Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition: English Sea Rovers in the Seventeenth-Century Caribbean, Second Edition 9780814739228

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SODOMY AND THE PIRATE TRADITION ENGLISH SEA ROVERS IN THE SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY CARIBBEAN With a new introduction by the autho r B. R . BUR G

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and Londo n

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRES S New York and London © 1983 , 199 5 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Burg, B . R . (Barr y Richard), 1938 Sodomy and the pirate tradition : English sea rovers in the Seventeenth Century Caribbean / B.R. Bur g ; with a new introduction by the author. p. cm . Rev. ed . of : Sodomy and the perception of evil. 1983 . Includes bibliographical reference s (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-8147-1235-5 (clot h : acid-fre e paper)—ISBN 0-8147-1236-3 (paperbac k : acid-free paper) 1. Homosexuality , Male—Caribbea n Area—History—17t h century . 2. Homosexuality , Male—England—History—17t h century . 3 . Pirates — Caribbean Area—Sexual behavior—History—17t h century . I . Burg , B. R . (Barr y Richard), 1938 - Sodom y and the perception of evil. II. Title . HQ76.2.C27B87 199 5 305.38'9664'o9729—dc20 94-2552 1 CIP New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3

To Bill Camwell and Alice Watterson

"No interviews! " the pirat e cried . "Especially no interview s granted t o little girls." —DONALD BARTHELM E

CONTENTS Preface x

i

Introduction to the New Edition x

v

Introduction xxxvi

i

ONE Sodomy and Public Perception 1 Seventeenth-Century England TWO To Train Up a Buccaneer 4 THREE The Caribbee Isles 6 FOUR Buccaneer Sexuality 10 FIVE The Buccaneer Community 13 Notes 17 Bibliographical Essay 19 Index 21

3 9 7 9 5 3 1

PREFACE

I hav e chose n t o us e th e wor d "sodomy " i n th e titl e o f thi s stud y rather than th e mor e fashionabl e ter m "homosexuality. " I n a literary sense, sodom y fits more comfortably i n a seventeenth-century contex t than homosexuality— a linguisti c derivatio n from the Victorian era — but m y reason s fo r selectin g i t ar e practica l rathe r tha n ornamental . "Sodomy" i s unencumbere d b y scientifi c meandering s an d sundr y psychological nuance s associate d i n moder n usag e with homosexual ity, an d i t i s th e absenc e o f layere d academi c o r clinica l definition s that mak e i t particularl y valuabl e i n a title . Th e antiqu e simplicit y and directnes s o f the wor d ar e sufficiently intimidatin g t o discourag e readers from askin g question s abou t all-mal e sexualit y immediatel y upon takin g u p th e wor k tha t ar e mor e appropriatel y aske d an d an swered i n th e late r chapters. In Tudor and Stuar t England, "sodomy " and "buggery " were most often use d interchangeably , an d I hav e use d the m i n tha t manner . Like man y sexua l denominators , however , th e meaning s o f the terms are no t alway s clear . A t variou s time s sodom y an d buggery , a s de fined by law , include d homosexua l acts , homosexua l chil d molesta tion (bu t neve r heterosexua l chil d molestation) , bestiality , heterosex ual anal-genita l contact , an d assorte d method s o f homosexua l masturbation. I n practic e th e meaning s wer e mor e precise . Sodom y or buggery , withou t qualifyin g explanation , referre d onl y t o homo -

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sexual act s amon g adul t males . I f youth s wer e involved , i t wa s s o stated. Masturbatio n wa s calle d masturbation . Bestialit y wa s alway s clearly labeled , an d i t wa s explicitl y note d whe n sodom y case s in volved women . I hav e followe d thi s mor e precis e practice . Wher e the terms buggery o r sodomy are used, the y refe r only to homosexual contact betwee n adul t males . An y othe r act s tha t coul d possibl y b e included unde r definitions o f sodomy ar e identifie d b y mor e specifi c terms or are fully explained . Difficulty wit h definitions i s not something confined onl y to sexual terminology. I n th e literatur e o n Caribbea n freebooter s o f thre e hundred year s ago , ther e ar e additiona l complications . Som e work s distinguish betwee n buccaneer s an d pirates , usin g th e forme r ter m only fo r se a raider s who ha d been hunter s on Hispaniol a befor e sail ing i n searc h of plunder, an d by classifying a s pirates only thos e marauders wh o ha d neve r undergon e th e experienc e o f stalkin g wil d island cattl e an d smokin g th e mea t o f thei r pre y o n a small rack , o r boucan. Thi s distinctio n i s convenient fo r the first half of the seven teenth century , bu t b y 166 0 o r 166 5 th e term s ca n b e use d inter changeably, a s was done b y Englis h resident s an d governmenta l of ficials in th e Wes t Indie s afte r th e Restoration . Th e sam e i s true fo r the term s privateer and pirate i n the las t half of the seventeent h cen tury an d a t leas t unti l 1720 . Th e lega l distinctio n betwee n th e tw o was clearly delineated , bu t in practice pirate and privateer were ofte n indistinguishable. Som e privateers , mos t notabl y Willia m Dampie r and Woodes Rogers , manage d to avoid being officiall y stigmatize d as pirates because o f their considerable political acume n an d cognizance of lega l niceties , bu t fo r mos t th e letter s o f marqu e an d reprisal , a s the commission s tha t Europea n government s issue d t o sanctio n pri vateer plunderin g wer e known , ofte n mad e littl e differenc e i n th e West Indie s where legal privatee r and illega l pirat e operated in muc h the sam e way . Thi s wa s clearly understoo d b y official s i n th e Caribbean whethe r English , French , Spanish , o r Dutch ; althoug h loca l functionaries fro m eac h o f the countrie s issue d letter s of marque and reprisal o r their lega l equivalents , al l kne w tha t the y onl y gav e a veneer of legality t o the already operating industr y o f raiding and plundering.1

PREFACE

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In dealin g wit h topic s a s divers e a s thos e necessar y t o obtai n a n understanding o f Wes t India n pirate s an d thei r mod e o f life , th e ai d of dozens o f scholars ha s been indispensable . A number o f those wh o assisted me , severa l o f whom ar e untenure d an d naturall y disincline d to be associated wit h an y topi c that could b e considered controversial , cannot b e thanke d b y name . Th e dat a an d criticis m the y provide d has nonetheles s bee n especiall y valuable . Other s wh o hav e helpe d i n sundry way s an d nee d no t hav e reservation s abou t bein g thanke d fo r their ai d i n th e prefac e o f a boo k o n sodom y ar e A.L . Beier , Joe l Best, Timoth y H . Breen , Ver n L . Bullough , Michae l Craton , Mar tin Duberman , Richar d S . Dunn , Melvi n M . Firestone , Stephe n W . Foster, Arthu r N . Gilbert , Michae l Goodich , Arlett e A . Hagstrom , Carole L . Levin , Wardel l B . Pomeroy , Coli n Rickards , Charle s Silverstein, Suzann e Stark , C.A . Tripp , an d Reth a M . Warnicke . The suggestions , commentary , an d advic e the y hav e give n a t variou s times ove r th e las t severa l year s has bee n essentia l i n formulatin g m y study, bu t withou t th e encouragemen t the y als o provided , th e wor k never woul d hav e bee n completed . Davi d F . Greenber g an d Rober t C. Ritchi e wer e eac h kin d enoug h t o spen d hour s examinin g th e manuscript, an d thei r comment s enable d m e t o eliminat e a numbe r of error s an d spee d th e flow of the narrative . An y error s tha t remai n are, needles s to add, o f my own doing . Arizona Stat e Universit y ha s bee n mor e tha n generou s i n expedit ing m y researc h wit h a sabbatica l leav e tha t enable d m e t o us e th e facilities o f th e Britis h Museum , th e Publi c Recor d Office , an d th e National Maritim e Museum . The y als o provide d m e a summe r sti pend from th e Facult y Committe e o n Grants-in-Aid . Additiona l fund s were furnishe d b y th e Shel l Oi l Foundatio n an d th e Nationa l En dowment fo r th e Humanities . Th e staf f o f th e Alfre d C . Kinse y In stitute fo r Se x Researc h a t Indian a Universit y wer e particularl y help ful, bu t specia l thank s mus t b e reserved fo r Mrs . Grac e Skinawa y an d Ms. Margare t K . Riddall , bot h o f who m type d a seemingl y endles s series of drafts detailin g th e activitie s o f the buccaneers .

INTRODUCTION T O THE NEW EDITION In 1983 , whe n th e first editio n o f Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition appeared, ga y and lesbia n histor y was already a flourishing enterprise. The presen t cycl e o f scholarl y interes t i n homoeroti c activit y ha d i n fact begun ove r three decades earlier, i n 1948 , with Alfred C . Kinsey' s pioneering study , Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. 1 Kinsey' s findings on heterosexua l behavio r shocke d reader s i n th e er a o f innocence tha t followe d Worl d Wa r II , bu t hi s researc h di d mor e tha n simply rais e eyebrows o r provide cocktai l part y chit-chat . Th e revela tion i n hi s boo k o f a hig h incidenc e o f homosexua l contac t amon g American me n ravage d th e nation' s orderl y an d predictabl e eroti c cosmos muc h a s th e tria l o f Osca r Wild e ha d devastate d Victoria n sexual complacency a century earlier . In the years after th e Kinsey Report pressed homosexuality int o th e public consciousness, a handful o f writers, mos t of whom wer e associated i n on e wa y or another wit h wha t was then calle d th e homophil e movement, tentativel y poke d an d prodde d int o th e histor y o f homo eroticism. Dor r W . Legg , on e o f th e founder s o f th e movement , produced severa l articles, includin g a 195 9 piece entitled "Homosexu ality i n History " i n whic h h e complaine d abou t th e wa y historian s simply ignore d th e subject . Leg g wa s no t conten t onl y t o registe r hi s

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dissatisfaction. H e sought to remedy the situation with a two-hundredpage outlin e t o b e use d fo r teachin g abou t same-se x relationship s in earlie r ages . H e entitle d hi s stud y guid e "Th e Hidde n Tenth : Homosexuality i n History, " but i t was never published. 2 A t about th e same time , anothe r progenito r o f th e homophil e movement , th e redoubtable Henr y Hay , trie d hi s han d a t histor y wit h "Th e Mora l Climate o f Canaa n a t th e Tim e o f Judges, " a two-par t piec e tha t appeared, a s di d Legg' s severa l articles , i n th e ONE Institute Quarterly, a homophile journa l o f limited circulation. 3 At th e sam e tim e Leg g an d Ha y wer e writin g thei r brie f historica l accounts fo r ONE, Jeanett e H . Foste r complete d a majo r scholarl y study o f huma n sexuality . Unfortunately , despit e Kinsey' s succes s i t was exceedingly difficult t o get material that dealt with the homoerotic into prin t durin g th e 1950s . N o mainstrea m publishin g hous e coul d be induce d t o plac e it s nam e o n th e titl e pag e o f Foster' s research , and sh e ha d littl e alternativ e bu t t o contrac t wit h a subsid y pres s t o produce Sex Variant Women in Literature.* Neither th e historica l article s i n ONE no r Foster' s path-breakin g work generated a noticeabl e swel l o f interes t i n homoeroti c historica l themes, althoug h pamphlet s and article s continued t o appear sporadically.5 John Gerassi , a journalist , wa s almost th e onl y autho r t o produc e a book-lengt h historica l wor k on homosexua l histor y durin g th e post war decades. Hi s Boys of Boise, an expos e published b y Macmillan i n 1966, reveale d a far-rangin g progra m o f polic e harassmen t i n Boise , Idaho, tha t ha d take n plac e almos t a doze n year s earlier . Th e boo k was uniqu e i n tha t i t carrie d th e imprin t o f a leadin g publishe r an d treated homosexual s a s victims o f the polic e rathe r tha n a s victims of disease. Previou s t o Gerassi' s publicizin g event s i n Boise , "crack downs" agains t homosexual s rarel y receive d notic e beyon d th e loca l press unless they could linke d somehow to communism. 6 Despite wha t ha d bee n writte n b y Legg , Hay , Gerassi , an d other s in th e lat e 1950 s an d earl y 1960s , ther e wa s a t th e tim e n o usabl e record of the homosexual past . Ga y history was, as John D'Emili o ha s claimed, "a n oxymoron. " Homosexuality wa s "a medical condition , a psychopathological stat e embodie d i n aberran t individuals . I t ha d

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been an d remaine d hidden , isolated , an d marginal , a se t o f discon nected an d fragmentar y lif e stories." 7 All o f tha t change d afte r th e earl y successe s o f th e civi l right s movement i n th e 1960 s an d th e publicatio n o f Bett y Friedan' s The Feminine Mystique i n 1963. 8 Th e women' s movemen t inspire d b y Friedan's boo k employe d th e sam e method s a s civi l right s organiza tions t o gain it s initia l victories , an d b y the en d o f the decad e activis t women wer e definin g gende r an d sexualit y a s socia l an d politica l configurations rathe r tha n a s work s o f natur e o r divinel y inspire d constructs. Th e achievement s o f th e civi l right s an d women' s move ments encourage d America n gay s t o adop t th e organizationa l struc tures an d technique s tha t ha d prove d s o usefu l fo r enablin g African Americans and wome n t o effect politica l change . At th e sam e time , th e stai d academi c disciplin e o f histor y wa s undergoing it s ow n restructuring . War , politics , economics , diplo macy, theology , an d the thoughts of selected intellectuals—th e staple s of the historica l profession—n o longe r monopolize d research . Socia l history gre w i n popularit y amon g th e risin g generatio n o f scholars , many o f whom wer e profoundl y influence d b y the civi l right s move ment an d feminism . Th e tw o movement s offere d sufficien t intellec tual stimulatio n an d inspiratio n t o tur n brigh t youn g historian s awa y from th e stoli d topic s an d drear y revisionis m tha t secure d tenur e an d promotion fo r their mentors . Unlike academic s i n othe r discipline s wh o investigate d homoeroti c subjects, however , historian s seeme d t o hav e littl e t o wor k with . While anthropologists , sociologists , psychologists , an d literar y schol ars ha d thei r field work , clinica l investigations , o r texts , th e cover t nature o f homosexualit y throughou t muc h o f th e pas t apparentl y left historian s beref t o f sources . Researc h o n homosexualit y wa s als o discouraged b y senior scholar s wh o advised thei r student s tha t writin g on s o bizarre a phenomenon coul d doo m thei r future prospects . The notio n tha t homosexualit y wa s strange, decadent , o r unsavory , a subjec t certai n t o scuttl e a n academi c caree r a t th e launching , wa s severely undermine d b y th e Stonewal l Rio t i n 1969 . Lik e th e first lunch counte r sit-in s of the civil right s movement, th e battle betwee n New Yor k polic e an d outrage d ga y patron s o f th e Stonewal l In n

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became th e fulcru m fo r a nation-wid e movemen t tha t wa s jus t the n beginning t o exer t pressur e o n America n society . Marti n Duberma n explained th e power of the episode: But if the Stonewall riot s did not begin th e gay revolution (as East Coasters, younger gays, and th e national medi a hav e been wont to claim), i t remains true that those riots became a symbolic event of international importance— a symbol o f such potenc y a s to serve, eve r since 1969 , as a motivating forc e and rallying cry. There was enough glory for both coasts, the hinterland, and several generations—though no t many could see it in 1969. 9 Even though the growth of the gay liberation movemen t accelerate d after Stonewall , historian s continue d t o mov e slowly . Whe n Ala n P. Bell an d Marti n S . Weinber g publishe d Homosexuality: An Annotated Bibliography in 1972 , there was no need fo r them t o give history a separate heading; it was included i n a section entitled "Homosexual ity in History , Non-Wester n Societies , an d Specia l Settings." 10 I t was not unti l 197 6 that th e stud y of the homoeroti c pas t was dramaticall y advanced b y Jonathan Katz' s landmar k documentar y collection , Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. 11 Th e vol ume included commentar y an d a massive accumulation o f almost two hundred item s ranging from materia l o n the secret garroting of a man accused o f sodom y b y Spanis h colonia l official s i n 156 6 to th e 197 5 founding o f the first gay American India n organizatio n i n Sa n Fran cisco. Katz , a n independen t schola r unconstraine d b y th e nee d t o soothe senio r member s o f a universit y department , marke d ou t a n expansive se t o f goals fo r hi s book . H e no t onl y propose d t o demon strate that gay history existed , bu t h e also hoped th e field would buil d on th e leftis t sympathie s o f homophil e movemen t founders . Th e progressive traditio n amon g gay s an d thei r supporters , h e explained, "suggests a ne w basi s fo r a radica l critiqu e o f America n society." 12 Rarely ha s a book , le t alon e a se t o f documents , bee n s o vita l i n establishing a researc h field. Katz' s collectio n demonstrate d tha t de spite centurie s o f secrecy an d repression , adequat e source s existe d t o write gay history. The scholarl y stud y o f gay men an d lesbian s followe d path s prede termined b y academi c organizationa l charts . Member s o f Englis h

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departments move d of f in thei r own direction, extendin g their critica l and analyti c method s t o ga y literatur e o r literatur e involvin g gay s and ga y issues . Sociologists , psychologists , an d anthropologist s als o advanced alon g predictable methodological tacks. 13 It was left to historian Jeffrey Weeks , a practitioner o f what at the time seemed t o be the most closel y hobble d disciplin e fo r investigatin g homosexuality , t o mark ou t th e theoretica l parameter s tha t woul d defin e a substantia l segment o f ga y scholarshi p i n th e socia l science s an d humanitie s during th e lat e 1970 s and earl y 1980s . Weeks' s Coming Out: Homosexual Politics in Britain from the Nineteenth Century to the Present was one of the earliest monographs o n gay history. 14 The conten t of Weeks's account, whic h detailed tw o hundred year s of struggl e agains t oppression , wa s especiall y usefu l i n thes e year s when gay history was getting underway. Th e structure of homosexuality he posited, however , wa s far mor e importan t t o the social science s than th e stor y he told . H e base d hi s wor k on a theoretical framewor k suggested b y Britis h sociologis t Mar y Mcintos h i n 1968. 15 Followin g her line of reasoning, h e agreed that same-sex behavior should b e seen as a socia l phenomeno n rathe r tha n a condition , bu t h e expande d Mcintosh's contentions by arguing that two new facets of the phenomenon emerge d i n th e nineteent h century : homosexua l subculture s and homosexua l identities . Th e isolate d sodomite s o f pas t centuries , according to Weeks, were replaced i n the Victorian ag e by homosexuals whose identities were inseparable from thei r sexual preferences an d who live d withi n a subcultur e tha t ratifie d thei r homoeroticism . Th e structure Week s propounde d wa s dubbed socia l constructionism , an d in time i t attracted a large and influentia l coteri e of supporters. 16 The socia l constructionist s wer e soo n challenge d b y John Boswell , whose views in som e respect s harkened bac k to Jonathan Katz' s assertion tha t homosexualit y wa s a relativel y constan t activit y throughou t history, eve n thoug h it s manifestation s varie d fro m plac e t o plac e and fro m tim e t o time . Boswell' s Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality launche d th e essentialist assault against the social con structionists.17 Disputations betwee n essentialist s an d socia l constructionist s domi nated muc h o f ga y an d lesbia n historica l writin g i n th e 1980s . Th e

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complexity o f studyin g gende r i n assorte d milieu s ove r severa l thou sand year s gav e ris e t o a gran d variet y o f theorie s o n socia l contex t and homosexua l ontogeny. Wha t Alanna Mitchell-Hutchinso n calle d "scattershot theorizing " abounded. 18 J . A . Manga n expresse d th e sor t of frustrations endure d b y those attempting to sort out essentialists and constructionists: If academics ar e no t ye t bent lo w unde r th e weigh t o f the argument s an d counterarguments and factional (an d fighting)assertions and denials of those energetically establishin g th e frontiers o f a new academic empir e of knowledge associated with the exceedingly complex concept of gender, the n masculinity studies could well be the straw to break their heavily loaded backs.19 Whatever the merits and defects of each position, th e bipolar debate is at last succumbing t o academic fatigue . I n a 198 8 article, indepen dent schola r Wil l Rosco e cast a plague o n bot h houses , chargin g tha t the "current essentialist and constructionist positions [were ] ultimately ahistorical an d reductionist , reflectin g th e residua l influenc e o f th e medical mode l an d it s sexual definition." 20 Shortl y afterward , Gilber t Herdt characterize d th e debat e dismissivel y a s " a medicall y drive n discourse hel d ove r b y popula r deman d fro m th e Victoria n era," 21 and b y 199 0 Ev e Kosofsk y Sedgwick , a preeminen t practitione r o f what som e wer e comin g t o refe r t o a s "quee r theory, " cheere d wha t she hope d woul d b e th e obsolescenc e o f th e debate. 22 Adjudicatio n between th e essentialis t an d constructivis t positions , sh e argued , "i s impossible t o th e degre e tha t a conceptual deadloc k betwee n th e tw o opposing view s has b y now been buil t int o th e ver y structure o f every theoretical too l we have for undertakin g it." 23 The essentialist-constructionis t controversy , whateve r it s usefulnes s in resolving basic questions, spawne d considerable empirical research . Weeks's contentio n tha t verifiabl e homosexua l identitie s an d subcul tures first appeare d i n th e nineteent h centur y wa s challenge d i n th e late 1970 s an d 1980 s b y a growin g ban d o f historian s wh o wer e moving the date backward i n time, on e writer claiming to have foun d evidence of homosexual identitie s and subcultures i n fifteenth-century Venice.24 Th e discover y an d datin g o f suc h subculture s becam e a

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minor academi c industry , wit h on e fervi d participan t proclaimin g some years into the debate: The history of sodomy in the eighteenth century is not simply the history of repression. I t encapsulates th e histor y of all society. I t can provid e a key to unlock the mysteries of the history of gender, sexuality , individua l identity , human society' s relationshi p t o th e physica l world , an d eve n (i t ha s been claimed) the mysteries of the rise of modern capitalism. 25 Although fe w other s proffere d claim s o f simila r swee p an d gran deur, argument s an d counterargument s appeare d i n learne d journal s with suc h frequenc y tha t a t leas t on e schola r wa s abl e t o provid e enough article s fo r thi s on e smallis h tempes t t o underpi n a n entir e academic career . The rapi d expansio n o f ga y an d lesbia n histor y i n th e lat e 1980 s covered subject s fa r beyon d th e question o f sodomitic subcultures an d when the y cam e t o be . Historian s no t onl y sough t ou t previousl y uninvestigated segment s of the past, but also actively reexamined area s already comprehensivel y studied . Th e volum e o f monograph s an d articles produced durin g th e perio d wa s truly astounding , considerin g that gay history was scarcely a decade old . Despite th e phenomena l growt h i n th e stud y o f th e homoeroti c past, th e subject o f sexuality amon g all-mal e group s isolate d fro m th e social an d cultura l mainstrea m ha d receive d littl e attentio n befor e Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition appeare d te n years ago. At that time, there was almost no interes t in research o n groups in which accordin g to myth, rumor , o r tradition homoeroti c sexua l activit y was endemic. The desir e of most historian s t o locate and provid e context for homo sexuality withi n th e spa n o f ordinar y huma n experienc e wa s i n par t responsible fo r th e reluctance . Fro m th e perspectiv e o f historians , i t seemed tha t th e homoeroti c interaction s o f all-male convic t an d asy lum population s were best left as the exclusive preserve of sociologists. In addition , concentratin g o n crimina l o r pathologica l population s was incompatible wit h the focus expected of "gay-affirmative" scholar s who had com e to dominate th e history of homoeroticism . Sexual relation s amon g member s o f th e Roma n Catholi c priest -

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hood, a populatio n immerse d mor e deepl y i n th e flow o f societ y than convict s o r th e insane , migh t hav e bee n considere d suitabl e fo r investigation, bu t before hesitan t or languorous historians could begi n research, popula r writer s coopte d th e area , concentratin g o n clerica l child molestation , a topi c mor e luri d an d mor e accessibl e tha n ga y priests.26 Ther e wer e ampl e polic e record s an d cour t testimon y fo r tabloid-style journalist s t o por e over , alon g wit h opportunitie s t o ex ploit th e dram a o f ragin g parents , abuse d alta r boys , an d violate d orphans. Account s o f rapaciou s clerics , thei r juvenil e victims , ill conceived cover-up s b y princes o f the Church , an d hug e cas h settle ments becam e a featur e o f networ k newscast s an d article s i n th e Catholic and non-Catholic press. The sensationalism attache d t o clerical chil d abus e an d th e knowledg e tha t admittanc e t o archive s an d records vita l t o researc h woul d no t b e provide d b y the Churc h mad e it easy enough to understand wh y scholars avoided initiatin g investiga tions of homosexuality amon g consentin g priests , researc h tha t unde r the circumstances woul d combin e insurmountabl e difficult y wit h an ticlimactic dullness. 27 The Bo y Scouts , anothe r group congenia l t o homoeroticis m ac cording t o legend , als o evade d investigation . Again , th e reason s ar e clear enough. Th e Scouts , lik e the Roman Catholi c Church, discour age investigator s seekin g t o examin e ga y relationship s withi n thei r ranks. Suc h secrec y prevent s seriou s attempt s t o evaluate th e trut h o r falsity o f th e rumors . Ti m Jeal , i n hi s massiv e biograph y o f Si r Richard Baden-Powell , th e founde r o f th e Bo y Scouts , exhibite d discernable reticence on the matter. H e did not shy away from writin g about homosexuality amon g British army officers o r Sir Richard's own suspected homosexua l proclivities . Jeal , i n fact , provide d a detaile d treatment o f Baden-Powell's repressed , Bieber-styl e childhood an d hi s intense and long-lastin g friendship wit h Kennet h McLaren. 28 Neithe r did h e avoi d dealin g with homoeroti c attractio n amon g th e leader s of the Gir l Guides , th e Scouts ' femal e counterpar t i n England . Ye t he summaril y dismisse d th e subjec t o f mal e scoutmaster s sexuall y exploiting thei r charges . H e note d tha t o n on e occasio n a pair o f th e organization's physician s wer e quietl y sacke d afte r bein g accuse d o f pederasty, bu t provided little more information o n the event. Jea l took

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the sam e stan d a s Baden-Powel l o n th e matte r o f molestation . Lik e Sir Richard himself , h e simply chose not to discuss the subject. 29 As wit h th e Catholi c priesthoo d an d th e Bo y Scouts , humo r an d tradition lin k at least some military organizations with rumors of widespread homoeroticism , bu t i n th e larg e numbe r o f militar y historie s published ove r th e las t severa l decades , ther e ha s bee n a simila r disinclination o n th e par t o f author s t o initiat e suc h investigations . Apparently onl y generals , battles , equipment , tactics , an d strateg y form suitabl e subjects fo r military chroniclers. Eve n among those who wrote of medieval arme d brotherhoods , samura i i n Japan, mariner s a t sea for lon g periods of time, o r various elite units, same-se x attractio n rarely receive d attention . Thi s reticenc e characterize d eve n th e wor k of some o f the bette r scholars . Dougla s Porch' s monumenta l accoun t of th e Frenc h Foreig n Legion , a narrativ e runnin g ove r seve n hun dred page s an d coverin g th e entir e two-hundred-yea r histor y o f th e legendary fighting force, containe d onl y a single paragraph o n homo erotic involvements among the legionnaires. Porc h wrote as if gay and lesbian histor y had no t yet been invented : One of the consequences of the absence of women was homosexuality. This was not a major proble m i n th e Legion , bu t i t did contribut e t o the lower moral ton e abou t whic h ther e wer e man y complaints . Som e confirme d homosexuals cam e int o th e Legio n fro m th e pena l unit s afte r 1900 , an d these could b e vicious. . . . [Raoul ] B£ric believed tha t homosexualit y was most common i n the remote posts of the Sud Oranais where "inaction and boredom stimulat e th e forc e o f desire ; promiscuit y facilitate s approaches ; ambient immoralit y excuse s it. " The youn g soldiers—"les girons" o r pretty boys—were the usual victims. Most legionnaires, he believed, who indulged in homosexua l practice s wer e pushe d t o i t b y forc e o f circumstance . . . . [Raimund Anton] Premschwitz claimed that homosexual couples were common an d tha t a Legio n corpora l i n souther n Algeri a committe d suicid e "because his darling cheated on him." 30 There hav e been exception s i n the tendency t o ignore homosexual ity i n militar y communities . I n th e mid-1960s , Gersho n Legma n edited a curious collection o f materials on the Knight s Templars. Th e book containe d a n assortmen t o f documents , a n essa y o n th e inno cence o f the Templars writte n decade s earlie r b y Henr y Charle s Lea ,

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and Legman' s ow n length y articl e asserting the Knight s were guilty of a larg e lis t o f crime s tha t include d homoeroti c practices. 31 Th e pri mary accusation s agains t th e Templars , h e explained , wer e no t fo r "homosexual practice , faute de mieux, bu t a forma l dedicatio n o f some kind , announce d an d betraye d a t th e secre t initiatio n b y ritua l nudity an d b y th e demande d sexua l an d scatologica l kisses." 32 Leg man's work did no t inspir e others. N o signs of developing enthusias m for investigatin g th e histor y o f mal e group s followed , an d five year s later, whe n Evely n Hooker , chairperso n o f th e Nationa l Institut e o f Mental Healt h Tas k Forc e o n Homosexuality , calle d fo r mor e re search o n homosexualit y an d th e military , historian s ignore d he r words.33 Eve n i n 1976 , whe n Unite d State s Air Forc e Sergean t Leo nard Matlovich , a decorate d wa r hero , forcibl y intrude d th e issu e o f gay serviceme n int o th e America n consciousnes s b y publicl y pro claiming his homosexuality, ther e was little response from historians . One o f the fe w work s from th e 1970 s that treate d sexua l attractio n among soldier s wa s The Great War and Modern Memory. I n thi s stunning accoun t o f the struggl e o n th e Wester n Fron t durin g Worl d War I , autho r Pau l Fussel l wrot e at length o n the proximity o f danger and deat h a s a catalyst for homoeroti c attraction. 34 "I n time s o f war," he explained, quotin g fro m W . H . Auden , "eve n th e crudes t kin d o f positive affectio n betwee n person s seem s extraordinaril y beautiful , a noble symbo l o f the peac e an d forgivenes s o f which th e whol e worl d stands s o desperatel y i n need. " Unde r suc h circumstances , Fussel l added, "th e gender of the beloved wil l no t matte r very much." 35 At about th e sam e tim e tha t The Great War and Modern Memory appeared, tw o articles o n bugger y i n th e Roya l Navy , bot h b y Arthu r N. Gilbert , wer e published i n scholarly journals. 36 Gilbert used statistical material s fro m th e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h centurie s t o demonstrate that executions for sex among sailors rose during the War of Spanis h Succession , th e Seve n Year s War , an d th e Napoleoni c Wars, whil e execution s fo r th e sam e crime s decline d durin g period s of peace. Gilber t offere d multipl e explanation s fo r thi s phenomenon . Sodomy displace d extrem e anxiet y whe n th e proximit y o f deat h weighed heavil y i n men' s minds , h e claimed . Th e Navy' s uniqu e subculture wa s als o a factor . No t onl y wer e me n o f differen t back -

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grounds throw n togethe r i n time s o f war , bu t sodom y mute d gende r differences fo r commander s wh o were conditioned b y a naval subcul ture to accept only unambiguou s distinctions . Sodom y threatened th e good orde r o f their ship s and ha d t o be eradicated. Gilber t adde d tha t anal intercourse probably intensified th e revulsion o f Christian officer s toward sodomy , remindin g the m a s i t di d o f thei r mortalit y an d th e likelihood o f damnation . Coli n J . Williams , wh o wit h Marti n S . Weinberg ha d investigate d discharg e policie s fo r homosexual s i n th e American military , commente d i n th e Journal of Homosexuality o n one of the articles. Afte r classifyin g Gilbert' s work as "especially inter esting," Williams calle d fo r mor e research i n the area and speculated , accurately a s it turned out , tha t there migh t be considerable historica l material o n homosexualit y i n Englis h sources . H e conclude d hi s remarks with th e acerbi c observatio n tha t moder n "America n militar y practice [towar d homosexuals ] i s not ver y distinguishable fro m tha t of the Britis h nav y o f Nelson' s time." 37 Tw o year s later , A . D . Harve y joined th e inquir y int o sodom y amon g me n o f th e Roya l Navy , refuting Gilbert' s statistic s an d challengin g hi s interpretatio n o f th e meaning o f ana l se x fo r Britis h officers . Still , Harve y chos e no t t o instigate a complex an d convolute d academi c debate . Hi s response to Gilbert's work was only a footnote i n an articl e on nineteenth-centur y sodomy prosecutions i n England. 38 The researc h tha t resulte d i n Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition began i n 1975 , a t th e tim e whe n ga y histor y wa s first gaining notic e among academics. M y interest i n pirate communities wa s not sparked by the fe w studie s the n availabl e o n isolate d mal e groups . Instead , i t began when I decided t o incorporate a wider view of British expansio n in th e Ne w World int o a n undergraduat e cours e I taught o n colonia l America. M y hope was to broaden the students' perspectives by adding material relatin g t o th e Wes t Indies . A . O . Exquemelin' s Buccaneers of America seeme d idea l fo r th e purpose . Writte n durin g th e seven teenth century , i t dealt wit h a n importan t aspec t o f European expan sion an d chronicle d a n inherentl y fascinatin g topic . Equall y im portant, a paperbac k editio n wa s the n availabl e fo r onl y $1.45 . I n short, ther e was much t o recommend th e book as required readin g for my students.

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It wa s th e moder n introductio n t o Buccaneers of America rathe r than Exquemelin' s thre e hundred-year-ol d narrativ e tha t rouse d m y interest i n pirat e communities. A t one point , th e autho r o f the intro duction commente d casuall y o n th e "meditated cruelty " of the bucca neers, explaining : This morbi d tast e of theirs for inflictin g pai n perhap s followed, psychologi cally, no t only from thei r lus t for plunder—their obsessiv e thing-worship— but also from th e unusual society they had evolved: celibate, with its origins in the foVsle. 39 It struc k m e whe n readin g th e passag e tha t thes e me n wer e no t celibate, bu t mos t certainl y engage d eac h othe r sexually . I suspecte d there might be a small article in this, and began the research that afte r seven o r eigh t year s gre w int o a boo k an d wa s publishe d a s Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition. It wa s durin g th e perio d whe n m y investigation s wer e i n thei r preliminary stage s tha t Leonar d Matlovic h mad e hi s homosexualit y public an d th e tw o article s b y Arthu r Gilber t appeared , bu t neithe r Matlovich's dramati c comin g out no r Gilbert's writings on bugger y i n the Roya l Nav y presaged an y noticeabl e increas e i n researc h b y historians o n th e homoeroti c practice s o f discret e an d exclusivel y mal e groups. Despit e th e lac k o f scholarly concer n wit h th e subject , ther e was a discernibl e measur e popula r interes t i n shipboar d sexuality . A story o n a pape r I presente d a t a meetin g o f th e Organizatio n o f American Historian s i n the late 1970 s appeared i n a Chicago newspa per an d wa s subsequentl y distribute d b y a wir e service . I receive d a continuous strea m o f letter s an d telephon e inquirie s abou t th e re search i n th e weeks immediately afte r th e publication o f the article in newspapers throughou t th e country . O n th e lighte r side , Esquire magazine gave wide circulation t o my thesis on sodomiti c pirates in a blip headed "The y All Said Athwart, Didn' t They?" 40 One segment of the electronic medi a wa s also intrigued wit h th e subject. A t about th e same time as the Esquire article, a skit on NBC's Saturday Night Live featured Joh n Belush i a s commande r o f a "manl y ship " whose cre w preferred flogging to female companionship .

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Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition ha s elicite d a wid e variet y o f responses i n th e decade sinc e it s publication i n 1983 . At one extrem e were th e furious , politicall y correc t critic s wh o denounce d i t a s a broadside agains t the gay-affirmative message . A t the other en d o f the span, Bil l Corke of London's Sunday Sport took the matter of "poofte r pirates" less to heart. 41 H e reporte d tha t according to the book, "Eve n famous sal t Cap' n Henr y Morga n wa s a s ben t a s a nine-bo b dou bloon," addin g tha t m y researc h gav e " a whol e ne w meanin g t o th e phrase Jolly Roger. " Gay histor y wa s firmly establishe d a s a legitimat e academi c enter prise b y th e tim e Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition appeared , an d throughout th e latte r 1980 s i t expanded rapidly . Gay-oriente d classe s and program s wer e added t o curricula a t man y college s and universi ties, an d gay-affirmativ e scholar s continue d th e searc h fo r historica l antecedents, no w encourage d an d supporte d b y th e prestig e an d re sources o f academe . Presse s wer e establishe d o n bot h side s o f th e Atlantic to produc e book s on a variety o f gay-related topics , an d thei r logos appeared o n importan t works such as Alan Bray's Homosexuality in Renaissance England an d Marti n Duberman' s About Time: Exploring the Gay Past* 2 The institutionalizatio n o f ga y histor y wa s no t welcome d i n al l quarters. Wil l Roscoe , on e o f th e mos t voca l an d articulat e o f th e doubters, demande d tha t ga y an d lesbia n histor y remai n th e produc t of the community i t served, an d advocate d resistin g the infiltratio n o f major trad e publisher s int o th e marke t create d b y gay publishers. H e questioned whethe r ga y an d lesbia n histor y coul d eve n exis t withou t close ties to the gay and lesbia n community. 43 Roscoe's hop e tha t activis t ga y scholar s coul d contro l thei r ow n history was realized b y the late 1980 s in at least one area, th e study of isolated mal e an d femal e groups . Thi s resulte d fro m a particula r constellation o f factor s includin g th e successe s o f th e ga y liberatio n movement, th e expansion o f public discussion o n sexua l matters , an d the adaman t refusa l o f th e America n militar y t o acknowledg e eithe r that th e natio n wa s changin g o r tha t gay s ha d serve d honorabl y an d often heroicall y i n ever y branc h o f th e arme d force s fo r severa l cen turies.

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Two o f th e first scholar s t o explor e th e subjec t o f gay s i n th e American militar y wer e Lawrenc e R . Murph y an d Alla n Berube . Perverts by Official Order, Murphy' s investigatio n o f a U.S . Nav y campaign agains t gay men withi n an d outsid e o f the service immedi ately afte r Worl d Wa r I , containe d n o surprises . B y th e tim e i t appeared i n 1989 , th e military' s long-standin g hysteri a ove r gay s i n the ranks was well-known. Murphy' s lasting contribution wa s to document a n earl y exampl e o f th e length s t o whic h th e Navy' s official s were willin g t o g o i n corruptin g America n principle s o f justice. 44 Even befor e th e publicatio n o f Perverts by Official Order, a simila r litany of horrors had been cataloged and described by Berube. I n 198 1 he wrot e a n articl e fo r th e Advocate base d o n a four-hundred-slid e presentation h e ha d develope d o n gay s i n th e U.S . military , an d b y the en d o f th e decad e h e publishe d a majo r stud y o n th e topic , Coming Out Under Fire, a histor y o f ga y serviceme n an d ser vicewomen i n Worl d Wa r II. 45 Lik e Murphy's book , Berube' s histor y continued th e catalo g o f horror s an d indignitie s inflicte d o n gay s i n uniform. Ye t Berube als o provided a history o f redemption a s he tol d of lov e amon g kindre d spirit s i n th e military , describe d struggle s against officia l oppression , an d celebrate d th e man y triumph s o f gays within an d against the armed forces . Although th e thrus t o f historica l writin g o n gay s i n sexuall y segre gated environment s deal t wit h th e America n military , th e expandin g interest i n th e subjec t an d th e intensit y o f th e debat e i t engendere d probably ha d a t leas t some influenc e o n th e decisio n b y the London based Ga y Men' s Pres s t o publis h a collectio n o f essay s entitle d The Love of the Samurai: A Thousand Years of Japanese Homosexuality i n 1989.46 Th e collection , writte n betwee n 193 0 an d 1933 , deal t no t only wit h samurai bu t wit h Japanes e monasti c communities . Al though a Frenc h translatio n o f the wor k appeared som e years earlier , no English-languag e versio n wa s possible unti l th e subjec t becam e a matter o f general concer n i n th e lat e 1980s . Mos t discussions o f gays in th e arme d force s writte n b y Wester n scholar s durin g thi s perio d opposed th e military' s exclusionar y policy , maintainin g tha t sexua l orientation wa s not a barrier t o carryin g ou t assigne d duties , no r wa s unit effectiveness hampere d b y the presence of gay soldiers, sailors , or

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marines. The Love of the Samurai carrie d th e gay-affirmative messag e even further, claimin g that the samurai were not debilitated b y homosexuality, bu t that the decay of the samurai undermine d homosexual ity. "Whe n bushido [th e wa y o f th e warrior ] died , th e masculin e aesthetic los t its own norm , an d throug h thi s shudo [pederasty] shared the fate o f the samurai society." 47 Whatever th e connectio n betwee n ancien t samura i an d sodomy , i t had littl e effec t o n th e debat e ove r gay s i n th e U.S . arme d forces . Activist America n writer s ma y hav e agree d wit h th e analysi s o f th e nexus between samurai and homosexuality, bu t it had little immediate relevance fo r thei r research , no r di d th e findings o f Universit y o f Amsterdam professo r Ger t Hekm a muc h affec t thei r conclusions . Hekma maintaine d tha t effeminac y wa s no t par t o f homosexua l be havior i n th e Dutc h arm y durin g th e nineteent h centur y an d tha t neither officers no r enlisted me n were much bothere d b y homosexuality among th e soldier y "s o long a s i t was not to o flagrant and di d no t subvert gende r roles." 48 Suc h claims , b y 1991 , were inimica l t o th e aims o f the activist s dominating th e debate. Thei r purpos e wa s not t o secure unofficia l toleratio n o f gays by the Pentagon . The y demande d full-scale recognitio n fo r th e complet e sexua l freedo m o f al l servic e personnel. Mike Hippler' s lif e o f Leonar d Matlovic h appeare d i n 1989 , th e year afte r th e ga y sergean t die d o f AIDS . Th e boo k offere d n o ne w theoretical perspectives , bu t Hipple r pointe d th e direction futur e writ ing agains t th e exclusio n polic y woul d take . Th e primar y literar y mode fo r supportin g th e caus e o f sexua l freedo m i n militar y servic e was to be biography. 49 The followin g yea r a collection o f short biographies, M y Country, My Right to Serve, was published. Th e author, Mar y Ann Humphrey , had bee n a captain i n the U.S . Arm y Reserve . Lik e Sergeant Matlov ich, sh e compile d a n impressiv e militar y record , the n wa s ejecte d from th e servic e becaus e o f her sexua l orientation . He r boo k tol d th e stories o f almos t fou r doze n ga y me n an d wome n wh o serve d i n th e armed force s fro m Worl d Wa r I I t o 1987. 50 The individua l historie s were horro r storie s fo r th e mos t part . The y recounte d th e intimida tion, persecution , humiliation , an d ultimat e departur e o f gay s fro m

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the service . Despit e chroniclin g th e live s o f so man y victims , Hum phrey's work , lik e Berube' s Coming Out Under Fire, was a testamen t of faith. Man y of the stories she told were of obscure men an d wome n who went quietly before th e military's onslaught, bu t she also wrote of those who fought th e syste m with tenacit y an d courage . Th e victorie s won b y several subject s o f Humphrey's boo k were as important a s the struggles sh e described . Althoug h non e o f th e biographee s wh o mounted lega l challenge s t o dismissal s wa s restore d t o th e militar y with bac k pay , seniority , an d ful l benefits , th e occasiona l limite d victories sh e cataloge d wer e enough t o give some measur e o f encour agement to the cause. The undercurren t o f optimis m i n Humphrey' s wor k reflecte d th e changing politica l climat e i n th e nation . Eve n th e book' s imprin t indicated th e growing willingnes s o f Americans t o hear th e cas e for a reversal o f th e prohibitor y policy ; My Country, My Right to Serve carried th e nam e o f a majo r trad e publisher , HarperCollins , an d included a n introductio n b y Gerr y E . Studds , th e first openl y ga y member o f the Hous e of Representatives. Additional reason s for optimism cam e at this time with the publication o f tw o documentar y collections . Th e first, Gays in Uniform, contained governmen t report s on th e suitabilit y o f allowing homosex uals to serve in th e armed forces . Th e report s had bee n authorize d b y the Departmen t o f Defens e an d complete d unde r th e Department' s aegis, bu t wer e the n deeme d dangerou s an d suppressed . Onl y late r were the y obtaine d unde r provision s o f th e Freedo m o f Informatio n Act an d published . Th e report s wer e acutel y embarrassin g t o th e military, finding a s the y di d tha t contrar y t o assertion s fro m braid bedecked generals , sexua l preferenc e wa s "unrelate d t o jo b perfor mance i n th e sam e wa y a s i s bein g left - o r right-handed." 51 Th e conclusions were identical to those of Williams and Weinberg's sociological stud y o f homosexualit y an d th e military' s discharg e policie s completed almos t twenty years earlier. 52 The secon d o f th e documentar y collection s deal t wit h th e cas e o f Joseph Steffan , a midshipman expelle d from th e U.S. Naval Academy in th e final semeste r o f hi s senio r yea r fo r admittin g t o a n acquain tance tha t h e wa s a homosexual . Lik e Gays in Uniform, th e docu -

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ments fro m Steffan' s sui t agains t th e Departmen t o f Defens e wer e embarrassing t o th e military , undercuttin g th e ver y logi c use d t o sustain th e exclusion o f gays from th e armed services. 53 The burgeonin g interes t i n gay s in th e service during the first years of th e 1990 s produce d a flood o f storie s i n newspapers , magazines , and i n th e electroni c media , bu t th e mos t influentia l publicatio n during the perio d wa s Randy Shilts' s voluminous Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the U.S. Military.™ Like Humphrey's My Country, My Right to Serve, Shilts' s boo k cataloge d th e humiliatio n and injustic e inflicte d o n gay s by America's militar y potentates . Th e book provide d eve n mor e evidenc e o f th e widesprea d willingnes s t o discuss and suppor t gays in the battle against the armed force s prohibi tion. Durin g th e 199 2 presidentia l campaign , whe n th e exten t o f candidate Bil l Clinton' s suppor t i n th e ga y communit y wa s widel y publicized, an d late r whe n i t appeare d tha t a s President , Clinto n might quas h th e military' s regulation s agains t ga y servic e personnel , interest i n th e subjec t becam e intense . Conduct Unbecoming wa s extensively advertised , take n u p b y boo k clubs , reviewe d i n mass circulation periodicals , an d reache d th e final roun d o f competitio n for a prestigiou s journalis m award . Th e mainstrea m publishe r wh o brought i t ou t ha d sufficien t confidenc e i n it s sales potentia l t o fun d production o f a book over seven hundred page s long. Reading throug h Shilts' s extende d narrativ e i s a numbin g experi ence, bu t hi s constant reiteratio n o f injustice an d officiall y mandate d foolishness affirm s tha t gay soldiers function a s well as their heterosexual counterpart s an d indelibl y imprint s th e certai n knowledg e tha t perceptions matter mor e to the Pentagon tha n reality . Barracks Buddies and Soldier Lovers, another revealing contributio n to the literature o n gay s in th e U.S . arme d forces , appeare d th e sam e year a s Conduct Unbecoming. I t wa s compile d largel y fro m author interviewer Stephe n Zeeland' s tape d conversation s wit h youn g ser vicemen statione d i n German y durin g th e lat e 1980 s an d earl y 1990s.55 Th e greates t valu e o f th e wor k wa s no t i n th e narrative s i t provided of the military experiences of the sixteen interviewees , but in its description s o f relationship s an d socia l patterns i n ga y militar y communities. Th e dialogue s describe d wha t ha s lon g been know n t o

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exist bu t whic h fe w hav e eve r discusse d i n print , th e extensiv e an d well-entrenched ga y network s withi n th e U.S . Arm y an d Ai r Force . Like othe r writers , Zeelan d provide d a length y roste r o f degradatio n and humiliatio n mete d ou t t o gays, bu t hi s interviewee s als o reveale d that, a t leas t i n recen t times , lif e fo r mos t gay s i n th e militar y wa s manageable. Th e informant s rarel y expresse d th e morbi d fea r an d debilitating self-doub t tha t allegedl y resul t fro m continuou s effort s a t concealment. On e ma n estimate d the chances of being prosecuted fo r homosexuality b y th e militar y wer e abou t 100,00 0 t o one . Anothe r urged youn g gay males to give the service a try. The productio n o f popula r books , articles , an d medi a storie s wil l expand a s long as the issu e of gays in the militar y continue s t o agitate American politics. Scholarl y inquiry, meanwhile , proceed s at a slower pace, i n par t becaus e o f th e reluctanc e o f organization s containin g clandestine ga y network s t o provid e acces s t o thei r records . I n hi s splendid stud y o f homosexua l Ne w Yor k polic e officers , Stephe n Leinen make s no attempt t o delve into gay history. 56 As a sociologist , he i s undoubtedl y comfortabl e usin g a synchronic , socia l scientifi c approach fo r investigating a metropolitan la w enforcement subculture , but i t woul d hav e bee n fascinatin g ha d h e bee n abl e prow l throug h police departmen t personne l an d disciplinar y record s searchin g fo r evidence fro m pas t decade s o n homosexualit y amon g Ne w York' s finest. Recent historica l studie s o n ga y confraternalism i n rigidl y circum scribed environment s includ e edito r In a Russell' s Jeb and Dash an d my ow n biograph y o f Phili p C . Va n Buskir k o f th e U.S . Marines . Both book s ar e base d o n carefull y preserve d multi-volum e diaries. 57 Jeb and Dash doe s no t describ e a relationshi p carrie d o n withi n th e limited confine s o f a militar y community , bu t i n som e respect s th e situation o f Jeb Alexander an d C . C . Dasha m i s analogous t o couples in th e service . Thei r relationshi p existe d withi n th e bound s o f th e government bureaucrac y i n Washington , D.C. , wit h al l o f the atten dant hazard s an d constrictions . Va n Buskirk' s homoeroti c love s an d relationships, i n contrast , occurre d i n the more limited contex t of the Marine Corps , an d wer e often conducte d o n boar d U.S . Nav y ships. Russell, th e lat e Je b Alexander's niec e an d th e inherito r o f his diary , had n o need to depend o n any organization t o sanction o r support he r

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work. I hav e receive d unstintin g cooperatio n fro m th e Nationa l Ar chives an d th e historica l division s o f th e U.S . Nav y an d th e Marin e Corps. Va n Buskirk' s sexua l preferences , however , represen t onl y a minimal threa t t o th e America n military' s present-da y policies . H e left th e Marin e Corp s i n 1869 , conclude d hi s caree r a s a mate i n th e Navy in the early 1890s , and die d i n 1903 . B. R . Burg , 199 4 NOTES 1. Alfre d C . Kinsey , Wardel l B . Pomeroy , an d Clyd e E . Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia: Saunders, 1948) . 2. Dor r W. Legg , "Homosexualit y i n History, " ONE Institute Quarterly 2 (Summer 1959) : 93-95; idem , "Th e Berdache, " ONE Institute Quarterly 2 (Spring 1959) : 59-63 ; idem, "Th e Sodomy Rite," ONE Institute Quarterly 1 (Summe r 1958) : 98-101; idem, "Th e Hidden Tenth: Homosexuals i n History, " unpublishe d ms. , 20 0 pp. ; Ver n L . Bulloug h e t al. , eds. , An Annotated Bibliography ofHomosexuality (Ne w York: Garland, 1976) , 1:27 , 54 , 2:313. 3. Henr y Hay , "Th e Mora l Climat e o f Canaa n a t th e Tim e o f Judges, " ONE Institute Quarterly 1 (Summe r 1958) : 8-16, 50-59 . 4. Jeanett e H. Foster , Sex Variant Women in Literature (New York: Vantage, 1956) ; see also Bullough, 2:46 . Durin g the same period, a few well-established publisher s had no qualms about including homosexua l novel s i n thei r list s a s lon g a s the perverte d protagonist s me t wit h th e retribution the y deserved . Example s includ e Jame s Baldwin' s Giovanni's Room (Ne w York : Dial, 1956) , Truma n Capote' s Other Voices, Other Rooms (New York : Random House , 1948) , and Gore Vidal's The City and the Pillar (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1948) . Quatrefoil, a homoerotic nove l fro m th e era ending on a hopeful note , appeare d i n 1950 , bu t not under the rubric o f a regula r commercia l publishin g house . Autho r James Fugat e use d th e pseudony m James Barr (Bullough, 2:427) . 5. Marti n Duberman, Stonewall (New York: Dutton, 1993) , pp. 154-155 , 224 , 293. 6. Joh n D'Emilio, Making Trouble: Essays on Gay History, Politics, and the University (New York: Routledge, 1992) , pp . 63, 71. 7. Ibid. , p . 96. 8. Bett y Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Norton, 1963) . 9. Duberman , Stonewall, p . 224 . 10. Ala n P. Bel l and Martin S. Weinberg , Homosexuality: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Harper, 1972) . 11. Jonatha n Katz, Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. (Ne w York: Crowell, 1976) . 12. Ibid. , pp . 5 , 8. 13. Jeffre y Tod d Prock , "Th e Recen t Historiograph y o f Homosexualit y i n Seventeenth Century England and America," unpublished paper. 14. Jeffre y Weeks, Coming Out: Homosexual Politics in Britain from the Nineteenth Century to the Present (London: Quartet Books, 1977) . 15. Mar y Mcintosh, "Th e Homosexual Role, " Social Problems 1 6 (Fall 1968) : 182-192. 16. Miche l Foucault , The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction (Ne w York : Pantheon, 1978) ; Kenneth Plummer, The Making of the Modern Homosexual (London: Hutch-

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inson, 1981) ; John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States 1940-1970 (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1983) . For a brief account o f th e origin s o f the debate , se e Jeffrey Escoffier , "Generation s an d Paradigms: Mainstreams i n Gay and Lesbian Studies, " in Gay and Lesbian Studies, ed . Henr y L. Minto n (New York, Haworth , 1992) , pp. 7-26 . 17. Joh n Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) . 18. Mitchell-Hutchinso n use d this phrase to describe David F. Greenberg's The Construction of Homosexuality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988) , bu t it is generally applicable to the field throughou t th e perio d unde r discussio n (se e Mitchell-Hutchinson' s revie w o f The Construction of Homosexuality in the Journal of the History of Sexuality 2 [October 1990] : 314). 19. J . A . Mangan , "Men , Masculinity , an d Sexuality : Som e Recen t Literature, " Journal of the History of Sexuality 3 (October 1992) : 303. 20. Wil l Roscoe , "Makin g History : The Challeng e o f Gay and Lesbia n Studies, " Journal of Homosexuality 15 (1988): 1. 21. Gilber t Herdt , "Representation s o f Homosexuality : A n Essa y on Cultura l Ontolog y and Historical Comparison, " pt. 1 , Journal of the History of Sexuality 1 (Januar y 1991) : 485. 22. Karl a Jay, "Proclivities of Criticism," New York Times Book Review, December 26, 1993 , p. 19 . 23. Ev e Kosofsk y Sedgwick , Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press, 1990) , p. 40. 24. Guid o Ruggerio, The Boundaries of Eros (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1985) . 25. Randolp h Trumbach , "Sodomitica l Subcultures , Sodomitica l Roles , an d th e Gende r Revolution o f the Eighteenth Century : The Recen t Historiography," Eighteenth-Century Life 9 (May 1985) : 109. 26. Fe w scholars have bothered t o investigate the topic even thoug h ther e are estimates that as man y a s one-thir d o f Roma n Catholi c priest s unde r forty-fiv e ar e gay; estimates o f th e gay proportion o f the entir e priesthoo d ru n from 2 0 to 5 0 percent (Katie Leishman , "Homosexual s and AIDS, " Atlantic 25 9 [Februar y 1987] : 48 ; Tim Unsworth , The Last Priests in America: Conversations with Remarkable Men [New York: Crossroad, 1991] , pp . 247-248) . 27. Th e Roma n Catholi c Churc h claim s t o have n o centralized record s on priest-pederasts. See Elino r Burket t an d Fran k Bruni , A Gospel of Shame: Children, Sexual Abuse, and the Catholic Church (Ne w York: Viking, 1993) , p . 25 7 n. 38 . Burkit t and Bruni also maintain that there i s within th e Church a network that protects gay and pedophile priests from exposure and prosecution (ibid. , p . 283) . O n th e matte r of know n clerica l pedophiles , ther e i s considerable denial withi n th e priesthood . I n a n articl e entitle d "Priest s an d Pedophilia : A Silenc e Tha t Needs Breaking, " clerical autho r Canice Connors manage d a discussion o f the subject without reference t o homosexuality ( America 16 6 [Ma y 1992] : 400-401). Ther e is , however , evidenc e to suggest Connors is not a particularly acute observer. H e once produced a glowing report on a priest wh o wa s bein g returne d t o activ e servic e afte r pleadin g guilt y t o te n count s o f sexua l assault. Th e errin g cleric was cured, accordin g to the report, afte r spending only four and onehalf month s a t Southdown , a treatmen t facilit y heade d b y Connor s (Michae l Harris , Unholy Orders [Ontario: Viking, 1990] , pp . 208-209) . Fo r informatio n o n attempt s b y th e Anglica n Church o f Canada t o suppress information o n clerica l homosexuality , se e James Ferry's In the Courts of the Lord: A Gay Priest's Story (New York: Crossroad, 1994) , pp. 34 , 169-173 . 28. Ti m Jeal , The Boy-Man: The Life of Lord Baden-Powell (New York: Morrow, 1990) , pp. 13-15,61,74-83,91, 103 . 29. Ibid. , pp . 95, 508-510 . 30. Dougla s Porch, The French Foreign Legion: A Complete History of the Legendary Fighting Force (New York: HarperCollins, 1991) , 310.

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31. Gersho n Legman , The Guilt of the Templars (New York: Basic Books, 1966) . 32. Ibid. , p . 109 . 33. Evely n Hooker , Forewor d t o Homosexuals and the Military: A Study of Less Than Honorable Discharge by Colin J . Williams and Martin S . Weinber g (New York: Harper, 1971) , p. ix . 34. Pau l Fussell , The Great War and Modern Memory (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1975), pp . 270-309 . 35. Ibid. , p . 270 . 36. Arthu r N . Gilbert , "Th e Africaine Courts-Martial: A Stud y o f Bugger y an d th e Roya l Navy," Journal of Homosexuality 1 (1974) : 111-123 ; idem , "Bugger y i n th e Britis h Navy, " Journal of Social History 10 (Fall 1976) : 72-98. 37. Coli n J . Williams, "Comment s on Th e Africaine Courts-Martial,"' Journal of Homosexuality 1 (1974) : 123. 38. A . D . Harvey , "Prosecution s for Sodomy in Englan d at the Beginning of the Nineteent h Century," Historical Journal 21 (December 1978) : 940n. 39. Jac k Beeching, Introductio n t o The Buccaneers of America by A. O . Exquemeli n (Balti more: Penguin, 1969) , p . 11 . 40. Esquire, January 1977 , p . 53 . 41. Bil l Corke, "Hois t the Jolly Todger," Sunday Sport, Apri l 28, 1991 , p. 3. 42. Ala n Bray , Homosexuality in Renaissance England (London : Ga y Men' s Press , 1982) ; Martin Duberman , About Time: Exploring the Gay Past (Ne w York : Ga y Presse s o f Ne w York, 1986) . 43. Wil l Roscoe , "History' s Future: Reflections o n Lesbia n and Gay History in the Community," in Gay and Lesbian Studies, ed . Henr y L. Minto n (New York: Haworth, 1992) , pp . 163 , 164, 176 . 44. Lawrenc e R . Murphy , Perverts by Official Order: The Campaign Against Homosexuals by the United States Navy (Ne w York: Haworth, 1989) . 45. Alla n Be>ube \ Coming Out Under Fire: The History of Gay Men and Wome n in World War 11 (New York: Free Press, 1990) . 46. Tsune o Watanab e an d Jun'ic i Iwata , The Love of the Samurai: A Thousand Years of Japanese Homosexuality, trans D. R . Robert s (London: Gay Men's Press, 1989) . 47. Ibid. , p . 13 . 48. Ger t Hekma , "Homosexua l Behavio r i n th e Nineteenth-Centur y Dutc h Army, " Journal of the History of Sexuality 2 (October 1991) : 288. 49. Mik e Hippler, Matlovich: The Good Soldier (Boston: Alyson, 1989) . 50. Mar y An n Humphrey , M y Country, My Right to Serve: Experiences of Gay Men and Women in the Military, World War U to the Present (New York: Harper Collins, 1990) . 51. Kat e Dyer, ed. , Gays in Uniform: The Pentagon's Secret Reports (Boston: Alyson, 1990) , p. ix. 52. William s and Weinberg, Homosexuals and the Military, p . 187 . 53. Mar c Wolinsk y an d Kennet h Sherrill , Gays and the Military: Joseph Steffan versus the United States (Princeton: Princeton Universit y Press, 1993) . 54. Rand y Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the U.S. Military (Ne w York: St. Martin's , 1993) . 55. Stephe n Zeeland , Barracks Buddies and Soldier Lovers: Dialogues with Gay Young Men in the U.S. Military (Binghamton , N.Y. : Harrington Park, 1993) . 56. Stephe n Leinen , Gay Cops (New Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers University Press , 1993) . 57. In a Russell , ed. , Jeb and Dash: A Diary of Gay Life, 1918-1945 (Boston : Fabe r an d Faber, 1993) ; B. R . Burg , A n American Seafarer in the Age of Sail: The Erotic Diaries of Philip C. Van Buskirk 1851-187 0 (Ne w Haven: Yale University Press, 1994) . .

INTRODUCTION

February 1 , 181 6 wa s not a noteworthy da y i n Englis h history . Me n worked o r played accordin g t o thei r customar y patterns , an d institu tions uninterruptedly functione d a t their appointe d tasks . Th e Hous e of Common s receive d a routine lette r fro m th e Duk e o f Wellingto n informing th e member s h e ha d expresse d thei r gratitude fo r Prussian aid a t Waterlo o t o Fiel d Marsha l Blucher . I n th e afternoon , player s of the Theatre Roya l at Covent Garden made preparations to perform Isabella i n th e evening . Th e Times reporte d Princes s Charlott e o f Wales was indisposed, an d James Cooper, wit h three of his shipmates from th e H.M.S. Africaine, wer e execute d fo r buggery . Tw o othe r crewmembers, Joh n Parson s an d Jac k Hubbard , wer e whippe d fo r uncleanness, a general ter m then current for deviant sexual behavior . Parsons wa s give n 20 0 lashe s an d Hubbar d receive d 17 0 o f th e 30 0 lashes specifie d b y th e court . Th e sentenc e wa s no t complete d be cause an attendant surgeon determined additiona l punishmen t woul d endanger his life. 1 Th e hars h treatment meted out by the Roya l Navy , where "Rum , Bum , an d th e Lash " were tradition s o f lon g standing , was not something characteristic onl y of the military i n the era of the Napoleonic Wars . I t wa s symptomati c o f th e abidin g concer n an d profound revulsio n t o variant sexual practice s tha t was typical o f English attitudes i n the nineteent h centur y an d after . Extreme hostilit y t o homosexual act s was a relatively recen t acqui-

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sition fo r Englishme n i n th e closin g decade s o f Georg e Ill' s reign . Two hundre d year s before, i n th e earl y seventeent h century , homo sexual act s were rarel y condemned b y anyone. The y wer e ignore d by ordinary citizens , officer s o f the church , th e military , an d by leaders of th e civi l government . Late r i n th e century , afte r th e Civi l War s and th e Interregnum , whe n Charle s I I was restore d t o the thron e i n 1660, homosexua l act s and the men who committed the m continue d to attrac t littl e attention . Me n wh o engage d othe r me n fo r sexua l purposes were foun d o n ever y leve l o f society , from th e roya l court , through th e nobility , i n th e commercia l classes , an d on dow n t o the sailors wh o manne d th e king' s ship s an d th e crew s o f th e merchan t fleet. Fo r th e mos t part , Englishme n regarde d homosexua l behavio r as simpl y anothe r sexua l activity , a peculiarit y t o some , a matte r o f jest to others, a thing for public cognizance whe n circumstance s warranted, bu t mostl y a practic e t o b e ignored . Eve n fo r cleric s an d moralists profoundl y concerne d wit h sexua l transgression , homosex ual activitie s wer e mino r matters , n o mor e dangerou s tha n th e het erosexual promiscuit y the y perceive d t o b e corruptin g th e Englis h nation. Amid the climat e o f toleration flourished one o f the most unusual homosexually oriente d group s i n history , th e Caribbea n pirate s wh o spread terro r from South Americ a northwar d t o Bermud a an d occa sionally int o th e Pacifi c throughou t th e latte r half of the seventeent h century. Muc h ha s been writte n o f pirac y sinc e th e tim e buccaneer ing flags flew in the West Indian sun and Spanish soldiers or terrified merchant seamen were victims of pirate attacks. Bu t in the years that have passed , th e majo r portio n o f th e literatur e ha s bee n concerne d more wit h piratica l deed s tha n wit h pirates . It s appeal , on e woul d surmise fro m th e content , i s t o a n audienc e o f smal l boys , retire d naval officers , an d other s concerne d primaril y wit h cannon , cutlass , gore, an d decks awash with blood . Th e emphasi s o n militar y matter s to th e exclusio n o f al l othe r features o f buccaneering lif e i s regrettable, fo r b y payin g littl e hee d t o th e pirat e community , th e opportu nity t o investigat e on e o f th e uniqu e group s i n huma n histor y ha s been ignored . Attempting to assess the natur e of pirate society, tin y communitie s

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composed o f me n fa r removed fro m th e mainstrea m o f Europea n o r English life, woul d hardl y seem wort h the effort i f it were undertaken only t o establis h tha t buccaneer s engage d i n homosexua l acts , a n observation previousl y mad e b y severa l othe r authors . Th e presenc e of sodomites amon g those wh o mak e their livings from th e se a i s not a startlin g revelation . Sexua l encounter s involvin g sailor s ar e a part of maritim e lore , an d fo'c's'l e humo r abound s wit h storie s o f belo w deck encounters i n whic h salt y bosuns initiat e tender cabin boy s into the arcan a o f the sea . Ye t pirate homosexua l practic e i s distinct fro m that commo n eithe r t o sailor s o r to me n i n othe r age s an d i n othe r societies wher e masculin e sexua l bondin g ha s flourished. I t differ s widely fro m tha t o f th e ancien t Greeks , th e Knight s Templar , th e usual practice s i n seventeenth-centur y England , an d fro m all-mal e sexuality i n the Unite d State s since th e gay liberation movemen t was launched. I n diverse cultures at various time periods when homosex uality o r homosexua l contac t wa s a n ordinar y socia l practic e o r was at least no t severel y proscribed , i t was integrate d int o prevailin g pat terns an d functione d harmoniousl y wit h al l othe r aspect s o f society . Among pirates , eithe r aboar d thei r ship s o r whil e livin g o n isolate d West India n islands , homosexua l act s wer e no t integrate d wit h o r subordinated t o alternate style s of sexual contact . The y wer e the only form o f sexua l expressio n engage d i n b y member s o f th e buccanee r community. The predominanc e o f homosexua l method s o f sexua l expressio n alone would not be sufficient t o distinguish pirate societies from other particular huma n groupings . Priso n population s rel y entirel y o n homosexual an d onanisti c practices , an d th e natur e o f homosexua l social stratificatio n tha t evolves i n pena l institution s ha s been widel y studied an d imperfectl y understoo d b y generation s o f psychologists , sociologists, an d criminologists . Whil e priso n an d pirat e communi ties ar e simila r i n tha t both ar e without females , ther e ar e als o striking difference s betwee n th e two . Homosexualit y an d homosexua l contact behind bar s exists only withi n a framework o f rigidl y applie d rules and regulation s impose d fro m beyon d th e rank s of the inmates . Although homosexua l activit y i s ofte n ignore d o r a t leas t carefull y regulated b y supervisor y personnel , i t mus t stil l exis t withi n a social

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structure determine d largel y b y a dominant orde r tha t i s antipatheti c both t o th e prisoner s an d t o sexua l relation s amon g them . Although homosexua l behavio r wa s widely tolerate d i n lat e seven teenth-century Englan d an d th e structur e o f society encourage d i t o n several levels , suc h practice s remaine d onl y a face t o f Englis h lif e and wer e thus subject t o restrictio n an d regulatio n b y the large r com munity. Thi s wa s not th e cas e among pirate s i n th e Caribbean , wher e the essentia l feature s o f their homosexua l activity , exclusivit y an d th e absence o f constraint s impose d b y a mor e powerfu l an d unsympa thetic society , mean t tha t buccanee r communitie s coul d evolv e an d mature wit h littl e o r n o interferenc e fro m a dominant , restrictive , and sometime s hostil e heterosexua l nation . Thi s opportunit y t o con stitute an d develo p a communit y wher e homosexua l contac t wa s th e ordinary for m o f sexua l expressio n wa s unusua l enough , bu t t o d o i t while fre e fro m persecutio n an d opprobriu m wa s unique , an d al though pirate s di d no t indulg e i n consciou s socia l experimentation , the all-mal e societ y the y buil t an d sustaine d i n th e Wes t Indie s fo r three-quarters o f a century wa s a singula r reflectio n o f thei r peculia r situation. The us e of a subject populatio n fro m th e seventeenth centur y make s it appear , a t leas t initially , tha t Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition i s a historical work . Nothin g could b e further fro m th e truth. Th e stud y of history is , as a legion o f academicians i s willing to point out, muc h more tha n descriptio n an d analysi s o f pas t events . Include d withi n the disciplin e ar e carefull y delineate d processe s fo r inquiry , authori tatively prescribe d application s o f logic, system s for evaluatio n o f evidence, an d i n mos t investigation s a sharpl y define d se t of goals to be reached fro m examinatio n o f pas t event s arrange d i n a diachroni c panorama. Evolution , process , development , motiv e an d th e like — such ar e th e subject s o f history , an d historica l metho d ha s bee n de signed ove r the year s to inquir e int o jus t these sort s of things. This i s all t o th e goo d fo r th e stud y o f history , bu t m y ow n wor k i s ver y different tha n tha t undertake n b y historians . I t ha s no t bee n m y in tent t o reconstruc t a segmen t o f th e past , t o analyz e it s etiolog y an d explain it s unfolding , o r t o communicat e th e buccaneers ' worl d t o the present . I have instea d se t out t o discover coherenc e i n on e smal l

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segment o f huma n society , th e strictl y define d mal e group . Unlik e historians wit h thei r emphasi s o n th e huma n conduc t recoverabl e from archival materia l an d other survivals of the past, m y study relies heavily o n behaviora l theor y an d othe r device s from th e socia l an d behavioral science s tha t ar e ofte n anathem a t o historians . Sodomy and the Perception of Evil has , i n fact , bee n describe d t o m e a s antihistorical b y colleague s rendere d apoplecti c a t the notio n o f treatin g the pas t wit h moder n method s o f sociology , psychology , an d othe r social sciences . Thi s stud y i s no t anti-historica l no r i s i t a n attemp t to demonstrate ho w histor y ca n b e writte n b y ignorin g severa l o f the canons o f historica l method . I t i s simpl y no t history . I t utilize s th e past but does not deal wit h it . Interdisciplinar y sociolog y migh t be an accurate descriptiv e ter m fo r thos e requirin g th e taxonom y o f aca demic department s t o organiz e thei r judgments . Speculativ e socia l science migh t als o b e a convenien t label . Bu t whateve r ter m i s se lected, thi s stud y shoul d b e evaluate d i n term s o f wha t i t i s rathe r than wha t i t is not. In the pas t severa l decades , student s o f huma n behavio r hav e be gun t o incorporat e se x an d homosexualit y int o thei r work at leas t i n part, a s critic s hav e charged , t o serv e th e increasin g interes t i n a n earlier generation's taboo . Bu t i t i s also tru e tha t their newly kindle d interest i s inspire d b y recen t theoretica l formulation s tha t provid e a framework fo r investigatio n int o thi s are a tha t i s bette r suite d t o th e methods of the social scientis t than to those of the psychologist or the psychiatrist. Basi c t o these formulation s i s the premis e that homosexuality i s not an inherently pathologica l conditio n bu t rather a variant form o f sexua l expressio n wel l withi n th e rang e o f norma l huma n behavior. Implicit , too , i s th e understandin g tha t homosexualit y i s the produc t o f a complex serie s o f situation s o r combinations o f factors. It s etiology parallel s th e etiolog y o f heterosexuality an d involve s no pathologica l predisposition . Whe n thes e assumption s ar e use d as a basi s fo r investigation , th e nee d t o conside r homosexua l activit y a special condition i s obviated. Emphasi s can be centered on the broader and mor e illuminatin g question s o f ho w homosexua l conduc t i s in fluenced, directed , an d eve n controlle d o r dominated b y societal ori entation and how the connotations an d expectations surrounding sex-

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ual preference s affec t behavio r o f similarl y patterne d member s o f groups. Dealing wit h piracy , seventeenth-centur y England , earl y colonia l society i n th e Caribbean , homosexua l preferences , an d homosexua l activity i n a singl e stud y require s specia l attentio n b e give n t o th e overall pla n o f th e book . Th e tas k of organizatio n i s further compli cated because Sodomy and the Perception of Evil, unlik e many monographs, doe s no t begi n a t on e poin t an d mov e o n a singl e cours e through variou s chapter s t o a conclusion . Instead , lik e th e hempe n rope s o familia r t o seventeenth-centur y seafarers , i t i s brough t to gether ou t o f thre e separat e strands . Chapter s 1 , 2 , an d 3 each de velop thei r ow n premise s from th e wealt h o f materia l availabl e o n Stuart Englan d an d th e Englis h Caribbean . Th e group s o f premise s are then spun together in the concluding chapters to form th e central theoretical lin e o f th e book . Additiona l dat a an d theoretica l formu lations base d o n moder n studie s o f homosexual group s and seafarin g communities provid e a coating o f Stockhol m ta r to kee p the conclu sions watertigh t eve n i n heav y academi c weather . Mor e specifically , the initia l chapte r provides an examination o f Englis h perception s o f sodomy, wit h particula r emphasi s o n th e concludin g 5 0 years of the century whe n pirat e homosexua l behavio r flourished. An underlyin g premise o f th e chapter , an d o f th e boo k a s well , i s tha t alternativ e homosexual behavio r i s characteristi c o f societie s wher e homosexua l conduct is variously perceived. Chapte r 1 , then, i s the logical starting point fo r understandin g homosexua l behavio r i n Stuar t England , containing a s it does an examination o f critical aspect s of the societ y that produce d a homosexual pirat e community . Th e secon d chapte r is a study of the assorted ways men navigated the channels an d shoals of Englis h lif e t o reac h haven s wher e thei r homosexua l activit y wa s secure an d safe . Th e approac h i n Chapte r 2 i s aki n t o th e societa l reaction method, a theoretical construct for studying human behavior already i n us e by some investigator s of psycho-social phenomena. 2 I t differs onl y i n tha t whil e psycho-socia l method s an d thei r cognat e techniques attemp t analysi s o f th e individual' s sexua l situatio n ac cording to three parameters, the relationship to the heterosexual world, the relationshi p to the homosexually oriente d world, an d the individual's psychologica l situation , th e dat a availabl e o n pirate s centurie s

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dead mak e th e three-wa y approac h impossible . Modification s mus t be made to compensate fo r the lac k of data and when compensation s are inadequate , th e las t o f th e societa l reactio n parameter s mus t b e omitted. I n dealin g wit h pirate s ther e i s ampl e materia l fo r investi gating homosexua l relationship s wit h heterosexual s an d other s in volved i n homosexual engagements , bu t the absence o f evidence prevents adequat e attentio n from being give n t o individua l problem s o f sexual adjustment . Still , althoug h thi s chapte r i s no t comparativ e i n the usua l methodologica l sens e an d i s furthe r limite d b y th e us e o f only two of the three societal reactio n parameters, i t is, lik e the chapters that precede an d follo w it , postulate d o n th e procedura l perspec tive tha t th e characte r o f homosexua l manifestations—lik e th e char acter of heterosexual manifestations—i s shape d largely by the dictates of society. The thir d poin t o f embarkation , th e discussio n o f societ y i n th e English Caribbea n durin g th e latte r hal f of th e seventeent h century , provides analysi s o f demographi c material , travelers ' accounts , an d other source s o f informatio n abou t th e natur e o f lif e o n Barbados , Jamaica, an d other West Indian island s during the period . I t reveals, not surprisingly, tha t the tolerant attitudes toward homosexual behav ior found i n th e mothe r countr y wer e presen t i n th e island s a s well. More important , however , i t indicate s pattern s o f populatio n distri bution an d se x ratio s i n th e Wes t Indie s di d no t merel y encourag e homosexual conduc t a s wa s th e cas e i n England . O n th e contrary , they mad e i t almos t obligator y fo r mos t resident s o f th e Englis h Caribbean colonies . The materia l o f the first three chapter s is drawn together i n Chapter 4. Throughout the chapter's discussion of buccaneer sexuality, th e central theoretica l factor s selected fo r defining an d describing huma n communities ar e thos e dealin g wit h th e multipl e pattern s regulatin g interpersonal relationship s no t onl y betwee n individual s bu t fo r pairs and large r subgroups withi n th e entir e population. Amon g pirates , as is generally tru e within an y group , th e dail y contact s experience d b y people i n clos e proximit y an d th e system s fo r ensurin g harmoniou s operation o f life' s ordinar y routine s ar e wel l understoo d b y huma n beings wh o hav e mastere d th e intricacie s o f thei r society , althoug h they hav e neve r bee n specificall y taugh t the m i n th e manne r tha t

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economic skills , lov e o f countr y o r conception s o f th e metaphysica l are imparted. Outsider s often encounte r prodigious difficulties i n trying to deciphe r th e subtletie s o f intra-grou p relation s amon g triba l peo ples, unfamilia r ethni c groups , o r nationa l population s whos e way s are unfamiliar . I n newe r area s o f inquir y suc h a s huma n sexuality , where ther e ar e onl y restricte d amount s o f traditiona l materials , th e well-established procedure s use d b y researcher s fo r discoverin g polit ical, economic , an d a n assortmen t o f socia l relationship s ar e inade quate, an d alternativ e avenue s o f investigatio n mus t b e sought . On e method t o compensate fo r th e lac k of usua l sources , an d tha t use d i n Chapter 4 , i s t o adop t th e processe s o f anothe r categor y o f socia l scientist, th e archeologist . Usin g source s familia r t o th e sociologist , but extractin g dat a i n th e manne r o f field worker s diggin g a site , a n archeology o f at leas t one phas e o f homosexualit y ca n b e constructe d by finding shards of this an d tha t an d wit h onl y a n occasiona l artifac t discovered completel y intact . Lik e item s fro m excavation s o f a long buried plac e of human habitation , th e disassociated an d ofte n incom plete snippets of data o n homosexua l preference s o r homosexual con tacts ar e b y themselve s a s meaningless a s larg e aggregation s o f frag ments an d materia l tidbit s dug from the earth afte r centurie s of repose. Meaning ca n b e derive d fro m the m onl y b y employing archeologica l procedures, usin g dat a derive d fro m observe d population s an d pro ducing throug h theoreticall y base d deductio n plausibl e explanation s for behavio r amon g inaccessibl e populatio n groups . The deductiv e methodolog y s o widely use d b y archeologists is , un fortunately, ofte n abuse d b y them . Example s aboun d o f researcher s generalizing fa r beyon d wha t the combinatio n o f theory an d dat a ca n sustain. Ancien t cav e painting s an d intermen t practice s ar e linke d inelegantly wit h th e sociocultura l context s o f moder n triba l people s and comprehensiv e extrapolation s o f paleolithic religio n ar e proffere d to th e genera l publi c b y a cadre o f academic s wh o shoul d kno w bet ter. Moder n Indian s o f the America n Southwes t ar e rituall y cleanse d by th e smok e o f thei r counci l fires an d s o the sam e mus t hav e bee n true fo r th e vanishe d clif f dweller s o f Mes a Verde . Th e larg e breast s and heav y buttock s o n tin y statuette s unearthe d i n German y caus e them t o be labele d fertilit y figures, whil e a t the sam e tim e th e schol -

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ars issuing suc h proclamation s fai l t o notic e thei r ston e Venuse s ar e probably n o more amply proportioned than the average Leipzig hausfrau. Th e lis t of similar examples coul d be continued almos t without end, ye t despit e egregiou s misus e an d blatan t over-extension , th e technique retain s considerabl e utility . I f i t i s understoo d tha t inter preting data in the context of substantial an d comprehensive behavio r theory produce s no t proof but raise s instead the level o f tenability fo r one o r a number o f alternatives , then—employin g considerabl e cau tion an d trepidation—some generalization s ca n b e transferred , a t least for purposes of testing and evaluating hypotheses . Thi s i s particularly true i n attemptin g t o examin e an d analyz e th e natur e an d exten t o f sexual behavio r pattern s amon g buccaneer s i n th e Caribbea n thre e hundred year s ago . Ther e exis t n o bulgin g files o f 8 " x 10 " glossies snapped by lensmen wit h sharp eyes for sodomitical pirates , an d while first-hand descriptions , journa l accounts , lega l records , o r even liter ary evidence woul d al l b e desirable, i n mos t cases they ar e not to be had. No t onl y di d pirate s rarel y recor d experience s o f an y sort , le t alone thos e o f a sexual nature , bu t the tota l absenc e o f demographic data resultin g fro m th e non-reproductiv e natur e o f thei r sexua l con tacts contribute s substantiall y towar d keepin g thei r homosexua l pref erences an d pattern s o f behavio r obscured . A s a result , theorie s o f pirate sexualit y develope d i n Chapte r 4 wil l remai n i n th e strictes t sense alway s theories , bu t a t the sam e time , th e mos t plausibl e pat terns of behavior can be identified an d their degree of likelihood evaluated. The concludin g portio n o f th e stud y deal s wit h pirate s an d th e society i n which the y lived. Dat a i s available only o n a limited num ber o f buccaneers , thoug h thousand s o f the m saile d th e Caribbea n over seve n decade s o f freebooting , bu t wha t survive s o n individual s and ships ' crew s provide s valuabl e insigh t o n wh y the y functione d the wa y the y did . I t reveal s tha t amon g th e me n o f thi s seafarin g community, ther e wa s n o nee d t o hid e sexua l orientation , an d th e anxieties, psychologica l disruptions , an d psychopathologica l difficul ties tha t ofte n resul t fro m thi s typ e o f guil t an d repressio n di d no t emerge.

SODOMY AND THE PIRATE TRADITION

OWE SODOMY AMD PUBLIC PERCEPTION: SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND

The Englan d tha t produce d thre e generation s o f sodomitica l pirate s was a land fa r different fro m moder n Britai n or America. Asid e from the obviou s distinction s create d b y thre e centurie s o f technologica l evolution, th e live s of seventeenth-century Englishme n followe d pat terns widely divergen t from thos e familia r to men no w living. Ideals , values, mora l codes , conception s o f mankind, an d the very nature of reality were so substantially distinc t from those of the present century that on e historia n wa s move d t o entitl e a boo k o n th e structur e o f society thre e hundre d year s past The World We Have Lost. Th e au thor of the study was not employing overstatement to obtain dramatic effect. Th e natio n h e describe d ha s a strang e an d terrifyin g qualit y for denizen s o f mode m urbanize d an d electronicall y bonde d civili zation. Th e collection s o f image s tha t preserv e Stuar t Englan d fo r the presen t for m a series o f jarrin g incongruities . Scene s o f disorder, frightening cruelty , social , religious , an d politica l instability , perva -

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sive violence an d profoun d hatred s ar e set against a pastoral backdro p of rural simplicity and growing prosperity, whil e all is seemingly boun d together b y a melang e o f anti-socia l institution s strainin g t o mitigat e the centrifuga l tendencie s o f the age. l Of th e man y feature s tha t distinguis h th e er a o f buccanee r depre dations i n th e Wes t Indie s fro m th e presen t wer e th e perception s an d attitudes o f Englishme n towar d homosexua l activity . Unlik e th e present day , whe n sexua l contac t betwee n member s o f th e sam e se x is anathema t o large segments o f the populatio n i n both Englan d an d America, homosexualit y wa s regarded wit h muc h les s opprobrium i n the seventeent h century . Th e hostilit y o f the ancien t Hebrew s t o sexual practice s beyon d th e mos t ordinary heterosexua l arrangement s an d the destructio n visite d o n Sodo m b y a n offende d deit y whe n con sidered i n conjunctio n wit h moder n hostilit y towar d homosexua l practice ha s contribute d t o th e notio n tha t a n aversio n t o homosex uality i s a constant i n huma n history , o r at least in th e histor y o f tha t portion o f humanit y tha t ha s falle n hei r t o th e thousand s o f year s of Judeo-Christian tradition . I n th e case of England thre e hundre d year s ago, however , th e ide a o f virulent hostilit y towar d ana l intercours e o r to other manner s o f sexual interactio n between member s o f the sam e sex i s controverte d b y a preponderan t mas s o f evidence . Thi s i s par ticularly important , fo r a n awarenes s o f the plac e occupie d b y homo sexuality i n Stuar t Englishmen' s grea t schem e o f thing s i s no t onl y central t o understandin g th e societ y tha t produce d pirate s capabl e o f engaging i n three-quarter s o f a century' s depredation s i n th e Carib bean, bu t th e knowledg e o f th e manne r i n whic h homosexua l con duct wa s integrate d int o nationa l lif e o n ever y socia l leve l provide s essential dat a fo r unravelin g a n aspec t o f th e analytica l difficultie s bearing o n th e evolutio n o f sexual preference s durin g th e Restoratio n period an d i n th e decade s immediatel y following . The earlies t English proscriptio n agains t homosexual act s dates from the thirteent h centur y whe n i n Fleta i t wa s specifie d tha t sodomite s be burie d alive . A t th e sam e time , othe r source s prescribe d burnin g as a fit punishment , bu t thes e expression s o f la w wer e probabl y holdovers fro m Roma n enactment s rathe r tha n genuin e reflection s o f sentiments advocate d b y th e legislatin g classe s i n Norma n England .

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3

There i s no indicatio n tha t such sentence s wer e ever pronounced fo r sodomy a t an y tim e i n th e severa l centurie s precedin g th e Tudo r period. I t wa s no t unti l 1533 , durin g th e reig n o f Henr y VIII , tha t buggery wa s mad e a civi l crime—i t ha d bee n previousl y subjec t t o limited ecclesiastica l censure—bu t lik e th e Elizabetha n la w o f 156 2 against sodomy , i t was the resul t o f a struggle fo r power between th e church an d expandin g secula r authorit y rathe r tha n bein g sympto matic o f a developing concer n wit h th e nee d t o restric t the varietie s of sexual activit y practice d b y the English. The law s against buggery and sodomy enacted during the sixteent h century prescribe d deat h a s punishment, bu t their enaction doe s no t indicate legislator s necessaril y foun d th e offens e particularl y abhor rent. Capita l punishmen t wa s routinel y specifie d fo r felonie s b y th e law. I t is true tha t crimes classe d a s felonies include d th e mor e serious offenses , bu t Tudo r an d Stuar t official s a s wel l a s th e genera l population agree d tha t man y o f th e deed s fo r which deat h wa s specified wer e not sufficiently ominou s to require execution. Whil e mur der, treason , bestiality , an d seriou s crime s agains t propert y ofte n brought their perpetrators to the gallows, th e mino r felonies—such a s theft o f restricte d amount s o f mone y o r goods, shippin g shee p across the sea , cuttin g purses , sodomy , o r picking pockets—rarel y cos t anyone hi s or her life, a s least until th e applicatio n o f excessive crimina l penalties i n th e middl e o f th e eighteent h century . Th e effec t o f th e death penalt y i n earlie r year s wa s t o mitigat e th e severit y o f th e la w rather tha n increas e it . Whe n punishmen t wa s fa r greate r tha n th e crime, thos e apprehende d wer e frequentl y no t charged ; i f charged , indictments were not returned by grand juries, and if trials were held, convictions coul d no t b e obtained . Th e inabilit y an d unwillingnes s to pronounc e deat h sentence s fo r man y mino r felonies , a practic e noticed b y writers on lega l topic s i n the seventeent h centur y an d historians o f Englis h la w eve r since , i s a n indicatio n tha t th e adminis trators o f th e statute s wer e no t ben t o n executin g pett y criminal s fo r their crimes. The y treate d the specificatio n o f capital punishmen t fo r minor offense s no t a s a requirement , bu t regarde d i t instea d a s a result o f historica l preceden t an d th e practica l requirement s o f th e legislative task . Thi s i s evidence d i n th e cas e o f Nichola s Udall , a

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sixteenth-century churchman , playwright , an d Eto n headmaste r whose taste for paddlin g and penetratin g the posteriors of his youthful charge s did n o lastin g har m t o hi s caree r eve n thoug h hi s wa s th e first sodomy cas e t o aris e afte r th e passag e o f the ne w statut e agains t bug gery. H e was dismissed fro m th e pos t at Eton bu t given severanc e pay equal t o a year's salary . Late r h e becam e headmaste r a t Westminster , and i n du e cours e receive d ecclesiastica l prefermen t unde r bot h Ed ward V I an d Mary . Th e ecumenica l natur e o f his sexual preference s evidently mad e hi m acceptabl e t o a Protestan t kin g an d a Catholi c queen. Udal l wa s no t prosecute d fo r hi s action s an d neithe r wer e there an y othe r prosecution s unde r th e bugger y o r sodom y statute s until th e nex t century , indicatin g furthe r tha t adoptio n o f th e law s was no t th e resul t o f a nee d b y authoritie s t o rei n i n legion s o f ho mosexuals coursin g ove r th e land . Indeed , a t th e en d o f th e Eliza bethan age , Richar d Barnfiel d wa s composin g gracefu l pastoral s o n obviously homosexua l themes . A t one point h e softly denie d th e existence o f homoerotic motif s i n hi s work, bu t wen t ahea d writin g mor e of the same. There wer e no serious objections t o Barnfield's advocac y of love between shepherd s an d thei r boys. 2 The lac k o f alarm ove r homosexua l practice s i s additionally appar ent i n th e treatmen t the y wer e accorded i n variou s manual s intende d to ai d justice s o f the peac e i n th e conduc t o f thei r officia l tasks . I n a compendium o f instruction s fo r th e justices , earl y Tudo r autho r An thony Fitzherber t devote d onl y a single sentence t o buggery, explain ing merel y tha t i t wa s a felon y withou t benefi t o f clergy . Th e sam e lack o f concer n wa s evidence d b y Willia m Lambard e whe n h e pub lished a manua l fo r instructio n o f justice s i n 1582 . Hi s Eirenarcha was th e bes t o f th e sixteenth-centur y handbook s an d ha d enormou s influence, goin g throug h numerou s edition s despit e competitio n fro m similar work s b y Joh n Goldwel l o f Gray' s In n an d Richar d Cromp ton. Althoug h Lambard e distinguishe d bugger y wit h ma n fro m bug gery wit h beas t i n hi s diagra m o f felonies , th e treatmen t i n th e tex t indicated a n obviou s lac k o f apprehension . Hi s fifteen-word expla nation wa s narrowl y inserte d betwee n puttin g "ou t th e eie s o f an y o f the King s subjects " an d "th e takin g o f an y maid , widdow , o r wife , unlawfully, agains t he r will , tha t hat h lands , o r tenements, goods , o r

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5

chattels." Sir Edward Coke, on e o f England's foremos t lega l scholar s during th e reig n o f Jame s I , wa s anothe r wh o deal t wit h th e lega l aspects o f buggery . Th e crim e originated , h e explained , i n pride , excess o f diet , idleness , an d contemp t o f th e poor . Nowher e di d h e attempt t o connec t it s beginning s wit h heres y o r an y othe r satani c machinations. I t was an ordinar y man-mad e felony . Eve n th e adjectives describin g i t as "detestable" and "abominable " dated onl y fro m the prohibition enacted unde r Henry VIII, h e noted. Cok e also sought to extend th e definitio n o f buggery to cover at least one heterosexua l situation. Bein g a n accessor y t o rap e wa s t o b e include d unde r th e rubric. A t th e sam e tim e h e expande d th e definitio n o f bugger y h e tried to restrict the grounds on which convictions fo r homosexual acts could b e obtained. Penetratio n wa s required t o establish guilt . Emis sion alon e wa s no t sufficient . Whe n Cok e sough t t o buttres s hi s arguments o n sodomy , h e foun d case s o f th e crim e wer e exceedingl y rare. The bes t precedent he coul d locat e did not involve tw o men. I t was instead a 160 8 case of homosexual chil d molestation , a n act that was legally distinc t fro m thos e involvin g consenting adults. 3 With th e death of Elizabeth i n 160 3 and the coming o f James I to the throne , ther e wa s little likelihoo d tha t a wave o f prosecutions fo r homosexuality woul d ensue . Th e ne w kin g was notoriously involve d with a series of male lovers, the most well-known of whom was George Villiers, mad e a n Earl , the n Duk e o f Buckingha m fo r hi s favors . James wa s s o enamoure d o f Buckingha m tha t h e virtuall y adopte d the Villiers family, distributin g royal largess to brothers, parents, aunts, and cousin s o f hi s beloved . No t onl y wa s Englan d rule d b y a mi sogynist homosexua l fro m 160 3 unti l 1625 , bu t a t leas t on e im mensely powerfu l cour t figure, Lord Chancellor Franci s Bacon , wa s known t o prefe r a handsome la d t o any lad y n o matte r ho w lovely. 4 His preference s wer e no t conceale d durin g hi s lifetim e no r wa s any attempt mad e afte r hi s deat h t o restric t knowledge o f hi s sexua l proclivities. Whe n politica l enemie s a t las t gaine d th e opportunit y t o destroy Bacon , h e wa s certai n h e woul d b e rescue d b y Jame s I and Buckingham. Th e expecte d benefactor s di d no t preserv e him , al though th e reason s fo r their failure t o do s o are no t entirely clear . I t was though t i n som e quarter s a t th e tim e tha t a charg e o f sodom y

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might b e lodge d agains t hi m t o mak e sur e h e wa s remove d fro m office, bu t th e kin g an d th e favorit e duk e coul d hardl y allo w that . Instead, Baco n wa s sacrificed t o hi s enemie s befor e the y coul d brin g him t o accoun t fo r hi s se x life . Th e grea t sea l wa s take n fro m him , he wa s fined a n enormou s sum , an d h e wa s exile d fro m cour t fo r a time. 5 After th e death o f James I there wa s n o rus h t o roo t ou t sodomite s on an y leve l o f Englis h society , an d amon g th e gentry , a s with thos e close t o th e king , i t require d mor e tha n a se x offens e t o brin g a ma n to justice . Joh n Hockenhul l o f Prenton wa s brought befor e th e Ches ter Session s o n Apri l 21 , 1628 , charge d wit h buggery , bu t a mor e ominous charg e of sorcery was leveled against him a t the sam e time. 6 There i s no recor d o f the verdic t i n hi s case , bu t i t was a rarity . Th e earliest successfu l prosecutio n fo r homosexualit y involvin g onl y adult s did no t com e unti l 1631 , half a dozen year s int o th e reig n o f Charle s I. Th e accuse d i n thi s instanc e wa s a nobleman , Mervi n Touchet , Lord Audley , Ear l o f Castlehaven, an d i t was apparent fro m th e evi dence tha t mor e wa s involved tha n a simple matte r o f buggery. Asid e from th e fac t tha t th e accuse d lord' s wif e wa s th e siste r o f th e then deceased Franci s Bacon— a relationshi p tha t b y thi s tim e probabl y contributed littl e towar d bringin g abou t th e trial—Audle y wa s als o a Roman Catholic . Th e Ear l wa s charged wit h mor e tha n sodomy . H e was accused o f committing a series of sex crimes includin g "Abettin g a Rape upon hi s Countess, . . . Sodomy with his Servants, and Com manding an d Countenancin g th e Debauchin g [of ] hi s Daughter/' 7 He wa s also accuse d o f voyeurism, chil d molestation , an d buggerin g the servant s wh o rape d th e Countes s o n hi s orders. No t onl y wa s this style o f conduc t fa r mor e extrem e tha n sodom y alone , bu t th e Ear l had mad e hi s crime s mor e despicabl e b y hi s violation s o f clas s ta boos. H e wa s additionall y charge d wit h dispensin g land s an d larg e sums o f mone y t o hi s companion s i n debauchery . Th e indictmen t against Castlehaven containe d th e standar d lega l phraseolog y describ ing sodom y a s contrary t o nature an d a crime no t to be name d amon g Christians, bu t i n th e judicia l proceeding s agains t hi m almos t n o attempt wa s mad e t o labe l sodom y a s mor e brutis h o r les s natura l than rape. 8 Th e Lor d Hig h Stewar d presidin g ove r th e Westminste r

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Hall tria l condemne d bot h crime s a s "Grea t and Heinous, " but also cautioned th e lord s wh o sa t i n judgmen t t o mak e certai n tha t "Reasons an d Conscience s swa y you r Judgments , an d you r Head s direc t your Hearts." 9 Durin g th e cours e o f th e proceeding , rap e an d sodomy wer e both describe d a s abominable an d felonious , bu t i t was emphatically explaine d tha t the y wer e crime s no t becaus e o f thei r repellent nature but because they were violations of English law. Th e only unflatterin g adjectiv e applie d exclusivel y t o sodomy by the Lord High Stewar d was a moderate "vile" and on the single occasion when the prosecutio n describe d th e Earl' s action s a s no t t o b e fit t o b e named amon g Christians , i t wa s i n a quotatio n fro m th e legall y phrased indictment. 10 The Ear l o f Castlehave n wa s convicte d o f bot h crimes , ye t th e noble lord s wh o decide d hi s guil t di d no t condem n hi m equall y o n each o f th e tw o counts . Th e evidenc e presente d t o the tribuna l sub stantiated th e facts of the accusations, an d i n hi s defense th e Ear l did not disput e th e trut h o f th e testimony . H e argue d instea d tha t while he ha d forced hi s unwillin g wife to submit to a series of sex acts, this did not legally constitute rap e because sh e was a promiscuous woman. In like manner he denie d being guilty of sodomy sinc e the testimon y of witnesses proved only emission but not penetration. Th e Lord Chief Justice explaine d t o th e cour t tha t Englis h la w wa s unequivoca l o n both argument s mad e by the defendant. Th e unwholesom e characte r of a woman was no defense agains t rape, an d despite Coke's assertion to th e contrary , emissio n o f semen , whethe r or no t penetratio n too k place, constitute d sodomy . Wit h al l lega l question s settled , th e 2 6 peers wh o sa t i n judgmen t wer e the n aske d t o rende r thei r verdict , and eac h o f the m pronounce d Castlehave n guilt y o f rape . O n th e second charge , however , th e nee d fo r conviction wa s less immediat e for some o f the jurors . Th e majorit y necessar y t o vote condemnatio n of th e Ear l wa s available , bu t i t i s apparen t tha t i f th e nobl e lord s had thought sodom y t o be a s ghastly a crime i n 163 1 a s it was to be considered lat e i n the nex t century, eve n eleve n o f them woul d hav e attested t o thei r belie f i n th e defendant' s innocenc e an d vote d fo r acquittal.11 The tria l o f th e Ear l o f Castlehave n wa s no t t o b e th e first in a

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series o f sodom y prosecutions . N o proceeding s fo r simila r bu t unre lated crime s followed , an d sodom y continue d t o be considere d a rar e occurrence. Th e extrem e event s o f thi s particula r case , operatin g i n concert wit h th e politica l powe r o f the maltreate d wife' s family , pro duced th e opportunit y fo r zealou s Englis h Protestant s t o brin g a Catholic noblema n t o tria l unde r circumstance s wher e th e Romish leaning Charle s I an d hi s Catholi c quee n coul d no t possibl y exer t influence. I t wa s onl y suc h a constellatio n o f event s tha t mad e i t possible t o prefe r charge s agains t Audley. 12 A decad e afte r Castlehaven' s executio n anothe r publi c figure wa s condemned fo r sodomy, an d agai n i t was apparent mor e was involved than a se x ac t betwee n consentin g males . Joh n Atherton , Anglica n Bishop of Waterford an d Lismore , wa s hanged a t Dubli n o n Decem ber 5 , 1640 . A n accoun t o f hi s penitenc e an d hi s preparation s fo r death wa s later written b y Dr . Nichola s Bernard , a cleric wh o helpe d Atherton gai n assuranc e o f salvation i n hi s final days. Bernard' s pam phlet i s concerne d wit h Atherton' s humilit y an d hi s longing s fo r heaven rathe r tha n th e specific s o f hi s crime , bu t i t reveal s tha t th e disgraced bisho p wa s well awar e tha t politica l transgression s wer e th e true caus e o f his death. H e wa s being mad e t o answer , h e explained , for "to o muc h zeal e and forwardnesse , bot h i n introducin g and press ing som e Church-observations , an d i n dividin g himself e fro m th e house o f Convocatio n Ann o 163 4 i n oppositio n t o th e Articles of Ireland then vote d t o be received." 13 Atherto n obviousl y create d som e of hi s ow n difficultie s b y servin g a s loca l champio n fo r conformin g Anglicanism a t a tim e whe n Puritan s wer e gainin g th e uppe r hand , but i n fac t hi s error s wen t beyon d thos e recorde d i n th e pamphlet . During hi s year s o f servic e i n Irelan d h e ha d mad e th e compoun d mistake o f creating powerfu l enemie s whil e a t the sam e tim e becom ming th e proteg e o f th e Ear l o f Strafford , a ma n wh o wa s soo n t o lose the powe r to protect himsel f an d hi s retainers. The mos t danger ous o f thos e i n oppositio n t o Atherto n wa s th e influentia l Ear l o f Cork. H e an d othe r leadin g landowner s ha d som e tim e befor e bee n forced b y Straffor d t o surrende r portion s o f thei r holdings , an d late r Cork wa s sue d b y Atherto n i n a n attemp t t o mak e hi m retur n land s once owne d b y the Se e of Waterford. Unde r the circumstances , Ath -

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erton neede d al l th e suppor t h e coul d muster , bu t Straffor d coul d hardly protec t hi m eve n i f he ha d desired t o d o so . A t the ver y time the convicte d bisho p mounte d th e scaffol d i n Dublin , th e Ear l wa s in serious difficulties wit h the Puritan-dominate d Parliament . Withi n months afte r Atherton' s death , h e wa s charged wit h treaso n throug h a bil l o f attainder , condemne d t o death , an d execute d o n Ma y 12 , 1641. 1 4

The perio d fro m 163 0 to 165 0 i n England' s histor y wa s characterized b y disruption s s o sever e tha t an y attemp t t o appl y th e lesson s learned i n eithe r Castlehaven' s o r Atherton' s prosecution s an d us e accusations o f homosexualit y agains t a majo r figure fo r politica l o r ecclesiastical purpose s woul d hav e bee n doomed . Thi s wa s a tim e when th e natio n wa s deepl y divide d o n trul y substantiv e issues , an d a charg e o f sodom y levele d a t an y participan t woul d hav e bee n a peripheral issue . Englishme n wer e instea d vitally concerned wit h the form o f the nationa l church , th e collectio n o f revenues , an d th e apportionment of government authority. Charle s I had antagonized large numbers o f hi s subjects , whos e hope s fo r religiou s refor m h e ha d dashed b y 163 0 wit h roya l edict s demandin g conformit y t o doctrine s and ceremonie s o f th e Churc h o f England . Man y o f th e reformers , who wer e style d Puritan s b y thi s time , wer e rich , powerful , an d determined no t t o accep t wha t they regarde d a s Romish corruption s as integral part s o f thei r nationa l religion . Thei r hostilit y wa s carrie d into Parliament , wher e a large bloc supporte d th e cause o f ecclesiastical reform , an d thei r ange r ove r religiou s problem s spille d int o th e debates on othe r issues. Th e kin g dealt as arrogantly with Parliamen t as he had with the Puritans , an d the member s responded accordingl y by refusing t o authorize th e collectio n o f ne w taxes. Frustrate d b y its refusal t o do hi s bidding on fiscal as well a s on othe r legislative mat ters, Charle s dismissed Parliamen t i n 162 9 and resolved to rule alone. This tacti c worked well enoug h fo r over a decade, bu t when the royal attempts to ensure Scottis h conformit y t o the practice s of the Church of Englan d le d t o th e disastrou s Bishop' s War , th e kin g wa s a t las t forced t o summon Parliament . Charles ha d hope d th e ne w Parliamen t woul d replenis h hi s bankrupt treasury, bu t when the members assembled they had other ideas.

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Many ha d serve d i n earlie r Parliament s an d th e eleve n year s durin g which the y ha d no t me t provide d ampl e tim e t o reflec t o n th e ele ments o f tyrann y an d t o nurtur e thei r rage . Whe n the y assemble d a t last they raile d agains t the kin g and hi s policies rather than producin g the ne w monie s h e demanded . Charle s retaliate d b y dismissin g Par liament a secon d time , bu t th e empt y treasur y an d a Scottis h inva sion force d hi m t o summo n the m onc e again . Th e ne w Parliamen t lacked legislativ e experience , bu t i t containe d me n notabl e fo r thei r leadership ability . Unde r the direction o f John Hampden , Joh n Pym , and Olive r Cromwell , Parliamen t decree d the y coul d no t b e dis solved withou t thei r ow n consent , the y abolishe d th e king' s court s o f Star Chambe r an d Hig h Commission , an d ordere d tha t n o ta x levies be collecte d withou t thei r permission . Charle s attempte d t o hal t th e flow of event s b y arrestin g th e legislativ e leadership , bu t thi s failed . Full-scale civi l wa r erupted , an d seve n year s o f conflic t followe d be fore th e parliamentar y force s wer e abl e t o gain complet e victory . Afte r their triumph , Parliamen t bega n restructurin g England . Th e kin g was convicted o f treaso n an d executed . Th e Hous e o f Lord s wa s elimi nated, th e Churc h o f Englan d abolished , an d religiou s radicalis m was permitte d t o flourish. Durin g th e cours e o f th e wars , Olive r Cromwell emerge d a s leade r o f th e force s arraye d agains t th e king , but afte r peac e wa s secured , h e discovere d th e trut h o f wha t Charle s I ha d learne d a t s o muc h cost . H e foun d tha t Parliamen t wa s a ver y difficult bod y to deal with. Afte r severa l attempts to govern with the m failed, Cromwel l gav e u p th e effor t an d proceede d t o rul e alone . During th e er a o f Purita n dominatio n i n England , th e nation' s rulers attempte d t o restric t wha t the y regarde d a s the mora l transgres sions o f thei r people . I n additio n t o alteration s i n ecclesiastica l doc trine an d polity , the y expende d grea t effor t t o mak e pattern s o f livin g more i n harmon y wit h thos e prescribe d b y God . Attempt s wer e un dertaken t o eliminat e dicing , car d playing , bea r baiting , coc k fighting, drunkenness , whoring , homosexua l acts , an d a whol e hos t o f objectionable activities . On e o f the best contemporary catalog s of these various transgression s i s Joh n White' s The First Century of Scandalousy Malignant Priests. Although writte n i n 1643 , befor e Parliamen t actually gaine d control , th e boo k i s a veritabl e roste r o f sins commit -

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ted b y member s o f th e Anglica n clergy . Th e mos t frequen t charg e lodged against clerics of the established religio n by White was heresy, as might be expected, bu t among behavioral lapse s the most offensiv e acts wer e drunkennes s an d whoremongering . Homosexua l conduc t was proscribed an d a number of ministers were denounced fo r it, bu t these were relativel y mino r matters according to the author, wh o was much mor e exercised over heterosexual lustin g after neighbors' wives, rape, an d adultery . Nichola s Bloxam , a Suffol k clergyma n de nounced i n th e volume , wa s accused o f bein g a common drunkard , a swearer , a ma n wh o neglecte d hi s ecclesiastica l duties , an d wa s of lascivious carriag e towar d severa l women . H e wa s additionall y ac cused o f bein g a n entice r o f other s t o "tha t beastl y vice/ ' bu t th e exact natur e o f th e final accusatio n wa s onl y implie d t o b e sodomy . John Peckham , lik e hi s colleagu e Bloxam , stoo d accuse d o f numer ous crime s rangin g fro m drunkennes s t o opposin g Parliament , an d on to adultry and failure to observe the Lord's Supper. Another charge, that h e engage d i n heterosexua l sodomy , wa s a mino r matte r com pared wit h hi s seriou s violation s o f divin e command . Eve n i n th e case of a minister who engaged i n homosexual bugger y eighteen time s according t o testimony , hi s penchan t wa s mitigated i n White's opin ion b y th e minister' s expressio n o f horro r a t fatherin g bastar d chil dren. Hi s othe r offense s coul d no t b e s o easil y excused . Amon g th e genuinely seriou s sins were attempted bestiality , drunkenness , baptiz ing a n illegitimat e child , defendin g imager y i n churches , assertin g sins committe d afte r baptis m wer e imitation s rathe r than corruption , and callin g Chris t a bastard . Th e sam e toleran t attitud e towar d sodomy wa s still foun d amon g Englishme n ove r a dozen year s later, when Lione l Gatfor d lamente d tha t a cleric accused of either sodomy or attempted sodom y wa s mad e onl y t o stan d i n a public plac e wit h a pape r i n hi s ha t describin g th e offens e whil e minister s wit h doc trines hostil e t o thos e o f me n i n powe r wer e force d ou t o f thei r liv ings.15 The severa l Parliamentar y an d Purita n government s tha t followe d the abolitio n o f th e monarch y wer e minorit y government s tha t re tained contro l b y th e sword . Unde r Cromwell' s direction , the y en forced a cod e o f moralit y alie n t o mos t o f th e peopl e an d violate d

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many o f th e right s Englishme n ha d com e t o regar d a s thei r ow n b y the middl e o f the seventeent h century . Numerou s legislativ e an d ad ministrative error s wer e mad e durin g th e perio d an d confusio n an d anarchy seeme d t o loom i n th e future . Whe n Cromwel l die d i n 1658 , he wa s succeede d b y hi s so n Richard , a friendly , likabl e countr y gentleman. Exercisin g judgmen t rar e amon g nationa l leader s i n an y age, th e so n realize d h e lacke d hi s father' s abilitie s t o govern . H e retired voluntarily, surrenderin g his almost absolute power to the army, and returne d t o th e countr y t o liv e ou t hi s lif e a s a rura l aristocra t free fro m th e burden s o f power . Wit h th e departur e o f Richar d Cromwell, Englan d wa s lef t withou t a government . On e o f th e na tion's ables t leaders , Genera l Georg e Monck , force d th e reconvenin g of Parliamen t t o decid e wha t cours e t o follow . Afte r som e initia l dis cussion o n th e advisabilit y o f establishing a republic , th e Conventio n Parliament vote d t o restor e th e typ e of government tha t appeare d mos t in harmon y wit h th e commands o f God an d th e wishes of the people . In 166 0 th e so n o f execute d Kin g Charle s I wa s invite d t o retur n t o England t o rul e a s Charles II . The reactio n o f Englishmen t o the decade of harsh an d drear y rul e of Purita n righteousnes s couple d wit h th e characte r o f Charle s I I meant grea t change s wer e abou t t o tak e place , a t leas t o n th e uppe r levels o f Englis h society . Th e ne w kin g wa s a notoriou s womanize r and seeke r o f pleasure , an d hi s associate s a s wel l a s member s o f th e upper administrativ e an d economi c level s o f th e socia l orde r bega n to reflec t th e value s of the ne w sovereign . Alon g with th e reestablish ment o f th e Hous e o f Lord s an d th e Churc h o f England , theater s were opene d again , othe r previousl y proscribe d amusement s wer e re vived, elaborat e fashion s o f dress were once agai n wor n b y those wh o could affor d them , an d th e enforce d gloo m o f th e previou s govern ment wa s dissipate d b y th e ne w wav e o f exuberance . Standard s o f public piet y an d carriag e demande d b y th e Puritan s wer e abandone d by man y i n th e reactio n t o th e past , an d a ne w sexua l liberalis m seemed t o appea r almos t a s i f i t ha d bee n ordere d int o existenc e b y King Charles. How deepl y th e ne w moralit y pervade d al l level s of English societ y is a questio n wit h n o clea r answer . Purita n attitude s coul d no t b e

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expunged by Parliamentary enactment or by royal decree. Amon g the middling classe s tha t ha d provide d th e oppositio n t o th e kin g an d t o the Churc h o f England , ther e i s littl e doub t tha t stric t behaviora l norms were retained even though politica l powe r was lost. These were not people who would acquiesce i n the libertine conduct of the royal court or the Anglican aristocracy . The y maintained the strains of morality an d piet y tha t ha d bee n a par t of thei r live s befor e th e Resto ration, an d the y continue d t o practic e thei r religio n eve n thoug h i t had falle n fro m officia l favor . Thi s wa s stil l a n ag e whe n tw o thou sand dissenting ministers, mos t of whom were from the middle classes, gave up their livings for the sake of conscience jus t as Anglican priests had don e a decad e earlier . Neithe r i s ther e an y indicatio n tha t th e licentious norm s o f behavio r s o ofte n associate d wit h th e reig n o f Charles I I extende d muc h beyon d th e bound s o f London . I n th e market towns an d i n thousan d o f village s tha t were hom e t o nin e o f every ten Englishmen i n 1660 , availabl e evidence indicate s there was no revolution i n attitude s on sexua l matter s or on an y other subjects. Enough addresse s and memorial s fro m obscur e corner s o f the natio n exist t o establis h th e presenc e o f substantia l sentimen t fo r th e retur n of roya l government , bu t beyond thi s ther e i s little visibl e indicatio n of changes i n th e way Englishmen believe d o r behaved. Yet the standards of personal comportmen t of Charles II did influ ence th e lif e o f the uppe r classes and those that aped them, an d here a new freedom o n sexual matter s was apparent. This i s nowhere more obvious than i n Restoration drama. The theaters had been considere d anathema durin g Cromwell's time and were closed by official decree . When dram a wa s agai n legalized , th e ne w socia l climat e require d new plays, an d a fresh generation o f dramatists was ready to meet the demand. Th e theate r o f Shakespeare , Massinger , Middleton , Dav enant, an d Be n Jonso n wa s n o longe r th e stuf f tha t entertaine d au diences. Althoug h th e classica l form s institute d b y Jonso n wer e re tained by his successors, play s that would have scandalized the courts of Elizabeth , Jame s I, an d Charles I became mainstay s o f th e Restoration stage . Th e comedie s o f popula r writers like Georg e Farquhar , Edward Ravenscoft , an d Georg e Ethreg e explore d lov e an d satirize d manners with a boldness that would hav e shocked Jacobean England .

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In th e frivolou s moo d o f th e Londo n stag e unde r th e restore d Stuar t monarch, on e o f th e mos t successfu l production s wa s Willia m Wycherly's Country Wife. Th e her o o f the play , a Mr. Homer , mas queraded a s a eunuc h thereb y gainin g admissio n t o situation s tha t enabled hi m t o ply his seductive wiles with considerabl e success . Suc h situational dram a wa s muc h imitate d an d admire d b y sophisticate d audiences tha t chuckle d i n amusemen t a t characters lik e the unfaith ful Mistres s Pinchwif e whos e husban d wa s moved t o lament : The Gallant treates, presents, and gives the Ball; But 'tis the absent Cuckold, pay s for all. 16 The dramati c production s o f th e widel y applaude d Thoma s Killi grew were similar in direction. Killigre w had been a favorite of Charles I i n th e year s befor e th e civi l wars , an d a t leas t tw o o f hi s play s ha d been stage d a t the Cockpi t befor e 1643 . When wa r came t o England , he fough t i n th e royalis t arm y an d late r fled t o th e continen t t o joi n the exile d Stuar t prince . Durin g th e year s the theater s wer e dar k an d ecclesiastical refor m stalke d th e nation , h e remaine d loya l t o th e House o f Stuart . Afte r th e Restoratio n h e wa s agai n mad e a roya l favorite. Killigre w los t n o opportunit y t o b e revenge d o n thos e wh o had brough t sufferin g t o hi m an d t o th e king . I n hi s first pla y afte r the retur n o f Charle s II , a 166 4 comed y entitle d The Parsons Wedding, h e heape d scor n an d abus e o n Puritan s an d thei r notion s o f sexual morality . H e describe d th e day s o f Cromwell' s rul e a s a tim e when " a Bailif f trod e th e street s wit h terror , whe n al l th e Chain s i n the Cit y wer e rusty , bu t Mr . Sheriffs , whe n th e peopl e kne w n o evi l but th e Constabl e an d hi s Watch." 17 I t wa s a decad e o f "holy war, " he said , wit h Londo n tradesme n an d 'prentic e boy s gon e ma d fro m hearing Purita n doctrin e preache d b y a ban d o f "Russe t Levites , Apron-Rogues, wit h hor n hands." 18 Jolly , a gentlema n courtie r i n the play , mad e words do double dut y lampoonin g th e fraudulent piet y and sexua l hypocris y o f a Purita n scrivener' s wif e wh o brough t a : Black-moore fro m th e hol y Land , an d made him a Brownist; and i n pur e charity la y with him , and was deliver'd o f a Mag-Pie; a Pied prophet; which when th e elec t saw , the y prophesi'd, i f it liv'd, 'twoul d

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prove a great enemy to their Sect; for the Mid-wife cry'd out, 'twa s born a Bishop, with Tippet and white-sleeves; at which the zealous Mother cri'd, Down with the Idoll; so the Mid-wife and she in pure devotion kill'd it. 19 Restoration audience s enjoye d th e mixtur e o f scor n mixe d wit h rol licking wit, an d Killigre w gav e them thei r fill. Hi s fumbling Captai n when tol d fornicatio n wa s a sin roare d i n repl y tha t "If it be, woul d I were the wicked'st ma n i n th e company," and i n a quick exchang e of bante r whe n Mr . Constan t spok e o f a lad y wh o cure d a ma n o f venereal diseas e thre e time s befor e sh e marrie d him , Joll y replie d "Yes; an d I believ e som e othe r membe r (thoug h the n il l affected ) pleaded more than his tongue." 20 Surel y any Puritan, i n the unlikel y event h e wer e t o hea r o r rea d The Parsons Wedding, woul d hav e been aghas t at Lady Love-all, a stallion-hunting wido w who told her lover, "I'l l swear , I could hav e hang' d yo u fo r that Rape , i f I would have followed the Law; but I forgave you upon condition you would do so again."21 Neithe r were the works of Killigrew or Wycherly atypical. Ravenscroft's London Cuckolds, explorin g th e sam e theme s o f infi delity an d seduction, enjoye d th e highest favor at court, accordin g to Laureate Colle y Cibber , an d simila r play s b y a scor e o f dramatist s were well patronize d by courtiers, member s of the uppe r classes, an d by many ordinar y Londoners. 22 The standar d theme s o f Restoratio n comed y wer e derive d almos t entirely fro m heterosexua l situations , wit h love , courtship , case s o f mistaken identity , indiscretion , faithlessness , intrigue , an d infatua tion th e usua l fare . Ther e wer e occasiona l diversion s int o homosex uality althoug h thi s wa s done b y implicatio n rathe r than b y the pre sentation o f explicitl y homosexua l character s o r situations . Si r Joh n Vanbrugh's The Relapse; Or Virtue in Danger, first stage d a t th e Theatre Roya l i n 1696 , wa s a spoo f o n th e purporte d homosexua l tendencies o f Willia m III . Th e effeminat e Lor d Foppingto n o f th e play was apparently a standard homosexual stereotyp e with outlandish dress an d affectatio n o f speec h an d manner . H e wa s a n enthusiasti c pursuer of women , bu t hi s interes t wa s pecuniar y rathe r than sexua l and, significantly , h e wa s never successful i n securing eithe r form o f gratification. Th e sam e wa s tru e o f Joh n Crown' s Si r Courtly Nice ,

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a characte r muc h i n th e manne r o f Lor d Foppington . Crow n style d Sir Courtly t o convey th e implicatio n o f homosexuality withou t mak ing his sexual direction a matter of record. Th e mincin g homosexual s in othe r Restoratio n dramas , lik e Foppingto n an d Si r Courtl y Nice , were i n ever y cas e foolis h rathe r tha n noble , an d i n play s where mi nor figures wer e explicitl y homosexual , i t wa s no t approved . Suc h characters wer e mos t ofte n th e oaf s an d bungler s o f th e cas t rathe r than th e heroi c figures. Ther e wa s littl e doub t o f th e sexua l prefer ences of Piracquo i n Charles Johnson's The Successful Pyrate. H e was the "creature " o f Lieutenan t D e Sal e an d wa s accompanied o n stag e by Jollyboy , Lesbia , an d Si r Gaud y Tulip . Althoug h th e pla y wa s first presented i n 1713 , afte r th e hig h poin t o f creativit y i n Restora tion theater , th e mora l thrus t o f th e plo t remaine d th e sam e a s i n drama stage d i n previou s years . Tuli p an d Piracquo , wh o abandone d their wive s and saile d t o a womanless island , realiz e after thei r arriva l that the y wan t n o par t o f on e another . Heterosexuality , the y ar e brought t o understand , i s not a s unfortunate a condition a s they onc e believed, an d the y retur n happil y t o their spouses. 23 Only John Wilmot , Secon d Ear l o f Rochester, wrot e a play specif ically concerne d wit h homosexuality , bu t a s England' s foremos t sal acious poet , playwright , an d wit , Rocheste r wa s hardly representativ e of any literar y group. Exceedingl y cleve r on occasion , hi s compulsive scatology an d elaboratio n o f the vulgar prevente d hi s work from gain ing wid e acceptanc e eve n i n a n ag e wher e audience s laughe d alou d at character s wh o joke d abou t excremen t an d parte d compan y wit h the jocula r farewel l " A far t fill you r sail. " O n mor e tha n on e occa sion th e Ear l wa s banishe d fro m cour t b y Charle s I I fo r exercisin g wit on th e detail s of royal adultery or commenting o n kingl y behavio r as he di d i n on e poem : Nor are his high Desire s above his Strength; His Sceptre and his [pintle] are of a length; And She that plays with one, ma y sway the other, And make him little wiser than his Brother. 24 A 168 0 collectio n o f hi s poetr y wa s s o offensiv e tha t a rewar d wa s offered fo r informatio n leadin g t o the apprehensio n o f the printer. 25

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Rochester's homosexua l tou r d e force , Sodom or the Quintessence of Debauchery, was "Written fo r the Royal l Compan y o f Whoremasters" sometim e befor e 1680 . I t i s though t t o hav e bee n performe d privately before member s of the court, bu t as a roman d clef exposing the vic e an d corruptio n o f th e kin g an d hi s associate s i t wa s fa r to o explicit t o b e presente d t o th e publi c o r even publishe d i n England . The first edition wa s printe d i n Antwer p i n 1684 . I n th e play , Bol loxinion, th e Kin g of Sodom , discovere d tha t buggery wit h boy s and men wa s a far mor e pleasurabl e experienc e tha n heterosexua l activ ity. H e foun d hi s ne w metho d o f obtainin g sexua l fulfillmen t s o enjoyable that anal intercours e was decreed fo r all males , an d the king's retainer, Borastus , was appointed "Buggermaster-generar t o make sure the sovereign wil l was carried out. Althoug h Sodom treated the themes of onanism , bestiality , prematur e ejaculation , venerea l disease , sex ual deprivation , an d bugger y i n a lighthearted fashion , lik e muc h o f Restoration drama , i t wa s essentiall y a mora l tale . Bolloxinion' s de cree brought debilitating epidemic s t o the land , an d buggery wa s denounced a t last by the roya l physicia n wh o explained: It doth the procreative End destroy, Which nature gave with pleasure to enjoy. Please her, and shell b e kind: if you displease, She turns into corruption and disease. Bolloxinion rejecte d th e advice , declarin g hi s devotio n t o buggery , and heavenl y fires descended an d destroyed th e land. 26 For Restoration dramatists, homosexualit y wa s an activity with theatrical potentia l bu t the y di d no t portra y i t a s a n acceptabl e for m o f sexual expression . I t could b e use d fo r social an d politica l commen tary whe n place d i n satirica l for m an d thos e indulgin g i n i t wer e buffoons, fools , fops , o r dolts . I t was deal t wit h onl y b y implicatio n or i n sub-plot s an d digressions , an d whil e th e treatmen t wa s usuall y frivolous, lighthearted , an d ofte n witty , ther e wa s always an elemen t of derision . Onl y Rocheste r deal t wit h homosexualit y a s a mai n theme, bu t he treate d th e subjec t wit h satirica l condemnatio n rathe r than wit h mockery . A s a n occasiona l pederas t h e coul d hardl y d o otherwise. Th e chie f objectio n t o damnatio n mad e b y Bolloxinion ,

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Rochester's kin g o f Sodom , wa s no t tha t h e woul d underg o endles s torment i n lake s of fir e an d brimston e bu t tha t h e woul d b e reunite d with hi s quee n an d linke d wit h he r i n Hel l fo r al l eternity . Nowher e in Rochester' s pla y o r i n an y othe r Restoratio n comed y wa s there a n intimation o f the hatre d an d fea r tha t would characteriz e th e attitude s of late r age s towar d homosexuality . Ther e wa s a measur e o f derisio n but the feeling tha t this was an abomination o r a crime against natur e that "n o Christia n dar e t o name " was no t t o b e found . The danger s o f projecting characteristic s t o a population, group , o r nation o n th e basi s o f literar y evidenc e alon e ar e wel l known , an d even whe n th e literatur e o f a n ag e i s interprete d wit h compoun d knowledge o f th e period' s authors , technique s o f humor , irony , wit , and othe r writers ' devices , th e opportunitie s fo r erro r ar e manifold . Even wit h correc t analysi s o f character, theme , an d plot , Restoratio n drama ca n hardl y b e considere d a mirro r fo r lif e eve n o f th e uppe r classes i n th e concludin g fou r decade s o f the seventeent h century . I n the sam e manner , an y spontaneou s assumptio n abou t attitude s to ward homosexualit y i n Englan d durin g th e reign s o f th e restore d Stuarts mad e o n th e basi s o f wor k b y a smal l numbe r o f dramatist s would, withou t substantiatio n fro m additiona l sources , b e entirel y unwarranted. Ye t som e o f th e relaxe d attitud e o f th e theate r towar d sexual behavio r trickle d dow n t o ordinar y citizens . Whil e play-goin g was primaril y a n upper-clas s diversion , ther e wer e man y fro m th e lower strat a wh o attende d wit h som e frequency , an d a s Purita n writ ers regularl y pointe d out , th e example s o f eas y moralit y provide d b y dramatic production s ha d substantia l effec t o n me n to o youn g an d too unsophisticate d t o distinguis h betwee n theatrica l fanc y an d real ity.27 The corruptin g influenc e o f th e dram a o n al l classe s o f me n ha d long been a n articl e of faith amon g dissenting clerics and the artisans, merchants, tradesmen , an d laborer s wh o followe d them . Durin g th e reign o f Charles I , Willia m Prynn e wrot e a t lengt h o f the perniciou s influence o f th e stag e an d player s o n publi c morality . H e charge d that theatrica l performance s instigate d an d abette d "Love-passions , Lusts, Adulteries , Incests , Rapes , Impostures , Cheates , Conspiracies , Treacheries, Murthers , Thefts , Debates , . . . othe r abominabl e vil -

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lanies, an d . . . Adulterous , an d Infemal l Heathen-Gods." 28 Amon g the man y vice s h e cataloge d wa s th e actin g o f femal e part s b y me n and boys . Wome n wer e no t permitte d o n th e stag e i n th e earl y de cades of the seventeent h century , an d this resulted i n the encourage ment o f transvestis m amon g players , bot h durin g an d afte r perfor mances. Prynn e denounce d th e practic e o f male s donnin g femal e garb fo r an y purpose . H e explaine d suc h activitie s wer e disgusting , revolting, an d repugnant , counte r t o th e judgment s o f bot h paga n and Christian scholar s fro m earlies t recorded history , an d contrary to the reveale d wil l o f God . I t was a wickedness , Prynn e explained , o f "which m y Ink e i s no t black e enoug h t o discypher." 29 I n addition , men donnin g th e raimen t o f wome n encourage d th e practic e o f sodomy, h e charged . No t only di d "Players and Play-haunters i n their secret conclave s pla y th e Sodomites, " bu t thei r effeminat e manne r and thei r example encourage d i t among th e general population. 30 I n proper Puritan fashion , Prynn e di d no t ignor e the opportunit y t o denounce sodom y i n his excoriation o f transvestism among players, and he lef t n o doub t tha t h e considere d i t lewd, unnatural , abominable , and worse than adultery. Bu t in his condemnation h e did not venture too fa r beyon d tha t point . H e wa s willin g t o admi t tha t th e live s o f players were characterized by "more than Sodomitical l uncleanness, " and i n hi s denunciatio n o f th e theater , a tirad e runnin g ove r on e thousand pages , th e fe w paragraph s labelin g sodom y a s on e o f th e evil result s o f me n dressin g a s wome n indicate d h e wa s no t overl y concerned wit h it , les s concerned wit h sodomy a t any rat e than wit h the othe r hos t o f perniciou s practice s encourage d b y actor s an d th e stage.31 Prynne's book , Histrio-Mastix, wa s no t intende d t o persuad e th e general reade r of th e existenc e o f th e corruption s i t cataloged. I t was written fo r th e tightl y organize d an d highl y literat e leadershi p o f th e Puritan movement , bu t the autho r mad e i t clear to hi s zealous associates tha t th e danger s o f th e theater , th e pre-Restoratio n theate r i n this case , wer e visite d no t onl y o n th e uppe r classe s bu t on English men o f every station . Thi s wa s an institution , h e argued , tha t would corrupt not simpl y throug h th e downwar d percolatio n o f it s evils but by offering it s vile precepts and damnable examples to all. B y the end

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of the century , whe n th e theater s ha d reopene d an d Restoratio n play s regularly delighte d audience s wit h sexua l escapades , ther e wer e stil l some wh o continue d t o denounc e th e stage . I n a 170 6 trac t aime d more fo r th e genera l reade r tha n fo r a n exclusiv e brotherhoo d o f ecclesiastical reformers , th e sin s o f the dram a wer e carefull y listed . Al though th e autho r mentione d Sodo m i n hi s litany , h e di d no t fee l compelled t o includ e bugger y o r sodom y amon g th e sin s generate d by th e theater . I n th e sam e period , presentment s mad e agains t th e new playhous e i n Bristo l faile d t o lis t homosexualit y a s on e o f th e vices encouraged b y plays or playgoers. Anothe r earl y eighteenth-cen tury author , Joh n Dennis , explaine d tha t whil e sodom y wa s rampan t and ever-increasin g i n England , th e theate r wa s no t t o blame . Stag e plays encourage d heterosexua l rathe r tha n homosexua l practices , h e argued.32 In assessin g Englis h attitude s towar d sodom y durin g th e Restora tion an d after , i t i s obviou s tha t th e preponderan t mas s o f materia l was generate d b y th e uppe r classes , member s o f statu s level s rangin g from wealth y merchant s u p t o an d includin g member s o f th e court . It wa s thes e peopl e wh o kep t diaries , frequente d th e bawd y perfor mances o f Restoratio n comedies , rea d Rochester' s crudel y explici t verse, an d gossipe d abou t th e promiscuit y o f thei r king , hi s duch esses, actresses , an d concubines . Bu t thes e peopl e wer e onl y a smal l segment o f society. Th e mas s of Englishmen ha d n o connectio n wit h the court , wer e no t influence d b y continenta l manners , ha d neve r heard o f Rochester' s poetr y o r play , an d wer e probabl y unawar e o f the shiftin g sexua l alliance s i n Whitehal l Palace . Despite th e difficultie s i n discernin g attitude s o f thos e belo w th e wealthy and th e nobility , considerabl e evidence survive s to illuminat e the manners , mora l standards , an d opinion s o f members of England' s middling classes . Probabl y th e mos t articulat e commentato r o n th e nation's socia l life , a t leas t i n London , wa s Samue l Pepys . A s a hig h official i n th e Navy , Pepy s wa s clos e t o th e cour t an d i n publi c re flected the attitude s o f the highes t socia l strata . A t the sam e time , h e was also a man rise n fro m a lower social statio n b y dint o f ability an d constant applicatio n t o hi s tasks , an d whil e outwardl y h e accepte d the licentiousnes s o f th e roya l court , hi s shorthan d diar y wa s filled

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with expression s o f opinio n tha t characterize d th e middl e level s o f English societ y fro m whic h h e ha d risen . Pepy s regularl y wrot e wit h disparagement i n th e privat e page s o f hi s diar y o f th e si n an d pro miscuity h e observe d amon g hi s betters . H e commente d approvingl y of a ma n h e sa w makin g publi c penanc e i n churc h fo r engagin g i n sexual misconduct , an d althoug h h e himsel f frequentl y indulge d i n illicit sexua l encounters , h e wa s racke d wit h guil t ove r hi s indiscre tions. 33 H e agonize d a t th e though t tha t an y wor d o f hi s infidelitie s might reac h hi s wife , an d h e wa s driven almos t t o distractio n a t on e point whe n h e suspecte d h e migh t b e wearin g a se t o f cuckhold' s horns lik e thos e h e ha d fastene d o n severa l others . T o mak e certai n that n o pryin g spous e o r snoopin g servan t gir l woul d discove r hi s sexual encounters , h e too k th e precautio n o f recordin g the m i n hi s diary usin g shorthan d i n language s other tha n English , evidentl y per suaded tha t foreig n word s recorde d i n secre t writin g woul d preven t anyone fro m learnin g hi s deeds . While Pepy s di d no t approv e o f fornicatio n o r adultery , a t leas t i n principle, h e wa s n o mor e hostil e t o sodom y tha n an y othe r manne r of proscribe d sexua l activity . I n a shor t discussio n o f politica l oppo sition t o th e clerica l hierarch y h e repeate d th e stor y o f th e Bisho p of Rochester wh o was accused o f "being given t o boys and o f his puttin g his han d int o a gentlema n (wh o no w come s t o bear evidenc e agains t him) hi s codpiec e whil e the y wer e a t tabl e together." 34 Th e accoun t was narrated withou t horror , revulsion , o r loathing . Pepy s closed th e discussion b y musin g o n whethe r i t wa s possibl e tha t simila r accusa tions migh t b e levele d agains t othe r rankin g clerics . Neithe r di d th e allegations hav e an y effec t o n th e Bishop' s career . Althoug h h e wa s personally distresse d b y th e circulatio n o f thi s stor y an d anothe r i n which h e was said t o hav e engage d a noblema n i n sexua l contact , h e was late r mad e Archbisho p o f York . A t anothe r poin t i n hi s diary , Pepys include d a n accoun t o f the tria l o f Si r Charles Sedley , accuse d of "comin g i n ope n da y int o th e Balcon e an d showe d hi s naked ness—acting al l th e posture s o f lus t an d bugger y tha t coul d b e imag ined . . . a thousan d peopl e standin g underneat h t o se e an d hea r him." Sedle y als o abuse d scripture , preache d a heretica l sermon , of fered a n aphrodisia c fo r sale , an d the n too k " a glas s o f win e an d

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washed hi s pric k i n i t an d the n dran k i t off ; an d the n too k anothe r and dran k th e King' s health." 35 Pepy s was no mor e agitate d ove r th e acting ou t o f a postur e o f bugger y tha n an y othe r par t o f th e perfor mance, an d althoug h h e wrot e tha t th e judge s wh o hear d th e cas e were exceedingl y perturbe d ove r th e displa y conducte d fro m th e bal cony o f "Oxfor d Kates, " h e note d tha t th e benc h wa s equall y dis pleased wit h th e action s of Lord Buckhurst , on e o f Sedley's associate s and companion s i n froli c wh o evidentl y encourage d th e publi c dis play.36 Pepys di d commen t tha t hi s tw o closes t associates , Si r Josep h Mennes an d Willia m Batten , ha d bot h tol d hi m bugger y wa s becoming a s commo n i n Englan d a s i t wa s i n Ital y an d tha t Londo n page s were know n frequentl y "t o complai n o f thei r master s fo r it. " Hi s re action t o the informatio n wa s perplexity rathe r than outrag e o r indig nation. H e onl y mused , "Bu t blesse d b e God , I d o no t t o thi s da y know wha t i s th e meanin g o f thi s sin , no r whic h i s th e agen t no r which th e patient." 37 Neithe r wa s he struc k with horro r whe n a fam ily mai d informe d hi m tha t on e o f hi s servants , a la d h e regarde d highly, wa s " a rogu e . . . an d strang e thing s h e hat h bee n foun d guilty of , no t fit t o name. " Pepy s onl y wrot e tha t h e wa s "vexed " by such conduct , hardl y a sever e condemnatio n fro m a ma n wh o re corded th e gamut o f powerful huma n emotion s i n hi s diary. 38 If th e reactio n o f Samue l Pepy s t o incident s o f sodom y wa s irrita tion an d confusion , th e respons e o f hi s acquaintance , Joh n Evelyn , offers eve n mor e convincin g evidenc e tha t homosexualit y wa s no t considered a n aberratio n o f monstrou s proportions . Evelyn , unlik e Pepys, wa s deeply religious , seriou s i n th e extreme , depresse d b y th e moral standard s o f th e Restoration , an d no t on e t o vacillat e o n mat ters o f goo d an d evil . H e wa s a ma n wit h considerabl e capacit y fo r indignation, ye t o n th e matte r o f sodom y hi s diar y record s onl y sor row fo r th e accused . H e avoide d writin g th e term s bugger y o r sodomy, preferrin g t o styl e th e offens e " a Vic e . . . whic h nee d no t be nam'd, " bu t h e adde d tha t th e accuse d Lor d Stafford , "wa s no t a man belov'd , Especial y o f his owne family, " an d ha d surel y repente d his sin. 39 Judicial authoritie s i n seventeenth-centur y Englan d di d no t con -

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sider sex crimes mino r matters. Me n wer e regularly executed fo r rape, an ac t regarde d wit h th e sam e seriousnes s a s othe r capita l crime s o f murder, burglary , hors e stealing , clippin g an d coining . S o seriou s was th e offense , tha t o n on e occasion , capita l punishmen t wa s ex acted despit e th e fac t th e victi m wa s a Quaker . Anothe r rapis t wa s made to pay for his crime even after death. Hi s body was anatomized after executio n i n 1718 . Me n wh o moleste d youn g girl s were treate d in a similar fashion. Th e beadl e of Christ's Hospital wa s convicted o f "ravishing" a child o f twelve , an d althoug h ther e i s no recor d o f hi s particular punishment, th e bringing of an official t o account for such an ac t i s indicativ e o f it s seriousness . Th e usua l punishmen t fo r the offense wa s death. On e Joh n West was fined 20 mark s and force d t o provide bond fo r five years good behavior only for toying and tickling the privat e part s o f ten-year-ol d Mar y Bowden . No r wer e mino r se x offenses ignore d i n the ag e of Charles II . A lady "remarkable fo r her fine Face , Shape , an d Air , wa s taken i n a very lew d Postur e wit h a Hackney-Coachman, i n th e Hay-Market " an d th e authoritie s wh o witnessed th e scen e wer e angere d rathe r tha n amused . Sh e wa s ar rested an d jaile d fo r he r conduct . A n Italia n name d Bemard i wa s committed t o the Gatehouse afte r being discovered with two cartloads of obscene cards , book s and pictures i n hi s possession. Th e final disposition o f th e cas e ha s no t survived , bu t document s preserve d indi cate th e precis e natur e o f the offens e an d a substantial degre e o f outrage on the part of officials. Amon g other activities, the accused caused to b e painte d "fasciculu m pictaru m cartaru m anglice pack e o f cards pereundumfasciculumpictarumcartarumrepresentansdiversas. . . . obscenas postura s et figuras." A cause fo r greater alarm than pornog raphy o r scurrilou s printe d matte r wa s th e new s i n Londo n tha t a sadist wa s o n th e loos e i n 1681 . "Whippin g Tom " severel y spanke d the hindquarter s o f severa l femal e Londoner s befor e h e an d anothe r man wer e finally apprehended . Unfortunatel y ther e i s n o recor d o f their trial , bu t whil e a t larg e th e pai r induce d considerabl y anxiet y and vocal demand s tha t they be brough t to account. 40 The Restoratio n attitud e toward sodomy i s nowhere mor e apparent than i n the punishments mete d out by English quarter sessions courts. Much o f th e recor d o f crimina l penaltie s durin g the perio d wa s pre-

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served b y Narcissu s Luttrel l i n hi s monumenta l Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs from 167 8 to 1714. Laconi c b y nature , an y expression o f outrage agains t acts of sodomy would no t normally com e from Luttrel l n o matte r wha t hi s opinio n o n th e subjec t migh t hav e been, bu t i n th e roste r of crimes and punishment s kep t with precisio n over fou r decade s h e commonl y liste d offense s fro m th e mos t seriou s in descending orde r to the mos t minor. Hi s notice fo r Marc h 4 , 169 7 is a typica l entry . "Th e session s fo r Londo n an d Middlese x bega n a t the Ol d Bail y o n th e 24t h o f las t month , . . . wher e severa l crimi nals wer e tryed ; 1 3 receive d sentenc e o f death , 2 0 wer e burn t i n th e hand, 6 ordered t o be whipt, 6 ordered int o his majestie s service , an d 8 fined, an d som e o f them t o stand i n the pillory/' 41 Ove r the years , the sequenc e o f punishmen t hardl y varie d althoug h th e pillor y wa s often mor e commonl y use d the n branding. 42 Ther e wa s a shor t pe riod whe n th e authoritie s experimente d wit h brandin g o n th e fac e rather tha n o n th e hand , bu t thi s wa s discontinue d becaus e i t ren dered offender s unemployable , thereb y increasing recidivism. 43 Th e only observabl e tren d i n th e impositio n o f punishmen t wa s a desir e to mak e sentencin g t o th e pillor y mor e opprobriu s b y includin g fines as par t o f th e sentences . Murder , treason , highwa y robbery , piracy , burglary, counterfeiting , clippin g smal l amount s fro m gol d o r silve r coins, an d rap e wer e th e crime s tha t mos t ofte n gaine d deat h sen tences fo r thei r perpetrators . Burnin g o n th e chee k o r han d wa s th e usual penalt y fo r mino r felonie s suc h a s shoplifting ; person s con victed o f pett y larcenc y wer e customaril y whipped . Combination s o f fines and tim e i n th e pillor y wer e usua l fo r a hos t o f misdemeanor s ranging fro m th e publicatio n o f libellou s writings , perjury , subor nation, thef t o f less than te n pence , an d speakin g agains t th e govern ment, t o causin g a commotion lik e that whic h occurre d whe n "Bis h the trooper . . . rode thro' the citty sayeing king William wa s dead." 44 He wa s fined 10 0 mark s an d ordere d t o stan d thre e time s i n th e pillory. Multipl e appearance s i n th e pillor y wer e ofte n pronounce d for a single crime , an d sometime s a convicted crimina l wa s forced t o stand pillorie d a t severa l differen t location s o n differen t day s to allo w large number s o f citizen s t o lear n o f th e crime , witnes s th e penalty , and profi t b y th e exampl e o f justic e done . Th e fines accompanyin g

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sentences t o th e pillor y varie d i n amount . The y wer e no t particularl y severe fo r mino r offenses , bu t i n case s wher e th e crimina l wa s a per son o f means o r when ther e wer e political ramification s t o the crime , the lev y coul d b e ver y large . A parso n a t Northampto n wa s onc e convicted o f sayin g tha t Willia m an d Mar y wer e no t lawfu l ruler s of England, denouncin g Parliament , an d prayin g fo r th e exile d Kin g James II , hi s queen , an d thei r son . H e wa s fined £200, spen t a tim e in th e pillory , an d wa s commande d t o produc e suretie s fo r a year' s good behavior . A t th e sam e tim e on e Nathanie l Readin g wa s con victed of subornation, havin g stifled evidenc e i n th e Popis h Plot . Th e highly charge d atmospher e surroundin g th e whol e matte r mean t Reading was to receive a comparatively sever e sentence. H e was fined £1,000, sentence d t o a year i n jail , an d committe d t o stand one hou r in th e palac e yar d pillor y a t Westminister. 45 The leas t sever e o f al l punishment s availabl e t o Englis h judges , sentencing t o th e pillory , wa s tha t mos t ofte n prescribe d fo r me n convicted o f sodom y eve n thoug h th e crim e accordin g t o la w coul d be punishe d b y hanging . Execution s fo r sodom y i n Restoratio n En gland ma y no t hav e occurred , an d eve n thos e wh o stoo d i n th e pil lory wer e sentence d mos t ofte n fo r attempte d sodom y rathe r tha n fo r committing th e act . Thi s ma y hav e bee n par t du e t o th e eas e o f obtaining conviction s fo r attempte d sodomy , a t leas t when compare d to th e difficultie s i n procurin g sufficien t witnesse s fo r a guilty verdic t in a regula r sodom y case . Bu t whateve r th e reason , th e lac k o f prosecutions an d th e reduce d charge s indicat e ther e wa s no cadr e of zealous official s warrin g agains t homosexua l act s i n th e Englan d o f th e latter Stuarts . Newspape r account s contai n mor e notice s o f arrests fo r sodomy tha n fo r convictions , indicatin g onl y limite d enthusias m fo r bringing suc h case s to trial . A 171 7 article give s ample evidenc e tha t insufficient interest , discree t payments , an d th e difficult y o f obtaining convictions al l contribute d t o th e relativel y smal l numbe r o f prose cutions. Reportin g th e arres t o f a cleri c fo r committin g sodom y wit h an apprentic e an d anothe r youn g man , Applebees Original Weekly Journal note d th e case was "buried i n Oblivion " either because o f the effects o f mone y o r th e lac k o f evidence. 46 Th e onl y cas e wher e th e journal seeme d t o thin k th e perpetrator s o f a simila r crim e woul d

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"meet wit h thei r Deserts " involve d a line n drape r an d a n Irishma n who wer e apprehende d i n th e act , indicatin g th e presenc e o f a non participating witnes s wh o coul d provid e proo f fo r th e court . I n an other inciden t involvin g th e sam e subject , Applebee's reporte d o n a man lodgin g the nigh t at an al e house who was awakened by a person slipping int o hi s be d an d attemptin g t o commi t sodom y wit h him . The intende d victi m grabbe d hi s pistol s an d fired the m int o th e air . The hous e wa s awakened b y the shots , an d th e accuse d buggere r was captured an d take n t o jail . Th e newspape r accoun t o f th e inciden t was not an irat e denunciation o f homosexual practices . I t was written in a ton e o f mil d amusement , expressin g mor e surpris e a t wha t hap pened tha n alar m ove r th e natur e o f th e event . Th e write r o f th e article di d no t castigat e th e offende r i n an y way , althoug h h e coul d not avoi d mentionin g th e "Impudenc e o f [the ] Fellow/' 47 The on e occasio n durin g th e Restoratio n perio d whe n sodom y was forced int o th e publi c cognizanc e wa s i n connectio n wit h a politica l dispute, th e uproa r created by the Popis h Plot . Th e detail s of the Plo t did no t involv e homosexua l manifestations , bu t th e politica l an d re ligious characte r o f Restoratio n Englan d wer e sufficien t t o produc e panic o n a nationa l scal e a t th e revelatio n o f a n allege d Catholi c attempt t o assassinat e th e king , instal l a Popis h successor , an d retur n Britain t o th e Roma n fold . T o understan d properl y th e environmen t in whic h th e Plo t wa s concocte d an d sol d t o th e nation , i t mus t b e remembered tha t th e year s 167 8 t o 168 1 wer e a tim e o f extrem e political instability . Th e kin g had , withi n tha t shor t spa n o f years , called and dissolve d tw o Parliaments, th e third an d fourt h o f his reign. In eac h o f these Parliaments , Common s ha d passe d a n exclusio n bil l prohibiting successio n b y th e Duk e o f York , th e Catholi c younge r brother o f Charle s II , bu t i t stil l appeare d t o man y tha t th e Duk e would ultimatel y inheri t th e thron e despit e th e clea r wishes of Parlia ment an d th e citizenry. This , couple d wit h a n increase d fea r o f "poppery" an d th e certaint y tha t th e Jesuit s wer e th e world' s premie r in triguers, mad e Englan d read y t o believ e th e existenc e o f th e Popis h Plot whe n Titu s Oate s an d hi s cohort s tol d thei r tal e o f propose d assassination an d usurpation . Me n o f al l station s wer e everywher e compelled t o take sides on matter s of state which ha d previousl y bee n

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beyond thei r real m o f interes t o r concern , an d th e initia l prejudic e against a popish successor was transformed int o an ideology that served as the basi s fo r th e beginnin g o f th e Whi g part y an d th e subsequen t evolution o f Englis h part y politics. N o clas s o f Englishma n wa s immune t o the infectiou s hysteri a engendere d b y the charges. Fro m the London mobs , famou s fo r th e passio n wit h whic h the y regularl y burned effigie s o f th e Pope , t o th e gentr y wh o feare d a los s o f thei r lands i f th e papist s wer e t o gai n control , me n drive n b y hatre d an d trembling with fear became les s discerning in what they would accept as truth. Jesuits, papists , an d accuse d papist s wer e marche d t o th e gallows , convicted o n the flimsiest of evidence o f murder , treason , an d a host of additiona l crimes . Th e Catholi c Lords , Arundel , Powis , Belasyse , Stafford, an d Danby , wer e committe d t o th e Tower , an d th e pani c sweeping the nation demanded that even those only peripherally linked to th e plo t b e punishe d wit h utmos t severity . A sentence i n th e pil lory withou t additiona l measure s wa s inadequat e fo r anyon e associ ated with such nefarious schemes. Joh n Giles, convicte d of assaulting a magistrat e know n t o be hars h on Catholics , wa s sentenced t o stand in th e pillor y i n Lincoln' s In n Fields , a t the Maypol e i n th e Strand , and i n Holbor n nea r Grey's Inn . I n addition, durin g the tim e i n th e pillory, h e wa s to wea r a sign signifyin g hi s crime , pa y a £500 fine, continue i n priso n unti l i t was paid , an d provid e bon d fo r goo d be havior fo r life. Th e sentenc e itsel f wa s only par t of th e punishment . Those sentencing Giles knew well that in the climate of anti-Catholic hysteria h e would be lucky to be taken from th e pillory alive after the abuse h e woul d sustai n fro m th e mob. 48 Another to suffer greviousl y a s a result of the wav e o f anti-Cathol icism sweepin g th e lan d wa s a Mrs . Cellie r wh o ha d th e misfortun e of bein g th e woma n frien d o f Thoma s Dangerfield , a n associat e o f Titus Oates . Dangerfiel d claime d t o hav e discovere d a presbyteria n plot, th e evidenc e havin g been foun d unde r a meal tu b belonging t o Mrs. Cellier . Th e discoveries , whic h implicate d bot h Lor d Halifa x and th e Ear l o f Essex , appeare d t o be a Catholic counter-move , bu t Dangerfield wa s playin g th e rol e o f agent provocateur. H e soo n ac cused severa l leadin g Catholic s o f arrangin g th e plo t to counter anti-

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Catholic moves . Cellier , evidentl y involve d i n th e first hal f o f th e plot bu t unawar e o f th e secon d half , wa s handle d severel y fo r he r anti-protestantism. Sh e wa s sentenced t o stan d i n th e pillor y a t thre e places, th e Maypol e i n th e Strand , Coven t Garden , an d a t Charin g Cross. The document s foun d unde r th e tu b were to be burned befor e her b y th e commo n hangman , an d sh e wa s fined £1,000, sentence d to remai n i n priso n unti l i t wa s paid , an d require d t o giv e securit y for goo d behavio r durin g he r lifetime. 49 The leve l o f excitement generate d b y th e Popis h Plo t could no t b e sustained indefinitel y amon g the populace, an d despit e the increasin g crescendo produce d b y charge s o f murder , treason , perjury , subor nation, heresy , anti - an d pro-Catholicism , an d almos t ever y othe r imaginable civi l o r politica l offense , enthusias m fo r the anti-Catholi c persecutions an d fo r th e discoverie s o f plotters began t o diminish. T o counter declinin g interest , anothe r crim e wa s adde d t o th e previou s allegations. Th e charg e o f sodom y wa s introduce d int o th e panopl y of accusations , an d me n o n bot h side s o f the disput e wer e name d a s sodomites. Titu s Oates, th e Duk e o f Buckingham, Lor d Stafford , an d others wer e denounce d fo r engagin g i n proscribe d sexua l practices , but o f th e man y crime s include d i n th e charge s an d countercharges , sodomy neve r becam e a majo r matter . Numerou s pamphlet s wer e written o n th e accusations , bu t whe n Oate s wen t t o pres s t o clea r himself o f th e charge s levele d agains t him , hi s rebutta l t o th e accu sations o f sexua l misconduc t wa s only a smal l par t o f th e defense . I t was th e resul t o f politica l excesse s tha t destroye d Oates , no t rumor s of his persona l conduct , an d whe n Staffor d wa s executed, h e die d fo r allegedly plottin g t o kil l th e king , no t becaus e h e ha d bee n charge d with sodomy. 50 The accusation s o f sodom y wer e recognize d a s speciou s b y man y who accepte d withou t questio n th e equall y speciou s charge s o f mur der an d treaso n mad e b y th e plotters , an d mos t ofte n i t wa s th e ac cusers rathe r tha n th e accuse d sodomite s wh o suffered. 51 I n th e plo t hatched b y Thoma s Dangerfield , a Captai n Thoma s Bloo d an d sev eral associate s wer e charge d wit h falsel y accusin g th e Duk e o f Buck ingham o f engagin g i n ana l intercourse . The y allege d h e forceabl y assaulted on e Sara h Harwood , enterin g "bot h he r Privities , a s fa r a s he coul d go , stop' d he r Breat h . . . the n sen t he r away; " an d late r

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arranged t o hav e he r murdered . Buckingha m easil y cleare d himsel f of th e charg e o f sodom y wit h Mis s Harwoo d an d severa l others , an d at least two of his accusers, Phili p le Marr an d France s Loveland, hi s mother, wer e convicte d o f scandalum magnatum an d fined th e awe some su m o f £30,000. 52 I n th e anonymou s pamphle t detailin g th e charges mad e agains t th e strongl y Protestan t Duke , ther e wer e accu sations o f various crimes . Murder , conspiracy , perjury , rape , bribery , subornation, treason , an d sodom y wer e al l included , bu t o f thes e sodomy wa s the leas t significan t o f th e lot . I t receive d littl e attentio n from th e autho r o r author s o f th e pamphlet , non e o f who m wer e horrified b y bugger y o r eve n particularl y upse t b y it . I t wa s on e o f the man y crime s mentioned , bu t the y wer e muc h mor e concerne d with murder , bribery , perjury , an d genera l duplicit y tha n wit h th e actual ac t supposedl y committe d upo n th e bod y o f Sara h Harwood . With th e en d o f th e uproa r ove r th e Popis h Plot , accusation s o f sodomy disappeare d fro m Englis h politics , an d i t was only fo r a brie f moment i n 169 9 tha t homosexualit y agai n becam e a subjec t o f con siderable popula r concer n whe n th e existenc e o f a larg e networ k o f homosexuals becam e publi c knowledge . Th e detail s o f th e busines s were no t mad e clea r i n th e resultin g expose . Muc h o f th e activit y seemed t o b e centere d a t Windsor , bu t eve n thi s i s uncertain . Th e only fact s o f the cas e that hav e survived ar e that a Captain Rigby , th e organizer o f th e ring , wa s convicte d o f attempte d sodom y an d sen tenced t o stan d thre e time s i n th e pillory , fined £1,000 , confine d t o prison fo r a yea r afte r th e paymen t o f the fine, an d force d t o provid e sureties o f goo d behavio r fo r seve n years . Th e punishmen t onl y fo r attempting sodom y rathe r tha n committin g i t wa s unusuall y severe , indicating ther e wer e othe r circumstance s tha t hav e no t survive d i n the historica l record. 53 Th e numbe r o f me n involve d ma y hav e cre ated sufficien t alar m t o force a hars h sentenc e fo r a mino r crime , bu t it i s als o possibl e tha t mor e tha n fea r a t th e discover y o f widesprea d homosexuality wa s responsible. I n 1699 , rumor s of the close relation ship between Willia m II I an d Arnol d Joos e va n Kepple , first Ear l o f Albemarle wer e bein g circulate d widely , especiall y b y Jacobite s anx ious t o establis h th e fac t o f th e king' s residenc e a t th e "chatea u d e derriere," a s i t wa s style d b y on e wag. 54 Willia m ignore d thes e ru mors jus t a s h e ha d alway s ignore d th e tale s o f hi s purporte d homo -

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sexuality. H e di d issu e a proclamatio n fo r preventin g an d punishin g profaneness particularl y "i n suc h wh o ar e Imploye d nea r Ou r Roya l Person," bu t i t was similar t o a proclamatio n issue d tw o years earlie r in 1697 . I n an y case , specifi c crime s wer e no t enumerate d i n eithe r document, an d i t i s onl y fro m th e king' s timin g tha t an y inferenc e can b e mad e abou t th e exten t o f th e homosexua l ring . Willia m H I issued hi s proclamatio n th e ver y wee k tha t th e unfortunat e Rigb y stood i n th e pillory. 55 The enormit y o f the crime s committe d b y Rigb y an d hi s associate s did inspir e on e righteou s Englishma n t o publis h a new edition o f th e 1631 trial o f Lord Audle y to provide a ready ^example of the depravit y all me n shoul d avoid . I n th e prefac e t o the 169 9 account o f Audley' s trial, th e patro n o f th e editio n complaine d o f th e rampanc y o f se x crime generally , citin g th e frequenc y o f rape , chil d molestatio n an d the "Si n bein g no w Translate d fro m th e Sadomitica l Original , o r from th e Turkis h an d Italia n Copie s int o English. " I n hi s denuncia tion o f th e enumerate d practices , th e autho r wa s onl y slightl y mor e exercised ove r bugger y tha n heterosexua l vices . Th e bes t clu e t o hi s personality i s found i n hi s denunciatio n o f non-sexua l offenses . Evi dently a fastidiou s individual , th e patro n denounce d no t onl y rape , pederasty, an d sodomy , bu t complaine d o f me n "tha t ne'e r coul d reach abov e th e Ran k o f a Dung-hil l raker, " attemptin g t o seduc e ladies o f "th e Bes t Quality, " an d h e adde d late r tha t "Yo u al l kno w that Ri-by' s othe r Heinou s Crime s wa s Accompanie d wit h Horri d Blasphemy."56 Th e tin y tempes t create d b y th e discover y o f a ho mosexual networ k laste d onl y briefl y befor e sodom y agai n becam e simply another crime . Perhap s th e onl y horro r tha t remained wa s not of sodomy bu t of perjured accusation s o f the crime. I n 1707 , 2 5 years after th e Popis h Plo t an d eigh t year s afte r Rigb y stoo d i n th e pillory , two me n wer e whippe d fro m Templ e Ba r t o Charin g Cross , a lon g distance t o trave l unde r th e lash , fo r makin g a fals e charg e o f sodomy.57 The popula r interes t i n homosexua l activit y encourage d b y the Po pish Plo t an d th e Rigb y cas e di d no t produc e a wav e o f revulsio n o r hostility towar d sodomy . Thi s i s nowhere mor e apparen t tha n i n th e work of John Bunyan , on e of the mos t notable Purita n author s of the Restoration an d a ma n deepl y consciou s o f mora l transgression . I n

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his writings h e provide d wha t was probably a n accurate indicatio n o f the vie w o f sodom y hel d b y man y ordinar y Englishme n i n th e latte r half o f th e seventeent h century . Bunya n wa s th e so n o f a Bedfor d tinsmith, bu t unlik e Samue l Pepys , wh o ros e fro m humbl e begin nings t o attai n wealt h an d power , h e remaine d a membe r o f th e meaner segmen t o f societ y al l hi s life . Bunya n wa s traine d i n hi s father's trade , joine d th e Parliamentar y arm y as a common soldie r at the ag e of seventeen , an d was repeatedly imprisone d fo r his religiou s views. Th e concludin g year s o f hi s lif e wer e spen t a s a n itineran t preacher. H e die d i n 1688 . A s a religiou s dissenter , Bunya n wa s especially sensitiv e t o obvious breaches of divine commandment. Mur der, theft , adultery , sacrilege , an d blasphemy wer e all well-know n t o him an d t o hi s contemporar y preachin g tinkers , blacksmiths , an d tradesmen. The y wer e ordinary men , althoug h a cut above th e Lon don mob , an d the y preache d t o ordinar y people , sharing , an d min gling perception s wit h thei r audiences . Bunya n spok e simpl y i n a n allegorical styl e tha t appeale d t o hi s hearer s an d aide d the m t o un derstand his message. Hi s Pilgrim's Progress wa s instantly popular when published i n 1678 , an d Part II, which appeared in 1684 , was received with simila r enthusias m b y a publi c tha t kne w muc h o f Matthew , Mark, Luke , an d Joh n bu t nothin g o f Killigrew , Wycherly , o r Ra venscroft. The y rea d th e wor k o f thi s "Mechanic k Preacher " b y th e tens o f thousands , an d thi s wa s s o becaus e h e believe d an d wrot e what the y believe d an d hope d desperatel y t o hea r i n a tim e whe n all seeme d doome d fo r the dissenters' cause. I n the second sectio n o f the work , Bunya n commente d i n hi s unpretentiou s wa y on th e wid e audience h e ha d gained. Fright not thyself, m y book, fo r such bugbears Are nothing else but ground for groundless fears. My pilgrim's book has travelled sea and land, Yet could I never come to understand That it was slighted or turned out-of-door By any kingdom, were they rich or poor.

. . . . .

Yet more. S o comely doth my pilgrim walk That of him thousands daily sing and talk. If you draw nearer home, i t will appear My pilgrim knows no ground of shame or fear;

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City and country will him entertain , With welcome, pilgrim . Yea, they can't refrai n From smiling if my pilgrim b e but by Or shows his head in any company. 58 Bunyan's pilgri m encountere d ever y conceivabl e evil , fro m th e ''Slough o f Despond " throug h "Vanit y Fair " an d o n t o "Doubtin g Castle" durin g hi s progres s towar d th e "Celestia l City. " Sin , irreso lution, pride , sophistication , pleasure , an d eve n poper y tempte d Christian t o abando n hi s ques t an d wallo w i n earthl y delight . I n ex amining th e whol e catalog of evils, however , th e sin of Sodom loom s neither particularly larg e o r particularly repugnan t eithe r t o Bunya n or t o hi s pilgrim . Ther e i s n o emphasi s o n sexua l misconduc t any where i n th e work . Al l crime s o f physica l passio n ar e usuall y com bined togethe r i n allegorica l figures. Mr . Love-lus t an d Mr . Live loose appea r a s juryme n i n th e tria l o f Faithful , Christian' s compan ion o n th e journe y t o paradise . Bot h vot e t o condem n th e accused , Mr. Love-lus t commenting , " I coul d neve r endur e him, " an d Mr . Live-loose addin g tha t th e presenc e o f Faithfu l woul d b e unbearabl e for "h e woul d alway s be condemning m y way." 59 Th e me n o f Sodo m "were sinner s exceedingly, " Bunya n admitted , bu t whe n Christia n and Hopefu l reache d Sodo m o n th e roa d t o salvation , thei r concer n was muc h mor e wit h th e fat e o f Lot' s wif e tha n wit h th e caus e o f divine judgmen t o n th e city . Christia n mentione d briefl y God' s vis iting a pleasan t cit y wit h destructio n becaus e it s inhabitant s sinne d "despite o f suc h example s tha t ar e se t continuall y befor e the m t o caution the m t o th e contrary, " an d thi s comment , rathe r tha n an y specific act s o f defiance , wa s wha t concerne d Hopeful . "Doubtles s thou has t sai d th e truth, " h e tol d Christian , "bu t wha t a merc y i s it , that neither thou , bu t especiall y I , a m no t mad e myself, thi s [defiant ] example. Thi s ministeret h occasio n t o u s than k God , t o fea r befor e him, an d alway s t o remembe r Lot' s wife." 60 The sam e them e wa s expressed agai n b y Bunyan whe n Christiana , the wif e o f Christian , reache d th e sam e spo t o n he r journe y t o sal vation. Standin g a t the pilla r o f salt that stoo d nea r Sodom , sh e mar veled onl y "tha t me n o f tha t knowledg e an d ripenes s o f wi t . . . should b e s o blinded a s to tur n asid e here." 61

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By th e tim e o f Bunyan' s death , broadside s an d shor t pamphlet s were becoming som e o f the mos t widely rea d forms of literature produced fo r ordinar y Englishmen . Crime s o f violenc e an d treasonou s plots wer e commo n subject s o f th e penn y sheets , bu t o n th e rar e occasions whe n the y deal t specificall y wit h sodom y i t was clear the y regarded i t a s a mino r offens e withi n th e panopl y o f evi l deeds . A Full and True Account of a Dreadful Fire that Lately Broke Out in the Popes Breeches, a six-page effor t obviousl y directe d t o a mas s audience, wa s a n anti-clerica l manifest o rathe r than a n attac k o n ana l intercourse, bu t the treatmen t o f sodom y i n th e poe m indicate d tha t the "crime which n o Christia n dar e to name" indeed cruld b e named and discussed, a t least i n a humorous vein . Th e balla d tells th e story of an English femal e visitin g Rome wh o happene d to catch th e Pope's fancy. Ragin g with passion, hi s Holiness summoned he r to his chamber. Th e seductio n proceede d apac e unti l th e Pope , a devote e o f sodomitical practic e wit h hi s fello w cleric s rathe r than a practitioner of heterosexual love , inadvertentl y reveale d the nature of his past sexual experience . I n the word s of the woma n abou t to be debauched: With that, O Holy Sir, cry'd She I doubt you've pitch'd too low your key: I'll pitch it for ye, i f you please, And then you may unlock at Ease. Then strait She did it with a Touch , His Holiness too thank'd her much, And withal this excuse did make, In the behalf of his Mistake. The Pop e sai d h e rarel y use d hi s ke y t o ope n th e "fore-gate, " but then revealed it was more likely he had never used it for that purpose. Describing hi s entry, h e cried ou t i n amazement : The Key goes in most wondrous easy, What is the Key-hole broke, or Greasy? Hah! it turns round not very hard, I fear your Lock has ne'er a Ward . The facilit y wit h whic h h e coul d achiev e vagina l penetratio n wa s only th e first surpris e fo r th e prelate . Thre e day s afte r hi s Englis h

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lover ha d departed , th e papa l "Pintl e Smith " ha d t o b e summone d to cure th e malad y Hi s Holines s ha d contracted . Th e experienc e wa s beneficial fo r th e Pope , teachin g hi m th e foll y o f carnal conversatio n with women . As soon as e're the Pope grew well, He curst poor T-s- - by Book and Bell, and vow'd to keep, in spight of Whores, His key for to unlock back Doors. 62 A penma n writin g fo r th e sam e marke t bu t havin g fu n a t th e En glish clergy' s expense , humorousl y denounce d thos e wh o scoffe d a t God's ministers , labelin g the m wors e tha n Sodomites . T o remin d such villain s of the draconia n natur e o f the punishment s tha t awaite d them h e added : Forty two Children wer e destroyed all, That only did God's Prophet Bald-head call. 63 Another purveyo r o f broadside doggere l use d sodom y i n a n attac k o n a membe r o f his own versifyin g brotherhood . Assertin g th e subjec t o f his lines wa s better suited t o buggery than poetry , h e advised hi m to : Forsake thy Muse, Jack; take a School; 'tis better To Flogg Boys Arses, then pa y Scores with Meeter . As once you in a merry Frollick told one, A young Bum-fiddle's bette r than an old one. 64 The occasiona l us e of sodomy i n a humorous fashio n b y broadsid e authors di d no t indicat e the y or their reader s regarde d al l se x offense s lightly. Durin g th e sam e perio d ana l intercours e produce d chuckle s for reader s wh o pai d thei r pennies , othe r broadside s laude d a ma n who bea t hi s wif e wit h a can e fo r infidelit y an d tol d o f Si r Joh n Johnston's executio n a t Tybur n fo r rap e an d possibl y chil d molesta tion. I n othe r literatur e writte n fo r th e lowe r levels o f Englis h societ y heterosexual offense s wer e treate d wit h a notabl e lac k o f lightheart edness. I n a boo k o f mora l fable s intende d fo r a wid e audienc e o f ordinary folk , reader s learne d tha t th e plac e wher e a Majo r Wei r committed inces t "remaine d alway s bar e withou t Grass, " an d i n another accoun t o f Italian heterosexua l indiscretions , th e Englis h au -

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thor describe d i n detai l th e sa d fate s o f th e sinners . Breast s tor n of f with red-ho t pincers , lover s broke n o n th e wheel , burning s alive , strangling, an d deat h wer e onl y som e o f the punishment s mete d out . The case s include d i n th e boo k di d no t tak e plac e i n England , bu t the autho r mad e i t clea r i n hi s exemplar y account s aime d a t unso phisticated reader s tha t simila r event s i f similarl y punishe d i n En gland migh t ai d i n advancin g God' s cause. 65 Another inciden t i n th e earl y year s o f th e reig n o f Georg e I pro vides a n additiona l exampl e o f lower-clas s attitude s towar d sodomy . On a Jul y da y i n 1719 , Willia m Holdbroo k wa s pilloried a t Blooms bury marke t fo r attemptin g t o bugge r Thoma s Pendrill . Applebee's reported tha t "th e Mo b ha d certainl y Murdere d hi m coul d the y hav e got hi m i n thei r Power ; fo r a Hackne y Coac h wa s tore t o piece s tha t took hi m u p t o carry hi m t o Newgate." 66 I f the stor y wa s accurate i t indicates a t first perusal tha t the mo b was seriously offended b y Holdbrook's deed. This , however , nee d no t have been th e case. Th e mob s that congregate d i n Londo n wer e a fierce an d volatil e lot , pron e t o violence o n publi c holiday s an d popula r anniversaries , o r a s th e re sult o f genuin e o r imagine d grievances , an d o n occasion s whe n n o particular caus e wa s discernible . The y coul d assembl e i n number s ranging fro m a fe w hundre d fo r a mino r matte r t o almos t a quarte r of a million fo r a pope-burning ceremon y o n th e anniversar y o f Elizabeth's accession . Th e traine d band s o f Londo n an d surroundin g municipalities wer e kep t read y t o restrai n th e mob' s wors t excesses , and ther e wa s ofte n uncertaint y ove r whethe r th e civi l authoritie s would b e abl e t o preven t widesprea d destruction. 67 On e o f th e mos t popular amusement s fo r th e rabbl e wa s witnessing th e administratio n of justice , an d publi c hangings , floggings, or the lik e always attracte d a crowd . Th e audienc e woul d hoot , jeer , an d hea p denunciation s o n the criminal s undergoin g punishment , an d althoug h viewin g me n confined t o th e pillor y wa s hardl y a s spectacula r a s a hangin g o r a n occasional drawin g an d quartering , thos e wh o passe d b y a n occupie d pillory ofte n stoppe d t o offer jibes , thro w stones, o r injur e th e haples s miscreant i n crue l o r bruta l fashion . Person s confine d t o th e pillor y could sometime s escap e abus e an d physica l dange r i f the y ha d suffi cient friend s t o protec t the m a s they serve d thei r sentence . Benjami n

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Harris stoo d i n th e pillor y nea r th e ol d Exchang e fo r printin g a seditious libel , bu t "h e an d hi s party hollowe d an d whooped , an d woul d permitt nothin g t o b e throw n a t him." 6 8 Thi s typ e o f protection wa s usually provide d t o thos e sentence d o n politica l charges , sinc e i t was most likel y tha t the y woul d hav e ideologicall y committe d associate s to defend them . I n th e cas e o f a man convicte d o f sodomy i t was no t likely a host o f friend s woul d b e presen t t o protec t hi m a s h e stoo d defenseless. Eve n then , i n th e accoun t o f Willia m Holdbrook' s sta y in th e pillor y reporte d i n Applebees, ther e i s every indication tha t th e tormentors wer e mor e entertaine d tha n enrage d b y th e would-b e sodomite. Accordin g t o the story , h e wa s pelted "i n a mos t miserabl e Manner, wit h rotte n Egg s an d Cucumbers, " hardl y projectile s tha t would b e chose n b y a mo b determine d t o mai m o r kill . Supportin g evidence i s offere d b y Randolp h Trumbach , whos e analysi s o f in creasingly hostil e Englis h reaction s t o homosexualit y i n th e eigh teenth centur y i s one o f the mos t comprehensive available . H e point s out tha t i n a n earlie r er a Stuar t king s were abl e to shield homosexua l behavior, an d i t wa s onl y Kin g Willia m III , a monarc h wit h a pre carious hol d o n th e thron e durin g th e first year s h e ruled , wh o ha d to b e circumspec t i n thi s matter . Mor e importantly , Trumbac h ex plains, i t was not unti l th e 1720 s that the Societ y for th e Reformatio n of Manner s mad e a publi c outcr y agains t wha t wa s b y the n a large , conspicuous, an d well-organize d homosexua l subcultur e i n Lon don. 69 The lac k o f animosit y towar d sodomite s i s als o evidence d b y th e fragmentary recor d i n on e o f th e rar e quarte r session s proceeding s against a n individua l accuse d o f homosexual acts . The onl y survivin g documents o f th e cas e ar e deposition s swor n b y me n eithe r involve d with th e accuse d Georg e Dowden y o r wh o ha d rejecte d hi s advance s at one tim e o r another. Th e precis e reason s fo r bringing Dowden y t o public accoun t i n 162 2 ar e no t clear , bu t hi s penchan t fo r bugger y was o f lon g standing , accordin g t o testimony . On e mal e deponen t recalled tha t h e wa s rape d b y th e defendan t fourtee n year s earlier . Two o f the thre e deposition s mentio n excessivel y enthusiasti c impor tuning b y the accused durin g the month s before th e cas e was brought to court , indicatin g hi s homosexua l preference s ma y hav e becom e

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too frequen t an d conspicuou s t o ignore . Ther e i s als o a n indicatio n that on e o f hi s object s o f seductio n wa s a lad . Throughou t th e testi mony, ther e wa s little expression o f anger or revulsion a t any of Dowdeny's homosexua l act s o r attempts . Th e onl y momen t o f stark terro r recoverable fro m th e writte n recor d comes fro m th e statemen t o f Walter Wiseman . Recallin g a n inciden t fro m th e precedin g year , Wiseman tol d ho w the previou s Christmastime Dowden y mad e prep arations t o engag e i n bestialit y wit h th e mar e o f one Willia m Check enten. O n bein g appraised o f the intention , Wisema n wa s seized wit h fear tha t eve n discussion o f the topic was sufficient t o send the m bot h to th e gallows , an d h e immediatel y fled fro m th e stabl e wher e th e event wa s abou t t o tak e place . Th e final dispositio n o f th e cas e ha s not survived , bu t th e availabl e testimon y make s i t apparent tha t eve n for ordinar y Englishmen , i t require d mor e tha n simpl e sodom y t o create lega l difficulties . Dowden y wa s probabl y a nuisanc e wit h hi s attempted seductions , a pederast, ha d a n ey e for a well-turned equin e ankle, o r an y combinatio n o f th e three . Th e swor n deposition s indi cate that o f all hi s offenses , bestialit y wa s considered fa r mor e seriou s than hi s attempte d o r actua l buggery , masturbations , an d occasiona l exhibitionism.70 The sam e lac k o f hostilit y towar d homosexualit y exhibite d b y En glishmen fro m th e middl e an d lowe r level s o f societ y ca n b e foun d in th e action s take n b y Englis h colonist s agains t accuse d sodomites . In Nort h America , ther e wer e n o resident s fro m th e uppe r classe s and th e nobility . Excep t fo r a membe r o f th e gentr y lik e Joh n Win throp her e an d there , colonial s wer e generall y th e product s o f fami lies engage d i n farmin g o r skille d trades . The y lacke d wealth , ha d little forma l education , an d exhibite d non e o f th e sophisticatio n o r urbanity commo n amon g eve n prosperous tradesme n i n Londo n an d in larg e por t towns . Whe n force d t o dea l wit h homosexuality , ther e was non e o f th e humo r o r bravad o foun d amon g th e courtier s an d their associates ; there wa s instea d a reluctance t o act and whe n actio n was taken i t wa s accompanied wit h utmos t compassion . I n Windsor , Connecticut, wher e heterosexua l activitie s contrar y t o loca l standard s of moralit y wer e severel y punished , a homosexua l wa s brough t t o trial i n 1677 , bu t onl y whe n a formal complain t wa s made. Nichola s

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Sension wa s charged wit h sodomizin g on e Nathanie l Pond . Tria l testimony reveale d Sension' s penchan t fo r sexua l relation s wit h youn g men ha d bee n commo n knowledg e i n Windso r fo r years . Hi s first known attemp t t o obtai n a mal e partne r fo r a homosexua l ac t too k place ove r thre e decade s earlier , an d i n th e intervenin g year s n o for mal action s ha d bee n take n agains t hi m despit e hi s repeate d impor tuning. Exactl y wh y charge s wer e preferre d i n 167 7 i s no t certain , but i t i s possible tha t th e ma n wh o mad e th e complaint , on e o f Sen sion's forme r servants , wa s merel y takin g a n opportunit y t o creat e problems fo r hi s ex-master . Nathanie l Pond , Sension' s allege d part ner, ha d bee n kille d i n Kin g Philip' s Wa r an d s o could no t testify. A more likel y reaso n fo r th e trial , however , wa s that th e accused's solicitations wer e becoming s o frequent the y coul d no t be ignored . What ever th e caus e o f Sension' s bein g brough t t o court , h e wa s tried , convicted, an d give n a n especiall y ligh t penalty . H e wa s forced onl y to pu t u p hi s estate a s bond fo r goo d behavior . Th e biblica l proscrip tions agains t homosexua l act s ha d no t create d fea r o r loathin g amon g the citizen s o f Purita n Windsor . The y ignore d th e foibl e o f thei r townsman a s lon g a s possible , an d whe n the y wer e force d t o tak e cognizance o f hi s behavior , the y di d i t i n a gentl e manner , seekin g to ai d hi m i n avoidin g futur e temptatio n rathe r tha n t o punis h hi m for pas t offenses. 71 The ordinar y Englishme n o f Plymout h Colony , lik e th e inhabit ants o f Windsor, wer e not particularl y horrifie d b y sex crimes of either heterosexual o r homosexual types . Sever e punishment s wer e specifie d in thei r law s fo r sexua l transgressions , bu t the y wer e no t inflicte d o n the guilt y parties . Fornicatio n an d adulter y wer e mos t frequentl y punished b y fines or whippings . Sodom y wa s similarly punishe d wit h the las h an d occasiona l banishment . On e offende r wa s brande d o n the shoulder , bu t eve n i n case s involvin g recidivism , th e deat h pen alty wa s neve r imposed. 72 Th e onl y ma n execute d fo r sodom y i n New Englan d durin g the middl e year s of the seventeenth centur y was one Plai n o f Guilford , i n th e exceedingl y conservativ e Ne w Have n colony, bu t eve n i n thi s singl e cas e ther e wa s reluctanc e t o sen d a man t o hi s deat h fo r homosexua l offenses . Th e governo r o f th e col -

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ony wrot e askin g fo r th e advic e o f th e governo r an d magistrate s o f Massachusetts Bay , explainin g tha t the accused had: committed sodomy with two persons in England, and that he had corrupted a great part of the youth of Guilford by masturbations, which he had committed, and provoked others to the like above a hundred times.73 The Ba y Colony magistrate s an d elder s who considered th e cas e rec ommended execution , an d Plai n die d fo r hi s crime . I n hi s journal , John Winthrop , th e Massachusett s governor , indicate d mor e was involved i n decidin g o n th e penalt y tha n sodom y o r masturbation . H e noted tha t i n additio n t o hi s sexua l practices , Plai n "di d insinuat e seeds o f atheism , questionin g whethe r ther e wer e a God , etc . . . . And indee d i t wa s horrendu m facinus , an d h e a monster i n huma n shape, exceedin g al l huma n rule s an d example s tha t eve r ha d bee n heard of, an d it tended to the frustrating of the ordinance of marriage and the hinderin g the generatio n o f mankind." 74 The onl y othe r cas e o f deat h bein g prescribe d fo r sodom y i n En glish Nort h America occurre d i n Virginia i n lat e 1624 . Richar d Cornish, a sea captain, die d for committing buggery with William Cowse, his indenture d servant . Ther e wer e som e i n th e colon y wh o though t Cornish ha d bee n wrongfull y executed , an d loca l governmen t offi cials wer e evidentl y sensitiv e t o charge s o f judicia l murder . Edwar d Newell, wh o objecte d t o the injustic e o f th e sentence , wa s pilloried, his ear s wer e slice d off , h e wa s require d t o serv e th e colon y fo r a year, an d rendere d foreve r incapabl e o f becomin g a freeman i n Vir ginia. Th e onl y clu e t o th e natur e o f th e underlyin g reason s fo r the execution cam e i n a brief notation concerning the disposition of Cornish's property. William Cowse, th e servant who pressed charges, was awarded to a Captain Hame r for the completion o f his term of indenture and the remainde r of Cornish's property went to a colonist named George Menefre. 75 Surviving records , whethe r legal , literary , o r i n othe r forms , ar e not indice s o f th e prevalenc e o f an y sexua l practice . Thi s i s particularly true of homosexual activity , wher e the possibilit y o f severe penalties mad e i t pruden t fo r practitioner s t o attrac t a s littl e notic e a s

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possible. Wealt h an d ran k als o serve d t o shiel d som e measur e o f homosexual conduc t fro m publi c scrutiny, althoug h a t the same tim e both serve d t o attract attentio n t o known incident s an d magnif y the m out o f proportion . Complicatin g an y attemp t t o asses s homosexua l frequency wa s the numbe r o f cases where accusation s wer e pure fab rication, concocte d fo r politica l o r economic purposes . Ye t while th e frequency o f homosexual behavio r i s exceedingly difficult t o quantify , attitudes towar d i t ar e easie r t o discern . Despit e th e draconia n pro scriptions agains t sodom y i n seventeenth-centur y England , th e lega l reality wa s very different . Fines , abbreviate d stay s i n th e pillory , an d often exoneratio n wer e th e fate s o f thos e accused . Still , sodom y ha d its use s i n situation s wher e me n wer e otherwis e invulnerabl e t o th e machinations o f their enemies . Accusation s o f sexual irregularit y wer e occasionally employe d agains t politica l foe s fo r ridicule , t o punis h other crimes , o r perhap s t o obtai n property . Wher e sever e penalitie s were impose d o r whe n publi c figures wer e accuse d o f buggery , mo tives othe r tha n th e desir e t o extirpat e proscribe d se x practice s wer e consistently present . The toleranc e o f implie d homosexua l contac t i n Restoratio n com edy, th e wid e readershi p amon g th e uppe r classe s o f foreig n work s such a s those by Aretino wher e bugger y wa s highly praise d i n a man ner lade n wit h humo r an d bravado , th e mil d respons e o f th e court s to sodomy, an d th e lighthearte d attitude s o f newspapers an d th e pop ular press indicate d tha t Englishme n i n th e era o f the restore d Stuart s were no t incline d t o classif y sodom y a s thei r descendent s woul d fo r the nex t tw o an d one-hal f centurie s a s a n ac t t o whic h th e onl y re sponse wa s abjec t horro r an d profoun d revulsion . Thi s wa s tru e no t only o f th e sophisticate d uppe r classe s bu t fo r a larg e segmen t o f English society . Whethe r wealth y o r poor , conformin g Anglica n o r religious dissenter , royalis t o r parliamen t man , sodom y wa s simpl y another crime , anothe r wor k of the devi l wit h littl e inheren t capacit y to evok e passionat e detestation . Thi s i s not t o impl y tha t sodom y wa s an acceptabl e styl e o f conduct . Surel y n o on e regarde d bein g pillo ried o n suc h a charg e a s a desirabl e experience . Titu s Oate s fel t th e necessity t o vindicat e himsel f fro m accusation s o f sodom y a t a tim e when h e wa s nea r th e ape x o f hi s power , an d i n th e lofties t reache s

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of Englis h society , th e Duk e o f Buckingha m too k pain s t o clea r hi s name eve n thoug h h e wa s accused onl y o f heterosexua l sodomy . The leve l o f relativ e toleratio n ha d it s effec t o n seventeenth-cen tury Englishmen . I t i s generall y accepte d tha t biologica l need s ar e modifiable b y cultura l determinants . Wher e homosexua l act s are ad mired o r eve n approved , the y ten d t o b e mor e prevalen t tha n wher e there ar e sever e stricture s agains t them , an d ther e i s n o reaso n t o suppose Englan d o f thre e centurie s pas t wa s a n exception. 76 Ye t th e lack o f extreme proscription s agains t bugger y mus t no t be given mor e weight tha n i t ca n sustain . Th e developmenta l route s b y whic h in dividuals becam e adul t homosexual s o r engage d i n homosexua l con tact ar e varie d an d th e patterns tha t resul t i n commitmen t t o homo sexual o r homosexuall y directe d behavio r ar e psychodynami c an d situational a s wel l a s cultura l i n nature . Th e final existenc e o f ho mosexual preferenc e o r orientatio n depend s o n th e exten t t o whic h a complex serie s o f imperfectl y evaluate d an d ofte n misinterprete d fac tors reinforc e on e anothe r t o produc e a patter n o f value s an d re sponses. Th e effectivenes s o f these factor s depend s no t onl y upo n th e matrix o f thei r interrelationshi p bu t als o o n ho w effectivel y compet ing alternative s an d overlappin g bu t dissimila r matrice s ar e neutral ized.77 Attitude s i n th e Englan d o f Charle s II , a s a singl e featur e o f society, woul d hav e been wholl y insufficien t t o provide a base fo r th e formulation o f a functionin g an d resilien t sodomitica l pirat e societ y three thousan d mile s awa y i n th e Wes t Indie s ha d i t no t bee n fo r a complex o f interrelate d social , economic , an d psychologica l condi tions. Thes e mad e i t possibl e fo r homosexua l conduc t t o becom e virtually a norma l patter n o f behavio r amon g larg e number s o f En glishmen an d fo r man y o f thes e sam e me n t o transpor t thei r sexua l practices t o a Caribbean shipboar d milie u wher e the y becam e s o well integrated int o th e tota l socia l equatio n tha t heterosexua l contac t be came a genuinely exoti c manne r o f sexua l expression .

TWO

TO TRAIN UP A BUCCANEER Seventeenth-century Englishme n o n al l status levels were remarkably indulgent wit h homosexuality , a t leas t whe n judge d b y th e attitute s of thei r Victoria n an d twentieth-centur y counterparts . Thei r lac k o f antagonism towar d me n wh o gaine d sexua l gratificatio n fro m othe r men i s especially importan t i n theoretica l terms , fo r it carries wit h i t the implicatio n tha t societ y i n th e Stuar t er a fostere d th e develop ment of homosexuality an d encouraged th e commission o f homosexual acts . Attemptin g to assess the contributio n o f the socia l milie u t o variant form s o f sexua l expressio n i s a comple x undertakin g eve n i n the present . Th e shortag e of various types of source material s for English societ y thre e hundre d year s pas t onl y amplifie s th e problems . The scarcit y o f dat a i s du e i n par t to th e familia r problem s o f gathering informatio n o n homosexuality , bu t i t i s als o a resul t o f th e difficulties plaguin g researc h endeavors on Caribbean piracy. No t only was th e corps e o f th e las t potentia l interviewe e dippe d i n ta r an d chained t o a gibbe t betwee n flood mark s a t Wappin g Stair s whe n George I I was King of England , bu t the usua l literar y remnant s particular to subjects o f historical investigatio n wer e neve r extant for the cadre o f illiterat e an d inarticulat e se a rovers . No t tha t pirates, i f they had bee n pron e t o recor d thei r action s an d introspection s i n letters ,

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diaries, an d journals , woul d hav e reveale d eithe r th e essenc e o r th e periphery o f thei r sexua l selves . Literar y examination s o f sexualit y were produced onl y rarel y in thei r age, and th e absence o f substantia l quantities o f documentatio n fo r pirat e action s doe s no t inhibi t re search int o thei r intimat e live s to any greater degree tha n woul d hav e been th e cas e i f mor e materia l wer e available . Still , despit e th e lac k of familia r historica l sourc e material s an d th e tota l absenc e o f th e type of psychological dat a tha t ha s formed th e base for muc h mode m research o n homosexuality , ther e remain s caus e fo r cheer . Th e ver y paucity o f information o n individual s vitiate s many o f the conceptua l and theoretica l problem s tha t hav e vexe d investigator s an d turne d s o many o f the m i n direction s tha t produc e littl e bu t valueles s articles . The passag e o f tim e an d th e absenc e o f trul y revealin g persona l rec ords onl y channel s researc h awa y fro m th e preference s o r genera l orientation o f individua l pirate s an d instea d direct s i t towar d th e en tire patter n o f buccaneer homosexua l behavior . The emphasis o n collectiv e conduc t rathe r tha n o n th e psycholog ical configuration s o r biologica l compositio n o f me n lon g dea d ha s the advantag e o f simplifyin g th e semanti c structur e o f th e stud y b y restricting th e man y taxonomi c an d etiologica l digression s tha t hav e characterized earlie r wor k o n homosexuality . Difficultie s create d b y recent formulation s ar e als o obviate d b y the ver y natur e o f societ y i n the Stuar t era . Researcher s wh o discer n som e leve l o f predispositio n for homosexualit y acquire d i n earl y childhoo d o r throug h biologica l mechanisms ca n find ampl e evidenc e tha t thos e male s s o incline d would locat e socia l situation s t o sanctio n an d suppor t thei r proclivi ties i n seventeenth-centur y England . Other s advocatin g a learnin g theory o f homosexua l etiolog y o r postulatin g origin s i n a sociall y scripted contex t wil l discove r tha t amon g th e classe s spawnin g th e buccaneers tha t infeste d th e Caribbea n fro m 165 0 to 172 0 there wer e life pattern s perfectl y adjuste d fo r th e imprintin g o f eithe r homosex uality o r preferenc e fo r homosexua l behavior , i f indee d the y ca n b e imprinted a t all. A vita l elemen t o f th e theoretica l construc t necessar y t o interpre t the conjugatio n o f homosexua l behavio r pattern s an d pirac y tha t be came par t o f th e lif e patter n fo r s o man y me n wa s th e correlatio n

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between incom e an d famil y size . Th e relationshi p betwee n th e tw o and it s effect o n societ y i s apparent in the compilation o f census data made b y Gregor y Kin g i n 1690. l Hi s demographi c tabl e describin g the natio n i n 168 8 divides the populatio n int o two expansive categories, th e producer s o f wealt h an d th e consumers o f wealth. Th e producers, accordin g t o King' s definition , wer e th e nobility , th e gentry, public offic e holders , merchant s an d traders , lawyer s an d clerics , freeholders, farmers , person s i n th e libera l art s and sciences , trades men, artisans , an d militar y officers . Th e consumin g classes , includ ing al l othe r persons , wer e subdivide d int o a laborin g grou p com posed of workers, outservants, soldiers, seamen, cottagers , and paupers. Beneath the m cam e th e botto m strat a o f society , th e vagrants , gyp sies, thieves , an d beggars . Member s o f th e consumin g classe s out numbered th e producin g classe s b y a majorit y o f slightl y les s tha n two t o one , whic h i s no t surprisin g give n th e wa y Kin g mad e hi s division. The tabl e contain s a vast quantity o f informatio n o n th e structur e of Restoration society and alters several widel y hel d suppositions abou t seventeenth-century England . Th e first i s tha t Englis h me n an d women ofte n live d i n extended family groups including grandparents, uncles, aunts , an d cousin s thre e hundre d year s ago . Thi s wa s ofte n the cas e amon g th e ver y wealth y segment s o f th e populatio n bu t al most neve r amon g th e poore r classes . A s a genera l rule , n o mor e than on e marrie d coupl e mad e u p a famil y unit . A greate r numbe r of adult s woul d hav e enlarge d th e grou p beyond th e limit s impose d by economi c necessity . Couple s di d no t resid e togethe r n o matte r whether they were parents and children, brother s and sisters, employ ers an d servants , o r associate d onl y fo r convenience . Whe n a so n married h e lef t th e family , i f tha t was still hi s plac e o f residence , t o begin a household of his own. I f he was not able to establish his own household h e di d no t marr y no r coul d hi s intende d wif e marr y hi m and brin g hi m int o he r family. 2 Anothe r assumptio n refute d b y th e table wa s th e commonl y hel d belie f tha t th e lowe r classe s bande d together i n large r existential familie s (childre n livin g wit h parent s i n a famil y unit ) tha n th e well-to-do . Th e larges t household s liste d i n the table belonged to the most prosperous men i n the land, th e Tern-

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poral Lord s whose familie s o n th e averag e containe d 4 0 persons. No t all member s o f nobl e household s wer e relative s o f th e Lords . Th e large numbers represente d extende d familie s an d perhap s som e of the closest retainers . Thes e familie s wer e few , comprisin g les s tha n 20 0 of the nation' s 1,350,00 0 households, bu t th e size , th e limite d num ber o f families , an d th e fac t tha t the y wer e preside d ove r b y noble men wa s indicativ e o f th e correlatio n betwee n status , wealth , an d family size . Th e relationshi p wa s constan t o n al l level s o f society . Knights ha d te n famil y member s o n th e average , gentleme n preside d over household s o f eigh t persons , an d s o o n dow n t o th e poore r members o f th e producin g classes—th e lesse r clergymen , smal l free holders, farmers , artisans , an d militar y officers , non e o f whom aver aged ove r five and one-hal f person s pe r family . Amon g th e consum ers of the nation' s wealth , th e average family belongin g to the categor y of laborers consisted o f approximately thre e persons . Thu s th e 900,00 0 families wh o labore d fo r thei r sustenanc e accounte d fo r onl y 2,700,000 o f th e country' s five and one-hal f millio n residents . Since approximatel y th e sam e leve l o f fertilit y prevaile d amon g al l classes an d th e rat e o f infant an d chil d mortalit y wa s not sufficien t t o limit family siz e to only one o r two children, th e proble m o f offsprin g in greate r number s tha n coul d b e supporte d b y th e famil y uni t wa s solved amon g th e lowe r classe s by expelling childre n fro m th e famil y group a s soon a s possible . Th e usua l ag e when childre n wer e ejecte d from th e nuclea r famil y wa s ten o r 1 2 years, bu t i t wa s ofte n a s lo w as five or six. The fat e o f childre n o f th e lowe r classe s ove r eigh t o r nin e year s old an d n o longe r dwellin g wit h thei r familie s i s eas y enoug h t o de termine. A portio n o f the m die d o f th e usua l childhoo d diseases . Passing successfull y fro m ag e nin e t o 1 5 was far fro m certai n i n sev enteenth-century Englan d eve n whe n th e year s o f highes t mortalit y had been passed , an d althoug h an y accurate estimate of children dyin g in th e hal f decad e befor e the y becam e full y matur e i s impossibl e t o make, ther e wer e surel y man y wh o neve r reache d adulthood . Othe r children live d t o maturit y withi n th e confine s o f thei r nata l house holds, bu t i n thes e case s i t i s likely eithe r tha t parent s produce d onl y one o r tw o childre n o r tha t a sufficien t numbe r o f younge r sibling s

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died o r wer e otherwis e remove d fro m th e famil y s o tha t th e eldes t offspring remaine d hom e unti l they reached marriageable age in their twenties. Man y othe r youngster s wer e apprentice d t o tradesme n o r were employe d a s agricultural laborers . Althoug h Joh n Lock e main tained, i n 1697 , tha t childre n o f th e poo r mus t begi n som e usefu l work at the ag e of three, th e usua l ag e for a boy to be apprenticed t o a trad e o r t o begi n learnin g th e rudiment s o f farmin g wa s a t abou t seven o r eight. Apprenticeship s wer e arranged for boys in almost any skill o r occupation practice d i n England , an d girls , too , wer e some times apprenticed to learn the "keepin g [of ] a linen-shop," becoming "a child' s coa t maker, " "washin g poin t an d gause, " o r t o acquir e other occupation s considere d appropriat e t o thei r sex . Anothe r wa y to rid a household o f older children wa s to place the m a s servants i n the home s o f th e producin g classes . Bot h mal e an d femal e childre n could be transferred to another economic uni t by this means. I n Stuart England approximatel y one-thir d o f all familie s ha d a t least one ser vant, indicatin g tha t i t wa s no t onl y th e wealth y wh o employe d do mestic labor . Whe n me n an d wome n servant s married , the y di d no t remain as married servants but left their masters and established their own households. Servitud e was most often a temporary stage, a place in the social structur e for those who could n o longer remain at home but were no t yet able t o establish their own households. 3 Employment a s servants , apprentices , o r a s agricultura l laborer s did no t us e u p the availabl e suppl y o f young an d able-bodie d lad s in seventeenth-century Englan d an d neithe r did thes e occupation s full y engage thos e workin g wit h them . Th e man y servant s wh o wer e em ployed i n agricultura l labor , a s wel l a s regula r agricultura l laborers , worked onl y seasonally . Th e remainde r o f th e yea r the y wer e ofte n required t o shif t fo r themselves. Apprentices , presumabl y thos e mos t shielded fro m seasona l economi c consideration s an d th e vicissitude s of commerce , face d man y simila r difficultie s tha t destabilize d thei r existence. Althoug h thei r condition s o f engagemen t wer e contrac tually assured , usuall y exchangin g board , lodging , an d instructio n i n a trad e i n retur n fo r thei r service s fo r a specifie d numbe r o f years , apprentices wer e sometime s poorl y use d an d th e term s o f thei r contract often no t fulfilled b y either principal. 4

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Servants dissatisfie d wit h thei r lo t als o fled fro m thei r master s an d often joine d wit h abscondin g o r abandone d apprentices , paupe r lads , vagrant o r begga r boys , an d a n assortmen t o f unclassifie d youth s t o form th e band s o f childre n wh o wer e a featur e o f England' s roads , towns, an d citie s i n th e Stuar t era . Non e o f th e attempt s t o restric t or eliminat e th e numbe r o f homeles s childre n wer e effectiv e a t an y time i n th e seventeent h century . Th e fat e o f wanderers varied consid erably, dependin g o n age , location , strength , skill , an d luck . Som e found employment , escape d apprentice s wer e occasionall y returne d to masters , a number o f them sickene d an d died , no t a few turned t o crime an d ende d o n th e gallows , an d other s me t fate s a s divers e a s can b e imagined . Fo r some , however , th e onl y availabl e mean s o f survival wa s to joi n th e band s o f vagrant s an d beggar s tha t wandere d England's road s an d congregate d i n th e towns. Onc e a youth enliste d in a wanderin g grou p h e no t onl y increase d th e possibilit y h e woul d one da y tur n t o pirac y bu t als o increase d th e likelihoo d tha t i n shor t order h e woul d b e engage d i n homosexua l conduct . The vagabon d brotherhood s tha t provided refug e fo r larg e number s of runaway lad s gave nurture an d acculturatio n fo r the recruit s durin g particularly formativ e period s i n thei r lives , an d i t was the uniqu e se t of socia l circumstance s characteristi c o f th e wanderers ' communitie s that dictate d th e sexua l practice s of the members . Th e lif e pattern s of these youth s afte r becomin g vagabond s diverge d sharpl y fro m thos e of thei r age-mate s apprenticed , retaine d a s servants , o r employe d i n agricultural labor . Th e distinction s i n man y respect s ar e simpl y thos e existing betwee n person s engage d i n sociall y sanctione d gainfu l em ployment an d thos e livin g a t economicall y margina l level s a t o r be yond th e fringe s o f acceptability . Bu t th e style s o f lif e followe d b y members o f suc h contrapositiv e group s wen t fa r beyon d th e man y divergences tha t easil y com e t o mind . Mos t importan t o f th e les s visible distinction s ar e thos e relatin g t o sexua l practices . Whil e boy s and youn g me n involve d i n th e usua l forms o f employment commo n to their class origins existed i n a society that was largely heterosexual , despite considerabl e toleratio n fo r othe r type s o f sexua l expression , the lif e o f th e wanderin g yout h wa s passe d i n a predominantl y mal e and primaril y homosexua l milieu. 5

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There i s n o wa y t o estimat e accuratel y wha t proportio n o f youn g Englishmen fro m th e lowe r level s o f societ y live d i n heterosexuall y and homosexually directe d environments afte r they departed from the residence o f their nuclea r families . Gregor y Kin g placed th e numbe r of vagrants at 30,000, bu t his estimate cannot be verified. Thes e people lef t n o record s on th e ta x rolls, i n the registrie s of parishes, o r in any other regular and systematically kep t set of documents. Th e onl y account o f thei r existenc e i s i n th e tale s tol d o f the m b y thei r mor e settled fello w countrymen , wh o feare d the m greatly . Chronicler s o f the rootles s segment of society mad e i t clear that begging wa s a common occupatio n i n sixteenth - an d seventeenth-centur y England . Practitioners o f th e ar t wer e t o b e foun d everywhere , waitin g a t th e doors o f houses , outsid e churches , i n marke t places , an d a t side s o f roads and streets. I n Tudor times honest citizens often expresse d alarm that s o man y restles s me n an d wome n inhabite d th e land , an d ove r the years Parliamentary enactments designed to reduce their numbers became increasingl y savage . Despit e th e obviou s alarm i n descriptiv e sources, ther e i s little dat a available fo r quantification. Th e onl y survivals i n th e record s ar e occasional deat h notice s o f poo r sick begga r lads, th e discover y an d burial o f nameles s person s foun d dea d by the side o f a road, o r brief entries describing beggars being chase d ou t of a parish so they woul d no t become charge s on th e rates. 6 The Statut e o f Artificers , th e Settlemen t Laws , an d severa l othe r early measure s designe d t o alleviat e th e problem s create d b y a class of wanderer s ofte n exacerbate d th e difficulties , an d eve n thoug h ad ditional attempt s wer e mad e t o cur b vagranc y an d attendan t crime s during th e Restoration , th e genera l mobilit y i n th e seventeent h cen tury preclude d success . Almos t ever y paris h i n th e lan d experience d the trouble an d expense o f eliminating vagrants . I n the Nort h Ridin g of Yorkshire th e proble m becam e s o severe tha t literally hundred s o f pounds wer e expende d annuall y t o pa y constable s an d othe r officer s for clearin g th e are a o f wanderers , an d th e effort s seeme d t o hav e little success . Th e town s an d village s o f th e coas t wer e eve n mor e susceptible t o difficultie s create d b y vagrant s tha n wer e area s i n th e north. Althoug h mos t wanderers did not go far from thei r home parishes o r towns , ther e wa s a genera l south-easterl y directio n t o th e

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travel o f th e homeless . Thi s onl y ende d whe n the y reache d coasta l towns wer e the y coul d becom e los t i n th e populatio n or , i n th e cas e of some me n an d boys, the y continued thei r travels by signing aboard merchant vessel s o r bein g force d aboar d on e o f th e King' s ship s i n time o f war. 7 Durin g thei r wanderings , th e onl y sexua l outle t avail able fo r thes e me n wa s foun d amon g eac h othe r an d wit h th e larg e number o f boys, th e orphans , thos e abandone d b y parents , runawa y apprentices an d servants , an d other s drive n fro m thei r home s wh o joined wit h th e vagrant s a s the onl y mean s o f survival . Th e attempt s by those wh o wrot e o f the begga r bands t o depic t the m a s a dar k an d odious arm y tha t pose d a threa t t o th e ver y surviva l o f th e natio n were obviousl y exaggerated , bu t wit h th e knowledg e tha t vagran t groups wer e largel y mal e an d tha t th e fe w wome n amon g the m wer e the propert y o f th e leader s o r physicall y stronge r members , th e asser tion tha t sodomy , lik e adulter y o r incest , wa s one o f the tru e test s fo r admission t o th e fellowshi p wa s probably true. 8 The individua l psychologica l respons e t o engagin g i n homosexua l acts ma y hav e varie d considerabl y amon g member s o f wanderin g groups, althoug h fo r mode m scholarl y advocate s o f homosexuality a s learned o r acquire d behavior , th e distanc e between th e parameter s o f psychological reactio n woul d b e considerabl y reduced . Ye t whateve r the siz e o f th e ga p betwee n homosexual s an d thos e committin g ho mosexual act s becaus e o f a lac k o f acces s t o wome n o r a s a resul t o f economic o r socia l imperatives , Stuar t Englan d wa s a natio n wher e sex act s betwee n adul t member s o f th e sam e se x wer e no t rigidl y proscribed, an d th e vagran t band s ha d eithe r n o female s o r acces s t o females wa s limite d b y physica l an d pecuniar y considerations . I t i s certain unde r suc h circumstance s tha t homosexua l act s wer e par t o f the se x experienc e o f vagrants , an d althoug h ther e i s n o quantitativ e data o n orgasm s pe r wandere r pe r week , month , o r year , th e lac k o f negative conditionin g an d th e paucit y o f women surel y increase d th e number o f homosexua l act s ove r wha t woul d hav e bee n th e cas e i n a homophobi c heterosexua l populatio n o f comparable size . An d whil e the lack of proscription an d the situational demand s directin g beggars' actions ma y no t hav e create d homosexua l preferences , availabilit y o f opportunity fo r homosexua l contact s an d th e absenc e o f chance s fo r

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sexual relation s wit h female s probabl y increase d th e frequenc y o f homosexual act s sufficientl y t o transfor m bugger y o r sodom y fro m exotica int o the realm of ordinary behavior for large numbers of wanderers. Advocates o f acquire d homosexuality , whethe r o f theoretica l per suasions similar to Irving Bieber, Harr y Stack Sullivan, o r others, can find much t o cheer them i n vagabon d society . Th e greate r portion of vagrants had begun thei r wanderings as part of the gaggles of children present wit h th e band s i n greate r proportion s tha n the y wer e foun d in rura l villages . Writin g i n 1608 , Thoma s Harmo n an d Thoma s Dekker observed tha t the companie s o f beggars roaming th e countryside wer e accompanie d b y "great flockes of Chyldren," and availabl e evidence bear s out their judgment. I n one group surveyed, two-third s of the member s wer e unde r 2 5 years of age, an d i n a similar platoo n of 20 , onl y fou r member s wer e ove r 25 , fou r were betwee n th e age s of 1 6 and 25 , an d th e remainin g twelv e wer e unde r 15. 9 These lad s soon learne d tha t homosexualit y wa s no t a surrogate metho d o f obtaining sexua l gratification . I t was an ordinary , frequent , an d accept able wa y of engaging i n sexual contact , an d wandering juvenile s who joined th e vagrant s wer e raise d i n a n environmen t wit h littl e o r n o opportunity t o acquir e heterosexua l socialization . The y wer e accul turated quickl y t o th e custom s an d more s o f thei r companions , thi s occurring a t a stag e i n thei r maturatio n processe s whe n i t coul d b e theorized the y were particularly responsiv e to the absorption o f social and sexua l pattern s o f behavior . Acceptin g o r rejectin g homosexua l contact on preferential ground s was made additionally difficult o r impossible b y mor e pressin g socia l considerations . Th e ne w membe r of a vagabon d grou p wa s linke d wit h hi s associate s fo r reason s mor e compelling tha n th e satisfactio n o f sexua l desires . Th e member s of fered the essential socializatio n withou t which fe w huma n beings can survive, an d to reject the group's sexual orientation woul d be to reject the group and possibly jeopardiz e eve n physica l existence . Vagrants' sens e o f communality , a n indicato r o f th e intensit y o f their mutua l identification , wa s sufficientl y stron g t o appea r fre quently a s the mos t conspicuous featur e o f wandering bands , a t least for members of respectable societ y wh o recorded their depravity. Th e

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aspects o f huma n associatio n tha t g o t o for m a genuin e subcultur e were everywher e visibl e an d alway s frightenin g t o Englishme n wh o observed th e regimen t o f blackguards tha t congregate d i n thei r town s or walke d th e roads . Th e wanderer s spok e a derivativ e Englis h buil t around noun s an d idiomati c phrase s tha t rendere d thei r tal k unintel ligible t o an y bu t themselves . The y maintaine d a facade o f loyalt y t o one anothe r tha t mad e the m see m formidabl e t o outsiders , the y hel d within the m a hostilit y t o th e res t o f humanit y tha t wa s understoo d within an d beyon d thei r ranks , an d the y wer e boun d firmly b y th e most durabl e o f considerations, self-interes t an d th e huma n desir e t o survive. Th e benefit s belongin g t o a ban d conferre d wer e many , th e sexual practice s require d fo r acculturatio n ma y hav e bee n n o mor e difficult t o adop t tha n an y othe r practice s necessar y fo r admission , and ther e wa s littl e i n th e background o f th e youthfu l recruit s tha t militated agains t acceptanc e o f homosexuality . I f homosexuality ca n be acquire d afte r th e first years of life, a s can homosexua l pattern s of behavior, the n begga r band s wer e suitabl e place s t o d o so . Wit h al l social an d psychologica l pressure s fro m a singl e direction , vagran t lads coul d hav e slippe d easil y int o pattern s o f preferenc e a s they ha d adopted th e conduc t patterns the y ha d n o opportunit y t o reject . Among England' s apprentic e classe s which , lik e vagran t bands , nurtured som e o f the youth s wh o ultimatel y becam e buccaneers , co ordinate condition s als o existe d whic h le d t o th e encouragemen t o f homosexual act s or possibl y eve n t o homosexua l preferences . Fo r apprentices, sexua l contac t betwee n member s o f the sam e sex was probably muc h easie r t o avoi d fo r thos e wh o chos e t o d o s o tha n woul d have bee n th e cas e withi n wanderin g mal e groups , bu t ther e wa s nevertheless muc h i n th e situatio n o f apprentice s whic h encourage d homosexual practices . Althoug h apprentice s live d an d worke d i n proximity t o larg e number s o f women , som e o f who m surel y visite d their favor s o n yearnin g lad s or sol d the m t o those wit h th e purchas e price, i t i s equally certai n tha t al l apprentice s o r eve n larg e number s of the m lacke d th e charm , purse , o r inclinatio n t o satisf y thei r phys ical desire s heterosexually . A portio n o f thes e becam e involve d i n homosexual liason s a s a matte r o f preference, other s a s a respons e t o sexual deprivation . Th e socializatio n demande d b y apprentic e groups ,

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like tha t require d b y wanderer s o r beggars , ma y hav e conditione d some youn g me n t o accep t homosexua l practice s an d ultimatel y t o prefer them. I f in fact such preferences ca n be socially induced, Lon don wa s the perfec t plac e fo r inducement . Ther e homosexualit y wa s more easil y tolerate d tha n i n othe r section s o f th e countr y an d ap prentices wer e sufficientl y numerou s t o exer t a profound socializin g effect o n eac h other. 10 The lon g journe y fro m apprentic e t o buccanee r wa s begu n ove r any o f severa l possibl e routes . Apprentice s frequentl y signe d aboar d merchant vessel s t o escap e masters , an d a certai n numbe r o f the m became sailor s aboar d ship s o f th e Roya l Nav y eithe r a s volunteers, or, mor e likely , a s presse d men . Whateve r rout e apprentice s too k from servitude , whethe r voluntarily a s runaway s o r against their will as pressed men , man y foun d tha t on lan d o r at sea i t was likely the y would b e inexorabl y boun d i n a n environmen t wher e homosexua l preferences o r th e commissio n o f homosexua l act s wer e common , opportunities fo r heterosexua l contact s wer e fe w o r entirel y absent , and there was little alternative to remaining wher e they were. Youth s who ha d no t ye t evolve d a sex-partne r preferenc e o r thos e alread y partially o r fully conditione d homosexual s experience d n o difficulty . Those dispose d towar d heterosexualit y eithe r conformed agains t their wills, modifie d thei r preference s willingly , o r face d th e conse quences. There i s n o estimatin g ho w man y buccaneer s onc e serve d a s apprentices o r wandere d th e road s a s vagrants , bu t th e primar y sourc e of hands to man buccaneering vessel s was the vast pool of sailors who learned seamanshi p a s boy s o r young me n aboar d th e ship s o f Eng land's merchan t o r nava l fleets. Fo r thos e wh o wen t t o se a aboar d ships of the Roya l Navy , th e institutional structur e within which the y lived mad e involvement s i n homosexua l act s a ver y likel y prospect . English warship s i n th e seventeenth-centur y wer e wha t sociologis t Erving Goffma n woul d characteriz e a s impermeabl e institutions . A t sea the y wer e totall y isolate d fro m externa l control ; th e personne l remained constant , me n rarel y being added and departing only whe n as cadavers they wer e pitche d ove r the rail . Th e lengt h o f time spen t at sea fo r sailor s aboard men-of-wa r wa s often considerable . Voyage s

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of one , two , an d thre e year s wer e no t unusual , an d durin g th e tour s of duty i t would no t be uncommo n fo r man y o f the me n neve r to set foot o n shore . Th e tota l absenc e o f wome n fro m thei r environmen t meant tha t sexual conduc t wit h member s o f the sam e se x was, excep t for solitar y masturbation , al l tha t wa s availabl e t o th e Navy' s me n and t o mos t o f i t officers . Unde r thes e circumstances , situationa l homosexual behavio r was-obviousl y a featur e o f lif e a t se a fo r som e just as i t i s a featur e o f an y isolate d an d endurin g mal e group , bu t i t was onl y on e face t o f shipboar d sexua l activity. 11 Mos t o f th e me n who saile d aboar d th e Navy' s ship s wer e volunteers , an d i t i s likel y enough tha t th e all-mal e atmospher e wa s th e ver y featur e o f Roya l Navy life tha t brought a portion o f each ship's crew into Hi s Majesty' s service. Fo r thes e men , th e homosexualit y the y practice d wa s clearl y a preferenc e rathe r tha n a n expedient . Thi s i s evident fro m th e situ ation tha t prevaile d betwee n war s when fea r o f impressmen t subside d and maritim e employmen t fo r me n wit h seafarin g skill s wa s ofte n available o n ship s that plie d coasta l waters . Servic e aboar d thes e ships allowed frequen t acces s t o femal e sexua l partners , a s di d othe r type s of alternativ e waterfron t employmen t favore d b y sailor s no t servin g afloat. Ye t man y men , a proportio n o f who m wer e marrie d an d th e heads o f families , regularl y volunteere d fo r servic e aboar d nava l ves sels i n tim e o f peace . Economic factor s playe d a par t i n inducin g me n t o g o to sea , bu t their importanc e ca n b e exaggerated i n assessin g the motive s of sailors in selectin g particula r type s of ships. Maritim e commerc e underwen t its period o f mos t rapi d expansio n durin g th e Restoration , no t i n th e Elizabethan ag e a s ha d onc e bee n supposed . Shippin g gre w fro m 200,000 ton s i n 166 0 t o 340,00 0 i n 1686 , an d stoo d a t 323,00 0 i n 1702. Bristo l shipped 50 9 cargoes to other English port s i n 168 5 alone, and five year s later , Glouceste r wa s shippin g almos t a s man y i n th e coastal trade . Tonnag e fo r vessel s engage d i n foreig n trad e gre w a t a more rapi d rat e tha n domesti c tonnage . I n th e perio d betwee n 166 0 and 1686 , carryin g capacit y gre w fro m approximatel y 100,00 0 ton s to 190,00 0 tons . B y 170 1 i t wa s ove r one-quarte r millio n tons. 12 Construction requirement s fo r Englis h commercia l vessel s mad e th e need fo r seame n eve n mor e acute tha n woul d hav e been th e case ha d

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the expansio n o f carryin g capacit y bee n th e onl y facto r i n creatin g additional employmen t fo r sailors . The practic e o f building merchan t ships easil y convertibl e t o men-of-wa r mean t tha t flyboats, doggers , whalers, herrin g busses , pinks , an d similarl y specialize d vessels , al l of which wer e easil y an d economicall y handle d b y small number s o f men, wer e uncommo n i n Englis h ports . Th e resul t wa s a n Englis h merchant fleet tha t require d crew s three time s large r than Dutc h ves sels of similar carryin g capacity. 13 Gregory Kin g estimate d tha t th e numbe r o f commo n seame n i n the natio n durin g 168 8 wa s approximatel y 50,000 , an d informatio n on th e shippin g industr y indicate s hi s figure i s only slightl y underes timated eve n thoug h i t represents on e percent o f the population . Th e size o f Englis h merchan t vessel s varied considerabl y durin g th e latte r half o f th e seventeent h century , rangin g fro m th e man y ship s unde r 50 ton s u p t o larg e trader s i n th e 300-to n range . Th e numbe r o f sailors required pe r ton o f burthen varie d fro m shi p to ship—the larg est vessel s require d onl y on e ma n pe r 2 5 tons , bu t o n smalle r craf t the numbe r o f ton s pe r seame n decrease d substantially . A tabulatio n of th e averag e numbe r o f ton s pe r ma n o f ship s enterin g Londo n from foreig n port s i n 168 6 indicate s tha t eac h sailo r wa s responsibl e for about eigh t tons displacement. Th e rat e of eight tons per man wa s probably a genera l averag e fo r vessel s i n foreig n trad e comin g int o London i n th e 1680s , but the averag e was surely lowe r i n th e smalle r coastal port s wher e a greate r proportio n o f craf t o f limite d siz e wer e involved i n commerce . Althoug h i t i s impossibl e t o mak e a n exac t calculation o f the averag e tonnag e pe r ma n i n th e whol e o f the mer chant fleet, i f the figure were the same as that of international tradin g vessels dockin g a t London—i t wa s i n fac t considerabl y lower—the n the nation' s commercia l fleet o f 340,00 0 ton s woul d emplo y 42,50 0 available seamen . Nav y figures fo r th e perio d indicat e ove r 10,000 0 were employe d o n th e king' s ship s durin g th e sam e period . Ther e i s latitude fo r variatio n i n th e figures, bu t i t i s apparent tha t n o matte r how the y ar e adjusted , ther e wa s no t a regula r o r continuou s surplu s of seame n i n Englan d durin g th e rapi d maritim e expansio n th e En glish commercia l fleet underwen t i n th e Restoratio n era. 14 The fluctuations i n wag e rate s pai d t o seame n provid e furthe r evi -

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SODOMY AN D THE PERCEPTIO N O F EVIL

dence that when Gregor y King compiled hi s table i n 1688 , there was not a surplu s o f sailor s unabl e t o find wor k either a t se a o r o n land . Table 1 , listin g seamens' compensatio n average s from th e beginnin g of th e Protectorat e i n 165 2 t o th e reig n o f Quee n Anne , show s tha t sailors earned good money i n times of peace, indicatin g there wa s no surplus, an d als o tha t whe n wa r brok e ou t th e shortag e o f me n wa s acute. 15 The limite d suppl y of sailors meant economic necessit y wa s only a minor facto r o r perhap s playe d almos t n o par t i n inducin g me n t o sign aboar d nava l vessels . Neithe r i s ther e muc h doub t tha t i f crewmen sailin g warship s ha d bee n hostil e t o homosexua l practice s the y might wit h onl y a minimu m o f difficulty hav e foun d shipboar d em ployment o f anothe r variety . Som e o f thes e seafarer s wh o marrie d and participate d i n sexua l activit y wit h wome n whil e ashor e may , i n fact, hav e bee n engagin g i n situationa l heterosexua l activity , th e re sponse of me n grow n t o maturit y a t se a i n a n all-mal e societ y t o th e oressures of a sexually integrated landsman' s environment. Whe n th e TABLE 1

Seamens* Wage Rates Years 1652-1654 (Firs t Dutc h War ) 1654-1655 1655-1660 (Spanis h War) 1660-1664 1664-1667 (Secon d Dutc h War ) 1667-1671 (Grea t demand fo r sailors to man timbe r ships bringing woo d fro m th e continent fo r the rebuild ing of Londo n afte r the great fire) 1672-1674 (Thir d Dutc h War) 1674-1678 (Englan d carrie s goods for th e wars on th e continent) 1679-1688 1689-1697 (Wa r of the League o f Augsburg) 1698-1702

Shillings Per Month 30-38 23-24 30-38 19-20 35-38 27-30

35-40 27-28 24-25 45-55 24-25

SOURCE: Ralph Davis: The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London: Macmillan, 1962) , pp . 135-137 .

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opportunity t o sai l came , the y ma y hav e signed aboar d warship s wit h a goo d measur e o f relie f rathe r tha n reluctance . In merchan t servic e ther e wer e tw o type s o f employmen t th e pro spective sailo r o r yout h goin g of f t o se a fo r th e first tim e migh t b e forced int o o r select . Th e coasta l trad e wa s th e maritim e situatio n most easil y availabl e t o Englishmen . Britai n ha s mor e usabl e coast line pe r squar e mil e o f lan d are a tha n an y o f th e othe r majo r coun tries of Europe, an d almos t al l o f the island' s port s were adequat e fo r coastal tradin g wit h th e small , shallow-draft , sailin g vessel s i n us e during th e seventeent h century . I n 1615, on e write r estimate d tha t two-thirds o f al l Englis h seame n wer e employe d i n th e coasta l trad e and a s fishermen. Tha t estimat e wa s probabl y accurat e a t leas t unti l mid-century. B y th e tim e Willia m an d Mar y becam e join t sover eigns, th e coastal trade probably employed a number of mariners equal to the trans-oceanic carriers , th e othe r common typ e of seafaring em ployment. Th e availabilit y o f bot h coasta l an d oceani c commercia l vessels mean t tha t me n eage r t o sai l i n merchan t servic e ha d tw o alternatives. Sailor s desiring short voyages , considerabl e tim e a t home , and a heterosexual environmen t coul d choos e i n mos t cases a coastal trader o r collier , vessel s o n whic h i t wa s easies t t o obtai n employ ment, fo r i t wa s well-know n thei r captain s wer e especiall y receptiv e to inexperience d seame n o r landsme n wantin g t o g o to sea. Th e sailo r could, wit h a bi t mor e difficulty , gai n a bert h o n a n ocean-goin g merchantman departin g for destination s a s much a s 10,00 0 miles distant. Aboar d thes e ship s ther e woul d b e n o hom e i n th e traditiona l sense, n o family , an d n o women. 16 The selectio n o f a n ocea n carrie r fo r employmen t b y a s man y a s half the seafarin g populatio n carrie s particula r importanc e fo r piracy . It wa s thes e men , no t th e coasta l mariners , wh o thousand s o f mile s from thei r birthplace s an d hal f a worl d awa y fro m th e port s o f thei r departure, mad e decision s t o becom e buccaneers . The y wer e me n who ha d earlie r chose n all-mal e environment s whe n i n mos t case s they coul d hav e chose n th e coasta l trade . The y ha d rejecte d a t leas t once wha t wa s i n al l likelihoo d a n opportunit y fo r employmen t i n a heterosexual milie u fo r a length y commitmen t a t sea , isolate d fro m everything bu t wha t wa s aboard thei r shi p an d wit h onl y thei r fello w

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sailors t o fulfil l thei r socia l requirements . Ther e ma y hav e bee n les s opportunity fo r a clear choice t o be mad e i n case s of boys sent to sea. Economic consideration s o r adul t convenienc e rathe r tha n persona l preference ma y hav e bee n th e majo r determinant s i n prescribin g whether a la d saile d i n th e coasta l o r oceani c trade . There ar e any numbe r o f reasons beyond economi c need s an d sex ual preferenc e t o induc e me n t o g o to sea o r t o direct thei r choic e o f coastal o r ocean-goin g vessels . Th e searc h fo r adventur e ma y hav e lured a cit y la d aboar d a n Eas t Indiama n loadin g a t Thames-side , while th e desir e fo r a journe y t o Londo n fo r whateve r reaso n ma y have induce d a farmer o r countryma n t o sign aboar d a collier boun d for th e capital . Th e decisio n t o sai l o n a particula r shi p ma y hav e been mad e wit h littl e o r n o attentio n t o solvenc y o r se x b y th e rar e seventeenth-century Englishma n wh o succumbe d t o th e lur e o f th e sea, th e rejecte d suitor , feeble-minde d fellow s drive n b y a desir e t o avoid th e ridicul e o f the populace , o r for th e ma n wit h a need t o flee by the mos t expeditiou s means . Thos e wh o signed aboar d vessel s destined fo r th e Caribbea n o r th e easter n seas , whateve r thei r reason s o r sexual preferences , foun d themselve s i n situation s wher e th e onl y manner o f sexua l fulfillmen t wa s wit h member s o f th e sam e sex . Homosexuals ma y hav e congratulate d themselve s o n havin g blun dered int o goo d fortune . Thos e wit h n o preferenc e coul d adap t eas ily. Heterosexual s ha d a choic e betwee n sodom y o r abstinence , bu t their choic e wa s influence d no t onl y b y thei r havin g grow n t o ado lescence o r adulthoo d i n a societ y tha t di d no t rigorousl y condem n homosexual conduc t bu t als o by the fac t tha t man y of the me n aboar d were homosexuals ; thos e i n position s o f authorit y b y virtu e o f thei r long seafarin g experienc e wer e surel y awar e o f th e sexua l situatio n aboard shi p whe n the y too k employment . The serie s o f circumstance s tha t too k vagrants , wanderers , o r ap prentices fro m Englan d acros s the Atlantic to the Caribbean an d the n gave the m th e opportunit y t o becom e pirate s varie d widely , bu t fo r most of them, on e o f the vita l factor s actuatin g the serrie d event s tha t brought the m t o pirac y wa s nee d o f th e Roya l Nav y fo r sailor s i n times o f war . Fro m th e day s o f th e Commonwealt h i n mid-centur y

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to th e reig n o f Georg e I , Englan d wa s involve d i n periodi c warfare . Although i n time s o f peac e nava l mannin g presente d onl y smal l problems, durin g th e thre e Anglo-Dutc h conflicts , th e Wa r o f th e League o f Augsburg , an d th e Wa r o f Spanis h Succession , th e in creased deman d fo r ship s an d sailor s wa s neve r adequatel y met . Landsmen an d merchan t sailor s avoided nava l servic e wheneve r possible becaus e o f th e poo r conditions , bruta l treatment , hars h disci pline, an d danger of servin g aboard fighting ships.17 S o desperate fo r men was the Navy that whenever war broke out, shi p captains thought little abou t the qualit y o r proficiency o f the crew s who manned thei r vessels. Accordin g t o Englis h law , almos t an y ma n wit h se a experi ence migh t b e requisitione d fo r nava l servic e i n tim e o f need . Mer chant ship s boun d fo r home wer e stoppe d o n th e hig h sea s and portions o f thei r crew s impresse d int o th e Navy ; o n land , town s an d counties along the coast were scoured for men to sail the King's ships. The usua l metho d for acquiring forced sailors was to send an armed contingent ashor e wit h instruction s t o seiz e al l seafarin g me n excep t crewmembers o f colliers , fishing boats , transports , an d thos e wh o manned th e Archbisho p o f Canterbury' s barge , al l o f who m wer e exempted b y la w fro m nava l service . I n practice , pres s gang s wer e never particular about who they acquired. An y man or boy who could be caugh t wa s usuall y deeme d t o hav e se a experience , an d farmers , maltsters, vagrants , wanderers , beggars , unwar y apprentices , larg e numbers o f juveniles , a s well a s me n o f sixt y o r seventy year s of age often foun d themselve s sailor s aboard th e Navy' s men-of-war . Occa sionally th e pres s wa s resisted . Thirtee n bargeme n onc e kille d tw o press-masters wh o boarde d thei r craf t a t Lambeth . Th e defendant s were acquitted whe n i t was determined b y the cour t that the warrant carried b y th e official s wa s illegal . Suc h incident s di d no t hal t th e practice o f impressin g men , fo r eve n wit h instan t conscriptio n ther e was never a sufficient numbe r o f sailors. 18 Table 2 provide s som e indicatio n o f th e increas e i n siz e o f th e Navy durin g te n year s o f conflict , althoug h th e number s ar e some what inflated. 19 I t does not indicate the experience, th e state of training, o r readines s o f eac h sailor , no r doe s i t provid e informatio n o n

6o

SODOMY AN D TH E PERCEPTIO N O F EVI L TABLE 2

Number of Men Theoretically Borne at Sea Each Year Year 1688 1689 1690 1691 1692

Men 12,714 22,332 3i,97i 35,317 40,274

Year 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697

Men

43,827 47,7io 48,514 47,677 44,743

SOURCE: Joh n Ehrman , The Navy in the War of William III, 1689 1697 (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1953) , p . 110 .

their employmen t experience , bu t th e quantu m increas e furnishe s ample evidenc e tha t larg e number s o f non-seafarers wer e pressed int o service whe n needed . During th e Thir d Anglo-Dutc h War , th e situatio n becam e s o se rious tha t sixth-rat e ship s ha d t o be dismanne d t o provid e seame n t o sail large r vessels . This measur e wa s also inadequate, an d pres s gangs were sen t ou t i n increase d number s t o roa m th e street s lookin g fo r potential sailors . Whe n th e pres s wa s out , however , beggars , va grants, an d th e unemploye d wer e sufficientl y wel l organize d s o tha t word coul d b e sprea d rapidly . Samue l Pepy s notice d o n a mornin g peregrination i n July , 166 6 tha t "i t i s a prett y thin g t o observe , tha t both ther e an d everywher e els e a ma n shal l se e s o man y wome n nowadays o f mea n sor t i n th e streets , bu t n o men ; me n bein g s o afeared o f the press/' 20 Th e commen t abou t th e meane r sor t o f me n being absen t fro m th e street s indicate d whic h classe s mad e u p th e coffles obtaine d b y th e pres s gangs . Pepy s an d other s o f hi s socia l level coul d g o abroa d withou t fea r o f conscription , bu t beggars , va grants, an d boy s were t o beware . I n th e earl y week s o f July, th e ver y time Pepy s strolle d throug h th e cit y o f London, approximatel y 3,00 0 impressed me n wer e sen t fro m th e Towe r t o th e fleet; som e o f the m were mer e children , a portio n o f them wer e i n rags , an d other s wer e obviously sic k wit h th e plague . Afte r th e Fou r Day s Battl e i n June , 1666, on e observe r commente d tha t man y o f th e bodie s floating i n the wate r wer e dresse d i n th e sam e Sunda y clothe s the y wor e whe n

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6l

they ha d bee n capture d b y th e pres s gang s outsid e thei r churc h doors. 21 Transition fro m begga r boy , vagrant , o r apprentic e t o sailo r wa s easy enough . Ofte n i t wa s made muc h agains t th e wil l o f th e youth s when afte r wanderin g int o o r through a port town, the y fel l victi m t o the Navy' s pres s gang s i n tim e o f war . Bu t i f th e presse d vagabond s returned aliv e fro m thei r stin t o f servic e fo r th e King , the y returne d with th e rudiment s o f a trade . Thi s di d no t mea n tha t the y chos e t o exercise th e newl y acquire d skill . Onc e a ma n serve d a s a sailo r i t surely di d no t preclud e hi s retur n t o th e roa d an d th e revers e i s also true. Dependin g o n th e tim e o f yea r an d th e stat e o f internationa l relations, th e sam e ma n migh t b e foun d reevin g th e sail s o f a man of-war, robbin g o n th e highway , beggin g i n th e street s o f London , wandering Wes t Countr y roads , engagin g i n an y on e o f a hundre d swindles, o r setting the brace s o n a n Eas t Indiaman . Durin g time s of peace ther e wa s alway s a n increase d chanc e fo r me n wit h seafarin g experience t o sail aboard a merchant ship . Whe n th e periodic warfar e of th e lat e seventeent h centur y flared anew , an d a s wag e rate s ros e correspondingly, th e vagrant s wit h som e maritim e skill s not onl y ha d an easie r tim e signin g aboar d merchan t ship s bu t sailin g o n a com mercial vesse l carrie d wit h i t th e bonu s o f makin g me n safe r fro m press gangs and compulsor y Nava l service . Onc e sailor s boarded mer chant vessel s an d shippe d fo r th e Wes t Indies , n o matte r wha t thei r motives i n joinin g th e crews , thei r chance s o f havin g a n opportunit y to joi n th e buccaneer s increase d substantially . The influ x o f me n int o th e Roya l Nav y a s a resul t o f the need s o f war an d th e larg e number s o f newcomer s int o th e merchan t marin e attracted b y th e highe r wage s an d th e eas y availabilit y o f berths — made eve n mor e easil y availabl e b y th e impressmen t o f merchan t seamen—exerted a measur e o f chang e o n th e seafarin g population . Certainly som e segmen t o f those adult s impresse d o r attracte d t o sea faring occupation s b y th e increase d economi c opportunit y the y of fered afte r 168 9 were neither homosexua l no r homosexually inclined . Once o n boar d thei r first Nav y vesse l the y ma y hav e resiste d sexua l contacts wit h thei r shipmates . Ther e i s no wa y o f estimating o r eve n hazarding a gues s a t thei r rat e o f succes s i n avoidin g homosexua l

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contact. Other s mus t surel y hav e succumbed t o the prevailin g sexua l practices, an d fo r thi s reaso n th e proportio n o f situationa l homosex ual act s mus t hav e rise n i n bot h th e Nav y an d th e commercia l fleet. At the sam e time , however , almos t al l o f thos e force d int o th e Nav y or attracte d t o th e merchan t servic e ha d grow n t o earl y adulthoo d i n the Restoratio n asmospher e o f toleratio n fo r hompsexua l practices , and a proportio n o f the m attaine d maturit y a s wanderers , beggars , vagrants, o r apprentice s wher e homosexua l contac t wa s muc h mor e a par t o f ordinar y lif e tha n amon g th e genera l population . Me n im pressed int o th e Navy, o f course, ha d n o choice i n th e matte r of their type o f service , bu t fo r thos e wh o becam e merchan t seamen , th e same alternative s were availabl e to those choosing commercia l seafar ing i n earlie r years . Bot h th e coasta l trad e an d vessel s sailin g i n in ternational trad e wer e shorthande d i n time s o f war , an d th e ma n o r boy with th e opportunit y t o select the type of ship on which h e would sail could have , i n man y cases , picked a coaster with it s short voyages and ampl e tim e ashor e o r he coul d hav e opted fo r th e longe r voyage s to th e Eas t o r Wes t Indie s an d year s a t se a wit h onl y shipmate s fo r companions. Men an d boy s wit h homosexua l orientation s obviousl y foun d th e sexual aspect s o f maritim e employmen t cordia l an d other s adopte d homosexual practice s i f no t homosexualit y onc e the y foun d them selves deprived o f female partner s an d i n a milie u wher e sodom y wa s accepted practice . Whe n thes e me n returne d t o land , a portio n o f them als o foun d tha t th e sailor' s lif e ashor e offere d onl y limite d ac cess t o heterosexua l engagements . Thi s wa s du e i n larg e measur e t o the seasona l characte r o f maritim e employment . I n th e Navy , large r ships o n patro l i n norther n water s o r alon g Europe' s coast s di d no t stay at se a pas t Septembe r no r di d the y ventur e ou t befor e th e begin ning o f April . Th e vacillatio n i n th e numbe r o f sailor s neede d throughout th e yea r wa s considerable . Figure s i n Tabl e 3 fo r 168 9 and 1690 , th e first two years of a majo r war , indicat e tha t th e siz e of the wartim e Nav y double d i n th e summe r months , leavin g larg e numbers o f seame n t o shif t fo r themselve s ashor e durin g th e perio d from Januar y t o April. The sam e seasonal pattern s were found amon g coastal shippers . Th e coa l trad e an d th e smalle r vessel s tha t saile d

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Royal Navy Utilization ofSeamen y 1689-1690

January-April, 168 9 16,36 May-September, 168 9 24,16 October, 1689-February , 169 0 21,74 March-October, 169 0 33,57

2 me n 4 me n 0 me n 3 me n

SOURCE: John Ehrman , The Navy in the War of William 111, 16891697 (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1953 ) p . 110 .

from por t to port in Englis h water s were lai d u p i n winter , an d eve n the international route s in year-round use were not as active in winter as i n summer . I n off-month s larg e number s o f temporaril y unem ployed sailors filled Portsmouth, Chatham , Deptford , Plymouth , an d other nava l ports , an d th e sam e situatio n prevaile d i n th e hundred s of majo r an d mino r seafarin g town s dottin g th e Englis h coas t fro m Berwick around the sout h an d west coasts to the north of Wales. Th e situation a t Hull, a bustling por t during the shippin g seaso n wa s typical o f other coastal towns . Th e comin g o f winter mean t The streets are crowded with boys, intende d for the sea-service, wh o spend their time in open violation of decency, goo d order and morality; there are often fifteen hundred seamen and boys, who arrive from the whale fishery, and often doubl e tha t number of unemployed sailors , ar e left a t leisure to exercise their dissolute manner s on th e inoffensiv e passenge r in the public street.22 All sailors were not unemployed an d roisterin g throughout the winter months. Som e foun d wor k i n an y on e o f a hundre d trade s o r occupations. Porters , ostlers , constructio n laborers , an d tapsters were only a few o f the man y job s for which a sailor without a landsman's skill s would be adequate. Bu t these occupations an d others like them could only absor b a limite d quantit y o f paid-of f seafarers , an d fo r thos e mariners who remained ou t of work, man y of them without adequate funds t o se e the m throug h th e winter , th e month s fro m Octobe r t o April wer e tryin g times . Thos e marrie d coul d a t leas t supplemen t their sexua l activit y wit h contact s involvin g females , bu t fo r other s

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experiencing th e short-ter m economi c doldrums, marriag e wa s out of the questio n an d thei r financial situatio n mean t women fo r hir e coul d be ha d onl y o n occasio n i f a t all . Still , fo r homosexual s amon g th e men, th e problems o f obtainin g femal e sexua l partner s wer e irrele vant. Practitioner s o f situational homosexua l activity , a t least those i n need an d unabl e t o seduce o r purchase women , coul d alway s rel y o n fellow sailors . I f the y wer e no t preferre d partners , the y wer e a t leas t familiar an d available . The origin s an d background s o f me n wh o becam e pirate s i n th e Caribbean durin g th e Restoratio n er a an d th e decade s immediatel y following wer e comparable. Th e romanti c notio n o f scions from grea t families bein g deprive d o f inheritances b y evil brother s an d schemin g uncles, an d the n runnin g of f t o recou p los t fortune s a s commander s of pirat e ships , ha s littl e basi s i n fact . Th e infant s wh o woul d on e day reach maturit y an d ultimatel y sai l as Caribbean pirate s were most likely to be born t o couples wh o belonged t o Gregory King' s consum ing classes . The y wer e th e childre n o f cottagers , paupers , an d agri cultural laborers , o r thei r father s migh t hav e bee n soldier s o r sailors . They wer e force d int o economi c self-sufficiency usuall y b y the ag e of thirteen, workin g fo r thei r kee p a s servant s o r laborers . I f fortunat e they ma y hav e bee n apprentice d t o a maste r o f on e o f th e les s pres tigeous an d les s lucrativ e trades . Anothe r frequen t patter n fo r thei r lives wa s to hav e bee n ejecte d fro m hom e wit h littl e trainin g an d n o opportunity t o acquir e a marketabl e skill . Fo r thos e i n thi s circum stance ther e wa s som e chanc e t o find work , bu t ther e wa s als o th e opportunity t o tur n t o pett y crime , starve , o r joi n wit h othe r lad s i n similar situations—runaways , fleeing apprentices , an d th e like—t o become a membe r o f on e o f th e band s wanderin g th e Englis h road s and driftin g int o th e nation' s town s an d villages . I t i s impossibl e t o make eve n a roug h estimat e o f th e proportion s o f boy s an d youn g men wh o entere d th e rank s o f vagrant s an d thos e wh o di d not . Th e many wh o followe d sociall y acceptabl e path s wer e fa r mor e numer ous. I f the y wer e no t o r i f ther e wa s eve n a roug h equalit y i n th e numbers wh o wen t i n th e tw o directions , Englan d woul d literall y have bee n overwhelme d wit h beggar s an d thieves . Bu t suc h wa s no t the case . Whil e i n som e urba n area s an d alon g th e road s leadin g t o

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them i t migh t hav e seeme d o n occasio n tha t th e worl d wa s filled t o overflowing wit h rascals , th e mas s o f England' s five million resident s were no t member s o f the wanderin g underground . The preponderan t majorit y o f apprentices, servants , o r agricultura l laborers live d an d worke d i n a heterosexua l milieu . Relation s be tween person s of opposite sexe s dominated thei r observations on ever y hand an d serve d a s the basi s fo r th e developmen t o f thei r socia l an d sexual orientation . Althoug h homosexua l activit y wa s surely present , probably wit h som e frequenc y i n majo r town s where ther e were larg e numbers o f apprentice s an d limite d opportunitie s fo r fraternizatio n with females , ther e i s no doub t tha t their s wa s a heterosexually dom inant environment . For th e childre n fro m th e lowes t classe s o f Englis h society , th e classes that produce d th e me n wh o woul d terroriz e th e Caribbea n i n the closin g year s o f th e Stuar t era , th e situatio n wa s vastl y different . The variet y o f opportunitie s availabl e fo r childre n o f cottagers , pau pers, laborers , an d th e lik e wer e severel y restricte d whe n compare d to the alternatives tha t could b e chosen by their social superiors . Still , many becam e apprentices , worke d a s agricultura l laborers , o r wer e employed a s servants, an d i n thes e position s they underwen t exposur e to social condition s similar , i f somewhat reduce d i n circumstance , t o the offsprin g fro m th e statu s level s immediatel y abov e them . Bot h groups o f youn g peopl e lived , worked , an d wer e conditione d i n a world wher e heterosexualit y wa s th e ordinar y mod e o f sexua l expres sion. Thos e youth s fro m th e lowes t level s o f Englis h societ y wh o were unabl e t o gai n employmen t i n thes e area s i n man y case s wen t to se a o r becam e vagrants , gypsies , thieves , an d beggars . Th e featur e that distinguishe d th e adolescen t experienc e o f youn g me n gon e t o sea o r int o variou s type s of vagrancy an d illega l occupation s fro m th e experience o f other Englis h yout h o f the sam e genera l socia l level s is that th e trainin g perio d wa s no t onl y shorter , an d perhap s mor e de manding i n som e respects , bu t tha t i n th e year s betwee n th e age s of ten an d 1 4 or 1 6 when the y ha d becom e adul t sailor s o r criminals , they live d i n environment s populate d eithe r largel y o r entirel y b y males. Youn g me n a t se a wer e member s o f a societ y compose d en tirely o f men , an d althoug h ther e wer e femal e vagrants , vagabonds ,

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and beggars , the y wer e a smal l minorit y o f th e wanderer s o f En gland's roads . Eve n thoug h th e proportio n o f females t o male s i n th e vagrant classe s ma y hav e bee n a s hig h a s on e t o three , th e wome n were no t availabl e fo r distributiv e sexua l purposes . I n practice , mos t groups of wanderers wer e composed o f from tw o to six men an d con tained n o females. 23 While th e skill s and technique s particula r t o eac h typ e o f employ ment engage d i n b y wanderers, beggars , sailors , robbers , an d th e lik e varied fro m occupatio n t o occupation , th e featur e commo n t o al l these activitie s wa s tha t the y wer e conducte d withi n a milie u wher e women wer e presen t eithe r i n reduce d number s o r totall y absent . Runaway apprentice s coul d testif y tha t acces s t o wome n fo r sexua l purposes wa s ofte n ver y restricted . Th e willin g master' s daughte r wa s not ther e fo r eac h lust y apprentice d lad , althoug h som e foun d them , to be sure. Th e mos t frequen t compan y fo r th e apprentic e wa s foun d among other s lik e him , an d althoug h th e cit y o f Londo n containe d sufficient numbe r o f prostitute s t o servic e a substantia l numbe r o f apprentices an d a larg e segmen t o f th e populatio n a s well , thos e women wer e professionals, vendor s of sexual favors to those who could pay. Fo r apprentice s i n th e lowe r classe s engaged i n learnin g menia l trades, se x fo r hir e wa s no t easil y obtained . Amon g th e band s o f vagrants, thos e me n wh o exercise d powe r amon g thei r colleague s ofte n monopolized th e females , eve n thos e wh o preferre d t o trave l i n all female groups . Fo r th e majorit y o f wanderers, wome n wer e not easil y available. If i t was difficul t fo r apprentice s an d vagabond s t o arrang e hetero sexual intercourse , i t wa s virtuall y impossibl e fo r me n o f th e mer chant servic e wh o engage d i n internationa l trad e t o develo p hetero sexual contact s whil e a t sea . Thes e wer e me n accustome d t o lon g voyages lastin g two , three , an d sometime s fou r years . O n th e rar e occasions wher e women wer e carried aboar d thei r ships, they travele d as passenger s an d wer e no t availabl e t o provid e sexua l service s fo r crew members . Thi s sam e situatio n prevaile d i n th e Roya l Navy , where me n wer e confined t o shipboard sometime s fo r years at a time. This wa s no t a n ag e o f roisterin g sailor s o n shor e leav e fro m visitin g

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men-of-war. Al l o f that wa s to com e later . N o Englis h captai n i n th e seventeenth centur y grante d leav e ashor e t o hi s sailor s durin g time s of war. Hi s men wer e frequently conscript s and onc e their feet touche d land the y woul d b e gon e an d hi s ship woul d b e strande d i n a foreig n port with n o hand s t o sai l her . Whe n warship s anchore d i n the Wes t Indies the presse d crewmember s wer e watched closel y to prevent their escape, an d thos e wh o wer e sen t ashor e fo r supplie s o r an y othe r duties wer e closel y supervise d b y officer s o r senio r sailors . Knowledgeable Englis h seame n insisten t o n exclusiv e heterosex uality coul d avoi d th e lon g an d dangerou s voyage s t o th e Eas t o r West Indie s o r t o India . The y woul d instea d sai l i n th e fishing fleets, aboard a coasta l trader , o r serve a s a crew membe r aboar d an y on e o f a thousand collier s that plied u p and dow n th e coast. Bu t these sailors were no t th e me n wh o becam e pirates . Me n wh o saile d aboar d ves sels flying th e piratica l flag di d no t mak e thei r decisio n t o becom e freebooters whil e i n Hull , Exeter , o r th e Channe l Ports . The y mos t often decide d whe n thei r ow n ship , a n Eas t Indi a merchan t vesse l o r a Wes t Indiaman , wa s taken b y a buccaneer craft . Other s wh o signe d aboard pirat e craft usuall y di d s o after jumpin g ship half a world away from th e village s of their birth . The y wer e men wh o eschewed servic e in th e seafarin g trade s close r t o hom e an d fo r th e mos t par t ha d re jected situation s wher e heterosexua l contac t wa s mor e easil y availa ble. Ofte n the y ha d grow n t o manhoo d amon g th e predominantl y male shipboar d environmen t wher e homosexualit y o r homosexua l act s were accepte d practice . Som e ma y hav e onc e serve d i n th e Nav y where heterosexua l deprivatio n wa s complete , an d al l ha d chose n t o sail o n length y voyages , amon g member s o f a totall y mal e societ y where othe r me n wer e th e onl y sexua l contact s available . Thoug h economic consideration s o r non-sexua l factor s ma y hav e played som e part i n th e decisio n o f man y t o sig n aboar d ship s makin g read y fo r lengthy voyages , rathe r tha n thos e sailin g shorte r trad e routes , th e men wh o wen t t o se a fo r year s o n en d wer e no t a cross-sectio n o f potential cre w members . The y wer e sailors wh o knowingl y electe d t o live i n a n environmen t devoi d o f female s fo r a n extende d perio d o f time, an d whe n thos e o f them wh o became pirate s boarde d thei r first

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buccaneering vessel , they foun d a sexual situatio n simila r t o that the y had abandone d whe n the y lef t th e merchan t service . Later , a s the y plied Caribbea n water s an d visite d islan d ports , the y discovere d tha t English societ y i n th e Wes t Indie s di d no t differ i n sexua l orientatio n from tha t i n whic h the y live d aboar d ship .

THREE THE CARIBBEE ISLES Life pattern s fo r man y male s o f th e consumin g classe s i n seven teenth-century Englan d wer e well-suite d t o developin g toleratio n fo r homosexuality an d fo r encouraging homosexua l practices . I n th e Wes t Indies simila r condition s guide d th e formatio n o f sexua l pattern s fo r a substantia l segmen t o f the population , bu t th e effec t o f the pattern s for inducin g all-mal e sexualit y wa s greatl y amplifie d b y comple x in teractions o f societal , geographic , an d demographi c considerations . At th e sam e time , th e cultura l constriction s preventin g homosexual ity fro m expandin g int o a generall y utilize d mod e o f sexua l expres sion i n Englan d wer e absent . Lega l prohibitions , condemnatio n b y organized religion , th e dominanc e o f heterosexua l institutions , an d opportunity t o engag e i n heterosexua l contact s wit h wives , prosti tutes, femal e acquaintances , o r India n o r slav e wome n wer e al l un available for pirates , sailors , hunters , servants , and othe r non-Spanis h residents o f the Caribbean. 1 The origin s o f thi s uniqu e segmen t o f Englis h societ y reac h bac k into the sixteent h centur y whe n Spai n founde d he r American empir e on India n gol d an d silver . Elizabetha n adventurer s soo n discovere d vast treasure coul d b e ha d b y raidin g Spanis h settlement s an d captur ing heavil y lade n ships . Drake , Hawkins , Frobisher , an d othe r En glish se a dog s returne d hom e ric h fro m Ne w Worl d plundering , an d reports o f thei r successe s encourage d other s t o follo w thei r lead . Th e

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size o f Spain' s imperia l holdings , th e distance s fro m settlemen t t o settlement, an d th e difficult y o f protectin g mainlan d town s an d scat tered islan d outpost s al l mad e th e wor k o f th e Englis h easy , an d a s their activitie s becam e widel y known , the y wer e joine d i n th e labo r of decreasin g Spanis h prosperit y b y th e Dutch , wh o ha d n o qualm s about despoilin g th e imperia l propertie s o f th e natio n tha t onc e ex ercised dominio n ove r them. Th e Frenc h ha d discovere d eve n earlie r than th e Englis h tha t profit s fro m commercia l activit y wit h th e Por tuguese i n Brazi l wer e smal l compare d wit h wha t coul d b e ha d b y transferring operation s t o th e Wes t Indie s an d raidin g th e Spanish . Gallic Protestant s fro m L a Rochell e an d Diepp e wer e plunderin g th e Spanish Mai n an d Caribbea n islan d town s o n a regula r basi s b y th e mid-sixteenth century , bu t afte r Drak e an d Hawkins , eve n Catholi c Frenchmen coul d no t ignor e th e chanc e fo r eas y wealth . B y 1600 , there wa s hardl y a Spanis h settlemen t i n th e Wester n Hemispher e that ha d no t bee n sacke d a t leas t once. 2 These sixteenth-centur y raider s operate d i n a n irregula r fashion . They wer e base d i n port s o n th e Europea n sid e o f the Atlantic , thei r fleets were small , the y ha d n o logistica l suppor t i n th e Ne w World , and althoug h man y o f thei r voyage s produce d sizabl e profits , the y were unable t o plunder o n a sustained an d systemati c basis. The me n who signe d o n a s member s o f the expedition s di d s o with th e knowl edge that though th e voyages would be long, i f good fortun e wa s with them the y coul d retur n rich t o th e port s fro m whic h the y sailed . There wa s no though t amon g the m o f remainin g permanentl y i n th e New Worl d a s colonists o r adoptin g th e trad e o f corsai r a s a lifetim e occupation. Thes e earl y raider s wer e onl y occasiona l brigands , an d while the y demonstrate d th e vulnerabilit y o f Spai n i n th e Wester n Hemisphere, i t was for th e rover s o f th e nex t centur y t o discove r th e techniques of continually and systematically extracting Spanis h wealth . The first men t o plunder Spai n i n wha t would become th e greates t age of Caribbean pirac y mounte d thei r initia l attack s fro m th e island s of Hispaniol a an d Tortuga . Hispaniol a ha d bee n claime d fo r Ferdi nand an d Isabell a b y Christopher Columbu s i n 1492 , an d a t the en d of th e sixteent h centur y i t boaste d a numbe r o f Spanis h settlements . The island' s grea t size , ove r 35 0 mile s lon g an d approximatel y

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150 mile s a t it s widest point , mean t i t was well-suited t o large-scal e farming, bu t the settlers were never successful i n their efforts t o make it a n agricultura l colony . Mos t resident s preferre d t o congregat e i n the towns founded nea r the coast and take full commercia l advantag e of the island' s many excellent harbors . Nearb y Tortuga, onl y 2 5 mile s in length , wa s a turtle-lik e promontor y o f roc k risin g abruptl y fro m the se a a few mile s north-wes t o f the Hispaniola n coast . It s northern shore ha d n o harbor s o r beache s excep t th e fe w gap s tha t separate d steeply risin g crags , an d onl y a small harbo r on th e sout h sid e mad e any settlemen t possible . I t was o n thes e tw o island s tha t the first piratical crews were gathered, an d it was from their protected coves and inlets tha t fugitiv e European s i n th e Wes t Indie s first sailed i n larg e numbers to plunder Spain's shipping and raid her coastal settlements. The origin s o f thes e maraudin g band s dat e from the first decades of the seventeent h centur y whe n th e Spanis h abandone d thei r effort s to establis h agricultura l settlement s ove r al l o f Hispaniol a an d al lowed muc h o f th e island' s lan d t o rever t t o it s origina l heavil y for ested state . Th e onl y evidenc e tha t remaine d t o indicat e Spaniard s had eve r bee n i n th e area s the y abandone d wer e th e larg e herd s o f wild cattl e an d swine , descendent s o f th e livestoc k th e colonist s ha d once attempted to raise on their island farms. Wit h the abandonment of efforts t o subdue th e interior , onl y two groups remained to inhabi t Hispaniola. A residual populatio n o f Spaniard s was found i n the area surrounding what is now the city of Santo Doming o an d in the north was an assortment of men, runawa y slaves, a few aborigines who had escaped extermination , an d a divers e agglomeratio n o f Europeans : survivors of shipwrecks, castaways , an d a complement of fugitives and deserters. Th e European s live d a s nomads , trackin g th e abundan t livestock an d establishin g n o permanen t habitations . The y acquire d powder, shot , guns , knives , an d othe r item s the y coul d no t provid e for themselves , b y tradin g hide s an d smoke d mea t t o passin g ships . Vessels o f England , Holland , an d Franc e engage d i n a regula r ex change wit h th e hunters , an d b y 163 0 a segment o f thei r commerc e was formalized wit h th e foundin g o f a trading pos t on Tortuga . Th e Spanish wer e distresse d b y th e establishmen t o f a permanen t settle ment o n a spec k o f lan d the y ha d lon g claimed , an d i n 163 5 the y

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mounted a n attack . Mos t o f th e resident s o f the islan d wer e kille d i n the massacr e tha t followe d th e Spanis h victory , bu t thos e fe w wh o escaped mad e thei r wa y t o Hispaniola an d reestablishe d themselve s as traders . Th e authoritie s wer e n o mor e willin g t o tolerat e illici t enterprise o n Hispaniol a tha n o n Tortuga , an d i n 1640 , mobil e lan cer squadrons—"cinquantaines"—wer e sen t t o destro y Hispaniola n commerce, killin g wha t hunter s the y coul d an d starvin g th e res t int o submission b y exterminating th e herd s that provide d thei r livelihood . The Spanis h polic y achieve d a limite d degre e o f success , bu t i n th e end, thei r measure s create d mor e difficultie s fo r thei r imperia l de signs i n th e Caribbea n tha n the y ha d eve r envisione d whe n the y moved t o reasser t dominio n ove r all o f Hispaniola . The pric e o f destroyin g th e wanderin g band s o f me n wa s hig h fo r the Spanis h i n term s o f mone y an d blood , bu t thes e immediat e ex penditures wer e only a fraction o f the treasure th e Hispaniola n polic y would ultimatel y cost . Th e difficultie s create d b y th e pursuin g sol diers an d th e steadil y reduce d amoun t o f gam e turne d man y o f th e hunters t o th e se a fo r thei r livelihood , an d whe n the y trade d th e island's forest s fo r th e deck s o f small , fast , maneuverabl e ships , the y brought wit h the m a uniquel y juxtapose d se t o f qualification s fo r plundering. Th e skil l the y ha d gaine d a s rifleme n durin g year s o f stalking wil d cattl e an d swin e wa s adde d t o th e previou s seafarin g experience o f man y o f thei r compan y an d the n combine d wit h a burning hatre d o f Spai n tha t wa s first kindle d b y th e Reformatio n and the n stoke d int o flame b y thei r fierce resistanc e t o th e cinquan taines. Unti l 1640 , Hispaniola n hunter s plundere d th e Spanis h i n a sporadic fashion , sailin g fro m thei r islan d sanctuarie s i n ope n craf t the Dutc h calle d "flyboats. " Th e Frenc h wh o stil l trade d o n th e is land coas t name d th e me n afte r thei r vessels , stylin g the m "flibus tiers," a ter m th e languid-tongue d Englis h pronounce d a s "free booter." No t conten t merel y t o Angliciz e a singl e Gallicism , Englishmen i n th e Caribbea n carrie d thei r penchan t fo r linguisti c corruption eve n further . The y too k th e wor d "boucan," use d b y th e hunters t o identif y th e smal l rack s on whic h the y smoke d thei r meat , the fire pit beneath th e rack , th e mea t itself, an d th e proces s of smok-

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ing as well, an d wit h a proper degree of mispronunciation, designate d the hunter s "buccaneers. " In th e year s when th e hunter s first turned t o piracy , an d th e word s "buccaneer" an d "pirate " becam e interchangeable , the y create d onl y minor difficultie s fo r Spanis h shipping . The y raide d isolate d settle ments an d turtlin g camps, capture d onl y smalle r vessels, but faile d t o take ric h prizes . Ye t a s th e Europea n populatio n o f th e Caribbea n increased, th e siz e o f th e colonia l settlement s grew , an d commerc e expanded proportionately , castaways , victim s of shipwrecks, deserters , servants fleeing their masters , an d fugitive s als o increase d i n number . For man y suc h men , joinin g th e buccaneer s wa s an acceptabl e alter native t o th e live s the y ha d abandoned . Th e anti-Spanis h characte r of th e enterpris e preclude d participatio n b y Spaniards , bu t seafarer s of ever y othe r natio n tha t sen t ship s t o th e Caribbea n joine d th e pirate crews . Man y o f th e earlies t sea-goin g buccaneer s wer e Dutch , but a s the numbe r o f English i n th e Caribbea n increased , th e censu s of Englis h pirate s ros e proportionately , an d b y 166 0 th e plunderin g of Spai n i n th e Ne w Worl d wa s an industr y dominate d b y men fro m London, Wales , an d th e Wes t Country . Th e Frenc h als o continue d their depredations , evincin g n o mor e scrupl e ove r lootin g thei r co religionists i n th e seventeent h centur y tha n the y ha d show n i n th e latter decade s o f th e sixteenth . Th e anti-Catholi c sentimen t norma l to Englis h an d Dutc h vessel s meant Frenc h buccaneer s usuall y saile d aboard ship s manne d entirel y b y Frenchmen , bu t thi s i n n o wa y diminished th e fur y o f their attack s o r thei r enthusias m fo r booty . At the sam e time Englis h se a rover s were plunderin g Spain , other s of thei r countryme n i n th e first decade s o f th e seventeent h centur y were attemptin g t o conque r an d coloniz e i n th e Caribbean . Numer ous attempt s wer e mad e t o plan t settlement s o n th e coast s o f Sout h and Centra l Americ a an d o n a scor e o f islands . Mos t o f th e earl y efforts wer e unsuccessfu l fo r a combinatio n o f economi c an d tactica l reasons, an d befor e 1650 , th e Englis h ha d reine d i n thei r expansiv e efforts t o establis h foothold s al l ove r th e Wes t Indie s an d o n th e Spanish Main . The y concentrate d instea d o n colonizin g five islands : Barbados, St . Christopher , Nevis , Antigua , an d Montserrat . Th e

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largest o f these , Barbados , wa s windward o f th e Spanis h settlements , far of f a t the easternmos t edg e of the Caribbean. Th e othe r fou r wer e also distant fro m th e port s that migh t host Spanish predators ; all wer e located i n th e Leewar d Islands , nort h o f Barbado s an d a thousan d miles o r mor e fro m center s o f Spanis h strengt h i n Cuba , Centra l America, o r o n th e Sout h America n continent . Th e five island s se lected b y th e Englis h wer e al l obviousl y fertile , bu t th e terrai n wa s covered wit h hard-to-clea r jungl e an d wa s ofte n mountainous . N o precious metal s were t o be found, dye-bearin g plants did not flourish, and n o herd s o f wild cattl e o r pig s roamed thei r interiors . Th e appar ent limite d potentia l o f th e islands , thei r isolatio n fro m Spanis h set tlements, an d a windwar d locatio n tha t mad e the m easie r t o reac h from Europ e tha n b y sailin g eas t fro m Maracaibo , Cartagena , Port o Bello, o r Havana , gav e the Englis h settler s a measure o f security the y were denie d i n mor e centra l Caribbea n location s an d undoubtedl y assured th e surviva l o f their settlements . The first permanen t Englis h colon y wa s establishe d a t St . Chris topher i n 1624 , bu t i t was a tenuous effor t tha t survived onl y becaus e the colonist s wer e abl e t o combin e wit h th e Frenc h alread y residen t on th e island , destro y th e Indians , an d repe l a Spanis h invasio n i n 1629. Eve n then , peac e di d no t prevail . Th e Frenc h an d Englis h fought intermittentl y fo r contro l ove r th e nex t 8 0 years an d constan t turmoil o n th e islan d cause d man y settler s t o leav e St . Christophe r and migrat e t o othe r islands . Nevis , th e nex t o f th e Leeward s t o b e settled, wa s a mountai n to p protrudin g fro m th e sea . I t offere d les s arable lan d an d mor e difficul t terrai n tha n St . Christopher , bu t i t provided a t leas t a measur e o f securit y fo r th e settlers . Englishme n abandoning St . Christophe r als o establishe d colonie s o n rugge d Montserrat i n 163 2 and o n Antigua, whic h ha d ampl e far m lan d an d a goo d harbo r bu t wa s deficient i n wate r supply. I f any of these farm ers ha d hope d t o becom e prosperou s i n th e Leeward s durin g th e first decades o f settlement , the y wer e surel y disappointed . Befor e 1650 , Nevis, St . Christopher , Montserrat , an d Antigu a supporte d subsis tence tobacc o farmin g an d littl e else . Th e larges t Englis h Caribbea n establishment i n th e first hal f o f th e seventeent h centur y wa s o n th e

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island o f Barbados . Th e Englis h bega n th e tas k o f convertin g th e island's 15 0 squar e mile s o f jungle-covered , fertil e soi l int o farm s i n the 1620s , an d a s was th e cas e i n th e Leeward s an d th e continenta l colonies o f Virgini a an d Maryland , th e planter s labore d a s peasan t tobacco farmers. English institution s wer e transported acros s the Atlantic by the settlers and the y too k roo t easily i n the Ne w World . Th e commo n la w proved it s durabilit y i n frontie r settlements , a s di d Englis h politica l ideology, Englis h customs , an d th e nationa l church , bu t the featur e that mos t distinguishe d early-da y Barbado s settlement s an d th e Lee ward colonie s a s wel l fro m simila r effort s o n th e Nort h America n continent an d fro m rura l agricultura l communitie s i n th e mothe r country wa s the peculia r demographic structur e o f the island' s European population. Th e societ y that grew in the English Caribbean was composed almost entirely of males, an d the few women presen t were, as a resul t o f th e social , economic , an d lega l structur e o f islan d so ciety, unavailabl e as sexual partner s for members of the brigand crews. Any populatio n surve y o f Englis h Wes t India n island s i n th e sev enteenth centur y i s a dangerous undertaking . Record s fo r th e perio d are fragmentar y o r nonexistent , bu t fro m informatio n availabl e o n shipping register s and ta x rolls , an d fro m th e descriptions o f travelers and residents , i t i s possibl e t o ge t a fairl y accurat e pictur e o f th e distribution o f sexe s fo r variou s decades . O n thi s on e aspec t o f early island society , al l source s agree . Th e numbe r o f wome n o n th e is lands i n th e year s when tobacc o cultivatio n wa s the majo r economi c activity were statistically insignificant . Th e origin of this demographic anomaly i s no t difficul t t o discover . Colonie s i n th e earlie r year s o f exploration wer e no t planne d a s permanen t place s o f residenc e fo r large populations. The y wer e seen a s commercial enterprises , founde d to produce wealth—large amount s i n relatively short periods of time— and a s suc h ther e wa s n o nee d t o settl e the m a s complet e commu nities. Th e economic s o f foundin g th e earlies t colonie s i n th e Wes t Indies an d on th e mainlan d a t Virginia require d the establishment o f all-male villages . Spac e aboar d shi p wa s a t a premium , th e cos t o f transporting colonist s wa s high , th e danger s wer e considerable , an d

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expending capita l o n th e transpor t o f women , wh o woul d surel y no t be producer s o f profi t i n th e Ne w World , coul d hardl y b e counte nanced. The characte r o f Jamestow n altere d ove r th e first tw o decade s o f settlement an d th e colon y change d fro m th e creatur e o f the Virgini a Company's Boar d o f Governors int o a self-contained America n com monwealth du e t o th e desperat e attempt s o f th e shareholder s t o in duce migratio n fro m Englan d t o thei r fief i n America . Offer s o f vas t acreage wer e mad e t o anyon e wh o woul d trave l t o th e colony , addi tional lan d wa s provided fo r famil y an d servant s brought over , an d a t one point shipments o f females wer e actually sent to Virginia t o make conditions i n th e frontie r settlemen t mor e bearabl e an d t o encourag e immigration.3 Late r continenta l colonies , Plymout h i n 162 0 an d Massachusetts Ba y an d Marylan d a decad e later , wer e differen t i n concept an d purpos e fro m Virgini a o r fro m establishment s o n Wes t Indian islands , an d demographi c pattern s o f th e migrant s reflecte d the difference s b y exhibiting a roug h sexua l equalit y i n thei r popula tions. A similar balanc e betwee n male s an d female s wa s no t presen t in th e seventeenth-centur y Englis h Caribbean . Althoug h fe w record s that g o bac k beyon d 170 0 surviv e fo r th e Leewar d Island s an d ther e is almost n o informatio n o n th e settlement s fo r th e years before 1650 , what scrap s o f informatio n tha t hav e no t bee n los t revea l tha t plot s of lan d wer e small , tobacc o wa s th e mai n cro p o n th e fou r islands , and th e female populatio n durin g these earliest years was almost non existent.4 Lik e th e first arrival s a t Jamestow n i n 160 7 an d th e initia l settlers o f St . Christopher , th e earlies t settler s o n Barbados, th e 7 4 English wh o arrive d wit h Captai n Joh n Powel l i n th e shi p Peter, included n o women. 5 A late r tabulatio n o f Barbado s resident s mad e in 163 5 shows 94 percent wer e male , non e wer e unde r te n year s old , and ther e wer e virtually n o marrie d couple s amon g the group. 6 Rich ard Ligo n visite d th e islan d a decade later , an d hi s observation s con firm the mal e natur e o f it s society . I n th e thre e year s h e reside d o n Barbados, fro m 164 7 an d 1650 , h e chronicle d th e detail s o f almos t every face t o f lif e i n th e settlement , bu t excep t fo r a n accoun t o f a planter wh o attempte d t o obtai n a femal e servan t i n trad e fo r a so w by a cash-barte r agreemen t i n whic h th e pric e o f th e woma n wa s

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determined b y matchin g he r weigh t agains t that o f the pig , h e hardl y mentioned women . Ligo n wa s no t a misogynis t b y an y definition . Although h e did explain tha t the weigh t of the obese servant woman — and thu s th e cas h require d t o consummat e th e bargain—wa s suffi cient t o persuad e th e plante r t o retur n hom e wit h hi s sow and aban don hi s design o f acquiring a female fo r hi s plantation , Ligo n wa s a n astute admire r o f the feminine form . H e ha d a n ey e for a firm breast, a fetchin g smile , o r a well-shape d thigh , an d whil e visitin g St . Jag o in th e Cap e Verd e Island s o n hi s voyage across th e sea , h e teste d th e limits o f hi s descriptiv e power s catalogin g th e grac e an d lovelines s o f several wome n h e encountere d o n hi s few day s ashore. 7 Perhaps som e explanatio n o f hi s failur e t o mentio n whit e wome n was an exquisitel y tune d sens e o f feminin e perfectio n tha t coul d no t be excite d sufficientl y b y an y o f th e mor e ordinar y female s wh o re sided o n th e island . Discussin g th e pleasure s availabl e locall y h e complained tha t o n Barbado s th e sens e o f feelin g wa s littl e gratifie d by touchin g th e skin s o f women . "The y ar e s o sweat y an d clammy , as the han d canno t pass e over , withou t bein g glue d an d cemente d i n the passag e o r motion ; an d b y tha t means , littl e pleasur e i s given to , or receive d b y th e agen t o r th e patient." 8 I f hi s evaluatio n wa s gen erally share d b y othe r male s o f hi s acquaintanc e i t migh t g o fa r to ward providin g a n understandin g o f hi s commen t o n plante r socia bility. "S o frank , s o loving, an d s o good natur' d wer e these Gentleme n one t o another ; an d t o expres s thei r affection s ye t higher , the y ha d particular name s on e t o another , as , Neighbour , Friend , Brother , Sister: S o tha t I perceive d nothin g wanting , tha t migh t mak e u p a firm an d lastin g friendshi p amongs t them. , , 9 I t woul d b e to o eas y t o read extraneou s meanin g int o bot h statements . Th e likel y explana tion fo r Ligon' s writin g nothin g o f whit e wome n wa s that ther e wer e few o f the m o n th e islan d an d thei r participatio n i n mos t activitie s was insignificant. Ligo n regularl y discusse d femal e slaves , notin g tha t planters mad e consciou s decision s t o purchas e the m i n quantitie s equal t o the mal e slave s they held . Thi s wa s necessary, h e explained , for th e male s woul d complai n excessivel y i f wives wer e no t availabl e to them . Som e deservin g black s wer e eve n permitte d tw o an d thre e wives. H e doe s no t mentio n i f thi s wa s als o th e cas e wit h Amerin d

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slaves, bu t thei r numbe r wa s alway s s o smal l o n Barbado s tha t n o matter wha t th e rati o o f me n t o wome n amon g them , i t woul d hav e no extraordinar y demographi c effec t o n th e island' s labo r force. 10 There ar e n o exac t figures for th e numbe r o f white female s o n th e island eithe r a s servant s o r free , bu t som e indicatio n o f th e ratio be tween male s an d female s i s available . Ligo n note d tha t whe n h e ar rived o n th e islan d a n epidemi c wa s raging, killin g ten me n fo r ever y woman tha t died . Th e disparit y i n number s betwee n mal e an d fe male migh t hav e bee n th e resul t o f th e dissolut e habit s o f the plant ers, a s Ligo n suggested , bu t i t i s mor e probabl e tha t i t reflecte d th e sexual imbalanc e o f th e population . Thi s i s no t controverte d b y th e existence o f a standin g committe e o n th e islan d t o punis h adulter y and fornication . Th e committe e wa s "rarely pu t i n execution, " indi cating either a paucity of women o r high standard s of morality amon g the planters ; there i s ample evidenc e t o refut e th e latter. 11 Ligon als o took th e opportunit y t o advis e his readers on th e correc t procedure t o b e followe d i n settin g themselve s u p a s suga r planters . He explaine d i n detai l th e exac t step s t o b e followed . H e specifie d the amoun t o f capita l needed , th e item s t o b e carrie d t o th e Wes t Indies fo r sal e t o th e residents , th e manne r o f gainin g enoug h cas h to establis h a plantation , th e procedure s fo r planting , tending , an d processing suga r cane , an d th e numbe r o f workers neede d t o ge t th e job done . On e hundre d slave s woul d b e required , 5 0 male s an d 5 0 females t o provid e th e bul k o f th e labor force . Whit e servant s woul d be neede d o n th e propose d plantation . Thirt y woul d b e a sufficien t number, h e said , an d amon g the m ther e wer e t o b e skille d carpen ters, joiners , masons , smiths , an d coopers . Ther e wer e als o t o b e women, althoug h Ligo n di d no t mentio n an y specifi c skill s that migh t be require d o f them . O f th e 3 0 servants , te n wer e t o b e femal e ac cording t o hi s plan , indicatin g whit e mal e servant s ha d muc h les s need o f th e opposit e se x tha n th e slaves . Th e wome n woul d b e di vided int o tw o groups ; fou r woul d serv e i n th e plantatio n hous e an d the remainin g half-doze n wer e t o "weed , an d d o th e commo n wor k abroad yearly. " What th e common wor k include d h e did no t say , bu t the employmen t o f te n whit e wome n o n th e plantatio n t o engag e i n light field labo r an d i n househol d chore s wa s Ligon' s ide a o f wha t a

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plantation shoul d be , rathe r tha n a reflectio n o f wha t h e ha d ob served i n hi s three-yea r sojour n o n Barbados . I n hi s discussion s o f women engage d i n ligh t agricultura l labor , h e mention s onl y blac k women; th e servant s h e observe d carryin g ou t househol d chore s i n the home s o f planter s wer e i n ever y cas e mal e slaves . Th e sam e se x distribution fo r laborers was prescribed by another observer for setting up a coco a walk . Richar d Blom e specifie d " 3 Negr o men , an d a s many Negr o women" would be needed, bu t only "4 White Servants" and a n oversee r wer e necessary . Black s ha d t o b e acquire d i n equa l numbers, h e explained , bu t h e mad e n o mentio n o f an y reaso n fo r obtaining whit e females. 12 The disparit y o f wome n i n th e island s wa s made eve n mor e acut e by the political situatio n i n the mother country. Afte r gaining control of Englan d durin g th e civi l war s of the 1640s , Puritan s attempte d t o expand thei r bran d o f Protestan t extremis m int o th e Caribbea n b y establishing a colony o n Providenc e Islan d to glorify Go d an d to lin e their pocketbook s al l i n a single endeavor . The y wer e no t successfu l in attaining either goal. Th e proximit y of their settlement to Spanis h strongholds o n th e mainlan d prevente d i t from prosperin g accordin g to plan , th e commerciall y oriente d Puritan s wh o forme d th e earl y contingents o f colonists departed, an d the islan d was left to men similar to those who roamed the Hispaniola n forests . Despit e the debacle on Providenc e Island , th e Puritan-dominate d governmen t wa s determined t o expan d thei r style o f Christian militanc y int o th e West In dies. Unde r th e directio n o f thei r Lor d Protector , Olive r Cromwell , they evolved the "Western Design," a plan to enlarge English holdings in th e Caribbea n b y takin g island s fro m Spai n on e afte r another . Much t o Cromwell' s disappointment , th e "Design " wa s foiled . Ef forts t o capture Hispaniol a wer e repelled , an d th e onl y succes s cam e when a n expeditio n unde r th e comman d o f Admira l Si r Willia m Penn an d Genera l Rober t Venable s wa s able t o wres t Jamaic a fro m the Spanis h i n 1655 . Th e result s of the schem e i n terms of territorial aggrandizement wer e les s fo r the Puritan s than ha d bee n hoped , bu t the influ x o f soldiers and sailor s added to the rapidl y increasing mal e population i n th e Caribbean . Th e number s o f me n i n th e island s were further augmented wit h colonists from tw o other groups. Thos e

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unhappy wit h th e defea t o f the Royalist s an d th e beheading o f Charles I, a t leas t a portio n o f them , preferre d migratio n t o th e feti d an d disease-ridden tropic s rathe r tha n lif e unde r th e Puritans . T o thes e disaffected Englis h wer e adde d larg e number s o f wa r prisoners , cap tives take n i n th e civi l war s an d durin g a protracte d rebellio n i n Ire land. Shippin g the m t o Americ a seeme d t o th e governmen t a n idea l solution t o th e problem s o f tw o hemispheres . Englan d woul d b e ri d of potential troublemaker s an d America coul d put them t o work. Mor e prisoners wer e probabl y shippe d t o th e Caribbea n afte r havin g bee n captured i n th e Iris h uprisin g tha n ha d bee n force d acros s th e Atlan tic b y all th e civi l strif e i n th e mothe r country , an d lik e other group s in th e Englis h Indie s th e shipload s o f war-induced migrants , disgrun tled losers , Royalis t captives , an d Iris h prisoner s o f wa r wer e com posed almos t entirel y o f men . The heavil y mal e characte r o f the cargoe s of Iris h sen t to the Wes t Indies cause d a degre e o f consternatio n amon g governmen t leaders , and fo r a tim e ther e wa s som e sentimen t t o equaliz e th e sexua l bal ance b y shippin g larg e number s o f Iris h female s t o Barbado s an d th e Leewards o n th e premis e tha t a n adequat e numbe r o f wome n woul d stabilize islan d society . I n September , 1655 , Henr y Cromwel l wrot e to Secretar y o f Stat e Joh n Thurlow: 13 Concerninge th e young e women , althoug h w e mus t us e forc e i n taking e them up , yet it beinge so much fo r their own goode, and likely to be of soe great advantage to the publique, i t is not in the least doubted, tha t you may have such numbe r o f them a s you shall think e fitt to mak e us e uppon thi s account. Interest i n sendin g th e wome n coul d no t be sustaine d withou t broad ening the proposal t o include males , and within tw o weeks the younge r Cromwell als o recommende d sendin g som e 1,50 0 t o 2,00 0 boy s o f 12 to 1 4 years since, h e argued, Irelan d coul d easil y spar e them. Th e Council o f Stat e dul y vote d t o shi p 1,00 0 girl s an d a lik e numbe r o f boys unde r th e ag e o f fourtee n t o th e Wes t Indies . Som e furthe r preparations wer e mad e t o implemen t th e scheme , bu t ther e i s n o evidence i t eve r reache d fruition . Mor e likel y i t wa s abandone d i n favor o f sendin g onl y adul t male s wh o wer e alread y availabl e instea d

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of expendin g tim e an d effor t capturin g ove r a thousan d girls . More over, i t is unlikely that i f 1,00 0 youthfu l female s wer e actually shippe d to th e Caribbean , the y woul d hav e disappeare d withou t a trace. 14 After th e Iris h insurrectio n wa s crushe d i n 1656 , th e Caribbea n also provided a convenient plac e t o send soldier s of the victorious bu t potentially troublesom e Purita n army. 15 Th e volum e o f immigrant s to th e Wes t Indie s fro m Ireland , th e willin g a s wel l a s th e recalci trant, becam e s o great that th e governmen t wa s forced t o contrac t fo r their shipment . Si r John Clotworth y receive d permissio n t o carry 50 0 "natural Irishmen " t o America , a Bristo l shippe r name d Richar d Netheway wa s t o carr y 10 0 Iris h Torie s t o Virginia , an d a grou p o f Bristol merchant s wer e empowere d t o carr y 40 0 Iris h Torie s t o "th e Caribbee Islands " th e followin g year . Late r a sweepin g orde r wa s issued fo r th e transportatio n o f vagrants t o the Wes t Indies . Wanderer s taken i n Limeric k an d Cor k wer e t o b e transporte d b y Captai n Joh n Norris, an d al l person s i n th e jail s of Clonmel, Waterford , Wexford , Kilkenny, an d Carlo w wer e t o b e sen t b y Joh n Mylam , a merchant . One Colone l Stubber s wa s give n permissio n t o transpor t 6 0 wome n from Connaugh t t o th e Wes t Indie s i n June , 1654 , bu t ther e i s n o way o f determinin g wit h precisio n th e proportio n o f wome n amon g the Iris h shippe d t o th e Caribbea n i n an y year. 16 Th e onl y thin g known certainl y i s tha t th e numbe r wa s neve r large . Th e greates t single shipment sen t fro m Irelan d durin g thes e year s was 1,20 0 males , and thos e Torie s sen t agains t thei r wil l wer e soldier s o r me n whos e political sympathie s wer e know n t o th e authoritie s an d wer e regarde d as unacceptable . Eve n i f th e number s o f vagrant s rounde d u p an d sent of f include d women , a s i t surel y did , ther e i s no reaso n t o sup pose tha t vagran t group s i n Irelan d include d an y greate r proportio n of women tha n di d simila r group s i n England. 17 Irish rebel s an d a n assortmen t o f Royalist s wer e no t th e onl y vic tims o f force d emigratio n durin g th e Cromwellia n perio d an d afte r the restoratio n o f Charle s II . Fro m tim e t o tim e smal l group s o f Quakers wer e shippe d over , a s wer e occasiona l Scottis h Covenanter s who coul d no t b e reconcile d t o th e Restoratio n religiou s settlement . Over 1,00 0 o f thes e deepl y committe d advocate s o f Protestan t refor mation fro m nort h o f the Tweed ma y hav e been sen t to the colonies .

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Another contingen t o f prisoner s o f wa r o r rebel s sen t t o th e colonie s in th e latte r portio n o f th e seventeent h centur y wer e th e vanquishe d supporters o f the Duk e o f Monmouth . Afte r thei r failur e t o wrest th e throne fro m Jame s II , the y presente d particula r difficultie s fo r th e authorities. Man y wer e me n o f powe r an d influence , a t leas t o n th e local level , an d i f allowe d t o escap e punishmen t coul d b e trouble some. A measure o f th e proble m wa s solve d b y th e gallows , bu t th e total numbe r wa s to o larg e t o b e dispatche d convenientl y i n suc h fashion. Th e idea l solutio n wa s transportation, an d 50 0 of the Duke' s supporters wer e sen t t o th e Wes t Indie s where , unde r th e term s o f royal order , the y wer e compelle d t o b e indenture d servant s fo r te n years even i f they wer e abl e t o purchas e thei r freedom. 18 While importatio n o f prisoner s o f war , rebels , an d a numbe r o f religious dissenters contributed t o the largely male demographi c char acter o f th e islands , equall y importan t i n reinforcin g th e peculia r se x distribution i n th e Wes t Indie s wa s th e continua l stat e o f wa r tha t prevailed i n th e Caribbea n durin g th e latte r hal f o f th e seventeent h and int o th e earl y decade s o f th e eighteent h century . Throughou t these years , th e Englis h wer e engage d i n a serie s o f war s agains t th e Dutch an d agains t France , bu t i n th e interlude s betwee n ther e wa s no peac e i n th e Caribbean . Th e jointl y occupie d islan d o f St . Chris topher wa s i n frequen t turmoi l a s Englis h an d Frenc h attempte d t o gain contro l fro m on e another . Th e Frenc h a t on e poin t drov e th e English fro m Antigu a an d Montserrat , an d th e Dutc h islan d o f St . Eustatius i n a singl e decad e change d hand s almos t te n times . Wit h each invasio n an d counter-invasion , considerabl e propert y damag e resulted. Slave s wer e carrie d off , crop s destroyed , building s an d equipment stole n o r burned , an d setder s kille d an d deported . Eve n when colonist s fro m England , Holland , an d Franc e wer e not fighting each other , ther e wa s alway s th e threa t o f a Spanis h attac k t o desta bilize the situatio n o r in late r years the fear o f slave insurrection. Th e danger o f invasio n increase d th e nee d fo r male s t o serv e no t onl y a s field hands bu t t o protec t th e islander s fro m thei r chattels . A s earl y as 1642 , th e Governo r o f St . Christophe r estimate d ther e wer e 1,60 0 fighting me n o n th e island , an d onl y 1 3 years late r ove r 80 0 unat tached male s lef t St . Christophe r t o joi n th e expeditio n agains t Ja -

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maica.19 Planter s frequentl y petitione d Englan d t o sen d mor e mili tary strength , explainin g tha t th e Frenc h outnumbere d them , thei r own resource s wer e limited , an d th e onl y wa y t o mak e th e are a saf e was b y th e presenc e o f troop s fro m Englan d an d a substantial nava l force. Durin g th e firs t year s of th e Restoration , th e Counci l o n For eign Plantation s resolve d tha t 40 0 foo t an d 15 0 mounte d troop s b e sent t o Jamaic a fo r th e island' s protection , an d t o secur e furthe r th e English settlement s i t was recommended tha t two ships be constantly plying th e coasts . Th e numbe r o f me n sen t varie d widel y fro m yea r to year , makin g estimate s difficult , bu t th e troop s ra n int o th e thou sands durin g especiall y unsettle d periods . Man y o f th e regular s sen t to th e island s di d no t retur n hom e wit h thei r units . A good shar e of them were buried i n th e West Indies , th e victims of disease, ill-treat ment, an d th e unhealth y tropica l climate , bu t thos e wh o live d an d stayed o n t o plant , farm , o r ek e ou t a margina l existenc e i n som e other way further skewed the distribution o f the sexes and contributed toward mal e preponderanc e o n th e islands . Eve n whe n larg e num bers o f regular s wer e present , islander s continue d t o fret . Th e colo nial assembl y o f Jamaic a wa s sufficientl y concerne d i n 167 3 t o re quire al l me n betwee n th e age s of 1 2 and 6 0 to joi n on e o f the loca l companies o f hors e o r foot . Master s wer e ordere d t o se e tha t thei r eligible servant s were members of the units , an d a £5 fine or corporal punishment wa s mandate d fo r thos e wh o illegall y avoide d thei r mi litia duties . Th e legislatio n dealin g wit h th e militi a di d no t reassur e the government , an d they remaine d uneas y abou t the islanders ' abilities to protec t themselves. I n the closing years of William Ill' s reign the Counci l o f Trad e an d Plantation s recommende d t o th e Lord s Justices tha t al l me n betwee n th e age s o f 1 4 an d 6 0 b e require d t o serve.20 The numbe r o f militiame n o n Jamaic a a t an y give n tim e i s no t easily ascertained . Althoug h figures sent to Londo n indicat e tha t almost ever y adul t mal e wa s enrolled , ther e appear s t o hav e bee n a good dea l o f frau d involve d i n militi a service , an d strengt h on pape r was no t necessaril y a n indicatio n o f th e numbe r o f battle-read y me n on han d to defend th e island . Th e nee d fo r more an d more male s to make the islan d saf e force d th e planter s to striv e har d to increas e th e

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number o f whit e mal e inhabitants , an d althoug h ther e i s consider able doub t abou t ho w successfu l the y wer e i n attractin g immigrant s in thi s mos t sought-afte r category , thos e tha t di d com e furthe r in creased th e proportio n o f me n i n th e population . Th e sam e situatio n prevailed i n Barbado s an d elsewhere , wher e th e danger s o f foreig n invasion an d slav e insurrection wer e a s acute a s on Jamaica. A report in Apri l 167 6 gav e th e militi a strengt h fo r St . Christophe r a t 1,00 0 men, Nevi s ha d 1,55 0 me n t o bea r arm s bu t onl y 1,00 0 weapons , Antigua claime d a militi a o f 1,100 , an d Montserra t ha d 1,50 0 o r 1,600 me n unde r arms . A census take n onl y tw o years late r reporte d the whit e mal e populatio n fo r th e sam e island s a t 69 5 fo r St . Chris topher, 1,53 4 o n Nevis , Antigu a wit h 1,236 , an d Montserra t wit h i,i48.21

The influ x fro m Irelan d an d th e residua l populatio n o f former sol diers and sailor s di d no t alleviate th e shortag e o f workers i n th e Wes t Indies, an d planter s sought t o obtain me n t o labor i n thei r cane fields from anothe r source : th e convict s tha t jamme d man y o f England' s jails. Sendin g convict s t o th e colonie s bega n i n earnes t durin g th e Protectorate, an d whe n Charle s I I becam e kin g h e continue d th e practice afte r receivin g a petitio n fro m a group o f Jamaica n colonist s asking that transportation no t be halted. Record s indicat e a t least 4,50 0 convicts wer e sen t t o th e colonie s betwee n 166 1 an d 1700 . The y were shippe d t o th e mainlan d colonie s a s wel l a s t o th e Caribbean , but afte r 1697 , th e majorit y o f thos e transporte d wen t t o th e Wes t Indies.22 Christophe r Jeaffreson , a Leewar d Islan d gentleman , wa s one o f thos e wh o sough t t o obtai n convict s fo r th e Wes t Indies . H e originally journeye d t o Londo n i n th e 1680 s t o procur e servant s fo r the islands , bu t h e foun d littl e enthusias m amon g th e lowe r classe s for travelin g t o th e Caribbean , an d i t wa s onl y i n desperation , afte r failing t o recrui t an y quantit y o f servants , tha t h e sough t ou t th e convicts. Jeaffreso n presente d a petition t o the authoritie s fo r permis sion t o transpor t 30 0 criminal s an d hi s reques t wa s granted. 23 H e then wen t t o secur e hi s carg o fro m th e priso n officers , littl e antici pating th e difficultie s tha t awaite d him . Whe n h e arrive d a t th e Ol d Bailey, h e foun d t o hi s disma y tha t h e woul d no t b e give n th e op portunity t o selec t convict s bu t wa s require d t o tak e thos e chose n fo r

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him b y th e jailors . Th e featur e o f thi s arrangemen t tha t particularl y distressed Jeaffreso n wa s that whe n th e priso n official s use d th e wor d "men" i n referenc e t o their charges , the y use d th e ter m i n it s generi c sense rathe r tha n a s i t wa s mor e commonl y employe d a s a denomi nator o f sex . Th e me n i n Jeaffreson' s grou p include d a goo d man y women. Jeaffreso n wa s lookin g fo r field hands , no t females , an d h e learned immediatel y tha t h e wa s at a disadvantage i n tryin g to secur e them because , h e claimed , th e Jamaic a agent s i n Londo n woul d tak e women an d childre n alon g wit h th e men , an d th e authoritie s natu rally preferre d t o dea l wit h them . H e wrot e a serie s o f complainin g letters explaining th e situatio n t o Thomas Hill , th e Deput y Governo r of St . Christopher , an d a t th e sam e tim e continue d hi s efforts . A t one poin t h e descende d o n th e priso n keeper s immediatel y afte r th e exposure o f the Ry e Hous e Plo t an d th e apprehensio n o f the conspir ators. H e reasone d tha t thos e arreste d wer e largel y mal e an d thu s chances of securing a cargo of convicts with a high proportio n o f me n was substantiall y increased . H e wa s no t successfu l i n thi s particula r foray, bu t neithe r wa s h e daunted . H e memorialize d publi c officials , conferred wit h member s o f th e Lords ' Commissioner s fo r Foreig n Plantations, harrangue d th e jailors , an d engage d i n a n assortmen t o f political machinations. 24 Jeaffreson's persistenc e wa s rewarded, an d ove r a period o f time h e managed t o sen d mos t i f no t al l o f hi s allotte d 30 0 convict s t o th e Indies. Unfortunately , sinc e th e prisoner s wer e sent i n smal l batches , there i s n o recor d o f al l wh o endure d force d emigratio n a s member s of th e contingent s h e shipped . I n th e thre e group s fo r whic h Jeaffre son mentione d th e se x distributio n i n hi s correspondence , th e male s outnumbered th e female s b y a margi n o f ove r thre e t o one . A roste r of convict s h e include d i n a 168 4 lette r t o Governo r Hil l liste d 2 3 men an d five wome n o n thei r wa y t o serv e i n th e islands . Th e nex t year h e wrot e o f two other shipments ; the first contained 3 0 men an d eleven women , th e secon d 2 9 me n an d nin e women . I n th e lette r informing official s o n St . Christophe r tha t th e carg o o f 2 9 me n an d nine wome n wa s bein g sent , Jeaffreso n mad e i t clea r h e ha d no t reconciled himsel f to being forced t o send female s t o the West Indies, and lamente d th e fac t tha t afte r al l hi s labor , securin g convict s wa s

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still a very frustrating business. 25 H e complaine d t o Governo r Hil l a t one poin t o f th e cover t payment s h e wa s force d t o mak e t o jai l offi cials, explainin g tha t h e ha d t o pa y th e fee s fo r 3 9 prisoners: but finding one o f th e wome n t o b e sick e an d infirm e I resolve d t o leave her behind , whic h th e keeper s wer e ver y angry at ; and I could no t prevail with them t o retourne m e the £1 lis. payd fo r her; which I chose rather to lose than t o hazard the loss of five pounds mor e upon a sickly woman. 26 It seem s likel y fro m th e survivin g evidenc e tha t th e numbe r o f male convict s sen t t o th e Wes t Indie s b y Jeaffreson outnumbere d th e female convict s b y at leas t a three t o on e majority , indicatin g h e ha d done a poo r jo b o f securin g males . Wome n sentence d fo r crime s serious enoug h t o warran t transportatio n t o th e colonie s represente d only 1 5 t o 2 0 percen t o f suc h offenders , an d th e sam e i s tru e fo r crimes i n which th e death sentenc e wa s pronounced. I n capital cases, however, th e sentenc e wa s often change d t o transportatio n t o the colonies, an d thu s thos e female s actuall y shippe d t o America wer e probably eve n les s in proportio n t o th e numbe r o f men , fo r wome n ofte n would "plea d thei r bellies " (i.e. , clai m t o b e pregnant ) an d thereb y escape death o r bein g sen t t o th e Ne w World . I n a numbe r o f case s reported fro m th e earl y eighteenth century , th e rati o o f offenders sen tenced t o deat h wa s si x male s fo r eac h female , bu t i n ever y cas e th e women testifie d the y wer e pregnant , an d i n so doing gained a chanc e to chea t th e hangma n an d avoi d force d emigratio n t o th e Carib bean. 27 Despite Christopher Jeaffreson' s assertion s to the contrary, th e ratio of wome n t o me n i n th e shipment s sen t t o Jamaica wa s probabl y n o higher tha n i n groups sent to the Leewards . Th e Jamaican s als o mad e it clea r the y wer e a t leas t a s unenthusiasti c abou t acceptin g wome n convicts a s were othe r islanders . O n Decembe r 28 , 1696 , a grou p o f merchants informe d th e Boar d o f Trad e the y wer e unwillin g t o ac cept a consignmen t o f 8 0 criminal s "becaus e mos t o f the m wer e women, an d becaus e person s o f ba d characte r wer e no t wante d i n Jamaica." Durin g th e summe r o f the followin g year , Newgat e priso n filled with femal e convicts , but non e coul d b e persuaded t o take them. Inquiries wer e mad e amon g colonia l agent s t o tr y an d transpor t a t

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least 50 , an d whil e th e Leewar d Islan d representativ e agree d t o tak e some o f them , th e Jamaican s woul d accep t th e wome n onl y i f 15 0 men wer e als o sent . Th e decisio n wa s mad e t o sen d th e wome n t o the Leewards , bu t i t i s not certain the y were ever sent although me n continued t o be transported to the West Indies during the months the women awaite d shipment. Lik e other West Indian colonists , th e Barbadians wer e oppose d t o allowing femal e convict s t o b e sen t to thei r island. The y wer e willin g t o accept convicte d criminals , bu t the col ony's agent s i n Londo n advise d th e Counci l fo r Trad e an d Planta tions t o sen d femal e convict s t o Virgini a o r Carolin a where , the y said, whit e wome n worke d i n th e fields. 28 The administrativ e complications , fees , frustratio n an d bribe s re quired t o secur e convict s fo r transportation gav e encouragemen t t o a much mor e insidiou s typ e o f force d migration , kidnapping . Th e il legal natur e o f snatchin g person s fro m th e street s an d road s o f En gland fo r shipmen t t o Americ a mean t tha t fe w record s surviv e tha t might indicat e th e numbe r wh o foun d themselve s i n a ne w lif e a s the direct result of force, bu t the absence of both expense and administrative difficultie s mad e kidnappin g profitabl e an d convenient ; Th e usual metho d o f obtainin g cargoe s wa s t o pl y intende d victim s wit h alcohol or , i f children , t o lur e the m int o th e kidnapper' s clutche s with sweets . B y th e fifth decade o f th e seventeent h century , kidnap ping fo r the colonie s ha d become sufficientl y widesprea d s o that regular depots wer e establishe d i n lowe r class sections o f London , espe cially i n St . Katherine s nea r the Tower and th e docks . Victim s wer e brought t o an y on e o f severa l house s wher e the y migh t be kep t prisoner a s lon g a s a mont h befor e a shi p captai n coul d b e locate d t o take them away . Kidnapping wa s s o commo n tha t Christophe r Jeaffreson , a t on e point durin g hi s difficultie s acquirin g a shipmen t o f convicts , con sidered th e possibilit y o f "spiriting " persons of f t o th e Indies . H e re jected th e practic e no t becaus e h e foun d i t morall y opprobriou s bu t because b y th e tim e h e hi t upo n th e idea , "th e Lor d Chie f Justic e hath s o severel y handle d th e kidnabbers , an d s o encourage d al l in formers agains t them , tha t i t [was ] very difficul t t o procur e any." 29 The wrat h of the authorities, h e complained, ha d caused a £500 fine

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to b e levie d agains t a slopselle r convicte d o f involvemen t i n kidnap ping, an d severa l othe r me n accuse d o f simila r dealing s wer e place d in disrepute . Th e resul t wa s tha t merchant s informe d o n kidnapper s and reape d th e reward s whil e a t leas t som e shi p captains , fearfu l o f being reporte d t o th e authoritie s an d severel y fined o r disgraced , re fused t o carr y person s take n agains t thei r will. 30 London wa s no t th e onl y plac e wher e kidnapper s plie d thei r trad e in Cromwellia n an d Restoratio n England . Th e cit y o f Bristo l re ceived s o man y complaint s abou t kidnappin g tha t o n Septembe r 29 , 1654, the y ordere d "tha t al l boys , maids , an d other s thencefort h transported a s servant s shoul d befor e shipmen t hav e thei r indenture s of servic e enrolle d i n th e Tolzey Book." 31 Th e ordinanc e wa s to b e enforced b y a fine o f £20 fo r violations , an d copie s o f th e ordinanc e were t o b e poste d i n conspicuou s place s s o tha t non e coul d plea d ignorance o f th e law . I n July , 1662 , th e tow n corporatio n petitione d the Kin g fo r powe r t o ascertai n th e identit y o f passenger s o n al l ship s bound fo r th e colonie s t o prevent th e "spiritin g away " of unwary per sons an d t o preven t th e escap e o f rogue s an d apprentices . Ther e i s also a notice i n th e Corporatio n minut e boo k containin g informatio n that childre n wer e daily bein g enticed fro m thei r parent s an d servant s from thei r master s by merchant s an d captain s tradin g t o Virginia an d to th e Wes t Indies . Kidnappin g i n Bristo l wa s to o profitabl e t o b e suppressed b y fines, an d th e magistrate s exhibite d thei r taci t approva l of th e industr y when , th e followin g year , the y sentence d tw o me n convicted o f manstealin g eac h t o stand on e hou r i n pillorie s fo r thre e consecutive marke t days with notic e o f their offense placarde d t o thei r breasts. The y wer e carefu l t o ensur e th e safet y o f th e me n fro m th e citizenry i n thi s case ; officer s wer e presen t t o mak e sur e th e mis creants wer e kep t saf e fro m stone s an d missile s hurle d b y passers-by . Other kidnapper s wer e similarl y punished , an d th e lenienc y show n them b y th e magistrac y wa s hardl y calculate d t o dete r th e traffi c i n unwilling huma n beings. 32 West India n merchant s an d planter s wer e anxiou s t o increas e thei r labor force , an d man y o f thes e unwillin g migrant s wer e surel y wel comed b y th e loca l residents , i n nee d o f servant s an d agricultura l workers as they were . Bu t person s sen t to the Caribbea n agains t thei r

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wills als o create d seriou s difficultie s fo r th e islanders . Man y victim s of th e kidnapper s wer e "idle , lazie , [and ] simple" peopl e wh o woul d "rather be g tha n work. " Others , angere d ove r thei r force d migration , were understandabl y hostile . A group o f leadin g Jamaic a merchant s petitioned Charle s I I i n 168 2 fo r a la w makin g i t mor e difficul t t o kidnap Englishmen . The y aske d tha t servant s unde r th e ag e of 2 1 be bound fo r servic e i n th e colonie s onl y wit h th e consen t o f a n offica l higher tha n a magistrate , thereb y eliminatin g th e abuse s o f corrup t officials o n th e lowe r administrativ e levels . The y als o aske d tha t i n cases o f those unde r 14 , the parent s be require d t o sign th e necessar y documents t o bind th e childre n fo r shipment . The Wes t India n populatio n o f convicts, vagabonds , deserters , an d deportees wa s a sourc e o f recruit s fo r Caribbea n pirat e vessel s i n th e seventeenth an d eighteent h centuries , bu t ther e was still another group from whic h pirate s wer e abl e t o gai n crewmembers : Englishme n liv ing i n th e Indie s wh o ha d com e voluntaril y t o engag e i n occupation s not directl y connecte d wit h seafaring . Larg e number s o f th e Englis h who saile d fo r th e Caribbe n i n th e year s afte r th e civi l war s made th e migration freel y becaus e the y hope d t o improv e thei r economi c situ ation. Thes e wer e no t th e desperatel y poor , th e cottager s o r th e wan dering beggar s o f England . The y wer e peopl e whos e situatio n wa s such tha t the y ha d aspiration s o f a t leas t attainin g greater prosperit y than the y enjoye d i n th e homeland . Ye t whil e the y hope d t o bette r themselves economically , a t th e tim e the y electe d t o migrat e the y were unabl e t o affor d th e voyag e acros s th e Atlantic . T o pa y thei r passage, the y saile d a s indenture d servants ; they sol d themselve s int o servitude fo r a numbe r o f years , mos t commonl y five, t o cove r th e cost o f transportatio n t o th e Ne w World . Som e ide a o f th e typ e o f people wh o becam e indenture d servant s ca n b e gleane d fro m surviv ing records . I n 1654 , th e Bristo l Counci l require d th e name s o f al l servants boun d fo r oversea s t o b e enrolle d a s cit y apprentices . Th e entries were carefully kep t until 1685 , and i n tha t time approximatel y 10,000 name s wer e entered . Tha t th e opportunitie s offere d i n th e New Worl d wer e well-know n throughou t Englan d i s substantiate d from th e list . Mos t wh o saile d fro m Bristol , a s migh t b e expected , came fro m th e surroundin g areas . Th e Wes t Country , Somerset ,

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Gloucestershire, an d Wiltshir e provide d almos t 8 5 percent o f the mi grants, bu t th e remainde r cam e fro m Wale s an d fro m ever y othe r county i n Englan d excep t Rutland. 33 Over one-thir d o f th e indenture d servant s mad e thei r livin g fro m the lan d befor e decidin g t o migrate . Approximatel y 3 6 percent liste d their occupation s a s yeomen o r farmers, wit h a majority preferrin g t o style themselve s yeomen . Artisan s an d tradesme n mad e u p anothe r 22 percent , whil e unskille d laborers , th e mos t economicall y dis tressed segmen t o f th e migrants , compose d onl y te n percen t o f thos e who sailed . Ther e wer e a fe w professional s an d gentlemen , wh o ha d presumably falle n o n evi l days , bu t the y numbere d onl y on e perso n out o f every hundre d voyagers . Ther e i s also th e possibilit y tha t eigh t percent o f the indenture d servant s o n th e lis t may hav e been minors . The Bristo l dat a i s confirmed b y another simila r list from Londo n fo r the perio d fro m 168 3 t o 168 4 which contain s th e name s o f 75 0 per sons wh o saile d fro m th e cit y fo r th e Ne w World . Skille d worker s were th e larges t numbe r o f indenture d servants , outnumberin g farm ers b y a majorit y o f tw o t o one . Agai n i t appear s tha t approximatel y eight percen t o f th e Londo n migrant s wer e children , and , mor e sig nificant fo r th e developmen t o f th e Wes t Indies , o n bot h th e Bristo l and th e Londo n list s o f indenture d servants , male s outnumbere d fe males b y a margi n o f three t o one. 34 The nee d fo r indenture d servant s wa s nowher e mor e eviden t tha n on th e islan d o f Barbados . Fro m it s earlies t year s o f settlemen t th e Barbadians ha d trie d a numbe r o f scheme s t o induc e Englishme n t o come t o th e island , bu t non e o f them , includin g th e paymen t o f bounties, wa s successful . I t wa s no t unti l th e developmen t o f a reg ular syste m o f indenture d servitud e tha t som e progres s wa s mad e i n bringing laborer s t o the undermanne d plantations . Thi s began i n 163 6 when th e shi p Abraham saile d t o Irelan d t o tak e aboar d approxi mately 10 0 servant s fo r shipmen t t o Barbados . Whe n th e vesse l ar rived, th e captai n learne d tha t th e agen t i n charg e o f recruitin g wa s able t o induc e onl y 4 1 me n an d 2 0 wome n betwee n th e age s o f 1 7 and 3 5 t o g o t o th e island . Th e larg e numbe r o f wome n di d no t please th e agent , bu t h e explaine d i n a letter to his employe r tha t th e reasons s o man y wome n wer e include d wa s becaus e h e coul d no t

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persuade enoug h me n t o go . Eve n then , th e se x rati o force d o n th e reluctant agen t underwen t change . Thre e person s whos e se x canno t be determine d lef t th e grou p eve n befor e the y sailed , reducin g th e number t o 58 . Late r thre e wome n wer e discovere d t o b e pregnan t and pu t ashore an d anothe r wa s also pu t ashore whe n i t was learned she ha d the "frentch e dizeas." 35 Befor e departur e two additional ser vants wer e evidentl y procured , fo r 5 6 o f th e contingen t wer e pre sented fo r sale an d sol d i n th e West Indies. A t most only 1 8 of these could hav e been women , meanin g a ratio of over two males for each female, bu t dependin g o n th e se x o f th e thre e wh o disappeare d an d the tw o late additions, th e rati o may have bee n ove r three to one. Even then , th e distributio n o f th e sexe s i n th e Abraham's carg o was mor e equall y balance d tha n o n th e islan d wher e ther e wer e a s yet practicall y n o women . I t wa s no t unti l th e 1650s , whe n larg e numbers o f servant s began arrivin g o n Barbados , tha t the numbe r of females bega n t o increase. 36 Bu t as was the case with migran t groups to al l th e islands , th e se x distributio n o f th e indenture d servant s re mained heavil y skewe d towar d th e males . Reflectin g som e concer n over the problem , an d a t the sam e tim e tryin g to rid themselves o f a local difficulty , Londo n authoritie s i n 165 6 actually sen t soldiers int o brothels and other places frequented b y loose women, roundin g them up fo r shipmen t t o Barbados . Th e exac t coun t o f prostitute s per suaded t o trave l t o th e Caribbea n i n thi s fashio n i s no t certain , bu t estimates rang e fro m 40 0 t o i,200. 37 Whateve r th e numbe r actuall y sent, i t was insufficien t t o redres s the island' s sexua l imbalance . Th e shortage o f wome n wa s s o sever e tha t on e observe r note d i n 1655 , "A Bau d brough t ove r put s o n a demou r comportment , a whor e i f hansume make s a wif e fo r som e ric h planter." 38 Ho w man y soile d doves becam e th e wive s o f landowner s i s uncertain , bu t i t i s know n that household s i n Bridgetown , o n Barbados , containe d fewe r wive s and children tha n households i n Bristol Rhod e Island during the same period. On e islan d observe r claime d t o kno w o f 2 0 wome n o n Bar bados wh o ha d marrie d a s man y a s five o r si x times , eac h o f the m wedding ane w a t the death s o f their husbands . Femal e servant s were so muc h i n deman d fo r sexua l purpose s tha t th e legislatur e ha d t o provide sever e penaltie s fo r male s wh o marrie d servin g wome n with -

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out first obtainin g consen t fro m th e master s o f thei r brides . Suc h men wer e require d t o labo r double th e tim e remainin g o n thei r wives' term o f service t o compensat e th e injure d master . Fre e me n impreg nating indenture d wome n wer e require d t o serv e th e womens ' mas ters fo r a perio d o f thre e year s o r provid e a substitut e fo r th e sam e length o f tim e an d th e wome n wer e force d t o perfor m a n additiona l two years of work. A servant impregnatin g anothe r servan t was force d to yiel d u p doubl e th e female' s remainin g ter m o f servic e whe n h e completed th e requirement s o f hi s own indenture . After 165 0 suga r replace d tobacc o a s th e agricultura l mainsta y o f Barbados, an d th e increase d specializatio n an d capitalizatio n require d for th e ne w cro p mean t smal l holding s wer e graduall y reduce d i n number. Mos t larg e landowner s wer e sufficientl y prosperou s b y th e closing decades of the centur y t o return t o England, leavin g overseer s to manag e thei r estates . Smal l plantation s almos t disappeare d fro m the island , an d slaver y too k ove r almos t entirel y fro m whit e labor . The tota l whit e populatio n o f th e islan d declined , an d althoug h th e proportion o f wome n amon g th e white s increased , th e numbe r o f white female s remaine d small ; th e deman d fo r wome n amon g th e resident white s wa s neve r met , an d price s remaine d hig h fo r whit e females. A list o f peopl e filing notic e o f thei r intentio n t o leav e Bar bados i n 167 9 contained 59 3 names ; 2 2 who planne d t o depar t wer e married couples , 5 9 wer e singl e women , an d 51 2 wer e singl e men . This te n t o on e rati o i s simila r t o th e proportio n o f me n t o wome n who die d i n th e epidemi c year s before , an d i t i s identica l wit h th e ratio foun d o n a 168 0 list o f landownin g Barbadians wher e womens ' names appear along with th e name s of 1,22 5 mal e freeholders . Non e of these pieces of information indicate s a sex ratio of ten t o one amon g the genera l populatio n o n th e island , bu t the y d o provid e stron g evi dence tha t th e numbe r o f me n fa r exceede d th e numbe r o f women . The actua l figures of 167 3 were 9,27 4 whit e me n an d approximatel y 3,800 white women. I n 1690 , Dalb y Thomas estimate d a sugar plan tation coul d b e operate d wit h 5 0 blacks an d seve n Englis h t o super vise them , bu t wit h th e diminishin g whit e populatio n an d th e in crease i n th e importatio n o f slaves , planter s an d thei r agent s waste d little tim e tryin g t o persuad e wome n t o trave l t o th e island . The y

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needed Europea n male s to secure the plantations in the event of slave rebellion, an d althoug h planter s wer e require d b y la w t o maintai n one whit e servan t fo r every te n slaves , the y wer e rarel y able t o mee t the statutor y provision. 39 An unequa l se x distributio n simila r t o tha t o n Barbado s als o pre vailed in the Leewards, an d in like manner, th e disparity was partially redressed ove r the year s as landholdings wer e consolidated , slave s replaced indenture d servant s i n th e fields, an d th e whit e populatio n decreased. Ye t th e shortag e o f women i n th e island s was severe, an d masters complaine d regularl y tha t thei r femal e servant s wer e bein g seduced o r lured away by lonely males . Th e lac k of available female s became s o disruptiv e o n Nevi s tha t the legislatur e i n 167 5 enacte d a statute entitle d "Wome n Servant s Inveagled. " I t specifie d tha t an y man, servan t o r free , wh o shoul d kee p compan y wit h femal e ser vants, distrac t the m fro m thei r duties , o r entice the m wit h promise s of marriag e an d freedo m woul d b e punishe d unles s they di d s o only with th e permissio n o f th e masters . Th e situatio n di d no t immedi ately improve , an d five year s late r th e legislatur e foun d i t necessar y to reenact the sam e statute. O n Nevis , Antigua , St . Christopher , an d Montserrat i n 1678 , th e tota l numbe r o f me n exceede d th e numbe r of women by a proportion of two to one, bu t for servants the disparity was probabl y eve n higher . A censu s take n 4 0 year s later , whe n th e proportion o f males and females ha d become approximatel y equa l o n most Englis h Wes t India n islands , reveale d tha t the sam e tendencie s operating o n th e demograph y o f fre e whit e resident s were no t necessarily operativ e wit h servants , amon g who m th e male s continue d t o outnumber th e female s b y over two to one. 40 Englishmen cam e late r t o Jamaic a tha n t o th e othe r islands , bu t after it s seizure fro m th e Spanis h i n 1655 , the y proceede d t o develo p it i n muc h th e sam e manne r a s Barbado s an d th e Leewards . A s i n the othe r settlements , me n wer e presen t i n substantiall y large r numbers than wome n durin g th e early perio d o f colonization. I n the first years o f th e Restoration , a strea m o f almos t entirel y mal e migrant s came fro m th e mothe r country , i n man y case s fro m it s jails , an d even whe n Hi s Majesty' s settler s wer e transferre d fro m Surina m t o Jamaica, th e transplante d mal e colonist s outnumbere d thei r wome n

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by a margi n o f tw o t o one . Islan d authoritie s an d colonia l agent s encouraged onl y mal e migration t o provid e labo r fo r th e fields an d men t o bea r arm s i n cas e o f attack . Indenture d servants , convicts , prisoners of war, an d deserter s cam e to Jamaica, a s did me n fro m th e other island s wh o hope d t o find o n thi s larges t o f al l Englis h Wes t Indian possession s th e lan d an d wealt h the y wer e unabl e t o obtai n on Barbados , St . Christopher , Nevis , Antigua , o r Montserrat . Th e local assembl y provide d bountie s o f lan d t o migrants , an d a t on e point offere d exemptio n fro m por t charge s t o an y maste r bringin g over 5 0 white mal e servant s t o the island . I n 1661 , the ratio of white men t o whit e wome n o n Jamaic a wa s approximately si x to one . Th e following year , th e ga p ha d diminishe d somewhat . Th e Journals of the House of Assembly in Jamaica revea l tha t i n 1662 , th e numbe r of whit e male s o n th e islan d outnumbere d female s b y onl y fou r t o one. Te n year s later, a s the labo r forc e o f the islan d wa s transforme d from whit e workers to black slaves , the proportion o f males to female s dropped t o tw o t o on e an d thi s distributio n remaine d unti l a t leas t 1676. I n thi s sam e perio d o f te n years , however , th e tota l whit e pop ulation o f th e islan d onl y doubled , whil e th e numbe r o f black s in creased twenty-fold . Th e exac t ratio s an d th e populatio n figures fo r the first decades o f Englis h dominatio n o f Jamaica var y slightl y fro m source t o source , bu t n o matte r whic h tabulatio n i s accepted a s gen uine, th e sam e over-al l pictur e emerge s o f a populatio n compose d initially o f males , followe d b y a gradua l increas e i n th e femal e pop ulation alterin g th e rati o between th e sexe s from si x to on e t o fou r t o one an d the n tw o to one. 41 Of particula r importanc e fo r buccaneerin g wa s th e mai n cit y o f Jamaica, Por t Royal , whic h serve d fo r a tim e a s the veritabl e capita l of Englis h se a rover s i n th e Caribbean . Widel y repute d t o b e th e most corrup t an d debauche d tow n i n al l Hi s Majesty' s dominions , the evil s o f Por t Roya l wer e probabl y n o greater tha n i n th e water front area s o f London , Bristol , o r othe r seaports . Bu t i f Por t Roya l was n o mor e wicke d tha n othe r comparabl e towns , i t wa s withou t doubt th e mos t sophisticate d plac e i n th e Englis h Caribbean . Th e many ship s tha t entere d it s harbo r brough t a wid e variet y o f Euro pean manufacture d good s an d foodstuffs . Th e onl y dietar y stapl e

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characteristic o f th e mothe r countr y tha t was no t present i n quantit y in th e market s o f Por t Roya l wa s goo d qualit y bread . Codfis h from the Newfoundlan d Banks , herrin g fro m England , an d Iris h salmo n were easil y available , an d wealth y merchant s coul d satisf y thei r taste for delicacies with locally baked cheesecakes, custards , and tarts. There were tavern s fo r me n fro m ever y socia l leve l an d occupationa l cate gory i n Por t Royal , an d Englishme n coul d slak e thei r thirs t a t Th e Blue Anchor, The Three Tunns, th e Sig n of the Mermaid, The Ship, or scores o f lik e establishments , ofte n bearin g name s simila r to their counterparts i n th e homeland . On e complainin g visito r t o th e cit y claimed ther e were ten tippling houses for every hundred inhabitants, and whil e suc h a statemen t i s somewha t exaggerated , hi s assertio n that thos e lower-clas s drinkin g place s "ma y b e fittly calle d brothe l houses" is probably accurate. Som e of the taverns were actually owned by women an d others surely sheltered ladie s who plie d thei r trade on the premises . Ye t despit e this , ther e i s onl y on e establishmen t tha t can be identifie d a s a house o f il l fame . Th e 168 0 census mentione d a Joh n Starr , whos e propert y hel d 2 1 whit e wome n an d tw o blac k women. Th e paucit y o f female s an d th e tendenc y o f male s to marry them quickl y upo n arriva l o r upon th e expiratio n o f their indenture s makes i t unlikel y ther e wer e mor e establishment s o f simila r charac ter. Port Roya l followe d th e typica l demographi c patter n o f Wes t In dian settlements . I t was at first overwhelmingly male , bu t numerica l equality betwee n me n an d wome n evolve d rapidl y i n a n urba n situ ation wher e ther e wa s les s nee d fo r gang s o f convicts , indenture d servants, prisoner s o f war , an d youn g me n spirite d awa y fo r agricultural labor . I n 166 0 there wer e approximately 40 0 fre e me n an d half that number o f fre e women . A dozen year s late r the figures stood at 714 to 529 , an d by 168 0 the numbers were approximately equal. Th e lists o f person s kille d i n th e 169 2 earthquak e tha t destroye d mos t o f Port Royal contai n roughl y equa l number s o f me n an d women. Th e white populatio n o f the town range d between 1,50 0 t o 2,00 0 person s in th e decad e befor e th e quake , bu t th e se x distributio n figures a s well as the population total s give a misleading impression o f the composition o f th e city . Por t Roya l accommodated , i n additio n t o it s

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resident population , a larg e numbe r o f seafarers , mos t o f who m en gaged i n pirac y o r privateering. Eve n befor e Governo r Thoma s Mod yford i n 166 4 bega n hi s polic y o f encouragin g pirate s t o see k safet y in Jamaica, ther e wer e 2 2 full-time privateerin g craf t usin g Por t Roy al's facilities , an d eac h ma y hav e carrie d a n averag e cre w of 60 men . During the two-year period fro m Januar y 1 , 168 8 to January 1 , 1690 , a tota l o f 20 8 ship s o f fro m thre e t o 18 0 ton s docke d a t Por t Royal ; their aggregat e displacemen t reache d almos t 7,00 0 tons . Adde d t o this figure wer e th e Campeach y logwoo d ship s based i n th e por t an d accounting fo r ove r 40 0 sailor s an d cutters . Ther e i s n o wa y t o cal culate wha t migh t b e a media n numbe r o r moda l seafarin g popula tion i n Por t Roya l a t any give n da y o r month . Pirates , hones t sailors , and woodcutter s wer e ofte n a t sea , returnin g onl y afte r successfu l forays t o expen d thei r wage s o r booty o r seeking a saf e harbo r durin g the month s whe n Caribbea n navigatio n wa s particularl y dangerous . The numbe r o f buccaneer s i n tow n fluctuated greatl y fro m da y t o day o r wee k t o week , bu t despit e th e vacillatio n i n th e quantit y o f ships i n th e harbo r an d th e me n ashore , Por t Roya l wa s organized t o accommodate a large, transient , seafarin g population , man y o f whom were pirates . A 167 0 estimat e o f Jamaica-base d seafarer s place d th e number a t 2,50 0 "lust y abl e men, " an d i t i s likel y tha t a substantia l number o f the m engage d i n illega l activitie s whe n desig n o r chanc e gave the m th e opportunit y t o plunder . Th e tow n containe d sailors ' lodging house s an d gro g shop s t o serv e the m an d th e othe r seafarin g men wh o cam e ashore , an d ther e were , o f course , prostitute s fo r those wh o wante d them . Ye t nowher e i n th e survivin g evidenc e o f the demographi c characte r o f the cit y i s there an y evidenc e o f a larg e contingent o f unattache d wome n t o serv e th e hundred s o f mariner s always i n port. 42 As sugar replace d tobacc o a s the primar y cas h cro p o f the Englis h Caribbean colonies , th e demographi c characte r o f the island s change d in respons e t o th e ne w agricultura l imperative s dictate d b y th e cane . The sexua l balanc e betwee n number s o f white me n an d whit e wome n gradually move d towar d equalit y a s th e nee d fo r labo r wa s satisfie d by th e importatio n o f slaves ; ha d othe r factor s remaine d constant , Caribbean pirate s migh t hav e bee n foun d puttin g int o islan d port s

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where ordinar y sexuall y balance d Englis h societie s wer e established . In fact , however , b y the tim e the populatio n approache d equa l num bers of men an d wome n o n island s with long-establishe d settlements , or, mor e accurately , b y th e tim e population s reache d tw o t o on e se x ratios, th e pirate s ha d departed . Ther e i s n o indicatio n tha t th e in crease i n th e proportio n o f wome n wa s i n an y wa y responsibl e fo r driving pirate s awa y fro m Jamaica , Barbados , o r th e Leewards . B y the mid-1670s , planter s wer e comin g t o understan d tha t prosperit y would b e obtaine d an d stabilit y insure d b y maintainin g peacefu l commercial relation s wit h thei r neighbors , th e French , Spanish , an d Dutch, bu t pirate s wer e a n unsettlin g facto r i n th e ne w economi c equation. I n time s o f war, o f course, ther e wa s no alternativ e t o raid ing and disruption , bu t whe n Europ e wa s at peace , th e colonia l rul ing classe s realize d tha t th e prosperit y buccaneer s brough t t o th e is lands and th e protection the y afforded wer e meage r compared t o what could b e achieve d i f tranquilit y coul d b e establishe d i n th e Carib bean. One ste p i n th e directio n o f encouraging prosperit y wa s to halt th e past practices o f encouraging buccaneerin g an d providin g ports , mar kets, an d protectio n fo r pirates . Th e Assembl y i n Jamaica approve d a new anti-pirac y la w i n 1678 , an d i n th e nex t fe w year s at leas t som e captured pirate s wer e sentence d t o deat h b y the island' s courts . Mos t of th e me n condemne d fo r buccaneerin g ultimatel y escape d th e gal lows through lega l maneuverin g an d variou s othe r means , bu t i t was clear tha t pirac y wa s n o longe r t o b e tolerated b y Jamaicans . Th e new hostilit y mad e i t mor e difficul t fo r pirate s t o hav e thei r prize s condemned, the y wer e neve r sur e o f thei r receptio n a t Por t Royal , and the y learne d quickl y tha t th e ol d practice s o f toleranc e an d en couragement wer e gone . Th e sam e transformatio n o f opinio n too k place i n Barbado s where , b y th e en d o f th e century , th e loca l legis lature vote d t o authorize th e sendin g o f their ow n expedition s t o suppress piracy . Afte r th e Treat y o f Ryswic k i n 1697 , th e hom e govern ment joine d enthusiasticall y i n th e attemp t t o destro y Caribbea n freebooting. Ne w law s were debated an d passed , forcin g colonia l gov ernors t o mov e mor e activel y agains t pirates ; Roya l Nav y patrol s i n the Caribbea n wer e increased. 43

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As operations became mor e difficult i n Jamaica, th e Leewards , an d further t o th e south , pirate s wer e force d t o mov e fro m thei r estab lished sanctuaries . Som e crosse d th e Isthmu s o f Panama whil e other s sailed throug h th e Strait s o f Magella n o r aroun d th e Hor n t o find plunder i n th e Sout h Sea , a s the Pacifi c wa s called. Stil l other s wen t to th e India n Ocea n t o ro b th e heathe n Muslims , bu t mos t simpl y went northwar d t o th e Virgi n Islands , th e Bahamas , Bermuda , an d to th e Nort h America n colonies , wher e a t leas t som e governmen t officials wer e anxiou s t o cooperat e wit h th e marauder s i f profits wer e to b e had . Despit e th e northwar d shif t i n thei r bases , buccaneer s continued thei r depredations almos t everywhere i n th e Caribbean un til wel l int o th e eighteent h century . Bu t i n thei r newl y discovere d havens, the y found , a s other s o f thei r kin d ha d discovere d 3 0 year s earlier, tha t o n island s stil l i n earl y stage s o f economi c developmen t they woul d b e welcome d b y a communit y composed largel y o f me n where thei r all-mal e societ y coul d b e transferre d fro m shi p t o shor e without essentia l modification . T o be sure, man y pirate s harried fro m their Wes t India n base s trade d a t St . Thoma s i n th e Virgi n Island s or i n man y harbor s on th e coast of North America , bu t i n thes e wellestablished settlements , particularly th e proprietarie s wher e the y re ceived specia l encouragement , accordin g t o som e sources , the y re mained unde r the control o f a heterosexual society . The y wer e bound by it s regulations, a t leas t i n th e publi c portion s o f their activities , a s would hav e been th e cas e had the y bee n hones t seamen puttin g i n a t Bristol, Dartmouth , o r London. 44 It wa s i n th e Bahama s an d Bermud a wher e pirate s actuall y estab lished bases , an d wer e able to gain contro l o f the islands , dominatin g the governor s wit h bribe s o r th e threa t o f force . Governo r Richar d Cony o f Bermud a complaine d t o th e Ear l o f Sutherlan d tha t publi c pressure force d hi m t o releas e a pirat e captai n wh o lande d a t th e island wit h ove r £3,000 i n Dutc h goods , an d ther e i s every indicatio n that th e preponderan t numbe r o f resident s wer e eithe r pirate s o r ex pirates. Ofte n th e islan d resident s di d no t nee d t o forc e official s t o aid them . Nichola s Trott, a Bahamian governor , regularl y cooperate d with buccaneers . H e encourage d the m t o sto p a t th e island s unde r his administratio n an d wa s particularl y delinquen t i n bringin g ac -

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cused marauder s t o trial . Som e clu e t o hi s conduc t i n offic e ca n b e obtained fro m a lette r writte n b y th e then-Governo r o f Ne w York , the Ear l o f Bellomont , t o th e Counci l o f Trad e an d Plantation s i n 1699. H e expresse d surpris e tha t Trot t ha d bee n appointe d t o offic e since h e wa s know n a s a frien d t o th e pirate s an d ha d mad e some where nea r £50,00 0 i n hi s dealing s wit h them . Edwar d Randolp h complained t o the hom e governmen t tha t ther e wer e seldo m les s than four pirate s o n th e Counci l a t Ne w Providence , an d th e Counci l o f Trade an d Plantation s receive d notic e tha t a member o f the Bermud a Council ha d onc e bee n a fiddler aboar d a pirat e ship . Ther e seem s to be littl e doubt that buccaneers coul d work their will on th e islands . Governor Elia s Hasket t complaine d tha t resident s o f th e Bahama s regularly imprisone d official s wh o angere d them , an d hi s assertio n could hav e bee n substantiate d b y George Larkin , a commissioner sen t to tr y pirate s fo r thei r crimes . H e wa s jaile d fo r lew d an d scandalou s practices, indicatin g freebooters, lik e their fellow citizens i n the mothe r country, kne w th e ar t o f achievin g politica l end s b y levelin g unre lated charge d o f misconduct a t thei r enemies. 45 Woodes Rogers , wh o administere d th e Bahama s fo r a tim e afte r 1717, reporte d a s ha d other s befor e him , tha t th e resident s preferre d pirates t o Roya l officials , bu t h e explaine d tha t suc h wa s t o b e ex pected fro m a population o f dubious mora l characte r where even thos e who ha d neve r bee n pirate s wer e poo r an d lazy . No t onl y wer e th e Bahamians prodigiou s drinkers , perhap s eve n equa l t o Bermudans , but on e Englis h officia l reporte d the y copulate d wit h littl e restraint , utilizing eac h other s wive s wit h abando n an d thei r ow n sister s an d daughters whe n convenient . Ever y man , h e said , considere d ever y woman hi s property . Whil e th e descriptio n sound s a s i f th e island s hosted a continuin g heterosexua l org y o f adultery, rape , fornication , and incest , th e smal l numbe r o f wome n i n th e Bahama s i n th e first years of the eighteent h centur y whe n th e descriptio n wa s written pre cluded participatio n b y al l male s o n a regula r basis. Th e invasio n b y the Spanis h an d Frenc h i n 170 3 killed al l male s who could be caught , probably severa l hundred , whic h di d no t includ e th e me n wh o wer e at se a whe n the y struck . Late r i n th e yea r th e onl y survivor s o f th e raid, som e 8 0 women, wer e token off the islands . Th e Bahama s wer e

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deserted fo r a number o f years, but when th e Englis h bega n t o retur n the numbe r o f female s i n th e populatio n remaine d ver y tiny . Ther e were only 1 2 families tha t could be located i n 171 6 and th e followin g year th e numbe r ha d rise n onl y t o 30 . On e residen t o f Ne w Provi dence depose d tha t ther e wer e approximatel y 5 0 me n o n th e islan d ravishing th e fe w female s available , bu t b y th e tim e h e mad e hi s sworn statemen t th e mal e populatio n o f the Bahama s ha d grow n con siderably an d i f 5 0 me n wer e ravishin g women , i t indicate s ther e were severa l hundre d pirate s a s wel l a s a n undetermine d numbe r o f additional mal e resident s unintereste d i n joinin g th e ravishment. 46 In th e year s fro m 166 0 t o 169 0 when buccaneer s plundere d freel y in th e Caribbean , an d b;*or e a serie s o f politica l an d administrativ e policies adopte d b y Londo n drov e the m northward , th e rati o o f me n to wome n o n almos t ever y Englis h islan d range d fro m a hig h o f approximately five t o on e t o a lowe r rati o o f tw o t o one . Thi s i s ob viously a situatio n fa r differen t fro m penitentiarie s wher e me n ar e confined fo r extende d period s o f tim e an d deprive d entirel y o f acces s to females , o r s o i t woul d appea r fro m th e numerica l distributio n o f the sexes . Bu t i n fac t th e rati o o f me n t o wome n take n alon e give s a misleading pictur e o f th e frequenc y potentia l fo r heterosexua l con tact. I f Europea n wome n i n th e Wes t Indie s ha d bee n availabl e fo r distributive sexua l purposes , th e rati o o f me n t o women , whethe r three to one or even ten t o one, woul d hav e been adequat e t o provide the resident s wit h sufficien t opportunit y fo r sexua l activity , bu t thi s was hardly th e case . Wome n wer e i n short supply, an d neithe r o f the two categorie s o f femal e emigrant s t o th e Indie s wer e suitabl e fo r providing genera l sexua l services . Th e fe w wome n wh o cam e t o th e islands withou t indenture s wer e i n almos t ever y case brought b y hus bands o r othe r relatives . The y wer e comfortabl y situated , usuall y members of the small loca l aristocracies, an d hardl y the sort of women to b e pu t t o wor k a s prostitutes . Th e female s wh o migrate d t o th e Caribbean a s indenture d servants , approximatel y 2 5 percen t o f al l persons wh o sol d thei r labo r to pay transportation acros s the Atlantic , were usuall y purchase d o n arriva l b y planter s wh o wanted thei r ser vices as domestic laborers o r for light agricultura l work , an d th e own ers of indenture s mad e i t clear tha t fornicatio n wit h thei r femal e ser -

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vants was no t t o be allowed. Statute s o n Nevi s provide d punishment s for male s wh o "distracted " femal e servant s fro m thei r duties . Else where indenture d female s wer e force d t o serv e extr a tim e fo r preg nancy, hardl y a n agreeabl e prospect , an d th e penalt y fo r marryin g secretly wa s usuall y fixed a t a n extr a yea r o f service . O n Barbados, local authoritie s wer e especiall y vigilan t i n guardin g agains t male s making advance s towar d thei r femal e servants . Th e manservan t wh o secretly marrie d face d a n extr a fou r year s o f servitude , fines an d whipping wer e th e penaltie s fo r fornication , an d chil d suppor t coul d be assessed i f the malefacto r wer e a fre e man . A portio n o f thes e femal e servants , som e o f who m wer e convicts , ultimately marrie d thei r purchasers , reducin g furthe r th e singl e fe male populatio n o f th e Englis h Wes t Indies , bu t marriag e an d fami lies were clearl y reserve d fo r landowners , an d mos t such union s see m to hav e bee n contracte d i n America , fo r th e record s o f me n comin g to the Caribbea n wit h wive s and childre n wer e ver y few . O n Jamaic a by 1680 , two-third s o f the larg e planter s ha d manage d t o secur e wives, but furthe r dow n th e socia l scale , onl y hal f o f th e smalle r farmer s were married . Fo r me n exclude d fro m th e landownin g classes , th e indentured servants , convicts , prisoner s of war , vagabonds , o r victim s of kidnapping , marriag e wa s economicall y impossibl e eve n i f ther e had bee n adequat e number s o f women available . Thos e wome n wh o could marr y wer e soo n we d t o landowner s an d th e remainde r o f me n had n o alternativ e bu t t o remai n single. 47 A good dea l o f th e numerica l imbalanc e betwee n th e sexe s i n th e seventeenth-century Wes t Indie s wa s the resul t o f economi c impera tives. Unlik e th e colonie s i n Nort h America , whic h wer e subjec t t o family migratio n an d settlemen t o r became hom e t o family unit s soon after thei r founding , th e Caribbea n colonie s o f thre e centurie s ag o were no t settlement s wher e famil y lif e flourished. Th e climate , trop ical diseases , an d th e appallin g deat h rat e mad e eac h islan d a plac e where me n cam e t o mak e thei r fortun e an d the n retur n t o Englan d leaving their estate s i n th e hand s o f overseers who, lik e their masters , hoped t o becom e me n o f propert y an d retur n t o a secur e an d com fortable ol d ag e i n th e mothe r country . This , an d th e possibilit y o f making a larg e fortun e i n a relativel y limite d spac e o f tim e con -

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tributed towar d keepin g th e Wes t Indie s a man' s country . Fo r mi grants anxiou s t o buil d fortune s rathe r tha n colonies , ther e wa s littl e purpose i n importin g wome n wh o wer e unabl e t o engage i n th e nec essary agricultura l labor , an d onc e i t wa s discovere d tha t slav e labor could b e use d mor e effectivel y tha n whit e me n wh o wer e difficul t t o acquire i n sufficien t quantities , the n African s replace d indenture d servants an d othe r classe s o f reluctan t worker s i n th e can e fields. Although th e numbe r o f male s an d female s wa s kept in roug h ba^ ance amon g th e slav e populatio n t o ensur e continuin g agricultura l productivity, th e desir e fo r numerica l equalit y o f male s an d female s among th e slav e population wa s not s o rigid tha t i t prevented master s from copulatin g wit h thei r slaves . The Antigu a Assembl y once passe d a statut e agains t "Carnal l Coppullatio n betwee n Christia n an d Heathen," bu t th e increasin g mulatt o populatio n observe d i n al l col onies provide d evidenc e o f th e ineffectivenes s o f suc h prohibitions . The shortag e o f Europea n female s i n th e Indie s undoubtedl y con tributed t o the frequenc y o f interracia l sex—ther e i s agreement amon g travelers wh o visite d bot h th e islan d an d th e mainlan d colonie s tha t miscegenation wa s mor e conspicuou s i n th e Indies—bu t agai n ther e are frequent example s of married planters , solid famil y me n an d mode l citizens, openl y livin g with thei r slave concubines apparentl y withou t censure fro m thei r associates . Youn g squire s whos e economi c posi tion woul d hav e entitle d the m t o wive s ofte n preferre d th e favor s o f slave mistresses , a s di d thei r fathers . Th e psycholog y o f th e master slave sexua l dya d goe s fa r t o explai n miscegenatio n i n th e Wes t In dian colonies , bu t heterosexua l contac t betwee n owne r an d chatte l was economicall y regulate d lik e an y heterosexua l activit y i n th e En glish settlements . I t wa s restricte d no t jus t t o an y whit e ma n wh o could ow n a slav e bu t t o thos e wh o coul d affor d th e luxur y o f a female slave , wh o woul d produc e les s labor tha n a ma n an d whos e economic valu e was further reduce d b y the los s of work time entaile d in pregnancy , th e possibilit y o f deat h i n childbirth , an d th e effor t required fo r he r t o loo k afte r he r mulatt o infants . A s wa s th e cas e with marriag e o r eve n fornicatio n wit h a whit e femal e indenture d servant, sexua l acces s t o femal e slave s wa s denied t o tha t segmen t o f

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the whit e populatio n boun d t o servic e b y indentur e o r othe r de vices.48 This sam e i s true fo r the smal l numbe r o f fre e whit e an d mulatt o women i n th e variou s colonies . Eve n thos e wome n willin g t o ex change favor s a t a price wer e no t available t o islan d bondsme n wh o received n o remuneratio n durin g their term s of service. A t most servants wer e give n a severanc e paymen t whe n the y ha d finished their terms afte r anywher e fro m fou r t o te n years , bu t se x i s rarel y t o b e had anywhere o n promis e o f futur e payment , an d i t is unlikely Wes t Indian prostitute s wer e an y mor e likel y t o gran t credi t tha n thei r modem-day sisters. 49 The economic s o f sexua l deprivatio n i s sufficien t t o explai n th e lack o f femal e availabilit y fo r mal e member s o f th e island' s lowe r classes, bu t there i s considerable evidenc e t o indicat e tha t this deprivation wa s no t a s difficul t t o bea r a s i t migh t first seem. Plantatio n owners attempted t o impor t black me n an d women i n approximatel y equivalent numbers because they perceived that black men would not work a s efficientl y withou t acces s t o women . Ther e wer e n o suc h perceptions i n th e case o f white laborers in th e West Indies. I t might have bee n tha t racia l attitude s o n th e par t o f planter s dictate d th e divergent view s o f th e sexua l need s o f whit e an d blac k workers , bu t more likel y th e nee d fo r wome n b y man y white s wh o cam e t o th e West Indie s was not particularly acute . Complaint s abou t the lac k of women o n th e island s are difficult i f not impossible t o find. It is true that i f suc h dissatisfaction s existe d the y woul d hav e bee n manifeste d most ofte n i n letters , memorials , petitions , an d simila r document s written b y member s o f th e islan d uppe r classes . Sinc e th e wealth y were no t deprive d o f heterosexua l outlets , i t i s understandabl e tha t they di d no t expres s suc h frustrations . N o landowner s speculat e o n the sexual outlet s availabl e t o their servants or bondsmen. The y were also quick t o legislate agains t heterosexua l activity , an d i n their policies the y sough t alway s t o increas e th e numbe r o f me n sen t t o th e Caribbean whil e reducin g th e numbe r o f wome n similarl y trans ported. I t canno t b e firmly establishe d tha t th e whit e male s i n th e Indies were misogynist s o r men with n o need fo r women, bu t such a

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feeling persist s eve n whe n thei r action s ar e interprete d wit h a n un derstanding o f th e nee d fo r laborers . Despit e th e shortag e o f female s in th e Leewards , Christophe r Jeaffreso n wa s particularl y upse t whe n he learne d hi s overseer, a n Ensig n Thorne , ha d take n a n Iris h woma n for a mistress . H e complaine d fro m Londo n o f he r Iris h origins , de scribed he r a s fit onl y t o b e a servan t o f servants , an d waile d tha t since he r promotio n t o hi s overseer' s be d h e ha d receive d report s sh e behaved a s th e directo r o f hi s ow n Wes t India n estate. 50 Whil e Jeaffreson's reluctanc e t o accep t femal e convict s ca n easil y b e ex plained an d understoo d i n economi c terms , hi s hostilit y t o wome n in th e island s seem s somethin g mor e appropriatel y elucidate d b y Freud. Th e Ear l o f Carlisle, Governo r o f Jamaica fro m 167 8 to 1680 , gave ever y indicatio n tha t th e sam e relaxe d attitud e towar d homosex uality tha t prevaile d i n Englan d wa s als o foun d amon g th e Englis h in th e Caribbean . I n a lette r t o official s i n London , h e note d tha t five sailor s from th e Jersey, a Royal Nav y vessel, were tried i n Jamaic a for sodomy . On e wa s acquitted, bu t th e remainin g me n wer e foun d guilty an d sentence d t o death . Thre e o f th e fou r wer e quickl y par doned b y the Governo r wh o explaine d whit e me n wer e scarce o n th e island. Th e fourth , a Franci s Dill y b y name , wa s executed. He , too , would hav e been pardone d except , accordin g to the letter , h e was the ringleader.51 I f the attitude s o f Jeaffreson an d Carlisl e wer e shared b y planters an d th e poore r whit e resident s o f th e Indies , i t goe s fa r to ward explainin g wh y th e onl y seriou s initiative s fo r redressin g th e sexual balanc e i n th e island s durin g th e first centur y o f Englis h set tlement cam e no t fro m local s bu t fro m official s i n th e mothe r coun try. Thomas Walduck , a Barbadia n colonial , wa s on e o f thos e wh o commented o n homosexua l conduc t i n th e Caribbean . H e wrote : All Sodom's Sins are Centered i n thy heart Death i s thy look and Deat h i n every part Oh! Glorious Isle in Vilany Excell Sins to the Height—thy fate i s Hell.52 Walduck's verse s were written i n 171 0 when th e sexua l imbalanc e o n Barbados ha d bee n redressed , an d i t i s possibl e tha t th e dictate s o f

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rhyme an d mete r combine d wit h alliterativ e exces s ma y hav e ha d some effec t o n th e conten t o f hi s poetry . Ye t hi s us e o f Sodo m t o characterize th e mora l teno r o f wha t h e observe d wa s repeate d ove r and agai n b y those who described condition s i n th e West Indies . Th e judgment o f Sodom wa s to befall th e islands . Th e Jew s that crucifie d Christ migh t her e behol d themselve s matche d o r outdone i n evi l an d wickedness i n thi s th e wors t of Sodom . Por t Roya l wa s the Sodo m o f the Universe . Al l wer e descriptions give n b y contemporary commen tators. Eve n mor e candi d tha n th e male s wh o relate d th e stat e o f the English Caribbea n wa s Mada m Margare t Heathcote . Writin g fro m Antigua t o he r cousin , Joh n Winthrop , Jr . i n 165 5 sh e said , "An d truely, Sir , I am no t so much i n lov e with an y as to goe much abroa d . . . the y al l b e a company o f sodomites tha t liv e here." 53 In commentin g o n sodom y i n th e Wes t Indies , neithe r Walduc k nor an y othe r contemporar y writer s discusse d reason s fo r it s fre quency, bu t the y ar e eas y enoug h t o discern . Th e inadequat e num bers of women wa s a primary motiv e for homosexua l behavio r o n th e part of some, bu t i t i s also likely the shortag e o f women o n Barbados , Jamaica, th e Leewards , an d late r o n th e island s t o th e nort h wa s a partial resul t o f th e restricte d deman d fo r thei r presence . The y wer e inferior t o me n a s field laborers , an d fo r th e Wes t India n resident s with preference s fo r males , the y wer e similarl y inferio r a s se x part ners.

POUR BUCCANEER SEXUALITY

Prison population s ar e on e o f th e fe w group s o f me n livin g withou t women ove r lon g period s o f tim e o n who m comprehensiv e an d de tailed studie s hav e bee n done . Ther e i s a n obviou s nexu s betwee n convicts i n modem Englan d o r America an d West Indian buccaneer s in the seventeenth centur y in that access to women i s limited for both groups, bu t mos t noticeabl e afte r th e singl e se x compositio n o f eac h population ar e the man y features that distinguish one from th e other. Aside fro m a monumenta l gul f o f thre e centurie s an d th e vas t distinctions betwee n lif e pattern s i n period s of time so widely separated, there ar e th e disparat e situation s i n whic h th e convict s unde r stud y and Caribbea n pirate s lived thei r daily live s and conducted thei r sexual activities . Priso n regime n i s regulate d fro m withou t by me n wh o are heterosexual o r who accep t heterosexuality , a t least outwardly, a s the normal huma n condition . Homosexua l contac t behind bar s exists only withi n a framework o f rigidl y applie d rule s an d stipulation s im posed from beyond the ranks of inmates. Althoug h homosexual activ ity i s ofte n ignore d o r at least carefull y regulate d b y supervisor y per sonnel, i t must still exis t within a social structur e determine d largel y by a dominant orde r that i s antipathetic bot h t o the prisoner s and t o homosexual contact . O f equal importanc e i n distinguishing pirat e society from th e prison community i s the tendency of heterosexual prisoners, b y fa r th e majorit y o f participant s i n mos t studie s o f priso n

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life, t o vie w thei r exclusivel y homosexua l experience s durin g incar ceration a s a temporar y activit y impose d b y unfortunat e circum stances. Eve n prisoner s who engaged i n occasional homosexua l activ ity befor e bein g committe d t o pena l institution s an d wh o expec t t o continue occasiona l homosexua l activit y afte r releas e fro m confine ment conside r the exclusivel y homosexua l natur e o f prison lif e a temporary condition . Th e transitor y characte r o f prisoners ' sexua l con tacts i s reinforce d b y th e convict s themselve s wh o rigorousl y observ e many o f th e heterosexua l convention s o f th e outsid e worl d i n thei r homosexual confinement . Thi s i s in vivi d contras t t o the behavio r o f West India n pirates , wh o rejecte d o r ignore d heterosexua l pattern s and rarel y too k th e opportunitie s t o reac h Europ e o r Americ a wher e they woul d b e abl e t o abando n pirac y an d engag e i n heterosexua l activities. The y wer e permanen t pirate s fo r th e mos t par t wh o ha d abandoned, rejected , o r bee n denie d th e opportunit y t o liv e live s i n the usua l heterosexua l manner. 1 In term s o f th e stud y o f sexua l behavio r patterns , however , bot h convicts an d buccaneer s ar e unique i n that they share the sam e rang e of sex-surrogat e an d sexua l options . Solitar y masturbation , fantasies , nocturnal se x dreams, an d se x contact wit h member s o f the sam e sex are thei r alternatives . N o estimate s ar e currentl y availabl e o n non sexual o r sex-surrogat e masturbator y o r drea m frequencie s amon g prisoners, bu t th e numbe r o f inmate s engagin g i n homosexua l con tacts durin g incarceratio n i s placed a t somewhere betwee n 3 0 and 4 5 percent accordin g t o severa l studies . Despit e th e incidenc e estimate s ranging fro m les s than one-thir d t o almos t hal f o f convicts participat ing i n homosexua l practices , ther e i s agreemen t amon g th e author s of th e studie s tha t th e frequenc y o f contac t betwee n thos e engagin g in homosexua l act s i s low, eve n amon g cellmates . I n almos t n o cas e does i t approac h eithe r th e heterosexua l o r homosexua l frequenc y rates o f th e sam e me n befor e incarceration . Th e us e o f a 3 0 t o 4 5 percent incidenc e figure fo r homosexua l contac t amon g convict s an d the additiona l informatio n tha t prisone r contac t frequenc y i s un usually lo w canno t easil y b e projecte d backwar d t o long-vanishe d pi rate communities . Eve n i f som e feature s o f convic t lif e though t t o retard sexua l activit y were operativ e fo r pirates , a t the sam e tim e buc -

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caneers wer e free d fro m man y o f th e constraint s tha t reduc e contac t frequency an d inhibi t th e incidenc e o f homosexua l behavior . Man y of the cue s normall y channelin g me n int o sexua l contac t of any sort are absen t i n prison . Ther e i s littl e privacy , a t leas t fro m othe r in mates if not the custodial staff , ther e are few familiar social situation s that call for sexual response s (dating, drinking , parties , etc.), a certain amount o f sensor y monoton y migh t retar d sexua l arousal , an d ther e is a total absenc e o f women. 2 While thes e factor s ma y inhibi t th e incidenc e an d frequenc y o f homosexual contac t i n prisons , the y migh t hav e bee n les s pro nounced i n their effect on buccaneers. Th e absence of privacy aboard a pirat e shi p wa s a t leas t a s acut e a s tha t encountere d b y prisoners , but th e passag e o f thre e centurie s an d th e widel y differin g concept s of persona l an d sexua l privac y i n the seventeent h an d twentieth cen turies may i n this situation hav e create d a more favorable climat e fo r sex aboard pirat e vessel s tha n i n prisons . Me n fro m th e lowe r classes in Stuar t Englan d wer e no t accustome d t o mode m standard s o f privacy. The y live d jamme d togethe r wit h thei r familie s a s children , and late r shared close quarter s as servants, apprentices , wanderers , o r as youths aboar d ships. Heterosexua l contac t was not restricted to the bedroom i n thi s ag e o f single-roo m dwellings , an d homosexua l acts , too, wer e conducte d wit h wha t seem s today , a t leas t t o some , a s a disconcerting lac k of concer n wit h th e presence o f others. The monoton y endure d b y convicts wa s probably a s severe fo r pi rates, restricte d a s the y ofte n wer e t o th e deck s o f smal l ship s an d surrounded onl y b y a n unbroke n horizon . Ho w effectivel y th e lac k of sensor y stimulu s reduce s sexua l activit y i s highl y problematical . Although i t is assumed b y a number of authorities to dull sense s and desires, i t migh t b e instea d tha t boredom increase s eroti c arousa l fo r sheer lack of alternate diversion. Bu t whatever the effect of monotony on se x frequenc y o f eithe r group , buccaneer s differe d fro m prisoner s in tha t the y wer e no t withou t socia l situation s tha t calle d fo r sexua l response. Successfu l practitioner s o f the buccaneer' s trad e ofte n ha d occasion fo r drinking and revelr y after successful battles . Th e captur e of prizes , man y containing ampl e stor e of alcoholic beverages , le d to scenes o f debaucher y tha t are well-chronicle d i n th e literatur e o f pi-

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racy. Th e benig n Caribbea n climat e ma y als o hav e le d t o situation s conducive t o sexua l contac t o r excess. The war m water s rotted caulk ing rapidl y betwee n plank s an d encourage d th e proliferatio n o f as sorted marin e organism s tha t affixed themselve s t o hulls or bored int o the planking . Th e effect s o f war m water , heat , an d variou s creature s all combine d t o increas e th e nee d fo r shi p maintenance . Whe n pi rates landed a t isolated quay s or safe harbors and careene d thei r ships, wild revelr y ofte n accompanie d th e wor k o f scraping , caulking , an d coating thei r shi p hull s wit h sulphu r an d tar . More importan t tha n thes e factors , however , i s the knowledg e tha t sexual activit y i n prison s increases , sometime s t o rathe r hig h rates , as the orde r of custody i s lowered. I f freedom fro m socia l and behaviora l constraints increase d sexua l activit y fo r buccaneer s a s i t apparentl y does fo r convicts , the n th e Wes t India n se a rover s surel y mad e th e most o f thei r liberty . Man y wer e me n wit h abidin g hatred s o f rule s and regulation s acquire d afte r term s o f servic e i n th e merchan t an d naval services . The y glorie d i n th e freedo m o r licens e the y enjoye d as buccaneers, and , i f researc h o n mode m convict s doe s i n fac t pro vide clue s t o pirat e behavior , i t seems likel y enoug h tha t thei r jo y i n exercising thei r will s wa s no t confine d onl y t o th e non-sexua l phase s of their lives . Lif e experience s o f buccaneers befor e the y saile d unde r the pirat e flag ma y als o hav e acte d t o increas e incidenc e an d fre quency o f homosexua l acts . Priso n experienc e i s no t th e sol e deter minant o f convic t sexua l behavior . I t i s a comple x blendin g o f th e inmates' preinstitutiona l experience s an d th e organizationa l structur e of th e institutio n tha t determine s som e portio n o f the sexua l patterns adopted b y those incarcerated . Th e sam e i s undoubtedly tru e fo r buccaneers, al l o f who m gre w t o adolescenc e o r adulthoo d i n a societ y where sexua l experience s wit h member s o f th e sam e se x were no t a s emphatically proscribe d a s i s th e cas e i n th e Englan d o r Americ a o f today. Th e fear , guilt , an d socia l opprobriu m tha t inhibi t th e homo sexual functionin g o f a t leas t som e heterosexua l convict s migh t hav e been les s forceful o r even totall y inoperative on th e me n wh o becam e pirates. At th e sam e tim e tha t a n assortmen t o f factor s acte d t o increas e buccaneer sexua l activity , ther e wer e als o severa l feature s o f thei r

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lives tha t probabl y reduce d it s incidenc e an d frequency . I t is generally recognize d tha t high level s of anxiet y inhibi t sexual functioning , as doe s inadequat e nutrition . I n bot h areas , pirate s wer e i n wors e condition tha n convicts. No t only were their diets poorly balanced by modern standards—althoug h frequentl y the y at e a s well a s their fel low countryme n wh o remaine d hom e i n England-—bu t the y live d often wit h a n extremel y hig h leve l o f anxiety . Th e constan t antici pation o f comba t surel y exerte d a profound influenc e o n them , an d although ther e wa s a t th e sam e tim e alway s th e threa t o f capture , trial fo r piracy, conviction , an d death o n th e gallows , th e likelihoo d of being taken by authorities was so remote i t probably constituted n o serious impediment to their sexual functioning . Whethe r privacy, socially determine d cues , monotony , o r anxiet y cause d th e incidenc e of homosexual act s among pirate s to fall within , above , o r below th e 30 t o 4 5 percen t rang e canno t b e estimated . Th e singl e certaint y i s that the onl y non-solitar y sexua l activitie s available t o buccaneers fo r most o f th e year s the y spen t i n th e Caribbea n an d fo r almos t al l o f the tim e the y were aboar d ship were homosexual . The effec t o f socio-environmenta l factor s o n th e incidenc e o f homosexual act s i s especiall y difficul t t o estimat e sinc e severa l fea tures of pirate life coul d effec t sexualit y i n eithe r positive o r negative manners. Withi n th e pirate community , ther e i s less need fo r equivocation i n assessin g th e influenc e o f som e aspect s o f shipboar d life . The rati o betwee n me n wit h homosexua l preference s an d me n par ticipating i n homosexua l conduc t i n the absenc e o f opportunities fo r heterosexual engagement s o r out o f dissatisfactio n wit h availabl e sol itary or non-sexual alternative s exerted considerable influenc e o n rates of homosexual contact . Precis e figures are difficult enoug h t o obtain from priso n researc h studie s o n th e rati o o f homosexual s t o situa tional practitioner s o f homosexuality , bu t eve n i f mor e seventeenth century dat a wer e available, th e same would b e true for pirate crews. The bes t that can be ha d from survivin g evidence, a t least that available o n relationship s betwee n pirate s and females, i s some indicatio n that th e proportio n o f homosexual s amon g pirat e crew s wa s highe r than amon g convic t population s studied . Whe n buccaneer s ha d th e opportunity fo r engagements wit h wome n prisoners , the y wer e rarely

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taken, an d i n thei r relationship s wit h member s o f th e opposit e sex , most pirate s giv e ever y indicatio n the y wer e uncomfortabl e i n th e extreme. T o b e sure , th e me n wit h preference s fo r wome n too k th e chance t o slak e thei r appetite s fo r female s whe n i n port s wher e the y were available , bu t buccanee r homosexual s rejecte d th e sam e oppor tunities. Whe n wome n wer e capture d o r otherwis e presen t aboar d ship, b y fa r th e greate r numbe r o f pirate s ignore d th e opportunitie s to us e the m sexually . One write r o n pirac y asserte d tha t buccaneer s regarde d wome n simply a s the spoil s of war, "an d wer e as profligate wit h thes e a s with the res t of their plunder/' 3 Suc h a n assertio n i s not a mer e oversim plification; i t i s totall y incorrect . Th e experience s o f Caribbea n pi rates see m mor e i n harmon y wit h homosexual s t o who m Gardne r Lindzey an d hi s associate s administere d th e Themati c Apperceptio n Test. Thei r result s indicate d individual s "characterize d b y stron g homosexual tendencie s displa y consistentl y negativ e attitude s towar d women [and ] a lac k o f full , rich , an d satisfyin g relation s wit h mem bers of the opposit e sex." 4 Investigatin g pattern s o f pirate behavior by contrasting them wit h result s of modem studie s i s an obviou s enoug h methodological procedure . Ther e i s a n attractiv e simplicit y an d di rectness i n examinin g th e on e usin g th e structur e o f th e othe r a s a guide, especiall y wit h homosexuality , th e ver y objec t o f th e investi gation, providin g th e bond s tha t unit e th e two . Unfortunately , th e passage of 30 0 years and th e features tha t divide the Caribbean pirate s from ga y communities i n th e Unite d State s or England , whe n adde d to th e manifol d complication s inheren t i n comparativ e studie s o f greatly divergen t group s an d th e radicall y dissimila r situation s o f homosexuals i n th e mode m wester n worl d fro m tha t o f th e bucca neers, mak e correlation s a tenuou s matter . Th e sam e caution s mus t be observed , an d awarenes s tha t th e techniqu e illuminate s possibili ties rathe r tha n prove s deduction s mus t alway s b e born e i n mind . Only the n ca n th e strikin g similaritie s betwee n th e negativ e attitude s toward female s o f bot h buccaneer s an d th e homosexua l subject s o f studies by Lindzey , Irvin g Bieber, Lawrenc e Ross , Lau d Humphreys , Brian Miller , Ala n P . Bell , an d Marti n S . Weinber g b e interprete d meaningfully. Alexande r Exquemelin , th e famou s pirat e surgeo n wh o

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sailed an d fough t wit h Henr y Morgan , give s testimon y t o establis h the valu e o f th e comparison . H e note d contemptuousl y tha t "Spaniards are of such a nature they cannot live without women." He then related th e stor y of on e suc h effet e enem y wh o "too k himsel f a n Indian wife to look after him an d for him t o use for his pleasure (if one may cal l thi s pleasure)/ ' A s migh t b e expected , th e Spaniar d wa s cuckolded b y th e wife . H e discovere d he r engage d wit h a lion , ac cording to the account, an d abandoned her . Exquemeli n als o related an inciden t o f disease caused , i n part , b y debaucheries wit h women , and adde d th e tal e o f a n incompeten t pirat e captai n wh o wa s "in clined t o si t drinkin g an d sportin g wit h a grou p o f Spanis h wome n he ha d take n prisoner. " While h e wa s occupied i n suc h dissolution , a treasure galleon , on e o f th e mos t rich and sought-afte r prizes , wa s lost.5 Anothe r buccaneer, speakin g of women on Barbados in the last decade o f th e seventeent h century , note d tha t local ladie s were goo d housewives, bu t als o grumble d "som e tha t wen t ove r Servant s be stirred themselve s s o wel l tha t the y hav e got t grea t fortunes." 6 A present-day writer , projectin g th e pirates ' dislike o f female s a bit beyond bound s tha t ca n b e sustaine d b y evidence, accuse d th e bucca neers of fetishism, assertin g the "affection tha t they might have shown for wif e o r chil d wen t t o thei r guns , long-barrele d beautie s fro m Nantes o r Dieppe , polishe d t o a gloss an d store d fro m th e dam p i n hide cases." 7 Eve n th e vicissitude s o f weathe r wer e blame d b y a t least on e pirat e chie f o n women . Captai n Willia m Cowley , i n a n account of a voyage wrote "The n halin g away S . W. w e came abreast with Cap e Hor n o n th e 14t h Da y o f February , wher e we chusin g o f Valentines, an d discoursin g o f th e Intrigue s o f Women , ther e aros e a prodigious Storm , which did continue till the last Day of the Month . . . s o tha t w e conclude d th e discoursin g o f Wome n a t Se a wa s very unlucky, an d occasione d th e Storm." 8 Evelyn Hooke r an d D . J . Wes t not e thi s sam e hostilit y towar d females i n th e homosexua l sampl e group s the y hav e worke d with , but Hooker maintains that it is less universa l tha n alleged b y Lindzey and by other researcher s wh o maintai n a t least that homosexual psy chopaths ha d a decided lac k o f femal e friends , especiall y a t the ages of 1 6 and 1 7 and that this was a part of a pattern running back to the

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ages o f te n o r 1 1 whe n the y ha d fe w femal e playmates . Th e sam e research o n homosexua l psychopath s indicate d tha t al l me n i n th e sample whos e crime s ha d bee n committe d agains t adul t male s ha d little success inducin g orgas m i n females o n the occasions when they attempted heterosexua l intercourse. 9 Few pirates were ever married and no specific detail s survive about the ability of those who were to generate successful coita l unio n with their spouses , bu t amon g thos e know n t o hav e ha d wives , th e mar riages wer e uniforml y unsuccessful . Th e failur e o f Blackbear d a s a connubial partne r wa s s o wel l know n tha t i t becam e par t o f a bal lad.10 When the Act of Grace appeared Captain Teach and all his men Unto Carolina steered, where they us'd him kindly then; There he marry'd to a lady, and give her fivehundred pound, But to her he prov'd unsteady, for he soon march'd off the ground. The lyri c seem s mil d enough , indicatin g Teach departe d leavin g hi s bride t o th e fate s tha t ofte n overtoo k th e wive s o f seafarers , bu t th e final couple t indicates more was involved than a case of a sailor going off t o sea . I t begin s oddl y enoug h wit h Blackbear d givin g hi s lad y 500 pounds. I n an age when dowrie s came fro m th e wife , h e shoul d have receive d th e mone y rathe r than pai d it . I f the woman ha d been a servant that he purchased, no t only would she have been a n expensive lass , bu t the paymen t woul d hav e gon e t o th e owne r of he r indentures, no t t o her . Th e phras e "soo n march' d of f th e ground " i s also unusual. I f the poe t meant Blackbeard saile d awa y i t is likely he would hav e sai d so . Mariner s "se t sail " o r "g o t o sea " o r "sai l th e world around." The phras e used implies no t departure but failure, a s when soldier s ar e drive n fro m th e field o f battle . I t i s tru e tha t "ground" rhyme s wit h "round " in th e previou s line , an d th e poeti c abilities o f th e autho r are obviously limited , bu t the us e o f th e word "unsteady" indicate s th e poe t pai d carefu l attentio n t o th e meaning s of word s h e chose . "Unfaithful " coul d easil y hav e bee n substitute d

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without doing violence t o the meter , bu t "unsteady" refers to a defective performance an d "unfaithful " doe s not. The evidenc e tha t survive s abou t Blackbeard' s marriag e o r mar riages also indicates difficulties wit h females. H e was rumored to have a wife and child in London an d at least a dozen wives scattered about in variou s ports . Multipl e wive s wer e no t th e nor m i n th e seven teenth century , althoug h the y wer e no t unhear d o f amon g seafarin g men, bu t th e larg e numbe r ascribe d t o th e buccanee r wa s unusual . The detail s o f his last marriage i n Nort h Carolina , i n addition t o the payment, als o indicat e a n insecurit y i n dealin g wit h women . Afte r using hi s wif e sufficientl y t o satisf y hi s appetites, i t "was hi s Custo m to invite five or six of his brutal Companion s t o come ashore, an d he would forc e he r t o prostitut e he r self t o them all , on e afte r another , before hi s Face." 11 Eve n wit h suc h treatment , Mrs . Teac h migh t have considere d hersel f a luck y woma n whe n compare d t o female s captured by her husband. Determine d to enforce hi s rule of no women at sea, Blackbear d wa s known t o strangle capture d wome n an d pitc h their bodies overboard. 12 Sted e Bonnet , too , foun d th e marrie d state uncomfortable an d hi s shrewis h wif e i s allege d t o hav e bee n on e o f the reason s h e ra n of f an d becam e a pirate . Lik e Blackbeard , hi s mentor in the buccaneering trade, Bonne t saved only mal e prisoners. Women wer e neither neede d no r wanted aboard hi s ship. 13 Testimony fro m th e Bahama s i n th e earl y eighteent h centur y re veals at least four marrie d pirates operating from th e islands , bu t one witness t o connubia l relation s i n Ne w Providence , wher e th e mal e population wa s compose d largel y o f pirate s an d ex-pirates , spok e o f only 2 0 marrie d couple s i n th e entir e population , an d adde d tha t they regularl y traded and stole each others' mates, creatin g great anxiety amon g al l involve d i n th e business. 14 Th e tw o pirat e marriage s for which n o negativ e informatio n i s available ar e those o f a Captain Cockram i n th e Bahama s an d th e unio n o f Pennsylvani a Governo r William Markham' s daughte r t o a buccanee r commander . I n bot h cases, however , lov e an d se x wer e no t primar y attractions . Cockra m selected fo r his bride the daughter of Harbo r Island's richest resident, and Markha m wa s notoriou s fo r protectin g pirate s wh o saile d int o Philadelphia wit h plundere d cargoes. 15

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Like Bahamia n pirates , Englis h an d Iris h seafarer s wer e generall y casual abou t connubia l tie s i n th e seventeent h an d eighteent h cen turies. Woode s Rogers , sen t ou t t o eradicat e pirac y fro m th e Carib bean an d no t abov e engagin g i n a bi t of capitalis m "o n th e account " himself, wrot e tha t th e member s o f hi s cre w wh o boarde d hi s ship s in Cork departe d fro m thei r wive s by drinking "thei r Can s o f Fli p till the las t minute , conclude d wit h a Healt h t o ou r goo d Voyage , an d their happ y Meeting , an d the n parte d unconcern'd. " Henr y Teonge , a chaplai n wh o saile d aboar d severa l Restoration-er a nava l vessels , wrote tha t man y o f hi s fello w crewme n sorrowe d a t leavin g thei r women. Bu t h e explaine d thei r grie f wa s onl y temporar y an d ex pressed usuall y whil e i n a n inebriate d state . Th e goo d chaplain , though twic e married , mad e i t apparent enoug h tha t h e di d no t car e for seafarers ' consorts . H e describe d the m variousl y a s Delilahs, Myr midons, an d whores . A t on e poin t h e style d hi s captain' s wif e a vi rago.16 Alexande r Selkirk , th e Scottis h pirat e afte r who m Robinso n Crusoe wa s patterned , ha d assorte d bu t unspecifie d difficultie s wit h women, elopin g wit h one , abandonin g her , an d marryin g again . William Davis , a pirate wh o we d a n Africa n woman , wa s even mor e casual. H e enrage d hi s in-law s and thei r relation s b y trading hi s wif e for a bow l o f punc h whe n h e wa s ho t an d thirsty . Anothe r bucca neer, Thoma s Howard , ha d eve n wors e luc k wit h th e kinfol k o f hi s native wife . H e wa s a morose , ill-tempere d fellow , an d treate d hi s spouse s o badly he r relative s finally killed him. 17 In thei r relationship s wit h women , pirate s seeme d t o prefe r situa tions wher e th e female s coul d easil y b e dominated . Nativ e women , under thi s circumstance , mad e excellen t sexua l partner s fo r me n in clined t o var y thei r largel y mal e experiences . The y wer e heathen , dark-skinned, an d regarde d a s moral, spiritual , an d racia l inferior s b y xenophobic Englis h o r Europea n pirates . Nativ e sexua l custom s tha t differed i n substanc e fro m thos e familia r t o pirate s als o contribute d toward easin g psychologica l disabilitie s i n dealin g wit h member s o f the opposit e sex. Mos t commentators note d tha t nativ e wome n coul d be bought easie r than raped , Captai n Willia m Cowle y remarkin g tha t in on e trib e th e me n ha d n o qualm s abou t sharin g thei r wive s wit h Europeans bu t wer e intensel y jealou s ove r advance s mad e b y othe r

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tribesmen. Anothe r pirat e note d tha t nativ e female s wer e quit e will ing to submit to the desires of Englishmen, an d William Betag h added that "an y ma n ma y ly e wit h th e [Californi a Indian ] wome n fo r a rusty knife , o r a porringe r o f thic k milk." 18 I n 1709,'Woode s Rog ers's crewme n wer e no t onl y willin g t o giv e awa y a lovel y femal e slave a s a gift , bu t the y wer e willin g t o giv e awa y th e bes t lookin g one o f all thei r captives. W e "pu t our young Padr e ashore, an d gave him, a s h e desir'd , th e pretties t young Femal e Negr o w e ha d i n th e Prize," explaine d Rogers , adding , "Th e youn g Padr e parte d wit h u s extremely pleas'd, an d leering under his Hood upon his black Femal e Angel, w e doubt [not ] he wil l crac k a Commandment wit h her." 19 Instances o f pirate s cavortin g wit h nativ e wome n i n th e Wes t In dies are infrequent. Mos t Caribbean natives were exterminated before the latte r decade s o f th e seventeent h century . Eve n i n th e Wes t In dies, however , al l pirate s were not desirous of native o r slave female s even whe n the y wer e available . Captai n Cowle y an d hi s cre w onc e allowed five doze n captiv e wome n t o peris h fro m th e col d a s the y sailed southwar d alon g th e coas t towar d Cap e Horn . Surel y boy s o r young me n woul d no t hav e bee n treate d i n suc h fashion . Cowle y himself dislike d nativ e women , onc e describin g a grou p of the m a s "the foulest Creatures that ever I saw they wearing nothing bu t sheep skyns over theire shoulders with wool o r the women wearing a Leather Bagg before their e Privat e Parts." 20 On the rar e occasions when pirate s were in ports where ther e were prostitutes t o b e bough t wit h gol d doubloon s an d piece s o f eight , a t least some pirate s enjoyed dominatin g suc h women. I n one incident , a pirat e i n Jamaic a gav e a whore 50 0 piece s o f eigh t jus t to se e he r naked. Tha t wa s a n excessivel y hig h price , bu t ther e i s n o wa y o f understanding th e psychodynamic s o f th e exchange. 21 Th e bucca neer ma y hav e wante d t o loo k bu t no t touc h ( a goo d indicato r o f insecurity), h e ma y hav e bee n drunk , o r perhaps h e wa s onl y a big spender. The captur e o f Europea n wome n ofte n create d emotionall y diffi cult situation s fo r pirates. Thei r positio n a s captors gave the m powe r to dominate the women and take them by force, bu t in fact this rarely happened. White , Christia n females , th e ver y sor t diml y remem -

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bered fro m England , wer e fa r distan t i n thei r youth s an d usuall y unobtainable eve n whe n the y wer e desired . The y coul d no t b e pur chased i n th e casua l manne r o f prostitute s no r coul d the y b e domi nated an d the n discarde d withou t a thought a s members o f what they considered t o b e inferio r racia l stocks . The y ha d t o b e approache d cautiously, i n emotiona l terms , t o preven t th e possibilit y o f sever e psychological damage . On e manne r o f dealing with thes e women was rape. Th e literatur e o f piracy contain s onl y a few accounts o f wome n being carrie d of f fro m plundere d town s an d debauched . Strain s o f almost childis h reverenc e fo r capture d female s ar e muc h mor e ap parent i n thei r treatmen t o f wome n prisoners . Aboar d th e Revenge, commanded b y pirate John Phillips , th e cre w adopte d a s one o f thei r regulations a n articl e statin g "If a t any Time w e meet with a pruden t Women, tha t Ma n tha t offer s t o meddl e wit h her , withou t he r Con sent, shal l suffe r presen t Death, " an d a membe r o f Bartholome w Roberts's crew , a pirat e nickname d Littl e David , actuall y se t himsel f up a s guard an d protecto r o f a captured woman . On e ma n coul d no t have don e thi s aboar d an y pirat e shi p withou t a t leas t th e taci t con sent o f hi s comrades , an d althoug h Little Davi d rape d hi s charg e i n short order , i t i s nonetheles s tru e tha t ther e wa s som e effor t t o pre serve he r hono r tha t wa s sanctione d b y th e crew. 22 Ther e ar e nu merous othe r example s o f me n wh o wer e n o respector s eithe r o f property o r person s strivin g t o preven t th e abus e o f captured women . One o f the rule s poste d b y William Betagh' s cre w i n 171 9 stated tha t "Every ma n aboar d a prize foun d drunk , o r i n an y indecen t ac t wit h a whit e o r blac k women , t o b e punishe d accordin g t o th e natur e o f his offense." 23 Ther e wer e withou t doub t soun d tactica l reason s fo r such a regulation , bu t ha d th e cre w bee n lustin g fo r wome n ove r months o r eve n years , rule s o f that natur e woul d no t hav e bee n pro mulgated b y me n wit h littl e respec t fo r law , custom , o r th e person s of captives. I n anothe r incident , a pirate cre w kille d al l th e male s o n a shi p the y ha d taken , bu t th e on e femal e foun d aboar d wa s no t raped or sexually abused i n any way. Sh e was simply tossed overboar d in th e fashio n o f any othe r unwante d material . Th e even t too k plac e in th e India n Ocea n rathe r tha n th e Caribbean , bu t i t indicate s th e perpetrators, wh o soon transferre d thei r operations t o American waters ,

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did no t acutel y fee l th e absenc e o f wome n t o satisf y thei r sexua l de sires.24 The uneas y mixtur e o f fear , dislike , an d reverenc e coul d some times produc e a softenin g o f eve n th e mos t hardene d an d viciou s pirates. Henr y Johnson, a n exceedingly blood y an d cruel buccaneer , once save d a whit e woma n fro m rap e fo r n o apparen t reason . I n another inciden t th e action s take n b y th e buccaneer s wh o sacke d Cartagena i n June , 169 7 indicat e a similar ambiguit y o f attitud e toward European women . Durin g the time after the capture, whil e the pirates wer e occupie d torturin g th e mal e resident s o f th e city , at tempting t o extrac t informatio n o n wher e wealt h ha d bee n con cealed, a pai r o f buccaneer s kille d tw o females . I f th e wome n ha d been murdere d i n a n attemp t t o tortur e the m int o revealin g wher e their wealt h wa s hidden , ther e i s littl e likelihoo d an y actio n woul d be taken , bu t th e wome n ha d bee n kille d fo r another , unspecifie d reason that so aroused the indignatio n o f the pirates that the murder ers wer e sentence d t o b e shot. 25 Thi s sam e emotiona l dichotom y i s nowhere mor e eviden t tha n i n Henr y Morgan' s raid s on Port o Bell o and Panam a City . Morgan' s me n wer e sometime s hesitan t t o tak e liberties wit h th e wome n o f captured citie s o r towns and thei r leader actually insiste d tha t th e wome n o f Port o Bell o b e treate d wit h gal lantry. Afte r th e captur e o f St . Catalina , th e wome n wer e neithe r raped nor brutalized i n any other fashion. The y wer e fed an d locke d in the church fo r protection, althoug h i t is not clear if they were kept in custod y t o gai n ranso m o r t o kee p the m ou t o f th e wa y o f th e more seriou s busines s o f collectin g booty . Whateve r th e motiv e fo r their confinement, i t i s apparent Morgan an d hi s lawless buccaneer s preferred t o use the women fo r economic gai n rathe r than to assuage sexual desires. 26 In the cas e o f the Spanis h beauty take n at Panama, Morga n him self demonstrated a degree of uncertainty i n matters of sexual aggrandizement tha t h e neve r woul d hav e exhibite d o n th e field o f battle. He treate d th e captiv e wit h exquisit e delicacy , providin g he r wit h private quarters , a cook , an d foo d fro m hi s ow n table . Despit e th e grand treatment , h e wa s unabl e t o seduc e her . Late r he trie d starvation an d humiliatio n bu t neithe r wer e the y successful . Obviousl y

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Morgan could hav e rape d the woman ha d he chosen t o do so, bu t to force s o rar e a woma n t o submi t migh t hav e produce d extensiv e trauma fo r the pirat e leader . No t onl y wa s the woma n uncommonl y beautiful, bu t sh e wa s white , Christian , an d possesse d socia l statu s far highe r tha n nativ e women , prostitutes , an d th e ordinar y ru n o f captive females. 27 I t was a situation where the dynamic and resourceful buccanee r captai n wa s psychologicall y bested , defeate d com pletely, an d rendere d totall y unabl e t o wor k hi s will . Hi s paralysi s was extended to his men, eithe r by implication o r by order, an d they refrained fro m wholesal e rape . Bu t ha d hi s unrul y arm y bee n ben t on rap e o r an y othe r typ e o f sexua l engagement s wit h women , i t is unlikely thei r commande r coul d hav e controlle d them . Ye t eve n Richard Browne , on e o f Morgan' s politica l enemies , concede d tha t at leas t o n thi s occasion , th e victoriou s Englis h di d no t forc e thei r attentions o n th e Spanis h women . Thi s wa s late r confirme d b y another pirate, Bartholome w Sharp , althoug h Shar p also insiste d som e time late r tha t Exquemelin' s tale s o f tortur e wer e fraudulent. 28 Th e same hesitanc y t o rap e wome n wh o wer e neithe r slaves , Indians , o r prostitutes was found amon g Woode s Rogers' s me n a t the captur e o f Guiaquil, Per u i n 1709 . A t on e house , th e pirate s foun d "abov e a Dozen handso m gentee l youn g Wome n . . . th e Ladie s offer' d t o dress 'em Victual s an d brought 'em a Cask of good Liquor . Som e o f their larges t Gol d Chain s wer e conceal'd , an d woun d abou t thei r Middles, Legs , an d Thighs , etc . bu t th e Gentlewome n i n thes e ho t Countries bein g ver y thi n cla d wit h Sil k an d fine Linne n . . . ou r Men b y pressin g fel t th e Chains , etc . wit h thei r Hand s o n th e Out side o f th e Lady' s Apparel." 29 S o th e Spanis h wome n wer e no t for cibly debauched b y a fierce band of pirates who were intimidate d by women o f thei r ow n sort , white , European , Christian , an d eithe r their equal s o r superior s i n status . Whe n Englis h plunderer s i n th e Pacific capture d th e Spanis h ship , El Santo Rosario, Basi l Ringros e noted tha t there wa s aboar d th e mos t beautiful woma n h e ha d see n in th e Sout h Sea . Hi s account contain s n o othe r informatio n abou t her, althoug h h e goe s int o som e detai l abou t th e member s o f th e crew take n prisoner. 30 Governo r William Beesto n o f Jamaica, i n hi s account o f th e Frenc h invasio n o f th e islan d i n 1694 , provide d per-

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suasive testimon y tha t Galli c buccaneer s ha d a s muc h difficult y ad justing t o wome n a s thei r Englis h counterparts . Speakin g o f th e French forces , whic h include d larg e number s o f pirates , h e relate d that "Some women the y suffered th e negroes to violate, an d dug some out o f thei r graves, s o tha t there wer e neve r mor e inhuma n barbari ties committed b y any Turks or infidels i n the world/' 31 If buccaneer contact s wit h female s indicat e considerabl e reticenc e in dealin g wit h women , ther e ar e n o simila r example s o f hesitanc y in the relationship s betwee n pirate s and another class of potential sex partners, the boy s who served aboard their ships. I t is difficult t o gain an ide a o f the numbe r o f mal e juvenile s wh o saile d wit h th e bucca neers. Seaborn e plunderin g an d raidin g o f coasta l village s occasion ally resulte d i n boy s a s youn g a s ten o r 1 2 years ol d servin g sid e by side wit h seasone d buccaneers , bu t availabl e evidenc e indicate s tha t most youth s capture d o r pressed int o servic e b y pirate s wer e i n thei r middle teens . Lad s wer e no t normall y liste d i n th e roster s of pirate s captured an d neithe r wer e the y customaril y brough t to trial , bu t despite th e absenc e o f militar y an d judicia l record s that would provid e detailed informatio n o n th e rati o o f boy s t o adult s aboar d th e ship s of Caribbean se a rovers , survivin g account s indicat e the y wer e occasionally member s o f th e crews . Som e pirat e ship s carrie d enoug h boys t o mak e i t necessar y t o specif y thei r duties i n th e vessels ' regulations an d t o enumerat e th e procedur e fo r apportionin g thei r shar e of th e plunder . Informatio n o n on e capture d buccaneerin g shi p re vealed i t wa s manne d b y 2 5 sailor s plu s fou r cabi n boys , an d pirat e commander Georg e Cusa k once forceabl y too k four lads from a captured vessel . Jamaica' s Lieutenant-Governo r Hende r Moleswort h re leased tw o boys captured whe n th e shi p commanded b y a buccaneer captain name d Banniste r was taken. Th e pai r pleaded that they served only unde r compulsion an d their plea was accepted. Whatever their precise number, ther e was little need to acculturate most youngsters aboard buccaneer ships. Man y served earlier as cabin boys, helper s o n commercia l vessels , o r a s powde r monkey s i n th e Royal Navy . Whil e a t sea , boy s live d wit h adul t crewmembers , at e and slep t wit h them , serve d thei r needs , accepte d thei r values , an d adopted thei r mod e o f life . Th e homosexua l proclivitie s o f seafarer s

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were surel y familia r t o boy s wh o wen t t o sea , jus t a s the y wer e t o young me n wh o firs t wandere d th e road s o f Englan d an d the n be came seafarer s bu t ha d no t acquire d a ful l complemen t o f nautica l skills befor e bein g capture d o r joinin g a buccanee r shi p fo r othe r reasons. Whe n boy s boarded a pirate vesse l fo r th e first time a s either captives o r volunteers , the y discovere d th e sexua l orientatio n o f th e crew wa s the sam e a s that o f thei r companion s aboar d th e merchan t or nava l vesse l wher e the y previousl y serve d o r in th e wanderin g beggar bands wher e the y first encountered th e way s of th e world . If the youthfu l recruit s neede d littl e sexua l educatio n fro m pirates , it wa s imperativ e tha t the y complet e thei r trainin g i n th e way s o f seamanship. A s lads grew olde r they wer e increasingl y abl e to under take th e chore s o f able-bodie d sailors , an d trainin g i n th e necessar y skills coul d no t b e lef t t o chance . Th e educationa l requirement s aboard pirat e ship s wer e me t i n a differen t fashio n tha n i n merchan t service o r i n th e Navy . O n vessel s with legall y authorize d an d rigidl y enforced system s of command an d regulation , youthfu l crewmember s were th e responsibilit y o f n o singl e member . Thei r trainin g wa s di rected an d supervise d b y those i n position s o f authority, an d whil e i n cases o f cabi n boy s and other s wh o provide d persona l servic e t o offi cers ther e ma y hav e bee n understanding s o r formall y recognize d agreements tha t som e boy s were th e charge s o f specific officers , mos t powder monkeys an d apprentic e seame n wer e simply junio r member s of the crew. I n contrast , boy s aboard pirat e vessels were almost always under th e contro l o f a singl e individual , an d ofte n th e supervisin g adults wer e deeply attache d t o their lads . A number o f commander s ha d youth s fo r thei r exclusiv e use , an d usually the y wer e assiduou s i n securin g thei r welfare. Captai n Charle s Swan's chose n la d wa s alway s provide d a shar e whe n boot y wa s ap portioned, an d althoug h ther e i s n o wa y o f knowin g ho w carefull y pirate Captai n Joh n Quelc h looke d afte r hi s Negro boy, th e pric e th e lad brough t a t auction i n Bosto n afte r hi s maste r wa s captured, som e £20, indicate d h e wa s i n goo d condition . Aboar d Kidd' s Adventure Galley eve n th e ship' s physician , Dr . Rober t Bradenham, ha d a littl e Negro bo y o f hi s own . Blackbear d wa s especiall y crue l i n hi s treat ment o f captive s an d crewmember s alike , bu t ha d a Negr o bo y tha t

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he raise d wit h considerabl e care. 32 Captai n Charle s Swan , wh o als o made sur e hi s la d receive d a shar e o f the loot , wa s equally consider ate i n th e detail s o f child-rearing . H e evidentl y ha d love d hi s bo y since first setting eye s on hi m whe n th e chil d wa s only seven o r eigh t years old . H e wa s determine d t o hav e him , an d ultimatel y resorte d to kidnapping whe n al l els e failed. Th e bo y wa s taken aboar d Swan' s ship an d despit e th e tearfu l plea s o f a parent , th e pirat e woul d no t return him . H e promise d th e mothe r onl y that h e would "mak e muc h of him," an d th e captai n wa s as good a s his word . H e traine d th e la d carefully, accordin g t o survivin g testimony , t o b e witty , brave , and posses s considerabl e dexterity. 33 Willia m Dampier , on e o f th e most notabl e o f earl y eighteenth-centur y se a rovers , wa s als o deepl y attached t o a boy h e ha d acquire d fro m anothe r Europea n seafare r i n 1690. T o purchas e th e boy , Dampie r wa s force d t o bu y th e mothe r as well , bu t ther e wa s littl e doub t abou t whic h o f th e pai r appeale d to him . Th e boy , Jeoly , "wa s painte d [tattooed ] al l dow n th e Breast , between hi s Shoulder s behind ; o n hi s Thighs (mostly ) before ; an d i n the For m o f severa l broa d Rings , o r Bracelet s roun d hi s Arm s an d Legs." 34 Ownershi p o f Jeoly ha d it s pleasure s bu t al l wa s no t jo y fo r the Captai n i n th e relationship . Whe n th e mothe r died , th e bo y en dured a length y perio d o f sorrow , an d Dampie r wa s deeply disturbe d over th e agonie s h e suffered . Late r i n England , whe n h e ha d re turned fro m hi s se a adventures , Dampie r wa s force d t o sel l th e tat tooed lad , bu t i t wa s a har d decisio n fo r hi m t o mak e an d wa s don e only becaus e h e wa s i n exceedingl y straitene d financial circum stances.35 Lads sometimes appea r i n cour t record s a s witnesses i n th e trial s of the pirate s the y onc e served , an d som e measur e o f th e devotio n o f men t o thei r boy s ca n b e gaine d fro m th e testimony . Bartholome w Sharp wa s on e o f th e man y buccaneer s wh o stoo d i n th e prisoner' s dock an d hear d th e word s o f hi s la d use d i n a n attemp t t o persuad e a jur y o f hi s guilt . Th e yout h i n hi s case , a 16-year-ol d Spaniar d named Calderone , jumpe d shi p whe n Shar p an d hi s cre w returne d to Englan d afte r privateerin g i n th e Caribbean . Calderon e com plained t o hi s ambassado r i n London , th e ambassado r demande d Sharp be brought t o trial, an d ther e the boy' s account wa s used agains t

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him. Ha d th e captai n bee n determine d t o ensur e hi s ow n safety , h e could hav e easil y eliminate d th e possibilit y o f Calderone' s testimon y by pitchin g hi m overboar d befor e returnin g t o England , bu t h e di d not. Tha t Shar p had been persuade d of the fidelity of his young charge is easil y understood , bu t i f tha t wer e true , i t onl y indicate s h e wa s willing t o hazar d hi s persona l safet y o n th e wor d o f a Spaniard , no t something a seasoned Englis h sea-rove r woul d likel y d o unless unde r the spel l o f infatuation. 36 The us e o f boy s a s sexua l partner s wa s no t universall y accepte d among pirates . Som e captain s rejecte d th e practic e entirely , no t be cause the y wer e particularl y repelle d b y notions o f pederasty, bu t be cause they evidentl y believe d th e boys were a cause of conflict aboar d ship. Th e me n wh o serve d unde r Bartholome w Robert s wer e espe cially emphatic i n thi s regard. The y subscribe d t o a set of articles that provided "N o Bo y o r Wome n [was ] to b e allowe d amongs t them . I f any Ma n wer e foun d seducin g an y o f the latte r Sex , an d carry' d he r to Sea , disguis'd , h e was to suffer Death. " Significantly , ther e wa s no penalty fo r seducin g a la d o r smugglin g hi m aboard. 37 Pederast y wa s simply a violatio n o f the rule s no t a capital crime . The percentag e o f pedophiles amon g th e genera l buccaneerin g population canno t eve n be guessed. I t is known tha t there were amon g buccaneers som e wh o preferre d sexua l contact s wit h boy s rather tha n with thei r fello w adul t cre w members , hardl y a n unusua l circum stance fo r pirate s whos e earl y histories , lik e thos e o f modem-da y pe dophiles, revea l littl e opportunity t o experience heterosexua l relation ships, littl e contac t wit h women , an d a very lo w rat e o f attempted o r successful sexua l contact s wit h females . Neithe r pirat e no r pedophil e customarily too k ful l advantag e o f prostitute s whe n the y wer e availa ble, an d i n unfortunat e case s wher e member s o f eithe r grou p mar ried, th e result s wer e usuall y exceedingl y frustratin g an d unfortu nate. 38 The mos t visibl e characteristi c o f pirate pedophile s i s that i n ever y case those me n wit h preference fo r boys were no t integrate d member s of thei r crews . Thi s square s wit h findings o f mode m researc h o n pe dophiles, wher e th e me n interviewe d seeme d t o experienc e a s muc h difficulty adjustin g t o adult s a s t o women . Moreover , a t leas t on e

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group o f fellator s involve d wit h delinquen t boy s di d no t appea r t o participate i n an y aspec t o f th e informall y organize d homosexua l community i n thei r city . The y avoide d ga y bars , baths , an d othe r institutions frequented b y adult homosexuals. Whe n questione d abou t their preferenc e fo r boys , the y answere d i n mos t case s tha t youth s were less demanding, mor e easily dominated, an d less critical of their partner's performance . Generall y the y suffere d fro m feeling s o f infe riority, immaturity , an d passivity rathe r than an y conditio n tha t could be described as neurotic or psychotic. Mos t of their social contacts as well a s their sexual contact s wer e with children , an d they clearl y fel t that adult sexua l contac t wa s beyon d thei r capabilities. Wit h th e ex ception o f immaturit y an d passivity , al l o f thos e characteristic s com monly associated by modem researcher s with pedophili a ca n be foun d among buccaneer s know n t o hav e a proclivit y fo r youthfu l cohorts . This i s particularl y tru e o f th e on e clas s o f pirate s wh o mos t fre quently sough t ou t youn g companions , th e captains . Comman d iso lation i s a feature o f an y ship , an d ma y b e necessar y fo r the exercis e of authorit y a t sea , bu t i n th e seventeent h centur y th e nee d o f th e commander t o be separat e fro m hi s cre w probabl y encouraged pedo philia amon g some captains, whethe r they commanded merchan t and naval vessel s o r buccaneering craft . Th e lon g period s of solitude, th e responsibilities o f command , th e inabilit y t o interac t sociall y o r sexually wit h member s of th e crew , an d th e presenc e o f a youthful per sonal servan t all contribute d towar d makin g pederasty th e onl y avail able sexual outlet for the commander other than solitary masturbation, dreams, o r fantasies . Fo r pirat e captains , th e likelihoo d o f a prefer ence fo r youthfu l partner s wa s probabl y eve n greate r tha n fo r th e commanders o f ship s sailin g legally . Althoug h Blackbeard , Willia m Dampier, an d Bartholome w Shar p could no t be describe d a s passive individuals, Blackbear d wa s the archetyp e o f the immatur e personal ity unabl e t o cop e wit h adult s excep t through th e us e o f his superio r physical strength . Al l thre e men , Blackbeard , Dampier , Sharp , an d other captains wh o ha d thei r favorite boys , probabl y suffered contin ually fro m feeling s o f inferiorit y an d insecurit y simila r t o thos e o f pedophiles interviewe d b y researchers . Thi s woul d hav e bee n a normal psychologica l stat e for buccaneer leaders who, althoug h the y had

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undergone th e sam e maturationa l pattern s experience d b y their crew men, wer e sustained i n thei r comman d position s onl y by the consen t of their crews . They wer e men wit h deep-seated feeling s o f inferiorit y or hostility toward thei r socia l superiors , an d al l were prohibited fro m forming satisfyin g relationship s wit h thei r men , fo r the y wer e com pelled t o remai n distan t fro m them. 39 A similar situatio n prevaile d amon g othe r pirate s wh o wer e know n to hav e boy s o f thei r own . I n almos t ever y cas e wher e a bo y ca n b e assigned a s the proteg e o f an adult , h e i s identified b y the occupatio n of th e mentor . The y ar e "th e carpenter' s boy, " "th e cook' s boy, " o r "the fiddler's lad. " Non e o f thes e uniquel y skille d men , o r surgeons , smiths, an d other s with specia l training, wer e regular member s of any ship's company . The y wer e se t apart by relativel y esoteri c knowledge , extensive training , th e abilit y t o perfor m necessar y tasks , an d wor k schedules an d quarter s differen t fro m ordinar y sailors . The y rarel y associated wit h on e another , an d thei r boy s wer e neede d t o eas e th e burden o f isolatio n fro m thei r fellow s aboar d th e sam e ship . Regula r crew members , i n contrast , ha d eac h othe r fo r comradel y an d sexua l socialization. I n th e survivin g record s o f piracy , ther e ar e n o lad s identified a s the "bosun' s boy" or "Tom th e Sailor' s lad, " and neithe r are othe r youth s connecte d i n an y fashio n wit h individual s wh o ac tually saile d th e ship , reefe d th e sails , caulke d th e seams , o r carrie d out th e task s that wer e th e lo t of the commo n seaman . Transgenerational relationship s ma y als o hav e bee n a solutio n fo r the sexua l difficultie s o f anothe r particula r typ e o f buccaneer , thos e who foun d themselve s aboar d pirat e vessel s a s th e resul t o f capture , ill fortune , o r other circumstances , bu t wh o were predominantly het erosexual. Th e onl y analogou s situatio n o n whic h an y volum e o f research ha s bee n complete d i s tha t o f heterosexua l male s confine d to prisons. Althoug h th e evidenc e o f their adaptive technique s i s fragmentary an d conclusion s res t to a considerable exten t o n assumptio n and surmise , ther e i s some indicatio n o f behavior pattern s uniqu e t o such a situation tha t may also have existed 30 0 years past. The essen tial difficult y facin g an y heterosexua l mal e suddenl y a pirat e cre w member—at leas t thos e consideration s remainin g afte r physica l sur vival ha d bee n assured—revolv e aroun d th e difficultie s encountere d

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in integratin g wit h shipboar d sexuality . Th e mechanism s b y whic h this i s done , a t least in th e case s of male s whos e self-imag e wa s that of a domineerin g an d aggressiv e individual , i s no t understood , al though th e nee d o f suc h me n t o subordinat e othe r male s predomi nates i n al l likelihoo d ove r affectiv e tie s tha t migh t evolv e ove r th e course o f an y relationship . I n mode m societie s wher e researc h ha s been conducte d o n th e problem , th e presenc e o f female s an d participation i n coitu s define s malenes s fo r some , an d thei r frequen t re quirement fo r varie d sexua l partner s suggest s a n ongoin g nee d fo r masculine validation . I n prison , a s ma y hav e bee n th e cas e aboar d pirate vessels , th e necessar y validatio n ca n b e obtaine d onl y b y cre ating surrogat e heterosexua l relationships . Unde r th e circumstances , acquisition o f boy s ma y hav e serve d a s a substitute no t only fo r heterosexual intercours e bu t for overt homosexual contac t as well. Wha t had th e appearanc e o f pederast y ma y hav e bee n i n som e situation s the attemp t to recreat e heterosexua l situation s wit h mal e dominanc e in th e manne r o f th e priso n "jocker " reaffirmin g hi s masculinit y i n domination o f hi s "punk. " Relationship s o f thi s nature , thoug h ac companied b y the full panopl y of homosexual contac t and symptomatology, ar e probably th e resul t o f othe r than sexua l needs , an d ma y often b e th e resolutio n o f th e conflic t betwee n dependenc y an d th e need to exercise authority. Lad s aboard buccaneer ships would be the obvious targets for reaffirming th e masculinit y o f those wh o had come to doub t thei r ow n manhood . Th e relationship s create d unde r con ditions simila r to these coul d easil y serv e as substitutes for the absent heterosexual act s and heterosocia l contact s necessar y fo r self-affirma tion. The general techniques employed by prisoners for acquiring "punks" has th e benign , concerned , qualit y foun d i n th e relationship s be tween adul t buccaneer s an d thei r boys. Essentia l element s i n th e seductions includ e som e measur e o f training , considerabl e protection , and tentativ e physica l contac t leadin g t o a complete sexua l relation ship. Th e initiation s ma y var y in spee d an d techniqu e an d a s in the case of any attempted seduction, succes s is not always the end result , but despit e th e danger s o f drawin g analogie s ove r th e centuries , th e frequency an d ever-present nature of the process in pena l institution s

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studied make s i t appea r t o b e a wide-sprea d produc t o f male s livin g with onl y themselves. Th e regularit y an d ubiquit y o f the proces s mak e it see m likel y i t i s no t a recentl y evolve d huma n respons e t o a rela tively unusua l huma n situation. 40 Whether pedophili a wa s frequen t o r rar e amon g pirates , i t wa s a species o f homosexua l conduct . Ther e i s n o recor d o f an y femal e juvenile sailin g a s a maraude r crewmember . Th e similarit y i n man y cases of th e relationship s betwee n pirate s an d thei r lad s with pattern s of behavio r observe d amon g know n pedophile s indicate s a possibl e form fo r th e adult-chil d dyad s aboar d buccanee r vessels , althoug h i t is highly unlikel y tha t ever y adul t involve d i n superintendin g a yout h was a pedophile . Th e interes t o f som e migh t hav e bee n fatherl y o r avuncular; other s coul d hav e falle n victi m t o th e scoutmaste r syn drome (althoug h ther e ar e numerou s example s o f me n takin g th e leadership o f scou t troop s onl y becaus e o f th e sexua l opportunitie s available); som e migh t hav e merel y bee n helpful . Th e onl y indica tions tha t pedophili a migh t hav e bee n muc h mor e commo n amon g buccaneers tha n i n rando m populatio n sample s draw n fro m eithe r the seventeent h o r th e twentiet h centurie s come s fro m th e frequen t references t o me n an d thei r boys , th e dee p concer n o f man y pirate s for thei r charges , th e lac k o f heterosexua l alternatives , th e likelihoo d that th e rati o o f homosexuals t o situational practitioner s o f homosex ual act s wa s high amon g th e crews , an d th e existenc e o f matelotage, an institutionalize d linkin g o f a buccanee r an d anothe r male—mos t often a youth—i n a relationshi p wit h clearl y homosexua l character istics. As practiced b y buccaneers o n Hispaniol a earl y i n th e seventeenth century, matelotage wa s probabl y n o mor e tha n a master-servan t re lationship originatin g i n cases of men sellin g themselves t o other me n to satisf y debt s o r t o obtai n food . I n man y case s matelots wer e n o more tha n slaves , overworked , beaten , sexuall y abused, murdered , o r sold b y their owners . However , th e generall y recognize d bon d i t created betwee n me n an d th e understandin g tha t a n inviolabl e attach ment existe d betwee n th e tw o a s lon g a s th e maste r wante d i t t o remain s o gav e matelotage a sacrosanc t aur a amon g buccaneers . A s the decade s passe d an d th e utilit y o f th e institutio n wa s appreciate d

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by increasin g number s o f pirates , a n informall y accepte d syste m o f mutual obligation s becam e recognize d betwee n maste r an d matelot. Alexander Exquemelin , wh o ha d serve d a s a matelot befor e becom ing a surgeo n wit h Morgan' s expedition s agains t th e Spanish , com mented fondly about his own master who, when drun k in port, woul d set a butt of wine i n the middl e of a street and demand al l passers-b y drink wit h hi m o r b e shot . On e o f thos e wh o drank , an d deepl y enough t o quenc h hi s thirst , wa s surely Exquemeli n himself , fo r by the secon d hal f of the centur y whe n h e arrive d in the West Indies, a sharing o f al l propert y wa s a recognize d featur e o f matelotage. Th e common ownershi p o f goods eve n extende d i n mos t case s to inheri tance. Accordin g to European law , wive s or children wer e entitled to all property of the deceased, bu t in the Caribbean wive s and children were as uncommo n a s observance o f lega l niceties , an d when a man died al l good s wen t t o hi s partner , whethe r maste r o r matelot. S o strong was the practic e tha t after hi s attack on Maracaibo , th e pirate captain L'Olonnai s wa s carefu l t o mak e certai n tha t th e boot y wa s divided no t onl y amon g th e survivors , bu t that the portion s o f thos e killed wer e distribute d t o thei r servants . O n occasion , th e mutua l ownership of property was even formalized b y setting down i n writing the agreement that all good s belonge d t o the survivor. 41 On th e rar e an d unfortunat e occasion s whe n pirate s too k wives , the right s o f th e matelot wer e erode d onl y i n term s o f hi s clai m t o survivor's benefits . H e remaine d mateloty retaine d acces s to hi s master's property, an d demande d an d usuall y obtaine d th e sam e connu bial right s as the husband . Whe n Captai n Loui s Adhemar Timothee Le Goli f mad e th e decisio n t o we d on e o f th e women importe d int o Tortuga b y Governo r Bertran d d'Ogero n som e tim e durin g th e de cade followin g 1665 , Pulverin , th e captain' s matelot y wa s distraught. He first sought solac e i n drink , bu t subsequentl y claime d hi s righ t and wa s admitted t o the marriag e chamber . Despit e hi s access t o all that wa s hi s master's , Pulveri n wa s neve r reconcile d t o sharin g L e Golif with a female. H e conceale d hi s dissatisfaction fo r a time, an d in due course he was able to obtain revenge. O n returning early from a raid , th e Captai n sen t Pulveri n ahea d t o notif y th e waitin g wif e o f her husband's impendin g return . A s is often th e case when ship s sail

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into por t to o soon , Madam e L e Goli f wa s surprised i n congres s wit h another man , an d th e beare r o f goo d tiding s becam e th e delivere r o f retribution. Pulveri n kille d th e woma n an d he r lover , the n disap peared. L e Goli f foun d anothe r matelot name d L e Beque , an d wa s especially fon d o f him, bu t h e neve r recovered entirel y fro m th e loss. His hear t remaine d alway s with Pulverin. 42 The attachmen t o f buccaneer s t o thei r matelots, boys , an d lover s must hav e occasione d hostilit y an d conflict , althoug h on e authorit y argues tha t i n homosexua l relationship s jealous y an d paranoi d delu sion d o no t occur , an d tha t whil e ther e ar e ofte n quarrel s an d re criminations, the y rarel y lea d t o physica l damag e o r murder. 43 A sizeable bod y o f data fro m mode m cour t record s coul d b e assemble d that woul d brin g th e assertio n o f pervasiv e homosexua l gentlenes s into doubt , bu t th e mos t convincin g evidenc e tha t homosexua l pas sions ar e easil y a s intens e a s thos e o f heterosexual s come s no t fro m examples o f violenc e bu t fro m instance s o f deepes t devotion . Th e volume o f literatur e o n pirac y i s concerne d primaril y wit h maritim e depredations, bu t th e fe w instance s tha t surviv e t o revea l th e mor e human sid e o f th e buccaneer s demonstrat e a willingnes s o n th e par t of a t leas t som e marauder s t o suffe r torture , deprivation , an d eve n death t o protec t thei r lovers . On e suc h inciden t occurre d aboar d th e ship commande d b y Bartholome w Robert s whe n a crewman , havin g too muc h t o drink , mad e th e grav e mistak e o f insultin g th e captain . Roberts demonstrate d tha t hi s reputatio n fo r a quick tempe r an d a s a formidible adversar y i n individua l comba t wa s well deserved . H e dre w his swor d an d kille d th e fello w o n th e spot . Whe n th e dea d sailor' s partner, a man name d Jones , learne d o f what had occurred , h e sought out the captain an d showered hi m wit h vituperation . Th e captai n was no mor e willin g t o accep t insult s fro m Jone s tha n fro m hi s mes s mate. H e agai n dre w hi s swor d an d ra n th e ma n through . Th e sec ond thrus t wa s no t a s wel l aime d a s th e first, an d Jone s wa s onl y injured. Ignorin g his wound, th e enraged sailor grabbed Roberts, threw him ove r a gu n an d bea t hi m soundly . Jone s wa s late r sentence d t o receive tw o lashe s fro m ever y ma n aboar d fo r darin g t o attac k th e commander, a dee d tha t n o ma n woul d hav e attempte d unles s se verely distressed. 44 I n a n altercatio n wit h th e captai n aboar d anothe r

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ship, Richar d Simpso n recorde d tha t th e offendin g seama n wa s tie d to a gangwa y an d repeatedl y douse d wit h col d water . Hi s comrade , distraught ove r th e treatmen t bein g visite d o n hi s friend , secure d th e fellow's releas e b y agreein g t o tak e hi s plac e an d receiv e th e las t hal f of the punishment. 45 An eve n mor e compellin g exampl e o f a pirate's devotio n t o on e o f his shipmate s wa s th e actio n o f Georg e Rounsivil , wh o trul y teste d the limit s o f on e man' s lov e fo r another . Rounsivi l wa s a n experi enced buccanee r wh o ha d onc e bee n captured , trie d fo r hi s crimes , and sentence d t o death. H e escaped th e judgmen t o f the court , prob ably i n on e o f th e genera l pardon s declare d fro m tim e t o tim e b y English kings , repente d hi s previou s action s an d worke d fo r a whil e on lan d a s a n hones t tradesman . A s tim e passed , Rounsivi l eithe r could no t resis t th e lur e o f th e se a o r h e wa s persuaded b y the pang s of povert y t o retur n t o hi s ol d occupation . H e joine d a cre w heade d by a pirat e acquaintance , an d saile d of f to plunde r i n th e Caribbean . The voyag e wa s no t profitable , an d i t ultimatel y ende d i n disaste r when th e shi p wa s drive n b y advers e wind s ont o th e rock s situate d near Gree n Ke y Island . Th e shi p bega n t o brea k apar t unde r th e pounding o f win d an d water , an d Rounsivi l wit h five othe r me n managed t o launc h th e ship' s boa t an d mak e fo r shore ; as the y wer e going of f t o safety , Rounsivil' s companio n shoute d fro m th e poo p o f the sinkin g vesse l fo r the m t o com e bac k an d sav e him . Th e me n i n the boa t refused . "Rounsivi l begg' d hi s companion s t o pu t back , an d take hi m in ; bu t the y answered , tha t th e res t woul d b e a s willin g t o save themselve s a s he , an d o f Consequence , s o man y woul d crow d into th e Cano e a s woul d sin k it , wherefor e the y woul d no t ventur e it; upo n whic h h e jump' d int o th e Water , an d swa m t o th e Vessel , and ther e perishe d wit h hi s Frien d sinc e h e coul d no t sav e him." 4 6 Nor wer e pirate s abov e th e practic e o f homosexua l nepotis m whe n one of a pair of lovers was in a position of authority. Captai n Willia m Dampier onc e elevate d hi s stewar d t o th e ran k o f midshipman , an d George Shelvocke , a privateer commander , wa s accused o f undue solicitousness i n ensurin g th e safet y o f both hi s cabi n bo y an d hi s ow n son. 47 Matthe w Stuart , th e cabi n boy , wa s a la d o f goo d sens e an d good education , whic h ma y hav e explained th e captain' s concer n fo r

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his well-being , bu t whe n h e wa s promote d t o first mate ove r severa l other mor e abl e me n eve n thoug h h e wa s unabl e t o tel l " a brac e from a bowline," ther e wa s dissatisfaction amon g th e crewmen . On e sailor complaine d tha t th e unusua l promotio n "gav e u s al l a kin d o f emulation, wonderin g wha t rar e qualification s Shelvock e coul d dis cover i n a fellow , wh o bu t a fe w day s befor e rinse d ou r glasse s an d filled us ou r wine." 48 Som e tim e after , Shelvock e an d Stuar t ha d a falling out , an d th e favor s onc e bestowe d brough t th e captai n littl e gratitude. Stuar t returne d th e kindness a t a later date by testifying tha t Shelvocke wa s involve d i n divertin g fund s fro m th e sponsor s o f th e voyage.49 As i s th e cas e wit h union s betwee n me n an d women , th e bond s that evolve d amon g pirat e couple s originate d i n economi c necessity , custom, an d i n love , bu t th e disruptiv e tendencie s makin g mode m homosexual dyad s difficul t t o sustai n di d no t exis t i n th e Caribbea n of thre e centurie s ago . Socia l opprobrium , ecclesiastica l condemna tion, an d th e hostilit y o f th e la w coul d no t damag e relationship s es tablished b y pair s o f buccaneers , an d th e link s tha t hel d the m to gether ma y wel l hav e bee n a s stron g an d compelling , althoug h no t as permanent , a s thos e unitin g heterosexua l couples . A s i s th e cas e with marriage s o f mal e an d female , jealousy , promiscuity , alienatio n of affection, boredom , an d anothe r scor e o f considerations operat e t o separate person s tie d t o on e another , an d pirat e couple s wer e surel y no exception . Th e absenc e o f ecclesiastica l approval , legall y bindin g pronouncements, a home, an d childre n mad e buccaneer s mor e likel y to dissolv e thei r partnership s tha n heterosexuals . Matelots wer e sol d or trade d fro m on e hunte r o r pirat e t o another, an d th e matelot wh o was no t owne d a s a servan t o r whos e ter m o f servitud e expire d wa s often fre e t o selec t a ne w mat e i f h e chos e t o d o so . Pirate s wh o preferred boy s rather than adult s as sex partners found tha t their youn g innocents soo n gre w olde r an d th e physica l characteristic s an d un critical acceptanc e o f thei r tutor' s affection s wer e soo n replace d wit h the loo k of a man an d th e sexua l sophisticatio n tha t diminishe d thei r attraction t o th e pedophile . Bot h wer e the n free d t o locat e ne w com arades, th e ma n havin g los t hi s la d an d th e la d havin g becom e a man. Amon g relationship s involvin g tw o adults , th e vicissitude s o f

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health, combat , an d simpl e ennu i ofte n worke d i n concer t t o spli t them apar t an d sen d the m seekin g ne w partners . How ofte n me n joine d wit h anothe r membe r o f thei r crew , th e average duratio n o f pirat e marriages , o r wha t proportio n o f bucca neers ignore d opportunitie s fo r clos e relationship s wit h othe r me n and simpl y live d live s o f unrestricte d promiscuit y canno t eve n b e guessed. I f interpersona l relationship s wer e i n th e seventeent h cen tury "a t bes t col d an d a t wors t hostile, " as Lawrenc e Ston e describe s them, wit h a lo w leve l o f affectiv e characte r limitin g th e capacit y o f individuals fo r evolvin g war m o r mutuall y dependan t unions , the n under suc h combination s o f circumstance s wher e centrifuga l ten dencies wer e apparentl y sufficien t t o fragmen t mos t type s o f huma n bonding, perhap s th e onl y adequat e explanatio n o f th e relationship s existing betwee n pirat e pair s was the homoeroti c unit y ofte n observe d among me n i n time s o f hardship , crisis , o r danger. 50 Th e strang e and distan t worl d o f the Caribbean , th e fragilit y o f lif e i n th e tropics , the constan t dange r o f the buccaneer' s trade , an d th e hardshi p o f lif e at se a ma y al l hav e bee n mitigate d fo r som e i n th e camaraderie, friendship, o r even lov e ofte n generate d b y men fo r each othe r unde r particularly tryin g circumstances. 51 Wha t evidenc e survive s indicate s these factor s o r other s ye t unaccounte d fo r wer e operative , an d pair ing, o r pirate marriages i f the term ca n b e used , forme d a n importan t part o f lif e fo r man y buccaneers . Pirate crew s varie d greatl y i n size . Dependin g o n a n assortmen t o f circumstances, the y range d fro m hal f a doze n i n numbe r t o severa l hundred o n mor e elaborately organized expeditions . Large r pirate ships that plundere d th e Caribbea n i n th e closin g year s of the seventeent h century sometime s carrie d a s man y a s 25 0 men , bu t ordinar y buc caneering expedition s i n th e 1670 s o r th e 1680 s wer e considerabl y smaller. Th e suitabilit y o f almost ever y membe r o f a pirate cre w a s a sex partne r fo r almos t ever y othe r ma n mean s tha t aboar d shi p th e potential fo r wide-sprea d promiscuit y existed , bu t i t i s no t entirel y certain whethe r pirate s availe d themselve s o f th e opportunitie s fo r frequent shiftin g o f partner s o r fo r grou p sexua l experiences . Severa l studies o f homosexua l patterns i n larg e America n citie s indicat e tha t promiscuity i s fairly common , wit h man y case s being reporte d o f me n

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having hundred s o f partner s withi n fairl y limite d tim e periods . Th e social imperative s tha t substantiat e permanenc e amon g heterosexua l couples—economic necessity , religiou s beliefs , th e presenc e o f fam ily, an d pee r pressure—ar e al l considerabl y reduce d i n th e cas e o f homosexuals, bu t amon g buccaneer s the y wer e entirel y absent . Th e constantly changin g compositio n o f an y ship' s cre w du e t o death s from natura l causes , desertion , thos e kille d i n combat , an d th e fre quent arriva l o f me n an d boy s capture d aboar d othe r vessel s al l ma y have mad e relationship s o f lon g duratio n betwee n pirate s difficul t t o perpetuate.52 There i s n o wa y o f speculatin g o n th e numbe r o f pirate s wh o re jected sexua l promiscuit y o r a t leas t restricte d thei r contact s t o a lim ited numbe r o f partners , bu t ther e wer e conspicuou s instance s o f buccaneers wh o entere d int o sustaine d relationship s wit h other s o f their company , wit h thei r boy s o r wit h thei r servants . Th e union s between buccaneer s ofte n involve d dee p an d abidin g lov e an d exhib ited man y o f th e trait s usuall y associate d wit h compatibl e heterosex ual couples . Th e intimat e associatio n betwee n lonel y mal e adventur ers i s hardl y a surprisin g phenomenon , a t leas t fo r reader s o f nineteenth-century America n literature . Jame s Fenimor e Cooper' s Natty Bumpp o abhorre d wome n an d live d isolate d fro m the m o n th e frontier wher e h e wa s safe fro m thei r wiles and coul d expen d hi s love and devotio n o n Chingachook , hi s mal e India n associate . Ther e i s also th e narrator' s lov e fo r Hop e i n Two Years Before the Mast y bu t most familia r i s th e relationshi p betwee n Ishmae l an d Queeque g i n Melville's Moby Dick. "I foun d Queequeg' s ar m throw n ove r m e i n the mos t lovin g an d affectionat e manner . Yo u ha d almos t though t I had bee n hi s wife," relate d Ishmael , " . . . h e stil l hugge d m e tightly , as thoug h naugh t bu t deat h shoul d par t u s twai n . . . Thus , then , in ou r heart' s honeymoon , la y I and Queequeg— a cosy , lovin g pai r . . . h e presse d hi s forehea d agains t mine , claspe d m e aroun d th e waist, an d sai d tha t hencefort h w e wer e married." 53 I n th e chast e literary atmospher e o f a hundred year s ago, relationship s betwee n me n were interprete d a s the innocen t mal e lov e that i s expressed i n locke r room back-slappin g o r th e fraternit y singalong . I n th e cas e o f Coop er's Natt y Bumpp o thi s ma y hav e bee n a n accurat e assessment , bu t

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both Dan a an d Melville kne w their sailors far better than the readin g public kne w them , an d the y understoo d thei r feeling s wer e no t un usual i n th e worl d o f ship s an d mariners , wher e passion s wer e ofte n of a n intensit y equa l t o th e leve l o f emotion s tha t bin d me n an d woman.54 Surveys of modern homosexua l group s reveal a wide variety of sexual practice s an d technique s ar e commonl y employe d b y members , and i t i s possibl e tha t pirate s a s wel l a s othe r seventeenth-centur y English homosexual s als o indulge d i n a multiplicit y o f sexua l prac tices.55 Th e absenc e o f an y indicatio n o f oral-genita l contac t amon g homosexuals i n the Tudor-Stuart centurie s coul d be the resul t of the same reticenc e tha t produce d vagu e an d unspecifi c statute s dealin g with sexual matter s over the years . Englis h judicia l official s an d lawmakers wer e commonl y draw n fro m th e easil y scandalize d upper middle classes , an d me n wh o experienc e a severe degre e o f discom posure on the subject of anal intercours e are not likely to write extensively o f oral-genita l contact , discus s i t amon g themselves , o r admi t it occurred with sufficien t frequenc y t o necessitate legislatin g specifi c prohibitions agains t it. 56 While pirates may have practiced fellatio on a regular basis without leaving any evidence o f doing so, i t is equally possible that the variety of thei r sexua l practice s wa s mor e restricted . Trial s o f bot h seafarer s and landsme n fo r homosexua l offense s durin g th e ag e o f Caribbea n piracy contai n reference s onl y t o ana l intercours e an d mutua l mas turbation of the serial an d simultaneous types . Althoug h i t is difficul t to believe pirate s wer e unawar e o f the possibilit y o f oral-genita l con tact, o n th e lowe r level s o f societ y wher e the y wer e socialize d an d acculturated ther e ma y hav e bee n hostilit y o r even outrigh t prohibi tions agains t fellatio . Studie s hav e reveale d profoun d clas s distinc tions i n attitude s relatin g t o alternativ e form s o f sexua l expression , with member s o f economicall y disadvantage d group s exhibiting con siderably les s enthusias m fo r various mode s o f non-reproductiv e sex ual practice s tha n th e wealthy . Th e sam e patter n ma y hav e bee n present in Restoratio n Englan d wher e oral-genita l practice s were employed b y th e sexuall y sophisticate d aristocrac y bu t ma y hav e bee n eschewed o n th e level s o f societ y tha t produce d buccaneers. 57 Envi -

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ronmental condition s coul d als o hav e bee n responsibl e fo r encour aging pirate s t o engag e onl y i n ana l intercours e an d masturbation , i f in fac t the y di d no t practic e oral-genita l contact . Aboar d buccaneer ing vessels, homosexualit y wa s an accepte d par t of life , i n contras t t o the homosexualit y o f America n interviewee s wh o provide d informa tion o n whic h a t leas t one surve y o f the variet y o f sexua l experience s was based . Th e opportunit y aboar d shi p fo r extende d fear-fre e cop ulation mean t pirate s coul d participat e i n leisurel y anal-genita l con tacts without th e nee d o f the mode m America n homosexual s t o practice a form o f sexual contac t that enables the participants t o disengage quickly an d wit h a minimu m o f discomfiture i n orde r to avoid detec tion. Th e hurried , impersonal , an d tau t encounter s tha t hav e condi tioned th e homosexua l experience s o f man y American s wer e entirel y foreign t o pirates who ha d n o nee d t o includ e i n their sexua l practic e techniques well-suite d t o furtive encounters. 58 The apparen t concentratio n o n ana l intercours e an d masturbatio n might als o be explaine d i n term s of divergent preference s amon g var ious groups . Studie s o f present-da y Englis h homosexual s revea l tha t unlike thei r American counterpart s whos e primar y metho d o f contac t is fellatio , the y prefe r genita l appositio n o r ver y clos e bod y contac t without penetratio n a s a mean s t o achiev e ejaculation . Th e term s "rub off" o r "slicklegging" are usuall y use d to describe their practices. The distinc t preferenc e o f American s fo r fellati o ma y b e du e i n par t to th e universa l practic e o f infan t circumcisio n i n th e Unite d States . In countries where the practic e i s rare, the accumulation o f sebacious secretions beneat h th e foreski n an d th e resultan t odo r migh t rende r olfactory an d penil e proximit y distastefu l an d induc e uncircumsize d Englishmen t o restric t themselve s t o othe r manner s o f sexua l gratifi cation. I t als o indicate s tha t simila r consideration s ma y hav e bee n responsible fo r th e practic e o f oral-genital se x amon g th e Restoratio n aristocracy whil e i t was rejected b y th e lowe r classes . The us e o f per fumes, lotions , unguents , an d scente d potion s wit h purporte d aphrodisiacal qualitie s wa s commo n amon g th e wealthies t classe s i n late seventeenth-centur y England . Pubi c depilatio n wa s practice d b y some aristocrati c females , an d member s o f bot h sexe s bathe d fre quently, a t leas t b y th e standard s o f th e age . Amon g cottagers , pau -

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pers, laborers , an d vagrants , bod y cosmetic s wer e unknow n an d soa p and wate r were rarel y or never expended o n th e person . Althoug h th e continual accumulatio n o f smegma l matter , desquamate d epithelia l cells, bodil y secretions , feca l an d urinar y traces , perspiration , bacte ria, dust , an d dir t i n th e pubi c region s ma y hav e rendere d th e prac tice o f oral-genita l contac t appealin g fo r some , i t i s a t leas t a s likel y that thes e sam e accumulation s coul d hav e mad e i t obnoxiou s eve n for thos e wh o woul d normall y hav e experience d sexua l stimulatio n from moderatel y pungen t genita l odors . Thi s muc h i s indicate d b y eighteenth-century attitude s towar d th e bidet . I t wa s know n i n En gland a s earl y a s 1752 , bu t neve r becam e popula r largel y becaus e o f moral rathe r tha n hygeni c objection s t o it s adoption , indicatin g a n association o f th e idea s o f oral-genital se x an d cleanliness . Bu t what ever th e cause s o f th e divergenc e i n present-da y trans-Atlanti c ho mosexual practice , whethe r induce d b y hygeni c consideration s o r social conditioning , o r o f ye t undetermine d origins , i t doe s indicat e that a variety o f homosexual manifestation s ar e feasibl e an d increase s the likelihoo d tha t homosexual s thre e centurie s pas t engage d i n pat terns o f sexua l gratificatio n widel y differen t fro m thos e employe d b y present-day groups. 59 The possibl e preferenc e o f buccaneer s fo r ana l intercours e ove r other type s o f homosexua l act s migh t wel l provid e a clu e t o a t leas t one portio n o f communit y lif e aboar d ship . I n th e youthfu l experi ences o f a grou p o f adul t homosexua l convict s interviewe d b y inves tigators fro m th e Alfre d C . Kinse y Institut e fo r Se x Research a t Indi ana University , anal-genita l contac t playe d onl y a mino r par t i n thei r indoctrination int o homosexua l practice . However , i n thei r earl y contacts onl y si x percent o f those involve d participate d exclusivel y a s inserters whil e 3 7 percen t serve d exclusivel y a s insertees . Ana l inter course require s a clea r definitio n o f roles, unlik e mutua l masturba tion o r som e type s o f oral-genita l relations . On e participan t mus t b e active whil e th e othe r remain s passiv e i n mos t circumstances , an d a s such i t i s eminentl y suite d t o a situatio n involvin g a yout h an d a n adult wher e th e adul t i s th e dominan t partne r i n al l phase s o f th e relationship, no t onl y thos e involvin g sexua l activity . Aboar d shi p o r among band s wanderin g England' s road s thi s typ e o f relationshi p

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would naturall y b e mor e commo n tha n i n mode m America , wher e the surve y o f homosexua l convict s wa s conducte d an d wher e youth s are segregate d int o mor e homogeneou s chronologica l grouping s tha n those foun d o n pirat e vessel s or among seventeenth-centur y vagrants . The patter n o f sexual experienc e aboar d buccaneerin g ship s may well have bee n se t b y th e pedophiles . A s eac h man' s particula r la d gre w older an d lef t th e tutelag e o f hi s adul t mentor , thos e wh o di d no t acquire an y preferenc e fo r younge r partner s simpl y joine d th e othe r crewmen i n sexua l activities , servin g alternatel y a s inserter , insertee , or i n bot h position s a s th e situatio n required . Ye t whil e abandonin g their exclusivel y submissiv e sexua l rol e i n a n adult-yout h dyad , the y continued usin g ana l intercourse , th e typ e o f sexua l expressio n thei r early lif e experience s conditione d the m t o regard a s normal. 60

FIVE THE BUCCANEER COMMUNITY

The cotermina l limit s o f th e physica l an d psychologica l boundarie s of th e ship , whe n combine d wit h it s impermeabilit y o r insulatio n from outsid e influences , create d a n environmen t fo r the seventeenth century marine r tha t ha s bee n characterize d a s a tota l institution . This i s a situatio n wher e entr y o r egres s i s severel y restricted , th e normally segregate d activitie s o f life , eating , sleeping , working, an d recreation, ar e al l conducte d withi n th e sam e spatiall y constricte d area, eac h phas e o f th e participants ' live s i s live d ou t i n th e imme diate compan y o f other s o f th e institution' s participants , wit h event s being sequence d an d directe d fro m a highe r authorit y withi n th e in stitution fo r th e attainmen t o f a goal o r goal s recognize d a s desirabl e by al l participants . Th e comprehensiv e effect s o f personalit y an d in teraction betwee n member s o f any suc h institutio n ar e profound , bu t aboard buccaneerin g vessel s th e adde d element s o f danger , frequen t dietary deficiency , occasiona l drunkenness , th e unlikelihoo d o f eve r returning t o th e mothe r countr y ( a desir e whic h probabl y affecte d some), th e imminenc e o f death , an d th e se a itsel f al l combine d t o increase th e "totality " o f th e surrounding s beyon d tha t experience d by th e convicts , militar y men , o r asylu m inmate s wh o hav e bee n studied i n institutiona l settings. 1

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In attempting t o discer n possibl e mode s o f behavior by pairing pirate communities wit h "tota l institutions " such a s asylums and modem shipboar d communities , th e sam e cavea t tha t applie s t o priso n studies an d researc h o n mode m homosexua l activit y an d pedophili a must be eve n mor e firmly propounded. Ther e i s considerable diver gence, a s might b e expected, i n th e experience s o f mode m mariner s separated by so wide an expanse of time from buccaneers, bu t despite the obviou s technologica l an d perceptua l variations , socia l structur e aboard ship has changed littl e i n many respect s since th e ag e of sail. Data garnere d fro m me n no w takin g thei r living s fro m th e se a ha s considerable complementary utilit y in reconstructing selected feature s of pas t maritime relationships , an d th e correlation s sometime s mak e the structur e o f buccaneer lif e appea r more clearl y fro m th e opaqueness impose d b y the passag e of time . Again , trepidatio n an d cautio n are watchword s i n dealin g wit h sailor s i n thi s fashion . Advance s i n nautical construction, varyin g economic expectations , increase d safety, alterations i n the character of work experience, improvemen t of physical surrounding s an d th e difference s i n outloo k an d attitude s occa sioned by the passage o f time al l separat e moder n seame n fro m thei r seventeenth-century counterpart s an d preven t result s o f recen t investigations o f shipboar d lif e fro m bein g applie d uniforml y an d uncriti cally to relationships amon g crewmen three hundre d years ago. Still , striking parallel s i n th e response s o f me n t o sociall y simila r circum stances are to be found no t only i n comparisons o f seafaring life with that i n tota l institution s bu t i n analyse s o f shipboar d condition s an d mariners' response s i n bot h th e seventeent h an d th e twentiet h cen turies. Sailors ' difficulties i n the present, i n man y respects , wer e also their difficulties i n th e past . The clos e proximity o f every man t o his shipmates, th e complexitie s o f evolvin g interpersona l relationships , and th e protracte d boredo m o n man y o f today' s vessel s wer e surel y present aboar d well-manne d pirat e ship s an d nava l craft , wher e th e necessary contingen t of fighting men was far in exces s of those neede d for sailin g an d maneuverin g n o matte r how sever e th e weather . Oc casional difficultie s an d deprivations , eve n whe n th e socia l feature s of deprivatio n wer e chose n rathe r tha n onl y endured , compounde d the effec t o f shipboar d feature s wit h potentia l fo r socia l disruption .

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The necessit y t o ratio n food , alcohol , o r wate r aboard buccaneerin g vessels, lik e smokin g curfew s o n submarine s runnin g submerge d fo r prolonged period s o f time , exacerbate d moral e problem s an d i n combination wit h othe r aspects of lif e aboard ship—th e lo w turnove r of pirat e crewme n an d th e restricte d amount s o f usabl e space—ofte n created fo r sailor s the n an d no w a n atmospher e muc h lik e prisons , where simila r condition s prevail . I n bot h type s o f tota l institution , prisons and ships, variou s aspects of community produc e a high leve l of anxiet y i n whic h antagonisti c association s ar e forme d tha t hav e directive forc e i n th e operatio n o f th e community ; bu t i n lik e man ner, closeness , boredom , an d endurin g a common se t o f woes creat e situations tha t are primaril y affectiv e a s well. 2 The ver y features of shipboard lif e tha t produce thi s social parado x are also the feature s responsibl e for many of the situation s tha t attract men t o seafaring. Withi n th e institutiona l imperatives , n o matte r what ratio exist s betwee n mutua l hostilit y an d interpersona l esteem , ther e develop stabl e lif e pattern s tha t are , an d wer e i n th e ag e o f bucca neering, meaningful , reasonable , an d norma l withi n particula r lim its. Accordin g t o interview s i n a recen t stud y o f seafarers ' attitudes , the reason s for chosing a maritime career were all of those tha t might be expected: the opportunity t o travel, th e prospec t of an exciting and varied life , th e chanc e t o mee t people , th e possibilit y o f advance ment, an d th e communit y atmospher e aboar d ship . Th e majorit y o f motives give n b y th e interviewee s probabl y ha d littl e appea l t o lad s who first wen t t o se a fro m Englis h por t town s i n th e seventeent h century, bu t th e las t mentione d attraction , th e chanc e t o participat e in a community o f seafarers, ma y hav e served a s a particularly desirable quality for boys who were ejected early from thei r parents' homes, forced int o vagabondage , place d a s apprentices , o r wer e pu t ou t a s servants o r laborers. Fo r young me n i n suc h circumstances , whethe r the choic e t o g o t o se a wa s take n voluntarily , force d b y hunger , o r made a t the urgin g o f a n arme d pres s gang, seafarin g ma y hav e provided th e opportunit y t o retain fo r a time th e adolescen t dependenc e made difficult t o perpetuat e b y the los s of home , parents , an d famil iar surroundings . Thei r dependenc e o n th e tota l institutiona l struc ture o f th e shi p an d officer s create d fo r the m a home-lik e situatio n

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where socia l an d physica l boundarie s wer e easil y discerned an d food , shelter, recreation , compensation , work , an d conduc t wer e al l regu lated. I n a recent study aboard a nuclear submarine , a n age-regressiv e style o f juvenil e gan g behavio r develope d amon g th e crewme n wh o divided themselve s int o unit s o n th e basi s o f technica l skills , an d similar patterns of behavior hav e also been observe d i n projectiv e test s administered t o subject s i n confinemen t experiments . Ho w accu rately observations of present-day sailor s and laborator y behavior stud ies replicat e motive s an d response s o f seafarer s fro m th e pas t i s not a question tha t i s easil y answered , bu t th e type s o f behavio r observe d by researchers i n their subject population s are apparent i n pirate groups as well. Th e desperat e cohesivenes s wit h whic h freebooter s fough t fo r one anothe r an d thei r awarenes s o f being no t onl y member s o f thei r own ship' s communit y bu t par t o f a "Brethre n o f th e Coast"—on e band eve n carrie d thei r sens e o f unit y t o th e poin t o f adoptin g a group name , "Th e Flyin g Gang"—indicat e tha t juvenil e mal e bond ing, amon g youth s a s well a s their older companions , wa s a pervasive feature o f buccaneering. 3 The sailor s who opte d fo r length y voyage s to distant points o f Eng land's tradin g pattern s an d th e poo l o f me n fro m whic h th e bul k o f pirate crew s wer e draw n mad e thei r choic e o f seafarin g lif e style s fo r a comple x o f reason s i n whic h eac h obtaine d maximu m gratificatio n from livin g and workin g i n a n institutio n wit h lo w permeability . Th e same preferenc e i s foun d amon g sailor s an d officer s servin g o n larg e oil tankers . Loadin g an d off-loadin g procedure s ofte n kee p the m an chored fa r fro m shore . Thei r contac t wit h person s othe r tha n thei r fellow cre w member s ar e a t a minimum , an d th e period s a t se a ca n run int o month s o r eve n int o year s fo r som e me n wh o rarel y leav e their vessel s an d ar e considere d t o b e sufferin g fro m wha t mariner s call "tankeritis. " In bot h cases , me n elec t t o spend length y period s a t sea becaus e i t offers a secure bas e fo r thei r socializatio n an d provide s the masculin e securit y an d interpersona l satisfactio n unavailabl e ashore. Fo r th e pirat e i n th e Caribbean , th e effec t o f thos e feature s that mad e lon g voyages more attractiv e tha n coasta l tradin g were am plified b y serving aboard a buccaneering vessel . Limite d permeabilit y at sea wa s reinforced b y the ship-lik e lo w permeabilit y o f the Englis h

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Caribbean towns—with thei r limited access to women—that the buccaneers visited . Ther e wa s littl e likelihoo d tha t pirat e vessel s woul d ever sail t o Englan d o r other Europea n port s where th e crew s would be pai d of f i n th e manne r o f merchan t seame n o r th e sailor s fro m men-of-war an d se t ashore t o live i n a landsman's world. During abbreviated stay s in the mor e complex socia l milie u o f the landsman, i f th e patter n o f present-da y mariner s i s applicabl e a t all to mariner s o f thre e centurie s ago , buccaneer s probabl y experience d uneasiness i n communicatio n an d a feelin g tha t th e tavemkeepers , prostitutes, an d other s they cam e i n contac t wit h i n variou s colonia l towns did not understand their way of life. A measure of the difficult y on lan d wa s undoubtedl y du e t o poorly developed socia l skill s resulting fro m extende d period s aboar d ship , bu t th e dissatisfactio n wa s also enlarge d b y awarenes s o f th e extortionat e rate s charge d pirate s for goods an d services by merchants. 4 Pirat e ships were i n an d out of port ofte n o n a mor e frequen t basi s tha n Eas t Indiamen , an d an y new buccaneer s the y acquire d wer e eithe r "Brethre n o f th e Coast, " experienced merchan t seamen , o r novice s i n th e busines s o f seafar ing. Socializatio n o f the ne w ma n created little problem fo r the buccaneer. Pirate s and merchan t sailors integrate d int o their midst without causin g mor e tha n a ripple , an d prisoners , escape d servants , o r convicts pose d n o threa t t o th e experience d buccaneer . H e wa s se cured b y hi s highl y develope d skill s an d th e establishe d shipboar d relationships, whic h preclude d th e dange r o f statu s diminutio n b y recently acquire d replacements . B y the tim e ne w personne l tha t survived wer e initiate d int o th e way s of th e se a an d ha d mastere d suffi cient technical knowledg e t o compete wit h th e older buccaneers, the y were fully socialized an d acculturated int o the shipboard community . Captives who refused to join the pirates presented no difficulty. Thei r status as prisoners removed them fro m th e social syste m that provided pirates wit h thei r identit y an d offere d eac h maraude r a n extr a to t o f security i n bein g abl e t o exercise eas y dominatio n ove r other huma n beings.5 Additional impetu s for rapid and permanent acculturation fo r men taken aboar d pirat e vessel s wa s th e relativel y pleasan t lif e pattern s enjoyed b y th e crew , pleasan t a t leas t whe n compare d wit h thos e

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experienced b y men i n the Nav y o r sailing aboard less desirable merchant craft. Buccanee r discipline i n matters relating to day-to-day lif e was les s rigi d an d les s brutal , althoug h th e totalit y o f th e institutio n was no t appreciabl y diminishe d b y suc h liberalism . Th e value s an d normative expectation s o f sailor s turne d freeboote r retaine d a hig h degree of coherence, powerfull y sanctione d as they were by the crewmen themselves . A ma n joinin g a pirate cre w gaine d freedo m fro m particularly gallin g aspect s o f regulatio n an d considerabl e arbitrari ness whil e a t the sam e tim e retainin g th e institutiona l structur e tha t provided fo r his social an d psychologica l requirements . Shipboard Buggery and the Nature of Prosecution The acculturativ e securit y an d tightl y bonde d communit y structur e provided b y ships i n the seventeent h centur y i s nowhere mor e apparent tha n i n th e survivin g record s dealin g wit h shipboar d buggery . Although th e firs t secula r statut e condemnin g homosexua l conduc t in England date s from the reig n o f Henry VIII, ove r a hundred years passed befor e sexua l relation s betwee n sailor s o f th e Roya l Nav y was given officia l notic e b y high-ranking officers . I t is not known i f there was a singl e inciden t o r serie s o f incident s i n th e fleet tha t precipi tated Admiralt y cognizenc e o f event s aboar d thei r vessels , bu t th e propensity o f Kin g Jame s I fo r mal e lover s ma y hav e provide d th e example tha t convince d th e Nav y homosexua l behavio r wa s a problem. Significantly , the y did no t move t o restric t or eliminate i t until 1627, afte r Jame s wa s col d i n hi s grav e an d Charle s I , particularl y prudish i n matter s of sex, wa s installed o n th e throne . I n tha t year a regulation was put into effect providin g that "If any Perso n belonging to the Flee t shal l commi t Bugger y o r Sodomy, h e shal l b e punishe d with Death." 6 Two year s later , publi c interes t i n th e subjec t wa s arouse d whe n the Ear l o f Castlehave n wa s brough t t o tria l bot h unde r th e 153 3 statute prohibitin g homosexua l practice s an d o n severa l othe r sex related charges , bu t eve n wit h th e scanda l create d b y th e Ear l an d the ne w regulatio n requirin g death fo r buggery an d sodomy , th e Admiralty prosecution s tha t followed wer e few i n number . O f those ac-

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tually tried , ther e i s i n ever y cas e soli d evidenc e tha t mor e wa s in volved tha n homosexua l acts . Violation s o f shipboar d communit y standards o r interferenc e fro m outsid e th e maritim e milie u see m t o determine th e nee d fo r prosecutions . Rober t Hewitt , brough t t o trial in the early 1630s , wa s apparently an excessive practitioner of sodomy as well a s a child molester . H e was accused o f buggering Marmaduk e Warnham, Roge r Head , an d a boy, Georg e Hungerforde , al l durin g a single voyag e o f the Royall Mary. I n a similar cas e brought later in the decad e agains t Rober t Stone , a "saylor, " ther e ar e eve n cleare r indications tha t th e accuse d wa s bein g trie d no t simpl y fo r violatin g Samuel Organ , a la d aboar d hi s ship , bu t wa s i n fac t a notoriou s sodomite, regularl y crossin g the social boundarie s tha t divided sexua l and non-sexual relationship s aboard ship and in all likelihood seekin g partners among thos e alread y involve d i n permanen t o r semi-permahent arrangements. 7 If studie s o f mode m seafarer s giv e an y clu e t o th e live s o f thei r predecessors, th e proximit y o f on e ma n t o anothe r aboar d shi p am plified th e relationship s betwee n men , intensifyin g sexua l competi tiveness whe n presen t because o f th e limite d numbe r o f me n availa ble as partners and increasing the anxiety level aboar d the ship where the institutiona l "totality " prohibited eas y resolutio n o f th e problem . Some quantit y o f th e competitiv e viciousnes s generate d b y clos e quarters an d sexua l competitio n ma y hav e bee n involve d i n th e in dictment of Richard Kingsto n some year s later where i t appears more than proscribe d se x act s brought hi m t o the attentio n o f th e authori ties. Kingston , o f Magdale n College , M.A . Oxon , an d ministe r t o His Majesty' s frigat e Forsight, wa s a ma n o f som e experienc e a s a seafaring cleric . H e ha d serve d fo r 1 4 months aboar d th e Advice be fore joinin g the Forsight, and was commended i n a deposition by the captain o f th e Advice fo r doin g a n excellen t job . Unde r the circum stances i t would see m unlikel y h e woul d be indicte d fo r sodomy, bu t ill luc k wa s wit h Kingston . Althoug h hi s fello w crewmember s evi dently ha d n o complain t abou t hi s conduct , a n allege d victi m o f Kingston's lust, a 15-year-ol d la d named Richar d Ellery , reporte d the event o r event s whe n th e shi p returne d t o England . Th e accuse d minister denied th e charge, bu t he admitte d h e ha d whipped the boy

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severely o n a t leas t on e occasion . Whethe r th e whippin g wa s a man ifestation o f homosexual sadis m o r punishment fo r som e offense can not b e discerne d fro m th e indictment , bu t Kingsto n evidentl y wa s not trie d fo r th e offense , indicatin g th e accusatio n wel l ma y hav e been Ellery' s reveng e fo r th e flogging. 8 Like th e indictment s o f Hewitt , Stone , an d Kingston , a 164 9 in cident involvin g th e bugger y o f 16-year-ol d Joh n Durran t o f Stepne y also ha d overtone s tha t carrie d i t beyon d a n ac t o f ana l intercourse . The featur e o f the cas e tha t seeme d t o irritat e th e captai n wh o con ducted th e tria l wa s no t tha t bugger y ha d bee n committe d repeatedl y or tha t i t ha d bee n don e wit h th e boy' s consent . Th e horro r o f th e event wa s tha t a n Englis h la d ha d allowe d himsel f t o b e penetrate d by a heathen , Abdu l Rhyme , a "Hindosta n peon. " Numerou s wit nesses testifie d t o havin g see n th e tw o frequently involve d i n bugger y and i n mutua l masturbatio n o n th e quarte r dec k a s wel l a s below . The trut h o f the testimon y wa s assured b y havin g nin e Christia n wit nesses swea r o n th e Bibl e t o th e veracit y o f their statements . Corro borating statement s wer e als o take n fro m a numbe r o f Hindus , bu t their wor d wa s usefu l onl y fo r supportin g wha t ha d bee n atteste d t o by Christians . I t coul d no t sustai n a convictio n alone , accordin g t o the tria l record . I n thi s case , th e accuse d mariner s wer e convicted , and eac h wa s given 4 0 lashes , th e wound s t o be rubbe d wit h sal t an d water. Accordin g t o th e sentence , ther e wer e t o b e severa l late r ad ministrations o f ten lashe s wit h mor e sal t and water , an d th e sodom ites were to be limited t o a diet o f bread an d wate r fo r a n unspecifie d period o f time. 9 Harsh a s it may seem, th e punishment meete d ou t to Abdul Rhym e and Durran t wa s considerabl y les s tha n th e deat h sentenc e specifie d in th e regulations , bu t again , th e ranting s o f th e trial' s presidin g of ficer indicate h e wa s more agitate d b y acts o f miscegenatio n tha t dis rupted th e operatio n o f th e tota l institutio n tha n buggery , whic h wa s an ordinar y par t o f th e vessel' s functioning . Indee d th e tendenc y t o regard interracia l se x as far mor e seriou s than homosexualit y wa s no t a pecularit y o f thi s particula r captai n o r a featur e o f lif e aboar d a n individual ship . I n a late r satirica l pamphlet , usin g a pirat e craf t fo r what migh t hav e been a n allegorica l treatmen t of William II I and hi s

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associates, a mutineer was discredited no t by accusing hi m of buggery but by inducing a Moor to testify tha t the accused ha d once aske d to be buggered b y him. 10 In another case for which record s survive, Samue l Norman , a ship captain, wa s accused o f pullin g dow n th e breeche s of his servant and inserting hi s "Yar d or privity int o hi s Backside" on at least three separate occasions. Th e allege d offense s wer e committed wit h mor e delicacy b y Norma n tha n thos e o f Durran t an d Rhyme . H e close d th e door and locked i t to prevent observation by the crew, the n embarke d on a scenari o o f seductio n simila r i n som e respect s t o tha t use d b y prison "jockers " bringing youthfu l convict s int o thei r homosexual ar rangements. H e first employed deviousnes s t o induc e th e cabi n bo y to provide him wit h a rubdown. Th e ship was at anchor and Norman had bee n ashor e horsebac k riding . H e informe d th e la d afte r hi s re turn tha t hi s leg s ache d fro m th e unfamilia r exercis e an d remove d his breeche s s o tha t the pai n coul d b e massage d away . Th e 14-year old wa s well awar e o f th e commander' s intention s an d suggeste d an other, mor e receptive , la d then aboar d ship as a suitable partner, bu t Captain Norma n woul d no t b e dissuaded , accordin g t o th e testi mony. Whe n gentlenes s failed , Norma n turne d th e bo y about , ben t him over , bare d hi s posterior , an d th e dee d wa s quickl y done . Th e commander surely assumed that there would be no repercussion fro m his initia l ac t and those tha t followed, bu t again, o n the ship's return to England, charge s were brought not by the victim or outraged crewmembers, bu t b y a fathe r incense d tha t hi s so n ha d bee n use d i n such fashion . Norma n wa s never brought to trial. A n indictmen t was denied fo r reason s tha t hav e no t survived . Still , th e cas e bear s simi larities t o th e other s i n tha t i t was not simply a matter of a buggered boy complaining bu t of an outsider requesting actio n b e taken. 11 The us e o f sodom y a s a politica l weapo n wa s a s convenien t fo r buccaneers a s for Englishmen i n the homeland. Durin g a 168 0 cruise in th e Sout h Sea , a sever e disagreement , ove r whethe r t o continu e in the Pacifi c o r return throug h th e Strait s of Magella n t o sail i n th e vicinity o f establishe d Englis h settlement s i n th e Caribbean , severel y divided the crew of a Captain Sawkins . B y the time th e disagreemen t reached crisi s proportions , Sawkin s ha d died , leavin g th e expeditio n

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without a leader . Thre e me n evidentl y vie d t o tak e command : Bartholomew Sharp , Joh n Watling , an d Edmun d Cook . Shar p first was elected captain , bu t oppositio n t o hi m remaine d stron g an d h e wa s deposed b y th e supporter s o f Watling . Cook , too , assume d h e wa s qualified fo r the post. H e had sailed many years as a privateer, serve d as commander o f a number of vessels a t various times, an d onc e le d a lan d forc e o f ove r 35 0 pirate s i n a n attac k o n a Spanis h colonia l town. A t this point, Cook' s servant was forced o r persuaded to confess "that his Master had of t time s Buggered hi m i n England . . . . That the same crime h e had also perpetrated in Jamaica; and once i n these Seas before Panama. " Watling seized what he thought was an advantage, an d trie d t o hav e Coo k imprisone d fo r sodomy . Tha t woul d have th e obviou s effec t o f removin g hi m a s a contender for the captaincy. Watlin g soo n discovere d tha t incarceratin g hi m fo r a homo sexual ac t was too transparent a pretext, hardl y a measure that would persuade seasone d buccaneer s o f hi s unfitnes s fo r leadership . More over, Watling' s attemp t to confine Coo k wa s further weakened whe n the servan t who made the original accusatio n refuse d t o reaffirm i t as he la y dyin g o f a n unspecifie d malady . Th e onl y solutio n wa s t o discover anothe r odious ac t committe d b y Cook, an d thi s was done. A pape r was foun d i n th e possessio n o f th e accuse d sodomit e listin g the name s o f th e me n wit h who m h e sailed . I t wa s charge d b y Watling, accordin g t o the testimon y o f privatee r Basil Ringrose , tha t Cook planned to provide the list to Spanish prisoners aboard the ship. It was not entirely clear why Cook would give the list to the Spanish , or even i f that was his intention , bu t when th e accusation o f buggery failed, anothe r charge was needed to enable Watling to clap the hapless Cook i n iron s and secure hi s own command. 12 A most vita l facto r concerning th e case s i s that they ar e not a random selectio n bu t the su m tota l o f al l suc h incident s fo r which rec ords survive i n the century between th e Admiralt y regulatio n of 162 7 and th e freein g o f Captai n Norma n fro m Newgat e Priso n i n 1723 ; there i s n o indicatio n tha t ther e wer e othe r simila r case s fo r whic h the record s ar e missing . Take n a s a group , the y indicat e tha t case s necessarily mus t involv e mor e tha n ordinar y bugger y o r sodom y fo r

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them t o b e considere d important . The y mus t b e disruptiv e o f ship board totality o r involve a n outsid e factor . Rober t Hewit t and Robert Stone wer e apparentl y excessiv e buggerers ; on e cas e involve d a complaining victi m o f floggings; John Durran t ha d no t onl y bee n buggered, bu t mor e seriousl y h e ha d bee n buggere d b y a heathen ; another case included a complaining parent; Cook was the victim of a power struggle. In dealing with buggery and sodomy, ther e appears to be a distinction i n th e wa y i t was regarde d b y me n fro m differen t classes . Wit h Durrant, fo r example, ther e wa s little attemp t on th e part of the participants to secure privac y for their various acts of anal intercours e or masturbation, althoug h i t is unlikely a secret trysting place wa s available for crewmen i n any circumstance. The y engage d i n homosexua l acts on the quarterdeck, whic h wa s probably manned 2 4 hours a day, below decks , an d betwee n bale s o f cargo . Th e numbe r o f witnesse s who testifie d i n th e inquir y demonstrate s tha t n o effor t wa s mad e t o hide thei r conduct . I n thei r er a sexua l act s wer e no t performe d a s furtively a s is presently th e custom , an d indee d ther e i s no reaso n t o suspect tha t se x act s i n th e seventeent h centur y wer e ordinaril y per formed i n private. This was an age where the mass of men and women lived i n clos e proximit y t o far m animals—alway s notoriou s fo r fol lowing thei r sexua l inclination s wit h o r without th e presenc e o f hu man o r same-specie s audiences—an d fo r mos t o f th e world' s popu lation the private bedroom ha d not yet been invented . I n their homes, people ate , slept , worked , an d copulate d i n the sam e space, an d i t is only natura l t o assum e the y woul d conduc t themselve s i n th e sam e manner aboard ships at sea. I n the case of Captain Norman , th e trial records do contain the informatio n tha t the accused closed and locked the cabi n doo r s o tha t h e woul d no t b e observe d b y th e crew , a n indication tha t althoug h bugger y amon g th e me n wa s no t alway s a secret practice, on e i n a command positio n with th e luxury of private accommodations nonetheles s woul d prefe r to engag e i n sexua l prac tices unobserve d b y th e rabble . Ye t Norma n knew , i t mus t b e as sumed, tha t there are few secret s aboard a ship, an d that sodomizing a cabin boy woul d b e known by the crew i n short order.

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Homosexual Association and Identification Examining pattern s o f sexualit y thre e hundre d year s pas t agains t a corpus o f dat a derive d fro m moder n researc h contain s th e sam e po tential fo r over-extensio n an d th e drawin g o f unwonte d conclusion s inherent i n pairin g pirate s an d penitentiar y inmates . Bu t i f a direc t link betwee n homosexual s pas t and presen t i s dangerous, th e metho d of approac h offer s som e compensatin g qualitie s fo r illuminatin g th e possibilities fo r diversit y amon g homosexua l o r homosexuall y ori ented groups . Th e social , intellectual , economic , an d cultura l variet y characteristic o f present-da y population s engage d i n homosexua l ac tivity wa s absen t amon g th e like s o f thos e wh o becam e pirates , bu t Caribbean marauder s wer e joine d b y othe r compellin g socia l bonds , similar lif e experiences , privation s endured , commo n economi c problems, an d th e master y o f th e sam e trade s o r technique s fo r sur vival. I n thi s sense , the y forme d a n interes t communit y tha t wen t beyond sexuall y specifie d requirements , i n contras t t o th e clique s o f homosexuals frequentl y studie d b y sociologists an d psychologist s wher e there i s n o forma l organizatio n an d onl y a sexua l bon d t o unit e them. Withi n suc h cliques , se x i s clearl y compartmentalized , an d most member s d o no t carr y thei r homosexua l association s o n int o their othe r busines s o r leisure-tim e activitie s becaus e o f th e ris k o f exposure an d humiliation . Bu t i n seventeenth-centur y England , th e risks wer e mimimal , an d genuin e communitie s compose d o f homo sexuals evolved , althoug h the y coul d neve r b e self-regulatin g du e t o the dominan t heterosexua l cultur e tha t pervade d th e land. 13 The lac k o f persecutio n an d th e eas e o f makin g homosexua l con tacts probabl y eliminate d th e nee d fo r socia l center s fo r pirat e com munities simila r to modern ga y bars or networks of gay coffee houses , baths, bookstores , recor d shops , gyms , restaurants , an d othe r gather ing place s wher e homosexual s an d thos e homosexuall y directe d can not onl y exchang e informatio n an d mak e sexua l contacts , bu t wher e the primar y functio n i s t o reaffir m th e patron' s wort h i n a generall y hostile environment . Althoug h Randolp h Trumbac h trace s th e root s of a genuin e homosexua l subcultur e bac k int o th e closin g decad e o f the seventeent h century , th e me n wh o becam e pirate s were , fo r th e

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most part , gon e fro m Englan d b y 1695 , a n ^ thos e stil l i n the home land afte r tha t tim e wer e fro m level s o f societ y fa r below th e partici pants i n th e networ k o f clubs , brothels , taverns , an d meetin g place s he describes . I t is no t likely ther e wer e any similarly functiona l insti tutions fo r male s o n th e lowes t socia l strat a i n seventeenth-centur y and eighteenth-centur y Englan d o r th e Wes t Indies . Th e nee d for such institution s wa s obviated b y general acceptanc e o f homosex ual conduc t an d th e opportunit y fo r thos e involve d t o live wit h littl e fear o f th e authoritie s an d n o concer n ove r th e hazard s o f publi c exposure. Ther e wer e o f cours e sailors ' gro g shops , whic h wer e un doubtedly patronize d b y homosexual s an d other s similarl y inclined , but thes e differe d fro m th e ga y ba r i n tha t the y catere d no t specifi cally t o me n wh o sough t ou t othe r me n a s se x partner s bu t t o a clientele o f sailor s wh o happene d t o b e homosexuall y oriente d o r genuinely homosexual. 14 Th e sam e i s probabl y tru e o f othe r estab lishments. Wit h th e homosexua l activit y amon g lower-clas s male s considered t o be ordinar y behavior , on e o f the chie f function s o f the gay bar, th e establishmen t o f the individual' s persona l valu e throug h contact wit h othe r similarly oriente d individuals , wa s not necessary . Similarly, th e problem s o f identificatio n o f potentia l sexua l part ners, sometime s a vexing exercis e i n th e presen t day, wa s muc h les s complex fo r th e potentia l buccaneer . Ofte n th e visibl e symbol s o f class an d occupatio n wer e sufficien t fo r sexua l classification , muc h as occupatio n migh t indicat e possibl e homosexua l preference s toda y for a hairdresse r o r a n interio r decorator . A sailo r woul d likel y b e receptive t o homosexua l advances , bu t a baker, ownin g hi s own shop, with th e nee d fo r a wife an d children t o aid him , an d being a member o f a class wher e heterosexualit y wa s economicall y viable , woul d be a n unlikel y prospect . Beyon d thes e symbols , ther e i s n o evidenc e from th e seventeent h o r eighteent h centurie s t o indicat e tha t me n with homosexual proclivitie s or preferences fro m the pirate-producin g classes wer e recognizabl e b y a system o f secre t sign s o r signals. Th e literature i s extensiv e o n system s fo r identificatio n amon g mode m homosexuals an d me n engagin g i n homosexua l acts . Th e wa y glances are exchanged, th e manne r of dress, a seemingly meaningles s move ment, th e wearin g o f a pink y ring , Pal l Mal l cigarette s ("Whereve r

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Particular Peopl e Congregate" ) ar e understoo d onl y b y th e cogno scenti, whil e homosexua l behavio r obviou s t o th e uninitiate d i s observable usuall y onl y i n te n t o 1 5 percent o f th e homosexua l o r homosexually oriente d population. 15 On e recen t stud y maintain s tha t among homosexual s i n prison , isolate d a s the y ar e i n a n al l mal e community wher e homosexualit y i s a n accepte d par t o f dail y life , recognizability rise s t o approximatel y 3 0 percent , bu t a priso n en vironment i s differen t i n essentia l respect s fro m Englis h commu nities i n th e time s o f th e late r Stuart s and earl y Hanoverians , an d i t is distinct i n essentia l respect s fro m Wes t India n pirat e communitie s as well. 16 Communication and the Use of Specialized Language The onl y possibility tha t there existed any systems to insure recognizability amon g homosexua l pirates , beyon d th e indication s presente d by th e fact s o f a seafarin g life , wa s th e maritim e propensit y fo r a secret languag e simila r i n som e respect s t o th e argo t frequently use d by members of homosexual cliques . Still , i t is dangerous to place too heavy a burde n o f interpretativ e synthesi s o n suc h a factua l base . Sailors, an d thu s pirates , hav e ha d fo r centurie s thei r ow n speec h patterns dealin g wit h th e detail s o f seafaring . Landsme n unfamilia r with th e languag e o f th e se a ar e presse d t o remembe r i f starboard i s left or right and are lost amid reference s to hawsers and lifts or braces and yards . Thi s sor t of specialize d nautica l speec h serve s a functio n entirely differen t tha n th e languag e o f eithe r homosexual s o r homosexual pirates . I t i s a militar y language , a professiona l mod e o f expression necessar y t o dea l wit h articles , practices , an d procedure s not encountere d anywher e else , an d i t gre w fro m necessit y rathe r than t o serv e th e purpos e o f concealmen t o r identification . Modem homosexuals hav e thei r ow n dialogue , bu t a s i n th e cas e o f sailors, among underworl d figures, i n prisons , an d wit h seafarin g talk , th e purpose i s no t t o maintai n secrec y bu t t o classif y an d communicat e common experiences . Amon g homosexuals , a s amon g sailors , thei r private mean s o f communicatio n i s no t a language , bu t simpl y a

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limited se t o f word s an d expression s t o communicat e understandin g in severel y limite d situations . Jus t a s seafarer' s languag e i s extende d to non-seafarin g subject s onl y i n metapho r an d simile , th e sam e i s true wit h homosexua l argot . Th e vocabular y tha t i s exclusivel y ho mosexual i s confine d fo r th e mos t par t t o activitie s tha t ar e exclu sively homosexual. 17 A s th e term s binnacl e an d bowspri t hav e littl e use amon g me n wh o d o no t mak e thei r livin g fro m th e sea , s o th e expressions "slicklegging " o r t o pic k u p "trade " do no t exten d int o heterosexual vocabulary . Among pirates , th e onl y uniqu e portio n o f thei r vocabular y tha t survives, beyon d seafarin g terminology , i s th e regula r us e o f nick names. I n this area , th e practice s o f Frenc h an d Englis h buccaneer s diverge somewhat. Nickname s relatin g to places of birth or residence were fairl y commo n amon g th e French . On e o f th e mos t notoriou s pirate chief s wa s Jean-Davi d Nau , calle d L'Olonnai s afte r hi s birth place at Les Sables d'Olonnais, an d pirates named in like manner were Michel l e Basqu e an d Pierr e l e Picard . Other s carrie d title s tha t detailed thei r grisl y physica l appearance . Tete-d'fipingl e an d Pie d d e Bouc saile d wit h me n lik e Babord-Amures , whos e nos e wa s noticea bly directed toward the port side of his face. Tete-de-Mor t ha d a nose half eate n awa y b y a n ulcer . Boisbrul e an d Gueule-de-Rai e wer e merely ugl y fellows , a s on e woul d assum e wa s th e cas e wit h Bille en-Bois, bu t th e characte r o f othe r pirate s wa s reflecte d i n name s such as Montbars the Exterminato r o r Pierre le Grand. Englis h nick names typically wer e less descriptive tha n those of the French . Com mon amon g the m wer e mor e ordinar y appellation s lik e Blac k Bart , Blackbeard, Timberhead , or , i n the case of one man , th e simple and direct name , Bear . Bot h Frenc h an d Englis h nickname s sometime s carried sexual o r homosexual implications . Tape-cu l wa s so called i n reference t o hi s backsid e an d surel y Coeu r d'Andouill e mus t hav e occasionally detecte d a sl y smil e o n th e face s o f thos e t o who m h e was introduced . Captai n Joh n Avery , a s fierce as an y wh o saile d i n the eighteent h century , wa s know n a s Long Ben , no t becaus e o f his height, an d Louis Adhemar Timothee le Golif, know n as Borgnefesse and wh o referre d t o hi s seafarin g enemie s a s bougres, complaine d

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that th e los s o f a buttoc k t o a caromin g canno n bal l mad e hi m a n especially desirabl e partne r t o al l manne r o f fellows . H e o f cours e preferred th e compan y o f his matelot, Pulverin. 18 Even thoug h th e buccaneer s o f Hispaniol a use d nickname s almos t exclusively, leavin g th e planter s wh o wer e marrie d a s the onl y islan d resident customaril y employin g rea l names , i t i s no t likel y thei r pro pensity t o select ne w name s afte r arrivin g i n th e Caribbean wa s func tionally analogou s t o th e practic e o f moder n homosexuals , wh o fre quently emplo y assume d name s o r operat e o n a first-name-only basi s to concea l thei r identities. 19 I f thi s wa s th e purpos e amon g pirates , their concer n fo r remainin g anonymou s wa s to conceal thei r piratica l activities rather than thei r sexual preference s o r practices. Bein g known as a sodomit e amon g seafarer s wa s no t a sociall y destructive bi t o f information, bu t bein g identifie d b y nam e a s a pirat e could , wit h a measure o f ba d luck , sen d on e t o th e gallow s a t a late r date . Mor e likely th e us e o f nickname s wa s a combinatio n o f th e desir e t o mak e prosecution mor e difficul t an d a lower-clas s propensit y fo r th e prac tice. Especiall y aboar d pirat e vessels , th e us e o f nickname s woul d have a greate r opportunit y t o becom e universa l sinc e ther e wa s n o need t o recor d complet e names , a s wa s th e cas e o n merchan t o r naval vessels . N o pa y record s wer e kep t amon g buccaneer s an d nei ther wer e ther e forma l issue s o f clothin g o r othe r items . Pirate s sim ply had n o nee d fo r both give n an d surnames , an d unlik e othe r area s of societ y wher e bot h wer e needed , aboar d buccaneerin g vessel s th e practice o f usin g a single nam e wa s adopted fo r reason s unconnecte d with sexuality . The us e o f feminin e nickname s i n som e homosexua l circles , es pecially the diminutive forms , i n what Christopher Isherwoo d labele d "low camp/ ' i s par t o f a comple x psycho-socia l situatio n tha t i s no t clearly define d o r understood . Whil e i t i s accepted b y some , ther e i s a hostile , almos t pathological , rejectio n o f the practic e amon g group s who objec t t o homosexua l effeminacy . Pirate s evidentl y woul d hav e been mor e i n sympathy wit h th e latter group, fo r although th e us e of assumed name s wa s common amon g them , onl y on e feminine nam e has survived. Joh n Walde n wa s called "Mis s Nanney " by his cohorts, but i t seems to have been conferre d no t because o f effeminate behav -

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ior o r the resul t o f som e particula r sexua l preferenc e bu t because o f his quick temper. 20 Alcohol and Alcoholism The excessiv e consumptio n o f alcoho l b y pirates , whe n i t was available i n larg e quantities , an d thei r predilectio n fo r debauchery , als o played a part in increasin g promiscuit y an d underminin g th e stability of couples . Th e conduc t o f buccaneer s i n por t afte r returnin g fro m successful plunderin g expedition s i s well chronicled , an d tales of fortunes squandered , riotou s excess , maniaca l gaming , an d lew d an d drunken conduc t are all substantially true. Bu t pirate debauchery was not restricte d t o th e rar e occasion s whe n thei r ship s saile d int o Ja maica's Por t Roya l an d th e whore s an d tavern s o f wha t was repute d to be th e mos t wicked cit y i n the wester n hemispher e wer e availabl e to them. I t was a regular feature i n the lives of successful pirate s who, like huma n being s everywhere , require d a certai n leave n o f festiva l gaiety an d too k th e opportunit y fo r froli c wheneve r i t was available . At th e captur e o f a prize , i f ther e wer e win e o r brand y aboard , th e time wa s a t han d fo r celebration . O n on e suc h occasion , Captai n Charles Van e an d hi s men saile d t o a deserted island , careene d thei r ships fo r cleanin g an d maintenance , divide d th e spoil s o f thei r raid, and spen t severa l day s i n wil d debauchery. 21 I n lik e fashio n Georg e Lowther an d hi s me n saile d a capture d St . Christophe r sloo p t o a small islan d wher e the y cleane d thei r ship s an d amuse d themselve s with "unhear d of Debaucheries , wit h drinking, swearin g and rioting , in whic h ther e seeme d t o b e a kin d o f Emulatio n amon g them , re sembling rathe r Devil s tha n Men , strivin g wh o shoul d outd o on e another i n ne w invente d Oath s an d Execrations. ,,22 Woode s Roger s described wit h amazemen t th e intensit y an d enthusias m o f celebrat ing pirates . " I mus t ad d concernin g thes e Buccaneers, " h e wrote , "that the y liv' d withou t Government ; s o tha t whe n the y me t wit h Purchase, the y immediatel y squandere d i t away , an d whe n the y go t Mony an d Liquor , the y drank an d gam'd til l the y spen t all; and during thos e Revels , ther e wa s n o distinctio n betwee n th e Captai n an d Crew: for th e Officer s havin g n o Commissio n bu t what the Majorit y

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gave them, the y were chang' d a t every Caprice, whic h divide d them , and occasione d frequen t Quarrel s an d Separations , s o that the y cou' d do nothin g considerable." 23 Rogers di d no t understat e hi s cas e whe n h e note d tha t buccaneer s were sometime s incapacitate d b y drunkenness . Captai n Joh n Coxo n and hi s cre w wer e reporte d o n on e occasio n t o hav e bee n to o drun k to carr y o n negotiation s wit h Governo r Joh n Vaugh n fo r th e releas e of prisoners i n 1677 , an d som e year s later Coxon actuall y abandone d his ow n me n afte r a drunke n quarrel . Willia m Dampier' s cre w onc e lost a ric h galleo n becaus e the y wer e to o inebriate d t o fight , an d accidents o r disaster s cause d b y alcohol-sodde n sailor s wer e no t un usual. No t onl y ar e ther e record s o f prisoner s escapin g fro m pirate s too drun k t o guar d the m properly , bu t i n wha t migh t hav e bee n th e greatest buccanee r disaste r attributabl e t o exces s consumptio n o f liq uor, a ship of 2 6 guns commanded b y a Captain Bellam y ra n agroun d off Massachusett s afte r th e cre w ha d consume d larg e quantitie s o f Madeira. Accordin g t o report s o f th e inciden t sen t t o London , 11 8 of 12 0 pirate s aboar d th e shi p perishe d i n th e accident. 24 Captai n George Shelvock e blame d a mutin y aboar d hi s shi p o n to o muc h liquor, an d ther e i s evidence t o indicat e th e suppl y o f alcoho l avail able t o hi s sailor s wa s sufficien t t o stok e considerabl e enthusias m fo r a take-over . A t one point , whe n a n estimat e wa s made fo r Shelvock e of th e quantit y o f liquo r aboard , ther e seeme d t o b e enoug h fo r sev eral year s of voyaging. Eithe r the estimat e wa s incorrec t o r the capac ity of the captai n an d hi s me n wa s prodigious. Eve n thoug h th e spir its were dilute d wit h wate r t o mak e the m last , th e keg s were draine d within th e year . Th e captai n himsel f was partially responsibl e fo r th e rapid expenditur e o f thei r store . H e wa s a regula r partake r o f "hip sey," a mixtur e o f wine, brandy , an d water , an d hi s sailor s late r tes tified tha t ofte n h e ha d imbibe d sufficien t quantitie s t o rende r hi m unable t o comman d hi s ship . Whe n Shelvock e ha d consume d al l their alcoholi c beverages , troubl e starte d wit h crewme n complainin g about th e dull , flat characte r o f sobriety . A mutin y followe d shortl y thereafter.25 The larg e quantitie s o f brandy , Madeira , wine , o r lik e beverage s consumed b y pirates when ther e wa s opportunity ar e everywhere sub -

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stantiated b y surviving evidence. Th e problem s created by the unregulated drinkin g wer e recognize d b y commanders , an d i n the article s of agreement subscribe d t o aboard Captai n Kidd' s ship some attemp t was made to control th e immoderat e us e o f alcohol. An y ma n drunk during a n engagemen t o r before prisoner s wer e mad e fas t wa s t o b e denied hi s share of the loot. Eve n o n a ship like that of Bartholomew Roberts, a much mor e effectively discipline d vesse l tha n Kidd's , strong drink also created problems . Th e cre w was frequently drun k and disorderly, "ever y Ma n bein g i n hi s ow n Imagination , a Captain , a Prince o r a King." Captain Robert s attempted t o restrai n th e revelr y of hi s me n b y proclaiming tha t all light s ha d t o b e ou t b y 8:0 0 P.M . and al l drinkin g mus t b e don e o n deck , bu t i t wa s a mil d measur e and had little effect. 26 Heavy dose s o f alcoho l wer e a frequen t featur e o f pirat e celebra tions, an d drinking , whe n couple d wit h th e gri m remembranc e tha t all present at any festivity might one da y end their lives on the gibbet, exerted a discernibl e influenc e o n thei r styl e o f humor . Lik e an y harassed minority , buccaneer s evolve d their own bran d of wit, whic h was exceedingly well-suite d t o their circumstances. 27 A frequent fea ture o f thei r revel s wa s a n activit y containin g al l th e terror s o f thei r lives. Severa l account s surviv e o f pirate s conductin g moc k judicia l proceedings wher e day s wer e spen t tryin g on e anothe r fo r robbery , piracy, "ravishin g Man , Woma n an d Child, " o r whateve r charg e came t o mind . Th e judg e on e momen t wa s a defendan t th e next , but th e goo d humo r o f th e occasion s wa s obviousl y a veneer . Th e trials, whethe r hel d o n deserte d island s o r aboard ship s o n th e hig h seas, al l see m t o hav e a larg e measur e o f irony , a gri m portentou s quality. O n one occasion, afte r a playful trial , a pirate was convicted, sentenced t o death , an d ami d th e laughte r of hi s comrades , th e sentence wa s carried out. Th e sam e style o f humor was characteristic o f Blackbeard, wh o afte r a prolonge d drinkin g bout , laughe d uproari ously a s h e fired a pisto l int o th e kne e o f hi s mate , Israe l Hands , laming hi m fo r life. 28 Ther e i s n o tellin g whethe r Edwar d Lo w was drunk whe n h e capture d a shi p of f Bloc k Island , bu t wit h typica l pirate humor , h e slice d th e ear s fro m th e captain' s hea d an d the n supplying sal t and peppe r to improv e the flavor, he gav e hi s prisone r

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the orde r t o eat , "whic h har d Injunctio n h e comply' d with , withou t making a Word." Low' s "bon appetit" wa s surely enoug h t o rui n th e digestion o f an y diner , bu t i n thi s cas e th e haples s prisone r migh t have considere d himsel f fortunate . Ro c Brasiliano , anothe r bucca neer captain , onc e i n a drunke n frenz y bega n choppin g of f th e arm s and leg s o f bystanders. 29 There i s n o reaso n t o assum e th e relationshi p betwee n pirat e drunkenness an d homosexualit y i n th e seventeent h centur y wa s an y closer tha n th e sligh t connectio n betwee n th e tw o today. Th e depres sive effect s o f alcohol an d th e resultan t facilitatio n o f sexual transfer ence an d th e lessenin g o f psychologica l repressio n ar e consideration s of momen t i n evaluatin g o r analyzin g proscribe d activities, bu t hom osexual behavio r amon g buccaneer s di d no t fal l int o tha t category . Nor ca n an y inferenc e b e draw n fro m th e ofte n observe d conduc t o f drunken male s comporting amon g themselves wit h coars e familiarity , indulging i n excessiv e sentimentality , pawin g each other , an d singin g college songs . Althoug h alcoho l ma y ten d t o releas e latenc y i n som e homosexuals, th e quantu m effec t i s no t large . I n on e stud y o f pris oners convicte d o f homosexua l offenses , mos t insiste d the y wer e no t drunk a t the time o f their offense . Bu t even then , th e eas y acceptanc e and genera l practic e o f homosexualit y b y buccaneer s reduce d th e ef fects o f alcoho l amon g them , makin g i t les s significan t i n inducin g or promotin g an y manne r o f sexua l conduc t tha n migh t b e th e cas e in situation s involvin g unmarrie d heterosexua l couple s whe n in volved i n legall y o r ecclesiasticall y proscribe d sexua l conduct . I t i s more likel y tha t pirat e drunkennes s migh t wel l hav e bee n les s fre quent tha n drunkennes s o n th e par t o f Britain' s populatio n i n th e later hal f o f the seventeent h century . O n a n islan d wher e cerea l grain s grow everywhere , bee r ca n b e mad e and store d easil y and i n quantit y by th e member s o f an y househol d affluen t enoug h t o ow n a n ordi nary croc k o r kilderkin , an d bot h literatur e an d publi c pronounce ments fro m th e reig n o f Henr y VII I t o th e tim e o f Quee n Victori a contain a panopl y o f drunke n character s an d a torren t o f tract s de nouncing th e excessiv e us e o f alcohol. 30 Th e poo r dran k bee r an d ale, thos e who coul d affor d i t poured dow n larg e quantities of Iberia n wine o r loca l brandies , an d whil e intemperanc e wa s denounce d b y

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conforming Anglican s an d in dissenting chapels with equal vigor, th e admonitions ha d littl e effect . Studen t drunkennes s wa s a fac t o f lif e at Englis h universities , an d i n th e Wester n Hemispher e i t wa s "observed that upon all the Ne w Settlemen t the Spaniard s make, the first thing they do i s to build a Church, th e first thing the Dutch do upon a new Coloney i s to build them a fort, bu t the first thing the Englis h doe, b e i t in the mos t remote part s of the world or amongst the mos t Barbarous Indian s i s to set up a Tavern o r drinking house." 31 Drinking t o excess a t every opportunit y wa s a hallowed pirat e custom, bu t th e opportunitie s t o d o s o wer e no t a s frequent a s the ma rauders might have wished. Survivin g record s dealing with pirate gastronomy revea l the y wer e chronicall y shor t of bread , butter , cheese , and meat, th e item s basic to a seventeenth-century Englishman' s diet. These commodities , alon g wit h alcoholi c beverages , wer e acquire d from th e sam e source s o f supply, an d difficulty i n obtaining on e im plied insufficien t stock s of the other. Buccaneerin g vessel s spent little time a t anchor i n islan d port s and sometime s week s o r even month s would elaps e befor e a shi p wa s taken tha t carried an y larg e store s of provisions.32 Occasionall y the y attempte d t o kee p chicken s an d pig s aboard thei r vessel s t o b e slaughtere d whe n needed , an d i n th e ab sence o f adequat e supplie s o f meat , ther e wa s alway s th e possibilit y of improvising. Bartholome w Shar p once reminisce d tha t in 168 1 o n a ship under his command there was "a little sucking Pig g . . . which we kep t o n Boar d . . . fo r ou r Christma s day s Dinner , whic h no w was grown to be a large Hogg; so we killed it for Dinner, bu t thinking it no t enoug h fo r u s all , w e bough t a Spaniel-Dog g o f th e Quarter Master fo r fort y piece s o f Eight , an d kille d him ; s o wit h th e Hog g and the Dogg , w e mad e a Feast, an d we ha d some Win e left , whic h made u s merry." 33 A t th e sieg e o f Chagr e i n 1670 , th e attackin g buccaneers wer e reduce d t o beating scrap s of leather between stones, dampening the m t o scrap e of f th e hair , roastin g the m i n embers , cutting the m int o small piece s and the n gobblin g dow n the unchew able fragments . Anothe r pirat e on a southward voyage recorde d what was for him th e ultimat e ac t of culinary degredation . Whe n supplie s ran out, h e an d hi s fellow crewme n wer e force d t o eat penguin live r to stay alive. 34

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The pric e pai d fo r th e dog , perhap s th e highes t o n recor d fo r a spaniel befor e th e twentiet h century , indicate s tha t th e deman d fo r fresh mea t fa r exceede d th e suppl y amon g buccaneers , an d th e sam e was tru e fo r othe r foo d items . Ther e ar e numerou s instance s o f pi rates attackin g an d capturin g large r vessel s wit h mor e me n an d gun s aboard becaus e the y wer e drive n b y hunge r t o tak e exceptiona l risk s and fight with th e courage of desperation. I n th e absence o f a reliabl e supply o f "english victuals, " pirate s wer e force d t o obtai n sustenanc e from othe r sources , an d the y frequentl y replenishe d exhauste d stock s with bananas, manioc , cassava , fish, turtles, and a n occasional iguana , although th e las t coul d no t hav e bee n particularl y desirabl e t o me n who wer e queas y a t th e prospec t o f dinin g o n pengui n liver . Al l o f these foo d item s coul d b e ha d b y tradin g wit h natives , fishermen, and hunters , bu t whe n acquirin g suc h supplie s b y tradin g o r raidin g isolated settlement s o n th e coast s of obscure islands , th e possibility of obtaining alcoholi c beverages was slight. Th e failur e o f buccaneers t o secure a regula r suppl y o f stron g drin k indicate s tha t neithe r chroni c alcoholism, th e debilitatin g effect s o f decade s o f drunkenness , no r continual inebriatio n wer e a vital featur e o f their dail y lives. 35 Torture An eve n mor e indelibl e aspec t o f th e pirat e imag e tha n thei r ill deserved reputatio n fo r bein g regularl y drun k i s the commonl y mad e association betwee n pirate s an d sadism . I n man y work s o n bucca neering, th e linkag e apear s ove r and again , an d althoug h a t leas t on e authority maintain s th e institutionalizatio n o f tortur e "i n thos e earl y years, befor e th e Frenc h colonizer s shippe d ou t th e first carg o o f women t o Tortuga , . . . wa s a functio n o f th e wa y the y live d to gether," ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t th e bran d o f tortur e an d cruelt y they practice d correlate d wit h buccanee r homosexualit y o r homosex ual activities. 36 Th e methodica l an d intens e inflictio n o f pai n fo r which pirate s ar e know n wa s no t a figment o f th e imagination s o f authors writin g se a storie s fo r a n audienc e o f adventur e buffs . I t was real an d ofte n ghoulis h i n th e extreme , ye t it s cause s ar e comple x

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and clearl y th e resul t o f condition s no t directly relate d t o sexua l ori entation. The tendenc y to associate homosexuality an d torture in a muddled cause an d effec t relationshi p i s du e i n larg e measur e t o th e willing ness o f man y t o classif y homosexualit y a s pathologica l behavior . Pi rates, involve d a s the y wer e i n bot h activities , provid e a n example , though incorrectl y formulated , o f a lin k betwee n th e two . Sadis m i s a face t o f sexua l activitie s involvin g member s o f bot h th e sam e an d opposite sexes, but violence among homosexuals i s as rare as violence among heterosexuals , althoug h i t i s often exaggerate d i n th e popula r mind. Th e equatio n o f menta l illnes s wit h selecte d mode s o f sexua l expression ha s abated to some degre e i n recent years, but the personfication of homosexual s an d thos e wh o engag e i n homosexua l act s as incarnations o f psychosexual imbalanc e remain s widespread. In th e seventeent h centur y ther e wa s apparentl y n o tendenc y t o associate sadism connected with homosexua l manifestation s wit h more virulent act s tha n thos e commonl y connecte d wit h heterosexua l ac tivities. Th e sexua l natur e o f th e whipping s administere d t o school boys wa s generally recognize d b y the reig n o f Charles II . A n anony mous pamphleteer writing in 169 9 complained not only of the futility of usin g punishmen t t o correc t academi c deficiencies , bu t adde d a blast a t "th e immodes t an d filthy blows " upon th e "secre t parts " of youthful scholars . Thoma s Shadwel l touche d o n th e sam e them e i n his play The Virtuoso. A n elderly man , on e of Shadwell's characters, asks i n a momen t o f sexua l excitemen t fo r hi s mistres s t o fetc h th e birch rods. H e explains to the audience tha t he ha d developed a taste for th e ro d whe n a la d a t Westminster School . H e the n enjoin s hi s woman, "D o not spare thy pains: I love castigation mightily." 37 Sim ilarly, i n a 167 1 play entitled The Country Revel, a rural justic e comments "I f y e talk e o f skinnes , th e bes t judgmen t t o b e mad e o f th e fineness o f skinnes i s at the whipping-pos t b y the stripes. Ah ! 'ti s the best lechery to see 'e m suffer correction . You r London aldermen take great lecher y t o se e th e poo r wretche s whip t a t th e cour t a t Bride well."38 Non e o f the practices mentione d wer e particularly gruesom e by the standard s o f three hundre d year s ago, an d indee d th e ro d was

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used b y both homosexual s an d heterosexual s i n thei r quest s fo r gratification. There are , o f course , survivin g example s o f cruelt y practice d b y obviously demente d pirates , bu t individua l act s see m t o bea r littl e similarity t o sadisti c practice s familia r t o Restoration play-goer s o r to other mor e ordinar y instance s o f sadism . A t th e captur e o f Puert o Cavallo, Frenc h buccanee r commande r TOlonnai s comporte d him self with passionate cruelt y toward his Spanish captives, hackin g many to bits , lickin g th e bloo d of f hi s sword , eatin g th e hear t ou t o f on e disembowled prisone r and threatening to do the same to others. Eve n more ghastl y wa s th e inciden t wher e Mountbar s th e Exterminator , another Frenchman , opene d th e abdome n o f a captive , too k ou t a portion o f the intestine , naile d i t to a post, an d then chase d the prisoner wit h a firebrand, the intestin e unravelin g fro m hi s stomac h a s he ra n an d dance d abou t franticall y tryin g t o avoi d th e flame. O n another occasion, h e beheade d ever y membe r o f a captured Spanis h ship save one ma n wh o was kept alive t o witness the execution s an d then sen t bac k t o tel l th e Governo r wha t ha d transpired . Tortur e o f this nature , th e applicatio n o f pai n fo r th e sak e o f pain , seem s t o have bee n rare , th e wor k o f me n wh o wer e genuin e psychopaths . There i s onl y on e survivin g accoun t o f wha t i s a likel y ac t o f pur e pirate sadism. I n a 168 3 incident , buccanee r Captain Nichola s Vanhorn whipped a Nicholas Browne to death for what Sir Thomas Lynch described naivel y as no apparent reason. 39 In harmon y wit h nava l an d maritim e practic e everywher e i n th e seventeenth century , tortur e wa s a n accepte d practic e fo r insurin g order aboar d ship . Whippin g wa s th e standar d metho d o f enforcin g obedience on merchant craft, bu t as in the navy where spread-eagling and keelhaulin g wer e used , ther e wer e man y variations . Pirate s em ployed al l of the usua l method s and introduced a few o f their own to deal wit h recalcitran t crewmen . On e metho d use d o n occasio n b y buccaneers wa s called sweating . Th e malefacto r t o be punishe d b y a sweat wa s strippe d nake d an d force d t o ru n a gauntle t o f hi s fello w crewmen wh o struc k hi m o n th e back , shoulders , an d buttock s wit h sail needles . Drippin g wit h blood , h e wa s the n throw n int o a suga r cask ampl y stocke d wit h cockroaches , th e cas k wa s covere d wit h a

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blanket, an d th e ma n wa s left bleedin g ami d th e scurryin g insect s t o endure th e Wes t India n hea t i n a covered , unventilate d barrel . Pi rates wh o ha d falle n afou l o f thei r shipmate s wer e occasionall y lef t on islands , maroone d a s i t wa s known , eithe r t o die , liv e alone , o r be picke d u p by anothe r ship . Th e natur e o f th e islan d an d it s location were vita l factor s i n ho w drasti c a punishment this was. A pirate left o n a tiny , sand-covere d bi t o f lan d woul d suffe r a n agonizin g death b y thirs t an d dehydratio n whil e anothe r maroone d a t a mor e hospitable sit e migh t liv e i n primitiv e comfor t fo r years o r be picke d up in a short tim e i f hi s islan d wa s along a frequently use d shippin g lane.40 A measure of the physical agony inflicte d b y buccaneers was in the nature o f retaliatio n agains t simila r treatmen t a t th e hand s o f th e Spanish. Th e hatre d of nationals of the two countries for one another was of long standing , an d tortur e of captives wa s a frequent manifes tation o f thei r mutua l aversion . A s early a s 1604 , th e Venetia n am bassador t o Englan d wrot e th e informatio n tha t tw o Englis h vessel s in th e Wes t Indie s ha d bee n capture d b y Spaniards , an d th e crew members wer e relieve d o f thei r hands , feet , noses , an d ear s b y their sword-wielding captors. They were then smeared with honey and tied to trees, allowin g insects to conclude what humans had begun. Othe r tortures inflicte d o n th e Englis h b y th e Spanis h i n th e Wes t Indie s were muc h les s grim , bu t th e practic e seem s t o hav e bee n a par t of Anglo-Spanish contac t i n the Ne w World from th e time o f Elizabeth until ove r a century late r when Captai n Jenkin s returne d t o Londo n with hi s Spanish-severe d ea r in a container for all t o see. 41 The Restoratio n literatur e o f flagellation, alon g wit h th e fantasie s it embodied an d th e practice s i t described was , lik e similar Victoria n writings, a compromise wit h homosexualit y an d a defense agains t it. But ther e wa s littl e nee d fo r suc h psychologica l adjustment s amon g pirates who ha d n o nee d t o reaffir m thei r sexual practices . Wit h fe w exceptions, the y see m t o have carrie d out their torture systematicall y for th e primar y purpose s o f gainin g boot y o r maintainin g disciplin e among thei r ow n group . Gratuitou s inflictio n o f pai n wa s no t com monly practice d an d whe n i t was , i t seeme d t o satisf y a nee d fo r hilarity rathe r than t o serve a s a sexual stimulant . Governo r Thomas

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Handasyd o f Jamaica reporte d hom e tha t on a t leas t one occasio n h e knew of pirates treatin g prisoners well when ther e wa s no opportunit y for financial gain , an d i n encounter s wit h native s wher e prisoner s could b e expecte d t o yiel d n o plunder , tortur e wa s rarely used. 42 The mos t vivi d an d extensiv e account s o f pirat e tortur e ar e thos e dealing wit h cruelt y practice d b y th e victoriou s expedition s Morga n led agains t Gibralter , Port o Bello , Maracaibo , an d Panam a City . Morgan seem s t o hav e ha d n o particula r interes t i n tortur e a s a n activity wit h entertainmen t potential , bu t h e directe d hi s me n i n re lentless an d systemati c brutalit y t o lear n wher e th e Spanis h citizenr y of the capture d town s had secrete d thei r wealth. Whipping s an d beat ings were th e usua l method s use d b y Morgan's men , bu t whe n mor e extreme measure s wer e necessary , the y wer e employed . Buccaneer s lived i n a n ag e whe n th e inflictio n o f pai n wa s a n ar t form , an d i f the Spanis h wer e t o b e victims , the y wer e willin g t o emplo y tech niques develope d b y other s a s well a s a fe w o f their ow n device . Fir e was a favorit e instrumen t wit h Morgan , an d placin g burnin g fuse s between th e fingers and toe s o f spread-eagled captive s appeared t o b e a fairl y effectiv e techniqu e fo r causin g pain . Male s an d female s wer e strappadoed, hun g b y the thumbs , stabbe d repeatedl y an d lef t t o die, roasted aliv e ove r smal l fires, an d o n occasio n crucified . Ther e i s a t least on e cas e wher e a prisone r wa s hoiste d alof t b y rop e wrappe d around hi s genitals an d the n th e genital s slice d off , bu t mutilatio n o f captives' priv y part s wa s no t common , an d whe n i t wa s done, i t was carried ou t with th e business-as-usual attitud e that corresponded wit h the purpos e o f pirat e torture . A mor e usua l metho d wa s the rac k fo r extracting information . It s us e wa s familiar t o mos t pirates , an d ove r the centurie s i t ha d prove n it s effectiveness . O n occasion , however , pirates used some originality i n devising their torments. A particularly maritime metho d o f extractin g informatio n wa s know n a s woolding . To th e sailor , wooldin g was rope wound tightl y around a mast to give it added strength , bu t Morgan' s me n eithe r discovered o r learned fro m others than a rope wrapped aroun d th e forehead o f a captive and the n slowly twiste d tighte r an d tighte r produce d unbearabl e agon y alon g with forcin g th e victim' s eyeball s to protrude lik e eggs. These torture s and other s wer e ofte n applie d t o prisoner s ove r a perio d o f severa l

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days t o giv e the m ampl e tim e t o endur e pai n an d reexamin e thei r original decision s t o remai n silent . Afte r Morgan' s captur e o f Maracaibo, th e torture and cruelty laste d fo r three weeks. 43 The sam e purpos e and purposefulness wa s the rul e rathe r than the exception throughou t th e ag e o f pirat e depredation s i n th e Carib bean. Th e recor d i s ful l o f case s lik e tha t o f a Mrs . Tro t wh o wa s barbarously murdered by buccaneers i n an attempt to make her "confess wher e Col. Eldin g an d hi s riche s were," 44 or the inciden t whe n the well-known Captai n Edwar d England onc e threatene d to sink the vessel o f a captured seafare r and throw him overboar d with a doubleheaded sho t aroun d hi s nec k i f h e woul d no t revea l th e locatio n o f his money . In circumstances wher e captive s were taken by pirate s and systematic tortur e wa s no t inflicted , th e treatmen t visite d o n th e captive s was nevertheless unpleasan t in the extreme. Meanness , rando m clubbing, an d wha t wa s described a s "barbarous " actions ar e frequen t i n depositions. Incident s lik e tha t whic h occurre d whe n Edwar d En gland too k th e Calabar Merchant o f Bristol , bea t an d abuse d th e master an d hi s cre w fo r nine weeks , the n release d them , returne d their ship , an d provide d the m wit h 2 1 Negroe s a s compensation fo r damage done ar e one o f a kind. 45 Ye t the frequenc y an d intensit y o f buccaneer brutalit y wa s a sympto m o f th e ag e rathe r tha n anythin g that ca n b e associate d especiall y wit h pirac y o r homosexuality . Th e severity o f childhoo d upbringin g i n th e seventeent h century , partic ularly th e excessiv e brutalit y o f th e poo r towar d thei r offspring , ac cording t o Lawrenc e Stone , deepl y affecte d th e personalit y o f larg e numbers of adults. Imprisonmen t i n swaddlin g band s during th e ini tial month s of life, th e continual applicatio n o f physical punishment , and ejectio n fro m th e hom e a t an early age all combine d t o produce adults wh o wer e cold , hostile , suspicious , distrustful , cruel , unabl e to for m clos e relationship s wit h eac h othe r excep t unde r circum stances o f extrem e interdependence , an d liabl e t o sudde n outburst s of aggressive behavior toward on e another. 46 Severe physical punishmen t was only a part of home lif e an d childrearing practice i n the seventeenth century . Me n wh o became pirate s had bee n raise d o n wha t see m toda y t o b e instance s o f inexplicabl y

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cruel practice s carrie d ou t regularl y b y loca l an d nationa l authoritie s in Englan d an d i n th e Wes t Indies . A Londo n ma n charge d wit h blasphemy i n 1656 , fo r example , wa s pillorie d fou r hours , th e first two i n London , an d the n shippe d fro m Londo n t o Westminste r fo r the secon d two . Hi s tongu e wa s the n bore d wit h a red-ho t iro n an d he wa s brande d o n th e forehea d wit h th e lette r B . Despit e hi s treat ment, th e ma n probabl y considere d himsel f luck y t o hav e escape d with s o mild a series of punishments. 47 Durin g th e Restoration , pub lic hanging s occurre d o n a regularl y schedule d basis , sever e whip pings were common, jai l condition s were often th e equivalent o f capital punishmen t fo r th e poor , an d brandin g wa s occasionally used . I n the first decad e o f th e eighteent h century , Celi a Fienne s atteste d t o the mercifu l natur e o f English justic e b y describing th e punishment s inflicted b y th e authoritie s a s relativel y mild . T o prov e he r case , sh e cited felon s bein g take n t o th e gallow s tie d t o thei r coffin s t o b e dis patched i n a reasonabl y rapi d manner . Importan t person s wh o fel l victim t o th e headsman' s ax e coul d hav e thei r head s sew n bac k ont o their bodie s fo r burial , an d onl y whipping s an d branding s wer e em ployed fo r mino r offenses . An d traitors , afte r all , receive d thei r jus t desserts, sh e explained. The y wer e hanged unti l nea r expiration, the n cut dow n whil e barel y alive , disemboweled , th e hear t removed , an d presiding official s too k u p th e organ , announce d tha t her e wa s th e heart o f a traitor , an d th e "bod y . . . cut t i n quarter s an d hun g u p on th e to p o f the grea t gate s of the City." 48 The lis t o f grim treatmen t o f criminals b y the authoritie s coul d b e continued almos t withou t end , an d literall y ten s o f thousands o f specific case s coul d b e adduce d a s example s o f th e brutalit y o f th e age . There woul d b e n o sweating s o r wooldings i n th e lis t of punishment s meted ou t b y th e Englis h syste m o f justice , bu t th e severit y o f th e punishments applie d t o persons fro m pett y thie f t o traitor wa s n o les s brutal tha n th e torture s buccaneer s visite d o n thei r captives . The y represent nothin g tha t coul d b e labele d sociall y o r sexuall y patholog ical withi n th e contex t o f thei r environment . Th e abus e o f prisoner s by pirate s surel y wen t beyon d legall y inflicte d agonies , bu t no t to o far beyon d them , an d lik e th e sentence s prescribe d b y Englis h law ,

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pirate tortures were designe d t o serve a purpose rathe r than simpl y to entertain. In othe r respects , th e agonie s inflicte d b y pirate s coul d b e con sidered mil d whe n compare d t o th e practice s commonl y employe d for the discipline an d training of slaves in the West Indies. Plantatio n owners wer e withi n thei r lega l right s i n perpetratin g th e mos t grisl y forms of torture they could imagin e i f the victi m wer e a troublesome black. On e travele r in th e Caribbea n i n th e earl y eighteenth centur y reported a slav e bein g naile d t o th e groun d an d burne d wit h a firebrand fro m hi s fee t towar d hi s head . Castratio n o f slave s wa s also a common practice—usuall y t o mak e the m mor e tractabl e rathe r than for punishment—but mutilation , whippin g wit h sal t rubbe d int o th e wounds, drippin g melte d wa x on th e ski n and severa l othe r exquisite torments wer e th e lo t o f th e troublesom e bondsman . Late r i n th e eighteenth century , legislatio n wa s enacte d o n severa l island s pre venting planters from killing, mutilating , o r dismembering slaves, but this wa s hal f a century afte r th e las t pirate ha d disappeared fro m th e Caribbean, an d eve n the n i t wa s unlikel y tha t slave s wer e awarde d damages b y th e court s fo r injurie s sustaine d a t th e hand s o f thei r masters o r that planter s wer e eve r assesse d th e maximu m penalt y o f 12 month s i n jai l an d fined£100 fo r mistreatin g thei r blacks. 49 In deed, i f ther e i s an y puzzl e abou t th e relationshi p betwee n bucca neers an d th e torture s the y mete d out , i t i s t o b e foun d no t i n th e fact tha t physica l abus e wa s use d b y the m bu t instea d i t i s i n th e difficulty o f explainin g wh y i n th e vas t numbers o f depositions, nar ratives, journa l accounts , newspape r reports, an d other sources of information o n piratica l depredation s ther e ar e s o man y tha t d o no t mention tortur e an d s o fe w tha t do. Althoug h i t i s likel y som e buc caneers wer e sadist s an d derive d sexua l pleasur e fro m torturin g cap tives, th e limited , structured , an d purposefu l us e o f pai n onl y t o extract information an d locate booty indicate s sadism wa s not a general characteristic o f buccaneer sexuality . I f it had been so , tortur e would have bee n a regula r featur e o f piracy , practice d i n mor e tha n care fully limite d circumstances .

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Effeminacy and the Pirate Role Not onl y i s sadis m difficul t t o find amon g buccaneers , bu t effemi nacy, anothe r characteristi c ofte n associate d wit h homosexualit y an d homosexual practices , seem s t o b e absen t fro m thei r communities . Aside fro m a fe w captain s note d fo r thei r ornat e dress , n o mor e or nate reall y than tha t of upper-class gentlemen durin g the Restoration , they wer e garbe d rathe r plainl y i n whateve r wa s available , usuall y jerkin an d britche s of sail cloth or any other clothing they migh t hav e captured. Gol d earrings , commonl y wor n b y a t leas t som e bucca neers, wer e clearly a part of their fashion rathe r than distinctl y effem inate, an d o n a t leas t on e occasion , a battl e fough t i n th e wanin g hours o f daylight , th e reflectio n o f the las t remainin g ray s of the su n on th e earring s enable d th e pirate s to identif y eac h othe r i n th e thic k of combat. 50 Incident s o f pirate s sashayin g o r paradin g i n costum e always carr y wit h the m th e enthusias m o f a successfu l fight o r th e capture o f a shi p carryin g elaborat e clothing . Captai n Joh n Evan s wrote i n 172 8 o f hi s experience s a s a captiv e aboar d a pirat e ship , and a t on e poin t h e relate d tha t afte r rummagin g hi s cabin , imme diately afte r h e wa s captured , "th e Fellow s . . . me t wit h a Leathe r Powder Bag and Puff , wit h which the y ha d powder'd themselve s fro m Head t o Foot , walk' d th e Deck s wit h thei r Hat s unde r thei r Arms , minced thei r Oaths , an d affecte d al l th e Air s o f a Beau , wit h a n Aukwardness [that ] woul d hav e force d a Smil e fro m a Cynick." 51 Pere Labat , th e pirat e priest , relate s a simila r stor y o f pirate s havin g captured a hoard o f rich clothin g being a "comical sigh t as they strut ted abou t th e islan d i n feathere d hats , wigs , sil k stockings , ribbon s and othe r garments." 52 Bu t thi s wa s obviousl y playfulnes s an d cele bration rathe r tha n a longin g fo r effeminat e trappings , an d indee d the powde r ba g an d puf f wer e masculin e rathe r tha n feminin e ac coutrements thre e hundre d year s ago. The onl y recorde d inciden t o f pirate s bedeckin g themselve s fo r a non-festive occasio n wa s in th e cas e of Denni s Macart y an d Thoma s Morris, bot h o f whom appeare d unusuall y ornamented . Macart y wor e long blu e ribbon s a t hi s neck, wrists , knees , an d cap , whil e Morri s appeared i n muc h th e sam e style , bu t wit h re d ribbon s rathe r tha n

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the blue . Th e occasion , however , wa s th e hangin g o f th e tw o me n along wit h severa l other s fo r piracy , an d t o interpre t thei r behavio r on thi s occasion a s effeminate coul d hardl y be sustained. 53 The lac k o f effeminate pirate s or effeminate behavio r among them on an y known occasio n doe s no t diminish th e intensit y o r frequency of pirate homosexual contac t or orientation. Eve n i n modem wester n society where sexua l relationship s ar e assumed to be male-female en counters, th e large r numbe r o f homosexual s rejec t effeminac y no t only becaus e i t i s a threat t o thei r own masculinit y bu t ther e seem s to b e a preferenc e fo r feminine-appearin g homosexual s onl y amon g a limite d proportio n o f homophiles. I n the brie f and furtiv e encoun ters characteristic o f man y homosexua l experiences , ther e i s n o gen der consciousness, an d neithe r shoul d an y b e expected . Th e effemi nate ga y canno t b e assume d t o hol d universa l attractio n t o me n fo r whom wome n a s sexual partner s have littl e appeal . I n fact, feminin e identification amon g mal e homosexuals , whil e ofte n th e mos t con spicuous manifestatio n o f homosexualit y t o th e heterosexua l world , is demonstrabl y rare . Mos t ofte n i t i s th e resul t o f a maturationa l environment wher e masculin e identificatio n wa s difficul t o r impos sible t o establish , hardl y th e cas e fo r a wandering la d o r apprentic e boy i n th e seventeent h o r eighteent h centuries. 54 Researc h b y psy chologists, sociologists , an d even works of knowledgeable homosexua l fiction reject th e effeminat e ga y a s anywhere nea r typical. Th e ordi nary homosexua l i s a rathe r ordinary man , adoptin g neithe r a femi nine style nor of the manner of swaggering, leather-cla d motorcyclist s or hulking weight-lifters. T o be sure, th e homosexua l hustle r is often hyper-masculine, exhibitin g th e badg e of his saleable sexuality muc h as a female prostitut e exhibit s herself, bu t the nee d fo r the mal e im age t o sel l th e produc t indicate s th e directio n o f mos t homosexua l preference. I n on e surve y o f sexua l practice s i n th e militar y i t wa s found tha t effeminac y amon g homosexua l psychopath s wa s exceed ingly high , almos t 5 0 percent of thos e surveyed , bu t significantly, i n the sam e stud y amon g thos e examine d an d determine d t o b e fre e from psychopathologica l symptoms , homosexual s wit h effeminat e characteristics fel l t o tw o percen t o f th e sample. 55 Amon g pirate s i n cases wher e indication s o f psychosexua l patholog y ar e absent , ther e

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is n o reaso n t o assum e th e rat e o f effeminac y woul d b e particularl y high. O n th e fe w occasion s wher e pirate s commen t o n effeminat e behavior i t i s condemned, althoug h no t wit h a viciousnes s tha t indi cated overcompensation . Effeminat e characteristics , i n fact , wer e usually ascribe d t o th e hate d Spanish , an d lumpe d i n wit h othe r un pirately qualitie s suc h a s cowardic e an d passivity . "Bu t w e ma y con fidently presum e tha t thes e America n Spanyards , ar e a n idle , cow ardly, an d effiminat e people , no t exercised , no r brough t up , i n Warlike discipline, " observe d on e Englishman. 56 Anothe r commen tator, wit h clos e tie s t o Frenc h pirates , characterize d Brazilia n slave s pejoratively a s indolen t an d effeminate , an d adde d a gratuitous com ment tha t th e monk s h e observe d wer e eve n worse . The y wer e no t only ignoran t o f Latin , bu t i n thei r excesse s pursue d wome n an d strove "eve n t o out-vi e th e Sodomite s i n thei r Debaucheries." 57 But th e matte r o f effeminac y i n th e ag e o f piracy , whethe r con nected wit h homophil e sexualit y o r simpl y a s a sartoria l abberation , was a n oddit y rathe r tha n grotesqu e o r mortall y sinful . I f seafarer s had chose n o r been incline d t o divide or to constitute thei r grouping s into mal e an d femal e moietie s wit h a relativel y ful l rang e o f identi fiable sexual characteristics , the y coul d hav e don e s o wit h consider ably les s difficult y tha n woul d hav e bee n possibl e i n th e nineteent h or twentiet h centuries . Whil e i t ma y hav e bee n impossibl e i n th e Royal Nav y o r aboar d merchan t vessels , amon g pirate s ther e woul d literally hav e bee n n o impedimen t t o suc h practice . Bu t i n fac t ef feminate behavio r wa s n o par t o f pirate society . Masculinit y wa s no t diminished b y homosexualit y amon g buccaneers , a s i s th e cas e i n social circumstance s wher e a n emotiona l commitmen t ha s been mad e to the normalit y o f heterosexual activity . Pirate s who preferre d homo sexuality a s well a s those wh o partoo k i n i t a s th e onl y sexua l outle t available practice d thei r proclivit y fo r me n withou t th e socia l o r psy chological necessit y fo r creatin g th e appearanc e o f heterosexua l en gagement. Buccaneers cultivate d th e masculin e attribute s o f physica l tough ness, courag e i n combat , endurance , an d comradeship , bu t these vir tues wer e value d i n ever y membe r o f th e communit y fro m matelot and carpenter' s bo y al l th e wa y u p t o captain . N o pirat e crewme n

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were exemp t fro m battl e o r receive d specia l protectio n du e t o weak ness o r lac k o f th e wil l o r desir e t o fight. The y exalte d instea d th e virtues o f physica l strength , bravery , endurance , an d militar y skill . On occasion s whe n pirate s boaste d o f their exploits, toughness , hos tility, an d fierceness wer e emphasize d i n ever y case . Nowher e di d buccaneers mak e any pretension s o f effeminacy, an d eve n thos e rovers known t o fanc y fashionabl e attir e too k th e par t of th e lor d rathe r than th e fool . Ther e i s nothin g remarkabl e i n thei r behavior . Buc caneers following ordinary human pattern s internalized the social roles with whic h the y wer e familia r an d thos e the y wer e require d t o as sume b y circumstance . Th e exaggerate d femal e "role " di d no t be come associated with homosexual behavio r in England unti l the closing year s of the seventeent h century , bu t i f it had emerge d earlier , i t remains unlikel y i t woul d hav e bee n assume d b y Caribbea n bucca neers. I n situation s wher e th e effeminat e homosexua l rol e i s a rec ognized featur e o f society , i t appear s to hav e som e effec t o n th e dis tribution o f homosexua l conduct , bu t suc h conduc t i s no t widel y practiced b y men involve d i n homosexual behavior . Wes t Indian pirates ha d n o nee d t o assume a cast of effeminac y eve n i f i t had bee n available. Thei r ow n role s require d th e ver y opposit e styl e o f con duct. Th e necessar y qualitie s fo r continue d existenc e wer e stamina , courage, an d a cruelly competitive spirit , an d sodomitical pirates , like men everywhere , cultivate d attribute s necessary fo r survival. 58 Sexual relation s betwee n pirate s wer e a n ordinar y activity , con demned b y no on e amon g them an d denigrated only by those classes with who m the y ha d littl e contac t an d les s familiarity . Thei r homo sexual contac t was in n o wa y a unique thing , mad e mor e tantalizin g for the m b y th e knowledg e tha t the y participate d i n behavio r con demned socially , ecclesiastically , an d b y civi l statute . Church , gov ernment, an d Englis h societ y wer e fa r removed fro m thei r daily lif e and exerte d littl e influence . No r were there among them a particular class o f se x objects , speciall y effeminat e pirate s whos e dut y i t was to provide sexua l service s fo r th e remainde r o f th e company . Ther e i s no evidenc e t o indicat e pirate s regarde d sexua l activit y a s somethin g necessarily conducte d betwee n huma n being s wh o differe d fro m on e another i n attitude , conduct , o r personality . Fro m them , i t wa s a n

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activity engaged i n by men; there was no attemp t to ape the practices of heterosexua l society . N o specia l vocabular y wa s required fo r identification purpose s o r t o perpetuat e secrec y fo r thi s ordinar y par t o f their life . I t was only i n dealin g wit h women , a rar e and exoti c fea ture o f thei r lives , tha t sexua l difficultie s arose . I n thi s respec t there were tw o genera l type s o f problem s tha t relat e t o th e pirates ' ow n sexual orientation . Amon g th e complet e homosexuals , o f course, fe male contac t was probably avoided completely , bu t among other pirates ther e wer e thos e whos e alienatio n fro m th e heterosexua l worl d was onl y partial , sufficien t t o enabl e the m t o attemp t marriag e an d fail o r at best to sustai n contact s onl y wit h thos e female s wh o coul d not pos e a threat t o thei r masculinit y o r to thei r socia l being . Thei r women mus t o f necessity b e draw n from groups that could b e dominated: thos e adjudge d raciall y inferior , captives , o r prostitutes . Het erosexual skill s were insufficientl y develope d fo r them t o succeed wit h women o n an equal basis . A pirate forced int o a situation o f equality with a femal e woul d undoubtedl y hav e bee n a s uncomfortabl e a s would have been the case had he been miraculousl y transporte d from the deck of his ship to Whitehall Palac e an d set down to dinner with the king. A gigantic chasm of three hundred years separates the present from the seventeent h centur y an d t o postulat e truth s on th e natur e o f human action s an d interaction s ove r thre e hundre d year s whe n suc h truths ar e base d o n severel y limite d amount s o f evidenc e i s clearl y impossible. Eve n th e intemperat e o r the foolish wh o were not intimidated b y th e passag e o f s o grea t a lengt h o f tim e woul d hesitat e t o conclude tha t the society evolve d b y buccaneers livin g independentl y of sociall y impose d constraint s o n thei r sexualit y indicate s i n som e way tha t i f onl y heterosexual s coul d suppres s thei r hostilit y an d ac cept homosexuals a s full-fledged member s of th e huma n communit y then, perhaps , with the dissipation of the opprobrium directed against them, homosexual s woul d b e transforme d int o equa l participant s i n modem society . Thi s ma y b e so , bu t adequate evidenc e t o substan tiate i t is still not available. Wha t can be drawn from a study of those features of pirate society that make it truly distinctive i s not that homosexual an d heterosexual ca n function comfortabl y together , bu t that

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homosexual communitie s ca n functio n virtuall y independen t o f heterosexual society . Asid e fro m th e productio n o f children , homosex uals alon e ca n fulfil l satisfactoril y al l huma n needs , wants , an d de sires, al l th e whil e supportin g an d sustainin g a huma n communit y remarkable b y the ver y fac t that it i s unremarkable . Th e almos t uni versal homosexua l involvemen t amon g pirate s mean t homosexua l practices wer e neithe r disturbed , perverted , exotic , no r uniquel y de sirable amon g them , an d th e mechanism s fo r defendin g an d perpet uating suc h practices , thos e thing s tha t se t th e moder n homosexua l apart from heterosexua l society , wer e neve r necessary . Th e mal e en gaging i n sexua l activit y wit h anothe r mal e aboar d a pirat e shi p i n the Wes t Indie s thre e centurie s pas t was simply a n ordinar y membe r of hi s community , completel y socialize d an d acculturated . Th e ap pearance an d institution s o f his society wer e substantial reflection s o f the heterosexua l Englan d tha t produced him , an d th e functiona l ac comodations mad e to adjust for homosexuality wer e minor . Th e live s of the pirate s were ordinar y withi n th e contex t of thei r chronological period an d thei r economic requirements , an d instance s of antisocial , depraved, o r pathologica l behavio r wer e no t noticeabl y mor e com mon tha n i n concomitan t heterosexua l society .

MOTES

PREFACE 1. Calendar of State Papers. Colonial Series. America and the West Indies, 5:636 , 7:236 ; Interesting Tracts Relating to the Island of Jamaica Consisting of Curious State Papers, Councils of War, Letters, Petitions, Narratives, etc. . . . from Its Conquest, Down to the Year 1702 (St. Jag o de la Vega [Spanis h Town], Jamaica , 1800) , p . 116 . INTRODUCTION 1. Fo r a comprehensiv e accoun t o f th e trial s an d condemnation , se e Arthu r N . Gilbert , "The Africaine Courts-Martial: A Study of Buggery and the Roya l Navy, " Journal of Homosexuality 1(1974) : 111-122 . 2. Mor e complet e discussion s o f societa l reactio n theor y ar e foun d i n Kennet h Plummer , Sexual Stigma: An Interactionist Perspective (London: Routledg e an d Kega n Paul , 1975) , pp . 1-92; Edwi n M . Schur , Labeling Deviant Behavior: Its Sociological Implications (Ne w Yor k Harper and Row, 1971) . Fo r a short discussion of societal reactio n theory and its uses in dealing with homosexuality , se e Joh n I . Kitsuse , "Societa l Reactio n t o Devian t Behavior : Problems of Theory an d Method, " Social Problems 9 (Winter , 1962) : 247-256 . Fo r analysi s o f societa l reaction theor y an d it s relatio n t o historica l researc h se e Kennet h Ke n nis ton, "Psychologica l Developments an d Historica l Change, " in Explorations in Psychohistory, ed . Rober t Jay Lifton (New York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1974) , pp . 149-164 ; despit e th e title , Rober t F . Berkhofer , Jr.'s A Behavioral Approach to Historical Analysis (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1969 ) als o contain s a fin e discussio n o f societal reactio n theor y i n Chapter II . A n example of societal reactio n a s a base for historical analysi s can be found i n Kai T. Erikson' s Wayward Puritans: A Study in the Sociology of Deviance (Ne w York : Wiley, 1966) . 1. SODOM Y A N D PUBLI C PERCEPTION : SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY E N G L A N D 1. Pete r Laslett, The World We Have Lost (Ne w York : Scribners, 1965) . 2. Frederic k Polloc k and Frederi c W. Maitland , The History of English Law Before the Time

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of Edward I (Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , 1895) , 2:554-555 ; A.L . Rowse , Homosexuals in History: A Study of Ambivalence in Society, Literature and the Arts (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1977) , pp . 24-25 ; J.S . Cockburn , A History of the English Assizes, I558-I7J 4 (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1972) , pp . 127-133 ; J.H . Baker , "Crimina l Court s and Procedur e a t Commo n Law , 1550-1800, " Crime in England, 1550-1800 (Princeton : Princeton Universit y Press , 1977) , pp . 43-44 ; M.J . Ingram , "Communitie s an d Courts : Law and Disorde r i n Earl y Seventeenth-Centur y Wiltshire, " ibid. , p . 110 . Fo r a n excellen t surve y of assorte d sexual practice s durin g the seventeent h an d eighteenth centuries , se e Vern L . Bul lough's compendiou s Sexual Variance in Society and History (New York : Wiley, 1976) , Chapter XVI. H . Montgomer y Hyde' s The Other Love, An Historical and Contemporary Survey of Homosexuality in Britain (London: Heinemann, 1970 ) is also exceedingly useful; Hyde r Rollins and Hersche l Baker , "Richar d Bamfield, " i n The Renaissance in England (Boston : D.C. Heath , 1954), pp . 396-397 . 3. Anthon y Fitzherbert , Loffice et Auctority de lustices de Peace (London, 1606) , foli o 50 ; William Lambarde , Eirenarcha, or Of The Office of the Justices of Peace in Foure Bookes (London, 1610) , pp . 224-225 ; Reth a M . Wamicke , William Lambarde, Elizabethan Antiquary (London : Phillimore , 1973) , pp . 61 , 70-72 ; Lambarde' s sam e absenc e o f concer n wa s evident i n Michae l Dalton' s Countrey Justice publishe d ove r hal f a centur y late r i n 1655 . Dalton barel y touche d o n th e crime , althoug h h e di d exten d i t t o includ e se x act s involvin g only wome n an d severa l unspecifie d heterosexua l practice s (pp . 340-341) ; Si r Edwar d Coke , The Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England (London , 1644) , pp . 58-59 ; Coke, The Twelfth Part of the Reports of Sir Edward Coke (London, 1658) , pp . 36-37 . 4. A.L . Rowse , Homosexuals in History, pp . 48-66 . 5. Ibid. , p . 67 ; Lawrenc e Stone , The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800 (New York: Harper, 1977) , pp . 492-493 . 6. Cheste r Quarter Sessions 21/3 , p . 174a . 7. [Anon.] , The Tryal and Condemnation of Mervin, Lord Audley Earl of Castle-Haven (London, 1699) . 8. Ibid. , p . 9 . 9. Ibid. , p . 4 . 10. Ibid. , pp . 10-12 . O n sodom y indictment s se e als o th e anonymousl y writte n Faithful Narrative of the Proceedings in a Late Affair . . . to which is Prefixed A Particular Account of the Proceedings Against Robert Thistlethwayte for a Sodomical Attempt upon Mr. W . French (London, 1739) , p . 30 . 11. [Anon.] , Tryal and Condemnation of. . . Lord Audley, pp . 22-31 . 12. Ther e i s no evidenc e i n account s o f th e trial t o indicate th e execution o f Castlehaven' s two servants i s proof, a s one authority contends, o f the revulsion toward sodomy held by members o f th e court . Se e Carolin e Bingham , "Seventeenth-Centur y Attitude s Towar d Devian t Sex," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 1 (Sprin g 1971) : 463-465 . Eve n thoug h Bingha m suggests homosexualit y wa s considere d a n abominatio n earl y i n th e century , sh e concedes , significantly, tha t this was not the case seventy years later (ibid., pp . 464-468) . 13 Nichola s Bernard , The Penitent Death of John Atherton (Dublin, 1641) , p . 15 . 14. Ibid. , pp . 15 , 26 , et passim; Atherton's accuse r wa s hanged som e day s or weeks befor e Atherton (ibid., p . 26) ; DNB, I , pp . 689-690 . 15. Joh n White , The First Century of Scandalous, Malignant Priests (London , 1643) , preface, pp . A 2 (recto, verso), A3 , 1-2 , 11 , 23-24, 28 ; [Lionel Gatford] , Public Good Without Private Interest (London, 1657) , p . 16 . 16. Willia m Wycherly, The Country Wife, i n The Complete Plays of William Wycherly, ed. Gerald Weales (Ne w York : New Yor k University Press, 1966) , Ac t III , scen e 1 .

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17. Thoma s Killigrew , The Parson's Wedding i n Comedies and Tragedies by Thomas Killigrew (London, 1664) , Ac t I , scen e 2. 18. Ibid. , Ac t 1 , scene 1 . 19. Ibid. , Ac t III, scene 5 . 20. Ibid. , Ac t II , scen e 7; Act I , scen e 3. 21. Ibid. , Ac t II , scen e 2. 22. Montagu e Summers , Introductio n t o Restoration Comedies (London : Jonatha n Cape , 1921) p. xxxi . 23. Charle s Johnson, The Successful Pyrate (London, 1713) . 24. Joh n Wilmot , Secon d Ear l o f Rochester , " A Saty r o n Kin g Charle s II, " i n Collected Works of John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, ed . Joh n Haywar d (London : Nonesuch Press , 1926) , p. 104 . 25. London Gazette, Novembe r 22-25 , 1680 . 26. Wilmot , Sodom or the Quintessence of Debauchery (Paris: Olympia Press , 1957) , Ac t V, scene 2 . 27. Samue l Pepys , The Diary of Samuel Pepys, eds . Rober t Latham and William Matthew s (Berkeley: University of California Press , (1970- ) , 9: 2, 247 , 293 . This was apparently true even int o th e nex t century (J. Jea n Hecht , The Domestic Servant Class in Eighteenth-Century England [London : Routledge an d Kega n Paul , 1956) , pp . 201-204) . 28. Willia m Prynne , Histrio-Mastix: The Players Scourge (London, 1633) , pp . 75-76 . 29. Ibid. , p . 211. 30. Ibid. , pp . 208-214 . 31. Ibid. , p . 135 . 32. Arthu r Bedford , The Evil and Danger of Stage Plays Showing Their Natural Tendency to Destroy Religion and Induce a General Corruption of Manners (London , 1706) , p . 139 ; "Copies o f Severa l Presentment s o f th e Gran d Juries , Agains t th e Pla y Hous e Latel y Erecte d in th e City of Bristol" (1704-1706), i n Bedford, Evil and Danger of Stage Plays, pp . 222-227 ; Middlesex County Records, Calendar of Session Books, 1689-1709, ed . W.J . Hard y (London: Richard Nicholson , 1905) , p . 347 ; John Dennis , The Critical Works of John Dennis, ed . Ed ward N. Hooke r (Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1943) , I , 153 , 156 , 473 , II , 311 , 314, 315 , 396 , 510-511 ; Dudley W.R . Bahlman , The Moral Revolution of 1688 (New Haven , Conn.: Yale Universit y Press , 1957) , pp . 4-5 . 33. Pepys , Diary, 3 : 159-160. Neithe r did Mrs . Pepy s accept the notions o f sexual promis cuity commo n t o th e court . Exceedingl y jealous , sh e rage d a t he r husband' s infidelities , rea l and imagined , almos t destroying their marriag e (ibid., 9 : 337-33 8 ff.) . 34. Ibid. , 8: 596. 35. Ibid. , 4 : 209. 36. Ibid . 37. Ibid. , 4 : 210. 38. Ibid. , 3 : 66, 206-207 , 4 : 382. 39. Joh n Evelyn , The Diary of John Evelyn, ed . E.S . DeBee r (London : Oxford Universit y Press, 1955) , 4 : 234. 40. Applebee' s Original Weekly Journal (London) , Apri l 2 , 1715 , Augus t 23-30, 1718 , Au gust 8, 1719 , Apri l 2 , 1720 ; Proceedings of the King's Commission of the Peace and Oyer and Terminer and Jail Delivery of Newgate . . . J69 9 [1698 ] (London, 1698) , pp . 4 , 6 ; Narcissu s Luttrell, A Brief Relation of State Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714 (Oxford : Oxfor d University Press , 1857) , 1 : 156, 4 : 97, 127 , 130 , 245 , 474-475 , 6 : 603, et passim; Account of the Proceedings on the Kings Commissions of the Peace and Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol Delivery of Newgate Held for the City of London, and The County of Middlesex, June 1698

178

NOTES

(London, 1698) , pp . 1-2 , 5 . Middlesex County Records, Rolls, Books, and Certificates, ed . John Cordy Jeaffreson (London : Chapman an d Hall , 1888) , 3 : xxii-xxiii, 11 , 97, 207 , 252 , 4 : 146, 152 , 169 , 239 , 243 . 41. Luttrell , Brief Relation, 4 : 192. 42. Middlesex Records, Calenders, pp . xiii , 5 , 8 , 21 , 128 , 133 , 136 , 139 , 151 , 156 , 175 . 43. Ibid. , 6 : 38 ; Max Beloff , Public Order and Popular Disturbances 1660-1714 (London : Frank Cass, 1963) , p . 27 . 44. Davi d Ogg, England in the Reigns of James II and William III (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955), pp . 100-101 ; Luttrell, Brief Relation, 3 : 521; Applebees Original Weekly Journal, February 26, 1715 , Marc h 12 , 1715 , Augus t 2 r. 1718, Decembe r 19 , 1719 , Januar y 23, 1720 . 45. Ibid. , Septembe r 15 , 1716 , Februar y 20 , 1720 ; Luttrell, Brief Relation, 1 : 113-114 , 2 : 24. 46. Ibid. , 4 : 461-462; Applebees Original Weekly Journal, November 30 , 1717 . Th e situ ation evidentl y ha d no t improve d almos t hal f a century later . Thoma s Andrews , convicte d o f an "unnatura l crime " i n 1760 , wa s pardone d th e followin g yea r "to the astonishmen t o f nin e persons i n te n wh o kne w anythin g o f th e case. " Newgate Calender: Or Malefactor's Bloody Register, ed. Sandr a Le e Kerma n (New York : Capricorn Books , 1962) , pp . 192-194 . 47. Applebees Original Weekly Journal, December 6, 1718 ; June 6, 1719 . 48. Luttrell , Brief Relation, 1:41 , 51 , 53 . 49. Davi d Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II (Oxford: Clarendon Press ; 1956), p . 592 ; Luttrell, Brief Relat ion,1 : 55; London Gazette, Septembe r 16-20 , 1680 ; London Sessions Records 1605-1685, ed . Do m Hug h Bowle r (London: Publications of the Catholic Record Society , 1934), pp . 298-300 , 319-320 . Mrs . Cellie r ma y have been Elizabet h Cellier , a midwife con victed of popery i n 168 0 (ibid. , p . 297) . 50. Ogg , Reign of Charles II, p. 604 ; [Anon.], The Narrative of Col. Tho. Blood Concerning the Design . . . Against the . . . Duke of Buckingham (London , 1680) ; Titus Oates, An Exact and Faithful Narrative of the Horrid Conspiracy ofT. Knox (London, 1680) ; [Anon.], A Letter to A Friend in the Country Concerning the Duke of Buckingham (London , 1679?) : The charges against the Duke were apparently for heterosexual rathe r than homosexual buggery , bu t English law regarde d bot h crime s wit h a n equa l degre e o f seriousness . Se e th e cas e o f Thomas Davi s accused o f buggering spinster Charity Paro t (Proceedings of the Kings Commission of the Peace Held in the Old Bailey October 11 -J4 1699 , p . 4). 51. Evelyn , Diary, 4 : 234; Luttrell, Brief Relation, 1 : 248. 52. [Anon.] , Narrative of Col. Tho. Blood, pp. 15 , 30-31 , et passim; J.H. Wilson , A Rake and His Times: George Villiers, Second Duke of Buckingham (New York : Farrar , Straus , an d Young, 1954) , p . 256 ; Luttrell, Brief Relation, 1 : 44-45. 53. Ibid. , pp . 461-462 . 54. Henr i Va n De r Ze e an d Barbar a Van De r Zee , William and Mary (Ne w York : Knopf, 1973), pp . 422-424 . 55. London Gazette, Decembe r 11-14 , 1699 ; William III , A Proclamation for Preventing and Punishing Immorality and Prophaneness, Decembe r 9, 1699 . 56. [Anon.] , Tryal and Condemnation of. . . Lord Audrey, Preface . 57. Luttrell , Brief Relation, 6 : 226. 58. Joh n Bunyan , The Pilgrim's Progress (Ne w York: New American Library , Signe t Classic, 1964), p . 155 . 59. Ibid. , p . 91. 60. Ibid. , pp . 102-103 . 61. Ibid. , p . 255 . 62. [Anon.] , A Full and True Account of a Dreadful Fire That Lately Broke Out in the Pope's Breeches (London , 1713) .

NOTES

179

63. [Anon.] , Sober Advice to Mockers Shewing the Unspeakable Danger of Scoffing at Any ofChrists Faithful Ministers (London , 1692) . 64. [Anon.] , Answer to the Satyr Upon the French King (London , 1697) . 65. [Anon.] , Trick for Trick; or The Hasty Cuckold (London , 1714) ; [Anon.] , A Funeral Elegy in Commemoration of the Sadly Deplored and Much-Lamented Death of that Unfortunate Knight Sir John Johnston (London, 1790) ; George Sinclair , Satan's Invisible World Discovered (Edinburgh, 1685) , unnumbere d page ; Thoma s Wright , The Glory of Gods Revenge and Detestable Sins ofMurther and Adultry Expressed in 30 Tragic Histories (London, 1688) . The sam e harshnes s toward se x offenders wa s also practiced i n Scotlan d durin g the period . Se e John Lamont , The Diary of John Lamont of Newton, 1649-1671 (Edinburgh : Joh n Clark , 1830), pp . 28 , 53 , 82 , 111 , 218. 66. Applebees Original Weekly Journal, July 25 , 1719 . I t wa s no t onl y se x offender s wh o were endangered b y the spectators. I n 1725 , a particularly famous robbe r was pelted with stone s and dir t o n hi s wa y t o Tyburn. Whe n th e executione r allowe d too muc h tim e fo r th e ma n t o make hi s peac e wit h God , th e mo b threaten d t o lync h th e criminal an d th e executioner a s well (Newgate Calender, p . 94) . 67. Ogg , Reign of Charles 11, p . 595 ; Beloff , Public Order and Popular Disturbances, p . 150. 68. Luttrell , Brief Relation, 1 : 34. 69. Applebees Original Weekly Journal, Jul y 25 , 1719 ; Randolp h Trumbach , "London' s Sodomites: Homosexua l Behavio r an d Wester n Cultur e i n the 18t h Century, " Journal of Social History 1 1 (Fall 1977) : 15 , 20 , 23 . 70. Quarte r Sessio n Roll s Q/S R 49 , Taunton , 1622 , Somerse t Recor d Office , Taunton , Somersetshire. 71. Lind a Auwer s Bissell , "Family , Friends , an d Neighbors : Socia l Interactio n i n Seven teenth-Century Windsor , Connecticut, " Ph.D . Diss. , Brandeis , 1973 , pp . 123-129 . Fo r a trenchant examinatio n o f the complete rang e o f proscribed sexua l practice s involvin g homosex ual act s an d bestialit y i n earl y Ne w England , se e Rober t F . Oaks' s "Thing s Fearfu l t o Name : Sodomy an d Bugger y i n Seventeenth-Centur y Ne w England, " Journal of Social History 1 2 (Winter, 1977) : 268-281 . 72. Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, ed . Nathanie l B . Shurtlef f (Boston: Willia m White , 1855) , 1 : 64 , 2 : 35-36 , 146 , 148 , 3: 37 ; Joh n Demos , A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1970) , pp. 157-158 . 73. Joh n Winthrop , The History of New England froml630 to 1649, ed . Jame s Savag e (Boston: Littl e Brown , 1853) , 2 : 324. 74. Ibid . 75. Minutes of the Council and General Court of Virginia, ed . H.R . Mcllwain e (Richmond: The Colonia l Press , 1924) , pp . 33-34 , 47 , 85 , 93. 76. Marvi n K . Opler , "Anthropologica l an d Cross-Cultura l Aspect s o f Homosexuality, " i n Sexual Inversion: The Multiple Roots of Homosexuality, ed . Jud d Marmo r (Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1965) , p . 70 ; C.A . Tripp , The Homosexual Matrix (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill , 1975) , p. 68 . 77. Ibid. , p . 90 ; Evely n Hooker , "Mal e Homosexual s an d thei r Worlds, " i n Sexual Inversion: The Multiple Roots of Homosexuality, ed . Jud d Marmor , p . 90 . 2. T O TRAI N U P A B U C C A N E E R 1. Th e tabl e i s available i n Pete r Laslett' s World We Have Lost, pp . 32-33 . Fo r estimate s of King' s genera l reliabilit y se e D.V . Glass , "Gregor y King' s Estimat e o f th e Populatio n o f

i8o

NOTES

England an d Wales, 1695, " Population Studies. 3 (December 1950) : 338-374; "Gregory Kin g and th e Populatio n o f Englan d an d Wale s a t th e En d o f th e Seventeent h Century , Eugenics Review 3 7 (January 1946) : 170-183 . 2. Laslett , World We Have Lost, p . 90 . 3. Ibid. , pp . 14-15 . 4. On e authorit y argue s tha t th e economi c positio n o f th e singl e agricultura l labore r wa s strong during th e period . Ther e wa s a scarcity of workers, bu t the ris e i n th e cos t of manufac tured good s wa s no t reflecte d i n a correspondin g increas e i n th e pric e o f foo d products . Th e position o f th e unmarrie d labore r was also strengthene d b y the usua l failur e o f th e authoritie s to us e th e Ac t o f Settlemen t agains t him. Onc e married , th e labore r soo n foun d tha t th e adequate wag e h e onc e earne d wa s n o longe r sufficien t fo r th e need s o f a family . Childre n were a burden unde r th e circumstances , bu t whe n the y reache d th e ag e where the y coul d b e employed i n agriculture , i t was eas y t o expe l the m from th e househol d an d injec t the m int o the bustling labor market (Beloff, Public Order and Popular Disturbances, pp. 14-15) . Se e also Laslett, World We Have Lost, pp . 12-13 ; Middlesex Records, Calendars, p . xi ; M . Doroth y George, London Life in the Eighteenth Century (Ne w York : Capricorn Books , 1965) , pp . 230 , 243-244; Middlesex Records, Calendars, passim; Middlesex Records, Rolls, Books, and Certificates, passim; Records of the County of Wilts, Being Extracts from the Quarter Sessions Great Rolls of the Seventeenth Century, ed . Howar d Cunningto n (Divizes , Wilts. : George Simpson , 1932), passim. 5. Fo r additiona l informatio n o n begga r band s an d method s adopte d t o contro l o r reduc e the numbe r o f wanderin g an d homeles s childre n se e Iv y Pinchbec k an d Margare t Hewett , Children in English Society, Vol . I , From Tudor Times to the Eighteenth Century (Toronto : University o f Toront o Press , 1969) , pp . 106 , 108 , 133-135 , 146-148 ; A n Account of the General Nursery or the Colledge of Infants Set Up By The Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex (London, 1686) ; Applebees Original Weekly Journal, Jun e 11 , 1715 , Ma y 26 , 1715; Abbo t Emerso n Smith , Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America, 1607-1776 (Ne w York : Norton , 1971) , p . 12 ; Ogg, Reign of Charles 11, p . 125 ; London and Middlesex Archeological Transactions 1 (1936) : cited i n Beloff , Public Order and Popular Disturbances, p . 33 . 6. Laslett , World We Have Lost, p . 31 . 7. North Riding of the County of York Quarter Sessions Records, J.C. Atkinso n (London : North Ridin g Record s Society , 1889) , pp . xii , 184 , 188-189 ; A.L . Beier , "Vagrant s an d th e Social Orde r in Elizabetha n England, " Past and Present 6 4 (August 1974) : 19-20 ; D.C. Cole man, "Labou r i n th e Englis h Econom y o f th e 17t h Century," Economic History Review, n.s. , 7 (1956) : 291. 8. Fo r additional informatio n o n begga r bands and contemporary assessment s o f their composition, th e dangers they posed , an d their sexual practices , se e [Thoma s Dekker] , The Belman of London: Bringing to Light the Most Notorious Villanies That Are Now Practiced in the Kingdom (London , 1608) , passim; Thomas Harman , The Fraternity of Vagabonds (London , 1575), passim. 9. Irvin g Bieber, et al., Homosexuality: A Psychoanalytic Study (Ne w York: Random House , 1962), pp . 8 , 173 , 311 , 399 ; Harry Stack Sullivan, The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry (New York: Norton, 1953) , pp . 192 , 248 , 249 . Beier , "Vagrant s and th e Socia l Order, " p. 6 ; Pinchbeck and Hewett , Children in English Society, p . 143 ; Middlesex Records, Calendars, pp . 124 , 347, et passim; Wilts Records, pp. 241 , 268 , 269 , et passim. Th e sam e concern wit h vagrancy is present i n the record s of almost every county for the Tudor and Stuar t eras. 10. Steve n R . Smith , "Th e Socia l an d Geographica l Origin s o f th e Londo n Apprentices , 1630-1660," The Guildhall Miscellany 4 (April 1973) : 196-198 ; "London Apprentice s a s Seventeenth-Century Adolescents, " Past and Present 61 (Novembe r 1973) : 153-156 , 160 .

NOTES

l8l

11. Ervin g Goffman, Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (Ne w York : Doubleday , 1961) . Fo r a n extende d discussio n o f homosexualit y an d homosexual frequenc y i n all-mal e institution s se e Pete r C. Buffum , Homosexuality in Prisons, publication o f th e Nationa l Institut e o f La w Enforcemen t an d Crimina l Justic e (P R 72-3) , February, 1973 , pp . 4-18 . 12. Abbot t Payso n Usher , "Th e Growt h o f Englis h Shipbuilding , 1572-1922, " Quarterly Journal of Economics 42 (Ma y 1928) : 467, 472-73 , 478 ; T.S. Willan , The English Coasting Trade, 1600-1740 (Ne w York : Augustu s M . Kelley , 1967) , pp . 173 , 175 ; Ralp h Davis , The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth Century (London : Macmillan, 1962) , pp. 15-17 . 13. Viole t Barbour , "Dutc h an d Englis h Merchan t Shippin g i n th e Seventeent h Century, " Economic History Review 2 (Januar y 1930) : 269 , 282-283 . I n 167 0 Dutc h tonnag e stoo d a t approximately 586,00 0 tons . Thirt y year s later , despit e rapi d expansion , Englis h tonnag e wa s still onl y one-thir d t o one-half th e Dutc h total . E.E . Ric h an d C.H. Wilson , The Economy of Expanding Europe in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century, vol . 4 i n The Cambridge Economic History of Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1967) , pp . 210-211 . 14. Willan , English Coasting Trade, pp . 14-16 ; Davis, Rise of the English Shipping Industry, pp . 71 , 73 ; John Ehrman , The Navy in the War of William 111, 1689-1697 (Cambridge Cambridge Universit y Press , 1953) , p . 110 . 15. Ibid. , pp . 109-110 ; Davis , Rise of the English Shipping Industry, pp . 71 , 73 , 114-115 , 135-137. 16. Ibid. , pp . 4 , 114-115 ; Barbour , "Dutc h an d Englis h Merchan t Shipping, " pp . 263 265; Willan, English Coasting Trade, pp . xiv , 178 . 17. Lutrrell , Brief Relation, 1 : 592 , 607 ; Pepys , Diary, 4 : 284 ; L.A . Wilcox , Mr . Pepys Navy (Ne w York : A.S. Barnes , 1968) , pp . 102-106 . Edwar d Barlow , wh o wa s employed a s a sailor fo r ove r fou r decades , onc e complaine d tha t merchan t servic e wa s les s desirabl e tha n naval employment . Th e advantage s o f servin g th e Kin g tha t h e enumerate d were : (a ) bette r food aboar d warships, (b ) surer pay, (c ) no deductions fro m pa y resulting from damage d cargo, (d) pensions fo r service-incurre d disabilities , (e ) easier work , an d (f ) clothin g di d no t wea r ou t as fas t i n nava l service . Despit e thes e advantages , Barlo w preferre d t o sai l aboar d merchan t ships, a s his recor d of voyages indicate s (Edward Barlow , Barlow' s Journal of His Life at Sea in the King's Ships, East and West Indiamen and Other Merchantmen from J65 9 to 1703 [Lon don: Hurst and Blackett , 1934] , p . 426) . 18. Ogg , Reign of Charles II, pp . 263-265 ; Beloff, PuMi' c Order and Popular Disturbances, p. 123 . 19. Ibid. , Ehrman , The Navy in the War of William HI, pp . 110 , 112 . Th e tabl e i s con structed usin g th e Navy' s formul a fo r calculatin g th e necessar y crewme n pe r vesse l base d o n the amoun t o f ordnanc e carrie d b y each ship . Thi s syste m place d th e numbe r neede d t o ma n a firstrate, the largest warship in the Navy, a t between 60 0 and 780 men, dependin g on specifi c armament. Th e smalles t warship , th e sixt h rate , require d onl y fifty t o eighty-fiv e me n usin g the sam e formula . Sinc e warship s wer e chronicall y undermanned , th e numbe r servin g o n shipboard wa s probably somewher e betwee n te n an d twent y percen t below theoretica l require ments, bu t th e reduce d figures hardly diminis h th e dramati c natur e o f th e Navy' s increas e i n size over a brief period of time. 20. Pepys , Diary, 7 : 196 . 21. Ogg , Reign of Charles II, p. 264 . 22. Davis , Rise of the English Shipping Industry, p . 116 . 23. Beier , "Vagranc y an d th e Socia l Order, " pp. 6-9 .

NOTES

l82 3. TH E CARIBBE E ISLE S

1. Larg e numbers o f females wer e evidently par t of the population o f Spanis h colonie s from the earlies t time s o f settlement . Se e Pete r Boyd-Bowman , "Pattern s o f Spanis h Emigratio n t o the Indie s unti l 1600, " Hispanic American Historical Review 5 6 (Decembe r 1976) : 580-604 . This was confirmed late r for at least one rude coastal village by Sir William Beeston , a governor of Jamaica , wh o wrot e i n 167 1 tha t a t "Trinadadoe, " wher e hi s shi p ha d docked , "Ther e are many women , whic h i s a s I judge al l th e delight s the y have. " ("Journal o f Si r Willia m Bees ton," Additiona l Manuscrip t 12,424 , Britis h Museum , London) . 2. Viole t Barbour , "Privateer s an d Pirate s o f th e Wes t Indies, " American Historical Review 16 (April 1911) : 531-535 ; C.H. Haring , The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century (London : Methuen, 1910) , pp . 13 , 42. 3. Fo r a n explanatio n o f th e rol e o f lan d policie s i n creatin g a viable societ y from a commercial colony , se e Sigmun d Diamond , "Fro m Organizatio n t o Society : Virgini a i n th e Sev enteenth Century, " American Journal of Sociology 6 3 (Marc h 1958) : 457-475. Eve n wit h th e Virginia Compan y actuall y sendin g wome n t o th e colony , th e se x rati o wa s probably no t im mediately altere d t o any grea t degree. Joh n Smit h recorde d i n 161 9 that of 1,21 6 person s sent over o n 1 1 ships , onl y 9 0 wer e youn g wome n (Joh n Smith , Captain John Smith's History of Virginia, ed . Davi d Freema n Hawk e [Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970] , p . 147) . The absence of wome n amon g th e earl y Virgini a colonist s an d thei r apparen t lac k o f interes t i n the m le d the Indian s to conclude, accordin g to one resident , tha t the settlers "were not borne of women, and therefor e no t mortall " (Edmun d S . Morgan , American Slavery, American Freedom [New York: Norton, 1975] , p . 38 . 4. Richar d S . Dunn , Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (Ne w York : Norton, 1973) , pp . 118-119 . 5. Ibid. , p . 50 . 6. Ibid. , p . 56 . 7. Richar d Ligon , A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbados (2nd ed. ; London , 1673), pp . 5 , 9 , 13 . 8. Ibid. , p . 107 . Apparentl y Ligo n wa s not the only Englishma n fo r whom perspiratio n ha d an anti-aphrodisiaca l effect . Afte r a visi t t o th e Wes t Indie s lat e i n th e seventeent h century , Edward War d wrot e humourousl y o f th e latitude s nea r Jamaica , "Kissin g her e gre w ou t o f Fashion; there's n o joynin g o f Lips , bu t you r Nose s woul d dro p Swea t int o you r Mouths " (A Trip to Jamaica; With a True Character of the People [London, 1700] , p . 12) . 9. Ligon , True and Exact History, p . 57 . 10. Ibid. , pp . 46-47 ; Jerom e S . Handler , "Th e Amerin d Slav e Populatio n o f Barbado s i n the Seventeent h an d Earl y Eighteent h Century, " Caribbean Studies 3 ( 1969) : 38-39 ; C.S.C . Higham, The Development of the Leeward Islands Under the Restoration (Cambridge : Cam bridge Universit y Press , 1921) , p . 125 . A recen t estimat e o f th e se x rati o o f slave s i n th e Caribbean place s th e wome n a t 4 0 percen t o f th e slav e populatio n (Rober t W . Foge l an d Stanley L. Engerman , Time on the Cross: Economics of American Negro Slavery [Boston: LittleBrown, 1974] , pp . 26 , 156 . Se e also Sidne y W . Mint z and Richar d Price , An Anthropological Approach to the Afro-American Past: A Caribbean Perspective, No. 2 in Institut e fo r the Stud y of Huma n Issue s Occasiona l Paper s i n Socia l Chang e (Philadelphia : Institut e fo r th e Stud y o f Human Issues , 1976) , p . 2 . 11. Ligon , True and Exact History, pp . 21 , 35 , 101 . 12. Ibid. , pp . 90 , 93 , 110 , 113-115 ; Richar d Blome , A Description of Jamaica with Other Isles and Territories in Jamaica (London, 1672) , pp . 16-18 . 13. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, p. 169 . 14. Ibid. , pp . 169-170 . Afte r th e Restoration , th e possibility o f sending colonists wa s again

NOTES

l83

discussed. I n Marc h o f 1661 , th e Counci l o f Foreig n Plantation s considered shippin g "100 0 able me n t o Jamaica." N o mentio n wa s made o f females (C.S.P. Colon., 7 : 19) . Se e also ibid. , 9: 54 1 for a proposa l t o sen d male s t o the islands . 15. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, p . 169 . 16. Ibid. , p . 167 . 17. Fran k Wesle y Pitman , The Development of the British West Indies, 1700-1763 (Ne w Haven, Conn. : Yal e University Press , 1917 ; reprinted, Ne w York: Archon, 1967) , p. 45 . Beggar bands als o appeared i n th e West Indies . Law s were passed t o regulat e them o n severa l occasion s by authorities o n Barbados . Give n islan d demographi c conditions , th e wandering vagrants wer e even mor e heavil y mal e tha n simila r group s i n Englan d (Acf s of the Assembly Passed on the Island of Barbados From 1648-1718 [London , 1722] , pp . 39 , 40 , 71) . 18. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, pp . 152 , 164-165 , 192 . 19. J.H . Bennett , "Th e Englis h Caribbee s i n th e Perio d o f th e Civi l War , 1642-1646, " William and Mary Quarterly 2 4 (July 1967) : 360-361, 376-377 ; Dunn , Sugar and Slaves, p . 121. 20. Christophe r Jeaffreson , A Young Squire of the Seventeenth Century, ed . Joh n Cord y Jeaffreson (London : Hurs t an d Blackett , 1878) , 1 : 211 , 2 : 18 , 19 , 36-37 . Se e als o Luttrell , Brief Relation, 3 : 31-32 ; Dunn , Sugar and Slaves, p . 164 ; London Gazette, Septembe r 4 September 8 , 1690 ; Carl an d Robert a Bridenbaugh , No Peace Beyond the Line: The English in the Caribbean, 1642-1690 (Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1872) , p . 182 ; C.S.P. Colon. 7: 142 , 19 : 495; Interesting Tracts, pp . 96-97 . 21. C.S.P. Colon., 9 : 367, 10 : 266; Higham , Development of the Leeward Islands, p . 148 . Figures give n b y Richar d Blom e are : Barbados , 10,00 0 rightin g men , Jamaica , 3,00 0 rightin g men, privateers , sloo p and boatme n {Description of Jamaica, pp . 42 , 66) . 22. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, pp . 96-98 ; A.G.L. Shaw , Convicts in the Colonies (London: Fabe r an d Faber , 1966) , p . 33 ; Barbour, "Privateer s an d Pirates, " p. 541 . 23. Jeaffireson , Young Squire, 2 : 6-7, 116 , 157-158 ; C.S.P. Colon., 9 : 346 . 24. Jeaffreson , Young Squire, 2:44-45 , 47 , 58-59 , 72-73 , 118 , 150-151 , 192 . 25. Ibid. , pp . 126 , 184-185 , 192 , 195 . 26. Ibid. , pp . 197-198 . 27. Middlesex Records, Rolls, Books, and Certificates, 3 : 283, 287 , 291 , 293 , 296 ; Mist's Weekly Journal (London), Januar y 19-Marc h 9 , 1717 . 28. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, pp . 104-106 ; C.S.P. Colon., 15 : 341 , 541 , 543 , 559, 560 , 567 . 29. Jeaffreson , Young Squire, 1 : 317-318. 30. Ibid. , 1 : 317-319, 2 : 3-5; Willia m Bullock , Virginia Impartially Examined and Left to Public View (London , 1649) , p . 4 7 (mispage d p . 39) ; Middlesex Records, Rolls, Books, and Certificates, 3 : 330-331. 31. Joh n Latimer, The Annals of Bristol in the Seventeenth Century (Bristol : William George' s Sons, 1900) , p . 254 . 32. Ibid. , pp . 254-256 . 33. [Gatford] , Public Good Without Private Interest, pp . 4-5 ; Bullock , Virginia Impartially Examined, pp . 4-5 ; N . Dermot t Harding , ed. , Bristol and America: A Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America, 1654-1685 (Orig . pub . London , 1929 ; Baltimore : Genealogical Publishin g Company , 1967) , pp . viii-ix ; Mildre d Campbell , "Socia l Origin s o f Some Earl y Americans," Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History, ed . Jame s Morton Smit h (Ne w York: W. W. Norton , 1959) , pp. 78 , 80 ; David W . Galenson , " 'Middlin g People' or 'Common Sort' ? The Socia l Origin s of Som e Early Americans Examined, " William and Mary Quarterly 3 5 (July 1978) : 504. 34. Campbell , "Socia l Origins," , pp . 68-78 . Th e numbe r o f youths an d unskille d laborer s

184

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may hav e bee n substantiall y highe r tha n thes e figures accordin g t o Davi d W . Galenso n (" 'Middling People ' o r 'Commo n Sort?" , pp . 505-507 , 522) . Mildre d Campbel l maintain s Galenson's highe r figures are not accurate (ibid., pp . 525-540) . Th e mos t complete portio n of the tabulatio n i n the Bristol recor d i s a segment includin g no t only th e name s of migrants but some indicatio n o f socia l class . I t i s complete onl y fo r approximatel y 3,00 0 peopl e wh o wen t to Americ a durin g th e first seven year s th e recor d wa s kept . Th e informatio n o n socia l clas s has been omitted from Harding's edition of Bristol and America, althoug h there is no indication in the printed wor k that this vital dat a eve n exist s i n th e manuscript . 35. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, pp. 62-66 . 36. Haring , Buccaneers in the West Indies, p. 143 ; Ruth Bourne, Queen Anne's Navy in the West Indies (New Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1939) , p . 31 . 37. A.E . Smith , Colonists in Bondage, pp. 142-143 . 38. Ibid. , p . 285 . 39. Thoma s Walduc k t o Jame s Petiver , Novembe r 12 , 1710 , journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society 1 5 (November 1947-1948) , pp . 48-49 ; Acts of the Assembly, pp. 23-24. I n Virginia, wher e the proportion of female servant s was higher than i n the Caribbean, one plante r complaine d i t wa s impossibl e t o kee p me n awa y fro m eve n th e uglies t servin g women (Bullock , Virginia Impartially Examined, p . 54) . Ther e i s n o wa y o f estimatin g ho w many serving women i n the West Indies were illegally impregnated , bu t research on the subject for servants i n Charles County, Marylan d indicate s th e figure was approximately 2 0 percent for the perio d fro m 165 8 t o 1705 . Th e se x rati o fo r white s i n th e colon y fo r thi s perio d range d from tw o t o thre e male s pe r femal e (Loi s Gree n Car r an d Loren a S . Walsh , "Th e Planter' s Wife: Th e Experienc e o f Whit e Wome n i n Seventeenth-Centur y Maryland, " William and Mary Quarterly 3 4 [October 1977] : 543 , 548) ; C.S.P. Colon., 8 : 495; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp. 108-110 ; A.E. Smith , Colonists in Bondage, p. 30 ; Blome, A Description of Jamaica, p. 85. 40. Ibid. , pp . 99-103 ; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp . 122-123 , 127 , 131 , 148 . Onl y o n St . Christopher wa s th e numbe r o f male s an d female s roughl y equa l durin g thi s period . Ther e were o n th e islan d 69 5 me n an d 53 9 women . Antigu a ha d th e greates t sexua l disparit y wit h 1,236 me n an d 54 4 women (ibid. , p . 127) . 41. Ibid. , pp . 155 , 165 ; Michae l Crato n an d Jame s Walvin , A Jamaica Plantation: The History of Worthy Park, I650-J97 0 (Toronto : Universit y o f Toronto Press , 1970) , pp . 21-22 ; Pitman, Development of the British West Indies, pp . 48-50 ; Bridenbaug h an d Bridenbaugh , No Peace Beyond the Line, pp . 20 8 ff. ; Laws of Jamaica (St . Jag o de l a Vaga [Spanis h Town], Jamaica: 1792) , p . 80 ; C.S.P. Colon., 7 : 65, et passim; 8: 52 , 9 : 141 , 285-286 , 349 . 42. Henr y Cadbury , "Condition s i n Jamaica , 1687, " Jamaica Historical Review 3 (1966), pp. 25-35 ; R.B . [Nathanie l Crouch] , The General History of Earthquakes (London, 1694) , preface, pp . 143 , 150 ; [Anon.] , The Truest and Largest Account of the Late Earthquake in Jamaica (London, 1693) , p . 9 ; [Ward], A Trip to Jamaica, p. 16 ; C.S.P. Colon., 8 : 104 , 306 , 711; Crato n an d Walvin , Jamaica Plantation, p . 22 ; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp . 179-181 ; David Buissere t an d Michae l Pawson , Port Royal, Jamaica (Oxford: Clarendo n Press , 1975) , pp. 24 , 98 , 103 , 119 , 184-185 , Appendi x A ; Haring, Buccaneers in the West Indies, p . 273 ; Cadbury, "Quaker s an d th e Earthquak e a t Por t Royal , 1692, " Jamaica Historical Review 8 (1971): 19-31 . 43. C.S.P. Colon., 9 : 318-320 , 10 : 216-219, 11:270 , 14:257 , 639 , 15 : 41-42, 179-180 , 16: 140-141 , 455 , 474 : The growt h o f officia l hostilit y towar d pirac y i s particularl y apparen t from 169 0 to 170 0 (C.S.P. Colon., 15-18 : passim). 44. Pete r Gerhard , Pirates of the West Coast of New Spain, 1575-1742 (Glendale , Calif. : Arthur H . Clark , 1960) ; C.S.P. Colon.. 10 : 606, 11 : 287-288, 471-472 , 473 , 12 : 20-21. 15 : 113, 336 , 362 , 379 , 381 , 468, 538 , 552 , 16 : 477, 17 : 539, 18 : 256 , 19 : 372, 22 : 712, 23 : 24-

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25, 26 : 231, 30 : 57 , 31 : 271, 354-356 , 32 : 11-12 , et passim; Haring, Buccaneers in the West Indies, p. 271 . 45. C.S.P. Colon., 12 : 50, 15 : 73, 356 , 17 : 60, 307 , 412-414 , 18 : 35-137, 19 : 89-90, 20 : 454,464, 21 : 100, 155 . 46. Ibid. , 20 : 464-465; 21 : 694-695, 29 : 53-54 , 140-141 , 338 , 31 : 8, 32 : 74-75. 47. Bridenbaug h an d Bridenbaugh , No Peace Beyond the Line, p . 337 ; Dunn , Sugar and Slaves, pp . 76-77 , 172 . 48. Ibid. , pp . 228 , 252-253 ; Pitman , Development of the British West Indies, pp . 24 , 28 . 49. Jeaffreson , Young Squire, 1 : 79. 50. Ibid. , p . 89 . 51. C.S.P. Colon., 10 : 329-330. 52. Walduc k t o Petiver , Novembe r 12 , 1710 , p . 50 . 53. R.B. , General History of Earthquakes, p. 150 ; [Anon.], Truest and Largest Account, p . 9; C.S.P. Colon., 8 : 49-51; [Ward] , A Trip to Jamaica, p . 16 ; Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp . 125-126; Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 2n d Set., 5 : 106 . I n the Tudor era and in th e earl y par t o f th e seventeent h century , Englishme n understoo d Sodom' s sin s t o includ e bestiality an d chil d molestatio n alon g wit h homosexua l contacts , bu t b y the tim e o f th e Res toration, th e ter m sodom y withou t qualifyin g descriptio n wa s commonly use d t o refe r onl y t o sex relation s between member s o f the same sex.

4. BUCCANEE R SEXUALIT Y 1. Se e Buffum , Homosexuality in Prisons; Donal d Clemmer , The Prison Community (Ne w York: Holt, 1940) ; J.F. Fishman , Sex in Prison (London: Joh n Lane , 1935) ; Gresham Sykes , The Society of Captives (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1958) . A bibliograph y o f periodical literatur e dealin g wit h priso n homosexualit y i s include d i n Buffum . A surve y o f recen t research o n homosexualit y an d homosexua l conduc t i n penitentiarie s i s include d b y Willia m Simon an d John Gagno n i n Sexual Conduct (Chicago : Aldine, 1973) , pp . 235-249 . 2. Priso n lif e i n fac t contain s man y cue s fo r homosexua l behavior . Youth s grow n t o adulthood i n pena l systems , whethe r homosexua l o r willin g t o engag e i n homosexua l act s i n th e absence o f othe r source s o f sexua l contact , ar e attune d t o a n elaborat e serie s o f sex-inducin g situations uniqu e t o reformatories an d prisons. 3. Philli p Gosse, Pirates Who's Who (London: Dulan, 1924) , p . 21 . 4. Gardne r Lindzey , Charlott e Tejessy , an d Harol d Zamansky , "Themati c Apperceptio n Test: An Empirical Examinatio n o f Some Indice s of Homosexuality," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 5 7 (January, 1958) : 74. 5. Ibid. ; Bieber, Homosexuality; Lawrence Ross , "Od d Couples: Homosexuals i n Heterosex ual Marriage/ ' Sexual Behavior 2 (1972): 42-49; Lau d Humphrey s an d Bria n Miller , "Identi ties i n th e Emergin g Gay Culture," i n Homosexual Behavior: A Modern Reappraisal, ed . Jud d Marmor (New York : Basic Books, 1980) , p . 152 ; Alan P . Bel l an d Martin S . Weinberg , Homosexualities: A Study of Diversity Among Men and Women (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1978), pp . 55 , 161 , 174-175 ; A.O. Exquemelin , The Buccaneers of America (Orig. pub . 1678 ; Baltimore: Penguin, 1969) , pp . I l l , 138 , 199 . 6. Richar d Simpson , "Richar d Simpson' s Voyag e t o th e Strait s o f Magella n an d th e Sout h Sea i n th e Yea r 1689, " Sloane MSS . 8 6 or 672, Britis h Museum , London , foli o 56 , p . 107 . 7. Alexande r Winston, No Man Knows My Grave (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1969) , p. 22. 8. [Willia m A. ] Cowley, Capt. Cowley's Voyage Round the Globe i n A Collection of Original Voyages, ed . Willia m Hack e (London, 1699) , pp . 6-7 . 9. D.J . WestlMichae l Georg e Schofield] , Homosexuality (London : Duckworth , 1955) , pp.

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264-265; Hooker, "Mal e Homosexuals, " p. 88 ; Paul Gebhard, et al., Sex Offenders: An Analysis of Types (New York : Harper and Row, 1965) , pp . 300 , 591 , 857 . 10. C.H . Firth , Naval Songs and Ballads (London: Navy Record s Society , 1908) , p . 167 . 11. Danie l Defoe , A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, ed . Manue l Schonhor n (Orig . pub . 1724 ; Columbia, S.C. : Universit y o f Sout h Car olina Press , 1972) , p . 76 . 12. C.S.P . Colon., 30 : 146-150 ; Charle s B . Driscoll , "Final e o f th e Weddin g March, " American Mercury 1 4 (July, 1948) : 358. 13. Ibid. , p . 357 ; Defoe, General History of the Pyrates, p. 95 . 14. C.S.P. Colon., 20 : 442-446, 28 : 119 ; Winston, No Man Knows My Grave, pp . 26 27. 15. C.S.P. Colon., 27 : 335 ; Haring, Buccaneers in the West Indies, p . 271. 16. Woode s Rogers , A Cruising Voyage Round the World: First to the South-Seas thence to the East-Indies, and Homewards by the Cape of Good Hope (London , 1713) , p . 6 ; Henr y Teonge, The Diary of Henry Teonge, Chaplain on Board His Majesty's Ships Assistance , Bris tol, and Roya l Oak , Ann o 1675-1679, ed . G.E . Manwarin g (London : George Routledg e an d Sons, 1927) , pp . 29 , 36-38 , 79 . 17. One hundre d year s later , th e attitud e scarcel y seem s t o hav e changed . Writin g durin g the Napoleoni c Wars , Willia m Robinso n explaine d tha t i t was "not the happiest momen t o f a sailor's life , whe n h e ha s t o part with hi s Nancy , bu t grieving's a folly, and , upo n thes e occa sions they generally throw grief and a temporary affection ove r the taffrail, a s commodities they do no t tak e t o se a wit h them. " Jac k Nastyfac e [Willia m Robinson] , Memoir s of an English Seaman (orig . pub . 1836 ; Annapolis, Md. : Nava l Institut e Press , 1963) , pp . 100-101 ; Gosse, Pirates Who's Who, pp . 109 , 280 ; Defoe, General History of the Pyrates, p . 494 . 18. Willia m A . Cowley , "Th e Voyag e of William Ambros e Cowley," Sloane MS . 54 , British Museum, London , foli o 49 , p . 98 ; Bartholomew Sharp , " A Journal Kep t By Capt. Bartho lomew Shar p o f Passage s i n Goin g Ove r Lan d t o th e Sout h Sea s fro m th e Islan d Calle d th e Golden Islan d i n Apri l 1680, " Sloane , MSS . 64A , Britis h Museum , London , p . 2 ; William Betagh, A Voyage Round the World Being an Account of a Remarkable Enterprise Begun in the Year 1719 (London, 1728) , p . 219 . 19. Rogers , Cruising Voyage Round the World, p . 256 . 20. Cowley , "Voyag e o f Willia m Ambros e Cowley, " foli o 48 , p . 96 . Fo r th e temporar y nature o f such cavorting, se e Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 219-223 . 21. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 54 , 82 , 219 . 22. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, p . 342 ; Stanley Richards , Black Bart (Llandybie, Carmarthenshire: Christopher Davies , 1966) , p . 67 , fro m H.C.A . 41/104 . 23. Betagh , Voyage Round the World, p . 121 . 24. Ibid. , p . 123 ; C.S.P. Colon., 15:614 . 25. Gosse , Pirates' Who's Who, passim, Jame s Burney , History of the Buccaneers of America (London: Swan Sonnenschein , 1891) , pp . 372ff . 26. Winston , No Man Knows My Grave, pp . 56-57 ; Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp. 137 , 177 . 27. Ibid. , p . 210 . 28. C.S.P. Colon., 7: 232-233; Bartholomew Sharp , The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Bartt. Sharp (London, 1684) , preface . Exquemeli n doe s state at one point that Spanish women were raped at Panama (Buccaneers of America, p . 201) . Se e als o note 31 , below. 29. Rogers , Cruising Voyage Round the World, pp . 178-179 ; C.S.P. Colon., 8 : 322 , 24 : 123, 281 , 531-532 . 30. Basi l Ringrose , Buccaneers of America, The Second Volume Containing the Dangerous Voyage and Bold Attempts of Captain Bartholomew Sharp, and Others, Performed upon the

NOTES

187

Coast of the South Sea for the Space of Two Years (London , 1685) , p . 163 . Ringros e als o mentions tha t informatio n obtaine d fro m th e prisoner s indicate d tha t som e o f th e Englis h pirates take n b y th e Spaniard s som e tim e befor e wer e aliv e an d well . Th e Spanis h captive s explained tha t the Englishme n wer e being treated civilly by all sorts of people but especially by women. Ther e i s no survivin g dat a o n th e actual treatmen t receive d b y the Englis h prisoners, but informatio n o n ho w the y were treated b y the Spanish , whe n furnishe d b y Spaniards i n the hands o f Englis h captors , canno t b e given muc h weigh t (ibid.). 31. Si r Willia m Beeston , " A Narrativ e o f Si r Willia m Beeston , o f th e Descen t o n Jamaic a by the French, " i n Interesting Tracts, pp . 252 , 255 , 258 . Th e Frenc h buccaneers ' aversion t o living women , implie d i n th e Beesto n accoun t doe s no t coordinat e easil y wit h Exquemelin' s numerous description s o f Frenc h an d Dutc h planter s an d pirate s regularl y engagin g i n forni cation an d rap e (Buccaneers of America, pp . 54 , 81 , 102 , 104) . Exquemelin' s account s o f th e French an d Dutc h treatmen t o f captive wome n i s also in marke d contrast to his descriptions of their treatment at the hands of English pirates. The Englis h rarel y raped, murdered , o r tortured females—unless i t wa s suspecte d the y ha d knowledg e o f hidde n wealt h (ibid. , pp . 130-131 , 137-138, 147 , 199) . Th e onl y systemati c brutalizatio n o f wome n prisoner s b y Englishme n occurred after the capture of Panama, accordin g to only one repor t by Exquemelin, whe n some of Morgan' s men , reinforce d i t shoul d b e note d b y a larg e contingent o f Frenc h buccaneers , starved and beat women wh o would no t be seduced (ibid. , p . 201) . 32. Pete r K. Kem p and Christopher Lloyd , The Brethren of the Coast (London : Heinemann, 1960), p . 57 ; Defoe, General History of the Pyrates, p . 82 . 33. Willia m Dampier , A New Voyage Round the World (Amsterdam , 1698 ; reprin t ed. , London: Argonaut Press , 1927) , pp . 174-175 . 34. Ibid. , pp . 342-344 . 35. Ibid. , pp . 346-366 : A n interes t i n lad s was no t confined t o captains commandin g shiploads of marauders. Edwar d Barlo w recorde d the purchase of a "pretty" boy by his own captain off th e Maliba r Coast i n 169 7 (Barlow, Journal, p. 468) . 36. Haring , Buccaneers in the West Indies, p . 72 ; [Anon. ] News From the Sea, or The Takeing of the Cruel Pirate (London , 1674) , p . 7 ; Kemp and Lloyd , Brethren of the Coast, p . 57; C.S.P. Colon., 12 : 226, 315 , 19 : 736, 23 : 262: In another case , a lad who ha d served as a witness against a crew of 44 pirates was given a cash award to sustain hi m when h e complaine d to th e cour t tha t he ha d n o clothe s o r shoes. Still , whateve r informatio n h e offere d coul d no t have been vita l t o th e prosecution . A t a time when i t required fou r pence pe r day to maintai n a prisone r i n Newgate , th e witnes s receive d les s than a shilling (P.R.O . Adm . 1/3666 , pp . 49 , 232). 37. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, p . 212 . 38. Gebhard , etal, Sex Offenders, pp. 307 , 308 , 319 , 336-339 ; J.W. Mohr , R.E . Turner , and M.B . Jerry , Pedophilia and Exhibitionism (Toronto : Universit y o f Toront o Press , 1964) , pp. 68-70 , 94-95 . 39. Gebhard , et ai, Sex Offenders, p. 32 ; Evelyn Hooker , "Th e Homosexua l Community, " reprinted i n Sexual Deviance, eds . Joh n H . Gagno n an d Willia m Simo n (Ne w York : Harper and Row , 1967) , p . 207 ; B. Apfelberg , Caro l Sugar , an d Arnol d Pfeffer , " A Psychiatric Stud y of 25 0 Se x Offenders, " American Journal of Psychiatry 10 0 (Ma y 1944) : 766; Mohr , Turner , and Jerry, Pedophilia and Exhibitionism, pp . 13 , 54 , 68; B.R. Burg , "Legitimacy and Authority: A Case Stud y of Pirat e Commanders i n the Seventeent h an d Eighteent h Centuries, " American Neptune 3 7 (1977): 40-49. 40. Buffum , Homosexuality in Prisons, pp. 15-17 ; se e als o Simpson , "Richar d Simpson' s Voyage," folio 39 , pp . 73-74 . 41. Bridenbaug h an d Bridenbaugh , No Peace Beyond the Line, pp . 114-115 ; Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 53-54 , 82 , 104 .

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42. Loui s Adh6ma r Timothe e L e Golif , Memoirs of a Buccaneer, eds . G . Alau x an d A. t'Sersteven s (London : Allen an d Unwin , 1954) , pp . 103-110 , 141 . 43. West , Homosexuality, pp. 228-229 . 44. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 224-225 . 45. Simpson , "Richar d Simpson' s Voyage," folio 56 , p . 107 . 46. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 640-641 ; C.S.P. Colon., 30 : 438. 47. Willia m Dampier , A Vindication of His Voyage to the South-Seas in the Ship St. George (London, 1707?) , p . 1 . 48. Betagh , Voyage Round the World, p . 36 . 49. Ibid. , p . 209. 50. Stone , Family, Sex and Marriage, pp. 93-102 , 268-269 . 51. I n hi s stud y o f Worl d Wa r I , Pau l Fussel l explain s th e nee d fo r lov e t o mitigat e th e horror o f comba t b y usin g Proust' s perceptio n o f wa r provoking "a n almos t tropica l flowering of sexual activit y behind th e line s whic h i s the counterpart t o the work of carnage which take s place a t th e front " (The Great War and Modern Memory [London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1975], pp . 270-271) : Se e als o C . Anderson , "Consciou s an d Unconsciou s Homosexua l Re sponses to Warfare," British Journal of Medical Psychology 2 0 (1944): 170-174 . 52. Gebhard , et al, Sex Offenders, pp. 345-367: See also Donald Webster Cory, The Homosexual in America: A Subjective Approach (New York : Greenberg, 1951) , pp . 339-341 ; Don ald Webste r Cor y an d Joh n P . LeRoy , The Homosexual and His Society (Ne w York : Citadel Press, 1963) , pp . 11-16 ; Bell an d Weinberg , Homosexualities, p. 69 . 53. Lesli e A. Fiedler , "Com e Back to the Raf t Ag'in Huc k Honey," in An End to Innocence (Boston: Beacon , 1955) , pp . 145-146 . Th e se a o r th e wildernes s a s a settin g fo r th e "Sacre d Marriage o f Males " als o provide s a settin g fo r workin g ou t a metapho r o f th e relationshi p between race s i n America . Natt y Bumpp o i s undefile d b y wome n bu t h e als o boast s o f "n o cross" i n hi s blood . Th e bond s o f lov e unit e bot h Dan a an d Ishmae l wit h natives , an d th e most obvious instanc e i s the journe y down the Mississippi aboar d the raf t by Huckleberry Fin n and Nigge r Ji m (ibid., pp . 143-148) . 54. Ibid . 55. Bel l an d Weinberg , Homosexualities, pp. 107-111 . 56. Evelyn , Diary, 4 : 234. 57. Wilmot , "Saty r o n Kin g Charle s II, " p. 104 ; Oates, Exact and Faithful Narrative, p . 8. 58. Quic k and furtive encounters between mal e homosexuals may not be as common a s was once supposed , accordin g t o Bel l an d Weinberg , (Homosexualities, p. 80) ; Cory an d LeRoy , Homosexual and His Society. Cor y an d LeRo y maintai n tha t ana l intercours e wil l becom e more commo n a s homosexua l encounter s becom e mor e easil y realize d wit h th e remova l o f tension tha t often accompanie s the m (p. 172) . 59. Marti n Hoffman , The Gay World: Male Homosexuality and the Creation of Evil (Ne w York: Basi c Books , 1968) , pp . 36-37 ; Stone , Family, Sex and Marriage, p . 486 . Anothe r authority wh o maintain s tha t oral-genita l se x ma y hav e bee n substantiall y absen t amon g th e unwashed classes is Kinsey Report co-author Wardell Pomero y (Discussion wit h Pomeroy, Cen ter fo r Se x Research , Californi a Stat e University , Northridge , Inaugura l Weeken d Program , November, 1976) . 60. Mohr , Turner , Jerry , Pedophilia and Exhibitionism, p . 20 ; Gebhard , et al., Sex Offenders, pp. 293 , 320 . The mos t viable objection to this, based again on studies of homosexuals made sinc e Worl d Wa r II , i s that even amon g se x offenders whos e primar y sexua l experience s are with childre n an d youths, ana l penetratio n i s the leas t common sor t of contact. Masturba tion i s th e mos t usua l typ e o f contact , wit h th e adul t maturbatin g th e chil d rathe r tha n th e reverse. Masturbatio n account s fo r approximatel y hal f o f the contacts , wit h approximatel y 4 0 percent involvin g fellatio, an d bugger y being employe d i n les s than te n o r 1 1 percent of cases.

189

NOTES

5. TH E BUCCANEER COMMUNITY 1. Goffman , Asylums, pp . xiii , 5-6 ; V . Auber t an d O . Arner , "O n th e Socia l Structur e o f the Ship/ ' Acta Sociologica 3 (1958) , pp . 200-201 ; Warre n H . Hopwood , "Som e Problem s Associated Wit h th e Selectio n an d Trainin g o f Dec k an d Enginee r Cadet s I n Th e Britis h Merchant Navy, " i n Seafarer and Community, ed . Pete r H . Frick e (London : Croo m Helm , 1973), p . 102 ; Ja n Horbulewicz , "Th e Parameter s o f Psychologica l Autonom y o f Industria l Trawler Crews, " ibid. , p . 68 . 2. Fricke , Seafarer and Community; Buffum , Homosexuality in Prisons, p. 7 ; Davi d Son nenschein, "Th e Ethnograph y o f Mal e Homosexua l Relations, " Journal of Sex Research (May 1968): 73; John Duriva l Kemp , Viscoun t Rochdale , Committee of Inquiry into Shipping (Cmd . 4337), Parliamentar y Paper s of the Hous e of Commons an d th e Papers Presente d b y Comman d (London: H.M.S.O. , 1970) ; Aubert an d Arner , "Socia l Structur e o f th e Ship, " p . 211 ; T.L. Wilmon an d T.G . Rich , "Repor t o n th e Genera l Healt h an d Moral e o f the Officers an d Cre w During a 30-Da y Simulate d Wa r Patro l Aboar d A Snorke l Submarine, " Repor t No . 3 o n BuMed Researc h Projec t N M 00 2 00 9 "Effect o f Snorkellin g on Submarin e Personnel, " Med ical Researc h Laborator y Repor t 140a , U.S . Nava l Submarin e Base , Ne w London , Connecti cut ( 4 Novembe r 1948) , pp . 2-4 ; Benjama n B . Weybrew , "Psychologica l Problem s o f Pro longed Marin e Submergence " i n Nea l M . Bums , Randal l M . Chambers , an d Edwi n Hendler , Unusual Environments and Human Behavior: Physiological and Psychological Problems of Man in Space (Glencoe , 111. : Free Press , 1963) , pp . 107-108 . 3. Goffman , Asylums, pp . ix-x ; Willmo n an d Rich , "Report, " p . 3 ; Viscount Rochdale , Committee of Inquiry (Cmd . 4337) ; Hopwood, "Som e Problem s Associate d Wit h Th e Selectio n and Trainin g o f Dec k an d Enginee r Cadets, " p . 103 ; Fricke , "Famil y an d Community : Th e Environment o f the Ship' s Officer, " i n Seafarer and Community, p . 147 ; J.H. Earls , "Huma n Adjustment t o an Exoti c Environment : Th e Nuclea r Submarine, " Archives of General Psychiatry 2 0 (1969):121 ; Aubert an d Arner , "O n Th e Socia l Structur e o f th e Ship, " p . 205 ; G.E . Ruff, E.Z . Levy , an d V.H . Thaler , "Studie s o f Isolatio n an d Confinement, " Aerospace Medicine 3 0 (August, 1959) : 601; C.S.P. Colon., 29 : 141 , 31: 10; Exquemelin, Buccaneers of America, pp . 70-73 , Haring , Buccaneers in the Wesf Indies, p . 69 ; Jean-Baptiste Labat , The Memoirs ofPere Labat (London : Constabl e an d Co. , 1931) , pp . 36-37 . 4. C.S.P. Colon., 5 : 622, 633 , 7 : 7 , 49-51 , 11:395 . I n a stud y o f seafarer s attitude s com missioned b y th e Rochdal e Committe e (Committee of Inquiry [Cmd . 4337 ] 1970) , 2 4 percen t of the grou p questioned gav e evidence o f discomfort whe n amon g landsmen . Officer s an d me n aboard oi l tankers , wher e parallels between th e cre w an d buccaneer s ar e mor e exac t i n tha t th e level o f impermeabilit y i s especially grea t i n bot h situations , reporte d a highe r rat e o f discom fiture ashor e tha n me n servin g on conventiona l merchan t vessels . Th e sub-grou p claimin g th e greatest difficultie s gettin g alon g wit h th e non-nautica l populatio n wer e the dec k officers i n th e survey, th e segment o f the maritim e populatio n mos t likely to have been rigorousl y and system atically socialize d int o shipboar d lif e a t a n earlie r ag e tha n othe r seamen . Mos t joine d ship s directly from schoo l o r nautica l colleg e an d onl y on e ou t o f five ha d previou s non-maritim e employment experience , i n contras t t o 7 5 percen t o f th e engineerin g officer s wh o ha d worke d on lan d befor e goin g t o sea. Th e effect s o f th e tota l institutio n i n thi s situatio n wer e evidentl y more profoun d o n thos e wit h longe r an d mor e intensiv e socializatio n experience s (Brya n No lan, " A Possibl e Perspectiv e o n Deprivation " i n Seafarer and Community, pp . 94-95) . Se e also Joseb a Zulaika' s Terranova: The Ethos and Luck of Deep-Sea Fishermen (Philadelphia: Institute fo r th e Stud y o f Huma n Issues , 1981 ) for acculturatio n problem s o f marrie d Spanis h fisherman o n voyage s wit h frequen t visit s to ports. 5. Fricke , "Famil y an d Community, " p . 33 ; Hopwood, "Som e Problem s Associate d Wit h The Selectio n an d Trainin g o f Dec k an d Enginee r Cadets, " p . 103 ; Nolan, " A Possibl e Per spective o n Deprivation, " pp . 89-90 , 94-95 .

190

NOTES

6. The Laws, Ordinances, and Institutions of the Admiralty of Great Britain, Civil and Military (London : 1746) , I , p . 70 . 7. P.R.O. , H.C.A . 1/5 , 52 , 53 , 121 , an d a n unnumbere d sheet . Hewitt' s cas e i s cite d b y Evelyn Berckma n i n Victims of Piracy, The Admiralty Court (London : Hamis h Hamilton , 1979) pp. 51-52 . Berckma n als o cite s th e cas e o f a sailor aboard th e Surety i n 160 8 wh o was acquitted o f bugger y despit e hi s confession , a further indicatio n seventeenth-centur y English men wer e no t outrage d ove r homosexua l act s (ibid) . Fo r Stone' s case , se e H.C.A . 1/7 , 164 , 171; H.C.A. 1/32 , p . 10 ; H.C.A. 1/48 , 234 ; H.C.A. 1/50 , p . 87 . 8. P.R.O. , H.C.A . 1/9 , pp . 37-38 , 41 ; H.C.A. 13/142 , pp . 15-16 . 9. P.R.O. , H.C.A . 1/64 , p . 17 . 10. The Piratical Seizure of the Van-Herring (London: T. Davies , 1681) , 11 , p. 3 . 11. P.R.O. , H.C.A . 1/17 , pp . 162 , 184 ; H.C.A . 1/30 , pp . 151-152 , 170 ; H.C.A . 1/55 , p. 21 ; Buffum, Prison Homosexuality, p . 17 . 12. Dampier , Ne w Voyage Round the World, pp . 38 , 54 , 74 ; John Cox , "Joh n Co x Hi s Travills ove r th e Lan d int o th e So . Sea s fro m thenc e Roun d th e Sout h part e o f Americ a t o Barbados and Antegoe," Sloane MSS . 49 , Britis h Museum, London , foli o 8 ; Sharp, "Journal," pp. 21 , 61 ; Ringrose, Buccaneers of America, The Second Volume, pp . 2 , 4 , 121 , 137 . 13. M . Lenzoffan d W . A . Westley , "Th e Homosexua l Community, " i n Sexual Deviance, eds. Gagno n an d Simon , p . 185 ; Hooker , "Th e Homosexua l Community, " pp . 171-172 ; Hooker, "Mal e Homosexual s an d Their Worlds, " pp. 93-94 . 14. C.S.P. Colon., 29 : 94-99. Se e als o Nanc y Achilles , "Th e Developmen t o f th e Homo sexual Ba r a s a n Institution, " i n Sexual Deviance, eds . Gagno n an d Simon , pp . 228-244 ; Thomas J . Noel , "Ga y Bar s an d th e Emergenc e o f th e Denve r Homosexua l Community, " Social Science Journal 15 (April 1978) : 59-74 ; and Trumbach, "London' s Sodomites, " pp. 1 33. 15. Gebhard , et al., Sex Offenders, p. 642 ; John Gerassi , The Boys of Boise: Furor, Vice, and Folly in an American City (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1966) , p . 42 ; Cory, Homosexual in America, pp . 80 , 117 ; Hooker, "Homosexua l Community, " p. 175 . 16. Gebhard , et al., Sex Offenders, p. 63 . B y the end o f the seventeenth century , a distinct homosexual subcultur e ha d evidently developed i n Londo n wit h stres s on effeminacy , transves tism, enactmen t o f childbirth, an d marriage rituals. Severa l club s were formed, an d by the firs t half o f th e eighteent h century , th e expos e o f a numbe r o f homosexua l coterie s ha d create d serious scandals . Th e rudimentar y subculture , wit h it s nicknames an d recognize d cruisin g areas, was distinct fro m lowe r class and seafarers' homosexuality. I t was clearly a n upper - and uppermiddle-class busines s an d wa s a reactio n agains t heterosexua l societ y rathe r tha n a n alternat e form o f sexua l expressio n (Mar y Mcintosh , "Th e Homosexua l Role, " Social Problems, 1 6 [2, 1968]: 187-188 ; see also Trumbach "Londo n Sodomites, " pp. 15 , 17 , 23) . 17. M.M . Lewis , Language in Society (New York : Social Scienc e Publishing , 1948) , p . 141 ; Gordon Westwood, Society and the Homosexual (London : Gollancz, 1952) , pp . 126-217 ; Sykes, Society of Captives, p . 85 . 18. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 67 , 86 , 93 , 114 , 178 ; Gosse, Pirates* Who's Who, pp . 153 , et passim; Hans Sloane, A Voyage to the Islands of Madera, Barbados, Nieves, S. Christophers and Jamaica (London, 1707) , 1 : lxxxvii ; L e Golif , Memoirs of a Buccaneer, pp. 88-89 , 98-100 , 102 , 114-115 , 166 , 168 , 192 , 201 . I n seventeenth-centur y usage , th e term "bougre " referre d t o a practitione r o f sodomy . I t was no t use d t o denominat e a "black guard" as was it s meanin g i n th e eighteent h centur y an d after . Se e Pete r N . Moogk , " Thieving Buggers ' an d 'Stupi d Sluts' : Insult s an d Popula r Cultur e i n Ne w France, " William and Mary Quarterly 3 6 (October 1979) : 539. 19. Haring , Buccaneers in the West Indies, p. 69 . 20. Hooker , "Homosexua l Community, " pp . 181-182 ; Gosse, Pirates' Who's Who, p . 313 ; Richards, Black Bart, p . 74 .

NOTES

191

21. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 81-82 ; Defoe, General History of the Pyrates, p. 135 . 22. Ibid. , p . 312 . 23. Woode s Rogers , Cruising Voyage Round the World, p . xvii . 24. Kem p and Lloyd , Brethren of the Coast, p . 154 ; Cox, "Joh n Q> x His Travills Over The Land Int o The So . Seas, " folio 42; C.S.P. Colon. 9 : 121 ; 10: 606; 29: 360. 25. Georg e Shelvocke , A Privateer's Voyage Round the World (Orig . pub . 1726 ; London : Jonathan Cape , 1930) , pp . 30 , 40 ; Betagh, Voyage Round the World, 22-25 , 155 , 186 . 26. C.S.P . Colon., 9 : 430, 17 : 12-13, 18 : 199, 27 : 332-335, 29 : 211-213, Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 211 , 222 , 224 . 27. Richar d Hauser , The Homosexual Society (London: Bodley Head , 1965) , p . 33 . 28. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 292-294 . 29. Ibid. , pp . 84 , 334 . 30. Kar l Abraham , "Th e Psychologica l Relationshi p betwee n Sexualit y an d Alcoholism, " in Selected Papers (London: Hogarth , 1949) , p . 87 ; Gebhard, et ai, Sex Offenders, pp . 292 , 353. 31. Walduck , "T . Walduck' s Letters, " p. 35 . 32. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, p . 190 . 33. Sharp , "Journa l Kep t by Capt. Bartholome w Sharp, " pp. 108-110 ; Sharp, Voyages and Adventures, pp . 108-109 . 34. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, p . 188 ; Simpson , "Richar d Simpson' s Voyage, " folio 21 , p . 38 . 35. Althoug h alcoholis m o r th e excessiv e consumptio n o f alcoho l i s frequentl y associate d with homosexua l behavio r b y man y i n mode m America , ther e seem s t o b e littl e basi s fo r linking th e two . Se e Marce l T . Saghi r an d El i Robins , Male and Female Homosexuality: A Comprehensive Investigation (Baltimore: Williams an d Wilkins, 1973) , pp . 119-120 . 36. Jac k Beeching, Introductio n t o Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, p . 11 . 37. Stone , Family, Sex and Marriage, pp . 439-440 . 38. Joh n Aubrey , Brief Lives, Chiefly of Contemporaries, Set Down By John Aubrey, Between the Years 1669 and 1696, ed . Andre w Clar k (Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1898 ) 1:395 . 39. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 91 , 106-107 ; C.S.P. Colon., 11 : 396. 40. Betagh , Voyage Round the World, p . 26 ; Shelvocke, Privateers Voyage, p . 32 ; Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 75 , 352-355 ; C.S.P. Colon, 29 : 213. 41. Haring , Buccaneers in the West Indies, p . 54 ; C.S.P. Colon. 11:364 , 27 : 144-149 . 42. Stone , Family, Sex and Marriage, pp . 439-440 ; Steve n Marcus , The Other Victorians: A Study of Sexuality and Pornography in Mid-Nineteenth Century England (Ne w York : Basic Books, 1964) , p . 260 ; C.S.P. Colon., 24 : 486. 43. Exquemelin , Buccaneers of America, pp . 11 , 99 , 101 , 130-137 , 138 , 147 , 150-151 , 200. Se e als o C.S.P. Colon., 5 : 50-51 . 44. Ibid. , 24 : 531-532 . 45. Ibid. , 30 : 263-264, 410 , 32 : 272, 319 . 46. Stone , Family, Sex and Marriage, pp . 81 , 101-102 , 194-195 , 470-478 . 47. Latimer , Annals of Bristol, p. 270 ; Evelyn, Diary, 4 : 140-141 . 48. Celi a Fiennes , The Journeys ofCelia Fiennes, ed. Christopher Morris (New York: Chanticleer Press , 1949) , pp . 310-312 . 49. Sloane , Voyage to the Islands, p . lvii ; Code Noir of Jamaica (London: 1788) , p . 4 . 50. L e Golif, Memoirs of a Buccaneer, p. 46 ; Neville Williams , Captains Outrageous (London: Barrie and Rockliff , 1961) , p . 152 . 51. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 69-70 . 52. Labat , Memoirs of Pere Labat, pp . 239-240 . 53. Defoe , General History of the Pyrates, pp . 659-660 .

192

NOTES

54. Hoffman , Gay World, pp . 23-24 , 51 ; Hooker, "Mal e Homosexuals, " p . 87 ; Cory an d LeRoy, Homosexual and His Society, pp . 77-78 . 55. Hooker , "Homosexua l Community, " pp . 182-183 ; Gore Vidal, The City and the Pillar (New York : Grosse t an d Dunlap , 1948) , p . 106 . A n excellen t collectio n o f shor t work s tha t demonstrates thi s point i s Different: An Anthology of Homosexual Short Stories, edite d with an introduction b y Stephe n Wrigh t (Ne w York : Bantam , 1974) ; L . H . Lieser , "Th e Sexua l Psy chopath i n Militar y Service, " American Journal of Psychiatry 10 2 (1945): 95. 56. "Mercuriu s Americanus , A Brief Journal l o r a Succinc t an d Tru e Relatio n o f th e Mos t Remarkable Passage s Observe d i n Tha t Voyag e Undertake n b y Captain e Willia m Jackso n t o the Western e Indie s o r Continen t o f America, " Sloan e MS . 79 3 o r 894 , Britis h Museum , London, foli o 23 ; (Anon.), The Voyages of Captain William Jackson, 1642-1645, ed . Vincen t Harlow, Camde n Miscellany , Vol . XII I (London: B y the Society , 1923) , p . 30 . 57. [Francois ] Froger , A Relation of a Voyage Made in the Years 1695, 1696 (London , 1698), p . 56 . 58. Mcintosh , "Homosexua l Role, " p. 192 ; Trumbach, "London' s Sodomites. "

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

One o f the mos t pleasurable aspect s of researc h o n homosexua l buc caneers of three centuries past has been the opportunit y t o delve int o widely divergen t bu t equall y fascinatin g subjec t areas . Stuar t En gland, earl y Europea n settlemen t i n th e Caribbean , homosexuality , and seafarin g al l contai n sufficien t problem s t o occup y legion s o f researchers fo r an indeterminat e period . Tryin g t o integrat e the m int o a coheren t stud y ha s bee n a n exercis e i n bot h frustratio n an d joy . The frustration s wer e occasioned b y those thing s that are the bane of scholars workin g on seventeenth-centur y topic s and on project s dealing wit h huma n sexuality . Ther e i s neve r enoug h materia l an d i t often i s not of the sort required. Th e joy s were produced b y the writings o f me n wh o durin g th e grea t days of pirac y recorde d wha t they saw and did, an d by others who came after and wrote about England, America, an d the sea . Withou t eithe r of these groups , bot h the firsthand observers and the mor e recent scholars, completio n o f my study would hav e been impossible . Th e work s mentioned i n thi s essay represent i n n o wa y a complet e catalo g o f thos e consulted . Th e title s included ar e onl y a small fractio n o f th e mas s o f materia l available , but the y are , i n almos t ever y case , th e item s tha t prove d t o b e o f greatest value.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y

194

Piracy Over the pas t centuries, ther e hav e been score s of publishe d account s detailing activitie s o f th e pirate s an d buccaneer s wh o plundere d th e Caribbean an d th e Spanis h Mai n fro m th e restoratio n o f Charle s I I in 166 0 to the first decades o f the eighteent h century . Th e mos t con venient an d comprehensiv e bibliograph y o f piracy, althoug h fa r fro m complete, i s Piracy and Privateering, published a s volume fou r o f the National Maritime Museum Catalog of the Library (London : H.M.S.O., 1972) . The basis of the volume i s the extensive collectio n of materia l o n pirac y compile d b y the lat e Phili p Gosse and acquire d by the Museu m i n 1939 , bu t considerable materia l i s included i n th e catalog that wa s not part of the Gosse collection. Som e of the earlies t accounts o f West India n pirac y t o appear i n prin t wer e th e narrative s and journal s o f me n wh o saile d an d fough t a s pirate s an d late r re turned t o Europ e an d wrot e of their adventures . Th e mos t notabl e of these earl y first-hand description s i s De Americanenche Zee-Roovers written b y Alexande r O . Exquemeli n an d publishe d i n Hollan d i n 1678. Exquemeli n i s though t t o hav e bee n bor n i n Franc e a t Har fleur, bu t beyon d thi s informatio n an d th e probabl e dat e o f his birt h in 1645 , little i s known o f his early life . B y 1666 , h e was in the Wes t Indies a s a n employe e o f a Frenc h compan y o n Tortuga , an d thre e years late r h e joine d th e buccaneers , servin g wit h Henr y Morgan' s expeditions agains t Port o Bello , Maracaibo , an d Panam a City . Hi s book-length narrativ e o f the piratica l exploit s of Morgan an d hi s me n was a n instan t success . Withi n a decad e afte r it s publicatio n i t ha d been translate d int o English , German , Spanis h an d French . B y 1700 , there wer e fou r Englis h editions , indicatin g th e wor k wa s rea d b y Englishmen wit h a s muc h interes t an d enthusias m a s they ha d rea d Richard Hakluyt' s Principal Navigations of the English Nation on e hundred year s before . Fo r th e sak e o f convenience , I hav e use d a n easily availabl e paperbac k editio n of The Buccaneers of America (Bal timore: Penguin , 1969) . Extende d discussion s o f th e variou s edition s are include d i n Piracy and Privateering (pp . 49-60 ) an d i n C.H . Haring's Buccaneers in the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y

195

(orig. pub . 1910 ; Hamden , Conn. : Archo n Books , 1966) , pp . 277 280.

Throughout th e seventeent h an d into the early eighteenth century , narratives o f piratica l an d semi-piratica l voyage s t o th e Ne w Worl d were published i n quantity. I n many cases the authors were men who had operate d o n th e fringe s o f buccaneering an d had , mos t often, a t least quasi-lega l justification s fo r thei r depredations . Thei r account s were usuall y writte n t o justif y thei r own conduc t rathe r than recoun t adventures. Suc h work s ar e Willia m Betagh' s Voyage Round the World, Being an Account of a Remarkable Enterprize Begun in the Year 171 9 (London , 1728) ; Willia m Dampier' s tw o books , A New Voyage Round the World (orig . pub . 1697 ; London: Argonau t Press , 1927) and A Vindication of His Voyage to the South-Sea in the Ship St. George (London, [1707?]) ; Basil Ringrose , The Dangerous Voyage and Bold Attempts of Captain Bartholomew Sharp, and Others Performed Upon the Coasts of the South Sea (London , 1685) ; Willia m Ambrose Cowley' s Capt. Cowley's Voyage Round the Globe i n A Collection of Original Voyages, ed . Willia m Hack e (London , 1699) ; Bartholomew Sharp' s The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Bart. Sharp (London, 1684 ; George Shelvocke' s A Privateer's Voyage Round the World (orig. pub . 1726 ; London, Jonatha n Cape , 1930) ; and Lionel Wafer' s A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America (London, 1699) . I n the sam e genre , bu t with les s direct involvemen t in piracy , i s Woode s Rogers' s A Cruising Voyage Round the World: First to the South-Seas, Thence to the East-Indies, and Homewards by the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1713) . In 1724 , A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates wen t o n sal e i n London . Fou r year s late r a second volum e appeared , containin g mor e detai l o n severa l o f th e men mentione d i n th e earlie r effort , account s o f additiona l pirates , and a length y tal e o f a fictional Madagascar freeboote r name d Cap tain Misson . Althoug h th e titl e page s o f th e volume s attribute d au thorship to a Captain Charle s Johnson, th e autho r of both books was Daniel Defoe . Defo e wa s primaril y a journalis t an d a n autho r o f fiction, bu t h e wa s als o a prolifi c write r o f th e rogu e literatur e tha t

196

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y

had wid e appeal t o English popula r taste. Hi s accounts of piracy were compiled wit h attentio n t o accuracy an d detai l tha t was seldom foun d in th e wor k o f eighteenth-centur y journalists . H e carefull y authenti cated hi s material , comparin g newspape r storie s wit h on e another , regularly interviewin g participant s i n th e adventure s h e chronicled , and examinin g indictmen t an d tria l record s t o mak e hi s account s a s close t o th e trut h a s possible . Despit e th e occasiona l inclusio n o f a fictional buccanee r o r manufacture d backgroun d data , Defoe' s wor k is sufficiently accurat e s o tha t alon g wit h Exquemeli n an d narrative s by seafarer s Basi l Ringrose , Willia m Dampier , Bartholome w Shar p and Lione l Wafer , i t ha s serve d a s a basi c sourc e fo r mos t tale s o f piracy writte n durin g th e pas t tw o hundre d an d fifty years . A n ac count o f th e variou s edition s o f General History of the Pyrates i s in cluded i n Piracy and Privateering (pp . 83-97) . Th e bes t availabl e edition fo r scholarl y purpose s i s tha t edite d b y Manua l Schonho m (Columbia, S.C. : Universit y o f Sout h Carolin a Press , 1972) . Schon hom include s a perceptiv e introductor y essay , a carefull y researche d investigation o f Defoe' s sources , an d indice s o f pirates , places , sub jects, an d ships , th e valu e o f whic h i s har d t o overestimate . Tw o works simila r i n conten t t o Defo e bu t dealin g wit h individua l pirate s rather tha n wit h larg e number s o f them ar e th e anonymousl y writte n Arraignment, Tryal, and Condemnation of Capt. John Quelch and Others of His Company (London , 1705 ) and The Grand Pyrate: Life and Death of Capt. George Cusack The Great Sea-Robber (London , 1676). The mos t widel y know n mode m researche r i n th e field o f pirac y was Dr. Phili p Gosse, wh o produce d tw o major work s on th e subject : The Pirates Who's Who (London: Dulan, 1924) and The History of Piracy (Ne w York : Tudor , 1934) . Bot h work s contai n vas t amount s of information abou t individuals , incidents , an d th e natur e o f piracy. Unfortunately, ther e i s n o indicatio n a s to wher e Goss e obtaine d hi s material, an d whil e hi s work s are generall y accurate , researcher s mus t be careful whe n usin g them. Probabl y the mos t valuable single recen t work o n pirac y b y a mode m schola r i s Haring' s Buccaneers in the West Indies. I n addition t o the work s by Gosse an d Haring , ther e ar e large number s o f book s o n pirac y available . Mos t ar e writte n fro m

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y

197

Exquemelin o r Defoe an d ad d littl e t o our knowledge o f buccaneer ing. Thei r qualit y depend s o n th e literar y skil l o f th e author s rathe r than o n content . The manuscrip t holding s o f th e Britis h Museum , th e Publi c Re cord Office, th e National Maritim e Museu m a t Greenwich, an d other repositories o f nautica l survival s fo r the perio d o f full-dres s pirac y i n the Caribbea n ar e vast . Mos t material s dea l wit h th e operationa l as pects o f piracy , however , o r attempts t o encourag e o r restric t depredations i n th e Wes t Indie s or i n th e East . Ther e i s little tha t i s concerned wit h th e day-to-da y live s o f pirates , thei r society , o r thei r sexuality. Eve n th e manuscrip t journal s kep t by seafarers durin g th e period hav e littl e t o offer . Sailors ' diaries for the mos t part deal wit h those thing s tha t ar e th e busines s o f sailors : headings , winds , tides , harbors, landfalls, an d cargoes. They rarel y wrote about other of their activities. Account s an d deposition s o f pirate captives , assessment s o f pirate strength s o r weaknesses , an d othe r informatio n o n pirac y ar e included i n th e Calendars of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and the West Indies. Th e Calendars ar e organize d chronologicall y and indexe d by subject, makin g them eas y to use. Microfil m o r copies of complet e document s i n th e Calendars ar e usuall y availabl e fro m the Publi c Recor d Offic e a t an extortionate rate . One othe r buccanee r narrativ e require s mentio n i n an y essa y o n sources. Captai n Loui s Adh£ma r Timothe e l e Goli f s Memoirs of a Buccaneer, eds . G . Alau x an d A . t'Sersteven s (London : Alle n an d Unwin, 1954 ) i s without a doubt the finest extant pirate narrative . I t is unfortunate, give n th e qualit y o f th e work , tha t there i s the possi bility i t is a fraud. No t only i s it in the natur e o f something too good to be genuine, bu t the existence o f the putative author of the volum e cannot be established from an y other source. No r have the owners of the manuscrip t bee n willing , a t leas t a t thi s writing , t o subjec t i t to the scrutin y o f scholar s abl e t o establis h it s authenticity. Despit e m y own doubt s abou t it s genuineness , I have o n occasio n bee n unabl e to resis t the temptatio n t o quot e o r cite it . Wher e i t i s used , i t provides onl y a n additiona l exampl e o f pirat e practice ; n o substantia l points are based on evidenc e fro m L e Golif. I f it were verified, need less to say, i t would hav e been use d muc h mor e heavily .

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Homosexuality The literatur e o n homosexualit y ha s grown prodigiousl y sinc e Worl d War II . Th e mos t usefu l bibliographi c too l i n dealin g wit h i t is Vem L. Bullough , Barret t W. Elcano , W . Dor r Legg , an d Jame s Kepner' s two-volume Annotated Bibliography of Homosexuality (Ne w York : Garland, 1976) . Section s o n th e behaviora l science s ar e particularly valuable fo r historica l research , an d th e comprehensiv e natur e o f th e work make s i t especiall y usefu l i n tracin g obscur e articles , mono graphs, an d papers . Th e bibliograph y als o contains a lis t of pseudon ymous authors, a handy featur e i n evaluatin g severa l work s on homo sexuality. Anothe r essentia l researc h ai d i s Marti n S . Weinber g an d Alan P. Bell' s Homosexuality: An Annotated Bibliography (New York: Harper, 1972) . Althoug h les s comprehensiv e tha n Bulloug h et al. 9 the annotation s ar e longe r an d mor e descriptive . Section s o n homo sexuality i n history , non-wester n societies , an d specia l setting s ar e helpful, bu t th e primar y emphasi s o f th e boo k i s o n etiolog y an d treatment rathe r tha n o n socia l o r sociologica l aspect s o f homosex uality. The work s an y researche r o n homosexualit y finds mos t usefu l ar e those closel y attune d t o hi s theoretica l perspective , an d I am no t a n exception. Bu t beyon d theoretica l harmony , th e trul y valuabl e stud ies for researc h o n buccaneer s wer e those tha t could b e characterize d most accuratel y a s tentative , experimental , o r uncertai n rathe r tha n the man y dogmati c product s tha t for m th e cor e o f the literature . Per haps th e ables t researche r i n th e field o f homosexuality , a t leas t fo r my purposes , i s Evely n Hooke r ("A n Empirica l Stud y o f Som e Re lations Betwee n Sexua l Pattern s an d Gende r Identit y i n Mal e Homo sexuals," i n Sex Research: New Developments, ed . Joh n Mone y [Ne w York: Hol t Rinehar t an d Winston , 1965] , pp . 24-52 ; "Th e Homo sexual Community, " i n Sexual Deviance, eds . Joh n H . Gagno n an d William Simo n [Ne w York : Harper, 1967] , pp. 167-184 ; and "Mal e Homosexals an d Thei r Worlds, " i n Sexual Inversion: The Multiple Roots of Homosexuality, ed . Jud d Marmo r [Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1965], pp . 83-107) . Hooke r ha s conducte d on e o f th e fe w longitu dinal studie s o f homosexuals , an d althoug h i n historica l term s th e

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chronological spa n i s woefully abbreviated, i t remains one of the outstanding recen t researc h product s o n homosexualit y don e i n th e las t three decades . Th e conclusion s reache d b y Hooke r ar e presente d a s the findings o f carefu l investigatio n rathe r tha n a s th e divinel y or dained truth s ofte n encountere d i n studie s o n homosexuality . Sh e i s also aware , unlik e man y o f th e psychologist s an d therapist s workin g in the field, that homosexuality, lik e heterosexuality , i s a complex o f behavioral pattern s created b y convoluted an d intertwine d pattern s o f biological an d social considerations . Easily available discussions of the origins and evolution of sexuality are found i n John Gagnon's Human Sexualities (Glenview, 111. : Scott Forseman, 1977 ) an d Heran t A . Katchadouria n an d Donal d T . Lunde's Fundamentals of Human Sexuality (2nd ed.; New York: Holt, Rinehart an d Winston , 1975) . Anothe r valuable wor k o n th e devel opment o f homosexualit y i s Sex Offenders: An Analysis of Types by Paul H . Gebhard , Joh n H . Gagnon , Wardel l B . Pomeroy , an d Cornelia V . Christenso n (Ne w York : Harper , 1965) . Th e investigatio n deals wit h 1 4 types of se x offenders , thre e o f which ar e homosexual . There ar e among th e thre e type s of offender s (offender s agains t children age d 1 2 o r under , agains t youth s age d 1 2 t o 15 , an d agains t adults age d 1 6 o r over ) genera l pattern s o f childhoo d development , according t o th e authors . Th e studie s wer e carrie d ou t with convict s rather than with members of the general population , bu t the findings are nonetheless valuable for historical work. O f some additional value is Alan P . Bel l an d Marti n S . Weinberg' s Homosexualities: A Study of Diversity Among Men and Women (Ne w York : Simon an d Schu ster, 1978) . Studies tha t were occasionall y helpfu l fo r integratin g homosexual ity with patterns of social behavior are Wainwright Churchill, Homosexual Behavior Among Males, A Cross-Cultural and Cross Species Investigation (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentic e Hall , 1971) ; Clella n S. For d and Frank A. Beach , Patterns of Sexual Behavior (New York: Harper, 1952) ; an d Marvi n K . Opler , "Anthropologica l an d Cross Cultural Aspect s o f Homosexuality, " i n Sexual Inversion, pp . 108 123. Tw o especially usefu l work s on the integrated natur e of sexuality and societ y ar e A.E. Ashwort h and W.M. Walker , "Socia l Structur e

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of Homosexuality : a Theoretica l Appraisal, " British Journal of Sociology 2 3 (1972) : 146-15 8 an d E . Willia m Monter , "L a sodomi e a Tepoque modern e e n Suiss e romande, " Annates: E.S.C. 2 9 (1974) : 1023-1033. Monter' s wor k was particularl y valuabl e i n illuminatin g the nexu s betwee n sodom y an d accusation s o f sundr y politica l of fenses. A single compendium o f work on homosexuality i n prisons i s Peter C. Buffum' s Homosexuality in Prisons (Nationa l Institut e of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justic e Publicatio n P R 72-3, 1973) . I t is the result of a national conferenc e o n prison homosexualit y hel d in Phil adelphia i n 1971 , an d althoug h i t does no t attempt to revie w al l aspects o f priso n homosexuality , th e summar y o f th e paper s presente d by a distinguished lis t o f participant s contain s i n it s page s numerou s provocative insights . Buffum' s discussio n o f th e non-sexua l functio n of homosexualit y i s particularl y enlightenin g an d obviousl y applica ble t o seventeenth-centur y pirat e communities . Th e concer n ex pressed fo r seekin g solution s t o problem s o f priso n homosexuality — institutional rathe r than individua l therapy—appear s a s an obligatory inclusion, bu t the contributors to the symposiu m wer e generally psychologically oriente d an d coul d naturall y b e expecte d t o exhibi t a need t o articulat e solution s n o matte r ho w outlandish . Th e require ment fo r "solutions" to prison homosexualit y i s also the resul t of the sponsoring agencies . Th e Pennsylvani a Priso n Societ y an d th e Na tional Institut e o f La w Enforcemen t an d Crimina l Justic e ar e orga nizations tha t expec t som e retur n fro m thei r investmen t i n term s o f recommendations, formulae , treatmen t strategies , an d suggeste d ad ministrative responses . The mos t useful historica l work s for illuminating socia l condition s and thei r impac t o n sexualit y ar e Ver n L . Bullough' s Sexual Variance in Society and History (New York : Wiley, 1976 ) and Lawrenc e Stone's The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800 (Ne w York: Harper , 1977) . Bullough' s meticulousl y researche d an d com pendious study covers far more than Englan d i n the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries . I t is a cross-cultural an d historica l investigatio n of sexua l practic e fo r a substantia l segmen t o f th e recorde d huma n past. I t range s i n scop e fro m sexua l variation s amon g th e ancients ,

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around th e worl d t o describ e practice s i n th e Orient , an d o n t o a n informed examinatio n o f opportunities for further research. Th e depth and breadt h o f Bullough' s researc h make s hi s wor k th e standar d ref erence fo r historian s dealin g wit h se x an d sex-relate d matter s fo r al most ever y perio d an d geographica l area . I t i s th e startin g poin t fo r any investigatio n o f varian t sexua l practic e i n earlie r eras. Lawrenc e Stone's wor k i s by fa r the mos t ambitiou s theoretica l an d interpreta tive examinatio n o f th e origin s an d motive s fo r a portio n o f sexua l practices i n Stuar t an d Hanoveria n England . I t i s thesi s histor y i n some respects , an d i s masterfull y done . Homosexualit y i s onl y on e aspect o f th e work , a mino r phas e a t that , bu t th e discussion s ar e informed, carefull y constructed , an d thoughtful . Ston e ha s avoide d the pitfal l o f relyin g o n psychologica l methodolog y t o produc e a historical study , an d thi s alon e make s hi s wor k mor e comprehensibl e than th e usua l psycho-historical-sexua l monograph . Som e challeng e may emerg e i n th e futur e t o hi s classification s o f affectiv e an d non affective famil y relationship s o r his explanation of the root s and early evolution o f pre-Victoria n sexua l repression , bu t hi s theoretical con structs ar e o f th e sor t tha t provid e foundation s fo r othe r scholar s t o build upo n rathe r tha n simpl y servin g a s target s fo r revisionis t as saults. Historical work s dealin g exclusivel y wit h homosexualit y fal l int o two genera l patterns , roster s o f famou s homosexual s suc h a s A.L. Rowse' s Homosexuals in History: A Study of Ambivalence In Society, Literature and the Arts (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1977 ) an d other book s tha t attemp t t o attribut e homosexualit y t o ever y majo r figure in th e past . Th e first typ e ar e usuall y n o mor e tha n list s o f names wit h littl e understandin g an d les s value . O f th e secon d type , the on e wor d tha t mos t accuratel y characterize s the m i s pathetic . Two exceptions to the above categories , bot h work s that have considerable utilit y fo r researc h o n Englis h homosexua l behavior , ar e H . Montgomery Hyde' s The Other Love, An Historical and Contemporary Survey of Homosexuality in Britain (London : Heinemann, 1970 ) and Randolp h Trumbach' s "London' s Sodomites : Homosexua l Be havior and Wester n Cultur e i n th e 18t h Century, " Journal of Social History 1 1 (Fall 1977) : 1-33 .

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An interestin g work , althoug h wit h limite d valu e fo r a stud y o f Caribbean pirates , i s Jonatha n Katz' s Gay American History (Ne w York: Crowell, 1976) . The volum e i s a pioneering documentar y col lection o f material s relatin g t o homosexual s i n America , an d al though onl y a smal l portio n deal s wit h th e seventeent h an d earl y eighteenth centurie s an d non e wit h th e Wes t Indies , i t stand s a s a n example o f wha t ca n b e don e b y a devote d an d judiciou s scholar . I t is marre d occasionall y b y uncalled-fo r ideologica l infusion s an d b y stridency wher e non e i s necessary , bu t neithe r faul t diminishe s it s importance a s a signal contribution t o the history of human sexuality . Homosexual first-perso n accounts , exposes , an d fiction mus t b e used judiciousl y b y historians , especiall y whe n dealin g wit h earlie r periods. A s a rule , the y ar e self-serving , apologistic , polemical , an d often painfu l t o read . Tw o o f th e bes t narrative s o f th e "ga y world " are thos e b y Donal d Webste r Cor y (i n realit y Edwar d Sagarin ) wit h his collaborato r o n th e secon d work , Joh n P . LeRoy . Th e first, The Homosexual in America: A Subjective Approach (Ne w York : Green berg, 1951 ) contain s al l o f th e abovementione d faults , an d i s bes t characterized b y it s own subtitle . Th e secon d work , don e wit h LeRoy , is i n th e natur e o f a sympatheti c expose , an d doe s contai n muc h o f value, althoug h lik e Cory's earlier effort, i t must be used with consid erable care . Th e difficultie s o f relyin g heavil y o n homosexua l fiction are obviated i n dealing with a time three centuries past simply because such fiction di d no t exis t a s a sub-classificatio n o f Englis h literatur e until a t leas t th e nineteent h century . Th e problem s o f incorporatin g material fro m homosexua l novels , shor t stories , plays , an d poetr y ar e approximately th e sam e a s thos e encountere d b y an y schola r usin g fiction a s a sourc e fo r historica l writing . Wit h care , understanding , and a venturesom e spirit , positiv e result s ca n occasionall y b e ob tained. Although no t concerned directl y with homosexuality , th e literatur e on me n confine d t o limite d area s othe r tha n prison s contain s muc h that i s relevan t t o Stuart-er a seafarers . Mos t o f th e difficultie s en countered a s a resul t o f isolatio n aboar d moder n commercia l vessel s were magnifie d fo r me n i n th e ag e o f sail . Pete r H . Fricke' s anthol ogy, Seafarer and Community: Towards a Social Understanding of

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Seafaring (London : Croo m Helm , 1973) , contain s a numbe r o f arti cles that ar e directl y pertinen t t o the pirat e community . Fricke' s ow n contribution t o th e book , als o entitle d "Seafare r an d Community " (pp. 1-7) , i s especially valuabl e a s is "Th e Parameter s o f Psycholog ical Autonomy o f Industria l Trawle r Crews" (pp. 67-84 ) b y Jan Hor bulewicz. Warre n H . Hopwood' s "Som e Problem s Associate d wit h the Selectio n an d Trainin g o f Dec k an d Enginee r Cadet s i n th e Brit ish Navy " (pp . 97-116 ) helpe d i n understandin g th e rol e of previou s conditioning fo r me n strugglin g t o adap t t o lif e a t sea . Othe r work s that aide d i n variou s way s ar e V . Auber t an d O . Arner , "O n th e Social Structur e o f th e Ship, " Acta Sociologica (No. 3 , 1958) : 200 219; J.H. Earls , "Huma n Adjustmen t t o an Exoti c Environment : Th e Nuclear Submarine, " Archives of General Psychiatry 2 0 (Januar y 1969): 117-123 ; G.E . Ruff , E.Z . Levy , V.H . Thaler , "Studie s o f Isolation an d Confinement, " Aerospace Medicine 3 0 (Augus t 1959) : 599-604; Benjami n B . Weybrew , "Psychologica l Problem s o f Pro longed Marin e Submergence, " i n Nea l M . Burns , Randal l M . Chambers, Edwi n Hendler , Unusual Environments and Human Behavior: Physiological and Psychological Problems of Man in Space (Glencoe, 111. : Free Press , 1963) , pp 87-125; T.L. Willmo n an d T.G . Rich, "Repor t o n th e Genera l Healt h an d Moral e of the Officer s an d Crew Durin g a 30-Da y Simulate d Wa r Patro l Aboar d a Snorkel Sub marine," U.S.N . Med . Res . Lab . Rep . No . 140 a (Ne w London , Conn., 1948) . Th e mos t provocativ e wor k o n "tota l institutions " i s that b y Ervin g Goffman , wh o coine d th e term . Hi s Asylums (Ne w York: Doubleday , 1961 ) has provide d muc h mor e tha n th e fe w cita tions i n th e footnote s reveal . Knu t Weibust' s Deep Sea Sailors: A Study in Maritime Ethnology (2n d ed. ; Stockholm : Nordisk a Mu seets, 1976 ) describe s man y typicall y homosexua l behavio r patterns among nineteenth-centur y sailors , bu t doe s no t explor e thei r sexua l behavior, eithe r homosexua l o r heterosexual . The English West Indies in the Seventeenth Century One o f th e finest trave l account s writte n b y a seventeenth-centur y Englishman i s Richard Ligon' s True and Exact History of the Island

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of Barbados (2nd ed. ; London , 1763) . Fe w o f eve n th e smalles t de tails escape d Ligon' s shar p eye , an d h e recorde d wha t h e sa w wit h charm an d considerabl e literar y skill . Equall y valuabl e bu t les s skillfully writte n i s Christophe r Jeaffreson' s Young Squire of the Seventeenth Century (London : Hurs t an d Blackett , 1878) , a two-volum e diary edited b y John Cord y Jeaffreson . Th e wor k contains larg e num bers o f letter s writte n b y Jeaffreso n t o officials , employees , an d ac quaintances i n th e Leewar d Islands . Sinc e mos t o f th e correspon dence deal s wit h busines s matter s i t i s a trov e o f informatio n abou t agricultural practices , th e hope s an d problem s o f planters , an d th e difficulties i n puttin g colonie s o n a paying basis. Migration t o th e Wes t Indie s i s partiall y recorde d i n severa l con temporary records . I have relie d mos t heavily on Bristol and America: A Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America 16541685, ed . N . Dermot t Hardin g (orig . pub . 1929 ; Baltimore: Geneal ogical Publishin g Company , 1967) . Th e list s o f migrant s i t contain s can b e profitabl y supplemente d wit h material s o n th e city' s socia l history from Joh n Latimer' s Annals of Bristol in the Seventeenth Century (Bristol : William George' s Sons , 1900) , an incomplet e bu t none theless admirable compendium . Additiona l informatio n o n migratio n is containe d i n Mildre d Campbell' s "Socia l Origin s o f Som e Earl y Americans" i n Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History, ed . Jame s Morto n Smit h (Ne w York : Norton , 1959) , pp . 6 3 89 an d i n Davi d W . Galenson' s " 'Middlin g People ' o r 'Commo n Sort?': Th e Socia l Origin s o f Som e Earl y American s Reexamined, " William and Mary Quarterly 3 5 (Jul y 1978) : 499-524 . Als o usefu l was John Camde n Hotten' s Original Lists of Persons . . . Who Went from Great Britain to the American Plantations 1600-1700 (Rpt . fro m 2nd ed. ; Baltimore : Genealogica l Publishin g Company , 1962) . Thi s book i s particularly helpfu l o n migration t o Barbados . Seventeenth-century record s fro m th e Wes t Indie s ar e t o b e ha d only i n restricte d quantity . Som e o f th e mos t easil y availabl e ar e th e Acts of the Assembly Passed in the Island of Barbados, From 1648 1718 (London, 1722 ) an d th e Laws of Jamaica: Comprehending All the Acts in Force Passed Between the Thirty-second Year of the Reign of King Charles and the Thirty-third Year of the Reign of George the

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Third (St . Jag o de l a Veg a [Spanis h Town] , 1792) . A n earl y compi lation o f record s from seventeenth-century Jamaica , containin g copie s of material s lon g ag o lost o r destroyed, i s Interesting Tracts Relating to the Island of Jamaica Consisting of Curious State Papers, Councils of War, Letters, Petitions, Narratives, . . . from Its Conquest, Down in the Year 170 2 (St. Jag o de la Vega [Spanis h Town] , 1800) . General work s dealin g wit h broa d Wes t India n topic s ar e Fran k Wesley Pitman , Development of the British West Indies 1700-176 3 (orig. pub . 1917 ; Hamden , Conn. : Archon, 1967) ; C.S.S. Higham' s Development of the Leeward Islands Under the Restoration 16601688 (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1921) ; Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh' s No Peace Beyond the Line: The English in the Caribbean 1624-1690 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1972) ; and th e exceedingl y importan t wor k b y Richar d B . Sheridan , Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies (Balti more: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1974) . Although Abbot t Emerso n Smith' s Colonists in Bondage: White Servitude and Convict Labor in America 1607-1776 (orig . pub . 1947 ; New York : Norton , 1971 ) i s date d i n man y respect s an d deal s pri marily with the colonist s o n th e Nort h American mainland , i t is still especially usefu l o n genera l pattern s of indenture d servitude , convic t labor, an d prisoner s o f war . I t also include s som e valuabl e informa tion o n servitude i n th e Englis h Caribbean . One o f th e mos t incisiv e scholar s writin g o n th e Caribbea n i s Richard S . Dunn . Hi s pioneerin g articl e o n "Th e Barbado s Censu s of 1680 : Profile o f the Riches t Colony i n Englis h America," William and Mary Quarterly 2 7 (January 1969) : 3-30, i s of particular useful ness, bu t by fa r his primar y contribution i s the finely wrought mon ograph Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (Ne w York : Norton , 1973) . Th e boo k ex plores large areas of Caribbean social, political , an d economic growth to substantiat e th e author' s arguments , an d th e investigatio n i s con ducted wit h skill , sagacity , an d occasionall y wit h verve . Anothe r monograph dealin g wit h onl y Jamaic a bu t th e equa l i n qualit y t o Dunn's wor k i s Michae l Crato n an d Jame s Walvin' s Jamaica Plantation: The History of Worthy Park (Toronto : Universit y o f Toront o

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Press, 1970) . Ther e i s a considerabl e corpu s o f materia l availabl e o n Port Royal , a goo d par t o f whic h i s o f dubiou s quality . Writer s o n the earl y histor y o f th e cit y wer e fascinate d mos t ofte n b y it s reputa tion a s th e wickedes t spo t i n th e Wester n Hemisphere , an d thei r re ports ar e filled wit h tale s o f roisterin g buccaneer s an d account s o f fleshpots tha t neve r existed . Th e onl y wor k wit h a balance d an d scholarly treatmen t o f th e tow n fo r th e perio d befor e th e earthquak e of 169 2 is David Buissere t and Michae l Pawson' s Port Royal, Jamaica (Oxford: Clarendo n Press , 1975) , a genera l histor y tha t cover s muc h more tha n th e seventeent h century . Two bibliographies fo r the West Indies fro m th e seventeenth t o the nineteenth centurie s ar e Biblioteca Jamaicensis: Some Account of the Works on Jamaica in the Library of the Institute (Kingston : Institut e of Jamaica , 1895 ) an d Biblioteca Barbadiensis: A Catalog of Materials Relating to Barbados 1650-1860 in the Boston Public Library (Boston: Boston Publi c Library , 1968) . Seventeenth-Century England Even th e mos t perfunctor y surve y o f material s tha t hav e bee n o f us e concerning Stuar t an d earl y Georgia n Englan d woul d b e fa r beyon d the scop e o f an abbreviate d bibliographica l essay . The work s that fol low represen t onl y thos e tha t wer e relie d upo n continuall y o r offere d limited bu t uniquel y valuable informatio n o r perceptions. I have borrowed heavil y fro m work s by Peter Laslett . Hi s World We Have Lost, England Before the Industrial Age (Ne w York : Scribner's , 1965) , de spite sever e criticis m an d a particularly ill-tempere d revie w b y Christopher Hil l i n History and Theory 6 (1967) , pp . 117-127 , contain s material admirabl y suite d t o research i n lower-clas s mal e groups . Th e studies containe d i n hi s Family Life and Illicit Love in Earlier Generations: Essays in Historical Sociology (Cambridge, Cambridg e Uni versity Press , 1977 ) are usefu l a s is the articl e h e wrot e i n collabora tion wit h Joh n Harrison , "Claywort h an d Cogenhoe " i n Historical Essays Presented to David Ogg y eds . H.E . Bel l and R.L . Ollar d (Ne w York: Barne s an d Noble , 1963) . Anothe r wor k o f th e sam e method ological persuasio n tha t i s o f som e utilit y i s E.A . Wrigley' s Popula-

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207

tion and History (New York : McGraw-Hill, 1969) . A s mentioned be fore, Stone' s Family, Sex and Marriage provided substantia l materia l and analysis of seventeenth-century socia l conditions . Other tha n th e vas t numbe r o f quarte r sessions record s available , the contemporar y source s containin g helpfu l materia l ar e those gen erally use d by historians and students of English literature. The single work containing mos t material o n daily life , a t least for wealthy Lon don society , i s The Diary of Samuel Pepys, 9 vols. , eds . Rober t La tham and Willia m Matthew s (Berkeley: University of California Press , 1970-). Lik e Pepys' s Diary, The Diary of John Evelyn, 6 vols. , ed . E.S. DeBee r (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1955 ) i s a standar d source fo r studies dealing with the period , althoug h Evelyn' s accoun t is shorter, contain s les s dat a o n ordinar y events , an d lack s th e intri guing asides and fascinating anecdotes of Pepys. John Aubrey's collection o f biographies of notable figures, Brief Lives, Chiefly of Contemporaries, Set Down By John Aubrey, Between the Years 166 9 and 1696, ed . Andre w Clark, 2 vols. (Oxford : Clarendon Press , 1898 ) has long been an object of derision fo r historians. Aubre y was denounced as a gossip, a charge certainly true . Hi s biographies were criticized as inaccurate and incomplete , anothe r chaige that was undoubtedly true. Yet sandwiched betwee n tidbit s of scandal, page s of tedious detail o n Thomas Hobbes , an d assorte d ramblings , ther e i s a wealt h o f smal l treasures about the way things were in England under the later Stuarts. The mos t neglecte d o f th e multi-volum e diarist s o f thre e hundre d years ago is Narcissus Luttrell, whos e Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs from September 167 8 to April 1714, 6 vols . (Oxford : Oxfor d University Press , 1857 ) ls a singularl y lackluste r piec e i n a n ag e o f literary brilliance . LuttrelP s chronicle wa s written largel y fro m news papers an d broadsides , wit h littl e adde d b y th e autho r abou t eithe r himself o r events. Th e judgment s o n th e new s entere d int o th e Historical Relation ar e few, th e events recorded are repetitious, an d only by readin g Luttrel l an d discernin g pattern s i n hi s entrie s doe s hi s work assume considerable value. That indefatigable recorde r of things English, Danie l Defoe , produce d on e of the finest of the many travel accounts publishe d i n lat e seventeenth - o r earl y eighteenth-centur y England. Hi s "Tou r Tfcro' The Whole Island of Great Britain (orig .

208

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y

pub. 1724-1726 ; New York : Augustus M . Kelley , 1968 ) is a wonderfully writte n accoun t o f his travels; Defoe wa s also a careful observe r of economi c conditions , tradin g patterns , an d th e growt h o f th e na tion's commerce an d manufacturing . The work s dealing wit h apprentices , wanderers , beggars , vagrants , criminals, an d th e lik e tha t have provide d th e preponderan t amoun t of materia l fo r this stud y dea l wit h th e Elizabetha n a s well a s Stuar t eras. Tw o earl y sources , a s valuabl e fo r th e view s o f th e author s a s for their accounts o f evil-doing , ar e Thomas Dekker' s The Belman of London: Bringing to Light The Most Notorious Villanies That Are Now Practiced In The Kingdom (London , 1608 ) an d Thoma s Har mon's Fraternity of Vagabonds (London , 1^575) . On e o f th e fe w scholarly piece s o n vagabondag e i s A.L . Beier' s carefull y researche d "Vagrants an d th e Socia l Orde r i n Elizabetha n England/ ' Past and Present 64 (August 1974) : 3-29 . Fo r a synthesis o n lower-clas s may hem afte r th e Restoration , Ma x BelofP s Public Order and Popular Disturbances, 1660-171 4 (London : Fran k Cass , 1963 ) i s th e bes t available monograph. Thre e articles by Steven R. Smit h provide much information abou t apprentice s an d apprentic e culture . Hi s "Londo n Apprentices a s Seventeenth-Centur y Adolescents, " Past and Present 61 (Novembe r 1973) : 149-161 ; "Religio n an d th e Conceptio n o f Youth i n Seventeenth-Centur y England, " History of Childhood Quarterly 2 (Spring 1975) : 493-516; and 'The Socia l an d Geographical Origin s o f the Londo n Apprentices , 1630-1660, " The Guildhall Miscellany 4 (Apri l 1973) : 195-206 , ar e all particularl y valuable . The literatur e o n England , ships , an d sailin g i s almost a s boundless a s the sea s themselves , an d muc h o f i t i s navigate d onl y b y th e most intrepi d o f scholars . Th e trul y dangerou s rock s an d shoal s ar e those dealin g wit h th e minutia e o f ships , thei r construction , opera tion, an d th e processe s o f navigatin g the m fro m por t to port . I have left sailin g o n voyage s wher e suc h hazard s ar e encountere d t o mor e courageous captains . Th e passage s I hav e travele d dea l wit h eco nomic an d institutiona l structur e o f Englis h maritim e activity , sub jects more appropriat e fo r the stay-at-hom e sailor . Th e onl y compre hensive stud y o f th e Roya l Nav y fo r th e perio d afte r th e Gloriou s Revolution i s John Ehrman' s splendi d The Navy in the War ofWil-

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y

209

Ham III (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1953) . Th e wor k is n o mer e militar y histor y wit h account s o f heroes , dissertation s o n the caliber of ships' guns, an d a bevy of battle maps. I t contains these things, an d everything else anyone could possibly want to know about the Navy's organization, administration , operation , an d effect. A study of comparable qualit y dealin g with merchan t shipping i s Ralph Dav is's The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London : Macmillan , 1962) . Als o valuabl e o n the sam e subjec t i s Abot t Payso n Usher' s 'Th e Growt h o f Englis h Shipping, 1572-1922, " Quarterly Journal of Economics 4 2 (Ma y 1928): 465-478. Rut h Bourne' s Queen Anne's Navy in the West Indies (Ne w Haven , Conn. : Yal e Universit y Press , 1939 ) i s a usefu l study, an d o f primar y importanc e fo r understandin g maritim e em ployment patterns is T.S. Willan' s The English Coasting Trade 16001750 (New York : Augustus M . Kelley , 1967) .

I INDEX

Abraham, 90, 91 Adventure Galley, 12 2 Advice, 14 5 Albemarle, Ear l of . See Van Kepple , Arnol d Joose Alcohol an d Alcoholism, 155-16 0 Antigua, 73 , 74 , 82 , 84 , 93, 9 4 Applebees Original Weekly Journal, 25-26 , 35, 3 6 Apprentices, 52-5 3 Atherton, John , 8- 9 Attitudes towar d homosexuality : amon g con victs, 108 ; i n Norma n England , 2 ; in six teenth-century England , 3-5 ; i n seven teenth-century England , 1-41 , 110 ; among the Hebrews, 2 ; among Puritans, 10-12 , 18 20, 37-3 9 Audley, Mervi n Lord. See Touchet, Mervi n Avery, Captain John, 15 3 Bacon, Francis , 5- 6 Bahamas, 98, 99-10 0 Bannister, Captain , 12 1 Barbados, 73-78 , 84 , 90 , 91 , 93, 94, 10 1 Barnfield, Richard , 4 Batten, William, 2 2 Beggars. See Vagrants Beeston, Governo r William, 12 0 Bellamy, Captain , 15 6 Bermuda, 98-9 9 Bernard, Nicholas , 8

Bestiality, 14 9 Betagh, William , 117 , 11 8 Bieber, Irving , 51 , 11 2 Bell, Ala n P., 11 2 Black Bart. See Roberts, Bartholome w Blackbeard, 114-115 , 122-123 , 125 , 15 3 Blome, Richard , 7 9 Blood, Captai n Thomas, 28-2 9 Bonnet, Stede , 11 5 Boucan, 72-73 Bradenham, Dr . Robert , 12 2 Brasiliano, Roc , 15 8 Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, A (Narcissus Luttrell), 2 4 Buccaneers. See Pirates Buckingham, Duk e of. See Villiers, Georg e Buggery. See Homosexuality, Sodom y Bunyan, John, 30-3 3 Calabar Merchant, 16 5 Cape Horn, 9 8 Carlisle, Ear l of, 10 4 Cartagena, 7 4 Castlehaven, Ear l of. See Touchet, Mervi n Cellier, Elizabeth , 27-2 8 Charles I, 8 , 9 , 10 , 80, 14 4 Charles II, 1 2 Child molestation, 6 , 145 . See also Pedophilia Church of England, 9-10 , 12 , 1 3 Cibber, Colley , 1 5 Cockram, Captain , 11 5

INDEX

212 Coke, Si r Edward, 5 , 7 Convicts, 84-87 , 94 , 107-11 0 Cony, Governo r Richard, 9 8 Cook, Edmund , 148-14 9 Cornish, Richard , 3 9 Council o f Trade and Plantations, 9 9

Country Revel, The (John Aubrey), 16 1 Country Wife, The (William Wycherly) , 14 -

15

Cowley, Captai n William A., 113 , 116-11 7 Coxon, Captai n John, 15 6 Crompton, Richard , 4 Cromwell, Henry , 8 0 Cromwell, Oliver , 10 , 11-12 , 79 Cromwell, Oliver , 10 , 11-12 , 79 Cromwell, Richard , 1 2 Crown, John , 15-1 6 Cusak, Captai n George, 12 1 Dampier, Captai n William , 123 , 125 , 131 , 156 Dangerfield, Thomas , 2 7 Dekker, Thomas, 5 1 Dennis, John , 2 0 Dilly, Francis , 10 4 D'Ogeron, Governo r Bertrand, 12 9 Dowdeny, George , 36-3 7 Drake, Si r Francis, 69 , 7 0 Drama. See Restoration Drama Durrant, John , 146-147 , 14 9 Eirenarcha (Willia m Lambarde) , 4- 5 Elizabeth, Quee n o f England, 5 Effeminacy, 154 , 168-17 1 England, Captai n Edward , 16 5 Ethrege, George , 1 3 Evans, Captain John, 16 8 Evelyn, John , 2 2 Exquemelin, Alexande r O. , 112-113 , 120 , 129

Fantasies (sexual), 108 , 16 3 Farquhar, George , 1 3 Fiennes, Celia , 16 6 First Century of Scandalous, Malignant Priests (John White), 10-1 1 Fitzherbert, Anthony , 4 Fleta, 2 Forsight, 14 5 Full and True Account of a Dreadful Fire that

Lately Broke Out in the Pope's Breeches, A (Anon.), 33-3 4 Gatford, Lionel , 1 1 Goffman, Erving , 53-5 4 Handasyd, Governo r Thomas, 163-16 4 Harmon, Thomas, 5 1 Harwood, Sarah , 28-2 9 Haskett, Governo r Elias, 99 Havana, 7 4 Heathcote, Mada m Margaret, 10 5 Henry VIII, 3 Hewert, Robert , 145 , 14 9 High Commission, Cour t of, 1 0 Hill, Deput y Governor Thomas, 85 , 8 6 Hispaniola, 70 , 71 , 72, 7 9

Histrio-Mastix (William Pyrnne) , 19-2 0 Hockenhull, John , 6 Holdbrook, William , 3 5 Homosexuality: amon g convicts , 107-112 , 152; etiology of , 44 , 45 , 61-62 ; frequency, 108-112; identification , 150-151 ; inci dence, 108-112 ; techniques, 135-138 ; theoretical formulations , 44 . See also Attitudes toward homosexuality, Sodom y Hooker, Evelyn , 11 3 House of Lords, 10 , 1 2 Humphreys, Laud , 11 2 Incest, 3 4 Indentured servants, 89-91 , 94 , 10 1 Indian Ocean , 9 8

Isherwood, Christopher , 15 4 Isthmus of Panama. See Panama

Jamaica, 83-84 , 86 , 93-9 4

Jamaica Assembly, 9 7 James I, 5 , 6, 14 4 James II, 26 , 8 2 Jamestown, 7 6 Jeaffreson, Christopher , 84-87,10 4 Jersey, 10 4 Johnson, Captai n Charles, 1 6 Johnson, Henry , 11 9 Johnston, Si r John, 3 4 Journal of the House of Assembly in Jamaica, 94 Juvenile male bonding, 14 1

213

INDEX Kidd, Captain William, 122 , 15 7 Kidnapping, 88-89 , 1G 1 Killigrew, Thomas, 14-1 5 King, Gregory, 45-46, 49 , 5 5 Kingston, Richard , 145-14 6 Labat, Jean-Baptist, 16 8 Lambarde, William , 4- 5 Larkin, George , 9 9 Le Golif , Captai n Loui s Ad£ma r Timothee \ 130, 15 3

Leeward Islands, 74-75 , 7 6 Ligon, Richard , 76-7 9 Lindzey, Gardner , 112-11 3 L'Olonnais, 129 , 153 , 16 2 London Cuckolds, The (Edward Ravenscroft) , 15 Low, Captai n Edward , 15 7 Lowther, Captain George, 15 5 Luttrell, Narcissus , 2 4 Lynch, Si r Thomas, 16 2 Macarty, Dennis , 16 8 Male bonding. See Juvenile male bonding Maracaibo, 7 4 Maryland, 75 , 7 6 Massachusetts Bay Colony, 7 6 Masturbation, 10 8 Matelotage, 128-13 0 Mennes, Si r Joseph, 2 2 Merchant shipping. See Shipping, merchan t Migration t o Wes t Indies : convicts , 84-87 ; Covenanters, 81-82 ; force d migration , 84 89; Irish, 80-81 , 90-91 ; kidnapped persons, 87-89; Monmouth rebels , 82 ; Quakers, 8182; prisoners of war, 80-82 , 94, 101 ; Royalists, 80-81 ; vagrants , 81 ; voluntar y migra tion, 89-91 , 94; women, 80-81 , 84 Miller, Brian , 11 2 Molesworth, Lieutenant-Governo r Hender , 121

Morris, Thomas, 16 8 Morgan, Captain Henry , 119-120 , 164-16 5 Modyford, Governo r Thomas, 9 6 Monck, Genera l George, 1 2 Monmouth, Duk e of, 8 2 Montserrat, 73 , 74 , 82 , 84 , 93, 9 4 Nau, Jean-David . See L'Olonnais Navy. See Royal Navy

Necrophilia, 120-12 1 Nepotism, 131-13 2 Nevis, 73 , 74 , 84 , 93, 94, 10 1 New Providence, 99 , 115-11 6 Norman, Captai n Samuel, 147 , 148 , 14 9 North American Colonies, 9 8 Oates, Titus, 26-28 , 4 0 Organ, Samuel , 14 5 Panama, 9 8

Parliament, 9-10 , 2 6 Parson's Wedding, The (Thoma s Killigrew) , 14-15 Pedophilia, 121-12 8

Pendrill, Thomas , 3 5 Penn, Admira l Si r William, 7 9 Pepys, Samuel , 20-22 , 31 , 60 Peter, 76 Phillips, Captai n John, 11 8 Pilgrim's Progress (John Bunyan), 30-3 3 Pirates: alcohol consumption , 155-160 ; career choice, 142-144 ; couples , 128-135 ; earl y lives, 44-68; humor, 156-157 ; language patterns, 152-155 ; marriage , 114-116 ; an d women, 112-12 1 Plain, o f Guilford, 38-3 9 Plymouth Colony, 7 6 Popish Plot, 26-2 9 Porto Bello, 7 4 Powell, Captai n John, 7 6 Port Royal, 94-96 , 9 7 Prison populations. See Convicts Prisoners o f war . See Migratio n t o Wes t In dies, Prisoner s of war Privateers. See Pirates Promiscuity, 133-13 5 Protestants, 7 0 Providence Island , 7 9 Prynne, William , 18-1 9 Pulv£rin, 129-130 , 15 4 Quelch, Captai n John, 12 2 Randolph, Edward , 9 9 Rape, 6-7 , 34 , 112-121 , 14 7 Ravenscroft, Edward , 13 , 1 5 Relapse; or Virtue in Danger, The (John Vanbrugh), 1 5 Restoration Drama , 13-2 0

INDEX

214 Revenge, 118 Rhyme, Abdul , 146-14 7 Rigby, Captain, 29-3 0 Ringrose, Basil , 120 , 14 8 Roberts, Bartholomew , 118 , 124 , 130 , 153 , 157 Rochester, Secon d Ear l of . See Wilmot, Joh n Rogers, Captain Woodes , 99 , 116 , 120 , 15 5 Royalists. See Migration t o West Indies , Roy alists Roy allMary, 14 5 Royal Navy , 53-54 , 58-64 , 9 7 Rounsivil, George , 13 1 Ryswick, Treat y of, 9 7 Sadism. Se e Torture St. Christopher , 73 , 74, 82 , 84 , 93, 94 St. Eustatius , 8 2 St. Thomas, 9 8 Santo Rosario, El, 12 0 Sawkins, Captain, 147-14 8 Sedley, Si r Charles, 2 1 Selkirk, Alexander , 11 6 Sension, Nicholas , 37-3 8 Sex ratios : Antigua, 93 ; Barbados, 91-93 , 99 100, 104 ; amon g convicts , 107-109 ; Ja maica, 93-94 , 101 ; Leewar d Islands , 93 , 104; Montserrat, 93 ; Nevis, 93 ; Port Royal , 95-96; St . Christopher , 93 ; Wes t Indies , 100-105

Shadwell, Thomas , 16 1 Sharp, Captai n Bartholomew , 120 , 123-124 , 125, 148 , 15 9 Shelvocke, Captai n George , 131-132 , 15 6 Shipping, merchant , 54-6 3 Simpson, Richard , 13 1 Slave insurrection, 8 2 Society for the Reformatio n o f Manners, 3 6 Sodom, 2 Sodom or the Quintessence of Debauchery (John Wilmot) , 17-1 8 Sodomy: proo f of , 8 ; prosecutions for : Ather ton, John , 8 ; Cook , Edmund , 148-149 ; Cornish, Captai n Richard , 39 ; Dilly, Fran cis, 104 ; Dowdeny , George , 36-37 ; Dur rant, John , 146-147 , 149 ; Hewett, Robert , 145-146; Hockenhull , John , 6 ; Kingston , Richard, 145-146 ; Norman , Captai n Sam uel, 147 , 148 , 149 ; Pendrill, Thomas , 35 ;

Plain o f Guilford , 38-39 ; Rhyme , Abdul , 146-147; Rigby , Captain , 29-30 ; Sension , Nicholas, 37-38 ; Stone , Robert , 145-146 , 149; Touchet , Mervin , 6-9 , 144 ; Udall , Nicholas, 3-4 ; 23-26 , 104 . See also Homosexuality Stafford, Lord , 22 , 27-2 8 Star Chamber, Cour t of , 1 0 Starr, John , 9 5 Stone, Lawrence , 133 , 16 5 Stone, Robert , 145-146 , 14 9 Strafford, Ear l of , 8- 9 Straits of Magellan, 98 , 14 7 Stuart, Matthew , 131-13 2 Successful Pyrate, The (Charles Johnson), 1 6 Sullivan, Harr y Stack , 5 1 Surinam, 9 3 Swan, Captai n Charles , 122 , 12 3 Teach, Edward . See Blackbeard Teach, Mrs . Edward , 11 5 Teonge, Henry , 11 6 Theater. See Restoration Dram a Thomas, Dalby , 9 2 Thome, Ensign , 10 4 Thurlow, John , 8 0 Tortuga, 70-7 1 Torture, 160-16 7 Trott, Governo r Nicholas , 98-9 9 Trumbach, Randolph , 36 , 15 0 Touchet, Mervin , 6-8 , 9, 30 , 14 4 Udall, Nicholas , 3- 4 Vagabonds. See Vagrants Vagrants, 48-52 , 58-59 , 61 , 81, 101 Vanbrughjohn, 1 5 Vane, Captai n Charles , 15 5 Vanhorn, Captai n Nicholas , 16 2 Van Kepple , Arnol d Joose , 2 9 Vaughn, Governo r John, 15 6 Venables, Genera l Robert , 7 9 Villiers, George, 5 Virginia, 39-7 5 Virgin Islands , 9 8 Virtuoso, The (Thomas Shadwell) , 16 1 Voyeurism, 6 Walduck, Thomas , 104-10 5 Wanderers. See Vagrants

215

INDEX Waterford an d Lismore , Bisho p of. See Atherton, Joh n Watling, John , 14 8 Weinberg, Marti n S. , 11 2 West, D . J. , 11 3 "Whipping Tom," 2 3 White, John , 1 0 William HI , 24 , 25 , 29 , 30 , 3 6 Wilmot, John , 16-18 , 2 0

Winthrop, John , 3 7 Winthrop, John , Jr. , 10 5 Women: captives , 117-121 ; migrants t o Wes t Indies, 80-81 , 84 ; natives, 116-117 ; prostitutes, 117 ; slaves, 117 ; 112-121 Wycherly, William , 1 4 York, Duk e of. See James II