . Rhoades, explainin g i n th e National Anti-Slavery Standard wh y Trut h was poor , wrot e tha t sh e ha d bee n spendin g he r mone y i n "gettin g places" for the freed people . Rhoades did not mentio n tha t Trut h brough t any free d peopl e t o Battl e Creek , bu t sh e di d sa y Truth ha d bee n "carry ing the m fro m Washingto n t o differen t part s o f th e country, " whic h interpreted literall y woul d mea n tha t sh e too k the m t o mor e place s tha n Rochester. Als o i n 187 9 a newspape r publishe d i n Kalamazoo , nea r Battle Creek, describin g Truth's effor t t o move freedmen ou t of Washington, stated , "som e o f her ward s wer e brough t t o Michiga n an d other s t o New Yor k state." 19 Could Titus and Rhoades have deliberately omitted to mention Truth' s help i n bringin g freedme n t o Battl e Cree k becaus e thi s wa s a painfu l subject there ? Everywher e i n th e Nort h tha t th e freedme n settle d ther e were likel y t o b e som e white s wh o oppose d thei r coming , claimin g the y would tak e jobs awa y fro m whites , o r becom e publi c dependents . Whe n Truth's frien d Laur a Havilan d brough t free d peopl e t o settl e i n Adrian , Michigan, th e count y superintenden t o f the poo r accuse d he r o f bringin g blacks wh o soon becam e publi c charges. 20 Bu t certainl y Titu s hersel f favored bringin g freed peopl e to Battle Creek . A mont h afte r th e burea u i n Washingto n ha d informe d Willi s tha t i t was sendin g freedme n t o him , i n December , 1866 , th e burea u tele graphed Titu s i n Battl e Cree k tha t i t wa s sendin g free d peopl e als o t o her: " A part y o f eigh t (8 ) free d peopl e wil l arriv e Frida y morning. " Apparently Titu s wa s receivin g thes e freedmen , muc h a s Willi s ha d received others , o n th e understandin g sh e woul d loo k afte r the m unti l they could find jobs. 21

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Frances Wallin g Titus , wh o wa s to becom e Truth' s mos t conspicuou s long-term supporte r i n Battl e Creek , ha d bee n bor n an d raised , lik e he r husband Richar d Titus , a s a Quaker , sh e i n Vermon t an d h e i n Ne w Rochelle, Ne w York . Richar d a s a youth ha d gon e to sea , and b y the ag e of eightee n ha d becom e a se a captain , sailin g t o th e Wes t Indie s an d South America . After settlin g i n Battl e Creek , h e becam e a flour miller , and whe n h e die d i n 1868 , hi s so n Samue l Titus , abou t twenty-two , succeeded hi m i n th e mill , an d continue d t o liv e wit h hi s mothe r i n th e family house . Frances Titus , whil e contemplative i n style , became radica l enough i n he r poin t o f view s o that sh e often entertaine d a t her house th e strident antislaver y speake r Parke r Pillsbur y whe n h e visite d Battl e Creek , even thoug h Pillsbur y attacke d th e churc h fo r it s suppor t o f slaver y s o fiercely tha t h e wa s widel y considere d t o b e a n "infidel. " B y lat e 186 7 i n Battle Creek , France s Titus ha d organize d a class of adult blacks , most of them free d slaves , doubtles s includin g som e who m sh e an d Trut h ha d helped t o brin g t o Battl e Creek . Twic e a wee k i n th e cit y hall , Titu s and othe r volunteer s taugh t the m t o read , write , an d us e simpl e num bers. 22 Other Battl e Cree k friend s o f Truth , th e Merrit t family , wer e als o supportive o f free d people . Josep h Merrit t ha d brough t hi s famil y fro m Saratoga County , Ne w York , t o Battl e Cree k i n abou t 183 6 t o clea r land fo r a farm . H e ha d helpe d t o foun d th e Friend s meetin g i n Battl e Creek. I n th e 1850 s h e ha d bee n presiden t o f the Michiga n Anti-Slaver y Society, an d ha d frequentl y opene d hi s hous e t o visitin g antislaver y lecturers, includin g Garrison . Trut h ha d worke d fo r th e Merritt s a s a domestic, ha d live d wit h them , an d ha d helpe d t o rais e thei r childre n and grandchildren . I n 1865 , on e o f Joseph' s sons , Charle s Merritt , a grower o f berrie s an d peaches , wa s th e hea d o f a Spiritualis t grou p which organize d a block-by-bloc k collectio n o f clothe s fo r need y freed men. 23 In April , 1867 , Charles ' younge r siste r Phoeb e Merritt , b y thi s tim e married t o Fran k Stickne y an d livin g i n Painesville , Ohio , wrot e Truth , asking he r hel p i n finding black s t o wor k fo r them . Phoeb e Merrit t Stickney, evidentl y havin g hear d fro m he r mothe r i n Battl e Cree k tha t Truth wa s i n Rocheste r tryin g t o arrang e t o sen d freedme n there , wrot e to Truth i n Rochester. Addressin g her as "Dear Ol d Sojourner," Stickne y invited Trut h t o com e t o he r hous e t o se e he r tw o smal l children , an d continued:

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But Sojourne r le t me tell you what we want so bad and that is some one to help us indoors & out. You can well understand Sojourner (tha t with my little ones & slender health, and Frank the same, yet crammed full o f business) how badly we need a goo d ma n & woman, tha t woul d b e faithfu l & trusty. . .. A n excellen t home we would give if such could be found. With my little ones it would be bad to have other children. If it could be otherwise would greatly prefer eve n though it wer e onl y th e woman . Wil l yo u le t u s kno w wha t yo u ca n d o for u s i n thi s direction?24 Phoebe Stickney , lik e man y Northerner s wh o wer e requestin g free d people t o wor k fo r them , aske d fo r adult s withou t children . Thi s wa s understandable fro m a prospective employer' s poin t o f view, bu t disturb ing t o Trut h an d Griffing . The y di d no t wan t t o se e free d peopl e o f working age move out of Washington an d elsewhere in the South withou t their childre n an d ol d people , becaus e i t woul d separat e familie s an d deepen th e problem s o f thos e lef t behind . Bu t ho w Trut h responde d t o Stickney's request availabl e records do not say .

By early March, 1867 , Truth wa s in Rochester with Amy and Isaac Post , working ou t wit h the m he r pla n t o brin g free d slave s to Rochester . Th e Posts had lon g been activ e in suc h unpopula r cause s as the Undergroun d Railroad, Progressiv e Friends , spiritualism , an d women' s rights . Isaa c Post wa s a druggist, wit h Pos t an d Bruff's drugstore . Am y Pos t wa s shy, not a publi c speake r lik e Truth , bu t ofte n serve d a s a majo r office r o f reform conventions . Undoubtedly th e Posts helped Truth writ e out the following advertise ment, whic h sh e published, beginnin g March 13 , 1867, in two Rocheste r Republican newspapers : To th e Public.—Sojourne r Truth , th e wel l know n Mrs . Stowe' s Africa n Sybi l [spelling sic], is now in Rochester, endeavoring to find employment for som e of the Souther n free d people , wh o ar e i n Washington , severa l thousand s o f them supported b y the Government an d philanthropists, in idleness. They ar e willing and able to work, but there is none for them there. It i s therefore propose d t o establis h a depot fo r som e o f them i n Rochester , where the farmers and citizens can supply their great need of such help. They will be transported her e without expens e to the employer [th e bureau woul d pay for the transportation], but t o pay expense s while in the city, fifty cents or a dollar may be required.

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We therefore solicit all who need help, and are willing to pay them such wages as they may earn, to immediately avail themselves of this opportunity, by writing to or informing Sojourne r Truth , car e of Isaac Post, Rochester; of what numbe r and kind; whether men, women or families, they desire. On or before the arrival of these people, notice will be given in the city papers, that applicants may come and select for themselves. Sojourner Truth , wh o is the life an d sou l of this movement, intend s holdin g meetings in adjoining towns, in aid of this effort. 25 Truth's advertisemen t appeare d a t a tim e whe n man y resident s o f western Ne w Yor k wer e havin g difficult y finding enoug h help . S o ac cording t o Truth , withi n fou r o r five hour s o f th e publicatio n o f he r advertisement, man y prospectiv e employer s "cam e rushin g in " t o Roch ester t o se e her. 26 Othe r prospectiv e employer s wrot e he r fro m a nine county are a surroundin g Rochester . Mor e o f them aske d fo r wome n tha n men. Thos e wh o aske d fo r wome n usuall y specifie d houseworkers ; thos e who asked fo r me n usuall y specifie d far m workers . Some prospectiv e employer s requeste d tha t th e worker s shoul d b e strong, honest , temperate , experienced , o r th e like . Many asked fo r wome n only u p t o 3 0 year s o f age , me n onl y u p t o 35 . The y aske d fo r adult s without smal l children. (Fro m Washington , Griffin g wrot e Truth bitterl y that nearl y all applicants for freed slave s indicated they wante d "n o youn g children, a s thoug h blac k babie s wer e 1 2 year s ol d whe n the y wer e born.") On e wrot e tha t hi s famil y an d tw o o r thre e neighborin g familie s would lik e blac k girl s t o d o housework , an d tha t becaus e thes e familie s all attend th e sam e church , th e blac k girl s coul d se e each othe r occasion ally a t church . Anothe r reporte d tha t severa l familie s woul d b e gla d t o secure free d slave s "instea d o f dependin g upo n foreig n Romis h help. " (Irish hel p wa s common i n the regio n a t the time.) Anothe r wrote , "I a m ready t o believ e tha t justic e wil l b e th e rul e i n an y undertakin g whic h bears th e signature s o f Sojourne r Trut h & Isaac Post. " On e promise d t o send a gir l part-tim e t o school , an d kee p he r fo r severa l years , whil e another promise d tha t i f she like d a girl, sh e woul d provid e he r " a hom e as long as she shall live." 27 Truth's advertisemen t als o go t a respons e fro m Jame s O . Bloss , a Rochester businessma n o f a n abolitionis t family , wh o ha d alread y bee n doing wha t Trut h wa s no w als o doing , actin g i n cooperatio n wit h th e Freedmen's Burea u a s a voluntary, unpai d agen t i n bringin g free d slave s

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to Rochester . Beside s Blos s an d Trut h ther e wer e a t leas t nin e othe r similar burea u agent s operating a t about thi s time in New Yor k State . Bloss wa s angry . I n a public lette r t o on e o f the Republica n paper s i n which Truth' s advertisemen t ha d appeared , Blos s complaine d that , al though s o many employer s i n th e Rocheste r are a ha d aske d fo r freedme n that h e coul d hav e placed a thousand a week a t goo d wages , Griffing an d the burea u i n Washington ha d onl y sen t hi m te n freedmen . H e suspecte d that burea u officer s avoide d sendin g freedme n awa y fro m Washingto n lest they hav e too few freedme n lef t t o justify thei r burea u jobs. Bloss also blamed the freedmen themselves , "poor, ignorant, besotted" as they were , for enjoyin g bein g "fe d an d clothed " b y th e burea u i n Washington , s o that the y di d no t wan t t o leav e there. Blos s declared tha t h e had decide d to giv e u p o n Griffin g an d th e bureau , an d predicte d tha t Trut h woul d have similar difficulty i n gettin g them t o send her enoug h free d people. 28 The Rocheste r Daily Union, a Democratic pape r that Trut h castigate d as "Copperhead, " gleefull y reprinte d bot h Truth' s advertisemen t an d Bloss's letter . I n doin g so , th e Union poure d ou t it s hostilit y t o Truth , "an ol d negres s wh o wa s onc e a slave i n thi s state, " and t o Bloss , " a rea l simon pur e negr o lover, " an d t o th e Freedmen' s Bureau , a "Radical " Republican creation , for tryin g to brin g freedmen int o the Rochester are a to ge t jobs . Th e freedmen , th e Union warned , woul d wor k fo r lowe r wages than white s an d s o take jobs awa y from whites , and beside s woul d steal fro m whites—i f the y come , yo u white s ha d bette r "loo k t o you r chicken-coops." 29 Meanwhile, despit e Bloss' s warning , Trut h seeme d read y t o believ e that a large number o f freed slave s would b e sent to her in Rochester. Fo r on behal f o f Truth, Am y Pos t wrot e th e burea u o n Marc h 1 8 askin g fo r $100 t o hel p Trut h pu t u p a "boar d shanty " i n Rochester , nea r th e railroad depot , t o serv e a s a receptio n cente r fo r arrivin g freedmen , a building apparentl y simple r tha n th e receptio n building s th e Freedmen' s Bureau provide d i n som e other Norther n cities . Post explaine d that ther e are several persons in Rochester "wh o will assist" Truth, "withou t mone y or pric e . . . t o mak e judiciou s distributio n o f thes e poores t o f God' s poor"; als o tha t Trut h "ha s give n th e freedme n al l he r earnings, " an d i s now livin g in Rocheste r i n the Posts ' house, "supported b y the Rocheste r friends o f th e needy. " Pos t enclose d a newspape r clippin g o f Bloss' s complaint, adding : "Sojourner wishe s to prove to the peopl e his [Bloss's ]

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mistake—that ther e ar e agent s ther e i n th e Burea u wh o ar e true t o bot h government an d the freedmen." 30 Truth hersel f sen t Griffin g a cop y o f Bloss' s lette r o f complaint . O n March 2 6 Griffin g replied , regrettin g tha t Blos s "canno t se e our difficul ties." "W e hav e thre e thousan d applications " for freedmen , an d ca n sen d "only a few " t o eac h place . "W e ar e movin g heave n an d eart h . . . t o inspire the peopl e to go, " Griffing explained . "Bu t al l the cause s that yo u remember t o hav e existe d las t year , Sojourner , ar e stil l keepin g the m here. Then th e Souther n agent s have been here for men, and have said so much agains t th e climat e an d characte r o f the North , tha t tha t als o help s to indecision . Th e Burea u i s now givin g u s al l facilities fo r gettin g the m where the y ca n suppor t themselves . . . . W e d o sen d som e almos t ever y day, bu t canno t ge t th e wome n t o g o withou t th e me n & indeed canno t get man y just no w o f any kind." 31 On Marc h 3 0 Trut h explaine d i n a letter t o Griffing tha t man y peopl e who responde d t o he r advertisemen t believe d sh e "wa s doin g a grea t work mor e tha n ha d eve r bee n don e before, " bu t sh e wa s no w finding herself uneas y whethe r sh e coul d suppl y hal f o f th e free d slave s who m employers wanted . Moreover , Trut h wrote , sh e wa s annoye d tha t Juli a A. Wilbur o f Rochester, who had been sent by the Rochester Ladie s AntiSlavery Societ y to the Washingto n are a to teach free d slaves , had writte n Truth tha t b y announcing tha t sh e was charging fees , Truth wa s playin g into the hands o f Copperhead Democrats : Sh e was givin g the appearanc e of trying t o mak e mone y ou t o f resettlin g free d slaves . Trut h protested : "The peopl e all know I am not doin g it for m y benefit o r profit. An d the n for Mrs . Wilbu r t o thin k tha t th e Copperhead s thin k tha t I a m doin g i t for speculating!" 32 More tha n a month afte r Trut h publishe d he r advertisement , Griffin g wrote Trut h fro m Washingto n tha t sh e stil l coul d no t promis e t o sen d any freed slave s to Truth, eve n though "the y stan d idle everywhere." One reason th e me n hesitate d t o g o North , Griffin g explained , wa s tha t the y treasured thei r newl y acquire d righ t t o vot e i n th e Distric t o f Columbia , a right the y woul d los e if they move d t o New Yor k Stat e o r certai n othe r Northern state s that ha d no t ye t grante d black s the equa l righ t t o vote. 33 The free d slave s wer e evidentl y takin g Griffing' s an d Truth' s advic e t o stand u p fo r thei r right s i n way s tha t thwarte d wha t Griffin g an d Trut h wanted to do for them .

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Later i n April , however , T r u t h returne d t o Washington , an d hersel f helped t o recrui t som e free d slaves . O n Apri l 2 5 sh e wrot e bac k t o Am y Post i n Rocheste r exultantly : I shal l I think reac h Rocheste r Wednesda y o r Thursday nigh t nex t wee k wit h te n or twelve freedpeopl e me n & women, & few children . Pleas e pu t u p th e buildin g without a fail. For i n May I shal l ge t a large company. I think b y the 16t h o f May they will be there sure . I a m comin g wit h the m & shall com e bac k fo r th e rest . Shal l hav e som e first rate folk s nex t time . W e ar e workin g wit h al l ou r might , Mrs . Griffin g & I, an d certain [to ] accomplish something . . . . Be a t th e Depo t Wednesda y night . I f I don' t com e b e there Thursda y night . I shall be there i f transportation i s ready. Bureau help s me with al l their might. 34 At leas t b y May , T r u t h ha d brough t free d slave s t o Rochester . T h e difficulties on e o f the m encountere d wa s indicate d b y a lette r t o T r u t h from a Quake r woma n i n nearb y Unio n Springs , o n Cayug a Lake : The ma n who m tho u sen t t o u s w e like d ver y much . Bu t a s w e wer e jus t papering, paintin g an d varnishin g al l through th e house , w e ha d n o plac e t o pu t him, an d s o w e tol d hi m i f he woul d g o t o th e school , an d wor k fo r hi s boar d a few day s till w e coul d mak e th e arrangement , the n h e could com e here an d wor k for wage s all the season . But whe n w e inquire d fo r hi m w e foun d h e wa s gon e bac k t o Rocheste r without lettin g us know anythin g about it . We ar e reall y disappointe d fo r the y tel l u s he worke d ver y smar t a t the schoo l and seem s just suc h a one a s we wanted . I hop e a s soon a s his wife come s he wil l return here—w e hav e a vacan t hous e the y ca n occupy—bu t unles s sh e come s soon i t may be rented to som e one else. I enclos e a dollar a s requested i n Amy Post' s letter if he did no t remain here. 35 T h i s freedma n wa s makin g decision s fo r himself . Indeed , amon g th e freed slave s wh o ha d bee n sen t b y th e burea u t o job s i n th e N o r t h , significant number s decide d t o qui t thei r jobs , som e o f the m returnin g t o Washington. T o th e disturbanc e o f some burea u officials , Griffin g insiste d on tellin g free d slave s tha t the y ha d a righ t t o d o thi s i f they wished . In J u l y th e burea u approve d transportatio n order s fo r T r u t h an d seve n freed slave s t o g o fro m Washingto n t o Rochester . T h i s ma y b e th e grou p of seve n wit h w h o m T r u t h late r reporte d sh e ra n int o complications . When i t wa s tim e fo r the m t o tak e th e trai n fro m th e Baltimor e an d Ohi o

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depot i n Washington , Trut h recalled , th e bureau' s transportatio n office r had not , a s h e ha d promised , sen t th e necessar y transportatio n orde r t o her a t th e depot . Bu t Truth , exhibitin g he r considerabl e independence , herself pai d th e far e fo r th e whol e grou p a s fa r a s Baltimore . O n arriva l there, sh e als o pai d fo r feedin g th e group , a s wel l a s $3.5 0 fo r cartin g their "trunks, " an d $2.5 0 fo r overnigh t lodgin g fo r th e five women , evidently leavin g th e tw o me n t o thei r ow n devices . The n Trut h wen t back t o Washingto n t o pic k u p th e missin g transportatio n order , an d returned t o Baltimore t o continue o n with her grou p to Rochester. Trut h afterward aske d th e burea u t o recompens e he r fo r thes e extr a expenses , and after delay , they evidentl y di d so. 36 It i s possibl e tha t Truth , unabl e t o find enoug h free d slave s i n Wash ington willin g t o g o t o Rochester , brough t mos t o f thos e who m sh e brought t o Rocheste r fro m farthe r south , fro m souther n Virgini a o r eve n North Carolina . Afterwar d on e o f he r friend s recalle d tha t sh e ha d me t Truth i n Ne w Yor k City , i n May , 1867 , whe n Trut h "wa s returnin g from Rochester , t o which plac e sh e had taken 1 2 of her peopl e an d foun d employment fo r them. " Sh e "wa s o n he r wa y t o a town 20 0 mile s sout h of Richmon d t o mee t other s fo r who m sh e wa s t o perfor m lik e service . Three suc h trips she made in the following si x weeks." 37 On Jun e 7 , a Rochester Republica n pape r announce d tha t Trut h wa s expected t o arriv e i n Rocheste r tha t evening , wit h " a doze n o r mor e athletic colore d me n fro m Virginia, " al l far m hands , an d tha t job s o n farms wer e wante d fo r the m a t once . I t wa s eviden t tha t n o suc h "boar d shanty" a s Trut h ha d wante d fo r thei r receptio n ha d bee n built , a s th e announcement sai d "ther e ar e no means o f providing fo r the m i n the city . Those wh o desir e t o emplo y hel p o f thi s kin d shoul d cal l a t No . 4 Exchange Stree t (Pos t an d Bruff's ) [dru g store ] immediately . Abou t on e hundred person s have made application t o have southern colore d laborer s sent t o them , an d i t i s hope d tha t the y wil l mak e thei r appearanc e a t once." In fac t Trut h reache d Rocheste r on e da y lat e an d wit h onl y seve n men. Bu t withi n hal f a n hou r o f thei r arriva l a t Pos t an d Bruff' s dru g store, a newspape r reported , "Mos t o f the m ha d foun d employers , an d there were severa l parties on hand negotiatin g for the rest." 38 By August, 1867 , five months afte r he r advertisemen t ha d appeare d i n Rochester papers , Trut h ha d becom e considerabl y frustrated . He r mo tives ha d bee n questioned . Sh e ha d awakene d expectation s i n th e Roch ester are a tha t sh e ha d no t bee n abl e t o fulfill . Th e bureau , shor t o f

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money, wa s reducin g it s suppor t fo r resettlin g free d people . Trut h ha d decided t o giv e u p tryin g t o mov e the m t o th e North , an d ha d returne d to Battle Creek . Truth, i n he r earl y seventie s now , ha d bee n givin g wha t littl e mone y she ha d t o th e free d slaves , an d ha d com e hom e wit h almos t n o fund s accumulated fo r he r ol d age . Nevertheless , sh e bough t a lo t wit h a bar n on Colleg e Stree t i n Battl e Cree k proper , an d wa s tryin g t o conver t th e barn int o a house in which to live. She did som e of the work herself—sh e helped t o excavate the cella r b y carrying eart h i n her apron . Sh e took ou t a mortgage o n her new property. Sh e also appealed to friends t o assist he r with donations. 39 I t wa s ironi c tha t Trut h wa s s o insisten t o n black s becoming self-supportin g whil e sh e herself, a t thi s an d man y othe r occa sions, wa s considerabl y dependen t o n privat e charity . Sh e seeme d t o make a shar p distinctio n betwee n dependenc e o n governmen t charit y a s disgraceful an d dependenc e o n private charity a s acceptable, at least if the reason sh e neede d i t wa s tha t sh e had bee n devotin g hersel f t o th e caus e of God's poor . However, whe n privat e donations prove d inadequate t o finish convert ing her barn , Truth eventuall y relaxed her effort t o be totally independen t of government . Sh e evidentl y aske d th e Freedmen' s Burea u fo r compen sation fo r hel p she had donate d t o the bureau whil e receiving onl y subsis tence wage s fro m th e privat e Freedmen' s Relie f Associatio n o r receivin g no wage s a t all . Sh e probabl y though t o f this a s askin g th e governmen t for unpai d wage s rathe r tha n charity . I n 1870 , a friend reporte d tha t sh e "has receive d fro m th e government , throug h th e influenc e o f Gen. How ard, thre e hundre d an d ninet y dollars , being fifteen dollars pe r mont h fo r twenty-six months. " She applied thi s sum to her mortgage. 40 It seem s clea r tha t Truth , despit e he r frequen t ange r an d frustration , on the whol e maintained goo d relation s with Josephine Griffing , Genera l Howard, an d othe r Freedmen' s Burea u officials , an d believed , unlik e Bloss, tha t man y o f them di d wha t the y coul d t o sen d unemploye d free d slaves to jobs in the North . In helping to bring destitute freed slave s to the North, Truth's primar y concern, like Griffing's, wa s simply moving freed slave s away from depen dence on government , i n Washington o r elsewhere in the South, into jobs in the North. Accordin g to available evidence, Truth wa s not particularl y concerned wit h suc h immediat e detail s a s wha t thei r pa y woul d b e o r how their exploitatio n coul d b e prevented .

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Although Trut h ofte n spok e proudl y abou t he r wor k carin g fo r th e freed slave s in th e Washingto n area , sh e seldo m di d s o about he r movin g freed slave s t o jobs i n th e North . Onc e sh e sai d sh e ha d arrange d fo r " a hundred" t o move . Another tim e sh e sai d sh e felt "satisfaction " i n seein g those sh e ha d helpe d t o mov e "amoun t t o something." 41 However , nei ther Josephin e Griffing , th e Posts , Luc y Colman , no r he r othe r friend s involved i n carin g fo r th e free d slave s ar e know n t o hav e writte n publi c letters celebrating Truth's wor k movin g freed slave s to jobs in the North , while the y di d s o celebrat e he r lecturin g agains t slavery , he r carin g fo r the free d slave s in Washington , he r visitin g Lincol n a t th e Whit e House , her campaignin g fo r Republica n candidates , an d he r ride-in s t o desegre gate the Washington hors e cars. By the summe r o f 1867 , the Freedmen' s Burea u wa s being starve d fo r funds b y it s conservativ e critic s i n Congres s an d i n Presiden t Johnson' s White House . B y th e nex t year , th e burea u ha d cease d t o suppor t eve n Griffing a s a n employmen t agent , an d th e burea u itsel f wa s wel l o n it s way to extinction . In 187 0 Trut h returne d t o Washingto n t o visit . Onc e agai n sh e foun d large number s o f free d slave s i n Washingto n idl e an d dependen t o n charity, governmenta l o r private, which "degrades " them, sh e said, "wus s an' wuss." 42 Soon afterward , a t a time whe n Radica l Republican s wer e weakenin g in Congress , s o tha t an y ne w progra m fo r significan t ai d t o black s wa s not likel y to be adopted, the indomitable optimis t Sojourne r Trut h never theless bega n t o advocate a new federa l progra m o f aid to the freed slave s in Washington . Ironically , despit e he r uneasines s wit h dependenc e o n government, sh e foun d hersel f proposin g eve n mor e temporar y govern ment assistanc e for th e free d slaves , with th e hope that i t would ge t the m permanently "of f th e government, " a strateg y that , i n varie d forms , wa s to become a controversial socia l policy questio n fo r th e nation fa r int o th e future.

14 Western Lan d "God still lives and means to see the black people in full possession of all their rights."

For severa l years Sojourner Trut h devote d herself t o a plan o f her ow n t o move freed slave s on a large scale from Washingto n t o the West. Describ ing he r pla n i n haz y terms , sh e calle d i t variousl y a plan fo r a "home" or "homes" fo r freedme n i n th e West , o r " a gran t o f land, " o r a blac k "colony" like Liberia , o r a black "reservation " lik e a n India n reservation . Some commentator s hav e interprete d he r pla n a s bein g fo r a separat e black "state. " By the time of the Civi l War, the idea of sending freed slave s out of the South t o mak e a fres h star t elsewher e o n lan d o f thei r ow n ha d a lon g history, reachin g bac k a t leas t t o Thoma s Jefferson . Durin g th e war , however, element s i n th e U.S . Arm y move d towar d givin g free d slave s land i n th e South , lan d whic h ha d bee n confiscate d fro m th e rebels . Bu t there wa s a limite d amoun t o f confiscate d land , an d soo n afte r th e war , President Andre w Johnso n restore d th e rebels ' right t o this land . B y th e end o f the 1860s , Souther n white s wer e makin g i t almos t impossibl e fo r blacks to acquir e lan d i n th e South . I n November , 1869 , Truth attende d a meetin g wher e he r friend , Edito r Aaro n Powel l o f th e National AntiSlavery Standard, advocate d tha t Congres s hel p freedme n bu y lan d o n easy terms in the South. 1 In Washingto n i n earl y 1870 , Truth foun d tha t free d black s wer e stil l pouring int o th e capita l region—th e proportio n o f blacks i n th e popula 156

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tion o f the Distric t o f Columbia wen t ove r 3 2 percen t tha t year—an d sh e found man y o f them i n miserabl e condition . I t wa s in Washingto n a t thi s time, as she recalled later , that " I mad e up m y mind . . . when I sa w abl e [black] me n an d wome n takin g dr y brea d fro m th e governmen t t o kee p from starving , tha t I woul d devot e mysel f t o the caus e of getting lan d fo r these people, where they ca n work an d earn thei r ow n livin g in the West , where the land is so plenty." 2 At thi s time, Truth visite d the benevolen t Genera l O . O . Howard , th e head o f the now weakene d Freedmen' s Bureau , wh o believe d that South ern blacks , to becom e independent , neede d t o acquir e land . Wit h a lette r of recommendation fro m Howar d t o Presiden t Grant , an d th e help o f her Detroit abolitionis t frien d Gile s B . Stebbins , sh e wa s abl e t o ge t a n appointment t o see President Gran t i n the White House . In 186 8 she had campaigned fo r Grant , eve n threatening to move to Canada if he were no t elected. Bu t ther e i s no availabl e evidenc e tha t Trut h no w trie d t o lobb y President Grant , a s ha s bee n claimed , fo r wester n lan d fo r freedmen , o r for an y othe r particula r cause. 3 Truth late r recalle d tha t whe n sh e bega n t o wor k o n he r proposa l fo r land fo r freedmen , "sh e applie d t o Congres s . . . an d wa s tol d tha t sh e would hav e t o get th e peopl e t o petitio n Congress " fo r he r plan . On e occasion whe n sh e ma y hav e "applie d t o Congress " wa s i n Apri l a t a reception i n th e Senate' s "marbl e room, " whe n accordin g t o a Washing ton newspaper , man y Senator s extende d "th e han d o f welcome " t o her . About th e sam e time, according to a note in her autograp h book , sh e me t Senator Charle s Sumne r o f Massachusetts , a n outstandin g Radica l Re publican wh o had promote d a bill o f his ow n fo r lan d for freedme n i n th e South, an d wh o wa s th e senato r t o who m Aaro n Powel l recommende d that petition s fo r hi s campaig n fo r lan d fo r black s i n th e Sout h b e sent . But ther e i s n o evidenc e availabl e tha t sh e discusse d he r proposa l wit h Sumner o r any o f the othe r senator s sh e met. Als o in Apri l sh e spoke at a meeting, hel d i n fron t o f the Washingto n cit y hall , celebratin g th e ratifi cation o f th e Fifteent h Amendmen t tha t gav e blac k male s th e righ t t o vote nationwide . Bu t th e onl y availabl e repor t o f he r speec h doe s no t indicate tha t sh e use d th e opportunit y t o advocat e lan d fo r freedme n o r any other particula r cause. 4 According to Truth's recollection , i t wa s not unti l late r in 1870 , whe n she was lecturing i n Massachusett s an d Rhod e Island , tha t sh e began he r public campaig n fo r Congres s t o giv e wester n lan d t o freedmen . I n

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October, Fal l Rive r an d Providenc e newspaper s reporte d tha t sh e wa s speaking ther e fo r givin g lan d t o th e poo r Washingto n freedme n t o hel p them becom e "self-supporting. " I n Decembe r whe n sh e attended a woman's suffrage bazaa r in Boston , a newspaper reporte d tha t sh e was intend ing to "get u p petitions, " asking for wester n lan d for freedmen , t o send t o congressmen "fo r the m spouter s t o cha w on. " By January i , 1871 , when she spok e a t a gian t Emancipatio n Proclamatio n anniversar y i n Boston , she ha d aske d someon e t o hel p he r writ e ou t a petition—perhaps i t wa s her friend , th e radica l Methodis t edito r Gilber t Haven , fo r sh e wa s stay ing in Bosto n unde r hi s aegis, and he was the on e who introduce d he r o n this occasion . Sh e aske d th e audienc e t o sig n copie s o f he r petition , an d with he r ringin g voic e and earthy languag e sh e won a warm response. 5 The wordin g o f her petitio n wa s vague, perhaps purposel y so : To the Senate and House of Representatives, in Congress assembled: Whereas, through the faithful an d earnest representations of Sojourner Trut h (who ha s personall y investigate d th e matter) , w e believ e that th e free d colore d people i n an d abou t Washington , dependen t upo n Governmen t fo r support , would be greatly benefited an d might become useful citizen s by being placed in a position to support themselves: We, the undersigned, therefor e earnestl y reques t you r honorable bod y to set apart fo r the m a portio n o f th e publi c lan d i n th e West , an d erec t building s thereon fo r th e age d an d infirm , an d otherwis e s o to legislat e a s t o secur e th e desired results. Gilbert Haven' s Methodis t weekly , th e Bosto n Zion's Herald, pub lished the petition i n February, 1871 , saying that it s office woul d forwar d signed copie s o f i t t o Washington , an d tha t Trut h "ough t t o wi n thi s battle." Aaro n Powell' s weekl y National Anti-Slavery Standard, whic h had bee n promotin g Powell' s ow n pla n t o secur e Souther n lan d fo r freedmen, publishe d Truth' s petitio n earl y in March, saying , "We hope i t may receiv e many signatures , an d b e favorably considere d a t an earl y da y by Congress. " Late r i n March , Horac e Greeley' s Ne w Yor k Tribune published th e petitio n withou t endorsin g it , bu t alon g wit h a supportin g letter fro m Truth . I n Jun e th e Detroi t Daily Post publishe d th e petitio n twice, alon g wit h sympatheti c report s o f a n intervie w wit h Trut h an d a speech b y he r advocatin g th e cause . Als o i n June , afte r Trut h explaine d her pla n t o a Michiga n stat e conventio n o f Spiritualists , th e conventio n appointed a committee to circulate her petitions. 6

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In speeche s acros s th e Nort h sh e kep t poundin g awa y a t he r basi c arguments. White s ow e black s help , sh e declared , becaus e b y enslavin g them, white s "too k awa y fro m de m al l de y earned. " I f th e governmen t can giv e wester n lan d t o th e railroads , sh e said , i t ca n giv e wester n lan d to "thes e poo r creters. " Giving lan d t o poo r black s woul d cos t taxpayer s less i n th e lon g ru n tha n havin g th e governmen t suppor t the m a s a t present, sh e insisted; no w the y ar e "costin' you s o much." Givin g lan d t o poor black s would hel p preven t the m fro m continuin g t o b e degraded b y being dependent o n governmen t assistance , and would help them lear n t o support themselve s instead . In an y case, blacks need to get away from th e South, sh e explained, becaus e in the Sout h unrepentan t rebel s will not le t even "good " whites treat black s justly. 7 Meantime sh e had received a letter from Byro n M . Smith , a white lan d agent i n Kansa s who m sh e had neve r met , invitin g he r t o Kansas . Smit h wrote withou t makin g clea r whethe r h e kne w o f her wester n land s pro posal, but sayin g he venerated her , offerin g t o pay her rai l fare t o Kansas , and invitin g her to stay at his house as long as she was contented. Smith' s being a land agent migh t sugges t he had a self-serving purpos e in invitin g her. Bu t Trut h decide d tha t hi s invitation mean t tha t Go d ha d calle d he r to Kansas to look for suitable land for blacks. 8 Kansas was eagerly seekin g settlers. Als o man y blacks—especiall y becaus e o f Joh n Brown' s heroi c struggle t o mak e Kansa s a free rathe r tha n a slave territory—considere d Kansas a symbol o f freedom . After a visit home in Battle Creek, Truth lef t fo r Kansa s in September , 1871. Sh e too k alon g he r grandso n Samue l Bank s a s a companio n wh o could read and write for her . In Kansa s sh e staye d i n th e home s o f various well-wisher s suc h a s th e Smiths i n Iola , a n edito r i n Wyandotte , an d a famil y o f banker s i n Lawrence. Sh e foun d hersel f no t especiall y seekin g ou t suitabl e land s fo r settlement, a s she had intended , bu t rather , a s she said herself, trying "t o interest th e people " i n he r project. 9 Sh e spok e i n th e Topek a Oper a House, as well as in churches, black an d white . She visite d neighborin g state s too . I n Iow a sh e staye d wit h a n ol d Quaker frien d fro m Pennsylvani a wh o foun d he r "bowed " wit h age . H e told her, "Sojourner , tho u ar e not s o tall as when I first saw thee a quarter of a centur y ago, " and sh e replied : "No , dea r child , I hav e bee n buil t s o long I have settled." 10 She ra n int o som e unpleasantness . I n Kansa s City , Missouri , wher e

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she pai d t o sta y wit h blacks , sh e scolde d the m publicl y fo r overchargin g her. Whe n sh e too k a trai n i n Wyandotte , Kansas , a conducto r a t first would no t allo w her , becaus e o f her color , t o ente r th e "best " car . How ever, continuin g he r "ride-in " tradition fro m Washington , sh e insisted o n her "right " to enter that car . With th e help of her white Wyandotte edito r friend, wh o ha d walke d wit h he r t o th e statio n ( a hostil e newspape r reported tha t they had together "lovingl y strolle d toward the depot"), she succeeded i n gettin g int o th e car . Th e conductor , however , too k hi s resentment ou t o n th e edito r b y lockin g th e door s t o th e ca r whil e th e editor wa s stil l inside , s o that h e wa s force d t o rid e t o th e nex t station. 11 But Trut h di d not allo w any such incidents to deter her from he r mission . In promotin g he r proposal , Trut h ofte n mixe d i t wit h othe r cause s t o which sh e ha d lon g bee n committed , suc h a s Christian evangelism , tem perance, blac k self-improvement , an d women' s rights . He r Wyandott e editor frien d wrot e o f he r tha t ther e ar e fe w American s "wh o ar e pos sessed o f greate r ability , an d none , w e believe , who , considerin g thei r opportunities, hav e don e mor e goo d i n th e world. " A Lawrenc e newspa per, endorsin g he r lan d proposal , wrot e o f her tha t sh e "speak s s o natu rally an d wit h suc h directnes s an d wit , an d impresse s yo u s o wit h he r sterling earnestnes s an d sense , tha t yo u almos t forge t he r utte r illiterate ness." Afte r hearin g he r spea k i n Topeka , th e mor e tha n 20 0 attendin g all reportedly agree d t o add thei r name s to her petition. 12 B y the summe r of 1872 , however , sh e ha d returne d hom e t o Michigan , scarcel y an y closer to putting he r plan int o effect . Nevertheless, believing that Go d was with her, Truth persisted . Partl y as a means o f promoting he r proposal , she campaigned i n the fall o f 187 2 to reelec t Presiden t Grant . Women , o f course , coul d no t ye t vote , bu t because blac k male s ha d recentl y acquire d th e vot e nationwid e throug h constitutional amendment , Trut h ofte n spok e t o them . He r boisterou s participation i n thi s campaig n wa s i n contras t t o he r aloofnes s fro m politics i n he r earl y speakin g fo r reform , whe n sh e ha d sai d sh e "di d no t know anythin g abou t politics. " President Gran t wa s scarcely enthusiastic about helping blacks acquir e land, but he was, as Truth said , the leader of the Republican part y "whic h had free d th e negro. " O n th e othe r hand , th e onc e regula r Republica n editor, Horac e Greeley , no w th e libera l Republica n an d Democrati c can didate fo r president , despit e havin g ove r man y year s give n a friendl y hearing in his New Yor k Tribune t o Truth an d other advocates for blacks ,

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directly oppose d an y specia l hel p t o black s no w tha t the y wer e freed , including hel p t o secur e the m land . Trut h explaine d i n a speec h t o Detroit black s tha t sh e regarde d Greeley , no w tha t h e wa s allie d wit h Democrats, a s a falle n angel , an d insiste d tha t Grant' s reelectio n wa s "vital" t o governmen t approva l o f he r project. 13 However , afte r Gran t was reelected, he r project continue d t o languish . Truth seeme d t o explai n he r proposa l vaguely , usin g a variet y o f expressions tha t le d t o differin g interpretation s o f wha t sh e meant . Th e Boston Zion's Herald interprete d he r pla n t o mea n tha t freedme n woul d be given a s a "homestead" a "large tract" o f land, perhap s i n Michiga n o r Indiana, fro m whic h the y woul d fa n ou t t o "wor k al l over the West," as if they woul d d o seasona l far m wor k a s migrants , returnin g periodicall y t o their "homestead." But others , also sympathetic, emphasized that her pla n would provide freed peopl e not only land but als o tools, livestock, schools, and teachers, which woul d enabl e them to get started and learn to suppor t themselves o n thei r ow n land . A Michiga n write r endorse d he r pla n a s calling for " a Government poo r farm" i n whic h Trut h wante d Quaker s t o teach the freed peopl e virtue and how to support themselves; Truth avers , he reported, tha t Quaker s ar e "holding themselves in readiness to respon d to th e call. " Th e Topek a State Record sai d tha t he r pla n mean t tha t a "tract" o f lan d woul d b e divide d int o "small " parcel s o f whic h th e dee d would b e given "t o each freedman an d freedwoman." 14 In a n 187 1 letter that has been use d by later commentators to interpre t her pla n a s raciall y separatist , Trut h wrot e t o edito r Horac e Greeley : "Instead o f sending these [freed ] peopl e to Liberia , wh y can' t the y have a Colony i n th e West ? Thi s i s why I a m contendin g s o in m y ol d age . It i s to teach th e peopl e tha t thi s Colon y ca n just a s well b e i n thi s countr y a s in Liberia. " Soo n afterward , sh e wa s reporte d a s saying tha t black s wer e "destined t o be a great natio n ou t West." 15 Liberia , founded i n the 1820 s on th e Wes t coas t o f Africa a s a haven fo r America n blacks , ha d becom e by th e 1870s , a t leas t ostensibly , a self-governing , independen t blac k nation. Wa s sh e intending he r "colony " to become a self-governing, inde pendent blac k "nation " like Liberia ? Truth i s known t o have described he r pla n a s for a "colony" only once, and as for a "nation" also only once, but i n several instances she compare d her propose d blac k settlemen t t o a n India n reservation , whic h furthe r suggests he r pla n migh t hav e bee n raciall y separatist . A Kansa s Cit y newspaper reporte d he r a s advocatin g tha t th e governmen t sto p feedin g

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the freedmen , an d instea d "pu t the m o n lan d o f their own , a s it doe s th e Indians, an d teac h the m t o wor k fo r themselves. " I n a lette r t o Gen . O . O. Howard , Trut h explaine d tha t he r pla n wa s fo r free d peopl e wh o "have bee n livin g o n th e government . . . . t o hav e a plac e wher e the y could ear n thei r ow n brea d an d hav e Quaker s t o se e t o i t a s they di d t o the Indians." 16 Quaker s a t the time were taking considerabl e responsibil ity fo r India n reservations . I n 186 9 Presiden t Grant , impresse d tha t th e federal government' s relianc e on force in dealing with the Indians was not working well , had invite d Quaker s t o hel p mak e India n polic y an d serv e as agents o n reservations . While sh e wa s advocatin g he r plan , i t encountere d som e direc t oppo sition. A Democrati c pape r i n Saginaw , Michiga n doubte d it s "practica bility." A Republica n pape r i n Niles , Michigan , oppose d federa l dona tions o f publi c lan d t o an y on e clas s i n preferenc e t o others . However , some newspapers focused no t on the substance of her plan, but, to Truth' s dismay, o n her , a s whe n a Detroi t Democrati c pape r charge d sh e ha d allowed th e attentio n sh e receive d t o giv e he r a n undu e "importanc e i n her ow n estimation" ; o r whe n other s speculate d tha t sh e wa s ove r 10 0 years old, o r mayb e eve n abou t 200 , helping t o mak e he r mor e tha n eve r into a mythological character . Lik e man y newspapers , th e New National Era, edite d b y Frederick Douglas s and his family, though i t favored blac k land ownership , virtually ignore d he r campaign. 17 In th e sprin g o f 1874 , Truth , accompanie d b y he r grandso n Samuel , went t o Washingto n again , intending , a s she wrote Genera l Howard , th e former hea d of the now defunct Freedmen' s Bureau, to "carry" her projec t "in effect. " Althoug h Howar d advocate d blac k lan d ownership , h e wa s wary o f advocatin g governmen t ai d t o black s t o hel p the m secur e it . However, h e len t he r money . H e ma y hav e helpe d t o arrang e fo r he r t o speak i n Washington' s Firs t Congregationa l Church , th e churc h h e ha d recently led , overcomin g fierce opposition , t o welcom e blac k members . For i n Apri l sh e spok e i n thi s church , insistin g tha t i f black s settle d o n public land s i n th e Wes t the y woul d lear n regula r habit s an d econom y and eventually gai n political power. In June, Howard wrot e on her behal f to one of his fellow Civi l War generals, the aggressive Benjamin F . Butler, who a s a Radical Republica n congressma n fro m Massachusett s ha d bee n advocating tha t th e governmen t shoul d assis t black s t o ow n lan d i n th e South. Howard , naturall y cautious , expressed himsel f t o Butle r gingerly , but h e asked Butle r t o help the freedmen b y trying "a n experimen t i n th e

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direction tha t Trut h indicates, " using th e sam e governmen t incom e But ler wa s alread y usin g a s administrato r o f the federa l syste m o f homes fo r disabled soldiers. 18 Perhap s Howar d mean t tha t Butle r migh t establish , as part o f his federal syste m o f homes fo r disable d soldiers , a home for th e war-disabled freedme n o n public lan d i n the West . Even thoug h Howard' s lette r wa s b y n o mean s a n outrigh t endorse ment of her proposal, Truth printe d it , showed it, and asked her grandso n Samuel t o rea d i t alou d t o he r audiences . Sh e recalle d severa l year s later , with som e exaggeration , tha t bot h Howar d an d Butle r "approve d o f m y general recommendation." 19 When a t las t sh e presente d he r petition s t o congressmen , ther e wa s hardly an y reaction . Sh e an d Samue l returne d hom e t o Battl e Cree k i n December, 1874 , without havin g com e clos e to putting an y aspec t o f her project int o effect . Soon afterward , he r grandso n Samuel , wh o ha d bee n a grea t comfor t to her, develope d a n aneuris m i n his neck an d early in 187 5 died , leavin g her shaken . Abou t the n sh e becam e immobilize d b y a n ulce r o n he r leg , becoming partially paralyzed . Weighed dow n b y Samuel's death, her ow n illness, an d he r discouragemen t wit h he r campaign , sh e fel t low . I n Washington, th e Radica l Republicans , he r natura l allies , wer e declinin g in power. Fo r several years she virtually abandone d he r lan d campaign . Looking bac k a t he r campaign , Trut h cam e t o believ e i t ha d faile d especially because blacks and others who otherwise would have supporte d her pla n wer e concentratin g o n Senato r Sumner' s civi l right s bill—th e bill Senato r Sumne r first bega n t o promot e i n 187 0 tha t barre d segrega tion i n suc h publi c facilitie s a s schools , transportation , an d amusements . It turne d out , however , tha t i n 1875 , when th e Republican s finally pushed the civi l right s bil l throug h Congres s int o law , i t wa s onl y i n a watere d down form , an d accordin g t o Truth , i n practic e i t "di d th e blac k ma n n o good," perhap s eve n hur t him . A s sh e sa w it , he r pla n woul d promot e civil right s mor e effectivel y tha n th e civi l right s la w did . Sh e wante d t o move black s ou t o f th e South , sh e said , t o "wher e the y coul d ge t civi l rights for themselves." 20 It i s hardly surprisin g tha t Truth' s campaig n failed . Othe r campaign s to hel p freedme n secur e lan d als o failed , suc h a s thos e le d b y Senato r Sumner an d edito r Powell , bot h o f whom ha d position s o f more leverag e than Truth . B y thi s tim e th e publi c wa s tire d o f th e Civi l Wa r an d th e social issue s it raised, preferrin g t o concentrate o n buildin g u p th e natio n

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again. A s Genera l Howar d explained , man y peopl e believe d that govern ment ha d alread y don e enough fo r the victims of slavery. Moreover, ther e was as ye t almos t n o America n traditio n o f government ai d t o the disad vantaged. Eve n suc h generall y pro-blac k figure s a s Brookly n preache r Henry War d Beecher , Ne w Yor k edito r Horac e Greeley , an d Massachu setts abolitionis t Col . Thomas W . Higginso n argue d tha t homestea d lan d was alread y availabl e equall y t o everyone , an d tha t an y specia l ai d t o blacks fo r lan d o r anythin g els e woul d b e likel y t o pauperiz e them . Although Frederic k Douglas s favore d helpin g black s secur e land , h e argued tha t black s shoul d sta y i n th e Sout h an d fight fo r thei r right s there. There i s no sign tha t an y major blac k leade r gav e Truth significan t direct help in her campaign. Truth herself , although effectiv e i n appealin g to individua l consciences , lacke d an y organize d politica l constituency , black o r white , an d wa s to o fre e wheeling , an d to o unworldly , t o kno w how to organize one . While her man y friend s provide d a loose network of support, sh e lacke d stron g tie s t o an y organization s tha t coul d provid e fund-raising, advic e t o shap e he r proposa l t o mak e i t mor e practical , o r sustained suppor t i n promoting it .

In earl y 1879 , blacks bega n movin g ou t o f the Sout h i n wha t cam e to b e known a s th e Exodus . Fe d u p wit h wha t seeme d t o the m continuin g white oppression , thousand s o f them fel t a n impuls e t o mov e Nort h an d West, especiall y t o Kansas . Ofte n carryin g littl e mor e tha n a few clothe s in a bundle, the y wen t b y foot , b y wagon , b y train , b y steamboa t u p th e Mississippi an d Missour i Rivers . Truth, i n Battl e Cree k a t th e time , heard o f this Exodu s wit h delight . She fel t tha t God , b y leadin g black s t o Kansas , wa s rescuin g he r pla n from failure . B y summer, her health having been partially restored, Trut h decided t o g o to Kansas , an d persuade d he r Battl e Cree k friend , France s Titus, to go with her . On th e wa y i n Chicago , Trut h explaine d t o journalist s tha t sh e wa s going to see for herself the blacks arriving in Kansas where "I have praye d so lon g tha t m y peopl e woul d go. " Sh e wa s a s sur e tha t i t wa s righ t fo r blacks t o leav e th e Sout h t o g o t o Kansas , sh e said , a s i t wa s fo r th e children o f Israel t o leav e Egyp t t o g o to Canaan . "Th e black s ca n neve r be muc h i n th e South . The y canno t ge t up . A s lon g a s th e white s hav e the rein s i n thei r hands , ho w ca n th e colore d peopl e ge t u p there? " Th e

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migration t o Kansa s exhilarate d her . "Th e movemen t mean s the regener ation, temporall y an d spiritually , o f th e America n colore d race , an d I always kne w th e Lor d woul d find som e way . . . . There wil l be , chile , a great glor y com e ou t o f that . . . . Th e colore d peopl e i s goin g t o b e a people. Do you think Go d ha s had them robbe d an d scourged al l the day s of their lif e for nothing?" 21 By September , 1879 , Trut h an d Titu s reache d Kansas . The y onl y expected t o sta y a month. Bu t a s they watche d th e free d peopl e arriving , often poor , hungry , an d unfamilia r wit h th e Kansa s wa y o f life , the y became so engrossed i n helping them tha t the y staye d int o December . In Kansas , Trut h an d Titu s worke d i n associatio n wit h tw o well known benevolen t Quake r wome n fro m Michigan , Laur a Haviland , o f Adrian, wh o ha d accompanie d Trut h i n he r ride-in s i n Washington , an d the English-born Elizabet h Comstock , o f Rollin. All four o f them becam e in effec t unpai d volunteer s workin g i n cooperatio n wit h th e privat e Kan sas Freedmen's Relie f Association . Kansas Governor Joh n P . St. John, a Republican, welcomed the blac k refugees t o Kansas, just a s he welcomed a t the sam e time the much large r number o f whites—fro m th e Eas t Coas t an d fro m Europe—wh o wer e settling o n th e stil l thinl y populate d prairie s o f the state . Bu t h e worrie d that whil e th e white s usuall y arrive d wit h resources , th e black s di d not . The stat e itsel f di d no t offe r relie f assistanc e t o an y immigrants , whit e o r black, bu t Governo r St . Joh n le d i n organizin g a privat e agency , th e Kansas Freedmen's Relie f Association, t o provide relief to the blacks . Comstock an d Havilan d cam e to have major responsibilit y fo r runnin g the Relie f Association . Comstoc k widel y reporte d th e need s o f the refu gees, elicitin g contribution s fo r the m fro m acros s the Nort h an d i n Brit ain. Havilan d becam e th e Relie f Association' s secretary . Comstoc k an d Haviland wer e s o well know n fo r thei r lon g record o f reliable humanitar ian servic e tha t th e governo r proudl y broadcas t th e ide a tha t th e Relie f Association wa s under thei r management . It ha s bee n claime d tha t refuge e relie f "programs " i n Kansa s wer e "under th e direction " o f Truth , alon g wit h Comstock . I t ha s als o bee n claimed tha t Truth , stil l "firm " o f step, worked fo r th e refugee s "prepar ing food " an d "tendin g th e sick. " Bu t suc h claim s ar e doubtful . Truth' s leg ulce r mad e i t difficul t fo r he r t o walk . Sh e wa s abou t eighty-two , th e oldest o f the fou r women , an d scarcel y stron g enoug h t o tak e an y majo r day-to-day responsibilities . Truth' s primar y functio n i n Kansas , accord -

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ing t o on e o f her Kansa s friend s a t th e time , wa s "givin g counse l t o th e refugees themselves , and awakenin g a n interest i n them amon g the whit e people." Sh e spok e t o th e refugee s i n th e "barracks " near Topek a wher e relief worker s place d the m unti l the y coul d find jobs . Sh e als o spok e i n both blac k an d whit e churches . Comstock , i n a repor t o n Kansa s relie f activities, wrote that Trut h "i s doing a good work here." 22 Some Kansan s worrie d whethe r givin g th e freedme n food , clothing , and temporary housin g whe n the y arrive d i n Kansas—eve n i f these wer e provided b y privat e rathe r tha n publi c benevolence—woul d encourag e more black s t o com e t o Kansa s tha n th e stat e coul d handle . A Topek a newspaper bristle d a t wha t i t calle d Truth' s "enthusiasm " fo r "th e ide a that th e colore d o f th e Sout h shoul d al l com e t o Kansas, " an d warne d against assistin g the m becaus e i t migh t attrac t thos e wh o wan t t o escap e work. 23 At a crowded meetin g o f blacks at a Topeka blac k Baptis t church , as a black pape r reporte d it , Trut h sai d tha t th e Exodu s fro m th e Sout h wa s "God directed, " an d tha t Governo r St . John , i n welcomin g free d peopl e to Kansas , "wa s God' s chose n instrumen t t o hel p th e dow n trodde n people t o ris e u p t o th e leve l o f the mos t favore d peopl e o f earth." I n a n unusually fierce statement , sh e declared, "Go d stil l lives and means to see the blac k peopl e i n ful l possessio n o f al l thei r rights , eve n i f th e entir e white populatio n o f th e Sout h ha s t o b e annihilate d i n th e accomplish ment o f His purpose." 24 Saying sh e neede d t o "recrui t he r health, " b y mid-Januar y 1880 , Truth ha d returne d hom e t o Battl e Creek . Sh e remaine d hopefu l abou t the migrants , believin g the y wer e happ y t o b e "i n a state wher e the y ca n enjoy th e fruits o f their toil." 25 Was Trut h hersel f a significan t facto r i n causin g black s t o migrat e t o Kansas o r elsewher e i n th e Wes t abou t thi s time , a s various writer s lon g afterward claimed ? I t ma y reasonably b e argued tha t man y freedme n fled the Sout h no t s o much becaus e o f the influenc e o f any particula r individ ual as because the federal governmen t wa s relaxing its protection o f blacks in th e South , allowin g unrepentan t rebel s mor e opportunit y t o us e frau d and violenc e to deny black s the vote, education, land , and a decent retur n for thei r labor . Trut h herself , afte r talkin g wit h migrant s i n Kansas , explained tha t black s fled the Sout h becaus e th e federa l governmen t wa s not protectin g them fro m "persecutio n an d butchery." 26 At th e time , however, bot h thos e wh o favore d an d those wh o oppose d

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the Exodus pointe d ou t particula r person s wh o they claime d significantl y helped t o promote it . They pointed , fo r example , as Truth did , to Gover nor St . John . The y als o pointed t o severa l Souther n blacks , among the m Benjamin Singleto n o f Tennessee , wh o wa s sometime s calle d th e Mose s of this Exodus . Thoug h illiterat e lik e Truth , Singleto n ha d alread y bee n promoting th e migratio n o f black s ou t o f th e Sout h fo r severa l year s before 1879 , distributin g flyers, huntin g fo r suitabl e land s i n th e West , and establishin g blac k colonie s o n thos e lands , as in Kansas . I n October , 1879, whe n Trut h wa s speakin g i n Topeka , th e Republica n Topek a Commonwealth urge d "everybody " to hear her , bu t soo n afterwar d i t sai d that i t wa s Singleto n who , "i f anybody , i s justly entitle d t o th e credi t o f having starte d th e exodu s movement, " an d th e Commonwealth faile d t o mention Trut h i n thi s connectio n a t all . Trut h herself , accordin g t o a sympathetic reporte r wh o interviewe d he r i n Topeka , "disclaim s havin g any hand" i n gettin g black s "to come to this state, but believe s they wer e brought her e t o Kansa s b y Providence. " Althoug h certainl y Trut h ha d been on e o f the man y voice s preparin g th e wa y ove r man y year s fo r th e Exodus, an d sh e was considerably know n i n th e North , sh e was not wel l known i n th e South , an d particularl y no t i n th e dee p Sout h wher e thi s migration largel y originated . Nevertheless , i n 188 1 th e Chicag o InterOcean called Trut h th e Miria m o f this Exodus , honorin g he r fo r helpin g to kee p th e ide a o f a blac k Exodu s t o th e Wes t aliv e throug h long , discouraging years. 27

Several twentieth-centur y writer s hav e claime d tha t Truth , i n promotin g the settlemen t o f black s i n th e West , aske d fo r th e creatio n o f a blac k "state." The earlies t o f these writers, according to available evidence, wa s Herbert Aptheker , a radica l historian , wh o i n hi s 195 1 "documentary " history o f American black s wrote , ironicall y withou t documentation , tha t by 189 0 "th e concep t o f a Negr o stat e ha d bee n projecte d b y Negroes , including leader s lik e Marti n Delan y an d Sojourne r Truth , fo r man y years." After Aptheker , severa l writers als o claimed that Trut h advocate d a black "state." 28 Other twentieth-centur y writers , whil e no t sayin g he r pla n wa s fo r a black "state, " nevertheles s claime d tha t he r pla n calle d fo r racia l separa tion. He r biographe r Arthu r Fause t suggeste d i n 193 8 tha t sh e envi sioned black s a s "se t apart " i n th e West . Walte r Whit e o f th e NAACP ,

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writing i n 1948 , declare d tha t Trut h propose d t o hav e th e free d slave s "take themselve s out " o f the "mai n strea m o f life " an d settl e i n th e Wes t in " a segregate d an d remot e bayou, " whic h h e considere d "impractica l and eve n dangerous. " I n 196 2 anothe r o f Truth' s biographers , Herth a Pauli, explaine d tha t Truth' s pla n woul d giv e black s a chance t o "escap e from slavery' s backwas h withou t bein g scattere d al l over. " Recentl y a black schola r claime d tha t Trut h "clearl y enunciated " he r pla n a s bein g for a "separat e homeland, " a n idea , h e said , tha t Marcu s Garve y an d Malcolm X also favored. 29 Truth hersel f i s not know n t o have sai d her pla n wa s for a black state . When sh e wrot e tha t he r pla n wa s fo r a "colony " i n th e West , lik e th e colony o f Liberia , i t seem s likel y tha t wha t wa s mos t importan t t o her i n this statemen t wa s no t tha t black s shoul d settl e separatel y fro m whites , but that black s should settl e in the American Wes t rathe r tha n i n Liberia . When Trut h compare d he r pla n t o a n India n reservation , sh e ma y hav e done so—accordin g t o a Battl e Cree k newspape r a t th e time—becaus e she hoped Presiden t Gran t woul d se e that he r proposa l wa s similar to th e Grant administration' s ai d t o Indian s throug h reservations , an d becom e convinced tha t he r pla n wa s similarl y justified. 30 Thu s wha t sh e seeme d to se e i n a reservatio n a s usefu l fo r he r pla n fo r black s wa s no t s o muc h that i t would separat e black s from whites , or that i t woul d giv e black s an opportunity t o gover n themselves , as that i t would b e a politically feasibl e way o f gettin g governmen t hel p fo r black s t o settl e i n th e Wes t an d t o secure white guidanc e to help them becom e self-supporting . While Trut h wa s i n Kansa s durin g th e Exodus , wa s sh e concerne d about whethe r th e blac k refugee s settle d separatel y o r scattere d amon g whites? Group s o f white migrant s arrivin g i n Kansas , suc h a s Scandina vians, French, Mennonites , an d Mormons , had sometime s settle d i n "colonies," an d sometime s blacks , arrivin g i n Kansa s befor e th e Exodu s began, ha d don e s o too . Durin g th e Exodus , however , onl y a fe w ne w black colonie s wer e created . Th e Kansa s Freedmen' s Relie f Association , with whic h Trut h an d Titu s worked , itsel f establishe d on e smal l ne w black colon y i n 1879 , a t Waubaunsee . Bu t i n genera l colonie s require d capital tha t neithe r th e blac k migrant s no r th e relie f worker s coul d easil y marshal, an d o n th e whol e th e Exodus , instea d o f building u p th e move ment for blac k colonies, weakened it. The Relief Association believe d tha t if black s arrive d i n Kansa s wit h scarcel y an y resources , the y shoul d b e

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placed nea r establishe d white s t o secur e employmen t fro m them . Th e association helpe d a few black s t o tak e u p homestea d lan d an d buil d th e customary so d o r du g ou t houses , bu t helpe d fa r mor e t o hir e ou t t o whites a s far m hands , railroa d hands , miners , o r domestics . A s Laur a Haviland wrote , the association' s polic y wa s for "scattering " the migrant s through th e state. 31 Trut h i s no t know n t o hav e oppose d thi s scatterin g policy. No r durin g th e Exodu s i s sh e know n t o hav e presse d fo r th e creation o f any black "colony, " "reservation," or "state," or any significan t separation o f blacks and white s at all. If Trut h wer e seriousl y advocatin g separatism , i t seem s unlikel y tha t over th e year s sh e woul d hav e s o forcefull y fough t segregatio n i n publi c transportation, o r s o often live d amon g white s an d associate d wit h whit e reformers. I f Trut h wer e seriousl y advocatin g separatism , i t i s likely tha t she woul d hav e foun d blac k churche s t o b e a natural bas e from whic h t o operate, as did suc h leadin g advocate s o f separatism i n her tim e a s Henr y Highland Garne t an d Henr y M . Turner . However , onc e she moved awa y from Ne w Yor k City , Trut h i s no t know n t o hav e becom e clos e t o an y black church . Als o i f Trut h wer e seriousl y advocatin g separatism , i t i s likely tha t whe n sh e wa s campaignin g fo r he r pla n sh e woul d hav e especially addresse d blacks . Bu t sh e mor e ofte n addresse d whites , whic h was he r usua l practic e throughou t he r publi c lif e a s a reformer . Als o i f Truth wer e seriousl y advocatin g separatism , on e migh t expec t he r t o associate wit h o r especiall y admir e som e leadin g advocate s o f black sepa ratism, suc h a s Garnet , Turner , o r Marti n Delany , bu t sh e i s not know n to hav e don e so . I n fact , i n th e 1870s , fro m th e limite d informatio n available, fa r mor e white s tha n black s publicl y endorse d he r plan , ar ranged fo r he r t o spea k o n it , an d house d he r whil e sh e promote d it . Moreover, amon g thes e associate s o f hers , Genera l Howar d questione d the wisdo m o f separat e blac k colonie s a s i n Liberi a o r Florida , an d struggled t o desegregat e hi s churc h i n Washington . Gilber t Haven , afte r becoming a Methodis t bishop , dare d t o wor k fo r raciall y mixe d congre gations i n th e dee p South . I t seem s unlikely tha t suc h antisegregationist s would associat e easil y wit h he r i n he r campaig n fo r lan d fo r freedme n i f they understoo d tha t he r intentio n wa s sharpl y t o separat e black s fro m whites. In fact , durin g the Exodus, bot h whil e she was in Kansa s and afte r sh e left, Trut h di d no t focu s o n eithe r separatis m o r integration . Tha t issu e

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was no t he r predominan t concern . Rather , sh e emphasize d th e refugees ' need fo r immediat e relie f an d he r hop e tha t the y woul d becom e self supporting. According t o on e o f her Kansa s friends , Trut h sai d Go d wa s doin g i n the Exodu s "jus t wha t I hav e bee n prayin g fo r thes e eigh t years." 32 Sh e said this despite the fact tha t man y aspects of the Exodus di d not turn ou t as she had originall y intended . Sh e had originall y had a vague notion tha t blacks shoul d g o t o th e Wes t t o settl e i n som e degre e separatel y fro m whites, bu t mos t di d no t settl e separately . Sh e ha d advocate d he r pla n especially a s a means o f removing destitute , idl e black s fro m dependenc e on governmen t welfare i n th e Washingto n area . Bu t mos t black s migrat ing t o Kansa s cam e no t fro m Washingto n bu t fro m th e dee p South — from suc h state s as Mississippi, Louisiana , an d Texas—an d ha d no t bee n idle bu t employe d a s field hands . Sh e ha d hope d th e federa l governmen t would giv e black s specia l financia l hel p t o acquir e land , tools , and build ings, bu t n o government s o n an y level—federal , state , o r local—ar e known t o hav e give n th e black s migratin g t o Kansa s an y suc h aid . Sh e had hope d black s woul d tak e u p land , bu t i n fact , a s we hav e seen , mos t of them di d not d o so. Truth simpl y swept asid e such differences i n detail, in th e invigoratin g belie f tha t Go d wa s actin g t o hel p he r downtrodde n people b y leadin g the m awa y fro m th e stifling , crue l Sout h t o toleran t Kansas, wher e the y woul d find i t easie r t o lear n t o suppor t themselves , much a s she had prayed . During th e Exodus , Truth ha d tw o contradictor y vision s for America , indicating tha t sh e coul d loo k t o th e futur e wit h bot h despai r an d hope . In a speec h a t a predominantl y whit e Topek a church , a s reporte d i n a Topeka newspaper , Trut h ha d a sardoni c vision : Sh e foresa w "al l th e colored people " leavin g th e South , an d God , t o "aveng e thei r wrongs, " turning th e Souther n white s agains t eac h other , s o that the y woul d the n "kill each other" off, leavin g the colored people free to return t o the Sout h by themselve s t o "dwel l i n peac e an d safety. " I n thi s visio n ther e wa s n o hope fo r peacefu l coexistenc e betwee n th e races . I n a mor e generou s vision, whic h sh e describe d t o a Chicago newspape r reporte r i n a n inter view, sh e foresa w tha t blacks , b y migratin g t o Kansa s an d elsewher e i n the North , wil l learn fro m Norther n whites . They wil l "get th e Norther n spirit i n them, " sh e said . Then "the y wil l prosper. " Then , an d thi s i s th e most intriguin g par t o f this vision , som e of them wil l return t o the Sout h to "teach these poor whites. . . . These colore d people will bring them ou t

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of Egyptian darknes s int o marvellou s light . Th e whit e peopl e canno t d o it, bu t thes e [colored ] wil l . . . teach th e slaveholder s th e trut h tha t the y never ha d an d neve r kne w of." 33 Thi s wa s no t a visio n tha t American s were s o inevitabl y racis t tha t separatio n wa s th e onl y wa y out . I n thi s vision, i n keepin g wit h he r mor e characteristi c optimism , sh e sa w black s continuing what sh e herself had long been doing : associating with whites , learning from whites , and teaching whites .

15 Women's Right s "We have many booby men in de land, and they came from weak women, who say, Tve got all de rights I want.' "

A s Trut h gre w up , sh e experience d th e degradatio n o f slav e women . After sh e wa s freed , sh e kne w th e demoralizatio n o f poo r wome n wh o worked fo r othe r familie s t o th e neglec t o f thei r own . Afte r sh e ha d already begu n t o develop her talents a s a preacher, sh e fell under the spel l of an authoritaria n cul t leade r who would no t allo w women t o preach . She eventuall y emerge d fro m slavery , poverty , scandal , an d a sense of failure, as a survivor, strengthene d b y faith, determine d t o improve herself and th e world . B y th e tim e sh e joined th e Northampto n Association , he r deep voic e an d stron g frame , he r havin g worke d i n th e fields an d wan dered alon e a s a n evangelist , ha d alread y se t he r i n oppositio n t o th e Victorian idea l o f a delicate , submissiv e woma n whos e plac e wa s i n th e home. I n th e associatio n sh e found tha t he r ow n uniqu e experienc e reso nated wit h wha t sh e hear d ther e o f progressiv e reform , includin g th e movement fo r women' s rights . Withi n th e nex t fe w years , continuin g t o believe that i t wa s Go d wh o ha d calle d her t o spea k an d tol d he r wha t t o say, she became a formidable advocat e for women . She remembere d late r tha t th e earl y oppositio n t o women' s right s scared som e women . Th e "simpl e announcement " tha t a women's right s meeting wa s t o b e held , sh e recalled , "wa s notic e fo r al l th e ministers , lawyers, an d doctor s t o commenc e t o whine , bark , an d growl, " s o tha t 172

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the wome n wh o cam e t o th e meetin g "wer e s o frightene d tha t the y wanted t o g o home." But sh e felt, a s she looked bac k o n it , that sh e face d the oppositio n forthrightly . Sh e "neve r go t frightene d a t an y fac e o f clay, and gav e it back t o dem bette r da n de y sent." 1 In Ne w Yor k City , a t a women' s right s conventio n i n 1853 , crud e young me n invade d th e conventio n i n orde r t o disrup t it . Accordin g t o the Ne w Yor k Times, whe n Trut h ros e t o spea k a t th e convention , th e invaders greete d he r wit h " a perfect storm " of "hisses, groans an d undig nified ejaculations. " I n response , whe n sh e reache d th e speaker' s desk , she "rolle d u p he r eye-ball s i n scorn, " an d "frowne d indignantly. " Sh e said, " I kno w i t feel s funny , kinde r funn y an d ticklin g t o se e a colore d woman ge t u p an d tel l you abou t thing s an d woman' s rights , when we'v e all bee n trample d dow n so' t nobod y though t we' d eve r gi t u p agin . Bu t we have come up, an d I' m here. " As she spoke, the invaders continue d t o hiss and cal l for he r to serv e them "stew " as if they considere d her prope r place to b e that o f a servant, no t tha t o f a speaker. Sh e spoke angrily, sai d the Times, lik e "th e roa r o f th e cataract. " O r lik e th e Trinit y Churc h organ wit h it s "bass and trumpet stop s pulled out , all the keys down, an d two me n an d a bo y workin g fo r dea r lif e a t th e bellows. " "You ma y his s as muc h a s yo u please, " sh e shouted , bu t wome n wil l ge t thei r right s anyway. "Yo u can' t sto p us, neither." 2 As Truth tol d Harrie t Beeche r Stow e in 1853 , when sh e first attende d women's right s meetings , an d wome n aske d he r t o speak , sh e said , "Sis ters, I a'n' t clea r wha t you' d b e after . E f wome n wan t an y right s more' n dey's got , wh y don' t de y jes' take 'em , an ' no t b e talkin ' abou t it? " Thi s might see m t o b e ironica l advic e fo r Trut h t o give , bein g suc h a talke r herself; however , sh e persiste d i n encouragin g wome n t o seiz e thei r rights, b y varie d means . I n a speech a t a n 186 6 equa l right s convention , she advise d wome n no t "t o be g fo r thei r rights, " but "t o ris e up an d tak e them." A t a women' s right s meetin g i n 1869 , sh e wa s uneas y tha t th e women ther e di d no t spea k u p enoug h fo r thei r rights , leavin g to o muc h of that t o th e friendl y me n present . "Da t wil l neve r do, " she advised . "I f you wan t an y ting , as k fo r it . I f i t ain' t wort h askin g for , i t ain' t wort h having." At a n 187 8 convention, sh e was still suggesting a similar theme: "If wome n woul d liv e a s the y ough t to , the y woul d ge t thei r right s a s they wen t along." 3 Throughou t he r lif e Trut h ofte n secure d right s fo r herself essentiall y b y asserting them , a s when sh e escaped fro m he r slave -

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master Dumont , sue d fo r th e recover y o f he r son , move d t o Ne w York , quit her job as a domestic to become a wandering evangelist , an d rode o n the Washington hors e cars. As bot h a Christia n an d a n advocat e fo r women , Trut h face d th e problem o f contendin g wit h part s o f th e Bibl e whic h opponent s ofte n cited, wit h devastatin g impact , a s teachin g agains t right s fo r women . Opponents ofte n referred , fo r example , t o Genesi s a s sayin g tha t i t wa s Eve wh o first brough t sorro w int o th e world , whic h le d Go d t o declar e that Ada m shoul d rul e ove r Eve . Trut h repeatedl y replie d tha t i f it wa s woman wh o first "upse t th e world , d o giv e he r a chanc e t o se t i t righ t side up again. " Opponent s als o often cite d Paul' s first lette r t o the Corin thians, which sai d that wome n shoul d "kee p silence in the churches," and if they wis h to "lear n an y thing, le t them as k their husbands a t home." In defense of women, Truth pointe d out that Jesus "never used a harsh wor d in speakin g t o them , bu t calle d me n c a generation o f vipers.' " A s fo r th e argument tha t Jesu s wa s a man , thu s properl y givin g predominanc e t o men, a t th e Akro n women' s conventio n Trut h asked , "Ho w cam e Jesu s into th e world ? Throug h Go d wh o create d hi m an d woma n wh o bor e him. Man, wher e is your part?" 4 Truth expresse d man y opinion s o n th e appropriat e role s fo r me n an d women, sometime s i n delightfull y provocativ e ways . If women ha d equa l rights, sh e said , they "woul d b e capabl e of standing withou t bein g proppe d up." Insistin g tha t wome n "shoul d b e somethin g bette r tha n mer e toys, " she scolde d the m fo r to o ofte n bein g give n t o "vanit y an d lov e o f dress, " and t o choosin g "small " subject s t o thin k about . Opposin g th e exclusio n of wome n fro m juries , sh e sai d tha t "me n ha d n o righ t t o b e i n place s where wome n coul d no t b e properl y admitted. " I n Ne w York , sh e sai d that wome n tal k bette r tha n men , s o "me n shoul d n o longe r unse x themselves b y leavin g the plo w . . . fo r th e pulpit, " bu t le t wome n d o th e preaching instead . Speakin g t o wome n i n Michigan , sh e tol d the m the y were lik e lion s who , i f the y onl y kne w thei r ow n power , "coul d no t b e caged." She insisted that women , by "bringing the children int o the rank s of reform," ha d th e powe r t o ushe r i n th e millenniu m "wit h thi s genera tion." Meantime, however , sh e felt oblige d to scold women fo r not takin g care of children well , and said , "It's because women don' t take care of this kind o f wor k tha t w e hav e s o man y boobie s amon g men. " Similarly , speaking i n Iowa , sh e said , "W e hav e man y boob y me n i n d e land , an d they cam e fro m wea k women , wh o say , 'I'v e go t al l d e right s I want. ' I

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tell yo u i f yo u wan t grea t men , yo u mus t hav e grea t mothers. " O n th e other han d sh e also sai d that th e kin d o f men wh o teach thei r childre n t o question whethe r thei r mothers , becaus e the y ar e women , kno w any thing, shoul d loo k afte r th e childre n themselves . "Some o f 'em," she said , "ain't goo d for nothin g else!" 5 In Truth' s time , middle-class women wer e largely excluded from hold ing job s outsid e th e home , s o tha t fo r the m th e issu e o f equa l pa y wa s often no t a s pressin g a s openin g u p job s t o women . However , Truth , with he r experienc e a s a farm an d domesti c worker , wa s consciou s o f the inequality o f pay fo r working-clas s women . A t th e 185 1 Akro n women' s rights convention , Trut h said , I "ca n d o as much wor k a s any man, " an d "can ea t a s muc h too , i f I ca n ge t it, " bu t sh e di d no t g o o n t o sa y explicitly tha t sh e therefor e deserve d t o b e pai d a s muc h a s a man . I n 1867 a t a n equa l right s conventio n i n Ne w York , however , whe n th e concept o f equal pay was still way ahead o f general publi c opinion, Trut h used som e o f th e sam e phrasin g sh e ha d use d i n 1851 , but wen t o n t o make it more explicit: "I used to work i n the field and bind grain, keepin g up wit h th e cradler ; bu t me n neve r doin g n o more , go t twic e a s muc h pay. S o with the Germa n women . The y wor k i n the field and do as much work, bu t d o no t ge t th e pay . W e d o a s much, w e ea t a s much, w e wan t as much . . . . Wha t w e wan t i s a littl e money . Yo u me n kno w tha t yo u get a s muc h agai n a s wome n whe n yo u write , o r fo r what[ever ] yo u do . When w e ge t ou r rights , w e shal l not hav e to com e to you for money , fo r then w e shall have money enough o f our own." 6 Asking fo r women' s righ t t o vote was one of the man y concern s o f the women's right s movemen t i n th e 1850s , alon g wit h askin g fo r equa l rights a t home , a t work , an d a t school . Durin g th e 1850 s an d 1860s , women mad e progres s i n securin g som e rights , suc h a s to ente r occupa tions, inheri t propert y o n thei r own , an d shar e i n controllin g thei r ow n children, bu t scarcel y i n th e righ t t o vote . However , fro m abou t th e en d of the Civi l War, whe n th e questio n o f giving the vote to blacks became a big issue , givin g th e vot e als o t o wome n becam e centra l i n th e women' s rights movement . Fro m tha t tim e i t becam e centra l fo r Trut h too . B y 1867 sh e was saying that sh e would no t le t herself "ge t ou t o f this world " until women coul d vote. 7 Truth maintaine d tha t me n i n governmen t positions—al l to o ofte n drinkers, with " a nose red like a cigar"—treated wome n disdainfully , "fo r their amusement. " I f wome n coul d vote , sh e argued , the y coul d pu t

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women i n governmen t position s wher e the y coul d a t leas t loo k afte r th e interests o f women . W e need , sh e said , wome n lawyers , wome n judges , women o n juries, women i n Congress—sh e di d no t hersel f wan t t o serv e in Congress , sh e explained , bu t sh e wante d wome n t o hav e th e righ t t o do so. 8 Like many advocate s of women i n her time, Truth hel d out grea t hop e for wha t wome n i n governmen t coul d accomplish . Arguin g tha t me n were not capabl e of cleaning up government , sh e queried, "Wh o ever saw a man clea n u p a house? Me n ca n mak e dirt , bu t can' t clea n i t up. It wil l never b e don e til l wome n ge t int o government. " Furthermore , "A s me n have bee n endeavorin g fo r year s to gover n alone, " she said, "and have no t yet succeeded i n perfecting an y system, it is about time the women shoul d take th e matte r i n hand. " Sh e als o believe d wome n woul d secur e peace . "I wan t t o se e wome n hav e thei r rights , an d the n ther e wil l b e n o mor e war. Al l th e fighting ha s bee n fo r selfishness . The y [Confederates ] wante d . . . t o hold something that was not their own; but when we have woman' s rights, ther e i s nothin g t o fight for . I hav e go t al l I want , an d yo u hav e got al l you want, an d wha t d o you fight for ? Al l the battles that hav e ever been wa s for selfishness." 9

By lat e 1865 , only a few month s afte r th e en d o f the Civi l War , i t bega n to see m likel y that wome n woul d no t ge t th e righ t t o vote bu t tha t blac k men would . I t seeme d apparen t tha t blac k me n woul d ge t i t no t becaus e most American s favore d i t i n itsel f (the y di d not) , bu t primaril y becaus e many Republican leader s thought givin g black men the vote was the onl y politically feasibl e wa y t o mak e reconstructio n wor k i n th e South . Fro m about thi s time , man y o f th e leadin g abolitionist-feminis t men , suc h a s Garrison, Wendel l Phillips , Gerri t Smith , an d Gile s B. Stebbins , argue d that feminist s shoul d temporaril y pu t asid e thei r deman d fo r th e vot e fo r women, to concentrat e instea d o n helping black me n ge t their vote . The y believed that i f reformers mixe d their campaig n fo r the vote for black me n with th e eve n les s popula r campaig n fo r th e vot e fo r women , th e blacks ' cause woul d b e hurt . Moreover , the y believe d tha t black s a s blacks wer e far mor e threatened i n their persona l safet y an d i n their right s to housin g and jobs and education tha n wome n a s women were , and therefore black s deserved preference . Mos t blac k supporter s o f women's right s includin g

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Douglass an d France s Harpe r cam e to embrac e thi s view . But Trut h di d not. In earl y 1866 , whe n Trut h wa s workin g wit h th e freedme n i n Wash ington, man y congressiona l Republican s wer e supportin g th e Fourteent h Amendment, whic h wa s intende d t o insur e tha t Souther n states , a s the y were readmitte d t o th e Union , coul d no t depriv e black s o f thei r civi l liberties. At tha t time , Susa n B . Anthony, th e Quake r abolitionist-femin ist who m Trut h ha d lon g known , wrot e Truth , askin g he r "t o pu t he r mark" o n a petitio n t o Congres s t o mak e sur e tha t th e amendmen t wa s not worde d t o exclud e wome n fro m voting . Anthon y als o aske d he r t o circulate th e petitio n fo r signatures . Som e congressmen , Anthon y wrot e her, wan t thi s amendmen t t o shu t "al l wome n out, " an d t o tha t " I kno w Sojourner Trut h wil l say, No." 1 0 In lat e 1866 , Truth journeyed fro m Washingto n t o Rochester to atten d a Ne w Yor k Stat e equa l right s convention . Amon g th e speakers , Eliza beth Cad y Stanton , advocatin g tha t bot h black s and wome n b e give n th e vote now , wa s adaman t tha t blac k wome n deserve d th e vot e mor e tha n black me n did—t o giv e the vote to black me n befor e givin g it to women , she said , woul d mea n increasin g th e numbe r o f voter s wh o oppose d giving th e vot e t o women . Similarly , Trut h spok e fo r th e equa l righ t t o vote for bot h black s an d women , puttin g he r emphasi s on women . Walk ing vigorousl y abou t th e platfor m an d chucklin g t o hersel f fro m tim e t o time, sh e said , i t wa s women' s "ow n faul t i f they wer e deprive d o f thei r rights. Go d i s willin g tha t the y shoul d hav e them. " Accordin g t o on e newspaper report , Trut h wa s th e onl y on e amon g th e man y speaker s a t the conventio n "wh o elicited hearty applause. " n11 In earl y 1867 , Stanton , angr y that , a s sh e sa w it , man y long-tim e abolitionist-feminists wer e desertin g th e women' s suffrag e cause , wrot e Truth, invitin g he r t o com e t o a n equa l right s conventio n t o b e hel d i n New Yor k t o hel p secur e fo r bot h black s an d wome n th e ful l right s o f a citizen. As Stanton, using one of her lates t slogans, put i t to Truth: "Hel p us to bury the woman & the negro in the citizen." 12 In May , Trut h cam e t o Ne w Yor k fo r th e convention , stayin g fo r about a week i n Stanton' s house . A t th e conventio n Trut h spok e severa l times, san g a t leas t twice , and sometime s sa t o n the platfor m where , on e reporter said , sh e wa s treate d b y al l th e other s ther e wit h "th e greates t attention, deference , an d homage. " I n thi s situatio n sh e wa s s o uninhib -

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ited that sh e felt fre e t o interrupt th e proceedings severa l times. When he r old friend Rev . Samue l J. Ma y was presiding, he asked the women i n th e audience t o indicat e b y sho w o f hand s whether , i f they ha d th e righ t t o vote, they woul d i n fac t exercis e that right . Trut h "hel d u p bot h hands. " She explaine d tha t sh e di d s o becaus e th e resul t woul d b e cleare r i f Mr . May, instead o f calling for a show o f hands, called for a show by standing , to which th e patient Ma y then agreed . O n anothe r occasio n whe n he r ol d friend France s Gag e told the conventio n tha t sh e had foun d i n the South , that th e blac k ma n ha d learne d fro m hi s slavemaste r ho w t o b e "a s bad a tyrant" t o hi s blac k woma n a s hi s maste r ha d been , Trut h crie d out , "That's a fact , child ; tha t i s a fact. " Gag e responded : "Yes , Sojourne r knows that." 13 In a speech to the convention, Trut h argue d tha t blac k wome n neede d the vot e i n orde r t o protec t themselve s fro m blac k men . A s reporte d b y the New Yor k Tribune, sh e was hard o n blacks, both me n an d women : White wome n ar e a grea t dea l smarter , an d kno w mor e tha n colore d women , while colore d wome n d o no t kno w scarcel y anything . The y g o ou t washing , which i s about a s high a s a colored woma n gets , and thei r me n g o about idle , strutting u p an d down ; an d whe n th e wome n com e home , the y as k fo r thei r money an d tak e i t all , an d the n scol d becaus e ther e i s n o food . I wan t yo u t o consider on that, chil'n. I want women to have their rights.14 Illustrating th e difficult y o f knowing wha t Trut h reall y said , th e Ne w York World reported par t o f this sam e passage i n a different, mor e earth y style: I want the colored women to understand that if she earns anything it is her own. But i f a colored wif e goe s ou t t o d o a little washing—tha t i s about a s high a s black folk s get—(laughter) , whe n sh e comes back wit h a little mone y the husband comes in, "Where have you been?" "To work." "Well, you got paid?" "Yes." "Then le t me have it." "But I want to buy so and s o for the children. " "Well, I don't want words about it. So hand it over." (Laughter.) S o he takes it and walks away, nobod y know s where . . . . The ma n claim s her money , body , an d every thing for himself. (Laughter and applause.) It's not right. Now's the time to make a strong appeal for women's rights.15 In th e sam e speech , accordin g t o th e Ne w Yor k Evening Post, Trut h sided wit h Stanto n an d Anthony , insistin g tha t suffragist s shoul d wor k for the vote for bot h black s and women together , now :

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There is a great stir about colored men getting their rights, but not a word about the colored women ; and if colored men ge t their rights, and not colored women get theirs, there will be a bad time about it. So I am for keeping the thing going while things are stirring; because if we wait till it is still, it will take a great while to get it going again. . . . I suppose I am about the only colored woman that goes about to speak for the rights of the colored woman. I want to keep the thing stirring, now that the ice is 1 6 broke .... You [men ] hav e bee n havin g ou r right[s ] s o long , tha t yo u think , lik e a slaveholder, that you own us. I know that it is hard for one who has held the reins for so long to give up; it cuts like a knife. It will feel all the better when it closes up again.17 The Tribune declare d thi s speec h wa s "on e o f the mos t pointed , clear , chiseled argument s w e hav e eve r hear d i n favo r o f equality , withou t regard t o rac e o r sex." 18 I t wa s especiall y becaus e o f thi s speec h tha t Truth becam e a symbo l o f th e effor t t o combin e th e struggle s fo r blac k and femal e rights . Sinc e the n sh e ha s ofte n bee n celebrate d a s suc h a symbol. Truth's warnin g tha t i f America n wome n di d no t ge t th e vot e no w along wit h blac k men , i t woul d b e har d t o rais e th e issu e o f the vot e fo r women later , proved to be prescient, for it was not until 192 0 that wome n finally got the vote nationwide . Meantime it was becoming painfully apparen t t o Stanton an d Anthon y that many leader s who had supported suffrag e fo r both blacks and wome n had decided , a s a matte r o f strategy , t o pus h a t presen t onl y fo r suffrag e for blac k men , a s i n th e propose d Fifteent h Amendment . Stanto n an d Anthony, reactin g furiously , refuse d t o suppor t th e Fifteent h Amend ment. Th e fiery Stanto n declare d tha t givin g suffrage t o the crude , uned ucated, recentl y free d blac k male s withou t givin g i t als o t o educate d females woul d increas e prejudic e agains t blacks . I n 186 9 a t a meeting o f the America n Equa l Right s Association , whic h ha d supporte d bot h blacks ' and women' s righ t t o vote, Stanton, Anthony , an d their friend s helpe d t o break u p th e associatio n ove r this issue, forming th e ne w Nationa l Wom en's Suffrag e Associatio n tha t wa s dedicate d t o workin g fo r women' s suffrage only . In response , lat e i n 186 9 Luc y Ston e le d i n formin g anothe r ne w women's group , calle d th e America n Woma n Suffrag e Association , o f a more moderat e nature , whic h favore d givin g th e vot e no t onl y t o blac k men, throug h th e Fifteent h Amendment , bu t als o t o women , throug h

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another amendment . Despit e effort s t o reunit e th e tw o groups , thei r leaders bitterl y attacke d eac h other . The y wer e divide d als o b y othe r issues tha t underline d th e greate r radicalis m o f Stanton' s grou p (whic h was mor e suspiciou s o f Republicans ) an d th e greate r conservatis m o f Stone's (whic h wa s mor e willin g t o wor k wit h Republicans) . Th e tw o groups remained spli t fo r twenty years . A recen t woman' s historia n ha s claime d tha t Truth , lik e Anthon y and Stanton , "too k th e positio n o f not supporting " the Fifteent h Amend ment becaus e i t woul d no t giv e wome n th e vote. 19 Ho w justifie d i s thi s claim? Truth wa s no t presen t a t th e equa l right s associatio n meetin g i n Ne w York i n May , 1869 , where the ope n spli t betwee n th e Stanto n an d Ston e forces finally occurred. Lat e in 1869 , however, Truth wa s in Philadelphi a at a meetin g o f th e Pennsylvani a Anti-Slaver y Societ y whe n i t adopte d "without dissent " a resolutio n urgin g passag e o f th e Fifteent h Amend ment. Althoug h Trut h spok e a t th e meeting , sh e wa s no t reporte d a s opposing th e resolution . Abou t a month later , Trut h participate d i n th e formation o f a ne w Pennsylvani a stat e women' s suffrag e associatio n tha t affiliated wit h Luc y Stone' s ne w organization , no t wit h Stanton's , an d Truth gav e it "a few word s of encouragement." 20 Moreover, soo n afte r th e Fifteenth Amendmen t wen t int o effect givin g black males the right to vote, Truth, i n Washington i n April, 1870 , spoke at a celebration o f its adoption. 21 W e lack a report o f what sh e said on this occasion, bu t i t i s unlikel y tha t sh e woul d spea k i n a celebratio n o f th e Fifteenth Amendmen t unles s she favored it . Accordingly, whil e Trut h ca n reasonabl y b e calle d radica l i n 186 7 fo r insisting lik e Stanto n an d Anthon y tha t suffragist s shoul d pus h fo r th e vote for bot h black s and wome n together , b y 186 9 an d 187 0 sh e was no t as adamantl y radica l a s Stanto n an d Anthon y ha d becom e o n thi s issue , because sh e did no t join the m i n resisting the Fifteenth Amendment . Sh e had becom e mor e moderat e an d conciliatory , mor e lik e Luc y Ston e an d most othe r feminists , includin g th e black s Douglass , Charle s Remond , Robert Purvis , and Frances Harper, who supported the Fifteenth Amend ment eve n though i t did no t giv e women th e vote. However, Trut h becam e militant i n anothe r aspec t o f suffrage activity . By 186 8 th e Fourteent h Amendmen t ha d bee n adopte d wit h th e inten tion o f protectin g th e civi l libertie s o f blacks . Althoug h thi s amendmen t was not intended t o give women th e right to vote, some woman's suffrag e

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leaders claime d tha t th e amendmen t permitte d wome n t o vot e becaus e a part o f it defined wha t a citizen i s without mentionin g gender . In the presidential electio n o f 1868 , the suffrage leade r Portia Gage , in her hom e tow n o f Vineland , Ne w Jersey , le d a grou p o f wome n t o th e polls t o vote , bu t the y wer e no t allowe d t o d o so . In 187 0 Trut h visite d Gage i n her home i n Vineland, an d doubtles s heard Gag e tell the stor y of her attempt t o vote. 22 In 187 1 severa l Michiga n wome n suffragists , assertin g thei r right s under th e Fourteent h Amendment , attempte d t o vot e i n a stat e election . Among thes e wer e tw o Detroi t friend s o f Truth's, Catharin e A . F . Steb bins, th e wif e o f Gile s B . Stebbins , an d Nanett e B . Gardner , a wido w and bi g taxpaye r wh o therefor e ha d a specia l clai m o n th e righ t t o vote . Mrs. Stebbin s di d no t succee d i n voting , bu t Mrs . Gardne r did . Soo n afterward, Trut h visite d Detroi t an d staye d wit h Gardner . Impresse d with Gardner' s succes s i n voting , Trut h persuade d he r t o writ e ou t fo r her a n account o f her voting. Gardner wrot e that he r voting was "the first vote fo r a stat e office r deposite d i n a n America n ballot-bo x b y a woma n for the last half century." 23 During th e presidentia l campaig n o f 1872 , becaus e blac k me n no w could vote , Trut h ofte n mad e campaig n speeche s t o them . Th e Republi cans ha d helpe d t o giv e blac k me n th e vote , an d thei r nationa l platfor m that yea r coul d b e interprete d a s friendly t o givin g wome n th e vot e also . Large number s o f bot h black s an d wome n suffragists , includin g Truth , supported th e reelectio n o f Republica n Presiden t Grant . Trut h wa s s o fervent fo r Grant' s reelectio n tha t sh e threatene d again , a s sh e ha d whe n Grant first ra n fo r president , tha t i f he wer e no t elected , sh e would mov e to Canada. 24 Shortly befor e th e 187 2 election , Susa n B . Anthony, i n he r hom e cit y of Rochester , le d abou t a doze n wome n int o a registratio n office , an d asked tha t the y b e registere d a s voters . Anthon y rea d t o registratio n officials th e par t o f th e Fourteent h Amendmen t tha t forbad e state s t o abridge th e privilege s o f citizens , whic h sh e interprete d a s includin g women, an d threatene d t o arres t th e registratio n official s i f they di d no t allow thes e wome n t o register . Th e official s decide d t o allo w the m t o register, an d o n votin g da y permitte d the m t o vote. Afterward, however , Anthony wa s arrested fo r having voted . Similarly Truth , shortl y befor e th e election , tried t o register t o vot e in her home town o f Battle Creek . A s the Battle Cree k Journal reporte d it :

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Sojourner Truth , on the Saturday before the recent election, appeared before the Board of Registration, in the third ward where she resides, and claimed the right to hav e he r nam e entere d upo n th e lis t o f electors . Upo n bein g refused , sh e repaired to the polls on election day in the same ward and again asserted her right to the ballot . Sh e was politely receive d b y the authoritie s in bot h instances, but did no t succee d i n he r effort , thoug h sh e sustaine d he r clai m b y man y origina l and quaintly put arguments. Sojourner state s that she learned one thing by her visit to the polls on the 5th inst. She verily thought before that day that a literal pole was erected to designate the voting place, and she asked the bystanders to point it out. Her astonishmen t upon being undeceived, as described to us by her own lips and in her characteristic style , i s peculiarl y amusing . I t i s Sojourner' s determinatio n t o continu e th e assertion of her right, until she gains it.25 When Anthon y wen t t o vote in Rochester , sh e took a group o f women with her . Anthon y wa s a n organizatio n woman . However , whe n Trut h went t o vote in Battl e Creek , sh e went alone . Truth wa s not a n organiza tion woman . Claims abou t Truth' s rol e a s a feminis t hav e ofte n bee n exaggerated . In 187 0 th e Washingto n weekl y wit h whic h Douglas s wa s associate d claimed tha t sh e "ha s alway s bee n a s ardent" for "th e right s o f women a s she was of anti-slavery." A schola r has recently eve n claimed that sh e wa s "much mor e activ e fo r women' s rights " than fo r th e abolitio n o f slavery . However, th e year s i n whic h i t woul d b e mos t meaningfu l t o mak e suc h comparisons woul d b e th e year s i n whic h sh e wa s a reformis t speake r before th e abolitio n o f Souther n slavery , tha t is , 1850-64 , an d i n thos e years available records indicate that whe n sh e spoke, she included appeal s for slaves ' right s i n 6 3 speeches , bu t fo r women' s right s i n onl y 9 . I n regard t o th e year s afte r emancipation , a historia n ha s claime d tha t sh e "made th e right s o f wome n a specia l featur e o f al l he r talks, " bu t thi s i s far fro m true. 26 Durin g al l th e year s sh e spok e publicl y a s a reformer , from 185 0 on , sh e advocate d improvin g th e conditio n o f black s i n 13 6 speeches, but advocate d improvin g the condition o f women i n only 28. Nevertheless, Trut h playe d a conspicuou s rol e amon g feminist s be cause sh e wa s on e o f th e fe w blac k wome n wh o wer e activ e feminists . Moreover, sh e was conspicuous in opening up public activities to women . While he r rol e a s a relie f worke r fo r free d slave s migh t b e sai d t o b e within th e traditional real m o f women's care-giving, much o f the range of her public activitie s was not. Beginning i n 1827 , when fe w blac k wome n took case s to court , sh e took thre e case s to court . Beginnin g abou t 1830 ,

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when fe w women , blac k o r white , spok e i n public , sh e bega n t o preach , and eventuall y a s a public speaker, sh e spoke from Main e to Kansas. At a time when fe w women wer e so aggressive, she insisted o n entering wher e it wa s doubtfu l tha t sh e a s a blac k wa s welcome , a s i n Washingto n streetcars, a Washingto n church , an d a Kansa s train . A t a tim e whe n i t was no t expecte d tha t wome n woul d marc h i n th e streets , i n 186 8 i n Geneva, Ne w York , sh e marche d a t th e hea d o f a procession celebratin g black emancipation. 27 A t a time when fe w wome n wer e active in politics , she petitione d Congress , lobbie d Congress , campaigne d i n presidentia l elections, trie d t o vote , spok e t o th e Michiga n legislature , an d visite d three presidents i n the White House . Considering tha t mos t feminist s wer e white , middl e class , educated , and ofte n anxiou s to prove to the world that they were respectable despit e their feminism , i t i s remarkable ho w wel l they accepte d th e black , uncul tivated, bumptiou s Truth . Accordin g t o th e Ne w Yor k Times, a t th e 1867 equa l right s conventio n i n Ne w York , whe n Trut h too k a sea t o n the platform , "he r independen t demeano r wa s th e caus e o f som e merri ment an d muc h eviden t satisfactio n t o th e audience. " Th e Ne w Yor k Herald, whic h wa s ofte n nast y towar d bot h feminist s an d blacks , de scribed Trut h a s "among th e mor e prominen t persons " at a n 187 0 wom en's right s conventio n i n Ne w York , an d sai d sh e "ha s s o lon g bee n petted b y th e woma n suffragist s tha t sh e i s 'jes t a s goo d a s en y o n 'e m now.' " 2 8 I n fact , suffragist s sometime s di d see m t o trea t he r a s thei r darling, perhap s a t time s condescendingly , a s a blac k token , o r i n mor e favorable terms , a s a symbol o f the unit y o f the caus e of freedom fo r bot h blacks an d women . Sh e herself, wit h he r belie f that Go d ha d give n he r a special mission, sometimes seeme d to feel that sh e was just a s good as any of them, i f not better . Indeed, feminis t leader s ofte n fel t Truth' s strength . Stanto n an d he r friends claimed , i n thei r History of Woman Suffrage, tha t fo r th e crud e mob o f me n wh o invade d th e 185 3 woman' s right s conventio n i n Ne w York, Trut h "combine d i n herself , a s a n individual , th e tw o mos t hate d elements o f humanity. Sh e wa s black , an d sh e wa s a woman, an d al l th e insults that coul d be cast upon colo r and sex were together hurled at her, " but sh e withstood suc h insults, remaining "dignified." Susa n B. Anthony , in introducing Truth a t the 186 6 Rochester equal rights convention whe n about 50 0 person s includin g Stanto n wer e attending , sai d tha t Trut h "had don e mor e tha n an y othe r i n th e roo m fo r th e caus e o f freedom. "

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Portia Gage , afte r Trut h ha d visite d he r i n Vineland , Ne w Jersey , wrot e she wa s a "wonderfu l teacher. " Parke r Pillsbury , a t a Ne w Yor k Stat e equal right s convention , calle d Trut h "probabl y th e ables t min d whic h New Yor k eve r produced. " Wendel l Phillip s sai d tha t he r speec h wa s "rich, quaint, poeti c and ofte n profound." 29 Truth, b y he r compellin g presenc e amon g th e relativel y well-off , edu cated, whit e feminists , presse d the m t o take a wider vie w o f womanhood . She pressed them t o include in their conception o f womanhood—difficul t though i t wa s likel y t o be—slav e women , blac k women , poo r women , uneducated women . An d sh e challenge d bot h feminist s an d thei r oppo nents t o conside r tha t thes e les s favore d wome n coul d she d thei r accus tomed passivity , rise up to take their rights, and join more favored wome n to become a power i n the land .

16 Goose Wing s an d Hig h Heel s "Oh mothers, Fm ashamed of ye! What will such lives you live do for humanity?"

Exuberant a s Trut h sometime s was , an d certai n tha t Go d wa s guidin g her, sh e coul d no t easil y b e containe d withi n se t bounds . Sh e di d no t fit neatly into the pattern s o f behavior expecte d o f blacks, or of women, o r of women reformers . Thi s wa s true o f her behavio r i n various aspect s of her life, including dress . As a youn g slave , sh e dresse d i n homespu n clot h tha t di d no t alway s reach lon g enoug h fo r a fast-growin g girl . A s sh e explaine d i t once , slaveowners "use d t o weav e wha t de y calle d nigger-cloth, " a coarse clot h such a s white s woul d no t wear . Master s gav e the clot h ou t t o th e femal e slaves in " a strip," Truth recalled , an d w e "ha d to wear i t width-wise. " If you wer e short , i t wa s tolerable , bu t i f yo u wer e tal l lik e Truth , i t wa s embarrassing. 1 While livin g wit h th e Va n Wagenens , sh e acquire d clothe s o f bette r cloth. "Oh , didn' t I swin g mysel f i n m y homespu n clothes, " she recalled . Once she felt a wild impuls e to go back to the Dumonts' to show of f these new clothes . "Whe n I ha d go t fixed up , an d ha d ne w clothes, " sh e explained i n a speech , " I though t I' d lik e t o g o back , an d le t m y ol d associates se e ho w fine I looked . I gues s som e o f yo u ladie s kno w wha t that feelin g is." 2 While sh e wa s livin g i n Ne w Yor k City , fo r som e tim e he r religiou s mentor wa s Elija h Pierson , wh o emphasize d th e virtu e o f simpl e living , 185

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including simpl e dress . A s a wandering evangelis t i n Ne w England , sh e met a n Adventis t wh o recalle d late r tha t sh e an d he r friend s responde d warmly t o Truth . The y admire d "he r commandin g figure" i n fron t o f an audience, "he r unwaverin g fait h i n God, " an d "he r contemp t o f what th e world call s fashion." 3 In the 1850s , women's fashions, i n accordance with the Victorian idea l of delicat e women , calle d fo r squeezin g midriff s int o hourglas s shapes , and fo r long , puffe d ou t skirt s wor n ove r mountain s o f petticoats . Som e feminists fel t tha t suc h fashions place d women unde r debilitatin g physica l and psychologica l restraints . A fe w o f thes e women , includin g Truth' s friends Lucy Ston e an d Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , tried wearin g the bloome r costume, whic h wa s essentiall y a loose-fittin g shor t dress , wor n ove r pants. Thes e wome n wer e please d wit h th e free r movemen t bloomer s allowed, bu t foun d the y coul d no t continu e t o wea r the m ver y lon g because much o f the public, reinforced b y the web of commercial interest s that profite d fro m fashion , heape d scor n o n the m fo r dressin g lik e men . When wome n aske d Trut h wh y sh e di d no t wea r th e ne w bloomers , Truth answere d tha t wha t sh e had wor n whe n sh e had bee n a slave wa s too muc h lik e bloomers : "Tel l you , I ha d enoug h o f bloomer s i n the m days." 4 There wa s considerabl e tensio n amon g feminist s abou t ho w t o dress . Some, lik e th e intense , Quaker-raise d Abb y Kelle y Foste r o f Massachu setts, dresse d i n a simple manner , i n keepin g wit h he r belie f that wome n should reduc e thei r expense s t o b e bette r abl e t o suppor t socia l causes . Other feminists , reactin g t o th e constan t derisio n o f feminists a s makin g themselves unfeminin e becaus e the y demande d th e sam e right s a s men , tried t o appea r especiall y demure , o r dainty , o r motherly—anythin g bu t masculine. Luc y Stone , o f Massachusetts , afte r sh e gav e u p bloomers , dressed inconspicuously , an d kep t he r voic e quie t an d low . However , Pauline Wrigh t Davis , o f Rhod e Island , afte r givin g u p bloomers , chos e to dres s elegantly , i n keepin g wit h th e heigh t o f fashion , sayin g sh e intended t o do all she could to remove the idea that wome n wh o advocat e women's right s wer e determine d t o see m lik e men. Ho w wome n dresse d became a n issu e i n choosin g president s fo r women' s right s conventions ; one fashionabl e Bosto n woma n wa s sai d t o hav e bee n rejecte d becaus e she dressed too extravagantly, wit h too low a neck line . Once when Trut h ha d a photograph take n o f herself, perhaps to appea r

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feminine sh e held knittin g i n he r lap . Sh e i s not know n eve r to have ha d a photograph take n o f herself while smokin g her pipe . It wa s sometime s sai d tha t Trut h dresse d lik e a blac k far m woman . According t o a Ne w Yor k reporte r i n th e 1860s , sh e dresse d wit h " a white kerchie f aroun d he r head a la mamma al l over the South. " In 1871 , a Rocheste r newspape r reporte d tha t "he r dres s i s a mixture " o f wha t "used t o b e worn b y the femal e slave s of the South " with th e dres s o f the Quakers. Althoug h Trut h neve r becam e a Quaker , i n th e 1870 s i t wa s often sai d that sh e dressed lik e one. A Chicago newspaper reporte d he r as wearing a "Quakeris h livery, " includin g a whit e cap , whit e neckcloth , and whit e cuffs , whic h wa s "exactl y suited " to he r "hard , practica l sense." 5 While progressiv e Quaker s b y thi s tim e wer e turnin g awa y fro m tradi tional Quaker dress , Truth, b y often selectin g Quaker dress, was choosin g a modest , simple , an d relativel y nonrestrictiv e dress , whic h ma y hav e been i n keeping with her ow n inclinatio n towar d dres s reform. On e of the leading dres s reformers i n Truth' s time , the physician Dr . Rache l Brook s Gleason, wh o recommende d tha t dres s shoul d b e comfortabl e an d fit th e form o f th e body , regarde d Quake r women' s dres s a s no t perfect , bu t more favorable fo r healt h tha n customar y form s o f dress, and thus a point of departure fo r dres s reform . Truth usuall y dresse d modestly . A s a n artis t sketche d he r scrubbin g laundry a t a tub, her head wa s bare, her sleeve s were pushed u p high, bu t her skir t reache d t o th e floor, hidin g eve n he r ankles . Whe n sh e spoke , she wa s ofte n describe d a s dressin g i n a "plain," "simple, " or "dignified " style. Sh e sometime s wor e a turban o r Quake r bonne t o n he r head , an d long, ful l dresse s i n dar k colors—gray , blue , green , o r black—bu t brightened b y somethin g ligh t aroun d he r hea d an d shoulders . Some times sh e wor e shawls , thoug h shawl s coul d restric t walking , a s on e women's dres s reforme r protested , becaus e th e weare r wa s oblige d t o hold the shaw l in place with he r arms . Truth's frien d Parke r Pillsbur y recalle d tha t th e impressio n sh e mad e when speakin g i n Ashtabul a County , Ohio , wa s les s modes t tha n fierce: "Her tall , erect form , dresse d i n dar k green , a white handkerchief crosse d over he r breast , a whit e turba n o n he r head , wit h whit e teet h an d stil l whiter eyes , sh e stood , a spectacl e weird , fearfu l a s a n avenger. " Th e Detroit Free Press reporte d he r o n th e platfor m a s "inspiring a degree o f respect tha t command s attention, " bu t als o as being "grotesqu e an d ludi -

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crous." W h e n sh e spok e a t a women' s right s conventio n i n Massilon , Ohio, a journalis t reporte d tha t T r u t h ' s costum e "wa s neithe r mal e no r female, no r ye t a bloomer , makin g i t somewha t difficul t t o determin e t o which o f the sexe s sh e belonged." 6 In a bizarr e inciden t i n Indiana , som e o f he r enemie s sai d tha t sh e came acros s t o the m a s masculine , an d the y harasse d he r abou t it . A n abolitionist reporte d wha t happene d i n th e for m o f a lette r t o th e edito r o f a Republica n newspape r publishe d i n Warsaw , Indiana , nea r wher e th e incident occurred :

Silver Lake , Kosciusko Co. , Ind. October 4th, 185 8

Editor o f Northern Indiania n Sir: Sojourner Truth , a n elderl y colore d woma n wel l known throughou t th e East ern States , is now holdin g a series of Anti-Slavery meeting s i n Norther n Indiana . Sojourner come s wel l recommende d b y Harrie t Beeche r Stow e an d others , an d was welcome d an d receive d b y th e friend s o f th e slav e i n thi s locality . He r progress in knowledge , truth, an d righteousness i s very remarkable, especially so, when w e consider he r former lo w condition a s a slave.. . . The Slav e Democracy o f Indiana, however, appea r to be jealous and suspiciou s of every Anti-Slaver y movement . A rumo r wa s circulate d tha t Sojourne r wa s a n impostor; that sh e was, indeed, a man disguise d i n woman's clothing.. . . At he r third appointe d meetin g in this vicinity, which was held in the meetin g house o f the Unite d Brethren , a larg e numbe r o f Democrats an d . . . pro-slaver y persons wer e present , an d a t th e clos e o f th e meetin g Dr . T . W . Strain , th e mouthpiece o f the Slav e Democracy , calle d upo n th e larg e congregatio n t o "hol d on," stating tha t a doubt existe d i n the mind s o f many person s presen t respectin g the se x o f the speaker , an d tha t i t wa s his impression tha t a majority believe d th e speaker t o b e a man , an d [he ] als o propose d tha t Sojourne r shoul d sho w he r breast t o som e o f th e ladie s present , s o tha t b y thei r testimon y th e doub t migh t [be] solved . A larg e numbe r o f ladie s wer e present , wh o wer e ashame d an d indignan t a t the Doctor's proposition . Dr. Strai n furthe r sai d (whic h wa s no t believe d b y th e friend s o f th e Slave ) that i t was particularly fo r the speaker' s sak e that he made this demand. . . . Confusion an d uproa r ensued . A gu n o r pisto l wa s fire d nea r th e door . How ever, th e tumul t wa s soo n suppresse d b y Sojourne r rising i n al l th e dignit y o f womanhood, an d demande d [demanding ] wh y they suspecte d he r "t o be a man?" and wa s answered , "you r voic e i s no t th e voic e o f a woman ; i t i s th e voic e o f a man." Sojourner tol d the m tha t he r "breast s ha d suckle d man y a whit e babe ; tha t

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some o f thos e babie s ha d grow n t o man' s estate , an d tha t the y wer e fa r mor e manly than they (her persecutors) appeared to be." In vindicatio n o f he r truthfulness , sh e tol d the m tha t sh e woul d sho w he r breast to the whole congregation; that it was not to her shame but to their shame, that she uncovered her breast before them. Two young men, viz.: A. Badgely and J. Hame r voluntarily stepped forward t o the examination. As Sojourner disrobe d her bosom, she quietly asked them if they too "wished to suck." As she presented her naked breast to the gaze of the audience, a Democrat cried out, "Why, it is a sow, for I see the teat." . . . As "the agitation of thought is the beginning of wisdom," we hope that Indiana will yet be redeemed. Respectfully, William Hayward

The edito r o f the Indianian no t onl y chos e t o publis h thi s astonishin g letter, bu t als o t o commen t o n it . Wha t intereste d hi m a s a partisa n Republican wa s no t th e rudenes s t o Trut h o r th e mean s sh e use d t o vindicate herself, but that a Democrat defende r o f slavery, Dr. Strain , wa s put dow n b y a black. Strai n go t "bored, " the editor gloated , "by a 'cullud pusson.' Serve d him right!" 7 Hayward als o sen t hi s lette r t o Garrison' s Liberator i n Boston . Th e Liberator als o chos e t o publis h it , bu t withou t comment , thoug h appar ently heavil y editin g i t first. Late r France s Titus , i n editin g a revise d version o f Truth' s Narrative, als o chos e t o prin t th e letter , an d als o without direc t commen t o f her own . However , Titu s omitte d th e crudes t expression i n th e letter , th e referenc e t o th e sow' s teat . Sh e als o adde d a comment, writte n year s late r b y Parke r Pillsbury , i n whic h h e sai d tha t in thi s incident , a s in al l incident s i n whic h Trut h me t hostility , sh e wa s able to "scatter" her enemies , in "disma y an d confusion." 8 Truth wa s not force d t o respon d t o the rud e challeng e a s she did. Sh e could hav e refuse d t o respon d a t all . Sh e coul d hav e responde d onl y verbally, o r sh e coul d hav e consente d t o sho w he r breast s onl y privately , to a few women . Truth's showin g her breast s to the whole audience is startling. Despit e her genera l inclinatio n t o choose modest dress , when th e occasion seeme d to her t o deman d it , sh e wa s abl e quickly , apparentl y withou t hesitation , to abando n modest y abou t dress , t o sa y th e least . Sh e coul d expres s he r anger dramatically , seemingl y withou t inhibitions . Evidentl y he r experi ence of slavery and poverty , her feminist outlook , an d her biblicall y base d

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contempt fo r th e world , ha d readie d he r t o flout th e stereotyp e o f wha t modest femininit y meant , an d to do it with poise .

Although Trut h ha d lon g oppose d elaborat e fashio n fo r women , i t wa s only in 187 0 that sh e is known t o have begun t o speak ou t conspicuousl y against it . Sh e seems to have begun t o do this at about th e sam e time tha t she als o bega n t o spea k ou t freel y agains t smokin g an d drinking , a s i f they were related in her mind. Perhap s the fact that sh e herself had finally been abl e to giv e up smokin g helped to make her fee l free t o speak out o n several kinds of what seeme d to her frivolou s an d damagin g behavior . In July , 1870 , speakin g o n woman' s suffrag e i n Hopedale , Massachu setts, sh e include d "criticism s o f th e fashio n an d extravaganc e o f th e people," which a newspaper write r conceded "are awkwardly severe, " but added, her hearer s "know that i t is their friend wh o speaks." 9 Then i n Octobe r i n Providence , sh e made a particularly vitrioli c state ment agains t fashion . Sh e ha d recentl y attende d a Rhod e Islan d stat e women's suffrag e society' s convention i n Providence, an d a s she observe d the leader s o f th e conventio n sittin g o n th e platform , sh e ha d becom e disturbed b y thei r dress , particularly thei r hairstyles . I t wa s a time whe n fashionable wome n dresse d thei r hai r elaborately , ofte n wit h th e ai d o f hair pieces. The presiden t o f this society was the fashion-advocate Paulin a Wright Davis , an d i n fac t i t wa s Davi s wh o ha d introduce d Trut h t o speak a t the convention . Truth di d no t spea k agains t fashio n a t thi s convention . Bu t afte r th e convention was over, Truth staye d on in Providence to speak at a meeting of he r own , especiall y o n wester n land s fo r freedmen . O n thi s occasion , according t o a Providenc e newspaper , Trut h wa s hersel f dresse d i n " a very plain , Quaker-lik e garb , wit h a snow y whit e neckerchie f folde d across he r breast , a clos e fittin g whit e turba n o n he r head , an d silver bowed spectacles , and wa s dignified an d impressiv e in manner. " It wa s onl y i n a digressio n tha t sh e spok e abou t women' s dress . Sh e began: "I'm awfu l har d o n dress, you know," as if she felt sh e already ha d a reputation fo r denouncin g fashion . Sh e continued : Women, yo u forge t tha t yo u ar e th e mother s o f creation . Yo u forge t you r son s were cut of f like grass by the war and the land wa s covered with thei r blood . Yo u rig yourselve s u p i n pannier s an d Grecia n bend-back s an d flummeries ; yes , an d

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mothers an d grey-haire d grandmother s wea r hig h heele d shoe s an d hump s o n their heads and put them on their babies, and stuff them out so that they keel over when the wind blows. Oh mothers, I'm ashame d of ye! What will such lives you live do for humanity? When I se e them wome n o n th e stag e a t th e Women' s Suffrag e Conventio n the othe r day , I thought , wha t kin d o f reformers b e you, wit h goose-wing s o n your heads , as if you wer e goin g to fly, and dresse d i n suc h ridiculou s fashion , talking abou t refor m an d women' s rights ? 'Pear s t o m e yo u ha d bette r refor m yourselves first. Here she caught herself, seeming to realize that sh e might irritat e som e of her friends . Hal f i n apology , bu t hal f i n forthrigh t explanatio n o f wh y she felt le d into suc h bold criticism , sh e said: But Sojourner is an old body, and will soon go out of this world into another, and wants to sa y when sh e gets there, "Lord, I have done my duty, I hav e told the whole truth and kept nothing back." This attack o n women's fashion, originall y published in the Providenc e Daily Journal, wa s soo n copie d b y othe r newspapers , a s i n Ne w York , Washington, an d Detroit . Neithe r th e publicatio n o f th e origina l attac k nor thes e reprint s o f i t wer e accompanie d b y an y repor t o f wha t th e women o f th e suffrag e convention—includin g Paulin a Davis—though t of this criticis m b y on e o f their own , directe d agains t thei r leader s o n th e platform. However , th e Ne w Yor k Tribune editorialize d tha t w e woul d earnestly suppor t Truth' s protes t "i f w e though t refor m possible ; but w e don't. Ther e ha s bee n n o simplicit y o f womanl y attir e sinc e ou r grand mother Ev e mad e he r first apro n o f fig-leaves. " Anothe r commentato r said, th e clerg y d o no t dar e t o brin g ou t th e trut h o f th e gospe l agains t "prided fashions, " an d s o we leav e Truth "t o battl e almos t alone " against "these world-wide evils." 10 Evidently Trut h like d th e fus s sh e stirre d u p b y he r bol d attac k o n fashion i n Providence , fo r sh e continued thereafte r t o attack fashio n mor e conspicuously tha n sh e had eve r bee n know n t o d o before. Th e nex t yea r in Syracuse , sh e hersel f invite d peopl e t o com e t o hea r he r spea k fo r a temperance societ y a t the cit y hall, saying, "Come u p chillin' ; I lecture o n drinkin', o n smokin' , o n chewin' , o n snuffin' , an d o n dressin', " thu s rolling severa l o f he r pe t peeve s together . Peopl e evidentl y like d he r invitation, fo r a Syracus e newspape r reporte d tha t th e hal l wa s "fille d t o overflowing."11

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In th e mid-1850 s th e Nationa l Dres s Refor m Associatio n ha d bee n organized, with abolitionist-feminists lik e Gerrit Smit h amon g its leaders. It wa s still holding annual conventions in the 1870s . Meanwhile i n Battl e Creek, Elle n White , on e o f th e principa l founder s o f th e Sevent h Da y Adventist movement , becam e a leading dress reformer amon g Adventists , urging healthier, mor e economical dres s for women, including pants wit h short skirts . Bu t Trut h i n regar d t o dres s reform , a s i n regar d t o othe r areas o f reform , ofte n operate d t o a considerabl e degre e independently . Truth i s no t know n t o hav e ha d connection s wit h an y dres s refor m organizations o r with Elle n White' s dress reform drive . Truth's focu s i n regard t o fashionable dres s was not the sam e as that of many othe r feminis t dres s reformer s a t abou t th e sam e time . Othe r re formers ofte n focuse d o n it s unhealth y an d restrictiv e qualities , whil e Truth focuse d o n it s frivolit y an d extravagance , an d ho w i t distracte d women fro m th e nobl e wor k the y shoul d b e doing . I n effect , Truth' s attack o n women' s fashio n wa s par t o f her large r attack , ofte n expresse d in a religious context , o n the "vanit y an d pride " of women tha t sh e calle d "the grea t stumblin g blocks " to their achievin g their "rights." 12 Speaking t o wome n i n a privat e hom e i n Gran d Haven , Michigan , Truth urge d the m "t o ignor e th e absur d fashions , an d lea d mor e earnes t lives." Speakin g i n a Chicag o church , sh e warne d mother s agains t th e "worldly way " i n whic h the y "fixe d up " thei r childre n fo r church ; sh e asked everyon e t o "com e ou t o f thi s world " an d "giv e u p dres s an d frivolity." I n a blac k churc h i n Topeka , sh e wa s "terribl y dow n o n th e foolish habit s an d fashion s o f th e youn g peopl e o f ou r day. " I n a whit e church i n Topeka , Trut h "censure d th e ladie s for bein g swallowe d u p i n fashionable vanities , spendin g thei r tim e i n primpin g instea d o f pray ing." 1 3

17 Drink an d Smok e "Treat them as human beings should be treated, and fewer temperance converts would backslide."

ww hen Trut h wa s young , sh e like d t o danc e wit h he r fello w slaves . According to Gertrude, the daughter o f her slavemaster Dumont , sh e was an "excellent " dancer , bein g "quic k i n he r movements. " Sh e wa s als o "fond o f liquor an d tobacco , an d use d bot h whe n sh e coul d ge t them , fo r years." 1 After Trut h ha d walked awa y from th e Dumonts' and was living at th e Van Wagenens' , whe n sh e realize d tha t i t wa s nearl y Pentecost , sh e longed t o b e bac k agai n a t th e Dumont s t o joi n i n th e holida y fun . Pentecost—which Truth , lik e the slave s in th e Hudso n valle y generally , called b y th e Dutc h nam e Pinkster—wa s a slav e holida y lastin g severa l days. Thoug h i n th e Hudso n valle y Pinkste r wa s originall y a Dutc h Christian holida y which came seven weeks after Easter , som e of the slave s had mad e i t ove r fo r themselve s int o a n Africa n holiday . O n thes e day s off, the y san g Africa n songs , drank , decorate d themselves , a s with feath ers, pounde d ou t Africa n rhythms , mad e grunt s an d grimaces , an d dance d African dances . As Pinkste r approached , Dumon t mad e a visit t o th e Va n Wagenens , and Isabella told him sh e wanted to return t o his house with him. Thoug h Dumont tol d he r sh e coul d not , sh e di d no t believ e h e mean t it , an d go t ready, bringin g ou t he r ne w clothe s t o sho w of f t o he r ol d friends . A s 193

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Dumont wa s getting his wagon read y to drive off, sh e was about t o clim b in, sh e recalled , whe n Go d tol d he r no t to . Afterward sh e felt guilt y tha t she had wante d t o go , to drink , dance , and sho w of f her clothes , and sh e associated he r guil t wit h he r feeling tha t sh e had bee n forgettin g God. 2 By the time Truth move d to New Yor k City , her religious association s may hav e inhibite d he r drinking . Th e temperanc e movemen t wa s wel l advanced b y thi s time , fired u p t o a larg e exten t b y it s association s wit h evangelicals suc h a s Methodists , an d i t wa s stron g i n Ne w Yor k State . Moreover, tw o o f he r religiou s mentors , Pierso n an d Matthias , bot h cautioned agains t drinking . Bu t sh e continue d t o smoke , the n an d lon g afterward. I n 186 8 he r frien d Am y Pos t wrot e that "al l of her ol d friend s know tha t sh e has been a n inveterat e smoker , sh e says from [a ] very earl y age." 3 Soon afte r leavin g New Yor k Cit y an d becomin g a wandering evange list, whe n sh e foun d tha t a temperanc e meetin g wa s t o b e hel d i n Col d Spring, Lon g Island , sh e joined i n th e preparation s fo r it , a s i f sh e wer e quite comfortable wit h a temperance meeting. 4 Once Trut h settle d i n th e Northampto n Association , sh e wa s amon g reformers wh o wer e al l said to b e temperance advocates . In th e 1850s , as a speaker fo r blacks ' and women' s rights, she continued t o b e surrounde d by advocate s o f temperance . He r mentor , Garrison , wa s a temperanc e advocate—he ha d a specia l reaso n t o be , fo r bot h hi s fathe r an d brothe r were alcoholics . Americans probabl y dran k mor e i n th e nineteent h centur y tha n the y had i n th e precedin g century , an d drunkennes s wa s widespread. I n reac tion, by midcentury th e temperance movemen t ha d becom e strong, muc h more pervasiv e tha n th e movement s fo r eithe r blacks ' or women' s rights . Many advocate s of temperance di d not suppor t blacks ' or women's rights , but bot h abolitionist s an d feminist s usuall y supporte d temperance . Advo cates o f women's right s usuall y regarde d drunkennes s a s a male practic e which victimize d women , subjectin g the m t o crue l abuse . Becaus e di vorce wa s virtuall y impossible , a woman marrie d t o an abusive , alcoholi c husband ha d littl e protectio n fo r hersel f o r he r children . Therefore , t o advocates o f women' s rights , th e temperanc e movemen t wa s anothe r radical reform , lik e woman' s suffrag e an d th e abolitio n o f slavery, fo r th e protection an d emancipatio n o f women. During th e 1850 s an d 1860s , Truth' s interes t i n temperanc e scarcel y

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came t o th e surface , he r primar y interest s bein g blacks ' an d women' s rights. In 185 3 * n New York Truth attende d a world temperance conven tion a s a registered delegate, 5 bu t i s not know n t o have spoken ther e or at any other temperance meeting s in the 1850 s or 1860s . Although sh e continue d t o smoke , sh e wa s considerabl y expose d t o reformist pressur e agains t th e us e o f tobacco. Sh e wa s exposed t o i t fro m feminists suc h a s Paulin e W . Davis , wh o objecte d t o wome n usin g to bacco becaus e i t mad e wome n see m lik e men . Trut h wa s also exposed t o it i n reformis t meetings , suc h a s a Pennsylvani a Yearl y Meetin g o f Pro gressive Friends , whic h resolve d tha t th e us e o f tobacc o i s amon g th e worst evil s o f ou r day : I t injure s th e healt h o f mind an d body , an d lead s to "bondage " t o tobacco. 6 Onc e sh e settle d i n Battl e Creek , sh e wa s subject t o pressur e agains t bot h liquo r an d tobacc o fro m th e Quakers , Spiritualists, an d Sevent h Da y Adventist s wit h who m sh e mingled. Sev enth Da y Adventists , wh o ha d thei r nationa l headquarter s there , wer e developing a special emphasi s o n health, whic h they associate d wit h thei r opposition t o alcohol, tobacco, and fashionable dress . When sh e wa s i n Washingto n workin g wit h th e freedmen , Trut h found hersel f subjec t t o a different kin d o f pressure agains t tobacco . On e of her colleague s there, Luc y Colman , reporte d tha t unti l this time Trut h had bee n " a grea t smoker. " Bu t whe n sh e trie d t o teac h th e freedme n "economy" in the use of what littl e money the y had, sh e found tha t i t wa s "not bes t t o tak e wit h he r suc h a useles s habi t a s smoking. " Trut h ma y have trie d t o sto p smokin g a t thi s time , fo r sh e sai d late r tha t sh e ha d long wished to stop, but coul d not. 7 Moreover, Trut h wa s becomin g conspicuou s fo r he r smoking , whic h was undoubtedly embarrassin g bot h to herself and to her friends. I n 186 7 while Truth wa s staying in New Yor k in Elizabeth Cad y Stanton' s home , according t o Stanton' s repor t t o a newspaper a t the time , Trut h wa s stil l smoking an d wa s givin g a s a n excus e fo r doin g so , tha t whe n sh e wa s travelling b y train, to segregate her a s a black sh e was often "sen t int o th e smoking-car," s o "she smoked i n self-defense—sh e woul d rathe r swallo w her ow n smok e than another's." 8 The nex t yea r anothe r newspape r repor t abou t he r smokin g appeared , this tim e i n th e for m o f a story . I t appeare d i n March , 1868 , i n a newspaper publishe d i n Coldwater , Michigan , nea r Battl e Creek . Tru e or not, it became a popular story , often retold :

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Sojourner Trut h This ol d colore d woman , no w livin g i n Michigan , recentl y visite d Milton , Wis., wher e sh e was the gues t o f a Mr. [Joseph ] Goodrich, 9 wh o was an out and-out temperanc e man , an d a noted hate r o f tobacco. On e mornin g sh e wa s puffing awa y wit h a lon g pip e i n he r mout h whe n he r host , Mr . Goodrich , approached her, and commenced conversation with the following interrogatory. "Aunt Sojourner, do you think you are a Christian?" "Yes, Brudder Goodrich, I speck I am." "Aunt Sojourner, do you believe in the Bible?" Yes, Brudder Goodrich, I bleeve the scripters, though I can't read 'em, as you can." "Aunt Sojourner , d o you know that there is a passage in the scriptures which declares that nothing unclean shall inherit the kingdom of heaven?" "Yes, Brudder Goodrich, I have heard tell of it." "Aunt Sojourner, do you believe it?" "Yes, Brudder Goodrich, I bleeve it." "Well, Aun t Sojourner , yo u smoke , an d yo u canno t ente r th e kingdo m o f heaven, because there is nothing so unclean a s the breath o f a smoker. What do you say to that?" "Why, Brudder Goodrich , I speck to leave my breff behin d m e when I go to heaven."10 Although thi s stor y ma y hav e bee n tol d especiall y t o illustrat e ho w quick-witted Trut h coul d be , nevertheless it s circulatio n ma y have prod ded he r t o tr y agai n t o qui t smoking . Goodrich' s argumen t agains t to bacco ma y hav e impresse d her , fo r late r sh e employe d i t hersel f an d eve n extended it : Sh e sai d anyon e whos e breat h smell s o f eithe r tobacc o o r liquor canno t ente r heaven. 11 A fe w month s afte r th e Goodric h stor y appeared , i n Augus t 1868 , she attended a nationa l Spiritualis t conventio n i n Rocheste r tha t resolve d t o deplore the "alarming increase" in the use of tobacco.12 During the rest of the summe r an d fal l sh e remaine d i n wester n Ne w Yor k o n a speakin g tour, circulatin g considerabl y amon g abolitionists , feminists , Progressiv e Friends, an d Spiritualists , includin g he r long-tim e friend s Am y Pos t an d Lucy Colman , all of whom wer e likely to be antitobacco . By September , Trut h trie d agai n to quit smoking . I n December , Am y Post, wit h who m sh e wa s stayin g a t th e time , wrot e wit h "muc h joy " t o the National Anti-Slavery Standard tha t Trut h ha d "no t smoke d onc e i n three months . I wis h ever y smoke r wh o read s thi s woul d tak e courage , and d o likewise." 13 When on e o f Truth's Quake r friend s rea d Am y Post' s announcemen t

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in the Standard, th e frien d wrot e Trut h tha t sh e was glad that Trut h ha d been free d fro m slaver y "t o th e filth y weed " an d thu s ha d "bee n free d twice from slavery." 14 On Januar y 18 , 1869 , Truth herself , increasingl y certai n tha t sh e ha d succeeded i n quittin g permanently , wrot e Amy Pos t fro m Detroit : I wan t yo u t o le t i t b e know n tha t i t wa s o f m y ow n wil l an d desir e t o qui t smoking. It wa s the Spiri t tha t spok e to me to give up tobacco, and I lon g had been wishin g to do so, but coul d not, and I prayed to God that h e would make me feel the necessity to give it up, and he did and I have had no taste or appetite to take it again . Tell Mis s Coleman [Luc y Colman ] that [it ] was all of my own power o r the power that Go d gav e me to give up tobacco, & the dea r Lor d has filled the part that longed with his own love and Spirit, & now my great prayer is that al l wh o smok e ma y hav e th e Spiri t tha t spok e t o m e to wor k i n the m t o destroy the desire for tobacco.15 Her Battl e Cree k frien d France s Titu s explaine d tha t Trut h gav e u p smoking in part becaus e she did not hav e the "courage to chide people fo r using spirituou s liquor s whil e indulgin g i n th e us e o f tobacco herself." 16 Indeed, a s far a s ca n b e judged, i t wa s onl y i n 1870 , afte r sh e ha d give n up smoking , that Trut h bega n t o speak openl y agains t alcohol . In th e 1870 s th e temperanc e movemen t ha d a rebirt h o f energy , an d this tim e i t became , a s i t ha d no t bee n before , largel y a women' s move ment. Wome n employe d th e temperanc e movement , mor e tha n the y em ployed eithe r th e abolitionis t o r feminis t movements , a s a vehicl e b y which the y graduall y progresse d towar d ful l participatio n i n America n public life . B y movin g from the hom e int o wha t temperanc e leade r France s Willard calle d activities for the "protectio n o f the home," they move d int o public speaking , publi c demonstrations , an d promotin g th e righ t o f women to vote o n loca l alcohol-related issues . From ther e they move d t o promot ing women' s righ t t o vot e i n general , an d o n t o lobbyin g fo r broa d socia l legislation. From 187 0 t o th e en d o f Truth's life , temperance, a s measured b y th e number o f know n speeche s i n whic h sh e include d advocac y o f it , wa s a major concer n fo r Truth , greate r tha n he r concer n fo r women' s rights , but les s tha n he r concer n fo r blacks ' rights . Fro m 187 0 on , report s o f twenty-five o f he r speeche s ar e availabl e i n whic h sh e include d suppor t for temperance . Whil e sh e sai d tha t sh e lectured a s much agains t tobacc o as agains t alcohol , availabl e newspaper s reporte d he r a s lecturin g mor e

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against alcohol . Sh e spok e a t leas t thirtee n time s fo r temperanc e organi zations, includin g onc e a t a n Indian a temperanc e conventio n wit h suc h leading temperanc e advocate s a s Governo r St . Joh n o f Kansa s an d na tional presiden t France s Willar d o f th e Women' s Christia n Temperanc e Union. I n 188 1 th e Union' s Chicag o pape r claime d enthusiasticall y tha t Truth "ha s probably delivere d mor e temperance addresse s than an y othe r person living." 17 Bu t sh e i s not know n t o have bee n a member o r office r in an y temperanc e organization , whethe r loca l o r otherwise , agai n illus trating her propensit y t o act individually . Although sh e sometime s spok e abou t temperanc e i n regar d t o alcoho l by itself, at other times she spoke of it along with temperance i n regard t o tobacco (i t wa s no t unusua l i n Truth' s tim e t o combin e oppositio n t o alcohol an d tobacco) , an d sometime s alon g wit h temperanc e i n dress . Speaking t o a temperanc e grou p i n Gran d Haven , Michigan , sh e de scribed an y kind o f excess as intemperance, including overeating. 18 Truth argue d tha t tobacc o i s a wast e o f money , i s "filthy, " an d "de stroys th e health. " Speakin g t o boys , sh e urge d the m no t t o pic k u p th e stumps o f cigar s the y foun d "throw n about, " an d thu s lear n t o smoke , because the n thei r bodie s woul d no t b e clean . Agains t chewin g tobacco , she sai d sh e kne w minister s "wh o carrie d th e nast y wee d i n thei r mouths, " but asked , "wha t sor t o f a mouth wa s that t o talk abou t Jesus?" Speakin g in Kansas , sh e looke d disgustedl y a t th e tobacc o juic e bein g spi t o n th e floor, an d declared , "If Jesu s wa s here , h e woul d scourg e yo u fro m thi s place." 19 Against alcohol , sh e mad e fu n o f lawyer s wh o drink , callin g the m "brandy-nosed pettifoggers. " Sh e laughe d a t th e excuse s drinker s ofte n gave fo r drinking , sayin g once : "Som e folk s ha d a wa y o f gettin ' 'toxi cated, an d pretendin ' the y too k th e stuf f co z they wa s sick! " Sh e charge d that drinking , particularl y o f whisky , "i s a t th e botto m o f a grea t man y crimes." Sh e argue d tha t "no t on e cent " spen t o n tobacc o o r liquo r "i s spent fo r good. " Sh e appeale d t o father s t o se t a n exampl e t o thei r children, saying , yo u canno t expec t childre n t o b e temperate , s o lon g a s their father s ar e "a-smokin ' an ' a-chewin ' an ' a-slobberin ' aroun'. " Sh e supported th e prohibitio n o f th e manufactur e o f alcoholi c beverages , a s temperance worker s a t th e tim e usuall y did , an d sai d i t wa s a "blessing " in 188 0 when Kansas , with the overwhelming suppor t o f its black voters, became anothe r prohibitio n state . On e o f he r argument s fo r givin g suf frage t o wome n wa s tha t men , s o long a s they controlle d governmen t b y

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themselves, woul d a t bes t onl y "license " suc h evil s a s "drunkennes s an d houses o f ill fame," bu t woul d neve r "destroy " them. "The y wil l never b e cleared out," she said, "till the women d o it." 20 She encourage d us e o f a n alread y traditiona l temperanc e device , th e pledge t o sto p drinking . Sh e urge d on e o f the youn g me n i n th e Merrit t family i n Battl e Cree k t o sig n th e pledge , an d h e did , an d hi s siste r recalled lon g afterwar d tha t h e kep t hi s pledg e al l hi s life . Bu t Trut h believed tha t th e pledg e wa s sometime s misused . Sh e fel t tha t i t wa s a mistake t o suppos e tha t onc e a fathe r whos e drinkin g ha d brough t hi s family t o grie f ha d signe d a pledg e t o sto p drinking , thi s wa s al l tha t needed t o b e done . Sh e sense d suc h a fathe r woul d nee d substantia l support, materia l an d psychological . "Yo u ough t t o ge t hi m work, " sh e said, "an d carr y foo d an d clothin g t o his poor starvin g wif e an d children . Treat the m a s huma n being s shoul d b e treated , an d fewe r temperanc e converts would backslide . God's la w is the law of forgiveness." 21

18 Friend Titu s "She is of the salt of the earth."

In Truth' s time , clos e supportiv e relation s betwee n wome n reformer s often developed , a s betwee n Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n an d Susa n B . An thony, and between France s Willard and Anna Gordon. But becaus e suc h relations between blac k an d white wome n wer e rare, Truth's relationshi p to Frances Walling Titus ha s special meaning . Titus was a New England—bor n Quake r who had known Trut h throug h the Progressiv e Friend s befor e Trut h settle d i n th e Battl e Cree k area . Like man y Quakers , Titus ha d drifte d awa y from th e Quaker s somewha t —she an d he r husban d ha d joine d th e Battl e Cree k Swedenborgia n Church durin g it s brie f existence , an d sh e fel t th e attractio n o f bot h spiritualism an d "fre e thought. " After th e Civi l War , a s w e hav e seen , Titus ha d helpe d t o brin g freedme n t o Battl e Creek . Afte r th e deat h o f her husban d i n 1868 , Titu s wa s t o becom e activ e i n a large r arena , serving on the executive committee s o f both Michiga n an d national wom en's suffrage societies . In th e fal l o f 1867 , shortly afte r Trut h ha d returne d fro m Washingto n to Battl e Creek , Trut h wa s workin g t o remode l th e smal l bar n sh e ha d just bough t i n Battl e Cree k proper , o n Colleg e Street , int o a house . A little farthe r bac k fro m th e stree t tha n mos t houses , it wa s a story-and-a half hous e i n a predominantl y whit e neighborhood , o n a n unpaved , un graded street . I t wa s abou t a mil e fro m Titus' s fine hous e o n Mapl e Street. Truth sometime s walked that mil e to visit Titus . 200

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In buyin g th e lo t an d barn , T r u t h ha d bee n oblige d t o giv e Willia m Merritt a mortgag e o n "everythin g I have, " sh e said , "lackin g m y bod y and a fe w r a g s . " l B u t sh e stil l di d no t hav e enoug h mone y t o mak e he r new hous e comfortabl e fo r th e firs t winter . Sh e aske d T i t u s t o appea l fo r help, a s T i t u s di d i n thi s matter-of-fac t lette r t o Eliz a Leggett , a frien d with w h o m T r u t h sometime s staye d whe n sh e wa s i n Detroit : Battle Creek, Nov. 13/6 7 Mrs. Legget t Dear Madam : Our frien d Sojourne r Trut h desire s m e t o than k yo u fo r th e tw o kin d letter s she ha s recentl y receive d fro m you , on e o f which containe d mone y ($6.56) , & to tell yo u ho w gratefu l & thankfu l sh e i s fo r you r kin d & encouragin g attention s to her . She i s i n muc h nee d o f present assistance . He r hous e i s progressing slowl y & cannot b e made comfortable fo r the winter unles s she is assisted b y her friends . She expects to hold meetings in Kalamazoo nex t wee k where she will probabl y take up collections . She wishe s m e t o sa y to yo u i f a loan o r collection s coul d b e forwarde d t o he r from Detroit , o f $30, sh e wil l com e out , hol d meeting s & sell her photograph s & by suc h mean s refun d th e mone y afte r a few weeks . Sh e canno t leav e no w a s he r presence i s necessar y here . He r sta y i n Kalamazo o wil l necessaril y b e short , a couple of days perhaps. Mrs. Havilan d owe s her abou t $20 , whic h woul d b e ver y acceptabl e i f convenient for Mrs . H. to pay. [Laur a Havilan d wa s visiting the Leggett s a t this time ] She woul d lik e som e o f he r friend s t o solici t a donatio n fro m Captn . [Jona than] Walker. 2 She i s anxious t o hav e a little hom e o f her ow n wher e sh e ca n b e comfortabl e & mak e he r friend s comfortable . W e thin k wit h a littl e mor e assistanc e sh e wil l get a coupl e o f room s int o suitabl e conditio n t o liv e in—th e othe r part s ca n b e finished a t another time . She needs flannel clothing , also blankets for her bed . Told m e t o tel l yo u tha t Gile s Stebbin s calle d o n he r & gav e he r a donation . In haste , Truly & respectfully yours , F. W . Titu s [Postscript] Thursda y morning [Nov . 14 ] Sojourner ha s jus t called . . . . Sh e i s cheerfu l & hopeful . . . . Sh e i s anxiou s t o have all letters & contributions sen t t o my care. 3 T h i s lette r suggest s tha t T r u t h an d T i t u s wer e par t o f a networ k o f Michigan friend s wh o informe d an d supporte d eac h other . I n th e lette r

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Titus doe s no t hin t a t qualm s o n Truth' s par t i n solicitin g fund s fo r herself, nor doe s Titus expres s qualms on her ow n par t i n soliciting fund s for Truth . Titu s keep s hersel f ou t o f the lette r a s muc h a s possible , bu t the final request tha t al l letters and contribution s b e sent to Titus hint s a t the managerial rol e Titus coul d pla y in Truth's life .

During Truth' s campaig n fo r wester n lan d fo r free d people , Titus wrot e some o f Truth's correspondence , a s sh e ha d before , includin g correspon dence abou t trip s t o promot e he r campaign . Althoug h Titu s ofte n hel d back he r ow n opinions , i n editin g th e expande d 187 5 versio n o f Truth' s Narrative, sh e specificall y endorse d on e o f the ke y idea s Trut h use d a s a basis for her wester n lan d proposal, namely, the idea that th e nation owe d blacks a debt becaus e i t ha d profite d fo r generation s fro m blacks ' unpai d labor.4 While Titu s hersel f pu t u p som e o f th e mone y fo r th e publicatio n o f the revise d Narrative, sh e arrange d fo r th e proceed s t o g o t o Truth . Certainly Trut h neede d mor e income . B y 187 1 Trut h ha d pai d of f t o William Merrit t th e origina l mortgag e h e ha d hel d o n he r house . Bu t b y 1874, when bot h sh e and her grandso n ha d bee n seriousl y il l and she had incurred heav y doctors ' bills, Truth wa s forced t o take ou t anothe r mort gage on her house , this time probably fro m Titus . Truth hope d t o pay off this new mortgag e b y selling copies of her revised Narrative. In thi s revise d Narrative, Titu s indicate d sh e warml y admire d Truth , as b y writing : "Fo r on e wh o i s nobod y bu t a woman , a n unlettere d woman, a blac k woman , an d a n ol d woman , a woma n bor n an d bre d a slave, nothin g shor t o f th e Divin e incarnate d i n th e human , coul d hav e wrought ou t suc h gran d results." 5 To hel p Titu s revis e th e Narrative, Trut h provide d clippings , letters , and the like. But the illiterate Truth coul d scarcely involve herself directl y in Titus' s writing . Titu s reporte d tha t whe n sh e wa s selectin g fro m Truth's paper s wha t t o publish , Trut h "trust s he r scrib e t o mak e th e selections."6 Trut h relie d o n Titus , lettin g Titu s mythologiz e her , a s she had als o le t Stow e an d Gag e an d other s do , without , a s fa r a s w e know , attempting significan t correction . Titus, if less self-effacing tha n Oliv e Gilbert wh o wrote the first version of Truth' s Narrative, generall y kep t hersel f ou t o f thi s ne w version ; sh e seldom mentione d he r ow n name , and, lik e Gilbert, kept he r nam e off th e

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title page. At the time, Titus, in her late fifties, lacked experience as a historian o r biographe r o r seriou s write r o f an y kind , an d modestl y invite d criticism o f he r work. 7 Lik e mos t America n wome n o f he r time , Titu s was littl e educated . Feelin g a need t o improve herself , i n 187 0 Titu s ha d attended i n Battl e Cree k a histor y clas s fo r women , le d b y Lucind a H . Stone, wh o ha d taugh t a t Kalamazo o Colleg e an d wa s a n advocat e o f equal education fo r women. But Titus remained considerably unseasoned . In revisin g Truth' s Narrative thre e time s (1875 , 1878 , 1884) , Titu s performed a servic e t o posterity , particularl y b y preservin g document s related t o Truth . However , Titus' s work , romanticize d a s i t was , i s o f limited valu e to twentieth-century readers . In includin g Gilbert' s origina l 1850 Narrative i n the 187 8 revision, Titus omitte d Gilbert' s passag e tha t estimated sensibl y whe n Trut h wa s born , an d inserte d instea d a dubiou s claim that Trut h ha d bee n bor n twent y year s earlier, thus contributin g t o the commo n legend s abou t Truth' s age. 8 Moreover , Titu s seeme d t o tamper wit h document s t o mak e Trut h loo k better , a s by improvin g th e way Truth's pronunciatio n wa s reported, b y omittin g crud e commen t b y others about Truth , an d b y altering a significant wor d that mad e a report about how the public responded to Truth see m much more favorable tha n it was . Titu s als o altere d document s i n mor e seriou s ways : Sh e omitte d key passage s i n Gage' s repor t o f Truth's Akro n speec h tha t woul d hav e warned reader s tha t Gage' s repor t migh t no t b e accurate . Sh e inserte d significant passages , no t i n th e origina l a s i t wa s published , int o Truth' s letter abou t he r intervie w wit h Lincoln . Als o Titu s mixe d u p essentia l dates, no t onl y whe n Trut h wa s born , bu t als o whe n sh e wa s freed , an d when sh e made variou s trips. Sh e faile d t o identif y th e dat e and sourc e of many clipping s sh e used, an d whe n sh e did attemp t t o identify them , sh e sometimes go t the m wrong. 9 Sh e di d no t discus s severa l essentia l ques tions, such as why Truth chos e to move to Michigan fro m Massachusetts , how sh e related to Battle Cree k blacks , and wha t he r connections were to various Battle Creek churches .

When Trut h wa s younger , sh e ofte n wen t o n speakin g trip s alone . Eve n as lat e a s 1873 , whe n sh e wa s speakin g i n Gran d Rapids , a newspape r there reported he r to be travelling "everywhere withou t assistance." 10 O n longer trips , however , sh e ofte n travelle d wit h he r grandso n Samue l Banks, unti l h e die d i n 1875 . B y th e late r 1870s , a s Trut h gre w older ,

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she needed mor e than eve r to have someone travel with her. By that time , Titus's husban d havin g lon g sinc e died , an d he r so n bein g grow n an d operating th e family' s flour mil l i n Battl e Creek , Titu s fel t fre e t o travel . In 1876 , whe n Trut h hope d t o visi t Philadelphia , sh e expecte d Titu s t o be ther e too . I n 187 7 Titu s accompanie d Trut h o n a speakin g tri p o f about a week in Michigan, to Grand Have n an d Muskegon. I n 1878-79 , Titus accompanie d Trut h o n a ten-month tri p to New Yor k State , first t o attend a nationa l women' s right s conventio n i n Rochester , the n t o tou r upstate Ne w York , an d finall y t o visi t Ne w Yor k City . Late r i n 1879 , when crowd s o f poo r Souther n black s bega n t o migrat e t o Kansas , ac cording t o Titus , Trut h "fel t suc h a desire " t o g o t o Kansa s t o se e th e Exodus i n proces s "fo r herself, " an d wa s "s o anxiou s t o hav e m e com e with her, " that sh e persuaded Titu s t o accompany her. 11 When Trut h an d Titus , thi s unusua l black-whit e pair , travelle d to gether, ho w di d they relat e to each other? In 1876 , when bot h Truth an d Titus wer e plannin g t o visi t Philadelphia , Trut h expecte d tha t sh e an d Titus would stay there separately. In 1878—79 , when they were travelling together i n Ne w Yor k State , the y ofte n staye d together , a s a t Emil y Howland's, althoug h Titu s fo r a time wen t of f b y hersel f t o a Freethink ers' convention, suggestin g tha t sh e could pursu e he r ow n interest s apar t from Truth . I n late r 187 9 when the y first arrive d in Topeka, a newspaper announced tha t Trut h an d Titu s wer e travelling together, tha t Titu s wa s "wealthy" (somewha t o f an exaggeration) , an d tha t the y woul d probabl y stay together a s guests in the home of one of the officers o f the Freedmen' s Relief Association . I n December , whe n the y wer e bac k agai n i n Topeka , a newspaper announce d that they were both stayin g at Mrs. Burt's board ing house. 12 Thei r stayin g togethe r i n Topek a an d elsewhere , an d doin g so publicly , suggest s thei r eas y acceptanc e o f eac h other . I t migh t als o reflect thei r desir e fo r convenience , o r fo r economy , o r t o mak e a state ment agains t racia l segregation . They als o staye d togethe r i n Osag e Cit y accordin g t o a lette r whic h Titus wrot e from ther e to Governor St . John's wife : Osage City [Kansas], Oct. 29, 1879 Mrs. St. John Topeka, Kansas Dear Friend: Did you not make a mistake about your husband's appointment a t this place? The peopl e here think th e Gov. is to be here Monday next. If we could have an

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hour's conversatio n wit h Gov . St . John , w e woul d remai n her e til l h e comes , otherwise we will go to Emporia on Saturday. We are boarding with Mrs. Bryant on the corner of Lord & Sixth Sts. It i s important tha t w e have an interview wit h Mr. St . John & we hope you [are] to be here also, for something must be done speedily. I would be very much obliged to you for a reply by tomorrow's mail. Hastily, but very truly yours, F.W.Titus 13 This lette r suggest s tha t Titu s ha d becom e bolde r tha n th e Titu s o f her 187 5 versio n o f Truth' s Narrative. Titu s seeme d t o addres s th e governor's wif e assertively , a s i f sh e an d Trut h kne w he r well . Titu s sounded distinctl y managerial , a s if she fel t fre e t o spea k fo r Truth , wit h authority, withou t eve n mentionin g Truth' s name . I s he r failur e t o men tion Truth' s nam e essentiall y becaus e Mrs . St . Joh n alread y kne w tha t Truth an d Titu s wer e travellin g together ? I s i t a sig n tha t Titu s wa s becoming mor e of a figure i n her ow n right , apar t fro m Truth ? In th e Kansa s press , Truth wa s regularly presente d a s in charge of her own life , freely givin g her judgments abou t the course of events, pleading, scolding, cajoling i n accordanc e wit h he r ow n ver y distinctive experience . Truth wa s ofte n lionized , wherea s Titu s wa s not , an d indee d Titu s wa s not reporte d a s making an y speeches . However , a Topeka blac k meetin g resolved: "W e believ e tha t Sojourne r Trut h an d Mrs . France s E.[sic ] Titus ar e Christia n wome n whos e lif e an d conduc t command s th e confi dence o f th e goo d peopl e o f the country, " suggestin g a regar d fo r Titu s beyond wha t a secretary o r travel guid e would elicit. u Truth herself , whil e sh e an d Titu s wer e i n Kansa s together , sai d o f Titus, "Sh e i s o f th e sal t o f th e earth." 15 Trustin g Titus , Trut h le t he r manage her dail y affairs . Near th e en d o f their trip , o n Decembe r 3 , Titu s wrot e fro m Topek a to a friend o f Truth's i n Massachusetts , a private lette r whic h wa s never theless printe d i n a newspaper. Th e lette r suggest s tha t Titu s wa s grow ing restless in her relatio n t o Truth : Sojourner Trut h i s here in Kansas, in very good health and spirits. . .. I brought her here las t September . W e did no t expec t to remain longe r than a month, but became so much interested that we are still here. Sojourner ha s done good work since she came, and made her mark, which will be long remembered. . . . Last wee k I wen t i n compan y wit h [th e Kansa s Freedmen' s Relie f Associa tion's General Superintendent] John [M. ] Brown and Mrs. Dr. Green [probabl y

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a misprin t fo r Mrs . Carolin e D e Greene , Comstock' s daughter , wh o wa s no t a doctor] t o visi t tw o colonie s [o f free d people] , 7 5 mile s distant , an d disburs e supplies t o them. W e went i n a n ope n wago n acros s the prairies , following th e old Mormo n trai l fo r a guide. We . . . distributed clothin g an d beddin g to over 300 people. . . . A little mor e about Sojourner . Sh e wants to travel and collec t fo r thi s work , and wants me to take her. The officers o f the society want me here. As the winter approaches, and Sojourner i s very sensitive to the cold, I think I will take her to her home in Michigan and have her hold meetings on the way as she is able, then leave her there, and return. I have taken upo n myself the whole responsibility of her support, els e she would have been a public charge for th e past five years. If people who are able would donate three or four hundred dollar s for her support , and place it in the Battle Creek Bank, so that she could draw three or four dollars per week , I shoul d fee l fre e t o engag e i n thi s work , whic h s o greatl y need s helpers. Perhaps the way will open when least expected. 16 In thi s lette r Titu s indicate d tha t sh e ha d don e som e travellin g i n Kansas withou t Truth , an d tha t sh e di d no t wis h t o cooperat e wit h Truth's continuin g t o travel o n behal f o f the refugees. Bearin g the princi pal financial burde n fo r Trut h fo r five year s seeme d t o hav e lef t Titu s chafing an d eage r t o strik e ou t o n he r own , fo r a caus e sh e valued , provided Truth' s financial need s were otherwise met . A fe w day s later , o n Decembe r 9 , 1879 , Truth , Titus , an d Havilan d left Topek a together , leavin g Comstoc k behin d t o continu e th e wor k there. As one of their Topeka co-worker s wrote, the three were expectin g to carr y o n th e wor k i n Illinois , Michiga n an d "perhap s othe r states. " The co-worke r continued : "Ver y rarel y wil l s o man y wome n o f suc h advanced year s b e foun d a t wor k s o faithfully, an d i n a way tha t task s s o severely bot h physica l an d menta l powers , a s this nobl e band . Sojourner , one hundre d an d fou r year s [reall y abou t eighty-two] , Mrs . Haviland , seventy-two, Mrs . Comstoc k [sixty-four ] an d Mrs . Titu s [sixty-three ] long gra y i n th e service , bu t vigorous , stron g i n th e caus e the y serve , sparing no labors , shrinking fro m n o toil, hardship o r privation, that the y may feed an d cloth e the hungry an d naked." 17 Thi s lette r appear s to giv e Titus th e sam e statu s a s Truth , Haviland , an d Comstock , a s a majo r figure i n the relief work i n her ow n right . On th e wa y home , Titu s an d Trut h togethe r stoppe d of f i n Streator , Illinois. Fro m there , o n Decembe r 15 , the secretar y o f Streator's Kansa s relief society, Mrs. J. J . Taylor , wrot e Governo r St . John abou t forward -

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ing fou r barrel s o f secondhan d clothin g b y trai n t o Kansas . Taylo r als o reported t o the Governor : Sojourner and Mrs. Titus arrived safely on Wed. evening last, Sojourner sufferin g with a sever e cold , an d a sligh t malaria l attack . Fortunatel y m y husban d i s a physician and versed in matters pertaining to such conflicts. Mrs. Titu s i s bus y writin g an d meetin g ladie s t o se w fo r refuge e children . Today w e fmish twent y prs . mittens , for som e schoo l that Mrs . Titus i s inter ested in. Sojourner i s waiting t o gathe r strengt h fo r a lecture whic h w e hope wil l d o something to replenish her purse. They will go to Ottawa the last of the week if well enough. We hope to have one or two more barrels of clothing to forward this week; and that after Sojourner' s lecture on Wed. evening interest will increase. . . . We will send freight hereafte r accordin g to Mrs. Titus' direction.18 On thi s trip to Kansas , as well as on the previou s one, Truth ha d use d a variet y o f method s a t he r lecture s t o rais e mone y t o pa y fo r he r trip , including chargin g te n o r twenty-fiv e cent s fo r admission , takin g u p collections, sellin g photograph s o f herself , an d sellin g he r Narrative. A s the lette r implies , all these method s combine d ha d prove d insufficient . I n fact, whil e Trut h an d Titu s wer e i n Streator , Titu s announce d sh e wa s soliciting nationwid e t o buil d u p a $100 fun d fo r Trut h "a s a recognitio n of Sojourner' s valuabl e service s fo r he r rac e an d country , an d t o affor d present suppor t t o on e wh o give s he r al l t o others. " S o fa r Titu s ha d collected seve n dollars. 19 As th e yea r 188 0 approached , Trut h an d Havilan d wer e i n Chicago , staying a t th e hous e o f Haviland's daughte r i n suburba n Englewood . A s announced beforehand , the y wer e "a t home " o n Ne w Year' s Day , a da y traditional fo r receivin g callers , an d the y receive d man y callers . Accord ing t o Chicag o newspapers , "Sojourne r Truth's " hai r wa s becomin g les s gray an d mor e blac k tha n i t use d t o be , and he r fac e fulle r an d smoother ; she looke d younge r tha n "Mrs . Haviland. " Althoug h Trut h wa s no t called "Mrs. " an d Havilan d was , Trut h receive d mor e attention . Trut h testified t o th e need s o f th e Kansa s refugees , an d "kep t u p a livel y conversation wit h al l who wished to converse with her." 20 In th e next fe w days , we lack evidence o f any public activity b y Truth ; perhaps sh e wa s no t stron g enough . Bu t bot h Havilan d an d Titus —

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Titus seeme d t o b e stayin g separatel y i n Chicago—wer e bus y o n behal f of th e refugees . Havilan d announce d tha t contribution s fo r th e Kansa s refugees coul d b e lef t a t a downtow n office , whil e Titu s announce d tha t they coul d b e lef t a t a Friends meetin g house . Another da y Titus begge d all the minister s o f the cit y t o collec t offering s fo r th e refugee s fro m thei r next Sunday' s congregations , t o b e sen t t o Comstoc k i n Kansas . Titu s called o n th e edito r o f Chicago' s weekl y Spiritualis t newspaper , askin g his support , an d i n respons e h e announce d i n hi s pape r tha t Titu s i s "thoroughly trustworthy, " an d an y donation s mad e to he r fo r th e Kansa s refugees "wil l b e honestl y an d discreetl y used. " Anothe r da y Titu s at tended a meetin g wit h Chicag o politician s an d industrialists , calle d t o organize a Chicag o societ y fo r th e relie f o f the Kansa s refugees , an d thi s time Titus spoke. 21 In th e year s tha t followed , despit e sign s tha t Titu s wa s capabl e o f acting independentl y fro m Trut h an d fel t som e urg e t o brea k fre e fro m her, Titu s remaine d faithfu l t o Truth, continuin g to travel with her , a s to Indiana an d Chicag o in 1881 , and durin g he r declinin g health, providin g care fo r Trut h a t Truth' s Battl e Cree k home . Whe n Trut h prepare d he r last will, Titus an d William Merritt acte d as witnesses for Truth's puttin g her "mark " on it. Just afte r Trut h die d in 1883 , a Battle Creek Adventis t paper reporte d tha t Titu s ha d "managed " Truth' s "correspondence , an d seen t o he r physica l want s wit h a faithfulnes s whic h challenge s admira tion." Truth' s Detroi t frien d Gile s B . Stebbin s testifie d tha t Titu s kep t up her "constan t an d watchful care " of Truth "t o the end," as she had "fo r years." Th e Kalamazo o women' s advocat e Lucind a Ston e sai d Titu s "always provide d fo r Sojourne r a s fo r a sister, " visite d he r i n he r las t illness "daily," "buried her , and pai d for her funeral expenses." 22 In th e year s afte r Truth' s death , Titu s issue d anothe r revisio n o f Truth's Narrative. Sh e struggled to raise funds t o erect a stone monumen t for Trut h a t he r grav e i n Battl e Creek , an d finally succeeded . Sh e als o struggled t o rais e funds t o kee p Truth' s daughte r Dian a fro m bein g sen t to th e count y home , a n endeavo r tha t succeede d a s lon g a s Titus hersel f remained alive. 23

19 Friends an d Supporter s "I don't fritter m y mind away in caring for trifles."

i n additio n t o her clos e friends lik e Titus an d Haviland , in her late r year s Truth ha d man y othe r friend s an d supporters . Warre n Chase , her neigh bor i n Michigan , wrot e o f he r i n 1863 , sh e "ha s man y friend s i n ou r state." A Ne w Yor k journalist , observin g he r mak e he r wa y t o th e ros trum a t a women's suffrag e conventio n i n 1870 , and late r bein g give n a n "ovation," reported tha t "he r friend s . . . seemed to be many." x These friend s wer e ofte n co-worker s wit h he r i n variou s causes , o r supporters o f those causes . They wer e ofte n par t o f overlapping, informa l networks, especiall y o f abolitionists an d feminists , bu t als o of such other s as temperance advocates , Progressive Friends , and Spiritualists . From th e limite d informatio n available , 15 5 friend s an d supporter s o f hers i n Michiga n ca n b e name d wh o corresponde d wit h her , endorse d her ideas , helped he r t o speak, entertained he r i n their homes, or the like . Of these 155 , 1 6 are identifiabl e a s clergy, 5 7 a s women, includin g som e of her closest friends, bu t onl y 1 7 as blacks, and none of these blacks seem to have been clos e to her . Perhaps sh e had fe w blac k friends an d supporter s becaus e many black s were to o bus y wit h surviva l t o hav e muc h tim e fo r th e publi c issue s sh e cared about . Perhap s als o the opportunit y t o have black friend s i n Michi gan wa s relativel y sligh t becaus e th e proportio n o f blacks i n th e popula tion durin g th e time sh e lived there remaine d a t abou t 1 percent, smalle r than i n som e othe r midwester n states . Perhap s als o th e proportio n o f 209

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blacks among her friends appear s less than i t actually was because record s about black s have not been preserved a s well as records about whites. Sh e herself, i n explainin g wh y he r campaig n fo r lan d fo r black s i n th e Wes t failed, sai d tha t a significan t reaso n wa s tha t sh e lacke d blac k support . She seldom brought black s with her to conventions or otherwise travelle d with black s unles s the y wer e member s o f her ow n family . Ther e i s littl e evidence of significant connection s between Truth an d other black leader s in eithe r th e antislavery , women' s rights , o r temperanc e movements . There i s als o littl e evidenc e tha t sh e wa s clos e t o blac k leader s i n Battl e Creek, eve n thoug h Battl e Cree k ha d blac k churches , and wa s the sit e of two Michiga n Stat e Colore d Conventions , on e i n th e 1860 s an d on e i n the 1880s , whic h suggest s tha t ther e wa s significan t blac k leadershi p there. Scanty thoug h i t is, the record o f Truth's relatio n t o the blac k Willia m Still o f Philadelphi a ma y hel p t o illuminat e Truth' s relatio n t o blac k a s well as white friends . Trut h ha d know n Stil l from a s early as 1853 , when Still, the n a cler k i n th e Pennsylvani a Anti-Slaver y Societ y offic e i n Philadelphia, an d th e dominan t figur e i n running th e Undergroun d Rail road i n tha t city , arrange d speakin g engagement s fo r he r i n th e area. 2 I n 1874, whe n Trut h ha d bee n travellin g i n suppor t o f he r wester n land s proposal, sh e an d he r grandso n Samue l ha d evidentl y visite d Still . B y that tim e Stil l ha d becom e a prosperou s coa l dealer , ha d publishe d hi s impressive boo k tellin g th e stor y o f the Undergroun d Railroad , an d ha d been a leader in desegregating Philadelphia' s streetcars . In Battl e Creek , i n January , 1876 , Trut h wrot e Still , askin g hi m t o help her pla n anothe r visi t to Philadelphia. This time it was in connectio n with th e city' s grea t Exhibitio n i n celebratio n o f th e centennia l o f th e Declaration o f Independence , t o b e hel d ther e late r i n th e year . Trut h explained t o Stil l tha t he r grandso n Samue l ha d recentl y died , an d sh e herself ha d bee n ver y sic k fo r abou t a yea r wit h a gangrenou s le g sore . She had no t bee n abl e to wal k fo r tw o months . "The doctor s gav e me u p but I go t a woma n doctor 3 wh o go t m e s o I coul d wal k bu t . . . my le g swelled an d the n I go t a horse docto r wh o too k th e swellin g ou t . . . an d I a m fast improving . . . . I t seem s I am like a horse." She explaine d tha t t o hel p he r financially , France s Titu s ha d jus t published a n expande d editio n o f he r Narrative. "M y expense s i n m y sickness wa s heav y an d I ha d t o mortgag e m y littl e hous e an d wit h th e expenses of my sickness I am betwee n 3 [00] an d 400 dollar s in debt , an d

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the [book ] wa s go t u p t o pa y m y debt s an d t o hel p m e i n m y ol d age. " Besides, Trut h explained , sh e owe d Titu s fo r th e $35 0 tha t th e printer s required befor e the y would eve n star t to print the book . Truth continued : If I shoul d liv e I expec t to come to Philadelphia t o that grea t time [th e Exhibition]. I want to come down there in April or May. . .. I will have an opportunity to se e al l m y ol d friends . An d I ca n dispos e o f m y book s an d ca n rais e th e mortgage off my house and have it free from deb t once more. I had it all paid for but sicknes s brough t m e i n debt . Samuel' s funera l expense s coste d m e a grea t [deal] an d I di d no t wan t hi m burie d b y th e town , an d I hav e no t pai d the m all yet. . . . Friend Stil l yo u have helped m e years ago and mayb e this i s the las t time I shall need any help. . .. I want you to assist me in getting 2 rooms if it is in your house, or any place about Philadelphia you think is as good place. And I will see you paid for your trouble. My friend s ha s advise d m e to secur e a plac e [becaus e of ] th e grea t rus h of people. I hav e no one to send dow n t o see about it . My grandson [Samuel ] the one I depende d o n is dead. I have got anothe r grandso n Willi e who is 1 4 years old, but he is too young to go down there to see about a place as he has never be in a large city. He does my writing and wrote this letter, if there is any mistakes please excuse them as I cannot read writing. He must come with me down there to do my writing and reading, and his mother to see to me. .. . I a m ver y anxiou s t o com e dow n ther e fo r I thin k I ca n sel l m y book s fas t and then I ca n pa y my debts for I cannot d o as I used to do for I canno t trave l and brouse about. I would like to see you very much and give you to understand how al l things i s and I woul d lik e to se e my old friends . I t woul d b e grea t joy to me. . . . The lad y that wrot e m y boo k wil l b e down ther e too but sh e will provide a place for herself. She is a excellent woman. I woul d sen d a book bu t i t cos t somethin g mor e than m y limited means can afford. Bu t I will send a circular. Write to me immediately. I have nothing more to say. My love to you and family. I hope to see you soon.4 This an d othe r o f Truth's letter s raise the questio n whethe r he r preoc cupation wit h he r financia l problem s coul d sometime s hav e bee n suc h a n overriding facto r i n he r relation s wit h he r friends , blac k o r white , that i t prevented her from developin g more mutual, more intimate relations wit h them. As i t turne d out , Trut h wa s not wel l enoug h t o com e to Philadelphia . But i n July , whe n a false rumo r tha t Trut h ha d die d wa s circulating, th e Philadelphia Bulletin aske d Stil l fo r hi s reminiscences o f Truth. I n reply ,

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Still's choice of words suggest s he was ambivalent abou t her . Truth , Stil l wrote, wa s " a strangely-mad e creatur e wit h regar d t o physica l structure , manner, languag e and thought, a wonder no t easily described." As a slave she ha d bee n "unde r n o improvin g influences, " an d a s a n antislaver y speaker wa s regarde d eve n b y th e sympatheti c a s "ignorant. " Neverthe less, Stil l describe d he r a s Douglas s did , a s brave , saying , "Sh e woul d dauntlessly fac e th e mos t intelligen t an d cultivate d audiences , o r woul d individually approac h th e Presiden t o f the Unite d State s a s readily a s she would one of the humblest citizens. " He quoted the Detroit Post as saying she ha s bee n "on e o f th e chie f attractions " a t antislaver y an d women' s rights meetings , an d wa s "ver y valuable " a t th e freedmen' s camp s i n Washington. H e explaine d sympatheticall y th e financial pressur e tha t drove Trut h t o wish t o com e to Philadelphia , emphasizin g perhap s mor e than Truth' s lette r di d tha t i t was for Trut h t o raise money t o repay Mrs . Titus: "A s Mrs. Titus wa s obliged t o make grea t sacrifice s i n gettin g ou t this las t editio n o f her life , Sojourne r wa s very anxiou s t o com e o n t o th e Centennial Exhibitio n t o hel p sel l he r boo k i n orde r t o repa y he r friend , and a t th e sam e tim e t o secur e somethin g fo r he r suppor t i n he r las t lingering day s on earth." 5 Still's commen t ma y see m mor e clearl y respectfu l o f Truth tha n war m toward her . Stil l doe s not , a s muc h a s Stowe , emphasiz e he r spiritualit y or romanticiz e he r strangeness . Lik e Douglas s h e note s he r "ignorance, " underlining th e possibilit y tha t a t leas t som e significan t black s wh o wer e struggling t o lif t th e leve l o f blac k educatio n an d cultur e wer e war y o f Truth becaus e of her "ignorance. " Reviewing the evolution o f Truth's relationship s with blacks , we recall that becaus e sh e worke d har d fo r he r slavemaste r Dumont , sh e wa s derided b y he r fello w slave s a s a "whit e folk s nigger. " I n turn , sh e ha d some contemp t fo r he r fello w slave s for havin g thought s "n o longe r tha n her finger." Als o we recall that afte r sh e was freed an d went to New Yor k City to work, sh e wanted to preach to blacks, but found tha t they rejecte d her because , sh e said , the y preferre d t o liste n t o "grea t people. " I n he r later speaking , Trut h sometime s sai d wha t black s migh t no t lik e to hear , as whe n sh e scolde d free d slave s fo r no t supportin g themselves , blac k men fo r "strutting, " blac k wome n fo r no t knowin g "scarcel y anything, " and "youn g colore d swells " fo r snickerin g a t her. " Bu t sh e als o mad e comments black s were likel y to welcome: Blacks are "a great dea l better "

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than white s "ha d brough t the m up " t o be ; becaus e black s hav e suffere d so, "th e promise s o f Scriptur e wer e al l fo r th e blac k people , an d Go d would recompense them fo r all their sufferings"; an d the "time will come" in Americ a whe n "t o b e blac k . . . wil l b e a n honor. " Speakin g t o a predominantly blac k audience , sh e recalled tha t whe n sh e was young sh e used t o as k wh y sh e wa s no t whit e s o " I coul d hav e plent y o f foo d an d clothes? Bu t no w sh e glorie d i n he r color . . . . that Go d ha d bee n please d to giv e her." 6 Truth hersel f onc e seeme d t o tr y t o explai n why , whe n he r primar y focus a s a reforme r wa s o n improvin g th e conditio n o f blacks , sh e live d primarily amon g white s an d spok e primarily t o whites. Sh e said that a s a speaker sh e kne w wha t sh e wante d t o sa y t o whites , bu t foun d sh e "ha d always fel t thi s difficulty " tha t sh e di d no t kno w wha t t o sa y t o black s because the y wer e th e "sufferers " i n th e matte r o f slavery , an d ha d littl e "control." 7 Perhap s sh e gravitate d towar d white s partl y becaus e sh e per ceived white s a s havin g th e powe r t o improv e th e condition s o f blacks , and becaus e sh e fel t sh e ha d learne d ho w t o us e whit e prejudice , guilt , and idealis m t o motivat e white s t o mov e towar d improvin g thos e condi tions.

If Trut h i n approachin g friend s coul d sometime s see m preoccupied , an d not encouragin g intimat e friendship , perhap s i n tur n som e o f her friend s were attracte d t o he r no t s o muc h fo r th e sak e o f intimat e friendshi p a s for he r romanti c aura , he r abilit y t o inspir e them , an d he r abilit y t o promote causes . Although he r whit e critics could sa y that sh e was "child ish," or "despotic, " or s o crude tha t whe n sh e spok e "sh e moves her jaws as though sh e was chewing carpet tacks," 8 her white friends ofte n seeme d to feel , lik e Stowe , tha t he r peculiaritie s mad e he r mor e intriguing . Perhaps some whites were more accepting of her because she often playe d the role—in som e measure deliberately—of bein g naive and ignorant an d amusing, so that sh e did not entirely upset the white stereotypes of blacks; thus, despit e he r frequen t scoldin g o f whites, they migh t b e less likely t o feel her a s a threat. There ar e signs that som e of her white supporters genuinel y welcome d her int o their homes , and fel t honore d t o entertai n he r o r wor k wit h her . Eliza Legget t reporte d tha t whe n Trut h staye d i n he r hom e i n Detroit ,

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her presenc e wa s a "comfort, " an d th e famil y "al l lov e her. " Gile s B . Stebbins o f Detroit recalle d tha t Trut h coul d lif t a sick ma n "t o th e bes t place o n hi s be d a s easily an d tenderl y a s a mother woul d lif t he r baby, " and "he r word , 'Ther e honey , you' s easie r now, ' ha d a strang e powe r t o ease an d calm. " On e o f th e Merritt s recalle d tha t the y welcome d he r t o their tabl e a s a n honore d guest , eve n thoug h the y wer e criticize d fo r doing so . The Merrit t adult s dote d o n her wi t an d wisdo m an d the new s she gav e them fro m he r travels , and their childre n love d her warmth , he r deep voice , an d he r songs . Am y Pos t reporte d tha t eve r sinc e knowin g Truth sh e ha d "neve r cease d t o fee l mysel f stronge r i n spirit , an d mor e earnest fo r justice." After Trut h ha d visite d the Brookly n hom e o f Theodore Tilton , th e edito r o f the nation' s leadin g religiou s weekly , th e Ne w York Independent, Tilto n reporte d tha t he r "conversatio n i s witty, sarcas tic, sensible , an d oftentime s profound . He r varie d experienc e durin g a long life gives her a rich and deep fountain t o draw upon for the entertain ment an d instruction o f her friends." 9 On th e othe r hand , i t wa s possible eve n fo r white s wh o wer e seriousl y concerned fo r black s t o fee l distance d fro m her . Fo r example , th e test y Quaker Emil y Howlan d seeme d uncomfortabl e wit h Trut h whe n Trut h visited he r i n 187 8 a t he r rura l hom e i n Sherwoo d i n th e Finge r Lake s region o f New York . Howland, lik e Truth, ha d worke d wit h freedmen i n the Washingto n are a fo r severa l year s durin g an d afte r th e Civi l War , especially a s a teacher . Bu t Howlan d wa s mor e o f a doubte r tha n a believer, mor e demandin g tha n acceptin g o f herself an d others , includin g blacks. Sh e wa s intellectuall y understandin g o f wha t seeme d t o he r th e frenzied blac k singin g tha t sh e encountered , admittin g tha t fo r black s t o be abl e t o becom e absorbe d i n suc h singin g lifte d the m abov e thei r degradation an d helped them survive , but sh e remained uneas y with it . When Truth , accompanie d b y France s Titus , firs t cam e to Howland' s home neighborhoo d t o speak , an d Howlan d hear d her , Howlan d wrot e that sh e considere d he r "witt y & original. " Bu t afte r Howlan d invite d Truth an d Titu s t o sta y wit h he r a fe w days , Howlan d seeme d mor e a t ease wit h Titu s tha n wit h Truth . Howlan d note d i n he r privat e journa l that sh e had a "good talk " wit h Titus , bu t foun d Trut h clos e to "vulgar ity": Whe n i t cam e tim e fo r Howlan d t o tak e Trut h t o a meeting wher e Truth wa s t o speak , Howlan d wrot e tha t sh e "dreade d i t becaus e onl y her earnestnes s & age redeem he r effor t fro m coarsenes s & vulgarity." A t

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the meeting, however, Howland foun d Trut h "impressive, " and afterwar d admitted, " I came home relieved." 10

Truth wa s considerabl y dependen t o n her friend s becaus e sh e was illiter ate. He r daughters , wh o a t time s live d i n th e sam e hous e wit h her , wer e able to help with housekeeping , bu t the y coul d not rea d and write for he r since they were illiterate themselves. Of her grandchildren, Samue l Bank s often rea d an d wrot e for he r and travelled wit h her; after hi s death, Willi e Boyd sometime s wrot e fo r her , bu t h e wa s perhap s to o youn g o r other wise unsuitable, for h e never becam e as useful t o her a s Samuel ha d been . From a t leas t th e 1860 s Haviland , Titus , an d th e Merritt s wrot e letter s for her, and kept financial record s for he r a s well. Truth wa s also considerably dependen t o n her friends becaus e sh e wa s poor. Whe n younger , Trut h coul d suppor t hersel f b y doin g domesti c work a s needed; a s she grew olde r this becam e more difficul t an d eventu ally impossible . A t time s he r onl y incom e seeme d t o b e fro m collection s taken a t her lectures, or from sellin g copies of her songs , photos of herself, or th e boo k o n he r life . Sometime s sh e wa s sic k fo r lon g period s an d unable t o ear n eve n thi s inadequat e income . Sh e live d simply . The aboli tionist Parke r Pillsbury , visitin g he r i n Battl e Cree k a t he r hous e o n College Stree t i n 187 5 whe n sh e was sick, reported sh e lived in a "miser able littl e house , o f tw o rooms—th e on e contain s he r cot , als o . . . th e cook stov e which , wit h a chai r o r two , too k u p al l th e space. " Abou t a year late r sh e wa s s o poo r tha t fo r month s sh e coul d no t pa y fo r he r subscription t o a Battl e Cree k newspaper , an d aske d th e edito r t o con tinue sendin g he r th e pape r anyway , promisin g t o pa y late r afte r sh e ha d a better opportunit y t o sel l her books. 11 It wa s at abou t thi s time that sh e felt oblige d t o tak e ou t a mortgage o n he r hous e again , an d sh e probabl y had stil l not pai d it off when sh e died . There ar e signs that som e of Truth's friend s coul d be irritated with he r dependence o n them. Titus , whil e travelling wit h he r i n Kansas , becam e impatient t o d o relie f wor k b y herself . Whe n Truth , tourin g i n behal f o f her wester n land s proposal , arrive d unexpectedl y i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y area a t th e hom e o f Garrison's so n Wendell , Garriso n hear d abou t i t an d wrote hi s so n tha t Truth' s turnin g u p "mus t hav e bee n a surprise t o yo u all. Sh e i s indee d a remarkabl e woman , an d alway s deservin g o f consid -

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erate an d kin d treatment ; but , a t he r extrem e ag e . . . i t i s a pity tha t sh e cannot remai n quie t a t he r hom e i n Battl e Creek , instea d o f perambulat ing about th e country, compellin g hospitality whethe r o r no." 1 2 However, Truth' s friend s ofte n gav e he r donations , o r appeale d t o others t o d o so , an d the y ofte n di d s o graciously . I n 186 3 whe n Trut h was ill and not expecte d t o live long, Phoebe Merritt Stickney , at Truth' s request, wrot e fro m Battl e Cree k t o on e o f Truth's friends , th e progres sive Quake r ministe r Josep h Dugdal e i n Iowa , sayin g Trut h woul d b e grateful fo r a contribution t o "help her to live a little longer to praise Go d and spea k t o d e peopl e a few mor e time s i n thi s gloriou s da y o f emanci pation." Dugdal e no t onl y sen t a donation, sayin g "fe w i f any i n th e lan d are more worthy, " bu t als o circulated th e letter . Late r Stickne y acknowl edged th e receip t o f donation s fo r Trut h fro m a s fa r awa y a s Harrie t Beecher Stow e in Massachusetts an d Gerri t Smit h i n New York. 13 Truth's respons e t o he r financia l dependenc y range d fro m denia l o f it to apparen t acceptanc e o f i t an d t o strenuou s effor t t o overcom e it . Be cause Trut h pushe d har d ove r man y year s t o hel p th e freedme n becom e self-supporting, sh e might b e expected to be anxious to be self-supportin g herself, and sometime s sh e clearly was, as in her lette r to Still . She herself argued tha t whe n sh e sol d he r boo k o r song s o r photograph s o f herself , she wa s supportin g herself . Whe n sh e wa s sellin g he r photograph , sh e often sai d neatl y tha t sh e wante d t o "sel l th e shado w i n orde r t o suppor t the substance. " Selling her photograp h a t a convention i n New York , sh e said i n a poignan t expression , tha t sh e hersel f "use d t o b e sol d fo r othe r people's benefit, bu t no w sh e sold herself fo r her own. " More directly in a speech i n Michigan , sh e claime d sh e was sellin g her photograp h becaus e she was "bound no t to beg or receive charity." Yet Truth wa s also capable of appealing directl y fo r charit y fo r herself . A t a meeting o f the Pennsyl vania Anti-Slaver y Societ y in 1869 , with th e black Rober t Purvi s presid ing, an d th e venerabl e Lucreti a Mot t present , Trut h reviewe d he r life , her experienc e o f slavery , th e "goo d sh e ha d don e fo r he r race, " and , according t o th e minutes , sai d "tha t now , bein g poor , sh e wante d some thing don e for her." Whereupon " a subscription wa s raised for her." 14 When he r grandso n Samue l died , Truth wa s determined, a s she wrot e Still, tha t h e woul d no t b e "burie d b y th e town. " Fo r he r i n thi s case , having friend s contribut e t o payin g he r family' s necessar y expense s wa s acceptable, bu t havin g th e tow n d o s o woul d hav e bee n a disgrace . Sh e

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went t o grea t troubl e no t t o le t tha t happen , borrowin g mone y fo r th e funeral. Truth's frequen t acceptanc e o f he r dependenc e o n friends , reluctan t though i t ma y sometime s hav e been , ma y b e understoo d i n severa l ways . In he r time , evangelist s an d reformers , a s the y move d about , ofte n too k up collections to pay their expense s and accepte d the hospitality o f friend s they me t alon g th e way . Also , i n th e traditio n o f th e biblica l prophets , Truth believe d tha t Go d ha d calle d he r t o hel p d o Hi s work , s o tha t i t was natura l Go d woul d car e fo r her , a s through he r friends . Onc e whe n she wa s sic k an d unabl e t o rais e mone y b y he r usua l speaking , Trut h prayed, "Lord , yo u sen t d e raven s t o fee d 'Lija h i n d e wilderness ; no w send d e good angel s to feed m e while I live on thy footstool." 15 Moreover, thoug h significantl y dependen t o n her friends , Trut h chos e to think o f herself a s independent. Sh e revelle d i n bein g " a free agent , t o go an d com e whe n I pleased, " sh e recalled . Sh e avoide d organizationa l ties. Sh e avoide d lectur e bureaus . Sh e chos e t o interpre t he r lac k o f education a s meanin g tha t sh e wa s fre e fro m havin g bee n influence d b y anyone bu t God , sayin g i n 1851 : "I'm fres h fro m th e han d o f th e grea t Maker! Nobody's bee n modellin g me after an y of their patterns." She wa s still boastin g similarl y i n 1874 , tha t i t wa s God , no t an y college , whic h "has brough t m e wher e I am. " Whe n sh e gav e u p smoking , sh e insiste d that n o on e ha d influence d he r t o d o so . When sh e fel t th e nee d t o diffe r with value d co-workers , sh e coul d d o so , loudly . Sh e no t onl y rebuke d Frederick Douglas s fo r sayin g tha t slaver y coul d onl y b e abolishe d b y bloodshed, bu t als o just afte r th e Civi l War, whe n Gerri t Smit h wante d a quick reconciliatio n wit h th e defeate d Confederates , Trut h proteste d ve hemently i n a publi c letter : i t "make s al l m y nerve s quiver, " tha t Smit h already want s t o forgiv e th e Souther n "rebels , thieves, robbers, and mur derers. . . . Couldn't h e wait fo r them t o repent?" 16 Though sometime s sh e seeme d preoccupie d b y he r poverty , a t othe r times sh e seeme d t o ris e abov e suc h concerns . I n Battl e Creek , Phoeb e Merritt Stickne y wa s impresse d tha t Trut h wa s conten t t o liv e simply , saying i t woul d b e " a muc h bette r world " i f other peopl e ha d th e "good ness o f heart " tha t Trut h ha s "t o extrac t happines s fro m materia l sur roundings i n proportio n t o thei r possessions. " Whe n peopl e aske d he r how sh e cam e t o liv e s o long an d kee p he r mind , sh e answered , " I thin k of the grea t thing s o f God, no t littl e things. I don' t fritte r m y min d awa y

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in carin g fo r trifles. " Whe n sh e visited a friend i n Ne w Jersey , th e frien d reported, sh e "i s continuall y praisin g Go d fo r th e blessing s bestowe d upon her , an d neve r murmurin g becaus e o f hardship s endured. " Whe n she wa s o n he r wa y t o Kansas , a Chicago newspape r reported , "Ther e i s in he r manne r a dignit y o f bearing , a consciousnes s o f worth, a sens e o f equality, even if her ski n i s black as night, that command s respect." 17

20 Singer "If we can laugh and sing a little as we fight the good fight of freedom, it makes it all go easier."

A t it s best, Truth's singing , warm an d distinctivel y he r own , powerfull y conveyed he r experienc e a s a slave, a black, a woman, an d a child o f Go d struggling fo r justice . Truth' s singin g als o reflecte d Africa n influence s more clearly than mos t aspect s of her life . When Trut h wa s the slav e of Martin Schryver , th e innkeeper, h e gav e a dance . Jus t a chil d then , Trut h watche d th e dancing , an d becam e entranced. Sh e hear d th e dancer s sin g wha t sh e recalle d a s "th e the n famous song , 'Washington' s Ball, ' " a song whic h proclaime d tha t Wash ington wa s a "brave Christian soldie r who planted the tree of liberty, eac h verse endin g wit h som e advic e t o th e dancer s i n som e ver y spirite d measures." She could stil l sing the son g in her ol d age. 1 Truth san g heartil y fro m th e tim e sh e wa s young . Gertrude , th e daughter o f he r maste r Dumont , remembere d he r a s having a "ric h an d powerful" voice. 2 At th e firs t religiou s meetin g sh e recalle d attending , a Methodis t meeting hel d i n a private hom e just afte r sh e wa s free d fro m slavery , sh e heard th e littl e know n hymn , "Ther e I s a Hol y City. " A s sh e recalle d i n her old age, she never heard anyon e else sing it again, but fro m hearin g it only that once , she was able to sing it the rest o f her life. 3 Singing became important t o her. Although sh e found hersel f attracte d to bot h Methodist s an d Quakers , sh e decide d t o join th e Methodists , a s 219

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she explaine d later , becaus e th e Methodist s woul d le t her sing , while th e Quakers, in keeping wit h their tradition o f silent worship, would not. 4 Truth learne d t o sin g i n th e North , no t th e South . Sh e neve r eve n visited th e Sout h unti l sh e wa s i n he r sixtie s durin g th e Civi l War . However, he r singin g styl e wa s recognize d a s lik e tha t o f Souther n blacks: I t wa s calle d "southern " o r "tru e plantatio n style." 5 Sinc e i t wa s so recognized , i t evidentl y ha d i n i t element s o f blac k Africa n styl e common t o both Souther n an d Norther n blac k singing , suc h a s a rousing basic beat, guttural voic e texture, slurs in tone, improvisation, an d accom panying bod y movement . What w e kno w o f th e Hudso n Rive r slaves ' celebratio n o f Pinkster , and her own eagernes s to participate in it, suggests that amon g the black s she associated wit h i n the region , th e Africa n traditio n o f song and danc e persisted, an d sh e felt it s power . While Trut h wa s stil l a slave , Norther n blacks , lik e Souther n blacks , were creatin g thei r ow n religiou s songs , bot h word s an d music . Black s often create d suc h song s becaus e the y wer e isolate d fro m churches , an d because, bein g illiterate , they wer e unabl e t o rea d hymns . I n thes e song s they expresse d bot h thei r feelin g o f bein g oppresse d an d thei r nee d fo r hope. The y combine d Africa n an d Christia n traditions , includin g stron g repetitive rhythm s and , t o match , stron g repetitiv e phrases , ofte n fro m the Bible . Early i n th e 1800s , man y educate d white s too k littl e interes t i n blac k singing, disdaining it as inferior, o r at best merely amusing. Som e whites, however, especiall y illiterat e whites , foun d the y like d th e stron g rhyth m and repetitiv e phrase s o f black religiou s songs , an d learne d t o sin g the m with delight . I n 181 9 a whit e Methodis t reporte d tha t i n northeaster n churches an d cam p meetings , bot h whit e an d blac k Methodist s wer e singing hymns , no t i n hym n books , whic h ha d bee n improvise d b y illiterate blacks . H e complaine d tha t thes e hymn s wer e to o muc h lik e dance music , tha t bot h black s an d white s san g the m to o loudly , to o lat e into the night , an d wit h to o much "anima l spirit, " and tha t h e sometime s found i t difficul t t o mak e sens e ou t o f their word s becaus e the y endlessl y repeated "idl e expletives" like "glory, glory, glory." 6 Truth evidentl y participate d i n suc h singing . I n Ne w Yor k Cit y sh e took par t i n praye r meetings, she recalled, wher e the participants clappe d and stampe d unti l the y became , sh e felt , to o deliriou s wit h excitement. 7 But suc h meetings gav e her experienc e in improvising songs .

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When Trut h visite d Harrie t Beeche r Stow e i n Andover , Massachu setts, i n 1853 , Stow e describe d he r a s give n t o talkin g an d singin g o f "glory." She would sin g songs whose burde n was , "O glory, glory , glory , won't yo u com e alon g wit h me? " An d "whe n lef t t o herself , sh e woul d often hu m thes e wit h grea t delight , noddin g he r head." 8 Repetition s o f such word s a s "glory , glory , glory " an d suc h question s a s "won' t yo u come alon g wit h me? " wer e commo n i n blac k songs , i n cam p meetin g songs, and i n Methodist songs . By th e tim e Trut h lef t Ne w Yor k Cit y an d becam e a wanderin g evangelist i n Ne w England , i t wa s clea r tha t he r singin g ha d becom e a significant par t o f her appeal to audiences. As one of her Adventist friend s of this perio d recalled , sh e wa s a "great favorit e i n ou r meetings , bot h o n account o f her remarkabl e gif t i n prayer , an d stil l more remarkabl e talen t for singing. " 9 She san g no t onl y song s sh e learne d fro m other s bu t als o song s sh e herself composed . Sh e recalled , " I use d t o mak e man y songs. " Bot h th e songs she composed and the way she sang them were very much her own . Her frien d Oliv e Gilber t recalle d tha t whoeve r hear d Trut h sin g "It Wa s Early i n th e Morning, " on e o f th e hymn s sh e hersel f composed , "wil l probably remembe r i t a s lon g a s the y remembe r her. " Th e hymn , th e tune, an d he r peculia r styl e wer e "eac h to o closel y associated " wit h he r "to be easily separated fro m herself." 10 Even whe n sh e san g song s sh e hersel f ha d no t composed , sh e mad e them he r own . Whe n sh e visite d Mrs . Stowe , Trut h san g on e hymn , according t o Stowe , "i n a strange, cracke d voic e . . . mispronouncing th e English, bu t seemin g t o deriv e a s muc h elevatio n an d comfor t fro m ba d English a s fro m good. " Sh e san g it , accordin g t o Stowe , "wit h a trium phant energ y that hel d the whole circle around he r intently listening . Sh e sang with the strong barbaric accen t o f the native African, an d with thos e indescribable upwar d turn s an d thos e dee p guttural s whic h giv e suc h a wild, peculia r powe r t o th e negr o singing—bu t abov e all , wit h suc h a n overwhelming energ y o f personal appropriatio n tha t th e hym n seeme d t o be fuse d i n th e furnac e o f he r feeling s an d com e ou t recrystallize d a s a production o f her own." She also "seemed," Stowe wrote, "to impersonat e the fervo r o f Ethiopia , wild , savage , hunte d o f al l nations , bu t burnin g after Go d i n her tropic heart, and stretching her scarred hands toward th e glory to be revealed." n11 Early i n he r antislaver y career , Trut h attende d a hug e antislaver y

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meeting held i n a grove near Boston . At th e meeting, as she remembere d afterward, sh e sol d flyers o f som e o f he r "home-made " songs , wit h th e words printe d out , fo r five or ten cent s a piece. "I alway s ha d somethin g to pa y m y wa y with, " sh e recalled . Bu t som e peopl e hesitate d t o bu y them, asking , "Wha t tun e d o yo u sin g i t to? " and sh e ha d t o admi t tha t she "didn' t know, " apparentl y meanin g tha t sh e di d no t kno w ho w t o identify th e tune b y name. William Lloy d Garriso n notice d he r difficulty . H e spok e to her, a s she remembered lon g afterward : " 'Now, Sojourner , yo u g o o n th e platfor m and mak e a speech, an d yo u wil l sel l your song s lik e anything. ' . . . S o I went u p there, and Garriso n calle d for order. Sai d he, 'It is time to begin. ' And the people came and sat down o n the boards, and some stood. 'Now, ' said he , 'Sojourne r Trut h wil l addres s yo u i n he r ow n peculia r way , an d Wendell Phillip s will follow.' " Truth fel t embarrassed to be speaking just before the illustrious Bosto n patrician Phillips . But , sh e recalled , " I thought , I ca n d o on e thin g tha t he can' t do . . . . S o I sai d I ha d a home-made son g that I wante d t o sing . So I sung one; and i f I skipped a part, nobody wa s the wiser. " She san g on e o f her favorit e songs , which , sh e recalled , i n thos e day s she could mak e "roar," including these verses: I am pleading for my people, A poor, down-trodden race, Who dwell in freedom's boasted land, With no abiding place. I am pleading for the mothers Who gaze in wild despair Upon the hated auction-block, And see their children there. 12 From thi s son g i t i s apparen t tha t b y thi s tim e Trut h ha d develope d a taste no t onl y fo r emotiona l song s wit h repetitiv e phrase s i n them , bu t also for song s of conceptual power . Truth ofte n san g a t meeting s jus t befor e o r just afte r sh e spoke . Sh e often seeme d t o sin g wit h ease , fervently. Sh e wa s described , whethe r a s a speake r o r singer , a s having a voice tha t was , variously , "deep , power ful," "rich, " "resonant, " an d "wel l modulated. " A Providenc e newspape r called he r voic e " a clear , strong , bu t rathe r heav y voic e fo r a woman. "

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Her ol d friend Josep h Dugdal e recalle d tha t i n he r earl y year s i t ha d been a "clarion " voice . A s lat e a s 187 7 a Michiga n newspape r declare d that i t was "still like a trumpet." 13 On occasio n Trut h slyl y use d he r singin g t o introduc e antislaver y images int o religiou s meeting s tha t wer e no t necessaril y antislavery . A s she explaine d i t muc h late r a t a convention , elicitin g "grea t laughter" : "You se e I hav e sun g i n th e anti-slaver y meeting s an d i n th e religiou s meetings. Well , they didn' t cal l anti-slavery religious , and s o I didn' t cal l my son g a n anti-slaver y song—calle d i t religious , s o I coul d mak e i t answer fo r both." 14 Although b y th e 1840 s man y America n urba n churches , includin g black churches , wer e beginnin g t o hav e choirs , Truth i s never know n t o have sun g wit h a church choir . Whe n sh e san g i n fron t o f audiences, sh e is never know n t o hav e sun g wit h a grou p o f any kind , no t i n a duet, o r with a chorus, or even wit h instrumentalist s accompanyin g her . Sh e san g alone. In he r publi c singing , as in muc h o f the rest o f her life , she seeme d to be, conspicuously, a n individualist . Like many blues singers, however, Truth san g not only out of her ow n experience but ou t of the experience of blacks at large. She sang especially of the agony of herself and others as slaves. Not feeling the need to protec t herself b y maskin g he r meanin g a s blacks wh o wer e stil l slave s ofte n fel t the need to do, she sang of the agony directly : Whilst I bear upon my body The scars of many a gash, I am pleading for my people Who groan beneath the lash.15 But sh e also held ou t hope , as in this song : O, slave mother, hope! see—the nation is shaking! The arm of the Lord is awake to thy wrong! The slaveholder's heart now with terror is quaking, Salvation and mercy to Heaven belong! Rejoice, O rejoice! for the child thou art rearing May one day lift up its unmanacled form, While hope, to thy heart, like the rainbow so cheering, Is born, like the rainbow, 'mid tempest and storm. 16 She also held out a different kin d o f hope, in another song :

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In ever y day of trouble I'll rais e my thoughts o n high , I'll think o f that brigh t templ e And crown s above the sky. 17 Her audiences , mostl y white , ofte n responde d warml y t o he r singing . At a Progressiv e Friend s meetin g i n Pennsylvani a i n 1 8 5 3 , sh e sai d sh e felt "deepl y move d t o sing, " an d san g th e followin g song , whic h ha d appeared i n a n antislaver y son g book . I t wa s particularl y appropriat e fo r her, a s a former slav e mother , t o sing : I pit y the slav e mother, carewor n an d weary , Who sigh s as she presses her bab e to her breast ; I lamen t he r sa d fate, all so hopeless and dreary , I lamen t fo r her woes, and her wrongs unredressed . O wh o ca n imagin e her heart's deep emotion , As she thinks o f her children abou t t o be sold ; You ma y picture the bound s o f the rock-girdled ocean , But th e grie f of that mothe r ca n neve r b e told. By thi s song , on e listene r felt , T r u t h "reache d th e dee p foun t o f parenta l tenderness." 1 8 In Rocheste r a t a n equa l right s conventio n i n 1866 , a t th e ag e o f abou t 69 (bu t sai d t o b e nearl y 100) , accordin g t o on e Republica n newspaper , her singin g "wa s receive d b y th e audienc e wit h ever y manifestatio n o f delight." Accordin g t o anothe r Republica n newspaper , however , sh e ha d some difficult y wit h a song : Sojourner, wh o i s a tal l an d somewha t remarkabl e lookin g negress , o f ver y advanced age , cam e forwar d an d propose d t o sin g fo r th e delectatio n o f th e audience. Th e suggestio n wa s receive d wit h decide d manifestation s o f approval , and sh e immediatel y brok e fort h wit h a cam p meetin g hym n o f mos t singula r character. Th e ol d woman' s voic e whil e singin g i s quit e masculine , an d i t occa sionally "splits" at the close of a bar, and changes into something between a squeal and a whoop , producin g a very ludicrou s effect . Fro m th e laughte r whic h foun d vent i n ever y par t o f the hall , it migh t hav e bee n suppose d tha t sh e wa s favorin g the conventio n wit h a comic song . A t th e conclusio n sh e goo d naturedl y referre d to the amusement sh e had create d and apologized for the defects o f her voice upon the groun d o f her age . Another Rocheste r newspaper , a Democrati c on e an d therefor e likel y to b e mor e hostil e t o he r a s a black , interprete d he r singin g o n thi s sam e

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occasion differently . I t sai d tha t whe n sh e bega n t o sing , sh e first mad e "several attempts, " an d the n finally "go t of f i n a hym n t o th e grea t amusement o f the audience—th e boy s in particular . A t th e hig h note s i n the tune she would break—her voic e being inadequate to compass them. " At the conclusion sh e apologized t o her audienc e humorously, sayin g tha t even i f the audience coul d no t hea r he r hig h notes , at least sh e could hea r these notes . Sh e said : "Chilren—ye'v e hear n th e ecke r [echo] , haven' t yse? Well my voice has an ecker, bu t it' s inside of me and ye don't hear it . Dat'sdewayofit." 1 9 Whatever difficultie s Trut h ha d wit h he r voic e on som e occasions, sh e kept o n singin g i n publi c fo r man y years . A t a n equa l right s conventio n in Ne w Yor k i n 1867 , sh e sai d sh e ha d no t hear d an y singin g a t th e convention, bu t "ther e ough t t o b e singin g here. " Though sh e admitted , I "can' t sin g a s wel l a s I use d to, " sh e proceede d t o sing , t o "heart y applause," what on e newspaper calle d "a weird, wailing song, with a very queer tune, an odd though clea r pronunciation o f words, and her old head swaying t o an d fr o i n harmony. " Th e song , whic h sh e san g twic e t o th e same convention, sh e called one of her favorites : We are going home, we have visions bright Of that holy land, that world of light Where the long dark night is past, And the morning of eternity has come at last. Where the weary saints no more shall roam, But dwell in a sunny, and peaceful home. Where the brow, celestial gems shall crown And waves of bliss are dashing 'round. [Chorus] Oh! that beautiful home—oh ! that beautiful world. 20 The nex t yea r sh e san g th e sam e son g t o som e 60 0 listener s a t a Progressive Friend s meetin g i n Eri e County , Ne w York . Thoug h Trut h was about seventy-on e year s old at the time, one listener reported that sh e sang thi s son g "i n a steady, clea r voice , which w e kno w fel l lik e a sacre d baptism upo n al l hearts present." 21 Speaking i n Detroi t i n th e campaig n fo r th e reelectio n o f Presiden t Grant i n 1872 , when sh e was about seventy-five , sh e "sang several of her original songs , al l o f which, " accordin g t o a newspaper , "wer e receive d with applause. " When sh e wa s speakin g i n a small Pennsylvani a tow n i n

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1874, a newspaper reporte d sh e san g "righ t sweetl y a negro melod y . . . giving just enoug h o f the souther n negr o double-demi-semi-quave r t o it , to mak e i t interesting. " Speakin g i n Chicag o i n 1879 , sh e conclude d a lecture by singing her ol d favorite Ulste r Count y hymn, "Ther e I s a Holy City"; a newspape r reporte d tha t i t "wa s ver y wel l received , althoug h i t was very long and not speciall y interesting as a rhythmic production." O n the sam e visit t o Chicago , whe n sh e was being interviewe d b y a reporte r in a privat e home , sh e san g fo r hi m anothe r o f he r ol d favorites , " I A m Pleading fo r M y People" ; sh e san g it , th e reporte r wrote , "i n a no t unpleasant thoug h quiverin g voice." After sh e spoke in Lansin g in 1881 , when sh e wa s abou t 8 4 year s ol d (bu t believe d t o b e 106) , sh e "san g a hymn i n stron g musical tones." 22 Of the song s that sh e sang, fourteen ca n b e named b y their title , or b y their first lines , o r a t leas t b y som e snatc h o f thei r lines . Mos t o f thes e fourteen wer e no t wel l known , suggestin g he r tast e i n song s wa s eccen tric. Thes e fourtee n ar e a s follows , arrange d b y th e dat e an d plac e tha t she first sang or published o r quoted them, as far a s known: "Washington's Ball " "There I s a Holy City " "It Wa s Early i n the Morning " "I Bless the Lor d I'v e Go t M y Seal " "I Am Pleadin g for M y People " "We Are Goin g Home " (Chorus: "Beautiful Home" ) "I'm o n My Wa y to Canada " "O Glory, Glory , Glory " "I Pit y the Slav e Mother " "Hail Y e Abolitionists" "Judah"(Juba?) "We Are the Valiant Soldiers " "Free, Free, Free, Indeed " "We'll Take the Partin g Hand "

1807? Kingston, NY 2 3 1827, Esopus? NY 2 4 1844? Northampton, MA 2 5 1844? Northampton, M A 2 6 1852, New Lisbon , O H 2 7 1852, flyer, referring t o Ne w Lisbon, O H 2 8 1852, flyer, referring t o Ne w Lisbon, O H 2 9 1853, Andover, M A 3 0 i853,01dKennett,PA31 i854?Abington,MA 3 2 1860-1863? Battl e Creek , MI33 1863, Detroit, M I 3 4 1864? Washington, D C 3 5 1874, West Chester , PA 3 6

Among thes e fourtee n songs , th e on e sh e sang , o r quoted , o r publishe d most ofte n i s " I A m Pleadin g fo r M y People, " wit h nin e documente d

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instances. Thi s wa s an antislaver y son g o f eleven verse s (w e have alread y quoted som e o f the m i n thi s chapte r an d earlier) , whos e word s sh e ha d composed herself , an d whic h sh e san g t o th e tun e o f "Auld Lan g Syne. " She sang it to audiences both before and after th e Civil War, in antislaver y meetings an d i n meeting s wher e sh e wa s tellin g th e stor y o f he r life . A Topeka newspape r calle d i t "ver y beautifu l an d pathetic." 37 Othe r song s she san g moderatel y ofte n are : "Ther e I s a Hol y City, " he r ol d favorit e Ulster Count y hymn , wit h five instances , an d thre e instance s eac h fo r "We Ar e Goin g Home, " "I' m o n M y Wa y t o Canada, " "I t Wa s Earl y i n the Morning," and "W e Are the Valiant Soldiers. " Among he r fourtee n songs , onl y thre e wer e know n t o hav e bee n printed o n flyers, presumabl y fo r he r t o sell. Two o f these were primaril y antislavery songs , " I A m Pleadin g fo r M y People " and "P m o n M y Wa y to Canada" ; th e thir d wa s a religiou s song , "W e Ar e Goin g Home. " Among he r fourtee n songs , there ar e nine fo r whic h th e word s o f at leas t one apparently complet e verse have been preserved . The word s o f some o f the song s sh e hersel f compose d ar e no t known . Speaking a t a blac k churc h i n Topek a i n 1879 , sh e wa s tantalizingl y reported t o hav e sun g " a song , th e musi c an d poetr y o f whic h wa s composed b y her som e thirty year s ago, which delineate d th e oppression s of he r race, " bu t th e word s o f th e son g wer e no t reported. 38 However , songs she sang that ca n be named and are believed to have been compose d by her a t least with respec t t o the words are: "I Bless the Lor d I'v e Go t M y Seal " "It Wa s Early i n the Morning " "Hail Y e Abolitionists!" "I Am Pleadin g fo r My People " "We Are the Valiant Soldiers " Of the nin e o f her song s whos e word s sh e probabl y di d no t compose , some indicatio n abou t th e origi n o f th e word s o f thre e o f the m seem s reliable. The word s o f "I Pit y th e Slav e Mother " wer e taken fro m Garri son's Liberator, an d wer e republishe d i n a n 184 4 antislaver y son g book . The word s o f "Ther e I s a Hol y City " wer e a s sh e remembere d the m being sun g a t a Methodist meetin g i n Ulste r County , Ne w York. 39 Th e

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words o f "We Are Goin g Home " were those o f an ol d revival song . Lon g after Trut h i s known t o hav e printe d th e word s o f this son g i n a n 185 2 flyer, its word s appeare d i n a collectio n o f Methodist-related reviva l songs , called The Revivalist, publishe d i n 186 9 i n Troy , Ne w York , though i n a somewhat differen t version . For instance, while Truth gav e these lines: Where the brow celestial gems shall crown And waves of bliss are dashing round, The Revivalist gav e the sam e lines as: Where the brow with sparkling gems is crown'd And the waves of bliss are flowing round.40 For other s o f the song s tha t Trut h sang , i t i s possibl e t o giv e a t leas t hints o n th e origi n o f th e words . I n regar d t o "Washington' s Ball, " although n o "famous " son g o f th e tim e i s identifiabl e b y tha t precis e name, i t ma y hav e bee n a versio n o f th e well-know n "Washington' s March" (i n variou s version s o f word s an d musi c calle d als o "President' s March," "Washington's Gran d March, " "Washington Guard' s Quic k Step, " and th e like) , with th e musi c compose d b y the 1790s . However , non e of the word s fo r variou s availabl e version s o f "Washington' s March " fit Truth's summar y o f the words of "Washington's Ball." Other o f the song s Truth san g may have been blac k fol k songs . "I'm o n My Way to Canada " may hav e bee n on e becaus e Harrie t Tubma n a s wel l a s Trut h san g it — Tubman san g i t whil e guidin g fugitiv e slave s t o Canada . Whe n Trut h sang "We'll Take th e Partin g Hand, " it was called a "negro melody." 41 The subject s tha t ma y b e sai d t o hav e appeare d i n he r fourtee n song s most frequentl y (countin g severa l o f the song s a s havin g mor e tha n on e subject), wer e religio n i n eigh t songs , an d antislaver y i n six . Appearin g in tw o song s eac h wer e women' s rights , patriotism , an d dancing , whil e pro-war argument, antiwa r argument , and the subject o f parting appeare d in onl y on e son g each . Non e o f he r know n song s ha s temperanc e a s a theme. Als o absen t wer e suc h popula r theme s a s romanti c love , fon d recollection o f a particula r place , o r th e beaut y o f nature . I n neithe r he r singing no r he r speakin g wa s Trut h know n t o hav e dwel t o n thes e themes.

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Among th e song s sh e sang , th e tune s o f five ar e known , mos t o f the m popular tune s in her time : "I'm o n My Wa y to Canada " Tune

"I Am Pleadin g for M y People " Tune

"I Pit y the Slav e Mother" Tune

"We Are Goin g Home " Tune "We Are the Valiant Soldiers " Tune

: Stephe n C . Foster's "Oh , Susanna" (probabl y first sung in Pittsburg h i n 1847 ) : "Auld Lan g Syne " (an ol d Scottish tune that ha d become popular i n Americ a by the 1790s ) : "Araby's Daughter " (composed b y the Englis h musician Georg e Kiallmark , born 1781 ) : a revival song , published a t least in 186 9 : An eighteenth-centur y English tun e (late r calle d "John Brown' s Body, " an d still later calle d "Battl e Hymn o f the Republic" )

Other tune s sh e sang , includin g "We'l l Tak e th e Partin g Hand, " ma y have been traditional blac k fol k tunes . Truth san g no t onl y i n meetings , bu t als o o n visit s t o neighbor s a s in Harmonia where , accordin g t o on e of her neighbors , sh e sang both "anti slavery and religious songs." She also sang when workin g for the Merritt s in Battl e Creek , lookin g afte r thei r children . A s on e o f th e famil y late r recalled, whe n som e o f the Merrit t childre n wer e small , sh e woul d roc k them t o sleep , "whil e sh e san g quain t Negr o lullabies. " Anothe r o f th e Merritt famil y recalle d tha t whe n Trut h "woul d sin g and cla p Judah" fo r one of the Merrit t bab y boys , he "woul d sto p hi s play" to com e danc e fo r her. 42 "Judah" ma y hav e bee n th e Merritts ' renderin g o f Truth's pronuncia tion o f "Juba, " originall y a n Africa n danc e tha t became , i n man y varia tions, a traditiona l African-America n dance , accompanie d b y singing , clapping, pattin g th e hand s o n th e thighs , an d pattin g th e fee t o n th e

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ground. A s wit h othe r blac k song s an d dances , th e Juba' s word s an d motions were often improvised , an d appeared a t different time s and place s in many differen t versions , including version s for children . As on e versio n o f Jub a wa s sun g i n Ne w Yor k b y 1848 , i t include d these lines: Juba dis, Juba dat, Round de kittle ob possum fat As sun g fo r dancin g o n a Marylan d plantatio n i n 1832 , th e Jub a included: Juber forrud, Juber back; Juber dis way, Juber dat; Juber in, un Juber out; Juber, Juber, all ubbout. Juber! At th e en d o f thi s verse , th e dancers , pretendin g t o b e trippe d u p b y each other , collapse d int o a "struggling heap " on the ground , laughing. 43 If Truth , afte r singin g suc h a son g an d clappin g he r hand s fo r a littl e child to dance , encourage d th e chil d t o conclud e b y fallin g o n th e floor, it i s small wonde r tha t th e chil d woul d sto p wha t h e wa s doin g t o danc e for her . According to Elizabeth Cad y Stanton , Trut h sai d once: "Life i s a hard battle anyway , an d i f we ca n laug h an d sin g a little a s w e fight th e goo d fight o f freedom, i t makes it all go easier." 44 Truth i s no t know n t o hav e sun g wha t becam e know n a s blac k spiri tuals. Thes e spiritual s wer e likel y t o b e o f Souther n origin , an d s o per haps no t familia r t o he r fro m he r earl y years . I t wa s onl y i n th e 1870s , when th e Fis k Universit y Jubile e Singer s mad e blac k spiritual s popular , that many American white s first found themselve s deeply moved by them. Truth becam e incidentally associate d with on e of these spirituals in 1879 , when accordin g t o th e Chicag o Times, a s she arrive d t o spea k a t a whit e Chicago church , "supporte d b y he r faithfu l cane , th e excellen t choi r present struc k u p 'Swin g Low , Swee t Chariot, ' a well-known an d popu lar negr o melody , an d continue d singin g whil e th e ol d lad y hobble d he r way to the rostrum." 45 About a year before Trut h died , when a visitor called at her house, she

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sang, "withou t a moment's hesitation " ove r eithe r th e word s o r th e air , a song sh e remembere d fro m he r childhood , "Washington' s Ball. " Th e visitor reporte d tha t sh e san g i t "wit h spirit, " an d tha t he r voic e wa s "strong" and "masculine, " but no t "coarse." 46 A fe w week s befor e Trut h died , France s Titu s visite d he r on e morn ing, after sh e had a wretched night . Bu t Titu s reporte d tha t sh e manage d to smil e an d sin g "i n a sweet , lo w voice " on e o f he r ow n "home-made " songs: It was early in the morning, It was early in the morning, Just at the break of day, When He rose, when He rose, when He rose, And went to heaven on a cloud.47

21 Talking wit h Go d God "is a great ocean of love, and we live and move in Him as the fishesin the sea."

Truth like d t o sa y tha t onc e sh e ha d converte d t o Christ , sh e neve r "changed" he r religion. 1 Whil e certainl y Trut h alway s retaine d muc h o f her earl y religiou s perspective , ove r th e year s sh e opene d hersel f t o a surprising variet y o f religiou s experiences . Sh e shape d he r ow n religio n to b e no t onl y unworldly , bu t also , i n seemin g contradiction , t o b e concerned, a s she said, to turn th e world "righ t sid e up." In Ne w Yor k Cit y sh e joined variou s churches , trie d bein g a mission ary to prostitutes, and tried fasting. Sh e took part i n revival meetings tha t included shoutin g an d jumping. Sh e cam e unde r th e spel l o f the clamor ous prophe t Matthia s wh o calle d himsel f a Jew. Bu t sh e lef t Ne w Yor k as an evangelist wit h considerabl y traditiona l Christia n beliefs . She seeme d t o hav e contradictor y need s i n regar d t o associatin g wit h religious groups : O n th e on e han d sh e chos e t o liv e i n thre e intentiona l communities wit h distinctl y differen t religiou s styles , an d o n th e othe r hand onc e sh e lef t Ne w Yor k sh e seeme d t o sh y awa y fro m tyin g hersel f to any one church . Over th e year s she continued th e direc t communicatio n wit h Go d tha t she ha d begu n whil e stil l a slave . I n he r middl e year s sh e stil l said , " I talks to God an d Go d talk s to me." But he r conceptio n o f God seeme d t o move fro m th e mor e concret e t o th e mor e abstract . Whe n sh e wa s con verted, sh e claime d tha t sh e sa w Go d directl y an d fel t overwhelme d b y 232

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His presence . I n he r ol d age , i n a lette r t o a Chicag o newspaper , sh e seemed t o rejec t th e ide a tha t w e coul d se e Go d directly , sayin g instead , "We shal l neve r se e Go d onl y a s we se e Hi m i n on e another. " Whe n sh e was near death , and a friend, visitin g her, expressed grie f at her suffering , Truth replie d i n a wa y suggestin g tha t sh e ha d com e t o hav e a loftier , more inclusiv e vie w o f Go d tha n sh e onc e had : "Oh , I suffers , chile , o f course I do ; but I hain't bee n thinkin ' o ' that; I'v e bee n thinkin ' al l day of the Infinite . Th e Infinite , chile ! Thin k o n it—wha t a wor d i t is ! Th e Infinite, an d you and I are in it; we're part on't." 2 Similarly, ove r th e year s sh e move d awa y fro m a literal interpretatio n of the Bible . Soo n afte r sh e ha d bee n converted , whe n sh e sai d sh e first heard preachin g fro m th e Bible , sh e believe d tha t devil s literall y wer e chasing her, and that hell literally was a place of flames. In time, however, in accordance with considerabl e Protestan t tradition , Truth cam e to wan t to decid e fo r hersel f wha t th e Bibl e meant . Sh e discovere d tha t i f adult s read th e Bibl e t o her , the y woul d invariabl y commen t o n wha t i t mean t to them, intrudin g o n he r ow n interpretation , whil e i f she asked childre n to do so, they woul d not comment . S o when sh e could, she asked childre n to read it to her. 3 According t o Oliv e Gilbert , b y 185 0 Trut h ha d alread y worke d ou t for hersel f view s tha t differe d fro m th e litera l tex t o f the Bible , an d wer e not in accordance with an y existing system o f theology. In listenin g to the creation stor y bein g rea d fro m Genesis , sh e thought tha t God , i f H e i s a spirit, di d no t nee d t o rest , a s th e stor y say s H e did , an d tha t therefor e there wa s n o soun d basi s for th e establishmen t o f the Sabbat h a s a day of rest. Sh e believe d tha t Go d "wa s t o b e worshippe d a t al l times an d i n al l places," not just o n specia l day s o r i n specia l places . Sh e cam e t o believ e that "th e spiri t o f truth" spok e through th e Bible , "but tha t th e recorder s of those truths had intermingled wit h them idea s and suppositions of their own." Trut h wa s afraid , however , tha t suc h view s a s thes e migh t b e considered t o b e "infidel " views , an d so , according t o Gilbert , fo r a lon g time sh e di d no t revea l suc h view s t o others. 4 A s Trut h sai d hersel f i n a speech i n he r ol d age , sh e use d t o believ e i n hel l a s sh e sa w i t onc e i n a picture, a s a terribl e smoking , flaming "abyss, " bu t "whe n I go t olde r I found ou t ther e waV t n o suc h thin g a s hell, " an d tha t th e min d tha t conceived tha t pictur e wa s "narrow. " Bu t sh e continue d t o believe , sh e said enigmatically , tha t "God' s brightnes s . . . i s hot enoug h t o scorc h al l the sinners in the world." 5

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Although sh e continued al l her life to have the Bible read to her, urge d others t o stud y it , an d frequentl y cite d i t i n suppor t o f variou s publi c positions sh e took , sh e believe d tha t i t wa s no t th e onl y sourc e o f God' s truth. I n th e earl y 1850s , whe n a theology professo r aske d he r wh y sh e seemed s o sur e abou t he r belie f i n heaven , sh e replie d no t becaus e th e Bible tol d he r s o bu t becaus e " I go t suc h a hankerin ' 'arte r i t i n here, " indicating herself . Similarly , whe n peopl e sai d t o he r tha t sh e ough t t o learn t o rea d th e Bible , her repl y was , as she reported i t i n 1881 , "I hav e a Bibl e i n me. " Sh e said , lik e man y evangelicals , tha t Go d reveale d Himself t o he r i n man y ways . Fo r instance , i n 187 9 sh e sai d tha t news papers, o r a t leas t certai n newspapers , provide d text s abou t lif e throug h which "she could see God's workings and evident purposes." She shocke d some peopl e whe n o n a Sunda y i n Kansa s sh e aske d t o hav e rea d t o he r not th e Bibl e bu t th e curren t Chicag o newspapers . Newspaper s ar e "th e last gospel, " she wrote in 1881 , and claimed she had believe d s o for man y years. A t abou t th e sam e tim e sh e sai d i n a speec h tha t sh e wishe d someone would writ e a new Bible that woul d discard the old Mosaic "eye for a n eye " laws, and giv e us ne w "spiritua l doctrines " to kee p pac e wit h the "wonderfu l inventions " of our time. 6 While onc e sh e ha d seeme d afrai d t o acknowledg e "infidel " influence s in her life , in her ol d age she was willing to say that if any of her associate s in the Northampton communit y "wer e infidels, I wish the world were ful l of such infidels. Religio n withou t humanit y i s a poor human stuff." 7

Like Truth, th e leading white abolitionist-feminist wome n o f her time, in becoming leader s in reform, emancipate d themselve s in some degree fro m religious orthodoxy . Bu t lik e Truth , man y o f thes e women—suc h a s Elizabeth Cad y Stanton , Luc y Stone , Susa n B . Anthony , an d Josephin e Griffing—remained essentiall y religiou s i n poin t o f view . Lik e Truth , they fel t Go d "called " the m t o th e sacre d missio n o f reform, an d guide d them i n wha t the y did . Lik e Truth , thei r religio n wa s eclecti c an d non conformist, ofte n influence d b y the Quaker emphasi s on inner conscience . Also lik e Truth , the y wer e incline d t o b e i n transitio n fro m th e earlie r belief that the improvement o f mankind depende d primarily o n individua l regeneration towar d th e mor e moder n belie f tha t suc h improvemen t de pended primaril y o n socia l an d institutiona l change . The y wer e no t in clined t o becom e bitte r becaus e o f thei r failur e t o attai n thei r visionar y

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goals, bu t t o remai n romanti c optimists , lik e Truth , wit h abundan t fait h that Go d woul d eventuall y carr y th e da y fo r justice. 8 However , Trut h remained al l he r lif e mor e Christ-centere d i n he r belief s an d mor e evan gelical in styl e than man y o f her whit e abolitionist-feminis t colleagues . Like man y abolitionist-feminists , Trut h wa s capabl e o f severel y criti cizing churche s an d churchgoers . I n regar d t o women' s rights , sh e sai d that th e churc h wrong s wome n a s muc h a s th e stat e does . I n a whit e church i n Ne w Jerse y sh e said "there wa s no little heathenism i n the ver y heart o f th e churche s today. " I n a blac k churc h i n Ne w Yor k Cit y sh e said tha t man y churches , surrounde d b y poverty , "wer e big , lumberin g things, coverin g u p costl y spac e an d doin g goo d t o n o one. " In a speec h in Michiga n sh e sai d tha t som e peopl e wh o g o t o churc h ever y Sunda y all their live s "are lik e the doo r tha t swing s i n an d out . The y don' t kno w any more when the y g o out than the y d o when the y g o in." In a letter sh e declared tha t th e fashionabl e religiou s worl d wa s as "empty a s the barre n fig-tree." 9 Black wome n befor e th e Civi l War , accordin g t o a recen t historian , found specia l meanin g i n th e promise s embodie d i n Christia n scriptur e for thei r "psychi c surviva l an d transcendence. " Thi s wa s undoubtedl y true o f Truth. Bu t accordin g t o the sam e historian, fo r fre e blac k wome n who becam e leaders , th e blac k churc h wa s ofte n th e trainin g aren a tha t provided the m opportunit y t o develop leadershi p skills , control ove r thei r own lives , an d commitmen t t o freein g th e slaves. 10 For Truth , however , it i s doubtful tha t thi s wa s true; excep t fo r a brief membershi p i n a blac k church i n Ne w Yor k City—abou t whic h Trut h hersel f tol d almos t noth ing—she wa s not know n eve r to have been activ e in a black church . Yet sh e often spok e i n churches . From 185 0 o n throughout he r life , in the instance s o f he r speakin g fo r whic h th e necessar y informatio n i s available, 10 1 too k plac e i n churche s (mos t o f them white) , 7 0 i n publi c halls, an d 3 8 i n suc h othe r place s a s schools , cour t houses , o r outdoors . Of th e churche s i n whic h sh e spok e whos e denominatio n i s known , 7 2 were wha t ma y b e calle d main-lin e churche s (3 2 Methodist , 1 5 Congre gational, 1 3 Presbyterian , 1 2 Baptist) , an d 1 9 were libera l churche s (1 1 Quaker, 5 Unitarian , 3 Universalist) . I n n o cas e wa s sh e know n t o hav e spoken i n a Catholic , Episcopal , o r Luthera n church . Perhap s thes e denominations wer e to o afrai d o f eve n appearin g t o countenanc e th e controversial reform s sh e advocated . O r perhap s the y wer e to o liturgica l or dogmatic for he r folksy, God-speaks-to-m e style .

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Like man y abolitionists , Truth oppose d racia l segregatio n i n churche s as wel l a s i n othe r aspect s o f life . I n Washingto n on e Sunda y i n 1874 , Truth attende d the white Metropolitan Methodis t Episcopa l Church, an d according t o a nex t day' s newspaper , wa s th e firs t blac k t o hav e take n communion i n that church. 11 Before th e Civi l War i t wa s difficul t fo r churche s t o let Trut h o r othe r abolitionists spea k i n their building s becaus e within th e churche s opposi tion t o abolitionism wa s often virulent . In 185 1 in Brecksville, Ohio, near Cleveland, bot h o f th e churche s there , Methodis t an d Presbyterian , re fused t o le t Trut h an d Parke r Pillsbur y us e thei r building s t o spea k because the y wer e "promulgatin g Infide l sentiment s unde r th e guis e o f abolitionism." In 186 1 in Steube n County , in northern Indiana , churche s voted by small majorities t o refuse t o let her and her friends hol d meeting s there, so that the y wer e forced t o hold the meetings outdoors instead. 12 When sh e spok e i n churches , sometime s sh e wa s give n th e us e o f a church free ; a t othe r time s sh e o r other s wh o wer e arrangin g a meetin g for he r wer e just rentin g spac e i n th e churc h buildin g th e sam e a s the y would i n a hall. In a rare instanc e i n 1871 , she was invited to preach i n a Methodist churc h i n Rocheste r durin g a regular Sunda y worshi p servic e as i f sh e wer e a clergyman . Th e pastor , i n introducin g her , sai d tha t h e had invite d he r t o "occup y th e pulpit. " Bu t sh e chos e instea d t o spea k below th e pulpit , explainin g t o th e congregation , " I prefe r t o b e n o higher'n wha t yo u are." 13 Yet i n a sens e sh e wa s a preacher , an d ha d bee n eve r sinc e sh e ha d been converted . Sh e sometime s calle d hersel f a preacher . Whe n Harrie t Beecher Stow e introduce d he r t o her father , th e famou s preache r Lyma n Beecher, accordin g t o Stowe , Trut h sai d t o hi m condescendingly : "D e Lord bles s ye! I loves preachers. I' m a kind o ' preacher myself. " In 1878 , in a newspape r interview , i n effec t sh e calle d hersel f bot h a lecture r an d preacher. Sh e sai d tha t whe n sh e gav e "lectures, " "De Lo' d just put s d e words int o m y mouth , an d I g o t o hea r mysel f a s muc h a s an y on e els e comes to hear me. " That, sh e explained, "wa s her ide a of genuine preach ing." 14 Bu t sh e is not know n eve r to have sough t forma l recognitio n a s a preacher throug h an y church . I n th e 1850 s Quaker s ha d alread y lon g been accustome d t o havin g wome n ministers , an d bot h Congregational ists and Fre e Will Baptist s wer e beginnin g to ordain a few. B y the 1870 s Universalists an d Unitarian s wer e beginnin g a s well. But Truth' s illiter acy alone would presumably hav e made her ordinatio n impossible .

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Like many abolitionist s an d feminists, Trut h wa s capable o f criticizin g preachers a t large . Sh e sai d they spen t to o much tim e "spouting " and to o little listening . Sh e sai d the y spen t to o muc h tim e talkin g "abou t wha t happened thousand s o f years ago , but quit e forgo t tha t th e livin g presen t around them teemed with the sternest realities. " She also said fiercely that preachers wer e "bi g Greek-crammed , mouthin g men , who , fo r man y a long century , ha d bee n befoggin g th e world , an d gettin g it s affair s int o the mos t terribl e snarl. " At anothe r tim e sh e scolde d wome n fo r rushin g to hea r th e evangelist s Mood y an d Sanke y preach . "Wha t yo u specs? — dat dos e tw o me n goin ' tot e al l you wome n t o hebben ? . . . I tel l yo u it' s the doers of the word, no t the hearers, God wants." 15 She sometime s ha d confrontation s wit h individua l clergymen . Onc e when a youn g revivalis t calle d o n her , beggin g he r t o b e reconcile d t o God, sh e replied , "Reconcile d t o God ! Why , I hain' t go t nothin ' agin ' God. Wha t shoul d I b e reconcile d t o hi m fer ? God' s aliu s bee n might y good t o me ; h e calle d m e ou t o f slavery , an d ha s too k goo d car e o f m e ever since , whe n yo u minister s woul d 'a ' kep ' m e i n bondage . Why , I haven't go t nothin ' agin ' him." Onc e a t a n antislaver y meeting , whe n abolitionists wer e attackin g th e churc h fo r it s reluctance t o fight slavery , a clergyma n sai d h e wa s afrai d Go d migh t knoc k hi m dow n a t an y moment fo r listenin g t o suc h blasphemy . I n response , accordin g t o a friend, Trut h tol d th e clergyman , wit h witherin g force , "Don' t b e skeered. . . . I don' t spec k God' s eve r hear n tel l o n ye! " A t anothe r antislavery meeting , a s Lydi a Mari a Chil d remembere d it , a n orthodo x clergyman wh o wa s visitin g th e meetin g proteste d tha t th e antislaver y speakers were "women an d jackasses." Truth replie d that in a Bible story , another minister , Balaam , als o go t "might y mad " a t a jackass, the on e h e was ridin g on , becaus e i t carrie d hi m of f the road . Bu t th e reaso n th e as s went of f the road was that Go d ha d sen t an angel to direct them no t to g o any farther , an d onl y th e ass , no t th e minister , wa s abl e t o understan d what th e angel was directing them t o do. 16 On th e othe r hand , Trut h ofte n foun d i t natura l t o associat e wit h clergymen. Whe n sh e wen t t o Providenc e t o spea k i n 1870 , sh e sough t opportunities t o d o s o by placin g a notice i n a newspaper tha t sh e woul d be "particularly pleased" if clergy would "favor her with a call."17 In som e places sh e visite d sh e wa s invite d t o sta y wit h ministers , a s i n Detroi t (1869), Moun t Pleasant , Iow a (1870) , an d i n Topek a (1871) . Severa l clergymen who m sh e kne w wrot e sympatheti c article s abou t her , a s di d

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Gilbert Have n (Methodist) , Richar d Cordle y (Congregationalist) , an d Samuel Roger s (Reformed) , al l whites. Among the black churche s wher e she spoke were J. T . Raymond' s Abyssinian Baptis t churc h in New Yor k (1853), Henr y Highlan d Garnet' s Presbyteria n churc h i n Washingto n (1864), Leonard Grimes' s Baptist churc h in Boston (1871) , and William . F. Dickerson' s Africa n Methodis t churc h i n Ne w Yor k (1879) . Al l fou r of these black ministers were significant leader s in black protest activities . But Trut h i s not know n t o hav e bee n clos e to thes e o r an y blac k pastor s anywhere, at any time in her life . Despite her outward appearance of naivete, she understood how churche s could hel p pul l peopl e alon g towar d wha t sh e considere d t o b e th e necessary remakin g o f both individual s an d society . Onc e i n a discussio n among Michiga n Progressiv e Friends , th e radica l abolitionis t Henr y C . Wright insiste d o n attackin g churche s bitterl y fo r their usua l cooperatio n with slavery , urgin g the y b e termed "so-called " Christia n churches . Dis agreeing, Trut h said , a s reporte d i n a n antislaver y paper , "W e ough t t o be lik e Christ . H e said , 'Father , forgiv e them , the y kno w no t wha t the y do.' I f w e wan t t o lea d th e peopl e w e mus t no t ge t ou t o f dere sight." 18 She apparentl y believe d tha t i n approachin g th e public , reformers — though the y ofte n ha d reaso n t o b e sorely grieve d wit h churches—migh t better no t denounc e churche s bitterly , bu t rathe r kee p a hopeful attitud e toward them, and use widely acceptable, noncontroversial Christian teachin g in their publi c appeals. In he r feminis m Trut h di d no t follo w Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n an d many Spiritualist s i n addressin g Go d a s Mother a s well as Father—mos t people a t th e tim e wer e likel y t o find thi s offensive . Th e religiou s lan guage she chose to use was considerably traditional , simila r to what a vast number o f Americans, blac k an d white , use d a t th e time . Whe n arguin g against racia l prejudice , sh e coul d stres s tha t bot h black s an d white s ar e the children o f God. When arguin g for the equality o f the sexes, she could say, "Go d says : 'Honor you r fathe r an d you r mother. ' " 1 9 Whe n arguin g against capita l punishment , sh e could remin d everyon e that Jesu s taugh t forgiveness an d love . Whe n arguin g agains t greed , tobacco , whiskey , elaborate dress , an d frivolity , sh e coul d sa y tha t Jesu s calle d o n u s t o come out o f this world . One o f he r whit e clerica l friend s wa s Gilber t Haven , wh o wa s s o fa r ahead o f hi s tim e tha t h e declare d h e woul d neve r b e satisfie d unti l a black woma n wa s presiden t o f the Unite d States . Trut h kne w Have n a s

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early a s th e mid-1850 s whe n h e wa s a Methodis t ministe r i n Westfield , Massachusetts, an d on e of her daughter s worke d fo r him there . In the fal l of 1870 , whe n Trut h wa s i n Massachusett s speakin g i n favo r o f lan d i n the Wes t fo r freedmen , Haven , the n edito r o f th e Bosto n Methodis t weekly an d soo n t o becom e a bishop , invite d Trut h t o spen d Christma s with him , an d sh e eagerl y accepted . Whil e sh e remaine d i n Boston , no t only di d Haven' s pape r endors e he r campaig n t o settl e black s o n lan d i n the West , bu t h e als o arrange d fo r he r t o sta y fo r severa l week s i n th e dormitory o f the Boston Methodis t Theologica l Seminary , where, according to Haven' s paper , sh e "repaid" this "hospitalit y b y her shrew d advic e to the students. " Haven onc e wrote: "The wisest , witties t woma n I kno w is Sojourner Truth . Wise r an d wittier , o f course, than an y man." 20 Al l of this seem s unlikely fo r on e who wa s so insistent o n theological orthodox y as Have n wa s unles s h e interprete d Truth' s theolog y t o b e simila r t o hi s own. Yet in 187 0 Have n scolde d one of the clergymen who m Trut h warml y admired, Henr y War d Beecher , fo r no t believin g i n a litera l hel l o f fire and brimstone . B y thi s tim e surel y Trut h wa s les s o f a biblica l literalis t than that . I n fact , lon g befor e thi s time , Trut h ha d com e t o believ e tha t God "appointed " religiou s liberals—wit h who m Have n wa s uneasy—t o significant roles , as , durin g th e Civi l War , sh e sai d Go d "appointed " Thomas W . Higginson , a Unitaria n pastor , t o comman d blac k troops , and "appointed " France s Gage , wh o foun d eve n he r Universalis t churc h too conservative, to care for Carolin a black s who had just bee n free d fro m slavery.21 Truth's religiou s evolutio n wa s i n som e respect s paralle l t o tha t o f Frederick Douglass . Bot h Trut h an d Douglas s fel t Methodis t influence s in their earl y years. Both, a s reformers, wer e capable of being sever e wit h the churc h fo r bein g to o slo w t o mov e forward . Bot h wer e considerabl y independent i n thought . Bu t unlik e Truth , Douglass , whil e stil l a slave , began t o b e seriousl y disillusione d wit h religio n whe n h e watche d on e of his slaveowner s b e converte d t o Chris t bu t no t therefor e becom e willin g to fre e hi s slaves . Later , Douglas s cam e t o emphasiz e tha t God , havin g given human s considerabl e ability , ha d committe d th e responsibilit y fo r human affair s t o human s themselves , thu s becomin g remot e fro m hu mans. Bu t Trut h emphasize d tha t Go d wa s clos e t o humans . (Sh e onc e said, w e needn' t "g o t o amaginin ' troubl e aforehand . N o matte r what' s a comin', Jesus wil l be thar whe n w e git thar.") 2 2 She emphasized als o that

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God constantl y intervene d i n huma n affairs . Whe n th e Souther n slave s were emancipated , Douglas s refuse d t o than k Go d fo r it , angerin g man y churchmen; Douglas s instea d thanke d thos e human s wh o ha d use d thei r God-given abilitie s to help fre e th e slaves . By contras t Trut h believed , a s she tol d Presiden t Lincol n i n he r intervie w wit h him , tha t Go d wa s responsible fo r th e emancipatio n an d tha t Go d an d th e peopl e ha d se lected Lincol n t o carr y i t out . I t wa s no t alway s clear , however , ho w Truth balance d God' s abilit y t o interven e i n huma n affair s wit h th e human obligatio n t o help God accomplis h Hi s purposes .

Once she left Ne w York , what wer e Truth's denominationa l connections ? While sh e was a wandering evangelist , accordin g to Olive Gilbert, Trut h had n o preferenc e fo r on e sec t ove r another . A t tha t time , however , sh e spoke agains t a paid ministry , a s Quakers di d an d a s her mento r Pierso n had too . A t tha t tim e als o sh e deliberatel y expose d hersel f t o Millerit e Adventists, and considere d joining the Shakers . After sh e became a lecturer for reform, whe n sh e spoke about her earl y Christian experience , as she often did , sh e only occasionally specifie d tha t it had take n plac e in a Methodist context . Ye t o n the few occasion s whe n she was introduce d wit h a denominational tag , it wa s a Methodist tag : I t was claime d i n 185 8 tha t sh e "i s now , an d ha s been , a membe r o f th e Methodist Episcopa l Churc h fo r man y years" ; in 1871 , that "sh e adhere s . . . t o the Methodist persuasion" ; in 1872 , that "sh e is a Methodist o f the old Joh n Wesle y school. " Bu t i t i s questionabl e i n he r late r year s ho w appropriate i t stil l wa s to cal l her a Methodist. I n 187 9 sh e explained, a s reported i n a n interview , tha t "sh e had bee n a Methodist til l tha t churc h outgrew her ; i t ha d change d an d no t she." 23 Thi s suggest s tha t sh e continued t o identif y hersel f wit h Methodists ' old-tim e emphasi s o n ex periential religion , whic h encourage d individual s t o testif y o n thei r ow n personal experienc e o f God, i n thei r ow n colloquia l language , bu t tha t i f Methodists becam e more formal o r doctrinaire, she grew uncomfortable . When Trut h live d i n Ulste r County , Ne w York , Quaker s ha d helpe d her recove r he r so n fro m slaver y i n Alabama . Late r i n he r antislaver y agitation, o f cours e sh e ofte n me t Quakers , o r dissiden t Quakers . Man y Quaker activists seemed to respect her inner experience, one saying, when she visite d him , "Sh e i s rich nativ e or e from th e mountain s o f the Lord. " When i n 1853 , som e Pennsylvani a Friend s wh o wer e dissatisfie d wit h

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the conservativ e Quake r hesitanc y t o agitat e publicl y fo r suc h reform s a s blacks' an d women' s rights , forme d a ne w Progressiv e Friend s Yearl y Meeting outsid e o f th e regula r bodie s o f Friends , Trut h spok e t o the m several times . Ove r a perio d o f year s sh e ofte n me t wit h Progressiv e Friends i n Pennsylvania , Ne w York , Ohio , an d Michigan , a s man y re formers did . Moreover, one of the Merritt famil y recalled her once visiting the regula r Quake r meetin g i n Battl e Creek , where , i n accordanc e wit h Quaker custom , ther e wa s n o singin g an d n o on e wa s expecte d t o spea k unless "moved" to do so. But Trut h ros e and stated that sh e was "moved " to sing , an d san g " a rousin g Negr o spiritual." 24 Althoug h Trut h some times wor e Quaker-styl e garb , an d wa s i n mor e significan t way s muc h influenced b y Quakers, and may informally b e called a Progressive Frien d herself, stil l sh e i s no t know n eve r t o hav e joine d an y regula r Friend s meeting. After leavin g th e Spiritualis t communit y o f Harmonia , Trut h contin ued t o associat e ove r man y year s wit h Spiritualists . I n Washingto n i n 1866, Trut h visite d th e hom e o f on e o f th e mos t strikin g Spiritualis t speakers i n th e nation , Mrs . Cor a (Hatch ) Daniels , then onl y in he r mid twenties, whos e custo m wa s t o mak e speeche s whil e i n a trance . Trut h asked Daniels to write for her to their friend i n common, Amy Post . Mrs . Daniels di d so , commenting t o Post : Trut h "i s a noble ol d her o an d th e world wil l long remember he r when othe r name s are forgotten." 25 In 186 8 o n on e o f her frequen t visit s to th e Post s i n Rochester , Trut h attended a national Spiritualist convention , and she did so, it was reported in the convention, a s a "regularly electe d delegate from Michigan. " Trut h herself spok e twic e t o th e conventio n an d wa s "frequentl y applauded, " according t o a Rocheste r newspaper , whe n sh e gav e "a n accoun t o f he r experience wit h th e spiri t world , wit h whic h sh e say s sh e ha s talke d fo r more than fort y years. " The convention , illustratin g th e Spiritualis t affin ity for reform , declare d itsel f in favo r o f equal right s fo r wome n an d men , against th e deat h penalty , agains t war , an d agains t th e use of tobacco an d "intoxicating drinks, " wit h al l o f whic h Trut h wa s likel y t o sympathize . Among th e leader s i n th e conventio n wer e Warre n Chase , formerl y o f Harmonia, Rev . J . M . Peebles , formerl y o f Battle Creek , an d th e Phila delphia physicia n Dr . Henr y T . Child , wh o wa s a sometim e Quaker , a n abolitionist-feminist, an d a nationally know n Spiritualis t wh o had boaste d that h e ha d attende d mor e tha n fifty seances . In th e nex t fe w year s whe n Truth visite d Philadelphia , sh e sometimes staye d with Dr . Child .

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While a few Spiritualis t churche s cam e to be scattered ove r the nation , and ther e wer e man y Spiritualis t "circles, " Spiritualist s generall y re mained, lik e th e Progressiv e Friends , a loose, informa l movement . The y had no authoritative bod y to declare what Spiritualist s must believe, there was n o clea r wa y t o b e a "member," an d henc e i t wa s no t eas y to decid e who wa s o r wa s no t a Spiritualist . However , th e Rocheste r conventio n adopted resolution s declarin g tha t Spiritualist s champio n "th e sovereig n right o f ever y ma n an d woma n t o judg e i n al l matter s o f fait h an d conscience," which woul d certainl y coincid e wel l wit h Truth' s insistenc e on th e authorit y o f he r ow n religiou s experience . Th e conventio n als o declared, i n a statemen t wit h whic h Trut h woul d als o probabl y fee l considerable congruence , tha t Spiritualist s affir m tha t huma n happines s depends o n persona l "harmonization " wit h "universa l an d divin e law" ; that th e spiritua l worl d i s "interblende d wit h ou r presen t stat e o f exis tence"; that "prompting s fro m th e spiritual realm" have not onl y occurre d as miracles in past ages , but ar e "a perpetual fact " that continue s to occur ; that "th e chai n o f causatio n lead s inevitabl y upwar d o r onwar d t o a n infinite spirit " wh o i s "wisdom" an d "love, " and wh o is , in a n expressio n that suggest s th e sympath y o f man y Spiritualists ' fo r feminism , "fathe r and mother " to all. 26 In 187 1 Trut h spok e a t th e Spiritualists ' Michiga n stat e convention , held i n Saginaw , alon g wit h he r long-tim e frien d Gile s B . Stebbin s o f Detroit. I n contras t t o report s o f her congenia l participatio n i n th e Roch ester convention , i n thi s conventio n sh e wa s reporte d t o hav e scolde d those wh o attende d "fo r talkin g s o much abou t th e goo d time s they wer e going t o hav e i n th e nex t world , an d no t doin g anythin g t o bette r th e conditions o f those living. " She also was reported t o have ridiculed Spiri tualists fo r bein g the kin d o f people who change d ofte n fro m on e denom ination t o another, whil e she took prid e that onc e God had converte d her , "I nebbe r hav e changed. " Accordin g t o a Sagina w newspaper , sh e "con vinced th e convention " tha t sh e wa s "b y n o mean s a n adherent " t o spiritualism.27 In 1878 , whe n aske d i f sh e ha d eve r joine d Spiritualists , Trut h wa s reported t o hav e replie d enigmatically , "Wh y chile , there' s nothin g t o jine." I n tha t sam e year , however , whe n Trut h an d France s Titu s to gether visite d Ne w Yor k City , the y bot h staye d fo r severa l week s a t th e home o f the oldest o f the "rapping " Fox sisters , Leah Fox Underhill, wh o had marrie d int o a Quake r family . Whil e Trut h an d Titu s staye d there ,

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Underhill hel d weekl y evenings-at-hom e a t whic h sh e honore d Truth . When Trut h hel d a meeting a t Coope r Unio n t o tell th e stor y o f her life , Underhill identifie d hersel f furthe r wit h Trut h b y bein g th e onl y perso n who appeare d o n th e platfor m wit h her. 28 A t thi s perio d Lea h Fo x Underhill wa s known a s the most educated , stable , and reliable of the Fox sisters; sh e hersel f gav e privat e seances , an d wa s highl y honore d b y Spiritualists. It wa s not unti l 188 8 that th e two younger Fo x sisters, who had becom e alcoholics , confessed tha t thei r rapping s wer e fraudulent an d claimed tha t thei r olde r siste r Lea h kne w it . The y late r recante d thei r confession, leavin g many Spiritualist s stil l believing that the Fox rapping s were genuine . Truth i s neve r know n t o hav e clearl y sai d tha t sh e wa s a Spiritualist , but whe n sh e died , a nationa l Spiritualis t weekl y claimed , "Lik e nearl y all other s distinguishe d fo r wha t the y hav e don e fo r huma n progress , Sojourner Trut h wa s a Spiritualist." 29 Despite Truth' s dallianc e wit h spiritualism , sh e associate d i n Battl e Creek wit h tw o conservativ e religiou s denominations . Durin g th e Civi l War, Trut h frequentl y visite d th e hom e o f Samue l J . Rogers , a Dutc h Reformed pasto r wh o wa s calle d "orthodox, " discussin g wit h hi m he r anxieties abou t th e war . I n 186 3 whe n sh e wa s severel y ill , she arrange d that i f she were t o die , Rogers woul d preac h a t her funeral . Th e Sevent h Day Adventists , who lik e Truth wer e stron g believers in divine interven tion i n huma n affairs , ha d thei r worl d headquarter s i n Battl e Creek , an d established ther e a college , a publishin g house , an d a loosel y affiliate d "Sanitarium." Trut h spok e a t leas t onc e a t th e college . I n he r late r year s when th e hea d o f the Sanitarium , th e Adventis t Dr . J . H . "Cor n Flakes " Kellogg, becam e he r persona l physicia n an d friend, sh e occasionall y spok e to th e Sanitariu m patient s i n thei r "grea t parlor. " I n 187 5 Battl e Cree k Adventists offere d t o prin t a ne w editio n o f Truth' s Narrative, an d the y printed i t mor e tha n once. 30 Adventist s sa y tha t sh e wa s a "familia r speaker" i n thei r hug e Tabernacl e an d probabl y "frequentl y attende d services" there, and repor t a dubious clai m that sh e was baptized int o th e Adventist Church . However , whil e Trut h i n he r late r year s still believe d in th e secon d comin g o f Christ, sh e di d no t d o s o in a literal sense . "He' s a-comin', chill'n, " she said in a speech New York . "He ain't a-comin' flyin' in d e air , d e wa y dos e Secon d Adven t folk s tal k 'bout . . . . Bu t he' s a comin' in d e sperit, bres s de Lo'd. " I n fact , sh e sometime s sai d it wa s no t wise t o emphasiz e th e secon d coming . I n a speec h i n Vineland , Ne w

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Jersey, sh e said , d o no t wai t fo r th e Lor d t o com e t o "clea n up " thi s wicked world , bu t "tak e hold " an d clea n i t u p yourselves . Somewha t differently, i n a speec h i n Lansing , Trut h urge d he r listener s no t t o b e "waiting fo r Go d t o come . H e i s wit h yo u now , al l th e time , an d wha t more can yo u want?" At the time of her death , Adventists may have trie d to clai m he r a s on e o f their own , fo r severa l newspaper s announce d tha t her funeral woul d b e held in the Adventists' Tabernacle, with its minister officiating, bu t this proved to be mistaken. 31 As he r deat h approached , Trut h live d quietl y i n Battl e Cree k i n he r modest littl e house o n Colleg e Street— a visito r describe d i t on e summe r as "a little dove cote of a house with a background o f sunflowers an d bed s of quaint blossom s leading to the door." 32 Truth kne w that her death wa s coming soon . Sh e ha d ha d ulcer s o n on e le g fo r years , an d the y wer e spreading. Dr . Kellog g an d othe r physician s fro m th e Sanitariu m cam e to he r hom e t o hel p he r a s much a s they could . He r tw o daughter s wh o now live d wit h her , Dian a an d Elizabeth , care d fo r her . S o als o di d he r faithful frien d France s Titus, who visited often . Truth die d o n November 26 , 1883 . Although sh e was commonly sai d to be over 10 0 years old, she was really about 86 . Before sh e died , Trut h hersel f ha d decide d tha t he r funera l wa s t o b e held in Battle Cree k i n the Congregationa l an d Presbyterian Church . Sh e had als o chosen—probabl y wit h th e encouragemen t o f Frances Titus — the tw o person s wh o wer e t o spea k a t he r funeral. 33 Thes e two , Rev . Reed Stuart , th e pasto r o f the church , an d Gile s B . Stebbin s o f Detroit , were both white and both conspicuously liberal. Stuart had been ordaine d a Presbyterian minister , bu t hi s views were sufficiently irregular— a loca l newspaper describe d hi m a s carin g "littl e fo r th e iron-boun d creed s b y which religio n ha s bee n fettered"—s o that , shortl y befor e Truth' s death , when Presbyterian s threatene d t o try hi m a s a heretic, he withdrew fro m the denomination . Hi s church , calle d th e mos t popula r i n Battl e Creek , sustained him , an d itsel f withdre w fro m th e Presbyteria n denomination , becoming a n independen t church , unrelate d t o any denominationa l orga nizations, but stil l calling itself the Congregational and Presbyterian Church . Truth sai d o f Stuart, a few day s before he r death , that "Go d i s working a wonderful work " through him. 34 The othe r speake r a t her funeral, Gile s B. Stebbins, had know n Trut h when, a s a youn g prospectiv e Unitaria n clergyman , h e an d Trut h bot h lived i n th e Northampto n Utopia n community . H e became , however, no t

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a clergyman , bu t a lecture r an d write r fo r blac k rights , women' s rights , and spiritualism , an d wa s activ e amon g Progressiv e Friends . Stebbin s believed i n downplayin g suc h orthodo x tenet s a s th e wrat h o f God , miraculous revelation, and Jesus' atonement, affirming instea d God, duty , the individua l soul , and immortality . Hi s popula r book , Chapters from the Bible of the Ages, consiste d no t onl y o f selection s fro m th e traditiona l Hebrew an d Christia n Bibl e bu t als o fro m th e ancien t Egyptian s an d Hindus, a s wel l a s fro m suc h modern s a s To m Pain e an d Whittier . Writing abou t Trut h shortl y afte r he r death , Stebbin s praise d he r "mora l worth an d spiritua l greatness." 35 Perhaps i t hint s a t th e breadt h tha t Trut h ha d attaine d tha t thi s advocate o f black s coul d choos e tw o white s t o spea k a t he r funeral , thi s advocate o f wome n coul d choos e tw o men , an d thi s stil l evangelica l Christian coul d choos e two religious liberals .

In perspective , i f i n he r earl y year s Trut h seeme d somewha t extrem e i n her religion , an d i f sh e seeme d t o becom e eve n mor e s o whe n sh e wa s a follower o f Matthias, in her late r years , she mellowed. Lik e many Ameri cans, unde r th e impac t o f th e democrati c exuberanc e o f he r time , sh e experimented wit h he r religion , shapin g i t t o mee t he r need s an d wha t she perceived a s the needs of others. After sh e moved ou t o f New York , it has no t bee n documente d tha t sh e eve r agai n affiliate d wit h an y church . She appeare d t o avoi d fitting hersel f int o an y groove , religiou s o r other wise. In par t unde r th e influenc e o f her earl y blac k an d Methodis t religiou s traditions, she remained al l her life evangelical, confident i n the efficacy o f prayer, i n th e lov e of Jesus, an d i n th e long-rang e justice o f God. I n par t under th e influenc e o f he r reformis t associates , sh e develope d libera l inclinations, an d wa s usuall y broadl y toleran t o f differences amon g thos e who worke d fo r th e comin g o f God's Kingdo m o n earth , n o matte r wha t their particula r religiou s views . Bu t i f Garrison , Douglass , an d Stanto n emphasized that Christianit y coul d be an instrument o f oppression, Trut h emphasized—more lik e Lucreti a Mott , Gilber t Haven , an d France s Wil lard—that i t could b e an instrument fo r human right s an d fulfillment . In he r late r year s sh e usuall y continue d t o spea k i n traditiona l Chris tian language, often i n stories and epigrams, figuratively, s o that sh e could easily b e fel t t o b e orthodo x o r liberal , litera l o r abstract , simpl e o r

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profound, o n man y differen t levels . I t wa s partl y becaus e o f he r broad , imprecise religiou s styl e tha t sh e reache d larg e number s o f people , an d that man y o f them , whateve r thei r religion , coul d se e i n he r somethin g with whic h the y coul d identify . Thi s mad e i t possibl e no t onl y fo r Meth odists bu t als o fo r believer s a s differen t a s conservativ e Adventist s an d progressive Quaker s t o fee l tha t sh e wa s on e o f them, an d t o continu e t o do s o int o ou r time . Thi s als o mad e i t possibl e fo r th e America n branc h of the St . Thomas Christia n Church—follower s o f the tradition o f Christians i n Sout h India—t o canoniz e her , i n a ceremon y i n 199 2 i n Sant a Cruz, California, a s St. Sojourne r Truth . In keepin g wit h th e prevailin g moo d o f he r times , he r fait h wa s positive. Sh e like d t o say , Go d "i s a great ocea n o f love, and w e liv e an d move i n Hi m a s th e fishes i n th e sea. " He r fait h wa s no t ritualisti c o r doctrinaire, bu t focuse d o n ho w t o live . "How ca n yo u expec t t o d o goo d to God, " sh e asked , "unles s yo u first lear n t o d o goo d t o eac h other? " Similarly, sh e sai d tha t peopl e "woul d neve r ge t t o heave n b y liftin g themselves u p i n a basket , bu t the y mus t lif t thos e u p belo w them , an d then the y woul d al l go up together." 36 If Truth wa s no t al l that mythmakers , pas t an d present , claim , never theless she rose magnificently abov e the limitations imposed on her in he r time a s a slave , a n illiterate , a black , an d a woman . Sh e insiste d o n applying he r Christianit y t o hel p se t th e worl d "righ t sid e up, " a s sh e said; an d wit h he r whimsica l illustrations , an d he r strang e blen d o f th e brash an d the wise, she was often persuasive . Her Kansa s friend s th e Byro n Smith s understoo d a goo d dea l abou t her whe n the y wrot e tha t i t wa s easy to detect i n he r "th e spirit , howeve r humble it s garb , free d from th e trammel s o f the world , party , o r sectari anism. . . . Once a slave, now i n the highest sens e a freedwoman." 37

Notes

i. Growin g U p a Slave i. The Narrative of Sojourner Truth, 1850 , 13 , says sh e wa s bor n a slave of Colonel "Ardinburgh, " an d identifie s hi m a s o f "Hurley," bu t doe s no t precisel y say she was born i n Hurley , an d doe s not mentio n Swartekil l a t all. However, th e 1790 U.S . Census list s "Johanni s Hardenbergh " a s living in the tow n o f Hurley . According t o th e wil l o f "Johanni s Hardenbergh, " Ma y 15 , 179 9 (Recor d o f Wills, bk . C , 164 , Ulste r Count y Surrogate' s Office , Kingston) , h e live d i n "Swarte Kill " i n th e tow n o f Hurley . Accordin g t o Miller , Hardenbergh Family, 60, Col . "Johanne s Hardenbergh " live d a t "Swartekil l . . . a short distanc e nort h of Rifton." Willia m Smit h t o Victo r M . Hulbert , Jan . 29 , 1884 , BJ, reportin g a conversation wit h on e o f th e Va n Wagene n family , say s the y believe d sh e wa s born i n th e hous e o f Col . "Han s Hardenbergh, " i n "Swartekill. " Howar d Hen dricks, a Kingston journalist , i n hi s "Sojourne r Truth, " 1892 , 666 , reportin g a n interview wit h th e Dumon t family , sai d tha t accordin g t o the m sh e wa s bor n i n "Swarte Kill, " which b y this time was known a s Rifton. Tow n boundarie s havin g changed, Swartekil l i s now in the town o f Esopus. 2. Miller , Hardenbergh Family, 5 9 - 6 2 ; 179 0 U.S. Census, town o f Hurley. 3. Mohaw k ancestry : Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Dec . 13 , 1851 ; Boston Liberator, Jun e 21 , 1861 . Appeared black : Woman's Journal, Dec . 1 , 1883 ; Wyman, American Chivalry, 108 . 4. Narrative, 13 ; Lansing Republican, Jun e 4 , 1881 ; Sunshine at Home, 91 — 92; New Yor k Globe, Dec. 1 , 1883. 5. Source s seemin g t o agre e Trut h wa s bor n abou t 1797 : Narrative, 1850 , 13, 17 , 29; Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 1 0 - 1 1 , 17 ; Rogers, "Sojourner Truth, " 6 . 6. Narrative, 13—14 . Johanne s Hardenberg h die d i n 1799 , sometim e be tween hi s signin g hi s will , Ma y 15 , and it s bein g probated , Oct . 2 6 (Recor d o f Wills, 172-73) . Charle s Hardenberg h wa s listed i n th e 180 0 U.S . Census, tow n of Hurley , a s havin g five slaves . Afte r h e died , whe n a n "inventory " o f hi s 247

248

I . GROWIN G U P A SLAV E

possessions was made, they include d fou r slaves : Isabella, her mother, her brothe r Peter (th e inventory omit s her father, perhap s because by this time, old and ill, he was monetaril y worthless) , an d "Sam, " wh o wa s no t know n t o b e o f Isabella' s family. ("Inventory, " Ma y 12 , 1808 , o f possession s o f Charle s Hardenbergh , microfilm 17 , sec. 10 , Ulster Count y Surrogate' s Office , Kingston. ) 7. "Inventory " of the possessions of Charles Hardenbergh . 8. Narrative, 15-16 . 9. Narrative, 17 . 10. Narrative, 17-19 , 26 . 11. Narrative, 2 0 - 2 5 ; Banner of'Light, Ma y 2 , 1863 . 12. Narrative, 2 6 - 2 7 (whic h spell s th e nam e "Nealy") . A n 180 6 advertise ment b y "John Neely " is reprinted i n Olde Ulster, April 1913 , 108-9 . 13. Chicag o Semi-Weekly Inter-Ocean, Sept . 25 , 1893. 14. I n Narrative, 2 8 - 2 9 , th e nam e i s spelle d "Scriver" ; i n Willia m Smit h t o Victor M . Hulbert , Jan . 29 , 1884 , BJ, "Martinu s Schryver" ; i n th e U.S . censu s (1800, 1810 , 1820 ) tow n o f Kingsto n o r Esopus , spelle d variously . Truth' s steamboat recollection : Rocheste r Evening Express, Jul y 25 , 1878 ; Lansin g Republican, Jul y 30 , 1881. 15. Squier , "Sojourne r Truth, " 17 . 16. Narrative, 27 , 5 9 - 6 2; Boston Post, Jan. 2 , 1871. 17. Narrative, 29 ; Hendricks, "Sojourner Truth, " 671. According to the U.S. census, tow n o f Ne w Paltz , i n 180 0 an d 182 0 Dumon t ha d fou r slaves . Th e Dumont hous e i s no longer standing . It s sit e is the onl y sit e where Truth live d as a slav e whic h i s agree d o n b y loca l scholars . I t wa s o n th e Hudso n Rive r sid e of highway 9 - W , opposit e th e presen t Wes t Par k Pos t Office , nea r wher e Floy d Ackert Roa d an d a railroa d lin e cros s 9—W . Th e sit e i s no t marke d becaus e th e owner doe s not wan t a marker . 18. Narrative, 31—33 . 19. Narrative, 33—34 ; Detroit Post, Jan. 12 , 1869 ; Boston Post, Jan. 2 , 1871; Rochester Evening Express, Apr . 17 , 1871. 20. O n Charle s Catton : Dunlap , History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts, vol. 2 , 359—62 ; obituary , Ne w Yor k Commercial Advertiser, Ma y 5 , 1819 . Th e 1810 U.S . Census , tow n o f Ne w Paltz , i n th e lis t nea r Joh n Dumont , name d "Charles Cating " wit h on e slave ; for 1820 , als o i n th e lis t nea r Dumont , name d "Charles Catton, " perhaps the artist's son of the same name, with five slaves. 21. Narrative, 34—36 . 22. Narrative, 3 6 - 3 7 . Gertrud e Dumon t recalle d th e name s o f Truth' s fou r known childre n an d adde d tha t th e fifth di d no t liv e t o gro w u p (Hendricks , "Sojourner Truth, " 669) . The on e who did not gro w up was James (Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Oct . 25 , 1904) . Som e commentator s hav e suppose d tha t Trut h had a daughter name d Hannah , bu t i t seem s likely that th e "Hannah" after who m Peter enquire d i n a letter to his mother (Narrative, 77 ) alon g with enquirin g afte r his sisters Sophia and Betse y (Elizabeth) , was a misreading of his handwriting fo r "Dianah" (Diana) . 23. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 16 , 1853 ; Salem, OH , Anti-Slavery Bu-

I . GROWIN G U P A SLAV E

249

gle, Nov . 8 , 1856 ; Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Oct . 25 , 190 4 (th e passag e a s printed seem s to confuse names , but th e thrust o f it is clear). 24. Laws of the State of New York, vol . 4 , Albany , 1818 , chap . 137 , passe d 1817, 136 .

25. Narrative, 73 ; William Smit h t o Victo r M . Hulbert , Jan . 29 , 1884 , BJ ; Hendricks, "Sojourner Truth, " 668-69 . 26. Narrative, 37 . 27. Narrative, 2 9 - 3 1 , 34 , 38. 28. Accordin g t o availabl e evidence , no t unti l 193 8 wa s i t hinte d tha t an y of Isabella's children migh t have been fathered b y Dumont. Fauset, Sojourner Truth, 30, sai d tha t To m wa s th e fathe r o f her fiv e children , bu t als o sai d ambiguousl y that "considerin g Isabella' s attitud e towar d Dumont , i t seem s likel y tha t the y were les s the childre n o f Thomas tha n o f Dumont." Thi s commen t ma y hav e le d Woodward, The Bold Women, 254 , t o say , "possibl y h e wa s he r lover. " Late r claiming Dumon t rape d her : Pauli , Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 29 ; Lerner , The Female Experience, 488 ; Hooks, Ain't I a Woman, 160 . 29. Narrative, 30 . 30. Narrative, 124-25 . 31. Narrative, 8 1 - 8 2 . 32. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 16 , 1853 ; "Inventory" o f the possession s of Charles Hardenbergh . Uni s Hardenberg h signe d wit h "he r mark " th e dee d o f John E . and Unis Hardenbergh, t o David Ackerman, for land in Swartekill, tow n of Hurley , Jun e 12 , 1809 , Ulste r Count y Recor d o f Deeds , Kingston , vol . 19 , 470-7333. Hendricks , "Sojourner Truth, " 669 . 34. Heidgerd , Black History of New Paltz, 48 ; Mabee, Black Education in New York State, chap . 3, 287; De Witt , People's History of Kingston, 218 . The Quake r Alexander Youn g operate d a "Boardin g School " (182 0 U.S . Census , tow n o f Esopus). Quakers buil t a church i n Esopu s i n 181 3 (Clearwater , History of Ulster County, 479) . 35. I n thei r ol d age , Diana, Elizabeth , an d Sophi a al l signed deed s with thei r marks. (Deeds , "Sojourne r Truth , pe r heirs , t o France s W . Titus, " Dec . 29 , 1888, an d "Sojourne r Truth , pe r heirs , t o Willia m H . Clevenger, " Sept . 15 , 1896, Recor d o f Deeds, Calhou n Count y Clerk' s Office , Marshall , MI , bk . 127 , 45; bk . 155 , 571.) 36. Battl e Creek Daily Journal, Oct . 25 , 1904 . 37. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 1853 . 38. Douglass , Life and Times, pt . 1 , chaps. 10—12 ; Narrative, 33—34 . 39. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Sept . 10 , 1853. 40. Narrative, 24 . 41. Hendricks , "Sojourner Truth, " 671. 42. Quotes : Saginaw Daily Courier, June 14 , 1871 ; Chicago Times, Aug . 13 , 1879. Stor y o f her escape : Narrative, 3 9 - 4 3 . 43. Th e Va n Wagenen s live d i n Wahkendal l (Narrative, 64) . ("Waagendall " was identified a s in th e tow n o f Hurley (Kingsto n Ulster Sentinel, Oct . 3 , 1827) .

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Stowe, "Sojourner Truth, " 475 , in reportin g wha t Isabell a told her , say s that th e first hous e she came to was that o f Quakers and there she stayed, but the Narrative makes i t clea r tha t sh e di d no t sta y wit h th e "Rowes " bu t a t th e secon d house , with th e Va n Wagenens . "Lev i Roe " is buried i n th e Friend s Cemetery , Tillson , his stone saying he died Oct. 19 , 1826 , age 33. 44. Th e Va n Wagenen s wer e calle d Quaker s b y Stow e ("Sojourne r Truth, " 475), wh o sai d sh e wa s reportin g wha t Trut h said , whic h i s probably th e origi n of the claim. Stow e may have confused wha t Truth sai d about the Roes with wha t she said about th e Va n Wagenens . Trut h di d no t cal l them Quaker s i n Narrative, nor did sh e in speakin g about them a t other times, as in New Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept. 16 , 1853 , though i t seem s likel y tha t sh e woul d hav e calle d the m Quaker s if they had been . 45. Bot h quotes , "goo d man " an d " I ca n d o that" : Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 . 46. Narrative, 43 ; Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 1 0 - 1 1 . 47. Narrative, 44 . Gertrud e Dumon t recalle d tha t Pete r live d fo r a time wit h "Dr. Gedney , a neighbor " (Hendricks , "Sojourne r Truth, " 669) . "Josep h Gid ney" i s liste d i n th e 183 0 U.S . Census , tow n o f New Paltz , o n th e sam e pag e a s John Dumont , an d thus was probably livin g nearby . 48. Narrative, 63 , 82 ; Laws of the State of New York, vol . 4 , Albany , 1818 , chap. 137 , passed 1817 , 136 . 49. Narrative, 194 ; Warsaw, IN, Northern Indianian, Oct . 8 , 1858 . 50. Rocheste r Evening Express, Apr . 17 , 1871 ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Nov . 8 , 1856 .

2. Slav e Mothe r 1. Kingsto n Ulster Sentinel, Jul y 11 , 1827. 2. Laws of the State of New York, vol . 4 , Albany , 1818 , chap . 137 , passe d 1817, 136 , 139 . 3. Stor y o f her recovery o f her son : Narrative, 44—58 . 4. "Ignorant" : Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 . 5. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 11. 6. Narrative, 51—58 . 7. A plaqu e place d i n 198 3 i n fron t o f th e Ulste r Count y Cour t House , Kingston, commemorate s Sojourne r Truth' s successfu l cour t cas e i n thi s matter . However, i n answe r t o th e quer y i f ther e wer e an y cour t record s availabl e tha t would verif y Truth' s litigation , June Le e Davidson, Ulste r Count y Chie f Deput y Clerk, wrot e Carleto n Mabe e (hereafte r CM) , Apr . 13 , 1989 , tha t th e count y clerk's offic e coul d no t locat e an y suc h records . Th e record s o f th e stat e circui t court, whic h sometime s me t i n Kingston , hav e bee n store d i n th e Ne w Yor k County Clerk' s Office , bu t Bruc e Abrams , Assistan t Archivis t there , wrot e CM , Mar. 15 , 1991 , that n o records abou t th e cas e have bee n locate d there . James D . Folts, Archivist, Division o f State Government Records , Albany, wrote CM, Apr .

2 . SLAV E MOTHE R

251

2, 1991 , that th e mos t likel y procedur e lawyer s woul d tak e i n suc h a case woul d be fo r Trut h t o ge t a writ o f habeas corpu s t o recove r he r son , whic h woul d no t lead to any formal trial , and therefor e record s o f the writ woul d no t b e likely to b e preserved eithe r locall y o r b y th e state . A t an y rate , th e state , h e wrote , ha s no t preserved them . 8. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1,17 . "Judg e Ruggles " wa s no t ye t a judge a t th e time Isabell a wa s tryin g t o recove r he r son . H e wa s lawye r Charle s H . Ruggles , who i n 182 8 wa s appointe d Ulste r Count y Distric t Attorne y (Kingsto n Ulster Sentinel, Apr . 16 , 1828) . "Squir e Chip " i s calle d "lawye r Chip " an d "Esquir e Chip" in Narrative, an d doubtless wa s John Chipp , who was a justice of the peac e in 182 5 (Depositio n b y Danie l Osterhoud t e t al. , befor e Joh n Chipp , Justic e o f the Peace , Ulste r County , Dec . 14 , 1825 , HHS) . "Lawye r Romain " i s calle d "Demain" i n Narrative, 5 0 - 5 1 . Bu t h e i s undoubtedl y th e lawye r identifie d a s "Herman M . Romeyn " i n th e Kingsto n Ulster Sentinel, Jun e 21 , 1826 . "Lawye r Hasbrouck" i s Abram Bruy n Hasbrouck , la w partne r o f Ruggles (obituary , Ne w York Daily Tribune, Feb . 25 , 1879) . 9. Hendricks , "Sojourner Truth, " 669-70 . 10. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 16 , 1853 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, May 2 , July 4 , 1863 ; West Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 ; Chicago Inter-Ocean, Oct . 21 , 1881. 11. Narrative, 55—5612. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 126 . 13. Rocheste r Evening Express, Apr . 17 , 1 8 71. 14. Charle s Hardenberg h ha d childre n baptize d a t Ne w Palt z Dutc h Re formed Churc h (Miller , Hardenbergh Family, 75 ; Records of the Reformed Dutch Church, 180 , 186 , 197) . Joh n Dumon t ha d childre n baptize d a t Klyn e Esopu s Dutch Reforme d Church , Esopus . Eventuall y Isabella' s daughte r Dian a wa s affiliated there . Abou t whe n Dumon t move d away , th e churc h dismisse d bot h John Dumon t an d "Dinah " Dumont , calle d hi s "servant, " Nov . 30 , 185 0 (Vital Records of Low Dutch Church, 8 , 14 , 129. ) 15. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 16 , 1853 ; Stowe , "Sojourne r Truth, " 476; Chicago Times, Aug . 13 , 1879. 16. Narrative, 6 4 - 6 5 ; Wyandotte, KS, Gazette, Jan. 25 , 1872 . 17. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Dec . 7, 1878 ; Rochester Evening Express, Apr . 17, 1871 ; William Smit h t o Victor M . Hulbert , Jan. 29 , 1884 , BJ . 18. "Civilized " and "religion": Sagina w Daily Courier, June 14 , 1871 ; "seed": Rochester Evening Express, Apr . 17 , 1871 ; "lobe": Boston Post, Jan. 2 , 1871. 19. Narrative, 1884 , " A Memoria l Chapter, " 6 . I t provide s som e substantia tion fo r Truth' s recollectio n tha t Connelly , St. James Methodist Episcopal Church of Kingston, 4 1 , says that i n 182 6 "Ir a Ferris " was one of the two ministers of this church. A t tha t perio d Methodis t minister s i n rura l region s wer e likel y t o b e more nearly circui t rider s than establishe d ministers . 20. Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 ; Woman's Journal, Aug. 10 , 1878 . 21. Narrative, 79 .

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22. D e Witt , People's History of Kingston, 218 ; Connelly, St. James Methodist Episcopal Church, 5 , 11 . Th e churc h wa s originall y locate d a t approximatel y Pearl an d Fai r Streets , an d a t presen t i s stil l o n tha t site , an d i s know n a s St . James Unite d Methodis t Church . It s earl y membershi p record s hav e no t bee n preserved. 23. Willia m Smit h t o Victor M . Hulbert , Jan . 29 , 1884 , BJ; Narrative, 73 . 24. Narrative, 86 , Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1,18 . 25. Narrative, 73 ; Hendricks, "Sojourner Truth, " 668 , 670. 26. Narrative, 71 .

3. Monstrou s Kingdo m 1. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 1853 . 2. Narrative, 79—80 . 3. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 1853 . 4. Mabee , Black Education, chap . 4, 293. 5. A Phoenixville , PA, paper , ca. July 29 , 1874 , in Narrative, 222 . 6. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 18-19 ; P* - 2 > 2 I > I 2 6 ; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept. 7 , 1853 . 7. Stone , Matthias, 6 8 - 7 8 ; Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1,9-10 ; New York Journal of Commerce, Apr. 22 , 1835 . 8. Narrative, 96—97 . 9. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1,18 , 40—42 ; Narrative, 90—93 . 10. Memoirs of Matthias, 2 . 11. Stone , Matthias, 6 , 65. 12. Traubel , With Walt Whitman, 140 ; Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 5, 13 ; pt. 2 , 7 . A significant ru n o f Vale's Citizen of the World is not known t o exist . 13. Stone , Matthias, 140 , 142 ; Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 5 3 - 5 4. 14. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 4 9 - 5 1; Stone , Matthias, 139 . 15. Memoirs of Matthias, 5 . 16. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 60; Stone, Matthias, 200 , 218. 17. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 61—62. 18. Stone , Matthias, 179 . 19. Stone , Matthias, 119-22 . 20. Schroeder , "Mathia s the Prophet," 65. 21. Memoirs of Matthias, 10 ; Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 59; pt. 2 , 9-10 . 22. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 61—63. 23. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 68—70. 24. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 72. 25. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 17 , 32. 26. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 82. 27. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 74—78; New Yor k Journal of Commerce, Apr. 22 , 183528. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 81—82.

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29. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 9 4 - 9 5, 107-8 . 30. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 96, 108 ; Albany Evening Journal, Sept . 25, 1834 ; New Yor k Times, Sept . 27 , 1834 . 31. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 10-12 ; pt. 2 , n o , 112 , 116-17 . 32. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 12 . 33. Ne w Yor k Journal of Commerce, Nov. 15 , 1834 . 34. Ne w Yor k Courier and Enquirer, Apr . 15 , 1835. 35. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 83, 118-20; Stone , Matthias, 251-66 ; New Yor k Courier and Enquirer, Apr . 17 , 18 , 20, 1835 . 36. Ne w Yor k Courier and Enquirer, Apr . 20 , 1835 ; Ne w Yor k Journal of Commerce, Apr. 22 , 1835 . 37. Alban y Argus, Apr . 23 , 1835 ; Ne w Yor k Daily Advertiser, Apr . 21 , 1835. 38. Ne w Yor k Times, i n Alban y Argus, Apr . 23 , 1835 ; Albany Argus, Apr . 23, 1835 ; Memoirs of Matthias, 13 . 39. Josep h Smith , diary , 1835 , in Latter-Day Saints' Millenial Star 1 5 (Jun e 18, 25 , 1853) : 3 9 6 - 9 7. 4 2 2 40. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 3, 93, n o , 112-13 . 41. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 123 , 126 . 42. Ne w Yor k Times, i n Alban y Argus, Apr . 23 , 1835 ; Schroeder, "Mathia s the Prophet, " 65. 43. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1,5 . 44. Vale , Fanaticism, pt . 1 , 6 2 - 6 3 . 45. Vale, Fanaticism, pt . 2 , 127 . 46. Narrative, 122 .

4. Ne w Mission s 1. Narrative, 98-100 . 2. Narrative, 98 . According to Peter's letters , as presented i n Narrative, 7 6 79, Pete r saile d awa y i n 183 9 o n th e whalin g shi p "Done, " o f Nantucket , wit h Capt. "Miller. " Accordin g t o Kapla n "Sojourne r Truth' s So n Peter, " 34 , citin g ship records , it s correc t nam e wa s "Zone, " it s captai n wa s "Hiller, " i t lef t Nan tucket i n 1839 , an d returne d ther e Ma y 8 , 1843 , wit h whal e oil . Bu t whethe r Peter returne d wit h the ship is unknown . 3. Narrative, 100 . 4. Humez , Gifts of Power; Andrews, Sisters of the Spirit. 5. Narrative, 99—100 . 6. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 478. 7. Th e seve n accounts (o f varying believability): Vineland, N J, Weekly, Dec . 25, 1869 ; Kalamazo o Daily Telegraph, Jun e 14 , 1877 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, July 25 , 1878 ; Woman's Journal, Aug . 10 , 1878 ; New Yor k Herald, Dec. 16, 1878 ; Chicag o Times, Aug . 12 , 1879 ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879.

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8. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 9. Vineland , N J , Weekly, Dec . 25, 1969 . 10. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879; Narrative, 101 . 11. Trut h seem s t o sa y sh e arrive d i n "Col d Springs, " Lon g Island , o n Jul y 4, 1843 , where th e temperanc e meetin g wa s held (Narrative, 105) . O n tha t day , according t o th e Huntingto n Long Islander, Jul y 7 , 1843 , count y temperanc e societies hel d a temperanc e festiva l i n Col d Spring , wit h a processio n fro m th e Methodist churc h t o a grove, where they provide d music , orations, and dinner . 12. Narrative, 114 . 13. Narrative, 105 . 14. Narrative, 114 . 15. Northampto n Association : Narrative, 114-15 , 120-21 ; Noyes , History of American Socialisms, 154-60 ; Sheffield , History of Florence, chaps. 8-9 ; Mabee , Black Freedom, 8 2 - 8 5. 16. Sheffield , History of Florence, 130-32 . 17. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 18. Narrative, 115-20 . 19. Narrative, 120—21 . 20. Suppor t herself : National Anti-Slavery Standard, Sept . 10 , 1853 ; Ne w York Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853 . 21. Narrative, 1850 , 144 . 22. Narrative, 121 ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Hampshir e County Recor d Book , vol . 133 , Registe r o f Deeds , Northampton , MA , deed , 106-7; mortgage , 124-25 . 23. Narrative, 269 . 24. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Oct . 26 , 1850 . 25. Ne w Yor k Herald, Oct. 25 , 26, 28, 1850 . 26. Resolution : Woman' s Right s Convention , hel d Worcester , 1850 , Proceedings, 16 . Claim : Benjami n Quarles , "Truth , Sojourner, " Colliers Encyclopedia, New York , 1986 , vol. 22 , 501 . It ha s als o been claime d tha t Trut h wa s the onl y black woma n a t the conventio n (Schneir , Feminism, 93 ; Ravitch, American Reader, 86). Bu t th e Ne w Yor k Herald, Oct . 25 , 1850 , reported , "severa l dar k colore d sisters were visible in the corners. " 27. National And-Slavery Standard, Nov . 28 , 1850 . 28. Bosto n Liberator, Jan . 3 , 1851 ; Lasser an d Merrill , Friends and Sisters, 99-100. 29. Claimed : Bennett , Pioneers in Protest, 123 ; Levinson , First Women Who Spoke Out, 51 . Stewart: Bosto n Liberator, May 4, 1833 . 30. Trut h t o Garrison, Apr . 11 , 1864, BPL . 31. Bosto n Liberator, Feb . 28 , 1851 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Mar . 6 , 1851. 32. Bosto n Liberator, Apr. 4, 1851. 33. O n th e Posts : Bosto n Liberator, Sept . 23 , 1853 ; Rocheste r Union and Advertiser, Ma y 13 , 1872; Jan. 30 , 1889 ; Colman, Reminiscences, 83—86 . 34. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Ma y 17 , 1851.

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35. Colman , Reminiscences, 65 . 36. Jame s Brown Yerringto n wa s the printer o f the Boston Liberator. 37. Trut h t o Garrison, Aug . 28 , 1851 , BPL.

5. Wh y Di d Sh e Neve r Lear n t o Read ? 1. Sagina w Daily Courier, June 11 , 1871. 2. Chadwick , A Life for Liberty, 80 ; Stowe, "Sojourner Truth, " 480 . 3. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 16 , 1853 ; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug. 13 , 1879 . 4. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Nov . 8 , 1856 . 5. "Stiff" : Redding , Lonesome Road, 78 ; Pauli , Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 18 1 (Neithe r Reddin g no r Paul i document s thi s story ; whe n I wrot e Redding askin g i f he could cit e a source for this story , he replied [Ma y 16 , 1986 ] that though h e checked his notes, he could not) . Cordley, "Sojourner Truth, " 65 . 6. Pennsylvani a Yearl y Meetin g o f Progressive Friends , held 1874 , Proceedings, 17 ; Cordley, "Sojourner Truth, " 65; Kimball Hous e Museum, Battle Creek , to CM, July 14 , 1986 ; Lansing Republican, Jun e 7 , 1881. 7. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 8. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853 ; Carter, "Sojourne r Truth, " 479 . 9. Bosto n Post, Jan . 2 , 1871 ; Springfield Daily Republican, Feb . 24, 1871. 10. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 1853 ; Tomkins , Jewels in Ebony, 6 ; Chicago Times, Aug . 12 , 1879 ; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Sept . 5 , 1881 ; Stewart, Holy Warriors, 138 . 11. Douglass , i n Sheffield , History of Florence, 132 ; Ne w Yor k World, Ma y 11, 1867 ; Boston Post, Jan. 2 , 1871. 12. Colman , Reminiscences, 66 ; New Yor k World, May 11 , 13, 1867. 13. Ne w Yor k Sun, Nov . 24 , 1878 ; Ne w Yor k Herald, Dec . 16 , 1878 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Jul y 4 , 1863 ; Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Nov. 23 , 1863 ; Stone, in Woman's Journal, Aug . 5 , 1876 , 252. 14. Trut h t o Am y Post , Aug . 25 , 1867 , LR ; Sojourne r t o Mar y K . Gale , Feb. 25 , 1864 , LC . 15. Ne w Yor k World, Ma y 13 , 1867 ; Stone , i n Woman's Journal, Aug . 5 , 1876, 252 ; Douglass , i n Sheffield , History of Florence, 131—32; Stowe, "Sojour ner Truth," 473.

6. He r Famou s Akro n Speec h 1. Narrative, 131-35 ; Stanton , Anthony , an d Gage , History, vol . 1 , 115 — 17

'

2. Fauset , Sojourner Truth, 131 . 3. I n 187 1 Truth wa s reported—whether accuratel y o r not—to hav e warned ,

256

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in a n illogical , humorou s statement , tha t account s o f he r lif e publishe d i n th e period i n whic h Gage' s accoun t wa s publishe d wer e no t reliable : "O f th e pub lished account s o f he r lif e . . . 'wha t Mrs . Stow e wri t wa s true , bu t sinc e tha t i t had growe d an d growed , an d now i t was a great book , and ther e wasn't a word of truth i n it , an d wha t ther e wa s that wa s true wa s all hind sid e afore' " (Washing ton New National Era, Apr . 20 , 1871) . 4. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth. " We have two contemporar y testimonies , if not impressive ones , that Stowe' s articl e wa s accurate . On e wa s b y Truth , a s quote d in the previou s note . The othe r wa s by editor Oliver Johnson, who , in reprintin g Stowe's articl e i n hi s National Anti-Slavery Standard, Mar . 28 , 1863 , wrote : "Mrs. Stowe's picture is by no means exaggerated." By contrast, we have available no suc h contemporar y endorsement s o f Gage' s article . However , Stowe' s article , like Gage's , wa s publishe d man y year s afte r th e event s i t described . Bot h Gag e and Stow e clai m t o repor t wha t Trut h sai d i n lengthy , direc t quotations , whic h in themselve s inevitabl y sugges t doubt s abou t accuracy . Moreover , Stowe' s arti cle, lik e Gage's , contain s significan t factua l error s abou t Truth' s life , for exampl e that sh e wa s bor n i n Africa , tha t th e Va n Wagenen s wer e Quakers , tha t Mrs . Dumont's daughte r too k Pete r t o Alabama , tha t th e "I s Go d Dead? " inciden t took plac e i n Faneui l Hall , an d tha t Trut h wa s alread y dead . Bu t Stowe' s articl e does not len d itself to checking for accuracy a s well as Gage's does in that Stowe' s recounts a private rather than a public meeting . 5. Fo r thi s purpose , a "description" o f the conventio n mus t b e a t leas t seve n sentences long . I f a n articl e i s signed , an d i s continue d i n a late r issue , i t i s stil l considered a s onl y on e description . I f a publication ha s mor e tha n on e articl e o n the conventio n tha t i s unsigned , an d the y ar e short , the y ma y b e considere d a s one description . Th e twenty-seve n descriptions , al l publishe d i n 1851 , arrange d alphabetically b y plac e o f publication, are : Akron , OH , Summit Beacon, Jun e 4 ; Boston, Liberator, June 13 ; Chillicothe, OH, Daily Scioto Gazette, June 5 , 10 , 13; Cincinnati Daily Gazette, Jun e 2 , 4 , 9 ; Cincinnat i Daily Commercial, Jun e 3 , 6 (by Celi a M . Burr) ; Cincinnat i Daily Nonpareil, Jun e 2 , 3 , 5 (b y Luciu s A . Hine); Cincinnat i Enquirer, Jun e 6 ; Cincinnati , Woman' s Right s Convention , held Akron , Ma y 28—29 , 1851 , Proceedings (official) ; Clevelan d Daily Plain Dealer, Jun e 2 ; Clevelan d Herald, Ma y 3 0 (b y "Observer") ; Clevelan d Herald, June 1 1 (b y "Constance") ; Clevelan d True Democrat, Ma y 3 0 (b y "B") ; Cleve land True Democrat, Jun e 6 (b y "Looke r On") ; Columbu s Ohio Cultivator, Jun e 15 (b y Hanna h M . Tracy) ; London , England , The People, July 1 9 (b y Josep h Barker); Ne w Lisbon , OH , Aurora, Jun e 18 ; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Jun e 3 , 6; Ne w Yor k Home Journal, Jun e 21 ; Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, Jun e 7 , 14 , 28 (b y Jan e Swisshelm) ; Pittsburg h Saturday Visiter, Jul y 1 9 (b y Celi a M . Burr); Pittsburg h Saturday Visiter, Jul y 2 6 (b y Gage) ; Ravenna Ohio Star, Jun e 4; Ravenn a Portage County Whig, Jun e 4 , Aug . 13 ; Rochester Daily Democrat, June 4 , 9 ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Jun e 7 ("Proceedings, " bu t no t th e same a s th e officia l Proceedings cite d earlier) ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, June 7 (editoria l b y Mariu s Robinson) ; Salem, OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Jun e 2 1 (unsigned repor t o f Truth's speech) .

6 . HE R FAMOU S AKRO N SPEEC H

257

6. Akron , OH , Summit Beacon, Ma y 28 ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, June 7 ; Clevelan d Herald, Jun e 11 ; Pittsburg h Saturday Visiter, Jun e 7 , 1851.

7. Ne w Yor k Home Journal, Jun e 21 ; Cincinnati Gazette, Jun e 2 , 4 ; Gag e in Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, July 26 , 1851 . Similarly, Gage denied that "wom an's right s wome n ar e s o ver y unpopular " {Lily, Senec a Falls , NY , June , 1852 , 50). Roseboom , Civil War Era, 238 , described Ohi o newspaper s i n th e 1850 s a s not usuall y deridin g th e woman' s right s movement , "perhap s fro m a sens e o f chivalry," but rathe r devotin g small space to it, and damning i t with fain t praise . 8. Columbu s Ohio Cultivator, Jun e 15 ; Bosto n Liberator, Jun e 13 ; Ne w York Home Journal, Jun e 21 ; Clevelan d Herald, Ma y 30 ; Burr , i n Cincinnat i Daily Commercial, June 6 ; Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, June 7 , 14 , 1851. 9. Nationa l Women's Rights Convention, held Cleveland, 1853 , Proceedings, 710. Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Apr . 27 , 1850 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Ma y 22 ; Bosto n Liberator, Ma y 23 ; Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, Apr . 5; Salem, OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Ma y 10 , 1851. 11. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Mar . 30 , 1850 . 12. Flexner , Century of Struggle, 9 0 - 9 1 ; Hine , i n Hine , State of Afro-American History, 232 ; Rosaly n Terborg-Penn , i n Harle y an d Terborg-Penn , AfroAmerican Woman, 20 ; Allen, Reluctant Reformers, 134-35 ; Davis, Women, Race, &f Class, 6 2 - 6 4 ; Kerbe r an d Mathews , Women's America, 202 . "On e recent" : Hooks, Ain't I a Woman, 128 , 159—61 . 13. Swisshelm : Saturday Visiter, Jun e 7 , 14 , 1851 ; Hanna h Trac y Cutler : Woman's Journal, Sept . 26 , 1896 . 14. Trut h t o Amy Post , ca. June 1 , 1851 , UR. 15. Th e fou r reports , arrange d fro m shortes t t o longest , are : Swisshelm , i n Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, Jun e 14 ; Bosto n Liberator, Jun e 13 ; Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Jun e 6 ; Salem, OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Jun e 21 , 1851. 16. Gage' s 186 3 repor t spelle d Truth' s expressio n a s "Ar'n't. " Narrative, 1875, 134 , in reprinting Gage' s report, also gave it as "Ar'n't." However, Stanto n et al. , History, vol . 1 , 1881 , 116 , gav e i t a s "a'n't." I n th e Detroi t Post, Nov . 29 , 1883, i t appeare d a s "ain't. " B y th e 1970s , "ain't " ha d becom e th e mos t com monly used form i n publications abou t Truth, an d it has remained s o since. 17. Th e mott o "A m I no t a Woman an d a Sister?" was a reversed se x versio n of the motto , "A m I no t a Man an d a Brother?" which wa s used a s early a s 178 7 in Britain b y the Societ y for the Abolition o f the Slave Trade (Honour , The Image of the Black in Western Art, vol . 4 , 62) . Th e mott o "A m I no t a Woma n an d a Sister?" appeared i n 1832 , along wit h a picture o f a female slav e in chains , as the heading of the Boston Liberator's Ladie s Department . 18. Narrative, 114 . For Ne w York : New Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853 . 19. "Jessamines" : Bosto n Liberator, Mar . 20 , 1863 . "Rhythm" : Roseboom , Civil War Era, 241 . Th e "Ain' t I a Woman? " passag e ha s bee n recognize d a s poetic, an d printe d i n poeti c format , a s i n Stetson , Black Sister, 24—25 , wit h attribution o f course to Truth, no t Gage .

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20. Trut h t o Post , ca . Jun e 1 ; Gage , i n Pittsburg h Saturday Visiter, Jul y 5 , 26. Columbu s Ohio Cultivator, Jun e 15 ; Lily, Senec a Falls, NY, Nov. 1851 . 21. Akron , OH , Summit Beacon, Jun e 4 ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, June 7 ; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Jun e 3 , 6; Boston Liberator, June 13 , 1851. 22. Woman's Journal, Jul y 2 , 1881 ; Springfield Daily Republican, Nov . 27 , 1883; Detroit Post and Tribune, Nov . 29 , 1883 . 23. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Jun e 21 , 1851.

7. Confrontin g Douglas s 1. Stowe , "Th e President' s Message, " 1 . Stowe , "Sojourne r Truth, " 480 ; Rochester Evening Express, Nov . 27 , 1883 ; Crisis 7 (Nov . 1913) : 341 ; Detroi t Free Press, Apr . 17 , 1942 . 2. Walte r M. Merrill and Louis Ruchames, in Garrison, Letters, vol . 6, 538n . 3. Fiv e newspapers : National Anti-Slavery Standard, Sept . 9 , 23 ; Pillsbury , in Boston Liberator, Sept . 10 , 17 ; Salem, OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Aug . 28 , Sept . 4; Johnson , i n Pennsylvania Freeman, Sept . 4 ; Douglas s e t al. , i n Frederick Douglass3 Paper, Sept . 3 , 1852 . 4. Johnson , i n Pennsylvania Freeman, Sept . 4 , 1852 , an d Orange , NJ , Journal, Jul y 29 , 1876 ; Douglass, in Wyman, "Sojourne r Truth, " 63. 5. Stone , in Woman's Journal, Dec . 1 , 1883 ; "American," lette r to editor, i n New Yor k Globe and Commercial Advertiser, Apr . 16 , 1918 ; Terry , "Sojourne r Truth," [438] . 6. Ne w York , Principia, Dec . 29 , i860 . 7. Douglass , Life and Times, 275 . 8. Pennsylvania Freeman, Sept . 4, 1852 . 9. Mill y i s base d o n Truth : Banner of Light, Ma y 2 , 1863 ; Rochester Evening Express, Nov . 27 , 1883 ; Foster, Rungless Ladder, 72 . 10. Narrative, 73 , 75. 11. Mabee , Black Freedom, 2 3 - 2 5 , chap . 6 ; Pauli , Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 10 . 12. O n thi s song, "I Am Pleadin g for M y People, " see chap. 20 . 13. Clevelan d Herald, Sept. 10 , 1852 . 14. Woman' s Right s Convention , hel d Ne w York , 1853 , Proceedings, 76. 15. Truth' s recollectio n o f thi s inciden t {Narrative, 140-41 ) i s considerabl y substantiated i n Angola , IN , Steuben Republican, Ma y 18 , June 1 , 8 , 15 , 1861 ; Boston Liberator, June 21 , 28, 1861. 16. Bosto n Liberator, June 21 , 1861. 17. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr . 25 , 1863 ; Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Nov . 23 , 1863 ; Truth t o Mary K . Gale , Feb. 25, 1864 , LC . 18. Mabee , Black Freedom, chap. 19 .

8. N O R T H A M P T ON T O BATTLE CREEK 25

9

8. Northampto n t o Battl e Cree k 1. U.S . Census , 1850 , Northampton , p . 108 , list s "Isabell a Vanwaggener, " Sophia, an d Dian a together . O n Truth' s descendant s a t large : Lowe , "Th e Fam ily"; Battle Creek Enquirer and News, Nov . 26 , 1981. 2. Samue l Banks' s obituary : Battle Cree k Daily Journal, Mar . 8 , 1875 . 3. Narrative, 12 5 ("Deann a Dumont " wa s a Hyd e Park , NY , Reforme d Dutch Churc h membe r fro m Nov . 23 , 1849 , t o Nov . 18 , 1851 , according t o it s "Vital Records , 1810-1899") ; Dian a Corbin' s obituary : Battl e Cree k Journal, Oct. 25 , 1904 . 4. Trut h t o Gale, Apr. 14 , 1853 , LC. 5. Trut h t o "Dear Friend, " May 1 2 [1855 ? 1856?] , LC. 6. Hampshir e Count y Recor d Book , Count y Cour t House , Northampton , MA, vol . 133 , 124-25 ; vol. 175 , n - 1 2 . 7. Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Nov . 8 , 1856 ; Georg e T . Garriso n t o Henry C . Wright, Ma y 2 , 1857 , s c 8. Deed , Hira m Cornel l t o Sojourne r Truth , i n Recor d o f Deeds , Calhou n County Clerk' s Office , Marshall , MI , bk . 46 , 264 . Later , dat e unknown , Trut h purchased additiona l adjoinin g land , givin g her a total o f two acre s (Truth' s will , probated Nov . 10 , 1888 , Record s o f Probat e Court , Calhou n County ; deed , "Sojourner Truth , pe r heirs, " to Willia m H . Clevenger , Sept . 15 , 1896 , Record s of Deeds, Calhoun Count y Clerk' s Office, bk . 155 , 571.) Truth's Harmoni a hous e is n o longe r standing ; th e whol e villag e wa s swep t awa y t o mak e roo m fo r th e military Cam p Custe r i n 1917 . 9. "Follow" : Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Stone , "Sojourne r Truth," 124 . Deli a Cornel l Stone' s mothe r wa s Dorcas , th e daughte r o f th e Quaker "minister " Alexande r Young . I n 182 0 Young operate d a "boarding school " in Poppletown , Esopus , NY . Dorca s Youn g marrie d Reynold s Cornell , als o a Quaker. Reynold s and Dorcas Cornel l an d their famil y lef t Ulste r Count y i n 182 3 for Rensselae r County , N Y (Anson , Plains Monthly Meeting, 12-13 , 32 , 8 4 - 8 5 ; U.S. Census , Ulste r County , 1800 , 1810 , 1820) . I t wa s fro m ther e tha t th e Cornells move d t o Battl e Creek . Afte r thei r daughte r Deli a becam e a teacher i n the Cornells ' Seminary , sh e marrie d anothe r o f it s teachers , Willia m B . Stone , with a Spiritualis t ministe r officiatin g (Battl e Cree k Journal, Jun e 17 , Sept . 2 , 1859)10. Deed , Hampshir e Count y Recor d Book , vol . 175 , 31—32. 11. Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Mar . 8 , 1875 ; Chase , Life-Line, 203 , 250— 51; Chase , Forty Tears, 51 , 78. 12. Ford , Heroes and Hero Tales, 103—4 . 13. Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Aug . 28 , 1852 ; Nov . 8 , 1856 ; Lowe , "History i s Legend an d Truth. " 14. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Ma y 3 , 1851. 15. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Oct . 31 , 1857. 16. Braude , Radical Spirits, 59 .

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17. Banner of Light, Aug . 22 , 1863 ; Battl e Cree k Journal, Aug . 5 , 1859 ; Narrative, 258-59 . 18. Banner of Light, Ma y 2 , 1863 . 19. Syracus e Standard, i n Battl e Cree k Journal, Apr . 12 , 1871 ; New Yor k World, May 13 , 1870 ; Stone , "Sojourne r Truth " (i n bot h 187 5 an d 187 6 i t wa s rumored tha t Trut h wa s dead); Colman, Reminiscences, 65 . 20. i86 0 U.S . Census , tow n o f Bedford, 3 0 8 - 9 (apparentl y Jame s Caldwel l [or Colvin ] i s liste d twice , onc e livin g wit h Trut h an d onc e livin g wit h a neigh boring blacksmith) ; Lowe , "The Family. " 21. Battl e Creek Evening News, Jan . 1 , 1918 . 22. Henr y B . Graves , "Sojourne r Truth, " statemen t date d Dec . 30 , 1939 , WL; Battle Cree k Daily Journal, Jul y 2 , 1879 . 23. Trut h t o Amy Post , Aug. 25 , 1867 , UR . 24. Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Aug . 3 , 1872 ; Christian at Work, Sept . 28 , 1882; Coldwate r Republican, Apr . 19 , 1878 ; Michiga n Departmen t o f Socia l Services to Mrs. Stanle y T . Lowe , June n , 1975 , WL.

9. Undergroun d Railroader ? 1. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 2. Blockson , Underground Railroad, 1 ; Peas e an d Pease , They Who Would Be Free, 39 ; Gornic k an d Moran , Woman in Sexist Society, 490 ; Ebony, Feb . 1987,33. Sheffield , History of Florence, 165-67. 4. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Oct . 25 , 1851. 5. Bradford , Harriet Tubman, 4 9 - 5 0 ; Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 479 . 6. Am y Post' s recollection s o f the Railroad , i n Peck , Semi-Centennial, 4 5 8 62; Colman, Reminiscences, 83—86 . 7. Lowe , "Michiga n Days, " 127-28 ; Detroi t News and Tribune, Feb . 14 , 19158. Henr y J . A . Wiegmink , "Earl y Day s o f Battl e Creek, " MS , ca . 1940 , 653-72* WL; Battle Creek Enquirer, Oct . 15 , 1916; Lambert, in Detroit Tribune, Jan. 17 , 1886 ; Lowe, "Michigan Days, " 127-28 . 9. Narrative, 1884 , "A Memoria l Chapter, " 26 . 10. Redding , Lonesome Road, 77; Pauli, Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 161 , 240. 11. Narrative, 139-44 . 12. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Jul y 4 , 1863 . 13. Ne w Yor k Sun, Nov . 24 , 1878 ; Sagina w Daily Courier, Jun e 14 , 1871 ; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879.

I I . WIT H P R E S I D E N T LINCOL N A N D TH E F R E E D M E N 2 6

1

10. Romanticized : Libya n Siby l 1. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 4 8 0 - 8 1 . 2. James , William Wetmore Story, vol . 2, 7 0 - 7 1 . 3. Yellin , Women & Sisters, 84 ; James, William Wetmore Story, vol . 2 , 7 0 71-

4. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 473—81 . 5. Sheffield , History of Florence, 129—32; New York Evening Telegram, Nov . 27, 1883 . 6. Athenaeum, i n Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 481. 7. Harper's Magazine 2 7 (June , 1863) : 133 ; Jarves, Art-Idea, 224 ; Bosto n Liberator, Jan. 20 , 1865 ; James, William Wetmore Story, vol . 2, 76—80. 8. Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Jan . 11 , 1869. 9. Stanton : Ne w Yor k World, May 13 , 1867 ; Tilton: Independent, Sept . 30 , 1869; Pillsbury, Acts of the Anti-Slavery Apostles, 487; Truth: Rocheste r Evening Express, Mar . 13 , 1867. 10. Springfiel d Daily Republican, Feb . 22 , 1871 ; New Yor k World, May 12 , 1870; Vineland, NJ , Weekly, Dec . 25, 1869 .

11. Wit h Presiden t Lincol n an d th e Freedme n 1. Trut h t o Mary K . Gale , Feb. 25, 1864 , LC . 2. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Jul y 4 , 1863 . 3. Battl e Cree k Journal, Dec . 12 , 1883 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr. 25 , July 4 , 1863 ; Truth t o Gale, Feb. 25, 1864 , LC . 4. Narrative, 172—73 . 5. Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Nov . 23 , 1863. 6. Narrative, 126 . 7. Wood , White Side, 247-48 . 8. Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Nov . 25 , 1863 ; Jan. 11 , 1869 ; Truth t o Oliver Johnson, Feb . 3, in National Anti-Slavery Standard, Feb . 13 , 1864 ; Trut h to Mary K . Gale , Feb. 25 , 1864 , LC . 9. Bosto n Commonwealth, Aug . 12 , 19 , 1864 ; Conrad , Harriet Tubman, 183-84; Holt , "A Heroin e in Ebony, " 462. 10. Trut h t o Amy Post , Nov . 3 , 1864 , UR . 11. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Dec . 17 , 1864 . 12. Orange , NJ, Journal, Jul y 29 , 1876 ; Harlowe, "Sojourner Truth, " 173 . 13. Tomkins , Jewels in Ebony, 3 . 14. Colman , letter , i n Rocheste r Evening Express, Nov . 10 , 1864 ; Colman , Reminiscences, 66—67. 15. Derby , "Sojourne r Truth, " 169 ; Colman, Reminiscences, 52, 65; Tomkins , Jewels in Ebony, 1—2 . 16. Battl e Cree k Journal, Apr . 9 , 16 , 1868 ; Ypsilanti Commercial, Sept . 14 ,

262 12

. RIDIN G WASHINGTON' S HORS E CAR S

1872; Blue Rapids, KS, Times, Jul y 18 , 1878 ; New Yor k Herald, Dec. 16 , 1878; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Chicag o Semi-Weekly Inter-Ocean, Sept. 25 , 1893. 17. Narrative, 178 . 18. Orange , NJ, Journal, Jul y 29 , 1876 . 19. Eppse , The Negro, 174—75 ; White, "Sojourne r Truth, " 17 ; Mabee, Black Freedom, 337; Martin, American Sisterhood, 102 ; Davis an d Redding , Cavalcade, 78. 20. Detroi t Post, Jan . 12 , 1869 ; Narrative, 17 8 (Trut h continue d t o tel l th e tale: Ne w Yor k Herald, Dec . 16 , 1878 ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879); Pauli, Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 9 . 21. Cordley , "Sojourne r Truth, " 65; Fairbank , Rev. Calvin Fairbank, 1 7 7 78. 22. Woonsocket , RI , Patriot, Aug . 5 , 1870 ; Narrative, 275 ; Detroit Tribune, Nov. 4, 1885 . 23. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Nov . 27 , 1869 ; Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Jan . n , 1869 ; Northampton Hampshire Gazette, Feb. 21, 1871; Topeka Kansas State Record, Oct . 11 , 1871 ; Narrative, xi ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug. 13 , 1879 .

12. Ridin g Washington's Hors e Cars 1. Ne w Yor k World, May 13 , 1867. 2. Mabee , Black Freedom, chaps. 7 - 8 . 3. [U.S. ] Statutes at Large, vol . 13 , 536-37. 4. Narrative, 184 ; Congressional Globe, 38 Cong. , 1s t sess., 1864 , 553-54 . 5. Washingto n Weekly National Republican, Mar . 17 , 1865. 6. Narrative, 185 . 7. Narrative, 184-85 ; Battl e Cree k Journal, Apr . 12 , 1871 . Other source s on he r ride-ins : Ne w Yor k Commercial Advertiser, Mar . 22 , 1865 ; Washingto n Weekly National Republican, Mar . 3 1 , 1865; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Oct . 14, 1865 ; Detroit Post, Jan . 12 , 1869 . 8. Trut h t o Amy Post , Oct . 1 , 1865 , UR . 9. Narrative, 185—86 . 10. Narrative, 186 . 11. Trut h t o Post, Oct . 1 , 1865 , UR . 12. Washingto n Daily National Republican, Sept . 22 , 1865 . (An almos t iden tical articl e appeare d i n th e Washingto n Evening Star, Sept . 22 , Washingto n Daily Morning Chronicle, and Washingto n Daily National Intelligencer, Sept . 23 , 1865.) 13. Tomkins , Jewels in Ebony, 8 . 14. Narrative, 187 ; Springfield Daily Republican, Feb . 24, 1871. 15. Washingto n Daily Morning Chronicle, Mar . 11 , Dec . 25 ; Washingto n Daily Times, Jun e 12 , July 13 , 1865.

13. MOVING FREED SLAVES TO T HE N O R TH 26

3

16. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Dec . 1 , 1866 . 17. Bliven , Mirror for Greatness, 162 ; Grant , Black Protest, 68 ; Detroi t Free Press, Apr. 23 , 1972 . 18. Mabee , Black Freedom, chaps. 6 - 7, 359 . 19. Battl e Cree k Journal, Apr . 12 , 1871.

13. Movin g Free d Slave s t o th e Nort h 1. Detroi t Post, Jan. 12 , 1869 . 2. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr . 27 , 1867 ; Sagina w Daily Courier, June 14 , 1871 ; Kalamazoo Daily Telegraph, July 8 , 1879 . 3. Banner of Light, Feb . 11 , 1865. 4. Mot t an d Wood, Narratives of Colored Americans, 68 . 5. Sagina w Daily Courier, June 14 , 1871. 6. Tomkins , Jewels in Ebony, 3—4 . 7. Trut h t o Amy Post , Oct . 1 , 1865 , UR . 8. Narrative, 183 . 9. Richar d B . Merritt t o Freedmen's Bureau , Oct . 7 , 1867 , r °U 3 > it e m 2 9°> FB. Available burea u record s do not lis t her a s an employee . 10. Narrative, 181—82 ; National Freedman, 1—2 , Mar. , 186 5 t o July , 1866 , passim; American Freedman 1 (Dec. 1866) : 139 . 11. A . E. Newto n t o Truth, Apr . 2 , 1867 , UR; National Freedman 1 (May 1 , 1865): 137 ; Colman, Reminiscences, 67—68 . 12. Washingto n Daily Morning Chronicle, Dec. 27, 1865 . 13. Trut h t o Amy Post , July 3 , 1866 , UR . 14. Josephin e Griffin g t o Brig . Gen . C . H . Howard , Nov . 7 , 1866 , rol l 7 , 197, FB. 15. Garrison , Letters, vol . 4, 269 ; Miss J . E . Griffin g t o Col . W. W . Rogers , Feb. 20 , 1867 , vol. 138 , no. 366, FB. 16. Battl e Cree k Enquirer and Evening News, Ma y 29 , 1929 . 17. Battl e Creek Enquirer and Evening News, Jun e 18 , 1922 . 18. Narrative, 191 . 19. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Oct . 19 , 1867 ; Kalamazo o Daily Telegraph, Jul y 8 , 1879 . 20. Haviland , Woman's Life-Work, 4 4 9 - 5 1 . 21. W . W . Rogers to Frances Titus, Dec. 12 , 1866 , roll 1 , 562, FB. 22. Th e class : Battle Creek Journal, Jan . 2 , 1868 , Jan. 7 , 1869 . 23. Banner of Light, Feb . 18 , 25, 1865 . 24. Phoeb e H . M . Stickne y t o Truth, Apr . 10 , [1867], UR . 25. Rocheste r Daily Democrat, Rocheste r Evening Express, Mar . 13 , 1867. 26. Trut h t o Josephine Griffing , Mar . 30 , 1867 , UR . 27. Josephin e Griffin g t o Trut h an d Am y Post , Mar . 26 ; Jame s Milro y t o Truth, Apr . 10 ; A . C . Va n Epp s t o Truth , Mar . 19 ; H . F . McVea n t o Truth , Mar. 25 ; Ruth Andrew s t o Truth, Apr . 3 , 1867 , UR .

264

1 4 . W E S T E R N LAN D

28. Rocheste r Daily Democrat, Mar. 15 , 1867 . 29. Rocheste r Daily Union, Mar . 14 , 16 , 1867 . 30. Am y Pos t t o "Genera l J . M . Howard " (erro r fo r O . O . Howard?) , Mar . 18, 1867 , roll 8 , 1266 , FB. 31. Griffin g t o Truth an d Amy Post , Mar . 26 , 1867 , UR . 32. Trut h t o Griffing, Mar . 30 , 1867 , UR . 33. Narrative, 275 . 34. Trut h t o Amy Post , Apr. 25 , 1867 , UR . 35. Mar y H . Thomas to Truth, Ma y 13 , 1867, UR . 36. Rol l 17 , 509^. , FB ; "Endorsements " concernin g Trut h t o bureau , Sept . 18, 1867 , roll 3, nos. 290, 382, FB. 37. Detroi t Advertiser and Tribune, Jan . n , 1869 . 38. Rocheste r Daily Democrat, June 7 , 10 , 1867 . 39. Trut h t o Am y Post , Aug . 25 , Nov. 4 , 1867 , UR ; France s Titu s t o Eliz a Leggett, Nov . 13 , 1867, DPL . 40. Narrative, 289 . 41. Narrative, 229 ; Kalamazoo Daily Telegraph, July 8 , 1879 . 42. Bosto n Post, Jan . 2 , 1871.

14. Wester n Lan d 1. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Nov . 27 , Dec. 18 , 25, 1869 . 2. Ne w Yor k Tribune, Mar . 13 , 1871. 3. Mov e to Canada : Detroi t Post, Jan . 12 , 1869 . Truth an d Stebbin s repor t their visi t to Grant: Narrative, 273-75 , Detroit Tribune, Nov . 4, 1885 . 4. Tol d t o petition : Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 16 , 1879 . Reception : uni dentified Washingto n newspaper , i n Orange , NJ , Journal, i n Battl e Cree k Journal, June 29 , 187 0 (Narrative, 130 , reprints this article but incorrectl y date s it in Lincoln's administration) . Celebrating : Washington , DC , New Era, Apr . 21 , 1870. The receptio n ma y have occurred o n Apr. 20 , 187 0 when severa l Senator s signed he r autograp h boo k {Narrative, 297-99) . I t ha s bee n claime d (Bosto n Daily News, Dec . 30 , 1870 ; Narrative, 130 ) tha t Trut h "spoke " t o Congress , perhaps meanin g a t thi s time , bu t n o convincin g evidenc e fo r th e clai m i s avail able. 5. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Mar . 4 , 1871 ; Detroi t Post, Jun e 26 , 1871; Fal l Rive r Daily Evening News, Oct . 14 , 1870 ; Providenc e Evening Bulletin, Oct . 26 , 1870 ; Bosto n Daily Journal, Dec . 29 , 1870 ; Bosto n Post; Bosto n Daily News; Bosto n Daily Evening Transcript, Jan . 2 , 1871 . There i s no availabl e evidence fo r Pauli' s claim , i n he r fictionalize d Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 224, that Theodor e Tilto n helpe d he r word her petition . 6. Bosto n Zion's Herald, Feb . 23 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Mar . 4 ; New Yor k Tribune, Mar . 13 ; Detroi t Daily Post, Jun e 26 , 28 ; Sagina w Daily Courier, June 11 , 1871.

1 4 . WESTER N LAN D

265

7. Rocheste r Democrat and Chronicle, Ma y 5 ; Bosto n Post, Jan . 2 ; Detroi t Daily Post, June 26 , 1871. 8. Ne w Yor k Tribune, Mar . 13 ; Springfiel d Daily Republican, Feb . 24 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Mar . 4, 1871 . 9. Wyandotte , KS , Gazette, Jan. 25 , 1872 . 10. Burlington , IA , Hawkeye, Mar . 9 , 1872 . 11. Kansa s City Daily Journal of Commerce, Jan. 12 ; Wyandotte Gazette, Feb. 1, 8 ; Kansa s Cit y Daily Times, Feb . 8 , 1872 . Redding , Lonesome Road, 78 , claimed, withou t supportin g evidence , that sh e was "manhandled" i n Kansa s an d "ever afterwar d neede d th e suppor t o f a cane." Other s repeate d th e claim . How ever, Truth sometime s walked wit h a cane long before sh e went t o Kansas . 12. Wyandott e Gazette, Feb . 1 , 1872 ; Lawrenc e Kansas Daily Tribune, Oct . 6, 1871 ; Topeka Kansas Daily Commonwealth, Oct . 19 , 1871. 13. Jackson , MI , Daily Citizen, Aug . 21 ; Detroit Daily Post, Sept . 25 , 1872 . 14. Bosto n Zion's Herald, Dec . 29 , 1870 ; Nile s Republican, Oct . 16 , 1873 ; Topeka Kansas State Record, Oct. 11 , 1871. 15. Ne w Yor k Tribune, Mar . 13 ; Battle Cree k Journal, Apr . 12 , 1871. 16. Kansa s Cit y Daily Journal of Commerce, Jan. 16 , 1872 ; Trut h t o O . O . Howard, Dec . 23, 1873, BC. 17. Sagina w Daily Courier, Jun e 11 , 1871; Niles Republican, Oct . 16 , 1873 ; Detroit Free Press, Jun e 13 , 1871 ; about 200 : Monroe , WI , Sentinel, Sept . 20 , 1871. 18. Trut h t o O . O . Howard , Dec . 23 , 1873 , July 28 , 1874 , BC ; Cromwell , Negro in American History, n o ; Washingto n Chronicle, Apr. 20 , 1874 ; Narrative, 251-52. 19. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 20. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Apr . 16 , 1881 ; Topeka Daily Capital, Oct . 16, 1879 ; Chicago Daily Tribune, Aug . 13 , 1879. 21. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 22. Peeks , Long Struggle, 96 ; Bontemps an d Conroy , Anyplace But Here, 65; Cordley, "Sojourne r Truth" ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Oct . 25 , 1879 . Truth' s Michigan friend , Catharin e A . F. Stebbins , who di d no t g o to Kansas , claimed i n Religio-Philosophical Journal, Feb . 28 , 1880 , that Trut h i n helpin g the migrants , "was takin g lon g journey s i n ope n wagons. " (Similarl y Stebbins , i n Stanto n e t al., History, vol . 3 , 532. ) However , Titu s (t o Mar y K . Gale , Dec . 3 , 1879 , undated clipping , Bosto n Journal?, LC) , say s Titus mad e a round tri p i n Kansa s of 17 5 mile s "i n a n ope n wagon " distributin g relief , but , thoug h sh e was writin g primarily abou t Truth , Titu s i n fact di d no t sa y that Trut h wen t wit h her . 23. Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 15 , Dec. 2 , 5, 1879 . 24. Topek a Colored Citizen, Oct . n , 1879 . 25. Battl e Cree k Nightly Moon, Jan . 18 ; Battle Cree k Daily Journal, Feb . 24 , 1880. 26. Wood , White Side, 348 ; Redding , i n Notable American Women, vol . 3 , 481; Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 16 , 1879 .

266

15. WOMEN' S RIGHT S

27. Topek a Commonwealth, Oct . 10 , 14 , 1879 ; Topeka Daz/z/ Capital, Oct . 6 , 1879; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Jan . 1 , Apr. 16 , 1881. 28. Aptheker , Documentary History, 64811. ; Redding , i n Notable American Women-, Bernard, i n Dictionary of American Negro Biography. 29. Fauset , Sojourner Truth, 175 ; White, "Sojourne r Truth, " 18 ; Pauli, Her Name Was Sojourner Truth, 223 ; Middletown, NY , Times Herald Record, Feb. 2 , 1986. 30. Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Apr . 5 , 1873 . 31. Athearn , In Search of Canaan, 78-79 , 183 ; Waldron , "Colonizatio n i n Kansas," 128-31 ; Haviland , i n Topeka Commonwealth, Mar . 21 , 1880. 32. Cordley , "Sojourne r Truth. " 33. Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 16 , 1879 ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13. 1879 .

15. Women' s Right s 1. Vineland , N J , Weekly, Dec . 25 , 1869 . 2. Ne w Yor k Times, Sept . 8 , 1853 . 3. Stowe , "Sojourne r Truth, " 479 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, Dec . 13 , 1866; July 25 , 1878 ; Vineland, NJ , Weekly, Dec . 25, 1869 . 4. Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Jun e 21 , 1851 ; Battle Cree k Michigan Tribune, Sept . 19 , 1877 . 5. Ne w Yor k Times, Ma y 10 , 1867 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, Jul y 22 , 25, 1878 ; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853 ; May 12 , 1870 ; Battl e Cree k Michigan Tribune, Sept . 19 , 1877 ; West Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874; Burlington, IA , Hawkeye, Mar . 9 , 1872 . 6. Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Jun e 21 , 1851 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Jun e 1 , 1867 . 7. America n Equa l Right s Associatio n Anniversary , hel d Ne w York , 1867 , Proceedings, 68. 8. Ne w Yor k World, Ma y 10 , 1867 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, Dec . 13 , 1866. 9. Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 ; Detroit Daily Post, June 28 , 1871 ; New Yor k Herald, May 11 , 1867. 10. Narrative, 282 . 11. Rocheste r Evening Express, Dec . 12 , 13 , 1866 ; Rocheste r Daily Union and Advertiser, Dec . 13 , 1866 . 12. Stanto n t o Truth, Mar . 24 , 1867 , UR . 13. Ne w Yor k World, May 10 , 11 , 13 , 1867 ; Ne w Yor k Evening Post, Ma y 9, 1867 . 14. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Ma y 10 , 1867 . 15. Ne w Yor k World, May 10 , 1867 . 16. "Broke" : Agai n illustratin g th e difficult y o f knowin g wha t Trut h reall y said, th e Ne w Yor k Tribune an d Sun (bot h Ma y 10 ) als o reporte d th e wor d

l 6 . GOOS E WING S AN D HIG H HEEL S 2 6

7

"broke," wherea s th e National Anti-Slavery Standard (Jun e 1 ) an d America n Equal Right s Associatio n (Proceedings, hel d Ne w York , 1867 , 20) , probabl y trying to "improve" her speech , reported th e more elegant "broken " or "cracked. " 17. Ne w Yor k Evening Post, Ma y 9 , 1867 . 18. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Ma y 10 , 1867 . 19. Giddings , When and Where I Enter, 65 . 20. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Nov . 27 , 1869 ; Philadelphi a Inquirer, Dec. 23 , 1869; Stanton, Anthony , an d Gage , History, vol . 3, 4 5 7 - 5 8. 21. Washingto n New Era, Apr . 14 , 21, 1870. 22. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Mar . 20 , 1869 ; Narrative, 290 . 23. National Standard, Apr . 15 , 1871 ; Detroi t Post, Jun e 23 , 26 , 1871 ; Narrative, 285 . 24. Battl e Creek Daily Journal, Nov . 1 , 1872 . 25. Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Nov . 13 , 1872. 26. Washingto n New Era, Apr . 21 , 1870; Fish, "Sojourner Truth : Crusader, " 15; Foner, Voice of Black America, 375 . 27. Geneva , NY , Gazette, Aug . 28 , 1868 ; Rochester Daily Union and Advertiser, Aug. 29 , 1868 . 28. Ne w Yor k Times, Ma y 10 , 1867 ; New Yor k Herald, May 12 , 1870 . 29. Stanto n e t al. , History, vol . 1 , 567 ; Rocheste r Daily Democrat, Dec . 13 , 1866; Narrative, 290 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, Dec . 12 , 1866 ; Ne w Yor k Evening Telegram, Nov . 27 , 1883 .

16. Goos e Wings and High Heel s 1. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 479 . 2. Chicag o Times, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, July 18 , 1874 . 3. Narrative, 114 . 4. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 479 . 5. Ne w Yor k World, Ma y 10 , 1867 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, Apr . 17 , 1871; Chicago Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 6. Wyman , American Chivalry, 107 ; Detroi t Free Press, Jun e 13 , 1871 ; Akron, OH , Summit Beacon, June 2 , 1852 . 7. Warsaw , IN, Northern Indianian, Oct . 8 , 1858 . 8. Bosto n Liberator, Oct . 15 , 1858 ; Narrative, 137-39 . 9. Woonsocket , RI , Patriot, Aug . 5 , 1870 . 10. Providenc e Daily Journal, Nov . 1 , 1870 ; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 4, 1870 ; Narrative, 245 . 11. Syracus e Daily Standard, Mar . 25 , 27, 1871. 12. Rocheste r Evening Express, Jul y 25 , 1878 . 13. Battl e Cree k Michigan Tribune, Sept . 19 , 1877 ; Chicago Times, Chicag o Daily Tribune, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Topek a Colored Citizen, Oct . 11 , 1879 ; Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 16 , 1879 .

268

1 7 . DRIN K A N D SMOK E

17. Drin k an d Smok e 1. Hendricks , "Sojourner Truth, " 669 . 2. Narrative, 6 3 - 6 5 ; West Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 . 3. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Dec . 26, 1868 . 4. Narrative, 105 . 5. Whole World's Temperance Convention, hel d Ne w York , 1853 , n o . 6. Pennsylvani a Yearl y Meetin g o f Progressiv e Friends , hel d Ol d Kennett , 1853, Proceedings, 7, 37. 7. Colman , Reminiscences, 65; Truth t o Post, Jan. 18 , 1869 , UR . 8. Ne w Yor k World, May 13 , 1867. 9. Josep h Goodrich , a n earl y settle r i n Milton , advocate d temperance , op posed slavery , an d wa s a founde r o f Milto n Colleg e wher e i t wa s rumore d tha t Truth spoke . (Milton Historica l Societ y to CM, Jan. 21 , 1991. ) 10. Coldwater , MI , Republican, Mar . 7 , 1868 . This stor y wa s often retold , a s in Revolution, Jan . 19 , 1871 , whic h describe s i t a s happenin g t o "Chloe, " "a n aged, pious negress," not Truth; an d in Narrative, 1875 , 304, which say s that th e incident too k plac e i n Iowa , no t Wisconsin ; neithe r o f thes e source s mention s Goodrich. Ther e i s evidence tha t b y 186 8 Trut h ha d alread y bee n i n Wisconsin , but no t i n Iowa . 11. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Sept . 5 , 1881. 12. Rocheste r Daily Union and Advertiser, Aug . 29 , 1868 . 13. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Dec . 26, 1868 . 14. Lydi a Allen t o Truth, Feb . 1 , 1869 , UR . 15. Trut h t o Amy Post , Jan. 18 , 1869 , UR . 16. Narrative, 304 . 17. A s muc h agains t tobacco : Christian at Work, Sept . 28 , 1882 . Indiana : Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 24 , 26 , 1881 . Union's paper : Chicag o Signal, Sept. 8 , 1881. 18. Battl e Creek Michigan Tribune, Sept . 19 , 1877 . 19. Christian at Work, Sept . 28 , 1882 ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Sept . 5 , 1881; Battle Creek Michigan Tribune, Sept . 19 , 1877; Chicago Tribune, Aug . 13 , 1879; Narrative, 31 1 - 1 2. 20. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Ma y 12 , 1870 ; Pennsylvania Yearl y Meeting of Progressive Friends , hel d 1874 , Proceedings, 14 ; Lansin g Republican, Jun e 7 , 1881; Christian at Work, Sept . 28 , 1882 ; Rocheste r Evening Express, Jul y 25 , 1878; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Apr . 16 , 1881 ; West Chester , PA , Dail y Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 . 21. Henr y Wiegmink , "Earl y Day s o f Battl e Creek, " ca . 1940 , 1136 , WL ; Lansing Republican, Jun e 7 , 1881.

l 8 . FRIEN D TITU S

269

18. Frien d Titu s 1. Trut h t o Amy Post , Nov . 4, 1867 , UR . 2. Walker , afte r havin g bee n imprisone d fo r assistin g fugitiv e slaves , settle d in Muskegon, Michigan , wher e Truth visite d him . 3. Titu s to Eliza Leggett , Nov . 13-14 , 1867 , DPL . 4. Narrative, 196-97 . 5. Narrative, 181 . 6. Narrative, 256 . 7. Titu s t o Mary K . Gale , Mar. 3 1 , 1876, LC . 8. Narrative, 1850 , 13 ; Narrative, 1878 , xii, 13 , 308. 9. Altere d word : Narrative, 227 , i n quotin g wha t i t identifie d onl y a s a Rochester pape r (reall y th e Rocheste r Evening Express o f May 3 , 1871 ) reporte d it as saying, "she speaks to crowded house s everywhere," when wha t i t really sai d was "she speak s to crowde d house s elsewhere. " Mixed u p dates : Narrative, 174 — 75, indicate d Trut h visite d Brookly n i n 1864 , a n d quote d wha t i t identifie d a s a Brooklyn pape r o f 1864 , abou t tha t visit ; actuall y th e pape r wa s th e Ne w Yor k Independent, Sept . 30 , 1869 , speakin g abou t he r visi t t o Brookly n i n 1869 . Identified wrong : Narrative, 223—24 , identified a quotation a s from a Philadelphia newspaper, o f no date, which i n fac t appeare d i n the Baltimore American, Mar . 6 , 1874. 10. Gran d Rapid s Daily Times, Mar . 14 , 1873 . 11. Titu s t o Mar y K . Gale , Dec. 3, 1879 , undated clipping , Bosto n Journal? LC. 12. Emil y Howland , Journal , Aug . 21 , 1878 , FHL; Topek a Commonwealth, Sept. 29 , 1879 ; Topeka Daily Capital, Dec . 3, 1879 . 13. Titu s to Mrs. John P . St . John, Oct . 29 , 1879 , KSHS . 14. Topek a Daily Kansas State Journal, Oct . 8 , 1879 . 15. Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 6 , 1879 . 16. Titu s to Mary K . Gale , Dec. 3, 1879 , undated clipping , Boston Journal?, LC. 17. Chicag o Advance, Dec . 18 , 1879 . 18. Mrs . J. J . Taylo r t o John P . St . John, Dec . 15 , 1879 , KSHS . 19. Streato r Monitor-Index, Jan . 2 , 1880 . 20. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Chicag o Daily Tribune, Jan . 2 , 1880 . 21. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Jan . 8 , 12 , 13 , 19 , 1880 ; Chicag o ReligioPhilosophical Journal, Jan . 17 , 1880 . 22. Adventist : Good Health, Feb. , 1883 , 52; Stebbins: Woman's Journal, Dec . 8, 1883 ; Perry, Lucinda Hinsdale Stone, 320 . 23. Washingto n Evening Star, Jan . 3 , 1885 ; Battl e Cree k Moon, Feb . 27 , 1892; clipping , Battl e Cree k paper? , marke d Oct . 17 , 1901 , WL; Battl e Cree k Daily Moon, Jun e 4 , 1902 .

270

1 9 . FRIEND S AN D SUPPORTER S

19. Friend s and Supporter s 1. Banner of Light, Ma y 2 , 1863 ; New Yor k World, May 13 , 1870. 2. Pennsylvania Freeman, Ma y 12 , 1853. 3. Thi s "doctor, " Mrs . Erastu s C . Clark , althoug h no t claimin g t o hav e an y medical degree , called herself a n "electic " physician, apparently meanin g one wh o draws o n variou s system s o f practice . Sh e ma y hav e bee n i n par t a faith healer ; she associate d wit h Spiritualists . Trut h pai d Clar k $3 3 fo r he r treatment , bu t when Clar k wanted Truth t o pay more, Truth, believin g that Clar k had not cure d her, refused . Severa l year s late r Clar k sue d Trut h fo r more . Whe n neithe r Clar k nor he r lawyer s appeare d i n cour t a s required , th e sui t ended . (Battl e Cree k Nightly Moon, Ma y 19 , 23 , June 23 , 1880 ; Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Jun e 5 , 1880). 4. Trut h t o William Still , Jan. 4 , 1876 , HSP . 5. Philadelphi a Evening Bulletin, Jul y 28 , 1876 . 6. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Ma y 10 , 1867 ; Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, May 8 , 1874 ; Bosto n Liberator, Jul y 14 , 1854 ; Vineland , NJ , Weekly, Dec . 25 , 1869; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 1853 . 7. Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Sept . 7 , 1853 . 8. Dowagiac , MI , Cass County Republican, Sept . 7 , 1876 ; Detroi t Free Press, June 13 , 1871; New Yor k World, May 11 , 1867. 9. Eliz a Legget t t o Am y Post , Feb. ? 1869 , UR ; Stebbins , Upward Steps, 2 1 0 - 1 1 ; Henr y J . A . Wiegmink , "Earl y Day s o f Battle Creek, " ca . 1940 , 1136 , WL; Narrative, 257 ; Independent, Sept . 30, 1869 . 10. Emil y Howland , Journal , Aug. 18 , 20-22, 1878 , FHL. 11. Pillsbury , i n Elle n W . Garriso n t o Mari a M . Davis , Jan . 28 , 1875 , SC ; Battle Creek Daily Journal, Feb . 18 , 1876 . 12. Garrison , Letters, vol . 6, 338. 13. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr . 4, 25, July 4 , 1863 . 14. Chicag o Daily Tribune, Aug . 13 , 1879; New Yor k World, May 13 , 1870 ; Saginaw Daily Courier, June 14 , 1871; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Nov . 27 , 1869. 15. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr . 25 , 1863. 16. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Salem , OH , Anti-Slavery Bugle, Dec . 13 , 1851 ; Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr . 27 , 1867 . 17. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Jun e 27 , 1863 ; Topek a Daily Capital, Oct. 8 , 187p ; Narrative, 290 ; Chicago Times, Aug . 12 , 1879 . 20. Singe r 1. Squier , "Sojourne r Truth, " 17—18 . 2. Hendricks , "Sojourner Truth, " 669 .

2 0 . SINGE

R

271

3. Stowe , "Sojourne r Truth, " 476-77 ; Narrative, 1884 , "Memoria l Chap ter," 6; Chicago Daily Tribune, Aug . 13 , 1879 . 4. Ev a Warriner , o n Quakeris m i n Battl e Creek , i n Battl e Cree k Enquirer and News, Nov . 6 , 13 , 1921, excerpts, WL . 5. Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 ; Springfiel d Daily Republican, Feb . 24, 1871. 6. [Watson] , Methodist Error, 2 8 - 3 1 . 7. Narrative, 87 . 8. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 479. 9. Narrative, 114 . 10. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879; Narrative, 116 . 11. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 4 7 6 - 7 7 . 12. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 13. Providenc e Daily Journal, Nov . 1 , 1870 ; Dugdale , i n Burlington , IA , Hawkeye, Mar . 9 , 1872 ; Marshall, MI, Statesman, Apr . 11 , 1877. 14. Ne w Yor k World, May 11 , 1867. 15. Fro m " I Am Pleadin g for M y People. " 16. Fro m " I Pit y the Slav e Mother. " 17. Fro m "Ther e I s a Holy City. " 18. Pennsylvani a Yearl y Meetin g o f Progressive Friends , held 1853 , Proceedings, 8-9 ; Smedley , History of the Underground Railroad, 256 . 19. Rocheste r Evening Express, Dec . 12 , 13 ; Rocheste r Daily Democrat, Rochester Daily Union and Advertiser, Dec . 13 , 1866. 20. Ne w Yor k World, Ma y 10 , 1867 ; Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Ma y 11 , 1867; son g quote d from Truth' s flyer, "Sojourner' s Mirror, " 1852 , KHM (slightl y different fro m versio n i n World). 21. National And-Slavery Standard, Sept . 26 , 1868 . 22. Detroi t Daily Post, Sept . 25 , 1872 ; West Chester , PA , Daily Local News, July 18 , 1874 ; Chicag o Daily Tribune, Aug . 13 , 1879 ; Chicag o Daily InterOcean, Aug. 13 , 1879; Lansing Republican, Jun e 2 , 7, 1881. 23. Squier , "Sojourne r Truth, " 17-1 8 (word s no t given , bu t thei r conten t i s summarized). 24. Narrative, 1884 , "Memoria l Chapter, " 6 . Stowe , "Sojourne r Truth, " 4 7 6 77, prints nine verses. 25. Narrative, 116 , prints one verse. 26. Narrative, 119 , prints one verse. 27. Th e Ne w Lisbon , OH , Aurora, Mar . 3 , 1852 , reporte d tha t Trut h wa s speaking i n Ne w Lisbon , an d publishe d eleve n verses of a "mirror" version o f this song by "Mary, " written i n the thir d person , reading , for example , "She pleadet h for he r people, " makin g i t likel y tha t Trut h ha d jus t sun g i t i n th e first perso n and "Mary " had transforme d i t int o th e thir d person . Trut h san g the son g i n th e first perso n i n 185 3 (Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853) . Narrative, 302—4 , prints eleven verses . 28. Undate d flyer, heade d "Sojourner' s Mirror, " KH M (print s fou r verse s plus chorus) , an d head s the song "Sojourner's Favorit e Song. " Date: In introduc -

272

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ing one of the songs, this flyer quotes, without sayin g so, the New Lisbo n Aurora, Mar. 3 , 1852 . 29. Undate d flyer (se e n. 28) , prints eight verse s plus chorus . 30. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 479, prints two lines. 31. Pennsylvani a Yearl y Meetin g o f Progressive Friends , held 1853 , Proceedings, 8—9 , prints three verses. 32. Narrative, 310 , prints only three words . 33. Henr y Wiegmink , "Earl y Day s o f Battl e Creek, " ca . 1940 , 1136 , WL , prints no lines. 34. Narrative, 126 , prints six verses plus chorus . 35. Detroi t Post, Jan . 12 , 1869 , prints one verse. 36. Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, Jul y 18 , 1874 , prints five words. 37. Topek a Daily Kansas State Journal, Oct . 7 , 1879 . 38. Topek a Commonwealth, Oct . 8 , 1879 . 39. Clark , Liberty Minstrel, 1844 , 3 2 - 3 3 ; Narrative, 1884 , "Memorial Chap ter," 6 . 40. Hillman , The Revivalist, 253 . 41. Bradford , Harriet Tubman, 4 9 - 5 0 ; Wes t Chester , PA , Daily Local News, July 18 , 1874 . 42. Banner of Light, Ma y 2 , 1863 ; clipping, Battl e Cree k paper , ca . May 30 , 1929, i n Berenic e Lowe , "Sojourne r Truth : Dat a Collected, " 1964 , sec . 4, UM ; Wiegmink, "Earl y Day s of Battle Creek," 1136 , WL . 43. [White] , White's New Illustrated Melodeon Song Book, 50 ; Hungerford , Old Plantation, 198 . 44. Ne w Yor k World, May 13 , 1867. 45. Chicag o Times, Aug . 13 , 1879. 46. Squier , "Sojourne r Truth, " 17-18 . 47. Narrative, 1884 , "Memorial Chapter, " 7 - 8 .

21. Talkin g with Go d 1. Sagina w Daily Courier, Jun e 11 , 14 , 1871 ; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug. 13 , 1879. 2. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Jul y 4 , 1863 ; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Jan. 1 , 1881 ; Perry, Lucinda Hinsdale Stone, 323 . 3. Woman's Journal, Aug . 10 , 1878 ; Narrative, 108-9 . 4. Narrative, 69 , 106—9. 5. Lansin g Republican, Jun e 7 , 1881. 6. Stowe , "Sojourne r Truth, " 479 ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Apr . 16 , 1881; Jan . 2 , 1880 ; Topek a Daily Capital, Oct . 16 , 1879 ; Lansin g Republican, June 7 , 1881. 7. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug . 13 , 1879. 8. Hersh , Slavery of Sex, especiall y prefac e an d chap. 8 .

2 1 . TALKIN G WIT H GO D

273

9. Ne w Yor k World, May 13 , 1867 ; Vineland , NJ , Weekly, Jan . 22 , 1870 ; New Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853 ; Lansin g Republican, Jun e 7 , 1881 ; Narrative, 1878 , xii. 10. Hine , in Hine , ed., State of Afro-American History, 228 . 11. Washingto n Chronicle, May 4, 1874 . 12. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Nov . 1 , 1851 ; Boston Liberator, June 28 , 1861.

13. Rocheste r Evening Express, Apr . 15 , 17 , 1871. 14. Stowe , "Sojourner Truth, " 474; New Yor k Sun, Nov . 24 , 1878 . 15. Unidentifie d newspape r (Phoenixville , PA , abou t Jul y 29 , 1874?) , i n Narrative, 223 ; Ne w Yor k Daily Tribune, Nov . 8 , 1853 ; Orange , NJ , Journal, Dec. 16 , 1876 . 16. Perry , Luanda Hinsdale Stone, 320 ; National Anti-Slavery Standard, Ma y 2, 186 3 (othe r account s o f her usin g simila r word s o f rebuke t o a clergyman bu t under differen t circumstances : Fal l Rive r Daily Evening News, Oct . 14 , 1870 ; Underhill, Missing Link, 97 ; Perry , Lucinda Hinsdale Stone, 318-19) ; Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Apr . 16 , 1881. 17. Providenc e Daily Journal, Oct . 20 , 1870 . 18. Salem , OH, Anti-Slavery Bugle, Nov . 8 , 1856 . 19. Woman' s Right s Convention , held New York , 1853 , Proceedings, 77. 20. Bosto n Zion's Herald, Feb. 23 , 1871 ; Narrative, 262 . 21. National Anti-Slavery Standard, Apr . 25 , 1863. 22. Pennsylvani a Yearl y Meetin g o f Progressive Friends , held 1874 , Proceedings, 16 . 23. Warsaw , IN , Northern Indianian, Oct . 8 , 1858 ; Detroit Free Press, Jun e 13, 1871 ; Mount Pleasant , IA , Journal, Feb . 9, 1872 ; Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, Aug. 13 , 1879 . 24. Burlington , IA , Hawkeye, Mar . 9 , 1872 ; clipping, Battle Cree k paper , ca . May 30 , 1929 , in Lowe , "Sojourner Truth : Dat a Collected, " 1964 , sec. 4, UM . 25. Cor a Hatch Daniel s to Amy Post , Jan. 2 , 1866 , UR . 26. Rocheste r Evening Express, Aug . 26—29 ; Rocheste r Daily Union and Advertiser, Aug . 29 ; Rochester Daily Democrat, Aug. 27 , 1868 . 27. Sagina w Daily Courier, June 11 , 1871. 28. Blu e Rapids , KS , Times, Jul y 18 , 1878 ; Ne w Yor k Tribune, Dec . 7 , 1878. 29. Banner of Light, Dec . 8 , 1883 . 30. Rogers , "Sojourne r Truth, " 6—7 ; Battl e Cree k Journal, Dec . 12 , 1883 ; Feb. 4 , 1878 ; Good Health, Feb. , D e c , 1883 ; France s Titu s t o Willia m Lloy d Garrison, Feb . 21, 1875, BPL . 31. Seventh Day Adventist Encyclopedia, 1503—04 ; New Yor k World, Dec. 7 , 1878; Vineland, NJ , Weekly, Dec . 25 , 1869 ; Lansing Republican, Jun e 7 , 1881 ; Battle Cree k Moon, Nov . 26 , 1883 ; Detroi t Post and Tribune, Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Nov . 27 , 1883 . 32. Squier , "Sojourne r Truth, " 17 .

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33. Woman's Journal, Dec . 8 , 1883 ; Battle Cree k Moon, Battl e Cree k Daily Journal, Nov . 28 , 1883 ; Narrative, 1884 , "Memoria l Chapter, " 10-12 . Stuar t also preached a t Titus's funera l (Battl e Creek Moon, Apr . 21 , 1894). 34. Battl e Cree k Michigan Tribune, Jun e 5 , 1880 ; Grand Rapid s Eagle, Nov . 20, 1883 .

35. Woman's Journal, Dec . 8, 1883 . 36. Chicag o Daily Inter-Ocean, Jan . 1 , 1881 ; Kansas Cit y Daily Journal of Commerce, Jan. 16 , 1872 ; Detroit Free Press, June 13 , 1871. 37. Narrative, 265 .

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Acknowledgments

For permissio n t o republis h i n thi s boo k i n revise d for m portion s o f m y earlier article s o n Truth , I than k New York History, New England Quarterly, and Afro-Americans in New York Life and History (thes e article s ar e cited in full i n the Bibliography) . For permissio n t o quote thei r manuscripts , I thank th e relevan t manu script collection s listed i n the Bibliography . For permissio n t o publis h illustrations , I than k th e following : figure no. i , Stat e Offic e o f Parks , Senat e Hous e Histori c Site , Kingston , NY ; 4, J . Clarenc e Davie s Collection , Museu m o f th e Cit y o f Ne w York ; 5 , New Yor k Stat e Historica l Association , Cooperstown ; 8 , Battl e Cree k Historical Society , Battl e Creek , MI ; 10 , Histori c Northampton , North ampton, MA ; 11 , Metropolitan Museu m o f Art, Ne w York , Gif t o f Wolf Foundation (1979 . 266); 1 2 an d 17 , Stat e Universit y College , Ne w Paltz, NY ; 14 , Librar y o f Congress; 15 , State Archive s o f Michigan; 20 , Ellen G . Whit e Estate , Seventh-Da y Adventis t Genera l Conference , Sil ver Spring , MD .

283

Index

Adventists: i n Ne w England , 4 8 - 4 9 , 186 , 221, 240 ; i n Battl e Creek , 99 , 102 , 192 , 195, 243-44 , 24 6 Akron, OH , Trut h speak s a t women' s con vention in , 58 , 6 7 - 8 2 , 174-75 , 20 3 Alcott, Bronson , 4 8 Allen, Bp . Richard , 4 4 Anthony, Mrs. , 9 4 Anthony, Susa n B. : her relatio n t o Trut h on suffrag e fo r bot h black s an d women , 177-82; praise s Truth , 183 ; her clos e relation t o Stanton , 200 ; he r religiou s view, 23 4 Aptheker, Herbert , 16 7 Augusta, Dr . A . T. , 130 , 13 6 Badgely, A. , 18 9 Banks, Elizabet h (Truth' s daughter) . See Boyd, Elizabet h Banks, Samue l (Truth' s grandson) : born , 93; live s wit h Truth , 97 , 102 ; Trut h tries t o place , i n work , 103 ; travels wit h Truth, readin g an d writin g fo r her , 118 , 122, 159 , 162 ; dies, 163 , 203, 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 215-16 Battle Creek , MI : Trut h move s int o it s re gion, 95—102 ; Truth help s free d slave s move to , 145—47 ; Truth trie s t o vot e in , 181-82; Trut h collect s contribution s in , 92, 117 ; Truth's relation s t o black s in , 97, 102-3 , 203 , 210; Undergroun d

Railroad in , 106-7 ; Truth' s ol d ag e an d death in , 154 , 208 , 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 5 - 1 7 , 2 3 0 - 3 1 , 2 3 3 - 3 4 , 2 4 4 - 4 5 . See also Churches; Harmonia ; Houses , Truth' s Beecher, Rev . Henr y Ward , 164 , 23 9 Beecher, Rev . Lyman , 23 6 Benson, George , 49 , 5 1 - 5 4 , 59 , 90 , 13 6 Betsey (Truth' s mother) . See Harden bergh, Betse y Bliven, Bruce , 13 5 Bloss, Jame s O. , 149-51 , 15 4 Boyd, Elizabet h (als o Elizabet h Banks , Truth's daughter) : born , 6 ; remain s illit erate, 11 ; when Trut h escapes , remain s behind, livin g wit h Dumonts , 14 , 20 , 24; live s wit h Truth , i n bot h Massachu setts an d Michigan , thoug h goe s else where temporaril y t o work , 9 3 - 9 4 , 97 , 102-3, 244 ; take s husban d Willia m Boyd t o court , 10 3 Boyd, Willia m (Truth' s grandson) , 211, 215 Boyd, Willia m (Truth' s son-in-law) , 1 0 2 3 Boyle, James an d Mrs. , 5 9 Brown, Antoinett e (late r Mrs . Blackwell) , 55 Brown, John , 86 , 15 9 Brown, Joh n M. , 20 5 Bryant, Mrs. , 20 5 Burr, Celi a M. , 71 , 7 8

285

286

INDEX

Butler, Gen . Benjami n F. , 162-6 3 Caldwell, Jame s (Truth' s grandson) , 9 4 95, 97 , 102 , 26 0 n . 2 0 Capital punishment , 238 , 241 . See also Michigan legislatur e Carse, Capt . Georg e B. , 12 0 Catton, Charles , 6 , 9 Catton, Rober t (Truth' s first husband) , 5 7,9 Chaplin, Willia m L. , 5 4 Chase, Warren , 9 6 - 9 7 , 100-102 , 140 , 209, 24 1 Child, Dr . Henr y T. , 24 1 Child, Lydi a Maria , 114 , 23 7 Chipp, Joh n ("Squir e Chip") , 20 , 25 1 n . 8 Churches: Trut h neve r attend s a s a slave , 21; Trut h firs t attend s an d joins, 2 2 - 2 3 , 219-20; Trut h join s i n Ne w Yor k City , 25; Trut h become s evangelis t withou t connection to , 44; black , 25—26 , 103 , 169, 235 , 238 ; Truth shie s awa y from , 44, 109 , 232 , 240 , 245-46 ; Trut h ofte n speaks i n (denomination s summarized) , 235-36; Trut h criticizes , 235 , 239 ; Truth i s hopeful toward , 238 ; Truth' s relation t o clergy , 209 , 236-39 ; Trut h is no t ordaine d by , 236 ; i n Battl e Creek , 9 6 - 9 7 , 99-100 , 103 , 203, 210, 241, 243-44. See also Adventists; Method ists; Progressiv e Friends ; Quakers ; Reli gion; Spiritualists ; Women' s right s Civil War : Truth' s nonviolenc e i n relatio n to, 9 1 - 9 2 , 118 ; Truth support s Unio n in, 9 1 - 9 2 , 116-18 ; Trut h visit s Presi dent Lincol n during , 63 , 116-28 ; Truth's grandso n enlists , 91 , 117 ; an d Libyan Siby l (statue) , 114 . See also Freed slave s Clark, Mrs . Erastu s C , 27 0 n . 3 Coe, Emm a R. , 70 , 7 8 - 7 9 Colman, Lucy : teache s blacks , 62 , 123 , 155; take s Trut h t o se e Presiden t Lin coln, 62 , 119 , 121 , 123 , 125 ; takes Truth t o se e Presiden t Andre w John son, 143 ; on Truth' s "hourl y converse " with God , 101-2 ; o n Truth' s smoking , 195-97 Communities, intentional : 4 8 - 4 9 , 98 , 108 ,

232. See also Harmonia; Matthias , Rob ert; Northampto n Associatio n Comstock, Elizabeth , 165-66 , 206 , 20 8 Constitution, U.S. , 54 , 108 , 125 , 160 . See also Fifteenth Amendment ; Fourteent h Amendment Corbin, Dian a (Truth' s daughter) : birt h and parentage , 6 - 7 ; attend s schoo l bu t remains illiterate , 11 ; when Trut h es capes, remains behind , livin g wit h Du monts, 14 , 20 , 24 ; affiliate d wit h Du mont's church , 25 1 n . 14 ; lives wit h Truth, thoug h goe s elsewher e temporar ily t o work , 9 3 - 9 5 , 97 , 102-3 , 244 ; i n her ol d age , i s kep t ou t o f county hom e for a time, 20 8 Corbin, Jaco b (Truth' s grandson) , 10 3 Corbin, Jaco b (Truth' s son-in-law) , 10 2 Cordley, Rev . Richard , 23 8 Cornell, Deli a (late r Deli a Cornel l Stone) , 96, 25 9 n . 9 Cornell, Dorca s Young , 96 , 25 9 n . 9 Cornell, Hiram , 9 6 - 9 7 , 10 2 Cornell, Reynolds , 96 , 102 , 25 9 n . 9 Court cases , 182 ; brough t b y Trut h t o re cover he r son , 1 6 - 2 1 , 23 ; by Trut h against Folge r fo r slander , 37 , 40 ; b y Truth agains t a conducto r fo r assault , 134-35, 138 ; brought agains t Truth , 270 n . 3 ; brough t b y Truth' s daughter , 103. See also La w Daniels, Cor a (Hatch) , 24 1 Davis, Paulin a Wright , 99 , 186 , 190 , 19 5 De Greene , Caroline , 20 6 Delany, Martin , 167 , 16 9 Diana (Truth' s daughter) . See Corbin , Diana Dickerson, Rev . Willia m F. , 23 8 Douglass, Frederick : 182 , 212 ; meet s Truth i n Northampton , 50 , 113 ; speak s along wit h her , 5 4 - 5 5 , 57 , 72 , 113 ; compared wit h Trut h o n thei r experi ence o f slavery , 11-12 , 61 ; compared with Trut h o n thei r speech , style , an d leadership, 64—66 ; compared wit h Truth o n religion , 87 , 239-40 , 245 ; hi s and Stowe' s vie w o f Truth compared , 112-13; confronte d b y Trut h ove r issu e

INDEX

of violence, 8 3 - 9 1 , 136 , 217; act s to de segregate publi c transportation , 130 , 136-37; an d fugitiv e slaves , 106 ; an d land fo r blacks , 162 , 164 ; and suffrage , 177, 18 0 Dress, women's , 18-19 , 27 , 195 ; Trut h campaigned agains t fashionable , 174 , 185-92, 198 , 23 8 DuBois, W . E . B. , 8 4 Dugdale, Joseph , 21 6 Dumont, Gertrude , 7 , 12 , 20, 193 , 219, 248 n . 2 2 Dumont, John : own s Trut h (Isabella ) a s a slave, 5 - 1 2 , 18 , 212, 219 ; hi s hous e an d farm, 5 , 24 8 n . 17 ; question whethe r h e was Truth' s lover , 8-9 ; Trut h escape s from, 12-14 , 89 , 173-74 ; lend s o r sell s Truth's so n Pete r away , bu t Trut h re covers him , 1 6 - 2 1 ; Trut h leave s mos t o f her childre n with , 13-14 , 24 , 32 , 36 , 44, 93 ; Truth want s t o retur n to , 2 1, 185, 193-9 4 Dumont, Mrs . John , 8 , 1 7 Dumont, To m (Truth' s secon d husband) , 6, 7 , 12 , 14-16 , 2 4 Eaton, Gen . John , 14 2 Education: i n Ulste r County , 9 - 1 2 ; i n New Yor k City , 2 5 - 2 6 ; i n Northamp ton, 50 ; in Battl e Cree k area , 97 , 1 0 2 3; kind s tha t Trut h respected , 6 3 - 6 4 ; for free d slaves , 64 , 120-21 , 139-41 , 143, 147 , 161 . See also Illiterac y Elizabeth (Truth' s daughter) . See Boyd , Elizabeth Ellis, Dr . W . B. , 13 4 Evangelist, Trut h as , 2 6 - 2 7, 4 3 - 4 4 , 4 7 48, 5 0 - 5 1 , 56 , 112 , 186 , 194 , 221, 235-36, 240 . See also Churches; Speak ing Evans, John, 10 2 Fairbank, Calvin , 12 6 Fauset, Arthur , 16 7 Ferriss, Rev. Ira , 22 , 25 1 n . 1 9 Fifteenth Amendment , 157 , 179-8 0 Flexner, Eleanor , 7 2 Folger, Benjami n H. , an d Ann : i n Mat thias's Kingdom , 3 1 - 3 7 , 3 9 - 4 1 , 89 ;

287

Truth charge s Folge r wit h slander , 37 , 40, 108 , 13 4 Foote, Julia, 4 4 Foster, Stephe n an d Abb y Kelley , 92 , 106, 18 6 Foster, Stephe n C , 22 9 Fourteenth Amendment , 177 , 180-8 1 Fowler, Mr . an d Mrs . (i n Alabama) , 1 9 Fox sisters , 9 8 - 9 9 , 2 4 2 - 4 3 Freedmen's Bureau : supplie s Trut h a law yer, 134 , 136 ; Truth work s with , bu t i s not employe d by , 142-43 ; Truth work s with, t o resettl e free d slaves , 143-55 ; dismantled, 157 , 162 . See also Free d slaves; Howard, Gen . Olive r O . Freed slaves : Truth work s with , i n Wash ington region , 116-28 , 139-43 , 155 , 182, 212 ; Trut h settles , i n th e North , 143-55; campaign s t o resettle , i n th e West, 156-71 , 210 , 239 . See also Edu cation; Freedmen' s Bureau ; Kansas ; Slavery Friends, Truth's : 74 , 106 , 122 , 155 , 164 ; Truth's black , 2 1 , 203, 2 0 9 - 1 3, 238 ; Truth's, whil e sh e live s i n Michigan , 200-218; Trut h ofte n associate s mor e with white s tha n blacks , 9 7 - 9 8 , 103 , 169, 171 , 200, 210 , 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 23 5 Gage, France s Dana : report s o n Trut h a t Akron woman' s convention , 6 7 - 8 1 , 84 , 2 0 2 - 3 , 25 6 nn . 3 - 4 ; wit h Trut h a t New Yor k equa l right s convention , 178 ; Truth believe s Go d "appointed, " t o car e for free d slaves , 23 9 Gage, Portia , 181 , 18 4 Gale, Mar y K. , 9 3 - 9 4 Galloway, Catherine , 3 1 , 3 4 - 3 5 Gardner, Nanett e B. , 18 1 Garnet, Rev . Henr y Highland , 169 , 23 8 Garrison, Wendell , 215 , 22 2 Garrison, Willia m Lloyd , 64 , 77 ; relates t o Northampton Association , 4 9 - 5 0 , 52 ; helps publis h an d sel l Truth' s Narrative, 5 2 - 5 3 , 56 , 5 8 - 5 9 ; speak s alon g wit h Truth, 54—55 ; a messag e sen t t o hi m fo r her, i n Boston , reache s her , 94 ; Trut h becomes mor e independen t of , 137 ; visits Battl e Creek , 144 , 147 ; wishes Trut h

288

INDEX

Garrison, Willia m Lloy d {Continued) would sto p "compellin g hospitality, " 215-16; hi s Liberator cited , 57 , 70 , 86 , 189; an d nonviolence , 88 , 90 , 92 , 1 3 6 37; an d temperance , 90 , 194 ; and reli gion, 99 , 245 ; and racia l differences , 113; an d suffrag e fo r black s an d women , 176 Garvey, Marcus , 16 8 Gear, Miss , 23 , 2 5 Gedney, Dr. , 14 , 16-17 , 2 0 Gedney, Solomon , 17-2 1 Gilbert, Olive , 8 , 5 2 - 5 3 , 107 , 2 0 2 - 3 , 221, 24 0 Gleason, Dr . Rache l Brooks , 18 7 Goodell, William , 8 7 - 8 8 Goodrich, Joseph , 196 , 26 8 nn . 9 - 1 0 Gordon, Anna , 20 0 Grant, Joanne , 13 6 Grant, Presiden t Ulysse s S. , 126-27 , 157 , 160-62, 168 , 181 , 225 Grayson, Payton , 145-4 6 Greeley, Horace , 55, 158 , 160-61 , 16 4 Griffing, Josephine : desegregate s hors e cars wit h Truth , 132 , 136 ; resettle s freed slave s wit h Truth , 144-45 , 1 4 8 52, 154-55 ; her religiou s poin t o f view , 234 Grimes, Rev . Leonard , 23 8 Hannah (Truth' s suppose d daughter) , 248 n . 2 2 Hardenbergh, Betse y (Truth' s mother) , 1 , 3 Hardenbergh, Charles , 2 , 3 , 9 - 1 0 , 2 1 Hardenbergh, Col . Johannes , 1 , 2 1 Hardenbegh, Jame s (Truth' s father) , 1,3 , 101 Harmonia (Spiritualis t community) , 9 6 103, 140 , 229 , 241 , 259 n . 8 . See also Spiritualists Harper, France s Elle n Watkins , 177 , 18 0 Hasbrouck, Abra m Bruyn , 18 , 20, 38 , 251 n . 8 Haven, Rev . Gilbert : Truth' s daughte r Diana work s for , 95 , 239; Trut h visits , 158, 239 ; support s Truth' s land-for blacks campaign , 158 ; his socia l an d re ligious views , 169 , 238-39 , 24 5

Haviland, Laura : wit h Trut h i n desegre gating hors e cars , 133-34 , 136 ; bring s freed slave s t o Michigan , 146 ; wit h Truth workin g fo r free d slave s migrat ing t o Kansas , 165 , 169 , 2 0 6 - 8; owe s Truth money , 201 ; writes fo r Truth , 215 Hay ward, William , 18 9 Higginson, Rev . Thoma s W. , 164 , 23 9 Hill, Samue l L. , 49 , 5 1 , 53, 5 8 - 5 9, 9 5 Hine, Luciu s A. , 7 3 Holley, Sallie , 6 0 Houses, Truth's: sh e hope s fo r on e o f he r own, 12 , 43; in Northampto n (th e first she owned) , 53, 9 3 - 9 7 , 105 ; in Har monia, 9 6 - 9 7 , 102 , 25 9 n . 8 ; i n Battl e Creek, 154 , 200-202 , 208 , 2 1 0 - 1 1 , 215-16, 230 , 24 4 Howard, Gen . Olive r O. : speak s alon g with Trut h i n Washington , 143 ; makes funds availabl e t o Truth , 154 , 162 ; helps Trut h t o se e Presiden t Grant , 157; an d Truth' s land-for-black s cam paign, 162-64 , 169 . See also Freed men's Burea u Howland, Emily , 214-1 5 Hussey, Erastus , 10 7 Illiteracy: Truth's , 9 - 1 2 , 26 , 50 , 103 , 113, 142 , 160 , 202, 211 , 215, 236 , 246; wh y Trut h remaine d illiterate , 6 0 63; Trut h transform s i t int o a n asset , 64-66, 2 1 7 - 1 8 ; Truth' s daughters' , 11 , 103, 215 . See also Educatio n Isabella. See Truth , Sojourne r Jackson, Rebecca , 44 , 6 2 James (Truth' s father) . See Hardenbergh , James James (Truth' s so n wh o die d i n infancy) , 248 n . 2 2 James, Henry , 11 4 Jarves, Jame s Jackson , 11 4 Jenks, Mrs. , 9 4 Johnson, Oliver : Trut h write s to , 101 ; on Truth's confrontatio n wit h Frederic k Douglass, 8 5 - 8 6 , 88 ; on Presiden t Lin coln's relatio n t o Truth , 122 , 124 ; on Stowe's portraya l o f Truth, 25 6 n . 4

INDEX Johnson, Presiden t Andrew , 143 , 155-5 6 Johnson, Rowland , 12 0 Kannough, William , 13 4 Kansas: Truth' s firs t tri p t o (promote s land fo r free d slaves) , 159-60 ; Truth' s second tri p t o (work s wit h free d slave s fleeing th e South) , 164-70 , 2 0 4 - 8 ; doubt tha t sh e wa s "manhandled " in , 265 n . 11 ; doubt tha t sh e too k lon g wagon ride s in , 26 5 n . 2 2 Kansas Freedmen' s Relie f Association , 165, 168-69 , 2 0 4 - 6 Keckley, Elizabeth , 12 3 Kellogg, Dr . Joh n H. , 243-4 4 Kiallmark, George , 22 9 King, Marti n Luther , Jr. , 9 0 Kingdom, a n intentional , Utopia n commu nity. See Matthias , Rober t Laisdell, Charle s an d Mrs. , 3 9 Lambert, William , 10 7 Lansing, MI . See Michiga n legislatur e Law: Truth' s attitud e toward , 2 1 , 40, 108 , 117-18; Trut h arreste d fo r violatin g In diana law , 91 ; Truth feel s th e suppor t of, i n he r ride-in s t o desegregat e hors e cars, 131-32 ; Trut h oppose s th e fugi tive slav e law , 55, 105 ; Truth regard s the 187 5 civi l right s la w a s hurtin g blacks, 163 . See also Constitution, U.S. ; Court case s Lee, Jarena , 4 4 Leggett, Eliza , 201 , 21 3 Libyan Siby l (statue) , 110-15 , 13 8 Lincoln, Presiden t Abraham : Trut h visits , 116-28, 155 , 203, 240; Trut h sing s about, 118 ; outlaws segregatio n o n Washington streetcars , 130 , 13 6 Lowe, Berenice , 10 7 Lukens, Esthe r A. , 5 8 McAllister, H. , 13 4 Malcolm X , 16 8 Matthias, Robert : Trut h participate s i n hi s Kingdom community , 2 8 - 4 3 , 4 7 - 4 9 , 89, 98 , 101 , 194 , 232 , 245 ; acquitted o f murder charg e an d convicte d o f assault , 38-39

289

May, Rev . Samue l J. , 106 , 17 8 Merritt, Charles , 100 , 14 7 Merritt, Joseph , 96 , 98-100 , 117 , 147 , 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 22 9 Merritt, Richar d B. , 100 , 14 2 Merritt, William , 100 , 2 0 1 - 2 , 20 8 Methodists: Truth' s earl y experienc e with , in Ulste r County , 2 2 - 2 3 , 25 , 219, 220 , 227, 25 1 n . 19 , 245, 25 2 n . 22 ; in Ne w York City , 2 5 - 2 8 , 44 ; an d Truth' s sing ing, 2 2 - 2 3 , 2 1 9 - 2 1 , 2 2 7 - 2 8 ; an d tem perance, 47 , 194 ; Truth speak s ofte n for, 235 ; Truth desegregate s a Method ist churc h i n Washington , 236 ; Trut h stays fo r week s i n a Methodist seminar y in Boston , givin g "advice " to th e stu dents, 239 ; Truth's late r tenuou s rela tion to , 240 ; Methodist s continu e t o re gard he r a s on e o f them, 24 6 Michigan legislature : Trut h speak s to , i n Lansing (1881) , especiall y agains t capi tal punishment , 183 , 226, 244 . See also Capital punishmen t Moody, Dwigh t L. , 23 7 Mott, Lucretia : nonviolence , 9 0 - 9 1 , 1 3 6 37; religiou s attitudes , 99 , 245; wit h Truth a t Worceste r women' s convention , 54-55; wit h Trut h a t a Pennsylvani a antislavery meeting , 21 6 Name, Isabella' s new , o f "Sojourne r Truth": ho w sh e acquire s it , an d wha t i t means t o her , 4 4 - 4 7 , 53 , 65; ho w sh e pronounces it , 65 ; she canno t sig n it , 6 3 Narrative of Sojourner Truth: first writte n by Gilbert , 19-20 , 5 2 - 5 3 , 107 , 202; revised b y Titus , 6 7 - 6 8 , 98 , 107 , 1 2 5 27, 189 , 2 0 2 - 3 , 208 , 2 1 0 - 1 2, 243 ; sold by Truth , 5 2 - 5 9 , 68 , 9 4 - 9 5 , 202 , 207 , 211-12, 215-16 ; errors , alterations , o r omissions in , 98 , 124-27 , 189 , 203, 253 n . 2 , 26 4 n . 4 , 26 8 n . 10 , 269 n . 9 National Freedmen' s Relie f Association , o f New York , 141-43 , 15 4 Neely, John , 4 New Yor k City : Trut h move s to , 2 3 - 2 4 ; lives i n (o r nearby) , 2 5 - 4 2 , 62 , 89 , 91, 98, 105 , 185 , 194 , 212 , 220 , 232 , 235 ; moves ou t of , 4 3 - 4 7 ; speak s in , 73 , 77,

2QO

INDEX

New Yor k Cit y (Continued) 173, 177-79 , 183 , 225, 238 , 24 3 Nichols, Rev . D . B. , 11 9 Nietzsche, Friedrich , 8 6 Nonresistance Society , 89-90 , 136-3 7 Nonviolence. See Violenc e o r nonviolenc e Northampton, MA : Trut h live s in , 4 7 - 5 3 , 62, 9 3 - 9 5 ; Trut h acquire s hous e in , 53 , 93; Trut h associate s primaril y wit h whites in , 103 ; Underground Railroa d in, 105 , 107 ; Truth sing s in , 5 1 , 226; Truth move s away , 9 6 - 9 7 , 106 . See also Northampton Associatio n Northampton Association : Trut h live s in , 4 8 - 5 3 , 59 , 98 , 105 , 113 , 136 , 244 ; ex poses Trut h t o libera l religio n an d refor mist movements , 4 9 - 5 0 , 52 , 89-90 , 136, 172 , 194 , 234 . See also Northamp ton, M A Organizations, Trut h a s an individualis t wary of , 66 , 108-9 , 143 , 164 , 182 , 192, 198 , 217, 223 , 232, 245-4 6 Paine, Tom , 30 , 24 5 Parker, Willia m F. , 5 8 - 5 9 Pauli, Hertha , 90 , 107 , 126 , 16 8 Pease, Jane an d William , 10 4 Peebles, Rev . Jame s M. , 100 , 24 1 Pennington, Rev . Jame s W . C , 130 , 13 6 Peter (Truth' s son) . See Va n Wagenen , Peter Phillips, Wendell , 77 , 84 , 176 , 184 , 22 2 Photographs o f Truth, 111 , 186-87 ; Truth sell s them, 126-27 , 201 , 207, 215-16 Pierson, Elijah : religiou s mento r t o Truth , 2 7 - 2 8 , 47 , 185 , 194 , 240 ; Trut h i n th e Kingdom with , 28 , 3 1 - 3 3 , 35 ; dies, suspected o f being murdered , 3 5 - 3 8 , 4 0 Pierson, Elizabeth , 31 , 35 Pierson, Sarah , 2 7 - 2 8 Pillsbury, Parker : an d nonviolence , 90 , 92 ; and Spiritualists , 99-100 ; comment s o n Truth, 86 , 113-15 , 184 , 187 , 189 ; ad vises Douglas s t o spea k i n a blac k style , 64; i s considere d a n "infidel, " 14 7 Post, Am y an d Isaac : Truth visits , 57 , 9 8 99, 105 , 148 , 150 , 196 ; Truth write s

to, 73-74 , 119 , 142 , 144 , 152 , 197 ; associate wit h Spiritualists , 9 8 - 9 9 , 241 ; hide fugitiv e slaves , 105-6 ; wor k wit h Truth t o settl e free d slave s i n Rochester , 148-53, 155 ; praise Truth , 196 , 21 4 Powell, Aaron , 156-58 , 16 3 Progressive Friends : described , 99-100 , 242; Trut h me t with , 95 , 98 , 195-96 , 200, 209 , 238 , 241 . See also Quaker s Purvis, Robert , 180 , 21 6 Putnam, G . W. , 5 6 - 5 7 Quakers (Friends) : i n Ulste r County , 11 , 13, 17-18 , 2 1 , 96, 219-20 , 240 ; i n Battle Cree k region , 96-100 , 103 , 1 0 6 7, 241 ; emphasis o n conscience , 234 ; Truth ofte n speak s i n thei r meetin g houses, 235 ; permit wome n t o b e minis ters, 236 ; an d ai d t o free d slaves , 1 6 1 62, 165 , 208; and dress , 187 , 241 ; and smoking, 195 . See also Progressiv e Friends Raymond, Rev . J . T. , 23 8 Redding, Saunders , 107 , 26 5 n . 1 1 Religion: Truth' s experienc e of , a s a slave , 3 - 5 , 13 , 2 1, 232; Truth' s conversion , 2 1 - 2 3 , 2 3 2 - 3 3 ; in th e Kingdom , 2 7 42; i n Northampto n Association , 49 , 52 , 90, 234 ; i n Harmonia , 96-102 ; i n Truth's Akro n speech , 74 , 76 , 82 ; Truth's becomin g mor e libera l in , 54 , 233-34, 239 ; an d nonviolence , 87-92 ; and th e Civi l War , 9 1 , 116-17 , 1 2 1 22; an d dress , 47 , 185-86 , 192 ; an d temperance, 47 , 194 , 199 ; and smoking , 196-97, 199 ; and Truth' s hop e fo r blacks, 115 , 164-66 , 170-71 , 213 , 223; an d Truth' s singing , 51 , 2 1 9 - 2 1 , 223—31; Truth' s religiou s evolution , 232-46; Truth' s religiou s authority , 65-66, 100 , 102 , 115 , 142 , 217 , 232 , 234-36, 242 . See also Churches; Evan gelist, Trut h as ; Women's right s Remond, Charles , 18 0 Rhoades, Mrs . E . M. , 14 6 Robert (Truth' s first husband) . See Catton , Robert Robinson, Emil y (Mrs . Marius) , 7 8

INDEX Robinson, Marius , 62 , 72 , 10 6 Rochester, NY : Trut h visits , 5 7 - 5 8, 73 , 9 8 - 9 9 , 105-6 , 196 , 204 , 241 ; bring s freed slave s to , 144 , 148-53 ; speak s in , 73, 177 , 183 , 2 2 4 - 2 5, 236 , 241-42 ; Progressive Friend s in , 100 ; Truth' s daughters an d grandson s wor k in , 103 . See also Post, Am y an d Isaac ; Spiritual ists Roe, Levi , 13 , 250 n . 4 3 Rogers, Rev . Samue l J. , 238 , 24 3 Romeyn, Herma n M. , 18-20 , 25 1 n . 8 Ruggles, Charle s H. , 18 , 20, 3 8 - 3 9 , 251 n . 8 Ruggles, David , 4 9 - 5 1 , 108 , 129-30 , 13 6 St. John , Gov . Joh n P . an d Mrs. , 1 6 5 67, 198 , 2 0 4 - 7 Sankey, Ir a D. , 23 7 Schryver, Martinus , 4 , 21 9 Schuyler, Sophi a (Truth' s daughter) , 6 , 11, 13-14 , 24 , 32 , 36 , 44 , 93 , 102- 3 Schuyler, To m (Truth' s son-in-law) , 10 2 Segregation, racial , Truth' s wor k against , 129-38, 160 , 174 , 183 , 204, 236 . See also Friends, Truth's ; Separatism , racia l Separatism, racial : Trut h toy s with , i n campaigning fo r black s t o settl e i n th e West, 156 , 161-62 , 167-71 . See also Segregation Singer, Trut h as : her earl y experience , 5 , 2 1 - 2 3 , 26 , 47 , 5 1 - 5 2 , 2 1 9 - 2 1 ; afte r becoming a reformist speaker , 90 , 101 , 105, 112 , 117-18 , 177 , 214 , 2 2 1 - 3 1 , 241; sell s he r songs , 215-16 , 222 , 227 ; list o f songs sh e sang , 22 6 Singleton, Benjamin , 16 7 Sing Sin g (no w Ossining) , NY , Truth' s life ther e i n Matthias' s Kingdom , 3 1 - 3 6 Slavery: Truth' s experienc e of , 1-21 , 2 3 24; Trut h legall y free d fro m 14 , 16 ; Truth expose d t o antislaver y i n North ampton, 4 9 - 5 0 , 52 ; Truth no t ye t fo cussing against , 4 1 - 4 2 , 4 5 - 4 7 , 53 , 104 ; Truth first speak s against , 5 4 - 5 5 , 105 ; Truth varie s fro m hatin g t o forgivin g slaveholders, 9 , 22 , 57 , 8 9 - 9 0 , 217 ; an d education, 9 - 1 2 , 2 5 - 2 6 , 6 0 - 6 3 ; anti slavery an d women' s right s movement s

291

allied, 55, 7 1 - 7 2 ; Trut h argue s tha t whites ow e black s a deb t becaus e o f slavery, 159 , 202; Trut h confront s Douglass o n ho w t o abolish , 83-92 ; de gree o f Truth's involvemen t i n antislav ery, 66 , 109 , 182 , 210, 212 ; Libya n Si byl (statue ) a s a n antislaver y symbol , 111-12; an d Truth' s singing , 219-24 , 226-29. See also Civil War ; Constitu tion, U.S. ; Freed slaves ; Lincoln , Presi dent Abraham ; Speaking ; Undergroun d Railroad Smith, Byro n M. , 159 , 24 6 Smith, Gerrit , 176 , 192 , 2 1 6 - 1 7 Smith, Joseph , 4 0 Smoking: Truth' s habitual , 2 1 , 187 , 1 9 3 96; Trut h quits , an d campaign s against , 190-91, 196-98 , 217 , 23 8 Snodgrass, Frank , 14 5 Sophia (Truth' s daughter) . See Schuyler , Sophia Speaking: Truth' s first public , a s a reformer, 5 4 - 5 5 , 105 ; Truth's style , 2 6 27, 5 1 , 5 7 - 5 8, 6 1 , 6 4 - 6 5, 7 6 - 7 7 , 108 , 160, 173 , 2 1 2 - 1 3, 245-46 ; Trut h speaks fro m Main e t o Kansas , 183 ; Truth speak s primaril y t o whites , 169 , 213, 235 ; speak s ofte n i n churches , 235-36; persist s i n speakin g despit e hostility, 4 , 91 , 108 , 172-73 , 188-90 , 236-37; Trut h speak s i n politica l cam paigns, 118 , 155 , 157 , 160-61 , 181 , 225; numbe r o f Truth's appeal s fo r blacks' rights , women' s rights , an d tem perance an d agains t tobacc o compared , 182, 197-98 ; questio n whethe r sh e "spoke" to Congress , 26 4 n . 4 . See also Akron, OH ; Evangelist , Trut h as ; Ne w York City ; Rochester , N.Y. ; Washing ton, D.C. ; Worcester , M A Spiritualists: i n Battl e Creek , 9 6 - 1 0 3 , 147, 195 , 270 n . 3 ; in Rochester , 9 8 99, 196 , 241-42 ; Trut h speak s to , 158 , 241-42; an d women' s rights , 100 , 238 , 241—42; Titus visit s edito r o f thei r weekly i n Chicago , 208 ; par t o f Truth' s network, 209 ; wa s Trut h a Spiritualist ? 2 4 2 - 4 3 . See also Harmoni a Stanton, Elizabet h Cady : o n Truth , 6 7 -

2Q2

INDEX

Stanton, Elizabet h Cad y (Continued) 68, 79 , 113-14 , 183 , 230; he r relatio n to Trut h regardin g suffrage , 177-80 ; her relatio n t o Anthony , 200 ; Trut h vis its, 177 , 195 ; and women' s dress , 186 ; and religion , 234 , 238 , 24 5 Stebbins, Catharin e A . F . (Mrs . Gile s B.) , 181, 26 5 n . 2 2 Stebbins, Gile s B. , 50 , 135 , 201; and Spiritualists, 100 , 242 ; an d suffrage , 176, 181 ; quoted regardin g Truth , 208 , 214; help s Trut h visi t Presiden t Grant , 157; speak s a t Truth' s funeral , 244-4 5 Stewart, Maria , 5 6 Stickney, Phoeb e an d Frank , 147-48 , 216-17 Still, William , 84 , 106 , 210-12 , 21 6 Stone, Deli a Cornell . See Cornell , Deli a Stone, Lucinda , 20 8 Stone, Lucy , 62 , 79 , 186 ; o n Truth , 6 5 66, 87 , 113 ; on suffrage , 179-80 ; o n re ligion, 99 , 23 4 Stone, Willia m B. , 25 9 n . 9 Stone, Willia m L. , 2 9 - 3 0 , 33 , 4 1 Story, Willia m Wetmore , 110-1 5 Stowe, Harrie t Beecher : he r Atlantic articl e on Truth , 6 8 - 6 9 , 7 9 - 8 0 , 8 3 - 8 4 , 102 , 112-15, 173 , 213; question o f the arti cle's accuracy , 112-13 , 115 , 138 , 202 , 256 nn . 3—4 ; on Truth' s ne w name , 45— 46; o n Truth' s lac k o f education, 61 ; on Truth's confrontin g Douglass , 8 3 - 8 5 , 87-88; Trut h visits , 95 , 105 , 112 , 221, 236; inspire s a statue base d o n Truth , 110-15, 148 ; in he r nove l Dred, model s a characte r o n Truth , 8 8 - 8 9 ; recom mends Truth , 188 ; makes donatio n t o Truth, 21 6 Strain, Dr . T . W. , 188-8 9 Stuart, Rev . Reed , 24 4 Sumner, Sen . Charles , 130 , 136-37 , 157 , 163 Swisshelm, Jane , 7 0 - 7 3 , 78-7 9 Taylor, Mrs . J . J. , 2 0 6 - 7 Temperance: Truth' s earl y drinking , 2 1, 193-94; influence s o n Trut h for , 29 , 32, 52 , 90 , 194-95 , 209 , 214 ; Trut h comfortable with , 47 , 194 , 25 4 n . 11 ;

Truth speak s for , 160 , 175 , 190-91 , 197-99, 238 ; Truth no t know n t o hav e sung for , 228 ; Truth no t know n t o hav e been activ e i n an y societ y for , 109 , 198 ; and women' s rights , 194-95 , 19 7 Thayer, A . W. , 5 3 Thompson, Georg e (M.P.) , 5 5 - 5 7 Thompson, William , 13 4 Tilton, Theodore , 114 , 214 , 26 4 n . 5 Titus, France s W. : sketche s of , 147 , 200 ; meets Truth , 96 , 200 ; o n Truth' s givin g up smoking , 197 ; on Truth' s relatio n t o Lincoln, 124-27 , 203 ; and resettlin g freed slave s i n Battl e Creek , 146-47 ; teaches blacks , 62 , 147 ; travels t o Kan sas with Truth , 164-65 , 168 , 2 0 4 - 8 , 215; travel s t o Ne w Yor k Stat e wit h Truth, 204 , 214 , 242 ; give s Trut h do nation fo r blac k soldiers , 117 ; assist s Truth financially, includin g appealin g for donation s t o her , 2 0 1 - 2 , 2 0 6 - 8 , 211-12, 215 ; cares fo r Trut h a s he r death approaches , 208 , 231 , 244. See also Narrative of Sojourner Truth Titus, Richard , 14 7 Titus, Samuel , 14 7 Tom (Truth' s secon d husband) . See Du mont, To m Tomkins, Fred , 123-24 , 14 1 Tracy, Hannah , 7 3 Truth, Sojourne r (Isabella) : chronolog y o f her life , xiii-xvi ; born , 1-2 , 203 , 247 n . 1; her childre n born , 6 - 9 , 75 ; escape s from Dumont , 12-14 ; legall y freed , 16 ; distances hersel f fro m he r children , 1 3 14, 2 3 - 2 4 , 3 1 - 3 2 , 36 , 93 ; recovers he r son fro m Alabama , 1 6 - 2 1 ; live s i n o r near Ne w Yor k City , 2 3 - 4 4 ; become s a wandering evangelist , 44 , 4 7 - 4 8 ; settle s in Massachusetts , 4 8 - 5 0 ; first publi c speech a s a reformer , 5 4 - 5 5 ; he r illiter acy an d it s relatio n t o he r speaking , 6 0 66; move s t o Michigan , 9 6 - 9 7 ; work s with free d slaves , 116-28 , 139-71 ; campaigns t o desegregat e stree t cars , 129-38; symbolize s th e allianc e o f th e struggles fo r blac k an d femal e rights , 179, 183 ; helps t o ope n u p publi c activi ties t o women , 182-83 ; he r friends ,

INDEX 200-218; he r uneasines s ove r depen dence o n governmenta l o r privat e char ity, whethe r fo r hersel f o r others , 1 3 9 43, 150 , 154-55 , 2 0 1 - 2 , 2 0 6 - 7 , 2 1 6 17; i n ol d age , stil l poor , 154 , 2 0 1 - 2 , 210-12, 215-17 ; dies , 208, 215 , 2 3 0 31, 233 , 2 4 3 - 4 5; canonized , 24 6 Tubman, Harriet , 104-5 , 118 , 22 8 Tucker, Harriet , 10 6 Turner, Rev . Henr y M. , 16 9 Ulster County , NY : Truth' s earl y lif e in , 1-23, 25 , 6 1 - 6 2 , 96 , 104-5 , 185 , 193-94, 219-20 , 2 2 6 - 2 7 , 232 ; Trut h freed fro m slaver y in , 14 , 16 ; Trut h takes cas e to cour t house , 17—19 , 250 n . 7; Truth move s out , 2 3 - 2 4 ; Trut h vis its, 3 6 - 3 7 Underground Railroad , 26 , 104-9 , 21 0 Underhill, Lea h Fox , 242 , 243 . See also Fox sister s Vale, Gilbert , 20 , 30 , 3 2 - 3 5 , 37 , 3 9 - 4 2 , 48 Van Wagenen , Isaa c an d Maria , 13 , 1 7 18, 2 1 - 2 2 , 24 , 45 , 93 , 185 , 193 , 250 n . 44 Van Wagenen , Isabella . See Truth , Sojour ner Van Wagenen , Pete r (Truth' s son) , 6 , 16 ; Truth act s t o recover , fro m Alabama , 1 7 - 2 1 , 38 , 134 , 25 0 n . 7 ; accompanie s Truth t o Ne w Yor k City , 23 , 26; boun d out t o service , 3 1 - 3 2 ; Trut h distance s herself from , 14 , 31 , 36; disappears , 43 , 253 n . 2 Violence o r nonviolence , issu e of , 30 , 3 2 33, 35 , 52 , 57 , 170-71 , 228 , 241; Truth varie s fro m wantin g t o kil l slave holders t o forgivin g them , 5 , 9 , 22 , 57 ; confronts Douglas s over , 8 3 - 9 2 ; i n he r campaign t o desegregat e hors e cars , 129, 136-38 . See also Civil War ; Non resistance Societ y Walker, Capt . Jonathan , 201 , 269 n . 2 Waring, Fred , 2 1 Washington, DC : Trut h visit s Presiden t

293

Lincoln in , 116-28 ; Trut h visit s Presi dent Andre w Johnso n in , 143 ; Trut h visits Presiden t Gran t in , 126-27 , 157 ; Truth work s wit h free d slave s in , 1 1 6 28, 139-43 , 195 , 212; Trut h move s freed slave s ou t of , t o jobs i n th e North , 143—55; Truth campaign s t o mov e the m out of , ont o lan d i n th e West , 156-71 ; Truth act s t o desegregat e hors e car s in , 129-38, 174 ; Truth act s t o desegregat e a churc h in , 236 ; Trut h speak s in , 1 1 9 20, 139 , 143 , 157 , 162 , 180 , 23 8 Webster, Sen . Daniel , 55 Weeden, Joh n C , 13 4 Western, Henr y M. , 3 7 - 3 8 , 4 1 White, Ellen , 19 2 White, Walter , 125 , 16 7 Whiting, Pere z S . an d Mrs. , 37 , 40 , 4 4 Whitman, Walt , 3 0 Whittier, Joh n Greenleaf , 24 5 Wilbur, Juli a A. , 15 1 Willard, Frances , 197-98 , 200 , 24 5 Willis, Henry , 96 , 98-100 , 117 , 144-4 6 Women's rights : curtaile d i n slavery , 5 - 9 , 14-15; curtaile d i n Matthias' s King dom, 3 2 - 3 4 , 4 1 - 4 2 ; curtaile d i n churches, 26 , 44 , 56 , 100 , 235-36 ; Truth expose d t o movemen t for , i n Northampton, 52 , 172 ; her evolutio n re garding, 172-84 ; degre e o f Truth's in volvement in , 66 , 109 , 182 , 185 , 192 , 197-98, 210 , 212 ; an d women' s dress , 186-92; an d temperance , 194-99 ; an d Truth's singing , 2 2 2 - 2 4 , 226-29 ; an d religion, 174 , 2 3 4 - 3 5 , 2 3 7 - 3 8 , 2 4 1 42; allie d wit h blac k rights , an d Trut h personifies th e alliance , 55, 7 1 - 7 2 , 79 , 176-80, 183 ; issue o f equal pay , 175 ; equal vote , 55, 175-83 , 190 , 197 ; equa l office holding , 55, 115 , 175-76 . See also Akron, OH ; Speaking ; Spiritualists ; Worcester, M A Worcester, MA , Trut h speak s a t women' s rights conventio n in , 54—55 , 72—74, 7 7 Wright, Frances , 2 9 - 3 0 Wright, Henr y C , 62 , 89 , 136 , 23 8 Yerrington, Jame s Brown , 58 , 255. n 3 6 Young, Alexander , 96 , 25 9 n . 9