Social Welfare in India and China: A Comparative Perspective [1st ed.] 9789811556470, 9789811556487

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Social Welfare in India and China A Comparative Perspective Edited by Jianguo Gao · Rajendra Baikady · Lakshmana Govindappa · Sheng-Li Cheng

Social Welfare in India and China

Jianguo Gao · Rajendra Baikady · Lakshmana Govindappa · Sheng-Li Cheng Editors

Social Welfare in India and China A Comparative Perspective

Editors Jianguo Gao Shandong University Jinan, China Lakshmana Govindappa Central University of Karnataka Kalaburagi, India

Rajendra Baikady Hebrew University of Jerusalem Jerusalem, Israel University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa Sheng-Li Cheng Shandong University Jinan, China

ISBN 978-981-15-5647-0 ISBN 978-981-15-5648-7  (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Marina Lohrbach_shutterstock.com This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword

For many years, a common axis of comparison between China and India lay in their respective political regimes. Authoritarian China earned high praise (including from many quarters in India) for its rapid economic growth and even faster pace of urban expansion. Democratic India drew accolades for holding regular elections on a vast scale in terms of voters, and doing so over successive decades when many other low-income democracies saw transitions to authoritarian rule. The political axis of comparison may have been a valid lens with which to analyze certain events over time in India and China, but in a welcome development, several recent studies of have moved beyond the political comparison. This book, in putting social welfare and social policy questions under a comparative light, shows the potential benefits of moving toward other domains of comparison. Of course, social welfare and social policy are inherently political in nature, but as the studies in this volume remind us, it is insufficient to analyze welfare policies and outcomes only as the products or outputs of national-level political institutions. The comparison of India and China in terms of social welfare and social policy is not simply an exercise in understanding similarities and differences between these two Asian civilization-states. Much more is at stake. Any adequate attempt to confront global issues of climate change, poverty and precarity, public health, population aging, the future of work, revolutions in information technology and biotechnology—in short, existential questions for the planet and its people—must draw upon the experiences of China and India, and must pinpoint the lessons learned from their experiences. Addressing these massive challenges must also involve the active participation of Indian and Chinese officials, professionals, practitioners, and others. Welfare policy studies, as found in the West and in the dominant schools of social policy, social work, public administration, and so forth, are overwhelmingly drawn from the experience of Europe and North America— whether the “three worlds of welfare capitalism” as developed by Gøsta v

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Esping-Anderson or in other more recent treatments of national “models” of welfare provision found in Northern Europe, the United States, and postsocialist ­Central-Eastern Europe. Theories of how social policy varies in terms of coverage and generosity (benefits), or in patterns of financing and service delivery, tend to be drawn from Western experiences, published in academic journals and educational materials, and in turn taught in the leading social policy institutions in the Global South. In recent years the welcome turn to detailed studies of social policy and welfare in the Global South has tended to take the social and welfare policy provision on their own terms—avoiding implicit comparisons with the so-called “advanced” welfare states and thus using terms such as “delayed,” “laggard,” or “immature” welfare systems. The chapters in this volume are largely in this spirit of taking welfare and social policy in India and China on their own terms rather than using a teleological framing that assumes welfare benefits and coverage expand in lock step with macroeconomic growth. There’s no question that economic growth provides the potential for fiscal capacities that can be used to finance welfare and social policy programs, but as the Chinese and Indian cases amply demonstrate, the mere presence of growth cannot explain the design, substance, and the timing of social policy provision. Putting the “social” in social policy means closely examining the social relations and power dynamics that go into any welfare program, large and small. The chapters in this volume do a fine job of accounting for the social and its power manifestations in terms of gender, religion, caste, and other forms of social status and discrimination. Finally, this volume illuminates the complexities in T. H. Marshall’s famous and widely-cited concept of “social citizenship:” a right to social protections and basic dignity anchored in constitutional and legal institutions that define membership in the nation-state. In Marshall’s telling (based only on his overview of the history of citizenship in the United Kingdom, but often confused as a universal claim by later scholars), a logical sequence evolved over time. Britons, through the great clashes between the monarch and gentry, were first accorded rights of civil citizenship (in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) associated with freedoms of expression, assembly, religion, and the right to private property. Again following decades of political conflict, rights were extended in the realm of political citizenship in the nineteenth century—the right to vote and other forms of political participation and representation. It was not until the mid-twentieth century and in the aftermath of two devasting world wars that the UK as a polity accorded its population with social citizenship, most prominently in the form of the National Health Service. The cases of India and China over the twentieth century and in their political formations as post-colonial or post-revolutionary independent ­nation-states have largely disrupted any presumed sequencing of civil, political, and social citizenship. Credible and even generous forms of social

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protections extend to Chinese citizens who otherwise face sharply c­urtailed political and civil forms of citizenship. Indian citizens were seemingly bestowed all three forms of citizenship in the remarkable Constitution of 1950, but the intersection of citizenship with competing forms of belonging and community curtailed the ability of large portions of the population to have their social citizenship rights fulfilled in practice. One of the enduring trends in ­twenty-first-century India and China is this contestation over who will have access to (and who will be denied) the fruits of social policies, and on what basis. February 2020

Mark W. Frazier Professor of Politics, the New School for Social Research Co-Director, India China Institute New York City, USA

Acknowledgments

There were a number of challenges in putting together this edited volume. The first challenge was to find authors who can write about the issues that we had in our mind. Secondly busy schedule of the senior or experienced academics and scholars, who had little or no time to commit. This is to be expected—as there are very less number of people who can write on comparative perspectives focusing on Social Welfare in India and China. However, books are always the result of a complex web of relationships. This book represents, a collaborative and experiential learning for both contributing authors and to the editors. Perhaps this may be the first comparative volume on India and China comparison with social welfare in question. We the editors sincerely thank all our contributing authors for their valuable contributions. We wish to thank you all for your patience, time, and commitment to this project. It is your timely submission, revision, and rewriting made this volume possible. This volume is a celebration of our collective expertise and the relationships we have with each other. We hope further relationships can be built through this work. We would like to put on record the support provided by our peer reviewers in providing feedback to our authors. The expertise, time and their generosity in reading the manuscripts and suggesting revision was invaluable. This was more crucial in many cases as the writers were early career professionals or the researchers in their advanced stages of research, still feedback and comments from reviewers helped them to enhance the quality and standards of manuscripts. We are thankful to you as your contributions helped making this book a valuable contribution to social policy literature. We are thankful to Palgrave Macmillan, Beijing China, especially our editor Sara Crowley-Vigneau and editorial assistant Connie Li and production team Ranjith Mohan and Punitha Balasubramanian for continues availability and support throughout the process of editing this book.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

And last, but not least, we gratefully acknowledge the many friends and family who supported us along the journey with their expertise, encouragement, and stimulating suggestions. Jianguo Gao Rajendra Baikady Lakshmana Govindappa Sheng-Li Cheng

Editor’s Note

All chapters in Social Welfare in India and China: A Comparative Perspective have undergone blind peer review. Chapters were given to the reviewers blindly so that none of the reviewers knew the authors. All reviewers had expertise in social work/social welfare or a closely related area of the research paper and the reviews were returned to the authors only after removing the reviewer’s identity. Further, when a review suggested major revision, such chapters were sent for another round of review for a third opinion. Our intention was to provide constructive feedback to assist our authors and make their work stronger and more scholarly. So, we asked our reviewers five questions regarding: relevance of the chapter to the book, critique/argument or insight, international relevance, structure of the chapter, and readability. This process was applied to all authors, including the editors who were also chapter authors. Overall, the Introduction, Conclusion, and section introductions by editors were deliberately sent to senior social work educators for their comments and suggestions.

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List of Reviewers

Prince Agwu Department of Social Work University of Nigeria Nigeria Samitha Udayange Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Rhuna Wallamadama, Matara Sri Lanka Ashok Antony Dsouza Department of Studies in Social Work Rani Channamma University Belagavi Karnataka, India Jeyavel Sundaramorthi Department of Psychology Central University of Karnataka, India Vijyendra Pandey Department of Psychology Central University of Karnataka, India Poonam Surie Institute of China Studies New Delhi, India

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LIST OF REVIEWERS

Yuk King LAU Department of Social Work The Chinese University of Hong Kong Hong Kong Jesper Willaing Zeuthen Department of Culture and Global Studies Aalborg University Denmark Issaquah Ali Social Work Section Universiti Sains Malaysia Penang, Malaysia Peter Selman Newcastle University England, UK Ya Wen Department of Social Work Shanghai Ocean University Peoples Republic of China Zhu Qian School of Planning University of Waterloo Canada Bharti Chhibber University of Delhi New Delhi, India Sudeshna Ghosh Department of Economics Scottish Church College Kolkata, India Björn Alpermann Universität Würzburg Würzburg, Germany Anjali Kulkarni Tata Institute of Social Sciences Tuljapur Campus Osmanabad, India

Contents

1

Introduction: Globalization, Economic Reform and Social Welfare in India and China 1 Jianguo Gao, Sheng-Li Cheng, Rajendra Baikady and Lakshmana Govindappa

Part I  Society and Welfare in India and China—A Comparison 2

Traditions, Values and Religion: Social Welfare in India and China 25 Poonam Surie

3

Chinese Discipline and National Pride as a Case Study for Neighbouring Countries 45 Hasan Yaser Malik

4

Paradigm Shift in Social Work Practices in India and China—Lessons for Emerging Economies 59 Sigamani Panneer, S. P. Sreya and J. Raja Meenakshi

5

Land-use Behavior of Farming Households and Rural Land Degradation in a Karst Area of China Yan Liu and Zhu Qian

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Part II  Child Welfare in India and China 6

A Critical Review of School Social Work in Hong Kong Yuk King LAU

7

From Care Deficit to Overbearing Care: Childcare Provision and the Growing Inequality Gap in China 119 Manon Laurent and Ya Wen

8

“Bereaved Single-Child Families” (Shidu Jiating): Dealing with an Unintended Consequence of China’s One-Child Policy 131 Björn Alpermann and Weiyue Yang

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Part III  Elderly Care in India and China—Emerging Concerns 9

Comparing Emerging Social Issues and Implementation of Social Policy Changes for Aged People in India and China 163 A. M. Ghouse Basha

10 Disability, Social Welfare Policy and Elderly in India and China 177 Shachee Agnihotri 11 Social Status and Subjective Well-Being of Tribal Elderly: A Narrative Discourse 191 Koustab Majumdar, Manoj Raul and Dipankar Chatterjee Part IV  Poverty in Numbers—Where India and China Stands 12 Social Exclusion of Female Dibao Recipients in Urban China 217 Haomiao Zhang 13 Welfare Communication and Poverty Eradication in India and China 231 Tilak Jha 14 Exploring Gender Segregated Educational Effects on Income Inequality, India: A Time Series Analysis 243 Sudeshna Ghosh

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15 Drought and Farmer Suicides in Marathwada: A Natural or Manmade Disaster? 279 Nitin Dhaktode Part V  Social Problems in India and China—A Comparison 16 Social Policies and Institutional Arrangements for Minorities and Special Categories in India: An Overview and the Way Forward 305 Prashant Negi 17 Higher Education in India: Trends and Challenges 329 Firdous Ahmad Dar 18 UNHCR’s Population of Concern: Where Does India Stand? 339 Anish Gupta and Uma Jadhav 19 HIV Medication Access Between China and India on the Policy Level 357 Yixuan Wang 20 Gender and Socio-Cultural Policy Issues in Objects of Display: A Case Study of Gujarat Science City in India Rajni Gupta

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21 Safety and Welfare for Women in Need: A Study of a Short Stay Home in Paravai, Madurai District, Tamil Nadu 379 B. Veena, M. H. Soundari and K. Divya 22 International Adoption from China and India 1992–2018 393 Peter Selman 23 From Peasants to Social Assistance Recipients? Semi-forced Urbanization in China 417 Jesper Willaing Zeuthen 24 Social Welfare and Inclusive Education for Children with Disability Towards Social Inclusion: Dalit Children Experience 435 Vikram Singh

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25 Conclusion: Neoliberalism, Growing Disparity and Social Welfare in India and China 471 Jianguo Gao, Rajendra Baikady, Lakshmana Govindappa and Sheng-Li Cheng Index

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Notes

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Contributors

Shachee Agnihotri  is an Assistant Professor at Sharda University, India after doing her Ph.D. from the prestigious Zhejiang University on I­ndia-China Government Doctoral Fellowship. She also holds an M.Phil. in China Studies from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. During her Ph.D., Dr. Agnihotri was a research member of the IPDS- Zhejiang University and also one of the member delegates to United Nations and Orlando University visit in 2015. She remains a member of the Ma Yinchu Studies Association of Zhejiang Province and also a reviewer for the International Journal of Consumer Studies (SSCI). Dr. Agnihotri has several major publications and nearly half a dozen papers to her credit. Björn Alpermann received his Ph.D. at the University of Cologne. Since 2013 he is Chair Professor of Contemporary Chinese Studies at the University of Würzburg, Germany. His main research interests include China’s rural politics and political economy, urban society, stratification, and political attitudes in China as well as population policy. He is currently conducting research on the political economy of eldercare in China. Dr. Rajendra Baikady is a Social Work educator and researcher. He is the winner of Golda Meir Post-Doctoral Fellowship at Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel (2019–2020) and Confucius Studies Understanding China Fellowship (Post-Doctoral Research) at Shandong University Peoples Republic of China (2018–2019). Baikady was one among the 20 selected candidates for the Short-Term Research Award (STRA) by the Ministry of Education, Government of Taiwan and conducted research at National Chengchi University Taiwan (Post-Doc) during June–July 2018. Dr. Baikady was awarded the prestigious INLAKS foundation Research Travel Grant 2015 and Indian Council of Social Science Research, Collect Data Abroad Scholarship—2015 for conducting his research at Shandong University, China. His most recent books (co-edited) are—Social Welfare Policies xix

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and Programmes in South Asia (Routledge), and Building Sustainable Communities-Civil Society Response in South Asia (Palgrave Macmillan and The Palgrave Handbook of Global Social Work Education (Palgrave Macmillan). He is co-editing the Journal Special issue of ‘Social Work and Society’ (to be published in 2020) and has on-going international collaboration with researchers from China, Bangladesh, Israel, Japan, Slovenia, and South Africa. Presently he is at Hebrew University of Jerusalem Israel and conducting research under the supervision of Prof. John Gal. in addition to this Dr. Baikady is affiliated to University of Johannesburg, South Africa as Senior Research Associate to the Department of Social Work. Dipankar Chatterjee has been an assistant professor and head (Division of RTD) at the RKMVERI, Ranchi, India. He received his M.Sc. and Ph.D. degree in anthropology from the University of Calcutta. He was the recipient of the National Scholarship, 2001 (MHRD), T. C. Roychowdhury, Silver Medalist, 2013 (Indian Anthropological Society) and Senior Research Fellowship, 2005 (Anthropological Survey of India). He has published two edited books and many research articles in journals. He is the assistant editor of South Asian Anthropologist. His research interests include culture and cognition, rural and tribal development, ecological anthropology and natural resource management; and anthropology of tourism. Sheng-Li Cheng  is a Professor in the Department of Social Work School of Philosophy and Social Development Shandong University, Peoples Republic of China. He has been in post graduate teaching for more than 25 years. Prof. Cheng has carried out research projects founded by international agencies such as UNESCO, Washington University in St. Louis in U.S, University of British Columbia in Canada, Taiwan Dongwu University. He was a visiting professor for many international university departments. Prof. Cheng has 6 books, 37 research articles (in both English and Chinese) and 05 international projects to his credit. His areas of work are urban poverty and social assistance, social policy and social welfare, social psychology, family, child and youth. Dr. Firdous Ahmad Dar has had distinguishing academic career. After completing his higher education (M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. Qualified National Eligibility Test conducted by University Grants Commission, India) from one of India’s premier universities, University of Kashmir, presently working as assistant professor at Government Degree College Department of Higher Education Union territory of Jammu and kashmir. Along with teaching Dr. Firdous has attended number of seminars, international conferences and workshops held/organised at University of Kashmir, Central University of Kashmir, and Central University of Himachal Pradesh. In addition, he also conducted number of simulation exercises at departmental level. Dr. Firdous has traveled to Kyrgyzstan with regard to his field study. He has also served as member of different activities like syllabus review Committee at with various academic and research institutes, organizations and universities.

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Nitin Dhaktode is a Doctoral Research Scholar at School of Development Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) Mumbai, India. After Masters and M-Phil studies, he has worked with Social Audit Units and TISS for more than three and half years in undivided Andhra Pradesh and across India. Mr. Nitin is working on Social Corruption in NREGA for his Ph.D. Dissertation. He was also a joint study scholar under Ph.D. exchange programme at AAU-Austria for winter semester in 2018–2019. He has published research papers in EPW, Rutledge and other such reputed national and international publishing houses. K. Divya has a background in the discipline of Social Work. Presently, she is working as Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work at Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Madhya Pradesh. Divya made her significant contributions to the field of teaching and research of Social Work. Her research interest’s spans in the areas of social work, women peace keeping, social movements, feminist dimensions of girls’ education and violence against women. Jianguo Gao is a Professor in the Department of Social Work, School of Philosophy and Social Development, Shandong University, Peoples Republic of China. He has been in post graduate teaching for more than 35 years. Prof. GAO had different academic assignments at reputed Universities across the globe. He was a Fulbright Visiting Scholar, to the Department of Sociology, University of California, Riverside, USA (2003–2004), EU-China HECP Visiting Scholar, Department of Sociology, University of Plymouth, UK (1999–2000). CCSEP Visiting Scholar School of Community and Regional Planning University of British Columbia Canada (1996–1997), and School of Social Work University of Toronto (2007). From 1984 to 1985 Prof. Gao held the position of Editor at the Shandong University Press. Sudeshna Ghosh  is currently the Associate Professor of Economics, Scottish Church College, Kolkata, India. Her research examines development and disparities within the time series framework which include areas of economic growth, education, gender, and nutrition. Her studies explore movements of inequality, country-based divergence, and disparity emphasized with regard to income, educational achievements, and nutritional disorders. Her recent work examines consumer confidence and consumer spending; inequality and financial inclusion. Her research has been published the world’s leading journals. Ghosh has her Master’s Degree from the University of Calcutta, India and a Ph.D. from the University of Calcutta. A. M. Ghouse Basha (Madurai, Tamil Nadu, India) is an aspiring lawyer, a qualified Social Worker (& researcher) and Freelance Trainer on Workplace Harassment and Sexual abuse (especially in corporate companies). He attained his Masters in Social Work qualification from Madras Christian College (Chennai, India) and at present he is studying Law in Madurai under Dr. Ambedkar Law University, Chennai. He is also the founder of

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“Ashokam”, a non-profit organisation working towards research and analysis in diverse areas such as women welfare, Social, and Policy issues in South India. Basha did his Bachelors in Physics and developed his passion for photography and documentary film making during this time. He has accumulated a wide range of exposure in different professions (from physics to social work to media production and now to law). Being an experimental individual and an ardent learner, he is always ready to explore more and thus, has been able to adapt to various fields. Dr. Lakshmana Govindappa  is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work, School of Social and Behavioral Sciences at Central University of Karnataka, Kalaburagi, India. He has done his graduation (B.A.) and Post-Graduation in Social Work (MSW) from Bangalore University, Bangalore. He obtained his Master of Philosophy (M.Phil.) and Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D) from National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences (NIMHANS), Bangalore. In addition to his doctoral degree, he has PGDHRM to his academic credit. He has published 30 articles in International and National Journals including Social Work Practice in the Addiction, Asian Social Work and Policy Review, Hong Kong Journal of Social Work, Indian Journal of Social Work, Epilepsy and Behaviour, written 9 chapters in books, published 8 monographs (2 co-author) and has presented 42 papers in National and International Conferences. He has completed seven research projects and two more projects are undergoing. He has written 17 e-content modules on social work education. He has visited Australia, China, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and Nepal. He is an Executive committee member of Indian Society of Professional Social Work and Karnataka Association of Professional Social Workers. His research interests are psychosocial intervention with families and children, community care and mental health, rural development, Corporate Social Responsibility, HIV/AIDS, and working with vulnerable population. Anish Gupta teaches economics at Delhi University. He pursued his Ph.D. from CESP, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and masters in Economics from University of British Columbia, Canada and University of Rajasthan. Anish’s current work focuses on education, marginalized sections, population, and development economics. He has presented his research work at University of Oxford, State University of New York and NTU, Singapore. He has been co-investigator for the research study entitled ‘Exploring the Dimensions and Dynamics of Indian Urban Poverty’. The study was a part of NOPOOR project sponsored by European Union. He is currently completing a major research project funded by ICSSR. He has co-authored two books published by Centre for Contemporary Indian Studies, University of Colombo and more than 50 newspaper articles in The Hindu, The Indian Express and The Pioneer.

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Rajni Gupta is from (UP) India, a Doctoral Research Scholar of Science, Technology and Innovation Policy (SSS) at Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar, India and also a Former Research Associate of Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) Project. During the M.Phil. She worked on ‘New Museum Theory and Scientific Objects of Display’. As a researcher more interested to work in the field of history and gender studies as well as Rajni presented many research papers in International and National Conferences. Dr. Uma Jadhav is a Community Development Specialist in the field of public health, Mumbai. Her academic credentials includes Masters in Social Work and LL.B. from University of Mumbai and has doctoral degree from School of Health Systems Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences and has papers published in national and international journal of a repute. She has extensive experience in domain of public health, interface with marginalized and vulnerable sections of society for their social well-being and rehabilitation. Her prime interest is in the area of public health policy and public health management. Tilak Jha is a Ph.D. in China Studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Tilak was also a Bai Xian Scholar on the generously funded Asian Future Leaders Scholarship Programme at the reputed Zhejiang University from 2014–2016. He is currently an Assistant Professor at Times School of Media, Bennett University, Greater Noida. Tilak has previously worked with the Shanghai Daily and India Writes, among others. He is a regular contributor to media and research platforms and has more than half a dozen book chapters to his credit. Dr. Yuk King LAU is a professional consultant of Department of Social Work in the Chinese University of Hong Kong. She is an experienced social work educator and supervisor. She has a strong commitment to the well-being of families in the challenging context of the contemporary societies. Her research and teaching areas include family-centered social work, ­work-and-family interface, family impact assessment, students with school nonattendance problems, post-divorce co-parenting and parental responsibilities. Manon Laurent is a Ph.D. candidate in Political Science at Concordia University (Montréal, Canada) and in Sociology at Université de Paris (France). She explores state-society relationships in urban China and looks at parenting practices as political practices. Her thesis focuses on how the commodification of education resources and China’s integration in a global normative space transforms parents into political actors. In 2018, she conducted an immersive fieldwork during 8 months in Nanjing (Jiangsu, PRC). In 2014 and in 2015, she completed two Masters’ degrees one in Chinese studies and one in Political Science. In 2011–2012, she was a full-time lecturer at Nanjing University.

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Yan Liu  is Associate Professor in the School of Geography and Environmental Science, Guizhou Normal University in China. Her research primarily focuses on land use changes and their environmental effects. She is particularly interested in the effect of land use on farming household livelihood, policy impacts on land use changes and farmers, and mitigation of rural environmental pressure. Yan holds a Ph.D. in Geography from the School of Geography and Ocean Science, Nanjing University, China. Between 2017 and 2018, she was a visiting scholar in the School of Planning, the University of Waterloo, Canada. Koustab Majumdar is a teaching assistant and doctoral scholar at RKMVERI, Ranchi, India. He received his master degree in rural development and management from University of Kalyani. He was the M.Phil. Research Fellow (2015–2017) of Tata Institute of Social Sciences (Tuljapur campus). He worked as a research associate at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences Tuljapur campus) and RKMVERI. He was the recipient of tuition fee scholarship (2019) to attend Chula Right Livelihood Summer School (Chulalongkorn University), Bangkok Thailand. His research interests include agrarian studies, environmental education, development education, labour issues, policy and development, rural economy and livelihood and tribal rights. Dr. Hasan Yaser Malik  holds Masters Degrees in English, Warfare Studies, Special Education, and International Relations. He did Ph.D. in International Relations and has interest in Blue Diplomacy. Dr. has a few Research Contributions to his credit and is a member of Charted Institute of Logistics & Transportation (UK). Dr. has been awarded with “UN Certificate of Appreciation” and “Medal of Excellence” by Government of Pakistan. He has wide experience of social development, project management and corporate culture. Dr. has interest in Flying and Deep Sea Diving and his visited Africa and Europe. Prashant Negi is Assistant Professor, Dr. K. R. Narayanan Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi and Managing Trustee, Centre for Development Studies, Shimla. A sociologist by training, he specializes on theoretical approaches to social exclusion, development theory, challenges of transformation and change, and topical issues pertaining to marginality, and deprivation. He is particularly interested in the psychology of discrimination and exclusion and the pedagogy of oppression. He has been the recipient of the Baden Wurttemberg Professorial Fellowship, Heidelberg University and was educated at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and St. Stephen’s College, Delhi. Sigamani Panneer, Ph.D. is Professor and Head, Department of Social Work, School of Social Sciences and Humanities and Coordinator, Centre for Happiness, at Central University of Tamil Nadu, Thiruvarur, Tamil Nadu,

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India. He has been a Visiting Professor at the School of Public Health, University of Minnesota, USA; Jishou University, China; Tianjin University of Finance and Economics, Tianjin, China and Department of Management Studies, Sacred Heart College, Tirupattur. He has authored articles and books of national and international repute published by Macmillan, Sage, Springer, Wiley, Elsevier, BMC Tobacco Induced Diseases, Bloomsbury, Economic and Political Weekly and Cambridge Scholars. He is a recipient of the prestigious Raman fellowship (Singh-Obama initiatives) hosted at the School of Public Health, University of Minnesota, USA. Zhu Qian is Associate Professor and Associate Director at the School of Planning, the University of Waterloo, Canada. He teaches courses related to urban and regional planning internationally, including in China and India. His primary research interest lies in urban land use reform, urban restructuring, land use planning and urban form, and heritage conservation and planning in Chinese cities. He has published articles on urban planning and development issues in China and the U.S. Prior to joining the academia, he was a municipal land use planner in China. J. Raja Meenakshi, Ph.D. is an ICSSR Post-Doctoral Fellow in Central University of Tamil Nadu. She started her career as Human Resource Coordinator in Aravind Eye Care system and following her passion for Social Work teaching, she joined as Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work, The American College and later in Fatima College, Madurai. She has developed the course curriculum for Human Resource & Labour Management specialization of MSW in the Central University of Tamil Nadu. Her area of interest is Human Resource Development, Occupational Health of Women and Gerontology. She has research publications in reputed National and International Journals. Manoj Raul  is a doctoral scholar at RKMVERI, Ranchi, India. He received his B.Sc. and M.Sc. degree in Anthropology from Vidysagar University. He worked as research assistant in several funded research projects. Peter Selman is Visiting Fellow in Sociology at Newcastle University, UK, He is editor of Intercountry Adoption; Development, trends and perspectives (BAAF, 2000) and has written many articles and chapters on adoption policy. His main research focus in recent years has been on the demography of child adoption with a special emphasis on intercountry adoption. He has made regular presentations on this topic at international conferences and has acted as research consultant to international organizations such as the UN Population Division and The Hague Conference on Private International Law. His data are published on The Hague Intercountry Adoption Website. Vikram Singh is an Assistant Professor in Department of Social Work as well as affiliated as a guest faculty in School of Law at Guru Ghasidas Vishwavidyalaya (A Central University) Koni Bilaspur (C.G.) 495009 India.

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Mr. Singh has a B.Sc. (Agra University), M.A. (Sociology, Agra University), M.S.W. (Jamia Millia, New Delhi), M. Phil. (Law and Governance, JNU) UGC-NET (Sociology), UGC-JRF (Social Work), Certificate in Participatory Research (UVIC & PRIA) and currently he is Pursuing his Ph.D. in Law and Governance from JNU. The research Interest areas of Mr. Singh are Social Justice, Social Policy & Gender, Governance, Dalit and Tribal Studies, Social Exclusion & Inclusion and Social Work Practice, Community Development: Theory and Practice. M. H. Soundari  is an Associate Professor in the Centre of Applied Research, Gandhigram Rural Institute (GRI), Gandhigram, India. As a faculty member, she teaches research methodology and social work in GRI. She is specialized in the fields of development research, gender issues and social work. Having passed UGC-NET with JRF, she received Junior Research Fellowship (1999–2001) and Senior Research Fellowship (2001–2003) from University Grants Commission (UGC). Also she received Post-Doctoral Fellowship (2012–2014). She has completed an UGC-Major Research Project and has undertaken ICSSR Research Project. She is working for the empowerment of marginalized women and children for 30 years in rural India. S. P. Sreya is Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Social Work, Central University of Tamil Nadu doing her research in the field of Social Oncology. She completed her Master’s in Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit and was qualified for NET JRF in the same tenure. She has also taken part in several governments sponsored surveys. Poonam Surie Adjunct fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi is an economist and educator by training. She has written extensively on Chinese culture. Her book, China: A Search for Its Soul deals with ancient links between China and India, the evolving Chinese society and return of religion, particularly Buddhism. Her second book, written for the Indian Council of World Affairs, China: Confucius in the Shadows, deals with Confucian philosophy and its relevance in contemporary China. She also has two poetry volumes to her credit. She has presented academic papers at a number of national and international conferences. B. Veena is an Ph.D. Scholar in Tata Institute of Social Science, Tuljapur Campus Maharashtra, India. Her research during M.Phil. degree “Privatization of Health Care and Rural Poor a Study in Udupi District, Karnataka”. In addition to her Master of Philosophy degree she has Post Graduate Master in Social Work (specialization Family and Child Welfare) (Central University of Karnataka Kalburgi India) Post Graduate M.Phil. in Applied Research (The Gandhigram Rural Institute), Post Graduate Diploma in Social Welfare Administration (AU), Prior to joining her present research study at Tata Institute of Social Science, Tuljapur Campus. Veena as her research experiences to date are in relation to women, destitute children and other marginalized groups in less developed and societies in transition.

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS  

xxvii

Yixuan Wang, Ph.D., LMSW, LLM was an Adjunct Lecturer teaching Social Welfare Policy and Social Work Research Methods at Fordham University, a NY State Licensed Master Social Worker, and a Fellow at Columbia University CCSP. While studying in NYC, she worked as a Data Analyst at UNICEF Division of Policy and Strategy and a Case Manager at NYC-HPD. She also served as a Peer Advocate at Columbia Health GHAP for five years providing HIV& STD related consultation. Currently, Dr. Wang is developing social work programs affiliated with China Youth University of Political Studies to serve people in poverty in China. Ya Wen  is Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Work of Shanghai Ocean University in China. After completing the doctoral study at the School of Social Work at McGill University, Dr. Wen has done research on social and family dynamics of rural-to-urban migration in China, child welfare and well-being of children affected by migration, and community development. Her recent research interest focus on environment inequality and how to help children and families affected by environment issues. Weiyue Yang received his B.A. and M.A. in Political Science respectively from Nankai University, China, and University of Göttingen, Germany. He is currently a Ph.D. student at the University of Würzburg Graduate School of Law, Economics, and Society, conducting research on the implementation of the two-child policy in China. Jesper Willaing Zeuthen (born 1975) is an associate professor in Chinese Area Studies at the Department of Politics and Society, Aalborg University, Denmark. He holds a master degree in Chinese from Aarhus University, Denmark and a Ph.D. degree in International Development Studies from Roskilde University, Denmark. His work has focused on urban-rural inequality in China and Chinese land and resource politics. Most recent publications include articles in Land Use Policy and The Extractive Industry and Society and a special issue of China Information co-edited with Elena Meyer Clement, The Free University, Berlin. Haomiao Zhang received a Ph.D. degree from Renmin University of China. She has been a visiting scholar in Leipzig University (Germany) and Oxford University, and a Fulbright visiting research scholar at the University of California, Berkeley. She is currently a Professor in the School of Public Administration, Sichuan University, and has worked in the area of social welfare.

List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 9.1 Fig. 10.1 Fig. 10.2 Fig. 10.3 Fig. 10.4 Fig. 11.1 Fig. 12.1

Fig. 14.1

The major milestones in the emergence of Social Work Practice in China (Source Developed from [Xiong and Wang 2007]) Map of the study area (based on a Baidu map and revised by the authors) Farmland to forest conversion pressure and cultivated land pressure. Pictures 1–3 are farmland to forest conversion pressures and Picture 4 represents cultivated land pressure Population aging and economic growth in China (Banister et al., 2010) Disability: Role of health condition and contextual factors (Source WHO-ICF [2001: 18]) Share of China and India in Global Disabled Population—2015 (Source UN-ESCAP [2016]) China and India: Disabled population by type of disability (Source Author based on data given in CDPR [2012] and MOSPI [2017]) Sex-based disability prevalence in India and China, 2015 (Source UN-ESCAP [2016]) Diagramatic representation of subjective well-being of tribal elderly The proportion of women Dibao recipients of the total Dibao recipients in urban China (Note The number of women Dibao recipients and total Dibao recipients in urban China can be found in Civil affairs statistical yearbook, various years) Income and inequality, India, 1991–2012 (Source Data for GDP World Bank, GINI WIDER data base)

67 76 84 164 178 180 181 182 205

218 244

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LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 14.2

Fig. 14.3 Fig. 14.4 Fig. 14.5 Fig. 14.6 Fig. 14.7 Fig. 14.8 Fig. 14.9 Fig. 14.10 Fig. 15.1

Fig. 20.1 Fig. 20.2 Fig. 21.1 Fig. 21.2 Fig. 21.3 Fig. 21.4

Public expenditure on education as % of GDP, India, 2000–2014 (Source Analysis of budgeted expenditure on education 2010–2011 to 2012–2013, Planning and Monitoring Unit, Department of Higher Education, MHRD, 2012–2013 to 2014–2015) 245 Public expenditure on education as % of GDP, India and some Asian countries, 2012 (Source UNDP open data portal [https://data.undp.org]) 246 Adult literacy rate (gender parity index), India and some Asian country Experiences, 2012 (Source UNESCO Institute for Statistics 2013) 246 India and her major states, gender parity index (GPI), higher education, 2015 (Source Educational Statistics at a Glance, 2018, Government of India) 247 Dropout rates in India (school education) across social groups, 2015 (Source Educational Statistics at a Glance, 2018, Government of India) 247 Major reasons of dropout from education, India (Source Educational Statistics at a Glance, 2018, Government of India) 248 Inequality in income perpetuates educational inequality and exacerbates future inequality in income 249 CUSUM test 268 CUSUMSQ test 268 Number of suicides from 2001 to 2016 (Source Data from 2001 to 2014 is from state crime records bureau. Data for 2015 is from NCRB and includes suicides by agricultural labourers as well, data for 2016 is from state assembly records from February 1, 2016 to mid-February 2017. https://thewire.in/wp-content/ uploads/2017/04/Annex-1-%E2%80%93-Farmersuicides-2016-and-2017.pdf) 289 Map representing Science museums/centers under NCSM Source: (NCSM 2016) 367 Scientist Poster and Information display on the scientist (Source Author’s compilation, 18 December 2015) 374 Crime against women in India, 2015–2016 381 Average beneficiaries per short stay home by state, 2015–2016 (Source [Rani & Rao 2018, p. 76]) 383 Types problems experienced by inmates 389 Reasons for admission to short stay home 390

Graph 18.1 Refugee population by country of origin (Source UNHCR) Graph 18.2 Number of refugees per million of population by origin of the country (Source UNHCR)

344 344

List of Tables

Table 4.1 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 5.3 Table 5.4 Table 8.1 Table 8.2 Table 8.3 Table 8.4 Table 9.1 Table 9.2 Table 9.3 Table 9.4 Table 11.1 Table 11.2 Table 14.1 Table 14.2 Table 14.3 Table 14.4 Table 14.5 Table 14.6 Table 14.7

Major Milestones in the Development of Social Work Practices in India Summary of description of variables Farmland transfers by farming household livelihood modes Farming household inputs in agricultural production Estimation results of the logistic regression model for different livelihood modes National subsidy standard for shidu families Monthly aid for shidu parents in Beijing and Guizhou Monthly aid for shidu parents in Shaanxi and Shanghai Petitions of shidu parents at the national level Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding social work profession in aged care Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding implementation of government policies Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding elderly abuse Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding aged as resources The elderly population (aged sixty years & above) in India (in millions) Decadal growth in elderly population vis-a-vis that of the general population (percentage change) Symbols of the variables and their detailed definitions Descriptive statistics of the variables Unit root test Unit root test: (Phillips Perrron) Clemente–Montanes–Reyes unit root test with two structural breaks Bound tests of Co integration Long run coefficients (ARDL)

64 79 82 83 86 135 137 138 145 167 168 170 172 192 193 259 259 264 265 265 266 266

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 14.8 Table 14.9 Table 14.10 Table 15.1 Table 18.1

Table 18.2 Table 18.3 Table 21.1 Table 21.2 Table 22.1 Table 22.2 Table 22.3 Table 22.4

Table 22.5 Table 22.6 Table 22.7

Table 22.8 Table 23.1

Table 24.1

Results of ARDL; short run Short run diagnostic tests Results of short run Granger causality (Wald test) Rural and urban population, Maharashtra Refugees, asylum-seekers, internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees (refugees and IDPs), stateless persons, and others of concern to UNHCR in China and Indian sub-continent by year 2016 Number of countries whose nationals have sought Asylum in Bangladesh, China, India and Pakistan UNHCR’s population of concern by country of origin in China and Indian sub-continent by year 2016 Crime against women by type, 2015 Socio-demographic profile of respondents Adoptions from China, India and Korea 1980–2018 Population and population growth in China, India and Korea 1980–2016 Adoptions from China to 12 receiving States 1992–2018 ranked by total number recorded by receiving state over the period International adoptions from China 2005–2009. 10 countries receiving most children; Proportion of children adopted in 2009 who had ‘special needs’. Data provided by CCAA for the Hague Special Commission of June Adoptions from India to 14 receiving States 1992–2018 ranked by total number recorded by each country over the period Intercountry and Domestic Adoptions: India, China and Korea 2000–2018 Gender of children adopted from China, India & Korea. And % Aged 5+ China and India selected years 1998–2018, data from EurAdopt, CCAA and CARA. Special needs 2005–2009 (China) 2012–2014 (India) Intercountry Adoption 2000–2018: China, India, Asia & Africa (Annual Totals for selected years and percentage of all global ICA Peak Years Highlighted) Compensation forms according to regulations posted on the counties’ websites [retrieved March 2019]. Compensation is either in kind or cash. The exchange rate of CNY was 15 to the USD at the time Educational status of disabled population in India educational status (percentage) 1991–2002

267 267 269 283

343 345 353 381 388 394 394 395

397 400 401

402 410

424 445

CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Globalization, Economic Reform and Social Welfare in India and China Jianguo Gao, Sheng-Li Cheng, Rajendra Baikady and Lakshmana Govindappa

Globalization, neoliberalism and market-based economy had brought numerous changes in the welfare system of many countries across the world. Development in economic, lifestyle change and advancement of science, technology and communication resulted in innumerable changes in the social life of the people. These changes in social life have also led to changing social needs, social problems and their solutions. Irrespective of economic advancement, technological development and rise in the standard of living, in every society there are communities who are marginalized and disadvantaged. Social welfare provisions are the policies that target the wellbeing of society at a large. These policies and programmes include every class/group of people in the society i.e. children, women, the disabled, elderly and other marginalized and disadvantaged section of the society. These policies and programmes are primarily aimed at ensuring a basic standard of living for everyone. Social assistance is one of the most J. Gao (*) · S.-L. Cheng  Shandong University, Jinan, China e-mail: [email protected] S.-L Cheng e-mail: [email protected] R. Baikady  Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa L. Govindappa  Central University of Karnataka, Kalaburagi, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_1

1

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important and largely followed ways of social intervention to the adverse consequences resulting from the socioeconomic disadvantages (Bahle et al. 2010). In both India and China, the government is the major service provider, but the approaches of service and the provisions of service are different in two different economies. Interestingly political administration of both India and China is different in nature and there is a considerable difference in social service delivery system between India and China. However as noted by the scholarly world the next big change to the contemporary world society will probably not be a matter of economics, or electronics, or military science; it will be a change in the everyday world of politics. The political administration of a nation is the basic concept that has an influence on each and every aspect of the development and welfare. In many countries provisions of social welfare, social security and social assistance are taken care of by the administrative divisions of the respective governments. In fact, in India, the democratic administrative system is directly responsible for the provisions of social welfare. In general, Social assistance is the programme of last resort. It is intended for persons who have exhausted all other means of financial support. India is a democratic republic where the constitution of the country guarantees each citizen of the country with rights and civil liberties. At present Indian society is facing many social problems such as child labour, child abuse, exploitation of women, problems related to disabled people, mental health issue, illiteracy, unemployment, etc. poverty is the substantial problem even in the present Indian society. This book focuses on the social policies and programmes designed to address different societal issues and concerns across India and China. The primary focus is on gaining an understanding of the design and delivery of the social welfare policies and programmes related to special interest groups i.e. Women, Children, Elderly, poverty groups, etc. Chapters in this volume result from both theoretical, evidence -based and empirical to bring out policy analysis and outcome to enable academicians and practitioners for policy impact and advocacy work. China and India are two countries in the world that share the most characteristics in common. Both are the most populous countries in the world and both are located in Asia. Both are proud of their long civilization that goes back to some 5000 years, but both suffered invasions and colonial rules. Both India and China won their independence in the late 1940s and advocated the principles of peaceful co-existence, the moral ideas of Chinese and Indians are similar. India is the second-largest populated country in the world. Since its independence from Britishers in 1949, India is facing many issues related to the development. The uniqueness of the geography, political system, economic sectors and the other aspects are contributing as well as constraining the society’s development. China is the most populous country in the world with a single-party government in operation. The problems faced by present China are not very different from the rest of the word. Similar to India, the Chinese government is also following a planned growth strategy (five-year plans) since 1953. The purpose of this chapter is

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to critically examine the social welfare reforms of both India and China after 1978 and its effect on the welfare of the people. In this introductory chapter we provide; a general introduction followed by (i) an overview of reform, policies and social welfare in China; (ii) an overview of reform, policies and social welfare in India; (iii) the population in need for welfare—a comparison; and (iv) a critical understanding of the role of the state in social welfare. The chapter concludes with a summary of the volume and its scope. India is a democratic republic and is divided into 27 states. Each of these states has its own government elected by the people living in it. In addition to these state governments the country has a federal government at the centre and over 200,000 (urban and rural) local governments which make the administrative structure a truly decentralized and people-centric. As a parliamentary democracy, the country has elected legislatures and an independent judiciary that hold both the legislative and executive arms of the state accountable. In order to ensure accountability and transference in its administration and development the nation followed the electoral process, the ultimate accountability mechanism in a democratic country, and it has performed well for over 70 years. A number of independent authorities and commissions are also set up to perform accountability functions in coordination with different parts of the government. The political functioning of the People’s Republic of China takes place in a framework of socialist republic run by a single party. Accordingly, the Communist Party of China is the administrative authority in the country with the largest population in the world. The country is governed under the constitution of 1982 as amended, the fifth constitution since the accession of the P.R China in 1949. The unicameral legislature is the National People’s Congress (NPC), consisting of deputies who are indirectly elected to terms of five years. The power to decide national economic strategy, elect or remove high officeholders, and change China’s constitution rests with the National People’s Congress (NPC). In our context, for the purpose of this volume “China” refers to the People’s Republic of China (mainland China); “Economic Reform” refers to the comprehensive reform in its economic system (or institution) since 1978; and an economic reform in India refers to the reforms after 1980. However, we also note here that contributions in this volume are addressed beyond the geographical and administrative boundaries of the People’s Republic of China.

The Reforms, Policies and Social Welfare in India This part makes an attempt to familiarize the readers with the major reforms, policies and the programmes in India since 1980s. Here we discuss the government’s efforts to develop the economy and the society by introducing a number of programmes and policies for the advancement of economy and society. The discussion is concentrated on India’s opening up to the global market “Globalisation, Liberalization and the Privatization” and welfare activities. India restructured its economic plans after gaining independence

4  J. GAO ET AL.

from United Kingdome in 1947. A long-term colonialism and exploitation of resources by the Britishers left India a poor and developing country in the world. In addition, the Indian economy is predominantly based on Agriculture and rural-centric. The agricultural sector in the country contributes 13.9% of India’s gross domestic product (GDP) and employs just a little less than 54.6% of the country’s workforce (Wagh and Dongre 2016). In addition, agriculture is the principal means of livelihood for the 58% of rural households, Agriculture, along with fisheries and forestry, is one of the largest contributors to the Gross Domestic Product (Wagh and Dongre 2016). Being the most significant part of the Indian economy agricultural sector witnessed a considerable transformation in the past two decades. On the one hand, policies of globalization, liberalization and privatization have opened up new opportunities for the agricultural sector with modernization and advancement. On the other hand, these modernization lead to commercialization, diversification and technological and institutional innovations which generated a huge investment in the sector. Unfortunately, India’s agriculture is largely dependent on Monsoon and other factors like unfavourable geographical conditions, religious beliefs, social superstitions and Zamindari system. As a result of these issues, poverty is even today a major social issue in India. Today India’s economy is overpopulated. It has grown by more than three times in the last 60 years. At the time of independence in 1947, the population was 350 million. According to the 2011 census, India’s population stands at 1.21 billion. It is second only to China in the world and may even overtake China in future. Nearly one-third of the world’s poor live in India. The country today has beggars on the streets, the slums in towns and cities, children working in the fields or in the street side dhabas or employed in houses or in factories, etc. Soon after independence, in 1951 the Indian government formulated five-year plans for accelerating the focused development. As a result, the first five-year plan came into force during 1951–1956 and the twelfth five-year plan was ended in 2017. These five-year plans helped the Indian economy to tackle many challenges that were bothering the development of the country. At the beginning of the first plan, more than 70% of the population were engaged in agriculture and related activities. Even if this has come down, still around 60% of the population was still dependent on agriculture at the beginning of the twenty-first century i.e. the year 2001. The aim of five-year plans were to achieve the development of primary sector, development of public sector, agriculture and improvement in the production of wheat, Green Revolution and advanced agriculture development, provision for employment, poverty alleviation (Garibi Hatao) and justice, economic liberalization, price controls, establish growth in areas of increasing economic productivity, production of food grains, and generating employment opportunities for the people. The goals were also set to modernization of industries, population control, generating employment by giving priority to agriculture and rural development, reduction of poverty, ensuring food and water, basic health

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facilities to all people in India. The actual growth of the Indian economy was realized only during the sixth five-year plan as the economy achieved a growth rate of 5.4% against the target of 5.2%. However, the performance of the economy again suffered and faced challenges in the subsequent plan period and the seventh five-year plan Indian economy literally struggled to bring stability and self-sustainability in collaboration with voluntary agencies and the general public. However, despite planned growth strategies and gains achieved through the five-year plan India failed to achieve overall development. As a result, widespread disparity, inequality, overpopulation and unemployment still ­prevail in and across all levels of Indian society. Even today a large proportion of the Indian population still faces massive poverty. Further research has also noted the inverse relationship between economic growth and poverty reduction (Dollar and Kraay 2002; Ravallion and Chen 1997). Researchers have also argued that about 87% of the reduction in poverty is due to economic growth (Srinivasan 2011). However the Indian economy had an uninspiring annual growth of 3.5% since the 1950s till about 1970s (Srinivasan 2011). Higher growth of Indian economy started only after the 1980s and continued to show higher performance since 1990s (Srinivasan 2011). Historical reform introduced in 1991 led to greater economic growth in India. As a result, the number of people living on a dollar per day reduced from 93% in 1985 to 54% in 2005 (Beinhocker et al. 2007). Further reduction in people living in poverty led to an increase in the growth of middle-class population in the country. Evident to this the proportion of middle-class population grown from 16.8% in 2004–2005 to 20% in 2009–2010 (Chakravathy 2014). Further, the emergence of the middle class resulted in people’s movement in search of employment and livelihood. In addition to lack of employment and employment security, exploitation, lack of bargaining power and bad working conditions with low wage were commonly experienced by migrant workers in India (Manoj and Viswanath 2015). Further evidence for this trend can be found in different sectors such as jute industry (Rao and Rao 1993), construction industry (Soundararajan 2013), agricultural sector in Punjab (Singh 1989; Singh 1997) and Uttar Pradesh (Rajni 2007), tobacco cultivation in Andhra Pradesh (Rao 1978) and contract labourers in Delhi/NCR (Singh et al. 2012). The peace and security in India are at risk as the country experiences both internal and external extremist activities and these extremist forces have created conflict zones across the country. The country is witnessing conflict, terrorism, violent unrest, naxalism and other forms of threat from both internal and external extremist groups. Poverty reduction and establishing stability in the country is further obstructed by widespread corruption, delay in implementation of government programmes and bureaucratic administrative system. Further significant progress in education and poverty reduction in India did not help the country in elevation deprivation, health inequality and educational inequality.

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The Reforms, Policies and Social Welfare in China In this part we make an effort to familiarize the readers with the major reform events taking place in China. Here we will discuss the paradigm and ideology shifts in the Chinese economy as Marxian structure to a market-oriented economy and the subsequent part critically analyses the consequences of the development on social welfare in China. Chinas welfare policies aimed at the economic development of the country had undergone considerable changes since the formation of the Communist government in 1949. The country has seen both pain and progress in its welfare transformation (Li and Piachaud 2004). In common with most communist countries, China adopted central planning from 1949. The central planning system was an attempt to boost the fast growth of heavy industries in urban areas. Social policy played a supportive role to strengthen the state’s ability to lower labour costs and maintain social control. The policies followed by the Chinese government prior to initiation of economic reform resulted in a very poor and low performing economy. The Chinese economy was isolated from the global economy and centrally controlled as the result of China’s unique political and administrative structure. However, the opening up to the global economy and grate market reforms initiated in 1979 resulted in the fast and stable growth of economy. In addition, China emerged as the world’s leading economy (on the basis of purchasing power parity) and manufacturer, merchandise trader, and holder of foreign exchange reserves. Learning from the 1960s and 1970s political and social turmoil Chinese ­second-generation leaders realized the need for a strong and stable ­economy to build a strong and modern China. Thus in 1978 China opened for the market economy and unparalleled economic reforms that brought much of today’s growth and progress. In the next three decades, China achieved much success in the economy and trade and also developed the first generation of rich and superrich people in the country (Ting and Chen 2012). China achieved the status of the world’s second-largest economy and soon became a competitor to the United States just with in the three decades of introducing the market economy and economic reforms. With a constant GDP growth rate of 8% and higher for more than a decade China recorded the second-largest GDP rate in the world. As a result of planned and accelerated economic and market reforms China owns the world’s largest foreign exchange reserves (Ting and Chen 2012). No doubt China had grabbed the world’s attention with its unstoppable economic development in a very short span of the reform period. Further, these reform policies effectively helped the Chinese government in lifting millions of people out of acute poverty and offering standardized education, health care and social security. In the next part, we will discuss the major economic reforms, events that took place in China since the reform period.

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Property right: One interesting aspect of the Chinese society is the Property Rights. In order to make sense of the social issues and the economy of China one needs to understand the property right and the aspects related to the rights of the people in owning the land in the People’s Republic of China. Prior to the 1978 Chinese economic reform the property right was in the hands of the public. China followed the unified pure public ownership system. The government did not only own the land and capital but also labour services. Under this system the individuals cannot freely sell their services, but are “assigned” employment at production units based on the central economic plan. As the economic reform deepened it gave rise to a multiform ownership of the property and this allowed for other forms of property ownership within the shadows of the explicit “socialist” objective. To make this point clearer let us look at some economic practices (1) farmers do not own the land, just 30 years of cultivation rights are given to the farmers; in addition to this, the cultivation “right” is transferrable under certain restrictions. If someone purchases an apartment the individual does not own, the land he/she will “own” only the physical structure of the apartment; the land right is only for 70 years of use after 70 years the land belongs to the government (Hou and Li 2011). Health care reforms: China replaced the Rural Cooperative Medical System (also called as bare-foot doctors) with the introduction of the Household Responsibility System. This household Responsibility System led to the dismantling of the rural communes (Wagstaff et al. 2009). But the rural people are hardly getting any medical facilities and medical health insurance. For over two decades, any true health insurance was virtually ­non-existent in the rural areas (Hou and Li 2011). The later government introduced the Basic Medical Insurance Program funded by employer and employee contributions. However, the drawback of this insurance system was it only covers the employee and not extended to family members. China introduced Many innovative and ambitious health insurance programmes in 2002 (Eggleston et al. 2008; Wagstaff et al. 2009). In the rural area, the New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS) was rolled out as a pilot programme for new rural health insurance. At the outset, the programme only covered 20 per cent of rural China, but by 2007 it had reached 86% (World Bank 2009). In September 2007, the Chinese government introduced a new voluntary Urban Resident Basic Medical Insurance Scheme in 79 cities. This insurance extended insurance benefit coverage to the dependent population, such as children, the elderly and students while urban health insurance was only covering the employee personally. In addition to this the insurance also had the coverage for those who are unemployed or out of the labour force. The insurance scheme enrolled 43 million people by the end of 2007 and by 2008 the scheme was expanded to 229 cities (Liu and Chen 2009; World Bank 2009). According to the Chinese official statistics, by the end of 2009, 1.2 billion Chinese were covered under some form of medical insurance (Hou and Li 2011).

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One-child policy: On 25 September 1980, China introduced the o ­ ne-child policy. The initiation of one-child policy was with an economic reform agenda. By introducing the one-child policy the Chinese government intended to maintain a steady labour force while reducing unemployment caused by labour surplus and to reduce the demand for natural resources to sustain economic growth. Hou and Li (2011) argued that the one-child policy of China is controversial both within and outside China because of the manner in which the policy has been implemented, and because of concerns about negative socioeconomic consequences. However, the policy has helped the country achieve 400 million fewer births during the past 30 years (Hou and Li 2011). In sum, accelerated economic growth, rapid industrialization, rapid growth in employment opportunities did not help China in overcoming challenges that could reduce future economic growth. In addition, the policies such as distortive economic policies encouraged the over reliance on export for economic growth. Further government support for the state-owned enterprises, a weak banking system, a widening income gap and growing pollution were results of China’s economic reform. However, despite these negative effects of economic planning China achieved five notable successes. A country with 60% of rural population and 10% of poverty rate China grew up to the second-largest economy in the world because of its economic planning. As a result of over decades of uninterrupted economic growth China also achieved the membership of elite club of countries. In 2005 China become the third-largest food donor and stopped receiving the food aid from the World Food Program. In the same year Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea), Liberia, Guinea Bissau, Sri Lanka and a dozen other countries received food aid from China (World Food Program 2006). As Chi (2005) notes China may be seen as still a developing country in terms of its economic development. However, the size of the Chinese economy has expanded dramatically in size and growth rate. According to the growth rate of Chinese economy and the assumed figures, it is assumed to overtake the Japanese economy in the medium to long term. Further, China had already achieved the rank of newly industrializing economies in East Asia. One interesting point to note here is the political change which is just moderate in spite of all economic and market reforms. Despite new forms of ownership initiated for the purpose of legitimizing the market political structure of the country remind unchanged. Efforts initiated during the 1980s with an intention to bring about political reforms through separation of function of party and government are mostly ineffective. However, the country has been witnessing numerous legal reforms. As a result, laws aiming at economic reform and foreign capital investment have been a big success. Most interestingly The National People’s Congress has also adopted a series of administrative reform measures and legal processes that are intended to provide citizens with possibilities to appeal against decisions of the bureaucracy.

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Population in Need of Welfare—A Comparison Both India and China face social issues that are not very different. Problems of overpopulation, unemployment and poverty are much more in India compared to China as Chinese economic development has effectively addressed the issues related to poverty and unemployment. However, there are five specific issues that both India and China are experiencing at the forefront and these issues are predicted to be a threat for growing economies.

Growing Elderly China is not only experiencing overburden of its largest population but also experiencing a rapid ageing population (Jiang et al. 2015). These ageing population and the issues faced by elderly population are posing considerable challenges (CHARLS Research Team 2013; Zhao et al. 2014). Further Rapid ageing is also leading to dependency among the people. Especially elderly women in present China are more in need of support and care by the family members. Women aged 65 and above in need of support by other family members in their daily living accounts for 60% in a whole and 71% in rural area (PCO 2012). Dependency on family members for long-term care is reported to be the reason for family conflict and psychological problems (Tang and Lou 2010). Further the health care need of the elderly population is increasing rapidly (Du 2013). The effects of China’s long-standing one-child policy practised since 1970s is still impacting the society at a large through a high number of aged population and in many other cases, an “empty nest” where no family members to take care of elderly and elderly live by their self. Even though in 2015 China finally ended all one-birth restrictions (Zeng and Hesketh 2016) which was in force since 1970s and moved to a national two-child policy, research studies predict that the number of families bereft of their only child may reach 11.84 million by 2050 (Wang 2013). With the development of China’s general population, society, economy and gross national product, the family size in China is predicated to be shrinking and the number of children is decreasing. Further, accelerated economic development and urbanization are resulting in young people’s migration to cities. Youth migration and increasing older population have led to increasing concerns about older adults’ care and support (Zhang et al. 2012). Further social security, health care and pension system for the elderly are not well established yet. Research has also noted that having one child makes parents more vulnerable in their physical health, psychological health, economic situation, and social networks as they tend to withdraw from the outside world when they lost their child (Wei et al. 2016). Most importantly the one-child policy of China had led to increasingly serious “empty nest” phenomenon (Zeng and Hesketh 2016). Population ageing as the most important social change in many countries during the twenty-first century, Asian and European countries are experiencing most of

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the problems with rapidly ageing elderly population. Further in many developing economies, a steady growth in the elderly population and is posing threats to the sustainability of welfare provisions and social security system of the country. In addition, this issue is also resulting in the economic and market slowdown as resources by the government need to be invested in ensuring the basic facilities to the elderly population of the country. The elderly population is also posing a challenge to the Indian economy and social security system. On account of the growing population amounting to 1.31 billion, which makes the country the second largest populous country in the world and accommodating 17% of the world’s total (United Nations 2015) the effectiveness of government social security system is far from sustainable. In addition, United Nations Population Division estimates that India’s population will in fact overtake China’s by 2028. Hence it is evident that the existing social security system in the country is no more effective I serving the estimated population to be added to the existing population. A range of chapters in this volume addresses the welfare challenges related to different communities in both India and China. An in-depth comparative understanding of elderly issues and welfare provision is also discussed in detail (Basha, A. M. Chapter 9 in this volume). Further elderly, disability and welfare challenges are increasing in both societies and in addition to being elderly, disability is posing much higher disadvantage for normal living and it makes elderly disabled population more dependable and vulnerable. Concerns about the elderly population with disabilities in India and China is discussed with an in-depth analysis of available literature (Agniotri, S. Chapter 10 in this volume). Ageing is occurring rather quickly in Asia. Both India and China have developed programmes and policies for the welfare of the elderly population. The Chinese government has developed long-term care policies with community-based care facility (Feng et al. 2011; State Council 2001; Wu ­ et al. 2005), whereas India is focusing more on community-based care and protection for the elderly. Further Chinese research has addressed the need for active engagement of the elderly population in employment, volunteer activities and care provision (Du and Yang 2010; Lum 2013; Morrow-Howell and Wang 2013). Research studies have also recommended community-based care provisions for older Chinese (Li et al. 2010; Liu and Lou 2016; Shen 2014; Yeatts et al. 2014). India is currently experiencing a three-time higher growth rate of the older population compared to the growth of the population as a whole (Giridhar et al. 2014). Further the ageing population is exceptionally increasing due to the impressive growth in increased life expectancy. With an alarming rise in the elderly population, the need for care and welfare provisions are increasing dramatically. Compared to China, the elderly in India are more vulnerable as government spend very little on the social security system. Social isolation and loneliness, neglect by the family and friends, lack of caregivers and ignorant attitude by the younger people are the major issues faced by the elderly in contemporary Indian society.

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People Living in Poverty Poverty in Indian society is widespread and one-third of the world’s poor are estimated to be housed in India. Poverty in India is predominantly because of a lack of policies and programmes by the government and the existence of caste system and caste-based discrimination. However, poverty alleviation has been the primary goal of India’s economic policy since its independence in 1947. Evident to this all 12 five-year plans of India stating from 1952 to 2017 focused on poverty alleviating either directly or indirectly. Further poverty is at the core of development debates in India. However, the discourse of poverty in India is primarily restricted to quantifying the poor with an intention of delivering poverty alleviation measures (Radhakrishna and Ray 2005). Despite governmental and no-governmental efforts in poverty reduction, the progress is much lower and the number of poor people lifted out of poverty is minimal compared to total number of poor still trapped in poverty. Nevertheless, the national poverty ratio declined from 51.3% in 1977–1978 (Planning Commission 2002) to 29.8% in 2009–2010 (Planning Commission 2012). However, the decline in poverty incidents has been lower in urban areas compared to the rural areas (Thorat and Dubey 2012). According to the World Banks’ estimation, China has lifted 800 million people out of poverty since 1978 (World Bank 2017). Despite this remarkable success, the state council report shows that 55.75 million people still live in poverty with the majority of these in extreme poverty (State Council Information Office and Xinhua 2016). Further according to the World Bank’s estimate in 2015 about 7% of the world’s poor population lived in China (Jiao 2015). China also achieved a remarkable reduction in rural poverty during 1980 and 2001 through a Sharpe increase in agricultural production and non-form income (De Janvry et al. 2005; Imai and You 2014). However, despite progress achieved literature also documents a large number of poor people’s concentration in the rural area (De Janvry et al. 2005). Nevertheless, China had placed poverty reduction goals at the top of the national policy agenda. As a result, many new policies have been developed and introduced by the Chinese government in recent decades (Zhang. H, Chapter 12; Jaha. T, Chapter 13; Zeuthen. J, Chapter 23 in this volume). However, the results of existing academic studies on poverty in China are mainly based on the analyses of income or expenditure (Appleton et al. 2010; Goh et al. 2009; Meng et al. 2005; Zhang et al. 2014).

Social Welfare—Welfare of Whom? Muuri (2010) notes that social welfare policy is a way to support less advantaged and fortunate people in society. Equal distribution among different social groups in an unequal society can be achieved with the help of social policies. Similarly, Breznau (2008) noted the importance of associating education, health, shelter, and employment services along with other social

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welfare provisions provided by the state for the advancement of less privileged population provided to the general public by the state with the social welfare policies provided by the state. One important issue for discussion in contemporary society is the role of the state in the social welfare of people. Irrespective of the type of government and economic development countries across the globe are withdrawing from their responsibility as some welfare providers. Globalization, privatization and neoliberalism induced economic development in many parts of the world is leading to privatization of health, education and housing. However, the population across the globe irrespective of economic development of the country or standard of living and quality of life of the people demands states responsibility in social welfare and social protection. Scholars have discussed these issues for a long time and as society and social issues change the need for policy and programmes for disadvantaged increases. This makes this situation much relevant all the time and keeps both people in need of service and the state at the centre of discussion. However, many researchers support the view that the state should be responsible for developing implementing and funding social welfare policies and programmes. Brown and Neku (2005), Amanor-Boadu et al. (2009) support the view that providing education, social security, employment assistance and equitable resources and opportunities is the government’s responsibility and the government should intervene in the economic and social process of its citizens. On the other hand Murray (1984), Dollar and Kraay (2000) argued that providing national defence, public goods, and ensuring the administration of justice is the responsibility of the government. However, the people should be free in terms of their economic and social choices and there should not be any intervening by the government in the economic and social process of its citizens. In the light of present competitive society, this discussion of the government’s role in welfare provision is finding much importance. Neoliberal policies that guide world order and market that guides people life has brought the situation that irrespective of social status and standard of living, people in today’s society need social security and protection by the state. This argument stands valid not only in the less developed and underdeveloped economies but also in the industrialised countries in the West. While there are research studies in the developed Western countries (Bahle et al. 2010; Baum et al. 2013; Muntaner et al. 2012; Popay et al. 2010) on different aspects of social welfare and its delivery system, there has been not much exploration in the global south and especially in India and China with respect to development, delivery and funding of social welfare. Further comparative studies between India and China in the area related to social welfare policy and assistance is minimal. With the intention to fill this gap, the present volume is moreover an experiment to understand how two different political systems can learn from each other’s social welfare policies and provisions. We are not in the process of finding an answer for who should take care of social welfare and social security provisions, rather our search is for what these two largest yet developing economies in the world have similarities and differences in their

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social issues and the way they approach these social issues through policies and provisions of welfare.

Organization of the Book This volume is a modest attempt to compare the existing social welfare policies and programmes in India and China. The majority of the chapters in this volume evaluate the effectiveness of existing welfare provisions in two different political, economic and cultural contexts. Some also provide a very in-depth comparative understanding of the social issues and their solutions in a cross-national context. The focuses of the chapters are theoretical, e­vidence-based, and empirical in nature, and all the authors of this volume make an effort to discuss, deliberate and document the happenings in welfare in their respective country, while there are also efforts to compare social welfare provisions beyond boundaries and cultural ethos. The book is divided into five parts: Part I: Society and Welfare in India and China—A Comparison Part II: Child Welfare in India and China Part III: Elderly care in India and China—Emerging Concerns Part IV: Poverty in Numbers—Where India and China Stands Part V: Social Problems in India and China—A Comparison Each of these segments will be introduced with an overview that sets forth the context. This book will serve as a reference to universities throughout the world that are offering academic programmes in social work and social welfare at doctoral, post-graduate, and master’s levels. This book will be equally useful for students, faculty, and researchers in these universities. Anyone interested in the study of social work and social welfare in a comparative perspective will find this book immensely helpful. The book will also provide insightful resources and materials for other helping professions that rely on interdisciplinary perspectives and an integrated approach to human ­problem-solving. This book can help readers to gain comprehensive, comparative perspectives on social welfare provision, social protection and their delivery in both India and China. We hope that the students, educators, and especially researchers doing comparative and cross-country studies and exchange programmes find this collection interesting and insightful.

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PART I

Society and Welfare in India and China—A Comparison Jianguo Gao and Rajendra Baikady

China and India are two most populous countries in the world that share the common characteristics and are located in Asia. Both are proud of their own individual long civilization that goes back to some 5000 years, but both suffered invasions and colonial rules. China is the most populous country in the world with a single party government in operation whereas India is the second most populous country in the world. Both India and China won their independence in the late 1940s and advocated the principles of peaceful co-existence, the moral ideas of Chinese and Indians are similar. Since its independence from Britishers in 1947 India is facing numerus issues in relation to its economy and development. The uniqueness of the geography, political system, economic sectors and the other aspects of the country are contributing as well as constraining the society and people’s development. India has one of the oldest and unique cultures in the world. The culture, tradition, way of living and the traditional rituals in India changes state to state. Perhaps there are considerable diversity within the state with respect to tradition and rituals in terms of religion and caste. India has unique cultural diversity throughout the country. Each part of the country has its own distinct cultures and almost every state has its own uniqueness in its culture and traditions. India is geographically a vast country, having variety of geographical features and climatic conditions. India is well known for its religious diversity and unity among people belonging to different religion and tolerant to other religion and culture. Despite of number of religion followed in India following are the four major world religions, Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism. Despite of the widely accepted western values India still maintains its uniqueness in its culture, tradition and religious aspects. The developments

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that are taking place in the country have considerable impact on deep rooted traditional life of the people. However even though influenced by the globalization process the ancient tradition and the culture of India still remains practiced despite of changes and modernization that are taking place in the country (Cohen 2001). In the present society development happens overnight. The influence of the west, introduction of globalization, privatization and liberalization had made human communication and connectivity much easier and accessible. Comparing with the old society the present society has more vulnerability to change and modernization in the light of globally accepted values of change and development. However, India is recognized as one of the fastest growing region in the world, despite of the social problem that are effecting the development the country has made its own remarks in the global development ranking. Comparative studies on India and China over the decades are in demand for many reasons. Globalization privatisation and liberalization have brought increasing challenge for the welfare system and as a result studies focusing on welfare systems across the globe and specially in developing nations see a rising demand. Owing these demands researchers across academic disciplines studied various aspects of India and China. However not much has been written on the various welfare provisions in these two countries—both of them have largest number of population to feed and a wide verity of inequality to deal with. This part of the book makes an attempt in better understanding the societal aspects of India and China. Both India and China had been under planned economy and have been experiencing economic liberalisation since the 1980s. However, sustainability of economic growth in both these countries was mostly effected by lack of innovation in science and technology. Development of science and technology is a crucial part of any developing economy that aspires to achieve higher levels of economic gains (David et al. 2008). Both India and China are the two fastest growing largest economies in the Asian region and both are aspiring to be the superpowers of the next century. Both India and Chinese societies face numerable developmental challenges that requires major efforts by the government in the form of welfare measures and social security provisions. Decades of economic development and industrialization had brought a steep increase in income of the people, however at the same time income inequality is also increased with a large number of people living in poverty and deprivation. Along with the economic development in both societies inequality of many kinds started blooming (Bhalla and Luo 2013). Even though many earlier studies have found positive effects of inequality (Banerjee and Duflo 2003; Kaldor 1957; Barro 2000; Dabla-Norris et al. 2015) researchers have also alerted policy makers and administrators with the genitive effects of inequality (Kumhof et al. 2015; Rodrik 1999). Research has also noted that increasing inequality may lead to economic, fiscal or political instability (Kumhof et al. 2015; Rodrik 1999) of which most are experienced

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by both India and China in the recent decades. Further numerus research studies exploring poverty and inequality has been done in both India and China (Balakrishnan et al. 2013; Chaudhuri and Ravallion 2006; Piketty and Qian 2009). India and China are not only the most populous counties in the world, but also fastest growing economies of the world and increasingly important engines of the global economy. A comparison of economies between India and China has been a subject of investigation and research both in academics (Bosworth and Colluns 2007; Huang and Khanna 2003; Madhan et al. 2010; Srinivasan 2006) and in popular media (Wright 2012). Further rising inequality has become an important political concern across the globe in the last five decades. India and China are the two countries with wide verity of inequality along with its thick population and developing economy. Even though inequality can be seen in both developed and developing economies in the world, impact and consequences of the inequality is more among the developing and less developed economies than in the developed economies. In the recent decades increasing level of income inequality, regional imbalance, poverty and deprivation in India and China is attracting more attention by the policymakers and administrator's alike. Thus in the contemporary society comparing social welfare provisions in different political and administrative systems is gaining prominence with development in research and innovation. This part of the volume includes four contributions examining society and social welfare in India and China. Poonam Surie in her chapter Traditions, Values and Religion: Social Welfare in India and China examines the ancient values and philosophies of the two very similar, yet very different countries in the Asian continent. The Chapter provides an in-depth understanding on beliefs and life of the people in India and China, and brings in the i­nteresting and relevant discussion on belief systems and see how these belief systems have impacted social welfare and societies across both countries. Hasan Yeser Malik questions the normally considered notion of ‘disciplined’ which believes that only European nations are disciplined as compare to rest of the world and most of Asian and African nations which are living in South Asia and Sub Saharan Africa are considered to be ill-disciplined and uncivilized nations. In contrary to this notion author in this chapter argues that the discipline and national pride exhibited by Chinese nation is par excellence and the disciplined behaviour of Chinese people is a case study for all countries, particularly its neighbouring Asian countries which have been ruled by European Colonialism from 1769 to 1954 and are still being influenced. Sigamani Panneer, S. P. Sreya and Raja Meenakshi J. provides a comparative perspective of social work education in India and China in their chapter Paradigm Shift in Social Work Practices in India and China—Lessons for Emerging Economies. While giving an overview of social work development and present status, the chapter highlights the need for developing evidence based social work in both India and China which will serve as the base for gaining strong

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professional identity. It also examines the increased scope of social work in the light of developing concepts such as welfarism, professionalism, consumerism, managerialism, New Public Management and participationism. The authors demands for an inclusive and versatile approach in social work praxis to welcome new changes and view them as constructive changes that brings a trans-disciplinary approach to ensure eclectism. In the last chapter of this part, Yan Liu and Zhu Qian examines the land-use behavior of farming households with different livelihood modes in China and its impact on rural land degradation. The findings are resulting from a questionnaire based survey conducted on 789 farming households in 15 villages in the e­co-fragile karst area of Anshun City in Guizhou Province. The results of the study shows that land-use behavior was associated with different livelihood modes (e.g. cultivating sloping land, using various types of energy sources, leaving land uncultivated or reclaiming wasteland), which subsequently provide different results with regards to rural land degradation in the three regions studied. Furthermore, many farming households were forced to change their modes of livelihood, resulting in greater instability. This study recommends alternative livelihood modes that can generate a sustainable income and prevent rural land degradation in the karst area.

References Balakrishnan, R., Steinberg, C., & Syed, M. (2013). The elusive quest for inclusive growth: Growth, poverty, and inequality in Asia (IMF Working Paper 13/152), Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund. Banerjee, A., & Duflo, E. (2003). Inequality and growth: What can the data say? Journal of Economic Growth, 8(3), 267–299. Barro, R. (2000). Inequality and growth in a panel of countries. Journal of Economic Growth, 5(1), 5–32. Bhalla, A. S., & Dan Luo. (2013). Poverty and exclusion of minorities in India and China. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Bosworth, B., & Colluns, S. (2007). Accounting for growth: Comparing China and India. National Bureau of Economic Growth (Working Paper Number 12943), Cambridge: National Bureau of Economic Growth. Chaudhuri, S., & Ravallion, M. (2006). Partially awakened giants: Uneven growth in China and India (World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 4069), Washington, DC: World Bank. Cohen, S. P. (2001). ‘Introduction’ and ‘Chapter 1: Situating India’, in India: Emerging power. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Dabla-Norris, E., Kochhar, K., Ricka, F., Suphaphiphat, N., & Tsounta, E. (2015). Causes and consequences of income inequality: A global perspective (IMF Staff Discussion Note 15/13), Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund. David, P., Aghion, P., & Foray, D. (2008). Science, technology and innovation for economic growth: Linking policy research and practice in “STIG Systems” (Paper No. MPRA Paper 12096), Munich: University Library of Munich.

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Huang, Y., & Khanna, T. (2003). Can India overtake China? Foreign Policy, 137, 74–81. Kaldor, N. (1957). A model of economic growth. The Economic Journal, 67(268), 591–624. Kumhof, M., Rancière, R., & Winant, P. (2015). Inequality, leverage, and crises. American Economic Review, 105(3), 1217–1245. Madhan, M., Chandrasekar, G., & Arunachalam, S. (2010). Highly cited papers from India and China. Current Science, 99, 1–12. Piketty, T., & Qian, N. (2009). Income inequality and progressive income taxation in China and India, 1986–2015. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 1(2), 53–63. Rodrik, D. (1999). Where did all the growth go? External shocks, social conflict, and growth collapses. Journal of Economic Growth, 4(4), 385–412. Srinivasan, T. (2006). China, India and the world economy. Economic and Political Weekly, 41, 3716–3727. Wright, T. (2012). India far from overtaking China, report says. Wall Street Journal.

CHAPTER 2

Traditions, Values and Religion: Social Welfare in India and China Poonam Surie

Introduction: How Traditional Values and Religion Have Influenced Social Welfare in India and China India and China are two of the most populated countries in the world. Moreover, they are neighbours and have many commonalities. With many similar situations, they can learn from each other and can cooperate and strengthen their capabilities by a deeper understanding of many issues. Social welfare is important for both countries as they aspire to concentrate on their development paradigms. In this paper, the attempt will be to study the ancient values and philosophies of the two very similar, yet very different countries. India has always been a deeply religious country where dharma (right behaviour and social order) and karma (actions which decide your fate) have played a very important role in society. China on the other hand has believed in the philosophy of Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism and folk religions and the elements of these value systems are found in the fabric of contemporary Chinese life even today. It would be interesting and relevant to study both belief systems and see how they have impacted social welfare and societies across both countries.

P. Surie (*)  Institute of Chinese Studies, New Delhi, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_2

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Rights and Obligations in a Democratic India According to the Constitution of India1and under the directive Principles of state policy, Part IV, certain rights of citizens are stipulated. The state is ‘to secure a social order for the promotion of welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice, social, economic and political shall inform all the institutions of the national life’. Further, ‘the state shall, in particular, strive to minimize the inequalities of income, and endeavor to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities, not only amongst individuals but also amongst groups of people residing in different areas or engaged in different vocations’. There are also stipulations that men and women equally, have the right to an adequate means of livelihood. And that the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good. The constitution also goes on to say that men and women should be paid equally for equal work and that ‘the health and strength of workers, men and women, and the tender age of children are not abused and that citizens are not forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength. And that children are given opportunities and facilities to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity and that childhood and youth are protected against exploitation and against moral and material abandonment’. There are also provisions for equal justice and free legal aid and that they are not denied by reason of economic or other disabilities, among other stipulations.

Inclusive Growth Should Include Social Welfare Development paradigms take into account per capita incomes, GDP and GNP, productivity, etc. What needs to be included in these are measures of inclusive growth, so that the development in economic terms impacts all sections of the population. The traditional economic growth model should include equality of opportunity, food security, quality of the environment, health, justice, protection and equitable distribution of income. Productive employment to the needy with the aim of increasing their incomes and thus their capacity to improve their lives, a fair regulatory system, long term perspectives on the equitable distribution of the fruits of development, all are as important as progress in terms of material indicators. The development discourse has gone on to include concepts of social justice, human development, human rights and well-being. In the last few years, India has seen the importance of ‘social protection’. From 2004 onwards, there has been increasing legislation on the right to education, to work, to health and food security.

1 “National

Portal of India.” National Portal of India, Govt of India, http://www.india.gov.in.

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Social Welfare Schemes Examples of social welfare schemes are the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act in 2005, the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers Act, 2006 and the National Food Security Act in 2013. The National Rural Health Mission in 2005 had as its agenda bringing to the rural areas good quality healthcare. The Janani Suraksha Yojana, (Government of India, 2005) addressed pregnant women and lowering their mortality. Compulsory education for children was addressed by the implementation of the Right to Education Act in 2009. There were several other schemes which made it easier to transfer cash to girls and the elderly and people with disabilities. Scholarships, funds for widows and pensioners were also implemented. There are different bima yojanas (insurance policies) which along with the facility of Aadhar (Unique Identification ID) made electronic cash transfers available to masses of people. Different states have their own programmes. For example, in the state of Odisha the Biju Swasthya Yojana provides universal health security and provides free medicines, diagnostics and treatment for the entire population and current figures indicate that 4.5 million people are treated every month. The RTI or the right to information act has been an important addition in the rights-based agenda.

The Reality on the Ground However, social welfare schemes are firmly in place but the reality on the ground is quite different and if we look around, we see the gap between theory and the practical application of these welfare policies. On the one hand, the urban spaces are flourishing with fairly well developed offices, malls, hotels and infrastructure and on the other hand, there are clear reminders that social welfare is not a simple concept. Homeless people who live on footpaths, ragpickers who look for objects in garbage dumps, the beggars on the streets of Delhi, the labourers who carry heavy baggage and implements on their backs, the man who sells peanuts and candied gajjak (a sweet with nuts and sesame seeds) in the winter and bottles of lemon drinks in the summer are as much a part of urban India as the modern cityscapes and malls and the IT professionals who develop gateways for digital marketing. Clearly, if we look at these people on the streets through the prism of social welfare and need-based assistance, we realize that they need to be assisted in ways that are designed differently from those of the rest of the population. These sections include the elderly who either live on their own or fend for themselves, the homeless, the beggars, destitute children who live on the street, mentally challenged individuals, differently abled people and those who face domestic violence and are abused.

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State and Community in Social Welfare Paradigms In countries such as India and China which have large populations and which are diversified and complex, with many ethnic communities and segments of society, social welfare needs are many and varied, and ideas from different relevant disciplines need to be woven together in order to have an effective mechanism for planning, designing and implementing social welfare schemes. Social welfare involves a system of laws, programmes, benefits and services which ultimately impact the well-being of the individual. Most of the social welfare is carried out by the government but the responsibility also rests on the family, community and NGOs and in the case of India also on religious organizations. The question is whether social policy is subordinate to economic policy or whether economic development is the primary goal of the state. This is a question that all nations have to deal with. In some ways, political considerations also are part of this decision-making process as governments and regimes have to keep the voters/citizens happy.

Awareness Creates Social Reform Within the purview of social welfare policies falls the attempt at social reform, so that society is lifted from its present state to one where people are more willing to care, share and give. The awareness should also be about ethical ways of working and a mindset where the needs of others are as important as themselves. Filial piety, the respect for elders, just treatment of lower sections of society, caring for the destitute, the homeless and less privileged, all this can be attempted to be done through public education and a process of persuasion wherein awareness is created by well-known figures who can act as brand ambassadors for different social causes. Amitabh Bachchan, a well known Indian actor leads the Swachh Bharat (Clean India) campaign and grabs the attention of millions of viewers on TV. As one walks down a street in one’s city in India, the words used for calling out to people are normally, bhaiya (brother), behenji, didi (sister), aunty, mataji, (mother), uncle and beta (my child). If we stop to think for a moment, it brings out a very strong point. All these terms stand for people in a family. Traditionally, and even now, we call each other names which presuppose that we are part of a family. This is very significant as communities who think of each other as family, are much more likely to have compassion for each other. The fact that we still follow these traditional mores should make us conscious of this. In India there have been many social reformists such as Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Raja Rammohan Roy, Swami Vivekananda, Dayanand Saraswati, Gopabandhu Das, Dr. B. R Ambedkar and many more. They have been involved with reforms, trying to uplift different sections of society. Gandhi believed in ahimsa (non violence) and sarvodya (upliftment of all in society), and that individuals should think of others as being equally

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important as themselves. Swami Vivekananda created interfaith awareness and was responsible for setting up the Ramakrishna Mission, which carries out extensive educational and philanthropic work in India. The other reformists also took up various social causes which impacted hugely on the population. It is because of these reformists that enormous change has come about in society in the last few decades. The reformists took up various issues such as widow remarriage, the move against ‘sati’ (immolation of widows) and so on.

Welfare Policies Initiated by the Present Government The policies which are relevant and significant today are many. A clean and hygienic India was the dream of Gandhiji and it has been implemented through the length and breadth of India. He spoke against society discriminating against the untouchables or Dalits and the cleanliness campaign that he emphasized has been the initiative that has tried to motivate all in the country to pick up brooms and clean their neighbourhoods. Other schemes have benefitted many sections of society. The Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (Prime Minister’s People’s Wealth Scheme) starts with ‘Mera khata, bhagya Vidhata’ which means ‘My account will determine my fate or destiny’. Millions of bank accounts have enabled people to benefit from electronic transfers. Numerous other welfare policies have been implemented and are making many success stories in Modern India. The ‘Beti Bachao, beti padhao’ programme is a policy which is against the neonatal abortion of the girl child and encourages education for girls. A number of other programmes for the rural sector like the Rashtriya Krishi vikas yojana (National Rural Development Scheme), Sansad Adarsh Gram Yojana, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana are all designed for rejuvenating the agricultural sector. The suraksha bima yojana is a government initiative where social insurance is available for the poorest of citizens. The premium is as low as Rs. 12 per annum and it covers death benefits up to 2 lakhs, in case of losing eyesight or both hands, legs or feet the insurance cover would be up to 2 lakhs and in the case of losing one eye, hand or leg/foot it would be Rs. 1 lakh. An auto-debit would be made each year.

Poverty Alleviation Poverty levels have come down in India in the last few years. According to the Planning Commission and Niti Aayog reports the percentage of rural population under the poverty line was 50.1% in 1993–1994 and urban population 31.8% and the total percentages were 45.3%. Whereas in 2011–2012, the rural population below poverty line has come down to 25.7%, while urban population under the poverty line was 13.7%, and for the total population, the figures are 21.9%.

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According to the Ministry of Rural development, employment generated under Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) during 2015–2016 to 2017–2018 has gone up substantially. In 2015–2016, the number of total households working went up from 48.1 million to 51.2 million in 2016–2017 and 2017–2018. As for the number of total individuals working, the numbers have gone up from 72.3 million in 2015–2016 to 76.7 million in 2016–2017 and 75.9 million in 2017–2018. According to the General Review 2018, Central Electricity Authority, the total number of towns and villages electrified in India is now 99.25%. Inspite of substantial development and economic progress, there still is a need to address many issues. Poverty alleviation is a very important issue both in India and China. The 2018 global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) released by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI)2 said that about 1.3 billion people live in multidimensional poverty globally. The Index noted that in India, 271 million people moved out of poverty between 2005/2006 and 2015/2016. The poverty rate in the country has nearly halved, falling from 55 to 28% over the ten-year period.3 The MPI tries to not just count how many people are below the poverty line in terms of per capita income but actually tries to see how many people are struggling to live and manage their lives within the amount they are able to earn. Poverty alleviation is, as all others a very complex issue. First of all there is the issue of earning a living. Providing for quotas and permissions for licences for people who sell small ware on the streets is an important pointer in this direction. Corrupt officials and police workers have to be kept in check so that they do not demand bribes and thus add to the problems of the small and medium sector. Secondly, adequate policies and programmes of bank loans have to be implemented so that small and medium enterprises can avail of these facilities. Towards this, the Indian government is trying to help people. As stated above, under the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana people from 18 to 65 years of age are helped to get access to financial services such as bank accounts, remittances, credit, insurance and pension. According to government figures, 15 million bank accounts were opened on the first day and by mid-2018, over 318 million bank accounts were opened and more than Rs. 792 billion were deposited under the scheme. The current figure is more than Rs. 377,750 million.4 The government is encouraging loan facilities to entrepreneurs. Three such loan schemes are the Mudra Loan scheme (Micro Units development and refinance agency limited), the Micro and small entrepreneurs scheme and 2 (n.d.). Retrieved from (http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo9780199920082/obo-9780199920082-0144.xml). 3 (n.d.). Retrieved from (https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/over-10-years-poverty-rate-inindia-reduced-to-half-un-report-1919756). 4 (n.d.). Retrieved from (https://cleartax.in/s/pradhan-mantri-jan-dhan-yojana-pmjdy).

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the ‘Stand up India’ scheme. The loans are a way of encouraging people to become entrepreneurs and to get motivated to start their own enterprises. This works much better than providing assistance in monetary terms to start ups and small enterprises. The investment in education is important in bringing the population to a desired literacy level. Similarly, the govt is encouraging people to be trained in those fields where vocational training institutes can provide the skills so that employment increases.

The Importance of Education The necessity of primary and secondary education is something that needs to be reasserted. Primary education is the foundation on which society will stand not only today but tomorrow and in the future also. The ancient system of education in India, the guru shishya (respect for a teacher by the pupil) tradition was a unique one in which the teacher was the guru and was revered by the pupil almost like a God. As stated by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Govt of India, Technical education plays a vital role in the human resource development by creating skilled manpower, enhancing industrial productivity and improving the quality of life of its people. Technical Education covers programmes in engineering, technology, management, architecture, town planning, pharmacy, applied arts & crafts, hotel management and catering technology. There are many excellent institutions which offer education and technical skills but the quality of education needs improvement and there is the need for the interconnectedness between technical knowledge and the way to become a successful entrepreneur. Somewhere there is a gap between the education system and the new initiatives of Digital India. The Govt of India5 site says “Digital Technologies which include Cloud Computing and Mobile Applications have emerged as catalysts for rapid economic growth and citizen empowerment across the globe. Digital technologies are being increasingly used by us in everyday lives from retail stores to government offices. They help us to connect with each other and also to share information on issues and concerns faced by us. In some cases they also enable resolution of those issues in near real time. The objective of the Digital India Group is to come out with innovative ideas and practical solutions to realize the vision of a digital India. Prime Minister Modi envisions transforming our nation and creating opportunities for all citizens by harnessing digital technologies. His vision is to empower every citizen with access to digital services, knowledge and information. This Group will come up with policies and best practices from around the world to make this vision of a digital India a reality.”6 5 https://www.mygov.in/group/digital-india/. 6 (n.d.).

Retrieved from (https://www.mygov.in/group/digital-india/)

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Once young people are trained in digital technology, the country can progress and employment will go up, thus leading to increased incomes and prosperity.

The Role of the Community and Non-government Organizations The role of the community is always important in increasing awareness about education for the young, both girls and boys. Certain voluntary organizations are helping in the education sector. The ‘Teach for India’ foundation is a non-profit organization which is a part of the ‘Teach for All’ organization. It encourages college students and working professionals to teach in the poor communities of certain cities and in some of the most under-resourced schools. A similar initiative is a programme called ‘Talk to me’ in which one can train young students to speak and improve their English speaking skills over the telephone. The mentors are working professionals, housewives, educators, college students and anyone who has the time and motivation to help the community develop speaking and learning skills. Similarly, a number of non-governmental organizations are involved in teaching poor and underprivileged sections of society. Amar Jyoti (meaning ‘the eternal flame’) is one such NGO which runs a Community Based Rehabilitation (CBR) project in ten urban slums and neighbouring areas in East Delhi and also in some other cities. The aim is to create opportunities for people with disabilities so that they and their families can lead a life of dignity. The needy are provided with education, skill developmental, training, medical care and career guidance. Another NGO which is doing good work for destitute children in the Salaam Baalak (Literal translation: Salute the Child) trust in Delhi and Mumbai. This organization provides shelters for abandoned children where they are looked after day and night, provided education, basic literacy and counselling. There are helplines to aid in rescuing children and at the Salaam Baalak Trust they are trained in theatre, dance and puppetry and perform all over the world. Skill development training in basic computer applications and beauty culture trades is provided to persons with disability under the specific scheme of Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya—Institute for Physically Handicapped as well. The government, under its healthcare scheme, gives a free medical package with consultation with specialists and free medicines for people suffering from tuberculosis. Different areas have free medical clinics also under the Ayushman Bharat scheme. At the Kumbh Mela at Prayagraj in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India in 2019, more than 120 million devotees collected and took a holy dip in the Sangam, the sacred confluence of the Ganges, the Yamuna and the mystical Saraswati rivers. Vedic mantras were chanted and religious hymns filled the air, spilling into the calm horizons of the beautiful expanse of the rivers. The sound of musical instruments was mesmerizing and the offering of prayers at

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the many temples, projects a message which is significant and clear. Devotion and dharma are important tenets in the lives of most Indians and society values the ancient traditions and values. There is an element of social welfare associated with the Kumbh Mela as well. Many people come to help the needy and there are numerous ways in which the poor are helped out. The social welfare activities include providing free eye care and spectacles to the needy as well as other healthcare facilities. As part of the initiative to alleviate poverty, it is necessary for the community to be empathetic towards the poor communities. Volunteers can enter these communities and observe the patterns which the poor go through in their lives and then do something to help them. For example, making young children conscious of a life outside their peripheries of slums can motivate them to study and succeed in life in different areas. Very often it is the relatives or the community neighbours who can encourage them to step o ­ utside their spaces and dream of aspirations in the successful people they see around them. If a chai wala (someone who sells tea) can become the Prime Minister of a country such as India, we can well imagine the aspirations of young people. Society can be mobilized with a positive agenda if the young people are cared for and literacy goes up. Various programmes such as sports facilities, athletics, local and national debating competitions, as well as counselling services should be available for young students so that they learn to live in a community and to cooperate and collaborate with each other as teams and groups. This would help in creating a society with balanced social interactions. The connection between human capital formation and education, skill development and literacy is undeniable and our main objective should be to increase labour productivity. The bottom of the social pyramid is the investment in human capability as stated by Sanjaya Baru in The Economic Times.7 The base of the pyramid, the masses who need investment in education is also important as is the apex which has specializations and training in technologies which is being done by a lot of good institutions with private funding. The importance of education for the girl child and for women cannot be stressed enough. Not only are women the foundation of the family and thus the community, but an educated woman can spread awareness about education to her children and educate them at home as no one else can. A mother is an all-encompassing influence and can create a remarkable change in society. The welfare policies of the women population therefore are of tremendous importance in nation building. Building individual confidence and security, developing social relationships, emphasizing the fabric of family life and thus the community are the basis of all societies across nation-states. Social welfare would do well to reinstate the importance of these and also create a consciousness so that along with the 7 Baru,

S. (2019, January 21). The Edit Page, Economic Times.

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welfare of society there would be social reform which would lift the society and nation to a more highly evolved and more egalitarian society which benefits all in it.

Social Welfare Should Aim at Empowering the Individual For social welfare schemes to be implemented in an effective way, it is necessary for the policymakers to know the social values, traditions and customs of the society. The policies of the government at present are named in such a way that they appeal to the junta or the common people. This makes them more effective and attractive. The basic purpose of social welfare is to empower the individual so that he or she can cope with the situations and circumstances of life. The purpose is not to give people free goods and services but to instigate them to cultivate their inner strength so that they can aspire to have a better life. Once again it needs to be reaffirmed that social welfare should strive for qualitative changes in the framework and structure of society. Development means that the awareness which is brought to society leads to an increased energy, efficiency and productivity. This can happen when healthcare is adequately taken care of, when the positive attitude of the members of a community play a role in increasing their commitment to the social cause and to other members of the community. Creating awareness about people’s own ability, educating them to increase their aspirations, developing skills and helping them financially such as making it easier for them to obtain loans, etc. are therefore some of the ways in which the development paradigm can be strengthened.

Labour as a Factor of Production Development involves the factors of production, that is, labour, capital and infrastructure. Labour is an important factor of production. Capital and technology are equally important and when we talk of technology we talk of the individuals who work on scientific and medicinal research. The efficiency of people goes up when they are well fed, healthy and contented. Efficiency leads to better quality and the ability to deal with the complexities and nuances of modern life. Comprehension of the modern processes leads to increased creativity and thus aspirations get higher and higher in the social strata of life. Better organization, involvement with multiple agencies of the development process, leads to participation of individuals in the process. The surplus is generated with creativity, the increased productivity and the organized interaction with other factors of production and their efficient use, and this surplus is steadily used for growth and progress. It is important to remember the word ‘humane’. Humane society will flourish and when society flourishes, development takes place.

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Religion and Social Welfare in India In India, through time immemorial, punya (good deeds), karma (good actions) and daan, (giving) have been an integral part of religious scriptures and the threads of these value systems still appear in considerable measure in the social fabric of society today. However, because of the urbanization, globalization, nuclear families and the increasing desires and aspirations of individuals in these fast-moving times, these traditional values are not as strong as they were in the past. It therefore rests on the state and society to create awareness about these so that compassion and caring become a part of the mental makeup of communities. It has been proved that people with mental sickness and psychological disorders make steady progress towards healing and rejuvenation when looked after by family members. Similarly, people who have stable and caring families are more likely to be successful. They are more positive, their productivity increases and they are stronger and more able to bear stress and move ahead inspite of the problems they may face. Social welfare has been regarded as the duty of all religious and faith-based value systems in India. Hence since time immemorial, rulers and kings have aspired to find out the truth by even sometimes dressing as common citizens, and pretending to be a part of the community, just to see what evils are rampant in society and how they can get rid of them, and not depending on their advisors and courtesans. Religion has been associated with caring and giving Artha (money), vidya (education), Abhay (courage) and suraksha (security). Hindu beliefs are that daan, punya, dharma and karma are important in our lives. The one who gives the most without expecting anything in return will be blessed and will have moksha or fulfilment in the next life. The ancient Indian scriptures, the Vedas and the Upanishads say that to give is to be blessed; and the custom of never turning away a beggar was followed since ancient times. In the contemporary scenario, the philosophy of giving and looking after members of society is still followed by many. When someone has a celebration in the family, something is given to the needy as charity because it is believed that it is a way of thanking God. Similarly, birth and death, marriage and other significant events in the family are very often accompanied by charitable actions and giving to the community. This practice is seen in other countries as well. Feeding homeless people and churches which have free kitchens for needy people are also common. There are a number of organizations in India which are doing a lot of commendable social work. Some examples are the Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission, Satya Sai Baba Charitable Trust, Theosophical Society of India, the Brahmakumaris, Mother Theresa Homes, ISKCON and the Swaminarayan Mission, to name a few. These institutions are looking at education, healthcare, looking after the poor, the destitute and people with disabilities. Thus the religious beliefs have provided a strong foundation for social welfare.

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Similarly, apart from Hinduism and Buddhism; Islam, Christianity, Jainism and Sikhism also believe that giving to the needy is a duty that should be fulfilled by all in the community. Contributing to the welfare of the community for deceased parents, as a tenet of one’s being thankful to God for his blessings, philanthropy and the philosophy of caring for others in the community all play a part in the welfare of society. This tradition continues, inspite of the modernization, urbanization, nuclear families and globalization, although they are to a certain extent diluted. Yet their importance in the platform of social welfare cannot be denied.

Social Welfare in China Looking at China, according to Sun Yongmei,8 after 40 years of reform and opening up, 740 million Chinese people have worked their way out of poverty. China’s GDP reached 82 trillion yuan in 2017 from 364.5 billion yuan in 1978. According to him, ‘China features a typical dual economic structure with both relatively developed cities and relatively backward rural areas’. Hence the agricultural sector needs looking into. Less reliance on foreign investment and more inclusive growth will lead to a further reduction in poverty. Social welfare in China deals with social security, social insurance, social welfare, and social assistance, which cover everything from pensions and workplace injury insurance to minimum income guarantees and health provision.9 In a country as complex and as large in terms of population as China, many paradigms have to be fitted into the social welfare scheme of things. The choices are many and the underlying needs and ideologies have to be brought into the social welfare programmes, so that the priorities are taken care of. The choice is between high economic growth and the welfare financing of the population and the subsidizing of the many needs of the people such as healthcare, disability and other welfare needs. On the one hand, a ‘high growth of the economy’ priority would give the state the funds to deliver whatever it felt necessary to the population in order to appease whatever sections it felt needed appeasement; and on the other hand, a more inclusive welfare paradigm and a more people-centric approach would limit its power in terms of its strategic spending. It may be necessary to appease the needy and poor sections of the population in order to legitimize the regime. Whether or not the People’s Republic can achieve President Xi Jinping’s ‘two-centenary’ goals of building an ‘all-round moderately prosperous

8 Yongmei, S. (November–December 2018). India China Dialogue [Abstract]. India China Dialogue, 16 (November–December 2018). 9 (n.d.). Retrieved from (http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo9780199920082/obo-9780199920082-0144.xml).

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society’ for the CCP’s centennial by 2021, and the country becoming a ‘modern socialist country’ in time for the PRC’s centennial in 2049 (Xinhua 28 October 2016) remains to be seen. However, a lot has been achieved in terms of social welfare and assistance programmes in the past few years, especially in the field of healthcare. Whether these have lead to a more equitable distribution of resources, however, needs to be examined. Social justice, citizenship, rights and engagement in the social and economic system are being re-examined and reframed in keeping with the ideology of the regime.

Traditional Values and Beliefs Here again it is interesting and relevant to examine if and how traditional values and beliefs have played a part in creating a foundation for the social welfare platform that has existed in China since ancient times. There has been a revival of Buddhism and Confucianism and many scholars have studied the analects and have come up with implications and interpretations which are relevant for contemporary Chinese society and politics.

Chinese Buddhism and Social Welfare The Lotus Sutra which has influenced Chinese Buddhism teaches that a life of virtue, compassion and sustenance for living beings is what will lead to enlightenment and everyone has the potential to become a Boddhisatva. In India, Buddha and Buddhists used to lead the lives of ascetics but in China the interpretation has implied that Buddhism is a way of life, even of the common people who believe in Buddhism.

The Philosophy of Confucianism Confucianism has long been known for its inherent humanism and its ­deep-seated philosophy of caring for community and society. In the modern globalized world, technological and scientific education is of course of prime importance. Most institutions lay great stress on critical thinking and analysis. This is important as we move forward to deal with the sharpened and enhanced cutting-edge competition in many sectors. The way Confucianism projects its humanistic perception as far as education is concerned is perhaps that education should be not just for the sake of research alone. Research in those areas where new findings could make a difference to humanity would be equally important. Such areas could include medicine and research on cure for diseases, on environmental issues, on nuclear medicine, on space research etc. Moral education or value education would also be part of the curriculum and so would civil and appropriate behaviour. Confucius, it is said, believed that each student had his special talents and his or her own thinking process and so the teacher’s job was to bring knowledge to the student and allow him

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or her to discover for himself or herself the answers. Each according to his or her aptitude and all students to be educated is what he believed in. Confucius believed in ‘Ren’ (love) (Wade Giles: ‘Jen’), ‘li’ (rules of proper conduct), and also that the cultivation of the individual is connected to the government and that there is no necessary gap between the individual and society.10 Both the individual and social institutions are important, for Confucius did not believe that people should isolate themselves and become ascetics, however morally honest they were. Each individual is firmly a part of society, starting from the small unit of immediate family and moving outwards in concentric circles to encompass the extended family, the community, the colleagues and finally, the whole social fabric of the country. One of the important elements of the philosophy of Confucius was the creation of a better society based not on a new system of governance but on the selection, improvement and education of able people. As far as the individual is concerned, a term used by Confucius is Junzi (Wade Giles: ­Chun-tzu), which is a person who had virtues no matter what rank he held. In other words, he was held to be superior to the average person. The Junzi ­(Chun-tzu) cultivates himself or herself thus: The Master said, ‘The way of the superior Man has three essentials…: He has love Ren (Wade Giley: Jen) without anxiety, wisdom without perplexity and courage without fear. (The Analects, 14, 30)11

Also, the Junzi (Chun-Tzu) is satisfied and composed whereas the mean man is always full of distress (Analects, 7, 36). The Master said, ‘When internal examination discovers nothing wrong, what is there to be anxious about, what is there to fear?’ (The Analects, 12, 4)

‘Moreover, the man should be simple, frugal and virtuous in his living: not covetous of securing money and power. He should recognize and obey the ordinances of Heaven. The Junzi (Chun-Tzu) is respectful to others and mindful of propriety’. Respectfulness, without ‘li’ becomes laborious bustle; carefulness without ‘li’ becomes timidity; boldness without ‘li’ becomes insubordination; straightforwardness without ‘li’ becomes rudeness.(The Analects, 6, 2, 1).12 And, in addition, “Where the natural qualities are in excess of accomplishments, we have rusticity; where the accomplishments are in excess of the natural qualities, we have the manners of a clerk (who is learned but insincere). When 10 Jingpan,

Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section A, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 177. Print. 11 Jingpan, Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section a, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 181. Print. 12 Jingpan, Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section A, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 183. Print.

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the accomplishments and natural qualities are equally blended, we have the superior man.”13 (The Analects, 6, 16). In short, the superior man should ‘Study extensively, and love the true learning. He should earnestly put his learning into practice, and be sincere to himself and others. He should not speak more than he is able to fulfil, and he should also be ready to be rectified by good teachers, and be constrained by virtues’.14 Further, he or she should be competent, patient, fearless, fair, wise and not vulgar in any way. Confucius also spoke about the ideal social order for the individual. The Master said, ‘Ch’i *15 by one change, would come to Lu, Lu, by one change, would come to Dao’ (The Analects, 6, 22). Here Lu stands for the state of Lu that existed in ancient times. The Dao here stands for a state which was explained thus: The Great Dao When the Great Dao prevails, the world belongs to all. The people elect men of talents, virtue and ability (for rulers). They advocate sincerity and cultivate friendship. Thus men do not regard as their parents only their own parents, nor treat as their children their own children. A competent provision is made for the aged until their death, and employment of the able bodied, and a means of education for the young. The widowers, widows, orphans, childless men, and those who are disabled by disease are all efficiently maintained. Each man has his mate and each woman her home. Goods, though not to be wasted, are not necessarily kept privately. Disliking idleness, people work, but not alone with a view of their own advantage. In this way selfish schemes are repressed and find no way to arise. Robbers, thieves and rebels do not exist. Hence the outer door remains open and not shut. This is the stage of Great Harmony.16

However, he said that at present the great Dao is hidden. “The world belongs to families. Each one regards as his parents only his own parents, and treats as his children his own children. The wealth of each and labour are for self interest….Thus selfish schemes and enterprise are constantly on the rise, and war inevitably ensues. The zhèngmíng (Wade Giles: cheng-ming) or rectification of names between the relations of rulers and ministers, fathers and sons, elder brother and younger brother, and so on means that the right social relationship must be maintained between levels but differentiated between the different class of people.” 13 Confucius.

Analects 6, 16. op. Cit. ibid., 183. Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section A, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 185. Print. 15 *Neighbouring state of Ch’i, also stands for the Chi clan. 16 Jingpan, Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section A, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 194. Print. 14 Jingpan,

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He also said ‘To be able to practice five things everywhere under heaven constitutes Ren (jen). Gravity, generosity, sincerity, earnestness and kindness. If you are generous you will win all. If you are grave, you will not be treated with disrespect. If you are sincere, people will repose trust in you. If you are earnest, you will accomplish much. If you are kind, this will enable you to employ the services of others’ (The Analects, 17, 6). Confucius believed that the rights of the common people be honoured and protected since this was the duty of the rulers as they had the mandate of heaven. ‘The Master said that to honour the rights of the people is the best policy not only to maintain peace inside the country, but also to extend power to other countries’.17 Further, in the ideal of the state of Great Harmony, the next stage of the society, the world forms one organization which belongs to all and works for the common cause of the good of the people. People who are the most capable are chosen to manage the government. There are provisions made to look after the aged, educational facilities for the young and able-bodied, suitable provision for the needy like widowers, orphans etc. As far as economic factors are concerned, there should be no private property, no private inheritance and no ‘idle’ class. If this happens then there is no scheming, immorality and crime, and therefore no need for law, punishment and police. There would be ‘no conflict between the tax-gatherer and tax payer, or between the government and the people; there would be no unemployment, no unequal distribution of wealth, no private property and no self-gratification’.18 Filial piety was the epitome of Confucius’ philosophy. The philosophy of Mozi (Mo Tzu) came into conflict with Confucius because though Confucius said that filial piety meant being obedient, loving and caring about one’s parents and relations in the order in which they came closer in relationship, Mozi (Mo Tzu) believed that this caring and consideration must extend to all human beings alike, not especially for one’s parents and relations.19 A very important expression was ‘Wen’.20 In literal terms it meant that which is decorated as opposed to that which is plain, or ‘ornamental as opposed to structure’. ‘Wen’ is said to denote culture or all things which beautify life like music, dance, literature, etc. According to Waley, ‘The arts of peace, everything we should call culture, have a “De” (Te) that is useful for

17 Jingpan, Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section A, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 200. Print. 18 Jingpan, Chen. “Chapter 4: The Aim of the Teaching of Confucius, Section A, ‘According to the Analects’.” Confucius as a Teacher. Beijing: Foreign Languages, 1994. 205. Print. 19 The Analects of Confucius. Trans. Arthur Waley. New York: Vintage, Random House, 1989. 38. Print. 20 “‘Terms’. The Book of Songs, Page 346.” The Analects of Confucius. Trans. Arthur Waley. New York: Vintage, Random House, 1989. 39. Print.

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offensive purposes. They attract the inhabitants of neighbouring countries, and it must be remembered that the states of ancient China were just as anxious to attract immigration as modern European states are to repel it. “If the distant do not submit, cultivate the power of “Wen” to bring them to you”’ [XVI, 1].

‘Nature’ in Indian Vedic Philosophy and Confucian Philosophy Quite similar to Confucian thought, Indian tradition has taught us that all forms of life are closely interlinked and that each creature is equally important in the scheme of things in the universe. Indians have since ancient times prayed for the well-being of all living beings, plants, animals and even the five elements—fire, water, air, space and earth. The Rig Veda has verses which deal with nature and environment. In India we have many rituals that are linked to nature and its purificatory properties. One of the most well-known religious rituals in the Hindu tradition is the ‘havan’ (a ritual in which offerings are made into a consecrated fire). Havans are performed when there is a special event in the family like a birth, a death, a marriage or even a simple event like a birthday, a ‘naamkaran’ or a child’s naming ceremony, a promotion in connection with one’s job or even just for good luck. The divinities worshipped in the Vedic rituals: Indra, Varuna, Agni and Mitra reside not only in the macrocosm of the Universe but also in the microcosm of our minds and bodies. Controlled breathing, becoming aware of the real self, yoga, good thoughts, good actions, pure water, ‘sattvic’ (nutritious) food, fine fragrances and good company are all important to lead a good and meaningful life. There is a long tradition of protection of animals. And of feeling for plants. In ancient times, cow protection was an economic necessity. Similarly, flowers were integral to religious rites and plants were used not only for food but also for medicinal purposes. Ashoka who was Emperor in the third century BC has left edicts on rocks, telling us to treat animals with kindness and care. India’s national anthem has praise of the natural beauty and talks about the environment of the country. In fact, the whole Vedic philosophy of humans and nature implies that humans are but just one part of the universe and should live in harmony with all the other elements, neither trying to dominate the rest of nature nor being dominated by it. ‘Man in Nature’ as opposed to ‘Man and Nature’ is a debate of extreme contemporary relevance in the world today. It means that man is a part of the universe just like another being, as opposed to being separate from nature, as a master controlling nature. Mankind must think of itself as being part of the whole natural universe. And look at other beings with compassion and care. Here we find similarities between the Confucian way of thought and Vedic philosophy.

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In the ancient Indian philosophical view, three factors influence our lives. They are Adhyatma, that is, the human being or the individual. Obviously, the individual’s will is very important. Adhibuta is extraneous factors like our surroundings and the company we keep and the third, Adhidaiva implies the acts of God. The first factor is the most important because humans can shape their own lives and destinies to a certain extent. Yoga, meditation, pure thoughts, good food, exercise, controlling our intake of different food and drink, moderation in every way, all play an important part in shaping our lives. The second factor implies that we should cultivate good friends, stay in pleasant and clean surroundings and keep good company. The third factor implies that we realize and accept that we neither live by our free will nor are we at the mercy of fate. If we surrender to God, then the decision to surrender becomes the will of the divine and individual actions become part of God’s actions. For this, prayers, rituals and devotional services are said to be important. Also, humans should practice detachment and equanimity. This seems to resonate with the philosophy behind Confucian thought. Here, self-cultivation is considered most important. Similarly, family, close friends and community and harmony within them are of utmost importance. And the third seems to fit in with the Mandate of Heaven principle. Rituals, according to Confucian thought, are important as well. Traditional Chinese beliefs like Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism have in their philosophy teachings against environmental degradation which are very relevant today. The entire system of traditional Chinese medicine as also the Indian traditional medicine, Ayurveda, is based on plants, herbs and metals.

Ancient Philosophies of India and China Have Influenced Modern Society Hence we see how the ancient philosophies should be brought out in both countries and how their relevance in the modern context be stressed and reinstated. In this world of materialism and stress, the foundations of philosophy are important reminders that we need to go back to our ancient roots, get a sense of our identities and move forward to scale new heights! The sky is the limit with advancing technologies, and strengthened our economies, and creating globalized forums which can compete with those of the most advanced countries. But, at the same time, we need to be aware that without humanism and compassion, we will not be able to give to members of society the benefits of these advances and progress. The sense of power in our own hands will come from this and the marginalized sections of our societies; the needy, the disabled, the destitute, the poor, the mentally challenged, all will benefit from the progress, provided the government recognizes the values of our societies and society cares and empathizes with them.

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Cooperation and Collaboration at the Onset of the Fourth Industrial Revolution Looking at the future, India and China are set to be pathbreakers at the onset of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. As stated by Alok Medikepura Anil, Founder and Director, Next Big Innovation Labs for a paper on the website of the World Economic Forum, ‘The onset of the Fourth Industrial Revolution era means that digital, physical and biological systems are working together to displace highly monotonous jobs. India and China are now at a stage where Machine Learning tools are fast making entry-level programmer jobs in India’s IT sector obsolete; and automated industrial jobs and efficient manufacturing lines are putting blue-collar factory workers in China out of jobs. India and China are both making calculated efforts to counteract the adverse effect of technological innovations that are displacing humans from their current employment’.21 Social welfare policies should be made keeping this changing scenario in mind. India has a young population and a skilled workforce that needs to be (and is being) ‘reskilled’ in order to cope with the changing needs of the times and the ‘Made in India’ initiative is encouraging people to create a manufacturing hub for Indian products. China has its own advantages and a global presence for many of its products. For both countries, education is critical to lift the economy on to new platforms. Corporate social responsibility, community involvement, government policies and outreach programmes, an effort to change mindsets and the changing aspirations of the younger generations are what will eventually help the needy and lead to more reformed and evolved societies.

21 (n.d.).

Retrieved from (https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/11/india-and-chinatogether-can-lead-the-fourth-industrial-revolution-here-s-how/).

CHAPTER 3

Chinese Discipline and National Pride as a Case Study for Neighbouring Countries Hasan Yaser Malik

Research Methodology It is basically a qualitative research with little influence of quantitative as it includes experiences however it is mainly based on observations and interviews. The research by its title identifies the variables which includes discipline and national pride as independent variables and Chinese and Indian population as the dependent variable. As the research is quantitative in nature and the research design is also descriptive in nature which did not include any survey hence no major data was collected however the information gained will be analysed. Research Questions The research aims at highlighting the impact of the independent variables on the Chinese and Indian population hence the research includes the following questions: Question-1. What is the impact of geography on the Chinese and Indian Population with regard to discipline and national pride? Question-2. What is the impact of religion on the Chinese and Indian Population with regard to discipline and national pride? Question-3. What is the impact of ethnicity on the Chinese and Indian Population with regard to discipline and national pride? Question-4. What will be the impact of neighbouring countries in the era of globalisation on the Chinese and Indian Population with regard to discipline and national pride? H. Y. Malik (*)  Charted Institute of Logistics and Transportation, Corby, UK © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_3

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Research Design For this chapter the research design mainly involves the analysis as method and procedure to measure the variables and their impact. The study is descriptive type. Research is based on Interactionist, Functional and Structural perspectives.

Back Ground South Asia despite having a lot of natural resources, colonial-era communication infrastructure and educational facilities for millions of people could not develop to be a strong region mainly due to lack of discipline and unity. However, it has been observed that China has developed noticeably around the globe due to excellent discipline, emerging national pride and unity. The facet of Chinese national pride has even been highlighted by The Council of Foreign Relations as well by saying “With China hosting its first-ever Olympics, the country has seen a surge in national pride” (Jayshree 2008). Although China consists of various factions including several regions including Special Autonomous Regions. Considering the neighbouring competitors it was realised that their success lies in development and that can be only achieved through discipline and unity (Bai 2013) In case of Pakistan, the same was realised by the great Leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah who gave the motto of Unit, Faith and Discipline but unfortunately this motto was not followed which led to diminutive development. In the existing scenario, China presents a role model of discipline, unity and national pride for the neighbouring and regional countries as it would help for social welfare and development for everyone.

Chinese Geography and Political Structure China is located in East Asia and is bounded by the Pacific Ocean in East, Malaysia, Myanmar, Bhutan, Nepal and India in South, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan in West and Russia and Magnolia in North. The country possesses wide geographical diversity and is mainly covered with huge Himalayan Mountains, Tibet Region, western deserts, rivers and lush green rain forests encompassing a total area of 9.597 million sq. km. The area is crisscrossed by a few rivers including Yellow and Yangtze Rivers. The country is administratively divided into 34 provinces including Taiwan. The total population of the country is more than 1.418 billion. China was proclaimed as the People’s Republic on 1 October 1949. Politics of the People’s Republic of China is formed in a framework of a socialist republic that is run by a single party; that is the Communist Party of China, headed by General Secretary. State power is also exercised by the

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same party, the State Council and its provincial and local representation. The Communist Party of China uses the Internal Reference to monitor internal differences among the people. The People’s Republic of China controls mainland China, and Special Autonomous Regions, Hainan  Island,  Hong Kong, Macau and some South China Sea islands. Each local Bureau or office is under the co-equal authority of the local leader and the leader of the corresponding office, bureau or ministry at the next higher level. People’s Congress members are elected by the voters at country level. As mentioned above Hong Kong is one the Autonomous Region of China and former British colony, in southeast of China in South China Sea. It is dynamic and a densely inhabited metropolitan centre. It has the status of a major port and global financial hub. It has a population of 7.4 million with people from various nationalities. Hong Kong has been a British Colony since the end of the First Opium War in 1842 (Carroll 2007) and the territory was transferred to China in 1997; two decades ago after 155 years (Gargan 1997). For 155 years Hong Kong has been under British; a capitalist economic system which is at tangent to Chinese communist system hence it had more global orientation, however it is appreciated as China is opening up its economic system for capitalist world hence the economic gap between two parts of one nation; China and Hong Kong will be bridged and the effects of colonial legacy will be over soon as presently Chinese Communist party is pursuing the policy “One China” and is gaining success, mainly due to national pride and economic strength. It is pertinent to understand that India and Pakistan are also facing such legacies of colonial era since 1947.

Discipline and Development No nation can develop without peace and stability and that comes out of discipline possessed by the nation. A nation with discipline cannot only prosper and can also lead other nations. Discipline motivates the people to organise their lives thus avoiding any disturbance for the attainment of any objective. Any disciplined activity not only harmonises the work and relations but also saves time. For example, in case of Africa; Liberian people have to work with discipline and dedication for completion of any infrastructure development task as the construction work becomes a race against time as they have to plan and execute the construction of developmental projects in a limited time period due to the weather constraints as rains are a regular feature for eight months in a year. Most of the developmental activities have to be pre-planned and executed in a short span of only four months in a year. To overcome such natural limitations needs a lot of planning and adoption of disciplined approach. Even Liberians nation which is considered as a part of the Dark Continent values the discipline and understands that they can only overcome the resource limitation with discipline. Fewer resources and need to improve the increasing economy has taught them to be disciplined and tolerant hence have adopted self-discipline for socioeconomic development.

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Discipline of Chinese Nation Discipline is defined as the practice of people to obey rules or a code of behaviour and use of punishment to correct any disobedience (Keith 2008). Discipline is of prime value to form, maintain and improve any nation as no nation can survive without discipline. Discipline can be adopted because of deterrence in form of physical punishment or penalties (Marvin 2009). Discipline can also be adopted through motivation and that leads to ­self-discipline (Alfie 2008); which is the crux of justice and humanity that are much needed for the social and moral development of any group or a nation. In the global perspective, discipline is being adopted due to deterrence, motivation and combination of both. In Europe discipline is mostly adopted due to a combination of both motivation and deterrence however in Asia deterrence contributes more for the adoption of discipline; mainly being influenced due to colonial culture and lack of awareness. As for as Africa is concerned it considered as a dark corner of the world but discipline being adopted and established by Liberian nation is not only exemplary but is also a role model for many nations. Discipline adopted by Chinese is based on motivation which is caused due to the realisation to improve social and economic development. The realisation has caused and induced an esprit to adopt and continue with the most superior form of discipline. Self-discipline being adopted in all spheres by Chinese ranging from child to elder, educated to uneducated, and women and men. It is the self-discipline which has not only caused unity among Chinese people but is also augmenting the social and economic development of the country. One of the most significant and impressive facets of Chinese ­self-discipline is the traffic tolerance. With growing developmental activities traffic is increasing at a greater momentum as compared to road construction but still Chinese are accommodative to each other even during the roadblock situations. It will be interesting and impressive to note that traffic tolerance is good despite little monitoring by traffic police. It has been observed a number of times that despite jam-packed traffic the drivers travelling on the wider roads give chance to the vehicles waiting on narrow roads to join the main stream by sacrificing their turn and allowing vehicles waiting on narrower roads to have an early opportunity to be the part of the main stream. Such a standard of self-discipline makes the Chinese people distinctive. Despite the availability of limited road space and increasing traffic in major cities all vehicles ply on specified paths and pedestrians walk in their own lanes. Apart from adopting an important aspect of traffic tolerance people of Chinese also obey the traffic rules despite any hurry they do not change lane unnecessarily and seldom blow horn. Seldom has anyone crossed the red signal; may it be any hurry or even once the road is empty. As for a matter of parking is concerned; people park their vehicle only on specified places and nobody stops the vehicle on the road. Any other important disciplinary aspect is that people try to correct others for the traffic rules and that corrective attitude is accommodated by everyone.

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It was impressive to observe that unlike most parts of the world even the university level students wear proper and complete uniforms. Apart from wearing the proper and complete uniform, it was has been observed that students are punctual and fellow the institutional rules the best of their abilities and take pride in their studies and extra-curricular activities. The important facet of self-discipline is adopted by students as well as all students try to keep the campus or institutional environments clean and green and they do not hesitate in doing others job for the purpose. Teachers are respected as per the standards of a teacher’s respect. Students are accommodative and friendly to each other; most of them have to work to share their social responsibilities even when it comes to support their families. At present educational facilities are increasing hence it has been observed that senior students are playing a vital role to cover up this deficiency by teaching the younger ones in the evenings on volunteer basis. The Chinese nation has realised the value of education and discipline and is leaving no stone unturned to remove the scars of the past with a promising future. Most people do most of the work by themselves. However, the good thing is that almost all family members work to share family and social responsibilities. Due to emphasis on education, the Chinese system of education has become tremendously competitive. Consequently, Chinese children are persistently being told by teachers, peers and to study with dedication and to maintain discipline among each other in all possible conditions. Hence, studying hard has turned to be a routine instead of an exception from Chinese school students. The much-appreciated qualities like self-discipline and readiness to work with dedication have to be inculcated among the students as it is difficult to adapt naturally hence parents and school authorities should provide conditions which support this demand by making students follow to the societal customs. The educational system lays down six guidelines for schools to follow. Firstly, keep student life simple, secondly to present self-examples for guidance, thirdly to enhance teachers’ role in student’s life, fourthly to maintain decorum and keep classroom in an orderly manner, fifthly to frequently test the students, and lastly but not the least to provide strong parental support. Apart from the cultural environments, all students are regularly motivated, and occasionally compelled to work hard (Peng 1993). The essence to work with dedication is being induced in the minds of the Chinese students since ages. Students are being and have been repeatedly told by their teachers and about the value and necessity of dedication. One can read many stories explaining about the success of hard work as part of the Chinese syllabus. Such stories as mentioned in textbooks teach them and highlight the personalities including Helen Keller and how she became a successful writer due to her hard work. Historical contents of textbooks also tell them that the King Yu (BC 4000) who dedicated his thirteen years for making efforts to control the floods and didn’t even visit his family even though he used to pass through his house thrice a day. The historical textbook account also indicates how Qin State became sturdier and stronger day

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by day due to hard work and dedication many generations’ dedicated hard work, and defeated other states and unified China in BC 211 for the first time in the Chinese antiquity. Their parents also often encourage them to work hard with dedication by telling them many stories about hard work. Hence both school education and family education make Chinese children realise the importance of hard work and dedication. National pride is defined as an affection, love and devotion for the country or a nation. It strengthens the association of all citizens with country who share the same standards. National pride is also termed as Patriotism. National pride which desired to be instilled in citizens can be looked up at as positive and negative connotations exist. Primarily, national pride is adoration of one’s country; even though there is no necessity to agree with every action of the government does. National pride can also be taken as nationalism. National Pride is a vital component of state power as this quality leads to many opportunities in a prudent a pragmatic manner China’s National Day was celebrated on October 1 to mark the 68th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. In conjunction with the public view about national pride were collected. Chinese people had variety about the understanding of various definitions of national pride out which a few are mentioned below: A girl stated “I feel my country is always in my heart, and she’s always worried about and thinking of me no matter what happens”, “It means I love my country, my people and my work, and there is always a dream about China”, as claimed by a man. “Another man said that national pride makes him want to be a better person and try to contribute to the stability of Like now I really put focus on cultivating my child’s daily behavior, for example, don’t litter and pay attention to etiquette in public”. “I’m deeply touched every time I see our country evacuating Chinese people overseas [during times of calamity] and bringing them home, which makes me feel largely supported and secure”, another man said.

Punctuality is the hall mark of Chinese culture; as narrated by a Brazilian called as Ana who remained in China and is an admirer of Chinese punctuality, she narrated that she was invited by a Chinese family to join the celebrations of their one-year-old boy’s birthday, at 11:58 in a hotel and emphasised her to be in time as the party will start in time at exact 11:58. Ana told that she got late and reached at 12:10 and was surprised to know that party has started in time as planned. It has also been observed that even apart from the above-mentioned informal activities Chinese are very punctual for their formal activities like offices, schools and train stations. Chinese people don’t believe in wasting and try to make the best use of everything and even make use of the smallest portion of land to grow the vegetable etc. The unity among the workers is pragmatic and productive. Any act of injustice or exploitation of a worker is taken as the exploitation of a

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complete community and is dealt as such. Hard work has been adopted by all as a dignified manner to earn the lively hood and is also evidence of discipline which is contributing to national development including social one. The hard work is also enhancing the quality of self-respect in the entire nation and that is the reason that despite being poor no beggars are found. This nature of hard work has instilled a pragmatic quality to ensure and pursue the objective through discipline much imperative for the country and nation. Hence due to hard work, national pride and discipline Chinese are improving their quality of life which will certainly improve their next generations and the neighbouring countries. Hard work by the complete community is leading them to development including economic and social development. Another very good example of Chinese self-discipline is the attitude of people towards law. People from all segments of life respect, obey and follow the law in true latter and esprit. This self-discipline has and is causing peace in the entire country which is an example for neighbouring countries. This much-wanted peace and stability is vital for the development of the nation and country and even will cause peace and development within the region. It is said that time and tide waits for none and Chinese have understood the value of time and have adopted the quality of punctuality. The aspect of punctuality is followed by people from all walks of life including students, teachers, and even general labour. It has been observed that in case of pre-arranged meeting or commitment the individual may be of any senior takes care of the time it has been also observed that during the events like conferences and all agenda is discussed in minimum possible time and the conference and meeting is called off. The Public Transport system is not large but the good thing is that all buses plying on the routes within the city and plying between various cities follow the prescribed timings. Time management is one of the potent facets which are leading the Chinese nation to development at a good speed. People of China do not only quickly understand the implications of rules and regulations but are also implementing those. It has been observed very often that young female passengers can travel all alone with the motorcycle rider to their destination safely and with dignity and respect. No incident of sexual harassment has been noticed. Apart from self-discipline, it speaks of high moral values of the Chinese nation. These two aspects amply highlight the moral values which have been adopted by most of the Chinese citizen. Such exceptional aspects are role models for the entire world even the most advanced nations.

Pakistani Geo-Political Scenario Pakistan is a part of the South Asian Region is situated between the coasts of the Arabian Sea in south and the Great Himalayan Mountain Range in the north. It has friendly relations with China since its proclamation of a republic

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in 1949. As a friend Pakistan supported in establishing relations between Sino-U.S. In 1971 President Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger took benefit of Pakistan’s close relationship with the People’s Republic of China to initiate contacts with Chinese that ultimately caused in Henry Kissinger’s visit to China in July 1971 after visiting Pakistan. These interactions resulted in US President Richard Nixon’s visit to China in 1972 and the subsequent normalisation of association between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (US-China Today 2011). Pakistan is a friendly neighbour to China and both are linked through 804 km long Karakoram Highway which passes through the Himalayan Mountains and is a symbol of sacrifice as its completion took 806 lives till 1978. In 2013 both countries agreed and initiated a huge diplo-economic project worth $US 62 billion called China Pakistan Economic Corridor; a true manifestation of friendship. Pakistan has a variety of landscapes including coastlines, plains, deserts and snow-clad mountains. Five rivers like the Indus, the Jhelum, the Chenab, the Ravi and the Sutlej add to its mosaic. Pakistan is divided into four provinces and is land for 200 million people. Pakistan has reserves of natural resources like gas, oil, uranium, gold, copper and iron. Apart from these resources its location as gateway to energy-rich Central Asian Region and Persian Gulf has kept it as a hostage to the interests of global powers. Pakistan has a blend of cultural diversity ranging from primitive tribal to modern and educative culture. However, due to low literacy rate, lack of awareness among the masses and geo-political location of Pakistan extra-regional players are exploiting different religious faction to keep the country in politico-religious turmoil by making the masses to fight among each other on the tune of global powers since the inception of the country (Daniel 2008). This politico-religious turmoil combined with lack of literacy has affected the discipline of Pakistani nation few of the areas where Pakistanis need to improve the quality of discipline are traffic, school discipline, punctuality and tolerance. In bigger cities due to increasing population, transportation and insufficient communication infrastructure the traffic sense or the traffic tolerance is diminishing hence it will be imperative to learn from the Chinese discipline. Insufficiency in facilities at schools is diminishing the discipline of students and teachers both. The role of Pakistan as a front line state in war against terror has further made the scenario complex for Pakistani nation where people are suffering due to the involvement of extra-regional forces in its western neighbour; Afghanistan, this involvement by extra-regional forces is causing a disturbance in all over the country in general and its northwestern province in particular. Historically the area has been invaded by many and has been a battleground for centuries; even presently northwestern province is suffering due to war on terror. These sufferings have also added to the problems like discipline and lack of welfare. It has major concerns with its eastern neighbour India since the participation of the subcontinent on 14 August 1947 once British left the Subcontinent and divided it into Pakistan and India (Colonel Anil

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2012). The tension between two neighbours has led to the nuclearisation of the entire region due to Kashmir Disputes which has not been resolved for more than seven decades despite United Nations Resolution number 47, adopted on 21 April 1948. Apart from the concerns of global powers lack of discipline is also one of the reasons for the slow adoption of discipline and sluggish socioeconomic development of Pakistan (Rodolfo 2015). It will be prudent for Pakistan to adopt the Chinese discipline as well in a pragmatic manner same as it is willing to follow the Chinese economic system to eradicate poverty. As for as the national pride of Pakistani nation is concerned it was, unfortunately, diminishing due to external debts caused by a few of insincere politicians however presently due to a few economic and diplomatic efforts of the recent government which is led by an honest leader the ­much-needed facet of national pride is improving. There is quick and pragmatic accountability of national plunderers. Example of China where the courts have announced and the government has accepted the death sentences even against the ministers is an example to follow. Adoption of such accountability will not only add to the national pride and discipline however will also improve the facet of social welfare.

Indian Geography and Ethnicity India is the southern neighbour of China and both have common borders in Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. India has a population of over 1.3 billion out which a large number of people in northern India have a religious affinity with Chinese Buddhist living in Tibet Region. Indian religious population of 2019 is divided into followers of various religions including Hindus which are 80.5, Muslims 13.4, Christians 2.3, Sikhs 1.9, Buddhists 0.8, Jain 0.4, others 0.6 and unstated are 0.1 per cent. Apart from China, India has Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar and Bangladesh as neighbour. In north Chinese and India borders is 2220 miles long. Both Beijing and Delhi has border disputes however since 2014 China and India are making accords for improving peace, which is not only beneficial for both countries but is also advantageous for entire region. Many languages are spoken in India however major language being spoken are Hindi 41, Bengali 8, Telugu 7, Marathi 7, Tamil 6, Urdu 5, Gujarati 4.5, Kannada 4, Malayalam 3, Oriya 3, Punjabi 3, Assamese 1.4, Maithili 1.2, and others 6 per cent. However, English enjoys a predominant status and is a subsidiary but defacto major official language and is the most important language for national, political, and commercial communication. India being a secular state enjoys a variety of cultures however due to low literacy rate, lack of awareness among the masses and overpopulation the facet discipline needs to be improved. Presently it has been observed that almost 50% of the mothers are using severe verbal methods to improve the discipline of their children and

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more than 40% are using severe physical methods to enhance the quality of discipline among their children. A few of the areas where Indians need to develop the quality of discipline are traffic, school discipline, punctuality and tolerance. In bigger cities due to enhancing population, transportation and insufficient communication infrastructure the traffic sense or the traffic tolerance is diminishing hence it will be imperative to learn from the Chinese discipline. Due to religious variety the government needs to establish more schools hence needing more resources to establish and maintain the schools. Lack of facilities at schools is diminishing the discipline of students and teachers both. A most impressive example of punctuality in India is its local railways system. Although the Indian Railway Infrastructure is not as modern however the punctuality of trains is commendable and is an example of all the Indians to be followed. However, the punctuality is not being adopted well in other fields. Another important factor that needs to be learnt is national pride. Where in India being a secular state is housing many cultures and religions hence it is finding it difficult to instil the vital element of national pride into the coming generations. This is because of a few reasons that include the religious differences especially between Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. As for as the cultural diversity is concerned it has divided Indian Federal Union very significantly into 29 states and 7 union territories, for a total of 36 entities, moreover the Indian secular constitution further strengthens the bond of individuals to states they belong to and it has already been identified as a challenge to Indian Nationalism decades ago (Sling 1956). As most of the states have been evolved on the basis of specific cultural diversity and languages hence mostly people feel pride in introducing themselves in relation to states. Every state has its own official language like in Andhra Pradesh the official language is Telugu, in Assam is Assamese, in Bihar is Hindi, in Goa is Konkani, in Kashmir is Urdu, in Karnataka is Kannada, in Kerala is Malayalam, in Odisha is Odia, in Punjab is Punjabi, in Tamil Nadu is Tamil, in Telangana is Telugu and in West Bengal is Bengal; every state having a separate official language is contributing for diminishing facet of national pride. Apart from the facets like religious and cultural diversity various separatist movements like Kashmir, Naxalites, Sikhs and Tamil Tiger Elam are further increasing the gap among the states. Only the Naxalite Movement dominates a large area of India i.e. about twenty states (Hari and Nida 2017). Although China also has five Special Autonomous Regions; Zhuang, Mongol, Tibet, Uyghur and Hui however Chinese government is not following harsh policies but is involving the interests of these Special Autonomous Regions by offering and providing better economic opportunities. The example of Hong Kong is pertinent; Chinese government agreed to many conditions imposed for its annexation and is providing better economic opportunities to enhance the interest of its citizen in Hong Kong towards Main Land China. Hence enhancing the national pride despite extra-regional concerns and interests. Instead of pursuing the pressure policy it will be prudent for the Indian

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Government to adopt policies as adopted by China or at least in line with that to pragmatically improve the facet of national pride. As Indian huge population is also considered as a big economic market even for the extra-regional power hence India can get the economic and diplomatic assistance of such power to diminish the independent movement and to enhance its national pride. This will also prove to be prudent for the overall welfare of all Indians.

Nepali Geography and Development Nepal is the southern neighbour of China and is located in the southern part of Himalayan Region. The total area of the country is 143,350 square km. With a view to improving the linkages between two neighbours a rail link has been planned that will link  Kathmandu  with  Shigatse,  Tib et, crossing the China–Nepal border at  Gyirong–Rasuwa (Hu 2018). Another initiative in the form of a road project; Friendship Highway also called China–Nepal Highway is an 800-kilometre connecting the capital of  Tibet,  Lhasa, with the  Chinese/Nepalese  border. The population of Nepal is 29,870,137 which is equivalent to 0.39% of the total world population. Nepal is 49th in the list of countries (and dependencies) by population with a population density of 209 per sq. km. 20% of the population is urban and maiden age is 23.6 years. Nepalis are quite an educative nation with 65% literacy rate hence they have vision for the discipline. Nepali people consider home and school as bases of their disciplinary vision. Nepali state inter-link and overlap in the social space of the school. It hence offers space for evaluating the “banal” construction of citizenship and the Nepali nation-state and the opportunities which exist for groups and individuals to contest and translate existing dominant visions of “Nepalis” (Billig 1995). Cultural diversity is granted recognition at the cost of observing the interrelationship among them, and the inequalities being experienced by a particular group. These differences are placed firmly in the realm of the cultural and the traditional. Here the particular meanings imbued in the use of the Nepali term Bikas (development) needs to be introduced. Bikas has embedded in it a generic “ideology of modernisation” (Pigg 1992: 499), an implicit scale of social progress, which is understood as a motivation by Nepalis to enhance the relations within and across the globe. These two dimensions of development are evidently visible in how Nepalis involve with and perceive schooling. Firstly, there is a clear concern in involving in a course of economic and material conversion. The schooling vision leads to greater mobility, better economic opportunities and enhanced status common to both the global rhetoric and the popular perception of schooling at the district and village levels. Secondly, Bikas is used as a marker of mobility and, specifically, a basis for differentiating between groups and places. In this form it is a relational concept, understood in terms of the symbols of development associated with each group, individual or place and the relationship each can establish with

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“the external”. Nepalis are concerned about social welfare and development they are also concerned about education, discipline and relations hence they try to develop and improve relations with neighbours countries. Presently due to availability of better or improving communication infrastructure in form of road linkages between China and northwestern Nepal and planned railway from Tibet to Katmandu Nepal is establishing more friendly relations with Beijing for improvement of its diplo-economic aspects that ultimately will help improve the facet of social welfare and development of Nepal.

Bhutanese Geography and Ethnicity Bhutan is a landlocked country as part of the South Asian Region at the eastern end of the Himalayan Ranges. Bhutan is the southern neighbour of China as both share a 470-km long border. Its population numbers to 826,229 that makes it only 164th populous country in the world. Thimphu is the capital and largest city of the country housing population of 80,000 and a metro population of 115,000. Mainly Bhutanese belong to the Ngalops and Sharchops, or Western and Eastern Bhutanese. The Lhotshampa, or southerners, are a group primarily of Nepali descent. An extra 15% of the population is indigenous or from migratory communities. 75% of the population is Buddhists, out of that mostly follow Vajrayana faction of Buddhism; the state religion. Hindu are 22% followed by 2% followers of folk religion and only 1% are other religions. Bhutanese consider discipline and national pride significant for development however corporal punishments are discouraged to induce or improve the discipline. In order to improve the facet of social welfare Bhutanese needs to enhance the diplo-economic aspects and these mainly come through peace. Bhutanese are intelligent to understand the need for peace for their welfare hence consider it imperative to resolve border disputes with China in Dong Lang Region.

Analysis of Chinese Discipline Discipline of Chinese Nation leads us to a few analyses which have been mentioned in succeeding paragraphs. Adoption of high standard self-discipline by any nation like Chinese is based on realisation for its need and this realisation is centred on a few facets which require pragmatic analysis a few of which are mentioned below: • Chinese Nation has realised the value of discipline through a hard way after suffering from casualties of its citizens, damage to infrastructure, loss of resources and capital for centuries. • Realisation to adopt the discipline has led to the adoption of the best form of discipline that is self-discipline (Alfie 2008).

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• Despite the demand for ever-increasing infrastructure, the facet of adoption of self-discipline is leading the Chinese nation towards the development may it be social, infrastructural or economic. • Discipline adopted by the Chinese Nation is a role model for many countries including the most advanced countries of the world. • It is imperative to ascertain how this quality of self-discipline can be galvanised to improve the national development in a pragmatic manner. • One of the most important aspects is how social, moral and economic developments can be improved through discipline. • After evaluating the need, quality and strength of discipline it is imperative that how this standard of self-discipline can be maintained due to ever-expanding global trends. • It is appreciated that the self-discipline of the nation will have positive effects on the neighbouring countries as well. • It is of profound value to understand how other countries can adopt such a quality of self-discipline especially in the recent world order of economic and energy. • It will be imperative to analyse how to safe guard the standards of self-discipline in the wake of possible effects of globalisation in Chinese in particular and surrounding countries in general. • What standards and types of discipline other countries even advanced ones are adopting and how self-discipline can be adopted. • It should be analysed how the discipline becomes a need of a nation and how it changes the philosophy of those people. Why discipline has such an imperative value? And what all factors improve or diminish it? • What are implications of colonialism on the nations and to ascertain that was it the effect partial colonialism, which could not affect the Chinese nation.

Conclusion It has been discussed that discipline and national pride are vital facets for social welfare and development of every community and country and are among the most vital characteristics of human life encompassing from an individual to national. Every religion, culture and society also stresses upon the value of discipline and national pride. Despite China encompassing huge geographical and demographical diversity ranging from huge mountains to deserts, forests and rivers, the discipline adopted by Chinese nation is based on motivation which was an outcome of a realisation to develop to be an economic power. The realisation caused and persuaded an esprit to adopt and endure with the higher form of discipline; self-discipline and national pride being adopted in all spheres by is a role model for not only for the neighbouring countries including Pakistan, India, Nepal and Bhutan but is also a successful example for the European and other advanced nations.

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References Alfie, K. (2008, November). Why self-discipline is overrated: The (troubling) theory and practice of control from within, PHI DELTA KAPPAN. An Interview with Dr. Ibrahim Professor at Cuttington University Campus at Gbranga on 14 August 2011. Anil, C. A. (2012). What really happened in August 1947. Why did Mountbatten suddenly declare that the Partition of India would take place with inexplicable haste on August 15, 1947, almost a year ahead of schedule? 14 August 2012. Available at http://www.rediff.com/news/column/what-really-happened-in-august-1947/20120814.htm. Accessed on 10 February 2019. Bai, M. G., Sr. (2013). Ten years of peace, who deserves the medals? The News Dawn (Monrovia), 21 August 2013. Billig, M. (1995). Banal Nationalism. Sage: London. Carroll, J. (2007). A concise history of Hong Kong. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-3422-3. Daniel, B. (2008). Beyond unity vs. sectarianism. Berkley center for religion. Accessed on 11 March 2019. Gargan, E. A. (1997, 1 July). China resumes control of Hong Kong, concluding 156 years of British rule. The New York Times. Retrieved 5 January 2018. Hari, K. and N. Nida. (2017, 24 April). The New York Times. https://www.nytimes. com/2017/04/24/world/asia/india-chhattisgarh-maoist-rebels.html. Accessed on 11 April 2019. Hu, Y. (2018, 22 June). Railway project to link Tibet, Nepal. China Daily. Accessed on 10 February 2019. Jayshree, B. (2008). The council on foreign relations. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/nationalism-china. Accessed on 5 April 2019. Keith, A. K. (2008). What is philosophy? minor in philosophy. Available at http:// philosophy.louisiana.edu/what.html. Accessed on 30 January 2019. Marvin, M. (2009). Discipline without Stress® punishments, or rewards. Journal of Social sciences Heldref Publications 79(1), 52. Neirotti. A. R. (2015). Barriers to development: Pushing the boundaries. https://doi. org/10.5935/1678-9741.20150007. Peng, S. S. (1993) Fostering student discipline and effort: Approaches used in Chinese schools, ERIC Number: ED363562, 11. https://eric.ed.gov /?id=ED363562. Accessed on 7 April 2019. Pigg, S. L. (1992). Inventing social categories through place: Social representation and development in Nepal. Comparative Studies in Society and History 34(3), 491–513. Sling, H. S. (1956). The challenge to Indian nationalism. Foreign Affairs. https:// www.cfr.org/backgrounder/nationalism-china. Accessed on 13 April 2019. Soumare, Moustapha. Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary General Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator UNDP Resident Representative in Liberia Published by: UNDP Liberia Mamba Point, Monrovia Liberia. U.S-China Today. (2011, July 21). Getting To Beijing: Henry Kissinger’s Secret 1971 Trip, A documentary history of US efforts under Richard Nixon to open discussions with Chinese leaders, an effort that yielded Kissinger’s trip forty years ago this month. https://china.usc.edu/getting-beijing-henry-kissingers-secret-1971-trip. Accessed on 10 February 2019.

CHAPTER 4

Paradigm Shift in Social Work Practices in India and China—Lessons for Emerging Economies Sigamani Panneer, S. P. Sreya and J. Raja Meenakshi

Introduction Social Work, being recognised as the guardians of social justice, has always been incorporated in any development process all over the world, especially emerging economies. It has undergone paradigm shift and enormous evolution on the basis of the happenings in global history. When said about the Social Work as a profession or a prospective career ahead, the education or the Social Work education in particular plays a major role. This indeed comes with the conscience of people about the scope this profession opens up and the vivid advantages which also include the monetary guild edge along with the transformation process the Social Workers master to assist the fragmented society to grow into an inclusive society which ensures an equitable distribution of resources. For any transformation process to be carried out successfully, there are certain ideological principles on which the processes pillar. Thus the Social Work also explores and incorporates different ideologies such as secularism, humanism, protectionism, rationalism, welfarism, liberalism, democracy and utilitarianism, in order to ensure the egalitarian society where more equals find their spaces. The global geography are being separated into two fragments through the development of the concept of Brandt Line in the 1980s (Royal Geographical Society 2019): The global north S. Panneer (*) · S. P. Sreya · J. Raja Meenakshi  Department of Social Work, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Central University of Tamil Nadu, Thiruvarur, India e-mail: [email protected] J. Raja Meenakshi e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_4

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which is the ultimate symbol of prosperity and well-being, and the global south of the crowded population with a more or less skewed distribution of resources and famine that drags them into the black hole of utter hopelessness. The concept of Brandt Line was too simplistic to incorporate the complexities of the economies that were growing and expanding, which meagre this divide. In the chapter, an extensive focus is given to the growing economies (i.e.) India and China, in the globalised and liberalised globe, which fall under the global south and still are progressing to several heights to compete with those economies that are already established. Thus the problems faced by these economies are diverse and unique. To deal with the kind of problems faced by the economies, many new and innovative ways are being introduced of which Social Work was one of them. Professional Social Work is focussed on problem-solving and change. Social Work intervention ranges from the person-centred psychosocial processes to the formulation of social policy, planning and development. This paper focuses on the Social Work education and profession in both the emerging economies of India and China and also their current scenario. Evidence-based Social Work would be appropriate to both the nations as it emphasises the individual expertise as well as evidence from systematic research (Sigamani and Gangte 2013). Application of evidence-based practice in Social Work Profession would make tremendous enhancement in the usage of evidence and outcome of the profession.

Background and Objective Social Work had always helped the individuals lead a peaceful and complete life. The typical definition of ‘helping others to help themselves’ seems to be a real small sac to fill the multiple roles led by a Social Worker in this globalised and liberalised world. The success of the Social Work as a profession and career to be lies entirely on the pedagogy and the soft power assimilated into the subject. The basic difference between the rich country and the poor country lies in the ease of finding solutions to the contemporary problems faced by the society. The pedagogy falls entirely on the fact of the emerging conscience of the people about the advantages assimilated by the Social Work and the effective assistance work it may carry out in the transformation of the country where the ease of finding a solution is further eased. As the economies which emerged at an almost similar time, India and China depict well-established examples of the pole difference in the policies, legislations (i.e.) political will and the multiple revolutions which transformed China to grow into a global power and India to be depicted as a country from the historical global south. The emergence of the Social Work as a profession and as a subject in particular has a say on itself about the effectiveness of policies and the establishment of the welfare state. The Social Work in India and China

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had seen steeping downs and accelerating ups from the time it had sprouted. The Social Work as a helping profession gained the pace in these two growing economies at more or less the same time, but the ease of establishment on itself made the difference. The chapter primarily focuses on the Social Work education and profession in both the emerging economies of India and China which has a direct implication on the current scenario. The paper is a tertiary literature where the field study and the secondary studies have been reviewed. The conceptual and empirical studies are taken from varying journals, and the book chapters were also referred.

Emergence of Social Work Practice in India Social Work has metamorphosed in diverse ways in Indian history, the focus could be laid more on Pre-vedic, Vedic and Golden age of Asoka reign. The pre-Vedic period is characterised by the city planning with the well-structured architecture and the first clear distinction between the rich and the poor. The Vedic period was marked by the arrival of Aryans and characterised by the sprout of the concept of welfare state. The welfare state was first laid by the charity being counted as morality and also the setting of the state and the privileged set of bureaucrats who were responsible for the welfare of the people. The gurukulas triggered the basic concept of listening and also were the centres of knowledge exchange. The golden age of Asoka’s reign was triggered by Buddhism which intensifies the concept of Dharma. Historically, Social Work in India is characterised by religious charity, various social reform movements and the Gandhian approach to poverty alleviation and upliftment of villages (Manohar 2016). The colonial period brought in a new phase of social reform which was also reflected in multicultural India. The colonisation brought new social forces like religion, technology, education, a system of law and judicial administration. The structured and hierarchical administration and the desire for the colonial territory expansion brought in various measures of social development that reflected in the lives of the people with economic development and acculturation. The establishment of industries by East India Company has brought in a new phase of materialising the human resource and emergence of human capital. The Social Workers and their activities were gaining mileage at this point in time where the commercial production was affected drastically by the falling productivity of the workers (Alphonse et al. 2008; Sigamani and Raja Meenakshi 2018). The Social Work from then on shot and penetrated in all sectors, which include public as well as private sector which covers the majority of fields and counters maximum issues. The genesis of Social Work education in India started in a way by 1922 with the advent of Non-cooperation movement. This indeed triggered the Aligarh Muslim University and the Jamia Milia Islamia University to certificate courses on rural services. Industrialisation and Independence created a scope for Social

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Work Education in Urban India and the curriculum was framed to meet the industrial needs and demands. Later it underwent many changes due to modernisation and globalisation. Tata Institute of Social Science was started in 1936 by Tata Industrial Group to meet its industrial demands and later in 1964 it was declared as Deemed to be University. When viewing the glorious history of the Social Work profession and practice in India, it can be said that the discipline has always been a greater victim of modernisation. The wave of modernisation has swept the feet of the indigenous Social Work practices in India, as a pseudo-faith has been affirmed in the minds of the torch bearers of the Social Work that in order to become a developed country, a developing country like India should Westernise their thoughts(Manohar 2016). In the late 1960s, many graduation programmes on Social Work were started in India, with a more or less spirit of the adoption of the US model of Social Work Profession and practice (Nagpaul 1993). The concept of ‘Sanskritisation’ put forward by M. N. Srinivasan put the same point in the frame of caste system (Srinivas 1995). The Social Work in India is categorised into Macro, Messo and Micro. The Macro Social Worker deals with the national and international issues, policies and legislations. The Social Work always shows a fruitful result, when the Social Work skills, knowledge and attitude meet the ‘how’ of methodical action. The other fact of ‘Macro Social Work’ cannot be ignored that the Social Work professionals must master the political skills like advocating, lobbying, campaigning, bargaining, publicising and demonstrating (Metha). Messo Social Workers dealt with the smaller organisations, ­non-governmental organisations and local self-governments and the micro Social Workers deal with the individuals at a very primitive level. The Social Workers are the people who facilitate the interconnectedness of the micro, messo and macro Social Work and drive in a synergy among them. The professional Social Work has faced a major trigger through the employment of ideologies which varied from the classical school to the modern and postmodern schools. The Social Work has always evolved and will be metamorphosing according to the emerging problem and the transformation of the issue in the dynamic and the multicultural setting like India. The Social Work in the present scenario has gained mileage due to the paradigm shift of the welfare state to the capital economy. The Social Workers play a prominent role in a situation where the neoliberals in the modern era argue that the state cannot do anything alone. They demand that the multiple stakeholders should come together to ensure the eclectic approach and to increase the transparency in all the welfare activities to be brought into reality. There is a wide argument that the concept of welfare state does not bring in sustainable economic development as these are having a shade of charity in it. Social Development which is the ultimate prospective result of social work practices in India is the process of planned social change designed to promote the well-being of a population as a whole or it is an approach to social welfare which offers an effective developmental

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response to the situation of a socially and/or economically deprived population (Manohar 2016). The Social Work nowadays has really emerged out of the charity cover and has moved to the maintenance of human rights and dignity. Thus the effective programme implementation is now characterised by the initiation price being collected from the community to ensure the extended collective responsibility. This brings in the sustainable component in the programmes implemented and the social development will necessarily lead to economic development and vice versa. The Social Work now has started undermining the state’s ability to deliver services and has increased its scope to welcome the Public–Private Partnership. The Social Work has also gained popularity through many distinct methods being used in the collection of data or interaction with the commons. The shift from Quantitative to Qualitative itself has made it evident that the subjective feelings are also counted more than the figures and graphs. The newer methods adopted such as a case study has also emphasised on the point. The evolution of mixed methods which primarily involves the amalgamation of qualitative and quantitative methods has brought in an eclecticism in the overall approach of the researchers worldwide. The Indian experience of methods and techniques has always been questioned because of the dynamic nature of the society. The areas that face maximum critique is the lack of the uniform curriculum and the lack of the updated and upgraded pedagogical methods to ensure inclusiveness to the emerging and evolving problems in the society. Social Work profession is presently facing a major setback because of the lack of the professional identity due to the lack of certain standards and regulations that may exist as the minimum threshold for the assessment of the quality. The sceptic or evidence-based social practices are the other areas where Social Work is facing a major setback in the present scenario. The transdisciplinary approach to ensure eclecticism is primarily lacking in the Social Work profession in India. The lack of the best practices and the lack of indigenous literature have brought in a major setback in the professional development of Social Work in India. The confusion in the scope and objectives of the profession does obviously impact the curriculum and pedagogical strategies adopted by the Social Work education institutions. Social Work profession has undergone a drastic change post-globalisation. There is a strong case of convergence among theory, knowledge and skills of Social Work. There are many distinct approaches of Social Work, namely remedial Social Work, developmental Social Work and radical Social Work. Social Work as a profession has undergone nuance and hybridised paradigm, inclusive of a multidimensional level of evidence-based practice, task practice and cross intervention practice. To address the prevailing problems, India does not have a conventional model and is ever-changing. Many problems have also risen such as child labour, trafficking, women issues, old age, population, unemployment, etc. The untouchability has always been termed as unconstitutional and illegitimate, but still there are practices of untouchability in vivid pockets in India. The problem of untouchability has now evolved into a situation where it is

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seemingly not visible in the society but the evil practice still exists in the form of ‘White Untouchability’. Similar is the case of the Mid-Day Meal Scheme where the state is eager to establish the welfare state and thus reduced food in terms of ‘Nutritional Reductionism’. Here when the food is provided in terms of the nutritional requirements of the children, the food is compromised or denied in the form of colour, taste and quantity. Thus the solutions to the conventional problem have always led to major and metamorphosed new problems (Pawar et al. 2004). The solution to these new problems can only be brought through the inclusive nature of the Social Work praxis and its ever ending scope of indigenous models of best practices which are often lacking in India. Social Work as a subject has penetrated the unseen folds of the society which has shed light on the new era of problems in the field of Palliative care, Clinical practices, climate change and disaster management. The dynamic and pluralist society like India should always incorporate the cross-cultural learning and the evidence-based Social Work would bring major transformation in approaching and solving major social problems (Table 4.1).

Social Work Practice in China The historical development of Social Work in China can be divided into three phases. The initial phase was characterised by the introduction of the novel profession by American sociologists in the Department of Sociology in the Yanjing (now Peking) University (Hutchings and Taylor 2007). In the late Table 4.1  Major Milestones in the Development of Social Work Practices in India Year

Milestone

1930 1936 1949 1952 1959 1965 1968 1975 1980 1986 1987 1990 1996 2001 2002

Social Service League was formulated in Mumbai for training volunteers Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai was found Baroda School of Social Work was established Madras School of Social Work was found Association of Schools of Social Work UGC appointed First Review Committee on Social Work Education First Encyclopaedia of Social Work introduced in India UGC’s second review committee was formulated UGC Review committee Report Curriculum development centre at TISS, Mumbai Second Encyclopaedia of Social Work in India was introduced UGC Curriculum Development Report Towards People Centered Development Report Curriculum Report: UGC model Global Qualifying Standards for Social Work Education and Training (joint committee of IASSW and the International Federation of Social Workers [IFSW]) National Standards for Assessment of Quality in Social Work Education Report NAAC Self Study Manual

2003 2005

Source Extracted from Nagpaul (1993), Adaikalam (2014)

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1930s, many branches of Social Work were introduced, which was also paralleled by the triggering of the Social Work courses in a number of renowned universities, namely Jinling University, Lingan University, Fudan University, Qili University, Tsinghua University and Furen University. The Japanese invasion inactivated the Social Work practice and education from 1941 to 1944, but was fortunately resumed in 1946. The second phase was from 1949 to 1978, with the advent of the Communist government. The disciplines and departments in social sciences were reduced which included sociology and Social Work, believing that these were the product of capitalism and were suspended. These above-mentioned disciplines were having a potential of criticism and were suppressed in order to ensure political stability. The next phase of the historical development is from 1979 to 1990 when the Social Work as a discipline and profession was re-established in the People’s Republic of China. The re-emergence of Social Work in China has an explicit political function of maintaining the internal stability (Yan and Ka Tat Tsang 2005). The Cultural Revolution in the early 1980s pushed the nation in the road of modernisation and initiated exchanges with the western countries. The milestones towards re-inventing the discipline include the re-establishment of the Department of Sociology at Peking University (Ngai 1996). On one hand, the State Education Commission formally approved the launch of professional Social Work courses in the Department of Sociology in different universities and on the other hand, the cadre training school of the Ministry of Civic Affairs began to operate the related courses in Social Work programs (Yip 2007). The present wave in the advent of Social Work as a discipline and profession began in 1990 with the formalisation of Social Work education. In 1991, the China Social Workers Association was formed and in 1994, the China Association of Social Work Education was formed. This triggered the quick development of Social Work training courses in many universities and cadre training colleges across China. In 1998, the institutions that provided formal Social Work training and education were 37 and by 2005, the number increased to 200. The major challenges experienced by Social Work education were the self-conflicting objectives of work education provided by the universities and the cadre training colleges. The distinction in the social curriculum, where the universities focussed more on imparting knowledge which had a balance between theories and practice and also with the acquisition of ground knowledge about the Social Work principles and ethics, the cadre training centres under the banner of the Ministry of Civic Affairs imparted the skills that was needed to disseminate social services to the public under the prior built bureaucratic system. The professionalisation and formalisation of the Social Work led to the registration system in Social Work. The Ministry of Civil Affairs in 2004 brought in the rank system for the Social Workers. They were ranked from Class 1 to Class 4 depending on the qualification.

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The major challenges faced by the Social Work profession in China are from three forces, namely politicisation, professionalisation and commercialisation. The professionalisation of the Social Work discipline has triggered the politicisation of the Social Work discipline. The politicisation of Social Work often deals with the ideologies of the Social Work and social service dissemination works. Social or helping services in China have long been the exclusive domain of the statist bureaucracy. The ideology that was the basis of Social Work in Chinese culture firstly was ‘Confucianism’. The core values that played an important role in the ideology were reciprocity, filial piety, loyalty of one’s family and consensus and harmony. The ideologies that still exist in China are Communism, Marxism and Maoism (Li et al. 2012). The ideological controls and the bureaucratic control in all aspects of life which include Social Work education and practice have isolated the Western ideologies to find a space in the Social Work as a discipline. The political ideologies were the mandatory values for the Social Work education and practice. This was then followed by the overwhelming concepts of Western ideologies as a result of the new economic reforms and also liberalisation and transformation of the economy into market-driven. The Western ideologies when incorporated into the curriculum seriously questioned the identity of the models, practices and methods to be adapted to the social needs and social problems that are exclusively moulded in China. The indigenisation of the professional knowledge had pluralistic views among the sociologists and Social Workers across the People’s Republic of China. Walton and Abo El Nasr (1988), for example, saw indigenization as a stage of transition, of putting an imported knowledge through a process of authentication, thus making it relevant to the local social, cultural, political and economic characteristics (Walton and Abo El Nasr 1988). Yan and Cheung (2006) found it more meaningful to reinterpret indigenisation as a process of re-contextualisation, that is, of the selective appropriation and tweaking of the Western Social Work discourse on values, theories and practices, to frame a new local Social Work discourse (Yan and Cheung 2006). There is often a resistance exhibited by scholar and eminent teachers from different disciplines ranging from sociology, history, politics to Marxist philosophy to come together to build an interdisciplinary approach to have a deeper understanding of Social Work(Yuen Tsang and Ip 2009). The professionalisation of the Social Work practice deals with the acquisition of a formal recognition for the profession which includes a kind of authority to the esoteric knowledge to deal with certain problems in the society and also a want for the social recognition to indulge in specific managerial and authorised field which demands professional competence. It sanctions a rational dominating process to incite, reinforce, control, monitor, optimise and organise the forces under it. The Social Work as a discipline still lacks the social recognition and formalisation of certain values and terms which may impart them with more professional opportunities to deal with specific problems and issues in the societies. As of now, the vocation that is meant to be carried out by the Social Workers is carried out by the unskilled ones, which handicaps the whole system of service dissemination (Yip 2007).

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Fig. 4.1  The major milestones in the emergence of Social Work Practice in China (Source Developed from [Xiong and Wang 2007])

The commercialisation of Social Work is often seen in the country. The major increase in the population along with the widening gap between the haves and have nots has created this wedge in the service dissemination. The increased population will also increase the diversity of the problems encountered by the population and also the evolution of new problems. The acquisition of the formal knowledge and also the rationalisation of a static professional status along with increasing living standards triggered the commercialisation of the Social Work services, namely counselling and psychotherapy. This had further led to the elite groups alone to access the services in the expense of the development of services for the poor. This has led to the variance in the standard of dissemination of social services across the country including major rural and urban anomalies. Social Work education and practice are much better developed in large cities like Shanghai, Nanjing, Beijing and Xiamen, than those in rural and deprived regions, in particular the n ­ orth-west (Yip 2007). The criticality in Social Work practice in China emerges once the premises of discourse have been fixed in the discursive intersection among different competitive articulations in both local and international area. The core of the Social Work as a discipline in China always follows the thumb rule approach of cultural literacy. This approach in turn assumes that there are cultural values that are almost uniformly shared by members of a given culture, such as preference for social harmony and avoidance of conflict (Tsang et al. 2008). The ‘discourse’ according to Bernstein is the social base of the pedagogic relation, its various contingent realisations, the agencies and the agents of its enactments (Chung Yan and Wah Cheung 2006) (Fig 4.1).

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Social Work Practice in India and China—A Comparative Analysis China and the Indian Social Work education and practice share some similarities and differences in the context of being South Asian countries. The similarities in the two nations lie in the fact that the two nations were formed at the same time and also started industrialisation in the same period. The Social Work peeped in the most primitive stage in China in the 1920s and the industrialisation triggered the saga of Social Work in India. The first department dedicated exclusively for Social Work was started by Tata Institute of Social Work. The Social Work in China was channelised more towards maintaining political and social stability. The Social Work as a discipline emerged out of charity and also for the increasing needs as part of industrialisation. The People’s Republic of China saw it as a product of capitalism and India gave it a shade of social service. The Social Work education in India is based on a conventional curriculum which is based on the traditional problems or issues in the community. But as time passes by, the problems also evolve and new issues emerge. The Social Work should encounter the evolving problems by reviving methods, models and practices being used, which is lacking in approach adopted by India. The Chinese approach to the Social Work pedagogy is different and distinct from India. They have not adopted the Western ideologies as such, but have improvised and revived those ideologies to fit into their context. The major ideologies followed by Indian Social Work education and practice are conventional ideologies such as those propounded by Karl Marx, Max Weber, etc., and India has not widened its scope to conspire other ideologies or theories that had a major share in solving many indigenous problems in the society. The evidence-based Social Work practice is practised in China which has a lion’s share of indigenisation to counter problems that are area-specific and people-specific. Some of the visible differences in the Social Work practice in India and China can be seen in the following area: Economic Growth and Development The economic growth of India and China is remarkably expanding and progressing nowadays. The advent of liberalisation which began in the 1980s led to the surge in GDP in India. India and China have started industrialisation during the 1950s. By 2010, China has become the world’s second largest manufacturing nation and India is ranked in the 10th place. India produced 1/4th of China’s production and now China is extensively described as ‘factory of the world’ (Lambert 1963). The workforce in the industrial sector, the policies on investment, licensing and production invited the Social Work to occupy the major realm and concentrate the work by determining the industrial working conditions and productivity as the premises. India has witnessed a great wave of modernisation influencing social work practices, while

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China has succeeded in developing its own indigenous models as the axes of this helping profession. Population Growth Population growth/population explosion is the major problem faced by India and China. The family planning programmes implemented by the government failed to access the hamlets of society until the ­non-profit/non-governmental organisations assisted the star. The interconnectedness or the networking of the public sector and private sectors is largely facilitated by the Social Workers. The lack of skill or the handicapped skill on the networking can adversely affect the functioning and ultimately the impact it has, i.e. population explosion. The youth population is far more in India than in China which visualises a grave need for the assistance of these youth through education, career and psychosocial turmoil, where Social Work can ensure the equal play of state, the private parties and the non-profit organisations. Political Instability Social work as a profession was introduced in India in the 1960s and in China in the 1980s. The objective of Social Work in India was the concept of ‘welfare state’, though the industrial revolution led to its advent. The case of China depicts that the Social Work profession though illegitimated by the Communist government was re-introduced with the objective of controlling or nullifying the political turmoil. Lessons for Emerging Economies The emerging economies have a larger scope of altering the approach that they have in countering the problems faced by the society that is largely unequal in case of the socio-economic, demographic, technological and ultimately skewness in political will. There are certain suggestions fostered by this chapter towards the upliftment of the economies especially in the global south that faces a major setback and resource deficiency. There is a grave need for the evidence-based Social Work to find its way into the Social Work practice as well as pedagogy. There should be an attempt to identify the solutions, perceptions, coping mechanisms/methods and so on, which exists in India/local culture, tradition and practices. The best practices in the established economies especially that of the developed ones are needed to be adopted, without ignoring the glaring realities of cultural sensitivity and the scope of supply of resources into the system. The need for transdisciplinary approach ensures eclecticism in the measures adopted to counter the problem. The synergy between the Social Work education, field practitioners and the policymakers makes the whole frame of the problem much easier to be

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viewed and solved. The models adopted in the local communities should be documented and incorporated into classroom teaching, discussions and field education. A minimum threshold should be maintained for the Social Work to be imparted especially to the emerging economies. The issue surrounding the concept of individualism is a grave deed to have encountered. The personalisation of services, in other words said as individualism taken too far, may undermine the social aspects of life. So the potential Social Work methods should swing or interplay between the individual and the collective spheres and its impact on identity formation (Houston 2014). The problems when seen through the lens of the systems model give a holistic view of the mishap and the correlation it has with various factors and the effects on the multiple arena. There is a need for strong regulatory body to provide a uniform curriculum, a standard field practice model and ­policy-related ethical guidelines. The curriculum thus formed should incorporate indigenous materials and should give out examples that depict a lion’s share of domestic problems and should thus empower the Social Workers to master their skill. The Social Work education and practice should always bridge the gap between multiple stakeholders, viz. public sector, private sector, Non-Profit Organisations and community. The competencies in networking and collaboration should be ensured among the Social Work practitioners. A strong political will, key roles of strategic leadership in public sector organizations, and the attitudinal change of the citizens towards timely delivery of human services through sustainable social policies is need of the hour. The current trend of liberalisation, market economy and globalisation and evaporation of welfare state has to enter the classrooms of Social Work trainees as these have several implications on Social Work practice and certain policies and legislations and legal enforcement in particular.

Conclusion India and China in spite of the similarities in the emergence of Social Work practice have a pole difference in the approach that has been adopted. The curriculum being the basis of dissemination of the quality education has been developed to support the Social Worker through competencies in solving the problems. The curriculum should be more inclined to solving the problems inside the geographical boundaries. The indigenisation of the models, methods and practices is really important which may only be produced through the evidence-based Social Work practice that can only assure the sense of eclecticism in Social Work practice and education. Application of evidence-based Social Work would address the issues in various fields like Medicine, Psychology, Nursing, Education, Legal Studies and this would determine the effectiveness of interventions and methods adopted in the schemes and programmes adopted in both the emerging economies. The transdisciplinary approach in the Social Work and the competencies in networking and collaboration should be determined as the premises upon which the Social Work education works in order to uplift the scope of the helping profession.

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References Adaikalam, F. (2014). Contextualising social work education in India. Alphonse, M., George, P., & Moffatt, K. (2008). Redefining social work standards in the context of globalization: Lessons from India. International Social Work, 51(2), 145–158. Chung Yan, M., & Wah Cheung, K. (2006). The politics of indigenization: A case study of development of Social Work in China. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, 33, 63. Houston, S. (2014). Beyond individualism: Social work and social identity. The British Journal of Social Work, 46(2), 532–548. Hutchings, A., & Taylor, I. (2007). Defining the profession? Exploring an international definition of social work in the China context. International Journal of Social Welfare, 16(4), 382–390. ‘India and China in the Global Economy.’ Accessed on 13 March 2019 from https:// www.nap.edu/read/12873/chapter/3. Lambert, R. D. (1963). Workers, factories and social change in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Li, Y., Han, W. J., & Huang, C. C. (2012). Development of social work education in China: Background, current status, and prospects. Journal of Social Work Education, 48(4), 635–653. Manohar, P. (2016). Professional social work in India: Some issues and strategies. The Indian Journal of Social Work, 60(4), 566–586.https://www.nap.edu/ read/12873/chapter/3. Nagpaul, H. (1993). Analysis of social work teaching material in India: The need for indigenous foundations. International Social Work, 36(3), 207–220. Ngai, N. P. (1996). Revival of social work education in China. International Social Work, 39(3), 289–300. Pawar, M., Hanna, G., & Sheridan, R. (2004). International social work practicum in India. Australian Social Work, 57(3), 223–236. Royal Geographical Society. (2019). ‘60 seconds guide to Global North/South Divide’ submitted to Royal Geographical Society. Accessed at https://www.rgs. org/CMSPages/GetFile.aspx?nodeguid=9c1ce781-9117-4741-af0a-a6a8b75f32b4&lang=en-GB on 13 March 2019. Sigamani, P., & Gangte, L. H. M. (2013). Beyond evidence based practice, concerns in the helping profession: A meta analysis. In Z. Mennai (Ed.), Repositioning professional social work education and practice. New Delhi: Bloomsbury Publishers, 51–65. Sigamani, P., & Raja Meenakshi, J. (2018). Relevance of human capital and labour management specialization in post graduate level programmes in social work. Relevance on Social Work Profession. Srinivas, M. N. (1995). Social change in modern India. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan. Tsang, A. K. T., Sin, R., Jia, C., & Yan, M. C. (2008). Another snapshot of social work in China: Capturing multiple positioning and intersecting discourses in rapid movement. Australian Social Work, 61(1), 72–87. Walton, R. G., & Abo El Nasr, M. M. (1988). Indigenization and authentization in terms of social work in Egypt. International Social Work, 31(2), 135–144. Xiong, Y., & Wang, S. (2007). Development of social work education in China in the context of new policy initiatives: Issues and challenges. Social Work Education, 26(6), 560–572.

72  S. PANNEER ET AL. Yan, M. C., & Cheung, K. W. (2006). The politics of indigenization: A case study of development of social work in China. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 33(2), 63–83. Yan, M. C., & Ka Tat Tsang, A. (2005). A snapshot on the development of Social Work education in China: A Delphi study. Social Work Education, 24(8), 883–901. Yip, K. S. (2007). Tensions and dilemmas of social work education in China. International Social Work, 50(1), 93–105. Yuen Tsang, W. K. A., & Ip, F. K. (2009). Indigenising social work education: Experiences of the students from the People’s Republic of China in Hong Kong. Faculty of Social Work, University of Ljubljana.

CHAPTER 5

Land-use Behavior of Farming Households and Rural Land Degradation in a Karst Area of China Yan Liu and Zhu Qian

Introduction The impacts of human activities on environment and resources have become increasingly evident, causing severe damages to natural ecosystems and land degradation (Yang et al. 2015). Inappropriate land-use behavior of farming households (e.g., deforestation, steep slope land reclamation, overgrazing, and mining) is one of the main factors that negatively influences the ­eco-environment (Vu et al. 2014; Xiong et al. 2017), especially in developing countries and regions (Hammad and Tumeizi 2012; Liang et al. 2016). Karst areas represent some of the poorest regions in the world and are characterized by increasing poverty and land degradation. Poverty leads to land degradation, and land degradation, in turn, aggravates poverty (Huang et al. 2008). This pattern is very clear in the eco-environmentally fragile karst area in Southwest China (Xiong et al. 2017, Zhang et al. 2016). Farming households typically have a single livelihood mode in this area, and they face issues such as poverty, large population, backward economy, and severe land degradation. Therefore, analyzing the impact of rural livelihoods on land

Y. Liu  School of Geography and Environmental Science, Guizhou Normal University, Guiyang, Guizhou, China Z. Qian (*)  School of Planning, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_5

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degradation can provide basis and reference for the restoration and reconstruction of ecosystem in karst area, and also for land structure and farming household behavior optimization. Analyzing the interrelationships between livelihood of farming households, land-use behavior, and land degradation is crucial for achieving the sustainability of land and agri-ecosystems (Rammel et al. 2007; Liang et al. 2016). It is about the dynamics between the socio-economic system and the eco-environmental system (Holden et al. 2004; Vu et al. 2014), in which farming household’s livelihood and their land-use behavior fall into the ­ socio-economic category, and rural land degradation falls into the eco-environmental category (Hammad and Tumeizi 2012). The farming household is the center in the relationships and its goal is to survive. These factors interact with each other and evolve as a dynamic system. In this system, farming household’s land-use behavior (e.g., farmland transfers, agricultural production, cultivated land slopes, etc.) directly decides their livelihood activity and geographical range, and then the different livelihood modes are formed. The pressure to convert farmland to forest or cultivated land is also different in different farming household’s livelihood modes (Zhang et al. 2016). Farming household’s behavior and livelihood strategy are affected by livelihood capitals—human, social, natural, physical, and financial capitals (DFID 1999; FAO 2005). Livelihood opportunities available to farming households in karst area are highly dependent on their access to these five livelihood capitals, which contribute to their resilience to social, economic, and environmental stresses (Berchoux and Hutton 2019). Livelihood capitals are also affected by other factors, such as policy factors (Mburo 2002; Pagiola et al. 2007; Duangjai et al. 2015; Liu et al. 2018), cultural factors (Yang et al. 2015), economic factors (Ruto et al. 2008), and global changes that affect local environment (Koutroulis 2019). A given external factor may affect several capitals at the same time. For instance, rocky desertification influences farming household’s land-use behavior and decreases their agricultural income. Rural land degradation is a challenging problem in karst area, where farming households depend on land productivity, but land resource is subject to natural constraints, such as rocky desertification, soil erosion, and steep terrain condition (Xiong et al. 2017). Given these environmental conditions, it is often difficult to support a household only by farming. Farming households have to reduce their vulnerability by adjusting the livelihood strategy. Following the development of West China, employment opportunities are increasing, and farming is not the only way to earn a living. Some work off-farming for more income, which helps ecological restoration and poverty reduction in karst area. Existing studies are primarily focused on the macro research of land degradation. However, an empirical study on land degradation from the perspective of land-use behavior of farming households with different livelihood modes, one of the critical aspects in rural sustainable development

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and ecological restoration research, has been insufficiently investigated on micro-scale. By the case study of a karst eco-environmental area, this study examines the impact of land-use behavior on rural land degradation in different livelihood modes of farming households by addressing the questions of how farming household’s land-use behavior has responded to different livelihood modes, what human factors have influenced rural land degradation, and how farmers have left their agricultural occupations for alternative employment. Study Area Guizhou, a typical karst area, is a province with the most fragile ­eco-environment in China (Liu et al. 2014). The karst region in Anshun City covers an area of 6,627.83 km2, which is about 71.50% of the entire Anshun land area. According to Anshun’s “13th Five-year Plan” for forest development, mountains, hills, and valleys account for 46.80%, 38.20%, and 15.00%, respectively, of the total area. The city has a total population of 2.9 million among which 84.60% is involved in agricultural activities. The floating population continues to increase and the city has about 257,600 rural migrants. Anshun experiences a salient rocky desertification phenomenon and deteriorating eco-environmental conditions, due to challenging geographical and climatic configurations such as high mountains, steep slopes, shallow soils, and frequent rainfall. The area of rocky desertification covers 24.60% of its total land area (Anshun 13th Five-Year Plan 2017). The region’s environmental and geographical limitations have long impeded transportation mobility and transfer of agricultural production technology (Huang et al. 2008). Rocky desertification furthers rural poverty, which reduces the awareness of environmental deterioration among people. Anshun consists of one district and five counties: Xixiu District, and Pingba, Puding, Zhenning, Guanling, and Ziyun counties (Fig. 5.1). The study area can be divided into lightly eroded hills in the North (LEHN), a moderately eroded plateau in the Southwest (MEPS), and a moderately eroded basin in the Southeast (MEBS), based on soil erosion severity and landform. Data Collection and Sampling The land-use and livelihood behavior of farming households were assessed by using questionnaire data and interviews. Sampling was carried out in 2014 in the karst eco-environmental regions. Multi-stage sampling was adopted to reduce variation and improve sampling efficiency (Cochran 1977; Soltani et al. 2012). The sampling accounted for regional economy, ecological environment, rural conditions, farming household behavior, and other factors. Two or three towns were chosen from the district and each of the five counties in Anshun. In each town, one or two villages were chosen. Overall,

76  Y. LIU AND Z. QIAN

Fig. 5.1  Map of the study area (based on a Baidu map and revised by the authors)

a total of 15 villages were selected. About 50–80 farming households in each study village were chosen for the questionnaire survey. A total of 789 valid questionnaires were completed. These questionnaires contained information about slope of cultivated land, laborer population, agricultural production, income sources, land conditions, farmland history, land transfers, household land sizes, professional skills and training, and views and perceptions of members of each farming household. Interviews were conducted to capture the perception of farmers with regard to rural land degradation and factors affecting land conservation and decision-making processes of livelihood mode. Most cultivated lands were on slopes in the study area. About 46.36% of the sloping land had a gradient above 15°, while 29.46% of the sloping land had a gradient about 25° (Ministry of Natural Resources of the People’s Republic of China 2006–2020). The cultivated land area and cultivation percentage were gained through a survey of farming households. In this study, the livelihood modes of farming households were divided into the following categories: village, urban, and migration livelihood modes.

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Empirical Model and Independent Variables Empirical Model In existing studies, several methods were used to analyze farmers and their land-use behavior, such as the choice experiment (CE) for discussing various factors in the decision-making of farmers (Paulrud and Laitila 2010) and the pressure-state-response method for analyzing the sustainability of land-use and household livelihood change (Zhang et al. 2016). In this study, econometrics was used to study land-use behavior of different farming households and land degradation. Using a logistic regression model, significant factors were identified based on the farming household sampling data. It is a good substitute for other models because others are not applicable when variables are dichotomous. According to existing studies (Prince et al. 2009; Lin et al. 2011; Dubovyk et al. 2013; Kim et al. 2014; Xu et al. 2014), the logistic regression model is helpful in understanding land degradation and land-use behavior of farming households. In this paper, land degradation is the dependent variable (Y), with a binary value (1 if degradation occurs, otherwise 0). The model can be formulated as follows: a+

Pi =

1 

− a+

m 

i=1

e βi xi

 =

m 

βi xi

a+

e

i=1

a+

1+e

m 

, 1 − Pi = 1 − βi xi

m 

a+

1+e

i=1

βi xi

1

i=1 m 

i=1

= βi xi

a+

1=e

m 

βi xi

i=1

where Pi is the probability of event occurrence in the ithi observation and 1 − Pi is the probability of event non-occurrence in the ithi observation; it consists of a nonlinear function of the independent variables . Pi /(1 − Pi ) is the occurrence ratio of events. It should be positive and there is no upper bound because 0  45%), relatively high (31%–45%), medium (16%–30%), relatively low (10%–15%), and low ( F) 5.487 (0.147) 2.255(0.167) 3.332 (0.077) 1.254 (0.261)

Source based on Liu, Yan (2017) ‘The Study on the Relation between Rural Household Livelihood Modes and Land Degradation in Karst Areas’ (Nanjing University Press, Nanjing, China, in Chinese)

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Farmland Converted to Forest and Cultivated Land Pressure There were significant differences between different livelihood modes in terms of farmland to forest conversion pressure (Fig. 5.2). In the village livelihood mode, Ziyun County in the MEBS faced the greatest pressure, with a pressure index of 49.01%. Guanling County in the MEPS had relatively high pressure (46.23%) and Xixiu District in the LEHN had the lowest (14.35%). The farmland to forest conversion pressure showed the same pattern for the urban livelihood mode, with Ziyun County showing the highest

Fig. 5.2  Farmland to forest conversion pressure and cultivated land pressure. Pictures 1–3 are farmland to forest conversion pressures and Picture 4 represents cultivated land pressure

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and Xixiu District the lowest. Cultivated steep land greatly influences socio-economic situations and eco-environment (Peng et al. 2011). In the central part of Anshun City (e.g., Xixiu District), there was little cultivated steep land, and such land was mainly concentrated in the MEPS and the MEBS. The Sloping Land Conversion Program exacerbated the difficulties faced by full-time farmers in these two regions as their household income was dependent on farming. The pressure from converting farmland to forest was not obvious in the migration livelihood mode. Figure 5.2 shows that the pressure index of cultivated land was greater than 1 in the three regions and the regional cultivated land pressure was evident. Two factors caused the pressure. First, massive amount of cultivated land was expropriated for urbanization. Especially in the LEHN, good quality cultivated land was encroached upon by development in the Guian New District (a state-level new area) after 2012. This reduced the actual per capita area of cultivated land, resulting in the highpressure index for cultivated land. Second, some cultivated land was converted to woodland or grassland after the implementation of the Grain for Green Project. The fragile ecological environment and the high pressure of cultivated land are likely to exist in the karst area for a long time. Rural Land Degradation Table 5.4 shows the results of the logistic regression model for the three livelihood modes. The slope of cultivated land (B1) was negatively correlated with the rural land degradation (Y) in Models 1 and 2. The results were consistent with previous studies and showed that the steeper the slope of cultivated farmland, the more intense the soil erosion. Most farming households in the village livelihood mode relied heavily on farmland and obtained their income from agriculture. They continued to use farmland without any concerns about the slope of cultivated land as long as the labor force was sufficient. However, farming households in the urban livelihood mode refused to give up sloping land, especially when it was about to be expropriated for urbanization. The land-use behavior of the farming households strongly influenced rural land degradation in Models 1 and 2. Chemical fertilizers (B3), pesticides (B4), and plastic films (B5) were negatively correlated with rural land degradation (Y). Increasing chemical fertilizer and pesticide uses led to the degradation of water and soil quality in the karst regions. However, in Model 1, the chemical fertilizer factor had no significant effect on land degradation, probably because farming households in the village livelihood mode used farmyard manure and/or organic fertilizer. Model 1 reveals that other factors with obvious effects on rural land degradation included wood chopping, as some poor farming households used firewood (energy use [B6]) for cooking and heating. This destroyed vegetation

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0.00 0.989 0.301 0.085 0.318 0.017 0.081 0.842 0.990 0.018 0.014 0.081 0.595 0.727 0.142 0.046

2.015 1.486E7 1.000 0.886 0.712 1.644 0.647 0.797 2.164E9 0.506 0.292 0.955 1.117 1.000 0.142 3.305 −1.120*** 0.577* −0.007* −0.001** −0.351** 0.583 0.696 −0.419 −1.293 0.745 2.498 −0.041 −0.158 0.000 1.849** 3.336

0.337 0.316 0.006 0.001 0.240 0.656 0.839 0.752 0.885 0.826 0.739 0.058 0.222 0.000 0.795 4.370

S.E. 11.036 3.341 1.307 2.580 2.130 0.790 0.689 0.310 2.137 0.813 11.416 0.500 0.504 0.132 5.402 0.583

Wald 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

df 0.001 0.068 0.053 0.048 0.044 0.374 0.406 0.578 0.144 0.367 0.109 0.479 0.478 0.717 0.020 0.445

Sig. 0.326 1.781 0.993 0.999 1.420 1.791 2.006 0.658 0.274 2.107 12.164 0.960 0.854 1.000 6.353 28.116

Exp (B)

0.577 0.694 1 8.073 0.816 1

7.290

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

df

0.481**

6.072 6.666 2.722 0.118 0.310 0.792 0.233 4.220 1.879 5.232 3.375 3.380

Wald

0.217 0.514 0.002 0.008 0.170 1.458 0.419 0.928 0.208 0.034 0.228 0.000

S.E.

0.535 1.328*** 0.003 0.003 0.095 1.298 0.202 −1.906** 0.285 −0.077** −0.419* 0.000*

B

1.707 3.774 1.003 0.997 0.910 0.273 1.224 0.149 1.330 0.926 0.658 1.000

Exp (B)

0.366 1465.601

0.045 0.618

0.514 0.010 0.199 0.731 0.578 0.374 0.629 0.040 0.170 0.022 0.066 0.067

Sig.

Migration livelihood mode (Model 3)

Note IV: sub-types of variables. B: regression coefficient. S.E.: standard error of the estimate. Wald: Chi-square value. df: degrees of freedom; Sig.: significance; Exp(B): variation caused by increase or decrease. ***, **, *significance level under 0.1, 0.05, and 0.01, respectively Source based on Liu, Yan (2017) ‘The Study on the Relation between Rural Household Livelihood Modes and Land Degradation in Karst Areas’ (Nanjing University Press, Nanjing, China, in Chinese)

5.044 0.000 1.136 0.154 0.996 0.165 0.148 0.040 0.000 0.660 1.613 0.169 0.283 0.122 4.121 0.038

9.312 1199.557 0.913 0.107 0.341 1.225 1.135 1.139 1656.482 0.839 0.968 0.112 0.209 0.000 0.962 6.140

Exp (B)

−9.701*** 16.514 −0.101 −0.044* −0.340 −0.497** −0.436* −0.227 21.495 0.681** 1.230** −0.046 0.111 0.000 1.952 −1.196*

Sig.

X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 X6 X7 X8 X9 X10 X11 X12 X13 X14 X15 Constant

df

B

Wald

B

IV

S.E.

Urban livelihood mode (Model 2)

Village livelihood mode (Model 1)

Table 5.4  Estimation results of the logistic regression model for different livelihood modes

86  Y. LIU AND Z. QIAN

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and forest, accelerating land degradation. Reclaiming wasteland (B7) was also an important factor, especially for farming households that lacked land and financial resources. Some full-time farming households with labor capacity in the village livelihood mode would reclaim land to increase their agricultural income. Conversely, leaving land uncultivated (B8) in the migration livelihood mode had a positive influence on land degradation in Model 3. Most uncultivated land was infeasible for cultivation, with low yield and poor-quality soil. Soil quality could be gradually improved if land is left uncultivated to relieve the land-use pressure. The water conservation measures (B10) and the perception of soil erosion (P11) among farming households helped to prevent land degradation in Model 1. Farming households’ perception of rural land degradation influenced their land-use behavior—the better the perception, the more actively these households participated in soil and water conservation. The ­non-agricultural family income (C15) was positively correlated with mitigation of land degradation. There were three possible reasons. First, farming households’ non-agricultural income increased their financial capacity and helped them withstand risk and avoid abusing land resources, which promoted the sustainable development of the eco-environment. Second, farmers had capital to support their families and undertake soil and water conservation when their non-agricultural income increased. To a large extent, the increase in non-agricultural household income was advantageous in preventing and controlling soil erosion in the karst area, because the income was not directly dependent on farming. Third, the Rocky Desertification Control Project was implemented to improve farming household’s perception of rural land degradation after the 1970s. The backward socio-economic condition and traditional farming methods in the karst area made it difficult to reduce poverty. People relied on natural resources to enhance the livelihood capitals to meet the growing demand for agricultural production. Some farming households’ land-use behaviors exacerbated soil erosion and rocky desertification, which were detrimental to the regional environment. In response, the Guizhou Provincial People’s Government issued the “Plan for Poverty Alleviation and Ecological Resettlement in Guizhou Province (2012–2020)” in 2012. A series of ecological restoration policies have been introduced by the government. They have improved the eco-environment and reduced rural poverty; however, there is still a long way to go to achieve a sustainable rural environment in the karst area.

Conclusions and Policy Implications This article examines the land-use behavior of farming households, focusing on slope gradients of cultivated land, farmland transfers, and inputs in agricultural production, by econometrics methods. The following

88  Y. LIU AND Z. QIAN

conclusions can be drawn from the study: (1) Farming household livelihood activities in the survey area demonstrated a near vis-a-vis far trend (the tendency of choosing either the village or migration livelihood mode), in which farms close by were generally small-scale. (2) The farmland to forest conversion pressure was stronger for farming households in the village and urban livelihood modes in Ziyun County in the MEBS. Although this pressure was not obvious in the migration livelihood mode, which mainly engaged manual laborers without social security, some migrants returned to farming once they became old and unable to continue non-agricultural work. (3) In the village livelihood mode, sloping land cultivation, energy use types, and wasteland reclamation could lead to rural land degradation. Water conservation efforts and perception about soil erosion among farming households helped prevent land degradation. Chemical fertilizers, pesticides, and plastic films in agriculture had an evident impact on land degradation when farming households with the urban livelihood mode spent more time in non-agricultural employment. In the migration livelihood mode, leaving land uncultivated had a positive influence on the eco-environment. In addition, non-agricultural income helped reduce the dependence of farming households on land resources. We, based on the above conclusions, propose several policy interventions. First, farming households should adapt to livelihood mode changes. Farmers should be encouraged to go out of their villages to work and new rural policies should be developed to provide farmers with a range of alternative livelihood choices. Second, urban employment opportunities should be expanded to enlarge the geographical scopes of farming household activities and to alleviate the environmental pressure on the eco-environment caused by the village livelihood mode. Third, the land-use behaviors of farming households should be improved through technical training. This can help to increase farmers’ income and develop mixed farming for land-use e­ fficiency in the karst area, bringing in local resource advantages. Governments must promptly create a mechanism for ecological compensation in the karst area to reduce the environmental pressure that prevents farmers from converting farmland to forest and to consolidate the achievement of ecological restoration. This study examines rural land degradation from the micro-level perspective and policy recommendations are then made for different regions in the study area. Similar to other studies, the study has some limitations. The indicators of land degradation are mainly based on the subjective assessments of farming households, lacking the support of experimental data. It might lead to limitations in a comprehensive and spatial-temporal understanding of land degradation. Land degradation analysis utilizing remote sensing, experimental data, and farming household’s livelihood capital change will help in future research. Note: Part of the research data, as noted for Tables 5.2, 5.3 and 5.4, are based on a published book by Yan Liu, titled ‘The Study on the Relation between Rural Household Livelihood Modes and Land Degradation in Karst Areas’ (Nanjing University Press, Nanjing, China, 2017).

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Funding    The project is sponsored by the research grants from the Guizhou Provincial Science and Technology Department (No. [2017] 1120; No. [2018] 1116) and a PhD Start-up grant from Guizhou Normal University in 2014 (No. ­­1190401514179).

References Anshun 13th Five Year Plan. (2017). Forestry development plan. Available at http:// lyj.anshun.gov.cn. Accessed 24 September 2017. Berchoux, T. and Hutton, C. W. (2019). Spatial associations between household and community livelihood capitals in rural territories: An example from the Mahanadi Delta, India. Applied Geography 103: 98–111. Cochran, W. G. (1977). Sampling Techniques, Third edition. New York: Wiley. Defrancesco, E., Gatto, P., Runge, F. et al. (2008). Factors affecting farmers’ participation in agri-environmental measures: A northern Italian perspective. Journal of Agricultural Economics 59(1): 114–131. DFID. (1999). Sustainable livelihoods guidance sheet, Department for International Development. www.nssd.net/pdf/sectiono.pdf. Accessed 15 February 2019. Duangjai, W., Schmidt-Vogt, D. and Shrestha, R. P. (2015). Farmers’ land use ­decision-making in the context of changing land and conservation policies: A case study of Doi Mae Salong in Chiang Rai Province, Northern Thailand. Land Use Policy 48: 179–189. Dubovyk, O., Menz, G., Conrad, C., et al. (2013). Spatio-temporal analyses of cropland degradation in the irrigated lowlands of Uzbekistan using remote-sensing and logistic regression modeling. Environmental Monitoring and Assessment 185(6): 4775–4790. FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization). (2005). Rapid guide for missions: Analyzing local institutions and livelihoods (pp. 15–32). Rome, Italy: FAO. ISBN 9789251054291. Hammad, A. A and Tumeizi, A. (2012). Land degradation: Socioeconomic and environmental causes and consequences in the eastern Mediterranean. Land Degradation & Development 23(3): 216–226. Holden, S., Shiferaw, B. and Pender, J. (2004). Non-farm income, household welfare, and sustainable land management in a less-favoured area in the Ethiopian highlands. Food Policy 29(4): 369–392. Huang, Q., Cai, Y. and Xing, X. (2008). Rocky desertification, antidesertification, and sustainable development in the karst mountain region of Southwest China. AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment 37(5): 390–392. Kim, B., Yum, S., Kim, Y. Y. et al. (2014). An analysis of factors relating to agricultural machinery farm-work accidents using logistic regression. Journal of Biosystems Engineering 39(3): 151–157. Koutroulis, A. G. (2019). Dryland changes under different levels of global warming. Science of the Total Environment 655: 482–511. Liang, X., Chen, H., Wang, Y. et al. (2016). Design and application of a CA-BDI model to determine farmers’ land-use behavior. Springer Plus 5(1): 1581.

90  Y. LIU AND Z. QIAN Lin, Y., Chu, H., Wu, C. et al. (2011). Predictive ability of logistic regression, auto-logistic regression and neural network models in empirical land-use change modeling–a case study. International Journal of Geographical Information Science 25(1): 65–87. Liu, Y., Huang, X. J., Yang, H., Zhong, T. Y., (2014). Environmental effects of land-use/cover change by urbanization and policies in Southwest China karst ­ area—A case study of Guiyang. Habitat International 44: 339–348. Liu, Y., Guo, Y. and Zhou, Y. (2018). Poverty alleviation in rural China: Policy changes, future challenges and policy implications. China Agricultural Economic Review 10(2): 241–259. Mburo and Sango Bay Sites. (2002). Land Use Change Impacts and Dynamics (LUCID) Working Paper Series No. 17. Available at http://www.lucideastafrica. org/publications/Tukahirwa_Lucid_WP17.pdf. Ministry of Natural Resources of the People’s Republic of China. Anshun land use planning (2006–2020). Available at http://www.mlr.gov.cn/zwgk/ ghjh/201008/t20100826_747097.htm. Accessed 24 September 2017. Orchard, S. E., Stringer, L. C. and Manyatsi, A. M. (2017). Farmer perceptions and responses to soil degradation in Swaziland. Land Degradation & Development 28(1): 46–56. Pagiola, S., Ramírez, E., Gobbi, J. et al. (2007). Paying for the environmental services of silvopastoral practices in Nicaragua. Ecological Economics 64(2): 374–385. Paulrud, S. and Laitila, T. (2010). Farmers’ attitudes about growing energy crops: a choice experiment approach. Biomass Bioenergy 34(12): 1770–1779. Peng, J., Xu, Y. Q., Cai, Y. L. et al. (2011). The role of policies in land use/cover change since the 1970s in ecologically fragile karst areas of Southwest China: A case study on the Maotiaohe watershed. Environmental Science & Policy 14(4): 408–418. Prince, S. D., Becker-Reshef, I. and Rishmawi, K. (2009). Detection and mapping of long-term land degradation using local net production scaling: Application to Zimbabwe. Remote Sensing of Environment 113(5): 1046–1057. Rammel, C., Stagl, S. and Wilfing, H. (2007). Managing complex adaptive systems—A co-evolutionary perspective on natural resource management. Ecological Economics 63(1): 9–21. Ruto, E., Garrod, G. and Scarpa, R. (2008). Valuing animal genetic resources: A choice modelling application to indigenous cattle in Kenya. Agricultural Economics 38(2008): 89–99. Soltani, A., Angelsen, A., Eid, T. et al. (2012). Poverty, sustainability, and household livelihood strategies in Zagros, Iran. Ecological Economics 79: 60–70. Tan, S. K., Zhang, L. and Qi, R. (2012). Research on regional pressure index of cultivated land based on system dynamics—A case study of Hubei Province. Journal of Natural Resources 27(5): 757–765. Vu, Q. M., Le, Q. B. and Vlek, P. L. G. (2014). Hotspots of human-induced biomass productivity decline and their social–ecological types toward supporting national policy and local studies on combating land degradation. Global and Planetary Change 121: 64–77.

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Xiong, K., Chi, Y. and Shen, X. (2017). Research on photosynthetic leguminous forage in the karst rocky desertification regions of Southwestern China. Polish Journal of Environmental Studies 26(5): 2319–2329. Xu, H., Huang, X. J., Zhong, T. Y.et al. (2014). Chinese land policies and farmers’ adoption of organic fertilizer for saline soils. Land Use Policy 38: 541–549. Yang, Z. H., Wang, Y. P. and Tuersun, M. E. D. (2015). Farm households’ input behavior of land conservation and its driving factors: From a perspective of farm household differentiation. China Population Resources Environment 25: 105–112. Zegeye, A. D., Steenhuis, T. S., Blake, R. W. et al. (2010). Assessment of soil erosion processes and farmer perception of land conservation in Debre Mewi watershed near Lake Tana, Ethiopia. Ecohydrology & Hydrobiology 10(2–4): 297–306. Zhang, J., Dai, M., Wang, L. et al. (2016). Household livelihood change under the rocky desertification control project in karst areas, Southwest China. Land Use Policy 56: 8–15. Zhang, J. J., Fu, M. C., Zhang, Z. Y. et al. (2014). A trade-off approach of optimal land allocation between socio-economic development and ecological stability. Ecological Modelling 272: 175–187. Zhao, J. M., Zhou, Q. G. and Huang, Z. Q. (2006). Monitoring the cultivated slope land in the Three Gorges Reservoir Area based on remote sensing and GIS. Wuhan University Journal of Natural Sciences 11(4): 915–921.

PART II

Child Welfare in India and China Lakshmana Govindappa and Rajendra Baikady

This part of the book describes various policies and programs related to child welfare in India and China. It is universally agreed on the fact that children are the treasures of any country. If any country needs to develop overall, it has to cater to their needs and take care of them. Children have been considered resources than liabilities’. The child activists are advocating for child budget.

Child Welfare in India The largest child population in the world are from India. There are 444 million children under the age of 18 years, which constitutes 37% of the total population in India (Census of India 2011). The Indian constitution ensured protection, dignity, rights and welfare of children through various a­rticles. For example, article 21A directs that the “State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such manner as the State may by law, determined”, article 23 “prohibits the trafficking of human beings and forced labour” and article 24 “prohibits employment of children below the age of fourteen years in factories, mines or any other hazardous occupation”. Since Independence, India is committed to the rights of children, women and other vulnerable groups and ratified international conventions and treaties. India has signed all major conventions and treaties to reiterate its commitment to the cause of children, i.e., the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Declaration of the rights of the child, Universal declaration of human rights, etc. India has also ratified the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the “South Asian Association

94  Part II: Child Welfare in India and China

of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Conventions on Child Welfare and Combating Trafficking of Women and Children in SAARC Region” (Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India). The Government of India has taken up many policy initiatives and programs for the development and welfare of children. There is a separate Ministry of Women and Child Development (MoW&CD) which is entrusted with the responsibility of welfare of the women and children in the country. The National Policy for Children (1974) in India was one of the important policy documents which said that “the state shall provide adequate services towards children, both before and after birth and during the growing stages for their full physical, mental and social development. It suggested a comprehensive health programme, supplementary nutrition for mothers and children, free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of 14 years, promotion of physical education and recreational activities, special consideration for children of weaker sections and prevention of exploitation of children, etc.” Based on this policy, Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) scheme was introduced on October 2, 1975, which is recognized as world’s largest programme aimed at providing health, early care, and adolescent girls. Through the ‘Anganwadi centres’ which are located in villages and poor urban areas provides essential services using an integrated approach. ICDS included “supplementary nutrition, immunization, health check-up, referral services, and pre-school non-formal education and nutrition and health education services”. The program is continuing and providing services to its stakeholders (MoW&CD, GoI). In 2013, India formulated a new National Policy on Children, which is the modified version of the policy and also reiterated that every child has Universal child rights. MoW&CD has developed the National Plan of Action for Children 2005. It has set target in eight parameters, and Prime Minister’s office is monitoring quarterly. The major targets were “increasing nutritional status of children, reducing Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) and Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR), increasing enrolment ratio and reducing dropout rates, universalization of primary education, increasing coverage for immunization”. Another significant milestone is that the adoption of the National Charter for Children-2004 which is the government agenda for children.

Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS) Indian government cares for children in a difficult circumstance and vulnerable children. To build a protective environment for these children, centrally sponsored the ‘Integrated Child Protection Scheme (ICPS)’ has been implemented. This scheme is implemented through Government-Civil Society Partnership. One of the uniqueness of this scheme is bringing multiple existing child protection schemes under one umbrella. The following comes under the ICDS umbrella, i.e., “Anganwadi Services Scheme, Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandana Yojana, National Creche Scheme, Child Protection Scheme, POSHAN Abhiyaan and Scheme for Adolescent Girls”.

Part II: Child Welfare in India and China 95

Integrated Programme for Juvenile Justice There are various policy initiatives for children who are in need and children in conflict with the law. The Juvenile Justice (Care and protection of Children) Act 2015 gives directions in handling juveniles in the country. Under this act, a separate National Advisory Board on Juvenile Justice has been established and created juvenile justice boards, Child Welfare Committees in all the districts in the country. Intensive training, orientation and sensitization of judicial, administrative police, NGOs, and institutions responsible for the implementation of the JJ act have been made mandatory. The act provided a road map for reform, rehabilitation and reintegration of children in conflict with the law. National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development (NIPCCD) which is a separate autonomous body functioning under MoW&CD is entrusted the responsibility of research, evaluation, training of government and voluntary sector personnel, dissemination of information, technical advice and consultancy to state and central governments. One zero nine eight (1098), a telephone service which is specially meant to children, and to promote adoptions within the country Shishu Greh Scheme also is implemented.

Child Welfare Programmes of Other Ministries The following are the important schemes and programs implemented by different Ministries and Departments of GoI. The Rajiv Gandhi National Creche Scheme for the Children of working Mothers-2006, Nutrition component of Prime Minister Gramodya Yojana and Nutrition Programme by MoW&CD. Reproductive and Child Health Programme, Pulse Polio Immunization Programme, Hepatitis B, DPT and other routine immunization programs by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. To achieve the universalization of elementary education (6–14 years), Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan was started in 2001. A National Programme for the education of girls, and under mid-day meal Scheme nutrition snacks are provided to children attending schools.

Other Noteworthy Acts Related to Children in India The child marriage restraint act, 1929 made child marriage as a criminal offence, the children under 14 are prohibited from working in hazardous industries as per the child labour (prohibition and regulation) act, 1986, the immoral traffic (prevention) act, 1956 made the misusing children for trafficking is a criminal offence, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 protects children from the sexual offences. There are other various programs and policies which are child friendly, and Government of India is proactive in its efforts.

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Child Welfare in China The People’s Republic of China (PRC) considered below 18 years as minors under the Minors Protection Law and had 300 million children in 2010. China has ratified and joined the relevant international treaties. A drastic change has been seen in China’s domestic laws, legislations and child protection from 1992 onwards. The Constitution of PRC provides state protection for children and prohibits maltreatment of children. The Minors Protection Law, which passed in 1991 and revised in 2006, is the important law which protects the rights of the minors (Naftali 2019). This law protects minors from the family, community, and society. It clearly outlined the roles and responsibilities of all stakeholders. The Maternal and Infant Health Law, 1995 states that “the State shall develop maternal and infant health care projects and provide the necessary environments and material aids to ensure that mothers and infants receive medical and health care services.” This act covers maternal protection, services, prenatal, postnatal, and other services which are required for families. As per China's law on Compulsory Education children would get a minimum of nine years of formal schooling, which includes six years of primary and three years of middle school. For disabled children, there is a provision to set up special schools by the government. As per the PRC Labor Law, 1994, children below sixteen years are prohibited from using Child Labor. China's laws also prohibit child marriage and marriage age for a male is 22 years and female it is 20 years. The law prescribes stringent punishment for rape of minors, women and trafficking. Yuk King LAU in his paper ‘a critical review of school social work in Hong Kong’ emphasizes that according to School Social Work Association of America (2019), school social work is “a specialized area of practice within the broad field of the social work profession”. The school social work in Hong Kong has undergone various changes. First, it introduced in secondary schools in the 1970s and with the limited sanction of social workers NGOs started to work. The primary roles and functions of school social workers (SSW) were eightfold in 1984 and 1999, it reduced to fourfold (Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service, 1999). Since then, social workers in Hong Kong have acted as counsellors, as consultants, as coordinators and as a community and social educators (Task Group on Multi-disciplinary Guidelines on School Social Work Service 2000, pp. 3–4). In 2002, school social work was introduced to primary schools and later to kindergartens in January 2019. It was reported that school social work in Hong Kong serves a preventive, developmental, and remedial function by providing casework services, groups and programs, and consultation services and by coordinating and mobilizing non-school-based resources in communities (Social Welfare Department 2019). The social work education in Hong Kong is generic in nature, and school social work focuses on the individual-focused, problem-centred practice model. The SSWs have more ­ caseload and staff crunch to handle the cases. The author argues the need to

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foster holistic, empowering social work practice in its schools; Hong Kong should adopt a multi-systemic, family-centred framework, as proposed herein. Although there are many issues related to SSW in Hong Kong, its school social work services rank as the most developed ones in Asia (Hatta 2009; McDavitt 2017), particularly given their expansion into kindergartens. Their model must be the role models for other Asian countries to lobby for schools social work in their countries. Ya-Wen, in his paper From Care Deficit to Overbearing Care: Child Care Provision Growing Gap in China analyzed how the growing socioeconomic inequalities dramatically impact family and child welfare in China. The literature shows that the Chinese welfare regime is divided between the rural and the urban population. This division exists in the Chinese governance system since the early pre-modern history when the “hukou system consisted chiefly of two things: one was a registration system, and the other was a management system” of the population (Young 2013, p. 30). The author argues that after opening up of its economy to west, the Chinese welfare state has been reformed in a way similar to western capitalist democracies, towards the social investment state. With the reform and opening era, the Chinese welfare regime has reduced its scope. It has externalized to the private sector the provision of some welfare benefits in particular for urban workers (Gao, Yang, & Li 2013). But the government has not encouraged the rural migrants to settle down permanently in urban areas. The author conducted qualitative research in Nanjing, in Jiangsu province, in 2018 to assess among urban middle-class families and migrated rural to urban families on child care. It was reported that among urban middle-class families, each child is usually cared for by more than one adult. The child is the focal point, and parents think providing a good education is the central point in their life and is ready to spend more on this. Child caring becomes the centre of the life of many mothers. China’s rapid development and urbanization have induced massive labour migration from rural to urban areas, which affects the children of migrant families. These children are identified as two groups: those who migrate to cities with their parents are called as “migrant children”, and those who are left behind in hometowns by their parents and cared by extended family members are called “left-behind children”. Rural-to-urban migrants bring their children to cities in the hope of seeking better educational opportunities. However, due to the household registration system, they remain classified as rural residents and their children cannot access the social welfare and services that their urban counterparts enjoy, including education (Wen & Hanley 2015). The study observes a steep gap between the urban ­middle-class families and the rural-urban migrant families. Björn Alpermann and Yang Weiyue in their paper ‘Bereaved single-child families’ (shidu jiating): Dealing with an unintended consequence of China’s one-child policy has taken an intensive look at bereaved single-child parents. This group came into being under China’s three-and-a-half-decades-long

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one-child policy. As per China’s traditional belief, without children, parents do not get salvation. As per some estimates, the total number of bereaved ­single-child families range from 2 million to 10 million in China and majority of them are facing issue related social stigma, insecurity, emotional disturbance and threat to their old age care. Many of them, started activism through their central-level petitioning and complaining to local authorities which have also earned them a reputation of being potential troublemakers. Though initially, the government has ignored the problem, later it understood that due to its policy, these people are under social threat. If not addressed, society may lose their trust in government policies. Initially, the central government has directed the local governments to extend the support, but later it enacted the national level policy to address their issue. According to all available projection, it is expected that in the coming decades this group is going to grow. The paper concludes that although the shidu wave will eventually crest, the rapid ageing of Chinese society will require more efforts on the government's part to provide adequate eldercare in the coming decades. In sum, this section of the book highlights that the child welfare policies and programs in India and China have been changing over a period of time and addressing the emerging needs. Both the governments consider children are their assets and making sure that they would get enabling environment to grow as responsible citizens. The entire world is looking at these two Asian countries which constitute more than 1/3 of the population on how they address the issues related to children such as providing a suitable environment, early care, protection, education, rights of the children and other needs. Both the countries have a different type of governance, and everybody surprised the way these governments reaching to their future citizens. They have also shown that the population is not a major issue and successfully proving qualified, trained human resource in different sectors to different countries also.

References Census of India. (2011). Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner. Children’s rights: China. Retrieved from https://www.loc.gov/law/help/childrights/china.php. Gao, Q., Yang, S., & Li, S. (2013). The Chinese welfare state in transition: 1988– 2007. Journal of Social Policy, 42(4), 743–762. Hatta, Z. A. (2009). Towards establishing school social work in Malaysia. Social Work and Policy, 3(3), 187–197. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-1411.2009.00033. xhttps://doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-1411.2009.00033.x. McDavitt, K. (2017). School social work: Supporting children’s primary education in the South West of Western Australia. Retrieved from http://ro.ecu.edu.au/ theses/1979.

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Ministry of women and child development, Government of India. About the ministry. Retrieved from https://wcd.nic.in/about-us/about-ministry. Ministry of women and child development, Government of India. ­Child-related legislation. Retrieved from https://wcd.nic.in/act/2315. Naftali, O. (2019). Rights of children and youth in China: Protection, provision and participation. In Handbook on human rights in China. Edward Elgar Publishing. School Social Work Association of America. (2019). Role of school social worker. Long, KY: Author. Retrieved from https://www.sswaa.org/school-social-work. Social Welfare Department. (2019). Funding and service agreement: School social work. Hong Kong: Author. Retrieved from https://www.swd.gov.hk/doc/fsa_sd/099a. pdf. Task Group on Multi-disciplinary Guidelines on School Social Work Service. (2000). Guideline on multi-disciplinary collaboration in school social work service. Hong Kong: Social Welfare Department. Wen, Y., & Hanley, J. (2015). Rural-to-urban migration, family resilience, and policy framework for social support in China. Asian Social Work and Policy Review, 9, 18–28. Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service. (1999). Report on review of school social work service. Hong Kong: Social Welfare Department. Young, J. (2013). China’s hukou system: Markets, migrants and institutional change. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

CHAPTER 6

A Critical Review of School Social Work in Hong Kong Yuk King LAU

Introduction According to the School Social Work Association of America (2019), school social work is “a specialized area of practice within the broad field of the social work profession.” Typically employed in educational settings, school social work professionals specifically aim to promote the educational success and well-being of students (Levine & Zhu, 2010) and, in the process, offer school systems unique knowledge and skills in supporting students (School Social Work Association of America, 2019). Corbin (2005) has averred that, with their training on ecological perspective, school social workers are best positioned to integrate all factors that enable students to learn. Such school social workers function as integral links among schools, families, and communities by providing direct services, providing specialized services (e.g., mental health interventions and crisis management), and facilitating community involvement in schools (Allen–Meares, 2013, p. 1). First developed in the United States in the early 1900s, school social work has grown into an international profession (Huxtable, 1998). Despite the success of its internationalization, however, the profession’s development has involved a few unresolved problems. For one, conflicts about school social work’s ultimate mission and functions have been persistent (Anand, 2010; Sugrue, 2017). Moreover, as studies have consistently shown, school social work models in many countries are largely skewed toward an individualized Y. K. LAU (*)  Department of Social Work, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_6

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casework model (Anand, 2010; Isaksson & Sjostrom, 2017; Kelly et al., 2010a; Lee, 2012), largely due to factors of organizational context and heavy workloads among school social workers (Dupper, Rocha, Jackson, & Lodato, 2014; Isaksson & Sjostrom, 2017; Lee, 2012). In response, scholars of school social work have called for a shift toward a more systemic, multilevel approach of practice involving school leadership, changes in school culture, and the advocacy of policy (Clark & Alvarez, 2010; Frey & Dupper, 2005; Kelly et al., 2010b; Sherman, 2018). Among them, Frey and Dupper (2005) developed the clinical quadrant model to guide school social workers in conceptualizing interventions from individual and systemic levels in order to better address the complex needs of students. From a more practical standpoint, Allen and Tracy (2004) have advocated expanding the scope of school social work to include home-based visits as a means to provide more responsive, more comprehensive services to students and their families, while Anderson–Butcher, Stetler, and Midle (2006) have proposed strengthening the role of school social workers in facilitating school–community partnerships. More recently, Sherman (2018) has not only called for the demarginalization of school social work in the education system but also encouraged school social workers to assuming responsibilities of educational leadership. Introduced in the 1970s, school social work in Hong Kong, according to the Social Welfare Department (2019a), continues to be provided as “a back-up service to help students in relation to their developmental process and/or their adjustment to school life,” especially “those who may face difficulties in these aspects, by the application of social work principles and methods” (p. 1). Nevertheless, after four decades of development, the state of school social work in Hong Kong remains unclear. What have been its successes, and what are its current challenges? From the present vantage, has Hong Kong followed the lead of other countries in adhering to a skewed individualist approach, or has it adopted a more holistic approach? To answer those questions, this paper presents a comprehensive, critical review of literature addressing school social work in Hong Kong.

History and Development of School Social Work in Hong Kong From 1842 to 1997, during Hong Kong’s 155 years as a British colony, its colonial government took a noninterventionist, laissez-faire approach to social development marked by the minimal provision of social welfare (Chiu, 2014). Reactive instead of proactive, social policies mostly responded to critical social turmoil or threats to social stability or the economy (Tsang, 2004). As an extension of the Cultural Revolution in mainland China, however, major riots erupted in Hong Kong in 1966–1967, caused mostly by youth, the working class, and individuals with limited education (Chi & Cheung,

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1998). Partly in response, to alleviate social discontent as well as protect the colony’s status as an investment-friendly environment, the colonial government launched massive programs for public housing, healthcare, free education, and welfare in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Lam & Blyth, 2014). By 1971, free primary education was available to all (Government Secretariat, 1982). That same year, social work services were launched in Hong Kong as the experimental project of six non-governmental organizations (NGOs), most of them family service agencies (Chiu & Wong, 2002). In 1974, the colonial government initiated its own project to extend family casework services provided by family service centers of the Social Welfare Department to certain schools (Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service, 1999). Given those beginnings, school social work in Hong Kong developed as an extension of family services, with the underlying assumption that the problems of students at school were symptoms of their personal malfunction invariably rooted in their dysfunction of their families. Such origins have also promoted the dominance of the individualized casework approach in school social work practice in Hong Kong (Chiu & Wong, 2002). Completed in 1975, a report on a study commissioned by the colonial government, titled “Social Causes of Violent Crime Among Young Offenders in Hong Kong,” recommended that school social work services should be provided in all secondary schools in Hong Kong (Ng, 1975). Two years later, the green paper “Development of Personal Social Work Among Young People in Hong Kong” (Hong Kong Government, 1977) ranked school social work among core social services for youth in the colony. Thanks to Hong Kong’s rapid economic development and corresponding need for labor, free education was extended to Hong Kong’s junior secondary schools in 1978, and in 1980, children’s right to free education until reaching the age of 15 years became safeguarded by law (Board of Education Sub-Committee on Review of School Education, 1997). Around the same time, the white paper “Social Welfare Into the 1980s” (Hong Kong Government, 1979) announced that funding would be granted to NGOs that could provide professional social work services in all of Hong Kong’s secondary schools in a standard staffing ratio of one social worker for every 4000 students, based on the colonial government’s estimation that only 2% of students needed such services. However, three years later, based on stratified cluster sampling of secondary schools in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong Council of Social Service (1982) estimated that 6.6% of students aged 16 years or less needed social work services, as did 4.79% of students aged 17 years or older, after which a standard ratio of one social worker for every 1000 students was advocated. According to the guidelines on school social work (Central Committee on School Social Work, 1984, 1994), the primary roles and functions of a school social worker are eightfold. First, they are enablers who help student

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to devise proper means and use more effectively their resources in meeting their needs, and to work out solutions to their own problems. Second, they are counselors who help students better understand themselves, their feelings, and ways of resolving their behavioral or emotional problems. Third, they are social educators who help students and their families to develop positive social values, attitudes, and behaviors, as well as who promote harmonious interpersonal relationships and a sense of responsibility to society. Fourth, they are consultants who provide consultation services to school personnel and related professionals about handling students’ problems. Fifth, they are mobilizers of resources who locate and assemble resources in communities for the benefit of students, their families, and schools. Sixth, they are researchers who regularly review provided services with school personnel and collect data on ways to improve those services. Seventh, they are advocates of education who are familiar with general education systems, ready to recommend improvements to education, and willing to advocate for the supply of resources currently inadequate or unavailable. Eighth and last, they are mediators who strengthen links among students, their families, schools, and communities, promote better understanding and harmonious relationships among them, and mediate between parties when misunderstandings or conflicts arise. In the early 1990s, the white paper “Social Welfare Into the 1990s and Beyond” (Hong Kong Government, 1991) pledged to improve the standard staffing ratio of social workers to students to 1:2000, which was ultimately achieved in the 1994–1995 school year (Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service, 1999). However, when a comprehensive service review in 1997 revealed that school social workers in Hong Kong were involved in two stated roles—as researchers and as advocates—in highly limited ways (Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service, 1999), their roles were redefined and reduced from eight to four. Since then, social workers in Hong Kong have acted as counselors who provide guidance and counseling services to students in need and their families; as consultants who provide consultation services to students, parents, and school personnel on ways to address the needs of students; as coordinators who locate and mobilize resources in communities for the benefit of students, their families, and schools and who strengthen cooperation among different social services in order to better support schools; and as community and social educators who enable students and their families to develop positive social values and attitudes toward life-altering situations, who promote harmonious family relationships by organizing groups for students and parent, and who provide support to students and parent–teacher associations (Task Group on ­Multi-Disciplinary Guidelines on School Social Work Service, 2000, pp. 3–4). Soon after returning to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, Hong Kong suffered a severe economic downturn during the Asian financial crisis. Consequently, when the 1:1000 staffing ratio of social workers to students in Hong Kong, with the goal of one social worker for each secondary school, was achieved

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in September 2000, budgetary constraints of the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) prevented the provision of funding for the policy. In response, participating NGOs had to pool the necessary funding by cutting their service costs or seeking other funding sources (Chiu & Wong, 2002; Chui & Ling, 2013). As Hong Kong’s economy has recovered since 2005, thereby relieving the HKSAR government from its previous constraints and increasing the demand for labor for the region’s knowledge-based economy, free education has been offered in Hong Kong’s senior secondary schools since the 2008–2009 school year. In the years that followed, as school social work assumed responsibility for countering ­oft-publicized substance abuse among youth, school social work services grew by 20% by 2011—for a ratio of one social worker per every 830 students—as a means to support focused antidrug campaigns as well as strengthen substance abuse-related counseling services (Information Services Department, 2011). As of September 1, 2018, 34 NGOs operated school social work services for 463 secondary schools across Hong Kong (Social Welfare Department, 2019b). Although the services were initially provided at secondary schools only, their coverage was introduced to primary schools in August 2002 (Tang, Fung, & Lau, 2005). With the implementation of the Comprehensive Student Guidance Service in all primary schools in Hong Kong by the Education Bureau, schools receiving service grants independently employed school social workers or purchased guidance services for schools from NGOs (Education Bureau, 2019), which were allocated service projects via a tender system with competitive bidding (Chui & Ling, 2013). Despite its increased stability, the system has recently had to grapple with new, major challenges in child development, parenting, and family relationships caused by social, demographic, and political changes. Among others, the massive influx of students from mainland China to Hong Kong in the past decade has required refreshed attention to the safety and social adjustment of students, their families, and schools. In particular, because a large proportion of cross-border students are of kindergarten age, the social services sector has intensely advocated the extension of school social work services to kindergartens across Hong Kong (Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 2013). Following the recommendations of the Committee on Free Kindergarten Education (2015), the Free Quality Kindergarten Education Policy was implemented in Hong Kong during the 2017–2018 school year. As another source of challenges, several serious cases of abuse, many involving young children, in 2017 and 2018 have intensified concerns over trends of child abuse and child neglect in Hong Kong, sparked heated discussions on ways to prevent curb those trends, and stressed the need to provide adequate professional support to kindergarten principals, teachers, students, and their families (Lau & Ho, 2018). In the 2018–2019 budget announced on February 28, 2018, Hong Kong’s Financial Secretary (2018, clause 178)

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pledged to allocate HK $504 million to launch a 3-year pilot scheme beginning in the 2018–2019 school year that aims to provide social work services to approximately 150,000 children and their families in all aided childcare centers, kindergartens, and kindergarten-cum-child care centers in Hong Kong. Although the Social Welfare Department proposed a staffing ratio of one social worker to every 600 students for the scheme (Hong Kong Society for the Protection of Children, 2018), rigorous objections among NGOs and kindergartens achieved a revised ratio of 1:400 in July 2018. Along with the extension of school social work services to Hong Kong’s kindergartens, the 2018–2019 budget has pledged more resources to enhance social work and guidance services in public primary schools in order to achieve the target of one social worker per school starting in the 2018–2019 school year. To uphold those new policies, significantly more school social workers will be necessary to sufficiently serve Hong Kong’s 581 primary schools and 1030 kindergartens or kindergarten-cum-child care centers tallied during the 2017–2018 school year (Census and Statistics Department, 2019).

The State of School Social Work in Hong Kong: Successes and Challenges Although their development has been reactive instead of proactive, Hong Kong’s school social work services rank as the most developed ones in Asia (Hatta, 2009; McDavitt, 2017), particularly given their expansion into kindergartens. To a large extent, the characteristics and uniqueness of the services identified in the 1990s have persisted into the present; the services continue to be provided by NGOs and funded by Hong Kong’s Social Welfare Department, and schools enjoy the wide coverage of services systematically staffed by professional social workers (Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service, 1999). Furthermore, the overarching goals of the services are still “to identify and help students with academic, social or emotional problems, maximize their educational opportunities, develop their potentials and prepare them for responsible adulthood” (Social Welfare Department, 2019b). Those goals are supported by the general objectives of strengthening links among students, families, schools, and communities and helping students to maximize their potential and manage personal, family, relationship, and academic problems. Ideally, school social work in Hong Kong serves a preventive, developmental, and remedial function by providing casework services, groups and programs, and consultation services and by coordinating and mobilizing nonschool-based resources in communities (Social Welfare Department, 2019a). At the same time, school social work in Hong Kong continues to be a generic instead of a specialized practice. No specialized accreditation for school social workers in the region exists, and though social work practitioners tend to advance their professional

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competence by completing postgraduate training, no specialized training in school social work exists at any degree-granting or postgraduate level.

The Individual-Focused, Problem-Centered Practice Model Throughout the decades of school social work in Hong Kong, counseling and consultation have remained the chief tasks of social workers’ daily work (Chui & Ling, 2013; Liu, 1997; Working Group on the Review of School Social Work, 1999). School social work services continue to be primarily remedial, and interventions continue to focus on the social adjustment and development of individual students (Chui & Ling, 2013; Liu, 1997; To, 2012). Although activities in the services that involve working with parents and liaising with school personnel have significantly helped students, the support of parents, teachers, and peers is typically recruited only in efforts to achieve clinical goals focused on individual changes, not systemic changes in the family or school (Chan, 1997; Chui & Ling, 2013, 2014; Liu, 1997). Since its inception, school social work in Hong Kong has served a function of social control in being tasked with reducing juvenile delinquency by encouraging students’ conformity to normative social values and by educating their families about appropriate parenting values, skills, and knowledge, both based on a policy ideology that views youth as problematic (Asia–Pacific Interagency Group, 2011). Because that same ideology extends to students’ families as well (Lau, 2011), the daily tasks of school social workers primarily target so-called “maladjusted” students and entail helping them to adjust well in school environments by solving their and their families’ problems (To, 2012). In providing services at schools, social workers play a role and observe norms of practice regulated by school administrators. Restricted to identities as caseworkers or school counselors, school social workers are often excluded from formulating and implementing school policies (Ma, 1992; To, 2012), for exceeding the specific duties of their positions by intervening in the school system could upset their working relationship with schools and threaten the authority of schools. As a result, they often struggle to differentiate their role from that of other counselors and student guidance staff members in school settings (Chiu & Wong, 2002), and without a role recognized by schools or other professionals, some have engaged in activities unrelated to their professional responsibilities (Chui & Ling, 2013, 2014). In the long term, as scholars have reported, role confusion significantly correlates with burnout among school social workers in Hong Kong (Tam & Mong, 2005).

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Heavy Caseloads and Staff Shortages In Hong Kong, the individual-focused, problem-centered approach to casework in the provision of social work services at schools is reinforced by rigid funding mechanisms and a service agreement (Chiu & Wong, 2002; Chui & Ling, 2013, 2014). Since the establishment of the Service Performance Management System in 1999—that is, an administrative mechanism based on neoliberalist ideology (Yan, Cheung, Tsui, & Chu, 2017)—the cost-effectiveness of school social work in Hong Kong has been closely regulated by the Funding and Service Agreement. According to the agreement, the annual performance quotas per school social worker include 70 cases handled, 23 of which need to be closed after agreed goals were met, as well as 40 program sessions conducted and 380 consultations delivered (Social Welfare Department, 2019a). Compared to quotas observed in other countries, Hong Kong’s quota of handling 70 cases per year has resulted in extremely heavy caseloads for school social workers. In New Zealand, for example, the number of active cases per social worker is 24 at a time, and the intended ratio of social workers to students, from 1:400 to 1:700, depends on the percentage of students with intensive need for support (Wilson et al., 2018). In the United States, by comparison, the proposed national standard for school social work services is having a social worker for every 250 students in general and for every 50 students with intensive needs (National Association of School Social Workers, 2012). As a result, heavy caseloads among school social workers in Hong Kong leave them with little energy or time to provide innovative, preventive services, to say nothing of energy or time to act as advocates (Chui & Ling, 2013). Moreover, as school social work services increasingly prioritize meeting the case quota, the added emphasis on casework has made them increasingly problem-oriented (Chiu & Wong, 2002; To, 2012). A recent audit report of the Audit Commission (2017) pointed out, that the performance standards of social work services in Hong Kong are woefully outdated, including those provided in schools. It applies to those of school social work service. Accordingly, to enhance the service provisions, the Hong Kong Council of Social Service (2018a) proposed a staffing ratio of two social workers per every secondary school in a recent campaign.

A Nonparticipatory Mode of Developing Policies and Services During the era of Five-Year Program Plan reviews in Hong Kong, service reviews of social service planning were performed in 1986, 1990, and 1997 (Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service, 1999). The reviews served as platforms for NGOs and the colonial government to

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negotiate and plan welfare services in Hong Kong following the systemic review of their needs and shortcomings (Chui, 2014). Since the abrupt discontinuation of the Five-Year Program Plan reviews in 1998, however, no service reviews on school social work services in Hong Kong have been conducted. In a sense, the cessation of the reviews signaled the dissolution of government–NGO partnerships, which soon transformed into a service purchaser–service provider dyad, particularly after the HKSAR government introduced a system of competitive bidding in 1999 that forced NGOs to vie for service contracts from the government. Typically affording only shortterm contracts, the new contracting mechanism began to destabilize service delivery and has spurred fierce competition that continues to pit NGOs against each other (Chui, 2014; Lam & Tse, 2013). In turn, such competition has limited the collective power of NGOs in negotiating with the HKSAR government, as well as reinforced top-down instead of participatory policymaking regarding social work services in the government. For example, the staffing ratio of one social worker per 600 kindergarteners derived from top-down decision without much negotiation with NGOs, parents, or kindergartens. However, that ratio falls far short of recommendations for service provision determined in most pilot studies, which prescribe 1.5 or more service days per week in each kindergarten. In that sense, the ratio has contributed to the regression of service provision, not its enhancement (Hong Kong Council of Social Service, 2018b). The author witnessed the divisive effects of competition among NGOs in a recent forum on social work in kindergartens. In particular, representatives from small NGOs aired their grievances about their organizations’ disadvantaged position in future competitive bidding, since most projects are allocated to large NGOs that can offer added value in their contract proposals. At the same time, experienced practitioners made strong calls for NGOs to put aside their respective interests and stand as a united front. Ultimately, a group was formed to lobby the support of the education sector in advocating a revised staffing ratio, and when the sector in general and 91% of kindergartens objected to the current ratio, the Social Welfare Department revised the staffing ratio to 1:400 in a rare success during recent decades. Similar to the need for solidarity among NGOs in order to influence policymaking, the transformation of the current practice model requires collective wisdom. For one, although Singapore and China have professional associations of school social workers (Sosa, Bomba, Ismayilova, & Tan–Wu, 2017), Hong Kong does not. Some consolation is that many local practitioners collectively acknowledge the significance of striking a balance between facilitating students’ individual change and advocating for improvements in the school system and policies (Chan, 1997; Ho, 2004; To, 2012). They are also aware of the pitfalls of a remedial approach, especially that practitioners might lose sight of the impacts of social structures and power-related issues and consequently become mere instruments of social control (To, 2012). Moreover,

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despite the constraints and challenges imposed by the subvention system and school administrators, the development of a more proactive, holistic, ­theory-based model of social work practice in Hong Kong’s schools has been discussed since the 1990s.

The Search for a Holistic, Empowering Practice Model Past Proposals Early on, Chan (1997) proposed that social school work practice in Hong Kong should adopt the social interaction model, which “emphasizes the reciprocal influences of the acts of individuals and groups” and targets interventions supporting the quality of exchanges among the child in the case, groups of children, families, the school, and the community (Alderson, 1972). Using the model would not only facilitate the holistic assessment and interventions but also allow casework to be viewed as an integrated practice to help students instead of comprising only counseling and personal guidance. However, according to Alderson (1972), “The model places less emphasis on advocacy than some of the other models” (p. 54), and under the model, social workers have to play a mediating, collaborative role when advocacy is truly necessary. In the face of the education system’s power structure and the power differential among different parties, social workers often struggle to safeguard students’ rights and welfare while maintaining harmonious relationships with school personnel (To, 2009a). To address that dilemma, To (2009a, 2009b) has proposed an alternative practice model that prescribes empowering practice. Adopting a critical perspective on social work and assuming the standpoint of affirmative postmodernism, To (2009a) has conceptualized that “empowerment is not only the way by which practitioners engage in structural changes but also a kind of political activity in wrestling with power relations” (p. 261). In an example of such empowerment, some school social workers have implemented incremental dialogical processes to cultivate good working relationships with students and school personnel; with the foundation of good rapport, they used daily conversations and interactions to construct alternative discourses about so-called “problem” students, to enhance teachers’ reflexivity in how they were subjected to the disciplinary power of the school system, and to refine their missions in educating students. In cases involving the exploitation of students’ rights, some social workers liaised with other social service agencies and exerted pressure on the school system by reporting the cases to the Education Bureau. Those results reveal a few possible avenues for practitioners to initiate empowering practices in the face of the differential power structure in school settings. By contrast, Ling Chow (2010) has recommended a systemic n ­ on-blaming framework of practice stressing that school social workers are positioned to

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best address the dynamics and reciprocal influence of students, their families, their schools, and their peers. To address those dynamics, she proposed to expand practice by offering school-based family counseling, actively coordinating community resources, strengthening support for teachers, and applying evidence-based service design, all while maintaining expertise in counseling and crisis intervention. Chiu and Ling (2013) similarly acknowledged the importance of family involvement in effective school social work practice, as highlighted in other models for helping students that focus on, for example, family preservation and multisystemic therapy, both of which are informed by the family-centered framework.

Proposal for a Multisystemic, Family-Centered Approach Integrating the mentioned proposals and informed by the success of a pilot project involving two kindergartens (Lau & Ho, 2018), a family-centered multisystemic framework is proposed to guide school social work services in Hong Kong. Family-centered practice is a participatory, empowering form of giving help that focuses on facilitating positive, mutually enhancing person–environment interactions and exchanges (Dunst & Trivette, 1996). Based on ecological–systemic perspectives, as well as perspectives prioritizing strength (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Hartman & Laird, 1983; Pecora, Whittaker, Maluccio, Barth, & Plotnick, 2000), family-centered practices in a school system address students’ well-being and development in their environments (Lau, 2009). In theory, the framework “expands the traditional definition of consultant and coordinator to reflect an emphasis on systemic change and collaborative relationships with families and the broader community” (Keys, 1999, p. 104). In practice, school social workers operating in the framework need to be familiar with the multiple, interrelated systems that influence students’ lives and view families not as clients or as causes of students’ problems but as partners (Henggeler, Schoenwald, Borduin, Rowland, & Cunningham, 2009). According to the framework, school social workers should also collaborate with families and schools to enhance their capacity, as well as help caregivers to design and implement interventions that can improve students’ functioning across family, peer, school, and community contexts. The application of the framework in school social work practice in Hong Kong has been illustrated in a pilot project with two kindergartens and in the author’s family-centered practice project with school-aged youth who refuse to attend school. In the pilot project, two participating social workers provided individualized, onsite mental health services directly to young children and their parents or caregivers by mobilizing resources in their communities. In the process, they worked to construct mutually supportive, caring communities for the students’ parents by facilitating parents’ involvement and even leadership in a community recycling program and parents’ groups. The two social workers also helped to instill in school staff an ecological perspective that encourages them to consider how interactions between students and

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other stakeholders in their environments (e.g., with parents, teachers, and peers) can influence seemingly individual problems among students. One of the social workers gave concrete support to teachers by accompanying them on their home visits to families of ethnic minority students. By receiving support and sharing expertise with social workers, teachers enhanced their knowledge, skills, and mental health, all of which they mobilized to improve the quality of services provided to students and thereby significantly improved the school environment (Lau & Ho, 2018). Informed by postmodernist and social constructionist perspectives, a ­family-centered framework also encourages school social work practitioners to take critical stances toward dominant and oppressive social discourses and ideologies (Laird, 1995). In the author’s project with youth who refuse to attend school, family therapy and multiple-family groups were offered to the youth and their families, who, as a result of the helping process, recognized problems in Hong Kong’s education system and dominant social values and understood the need to voice their concerns about education reform and ideological change. Eventually, ex-service users were invited to serve on the project as consultants. They have eventually developed a group for mutual support and advocacy (Lau, 2011). In addition to offering f­amily-to-family support to families still coping with problems. The consultants aided the training of staff in the Non-Attendance Cases Unit of the Education Bureau. After the training and since 2017, staffs of the Non-Attendnace Unit have attended the annual meeting of consultants to listen to their experiences and opinions. Such practices showcase how a family-centered approach to social work in Hong Kong’s schools can facilitate interventions at both the clinical and macro levels with the participation of families.

Implications for Social Work Education The proposal for a family-centered approach in school social work practice in Hong Kong calls for innovation and expansion in social work education and its curriculum. Given Hong Kong’s market-driven development of programs in social work education (Yuen & Ho, 2007), school social workers continue to be too few to justify a sustainable, self-financed specialized program in school social work. Specialized in-service training and continued professional education programs can be offered to support school social workers in addressing the complex contexts of students’ lives. On top of clinical training in working with individuals and families, knowledge, and skills in establishing partnerships with families and family empowerment are important for school social workers’ collaboration with Hong Kong’s school system. Training in collaborating with teachers via consultation and community engagement, as well as strategies for influencing schools’ decision making and school culture, can support social workers in engaging in multisystemic practices. Meanwhile, training in using data, a contextual understanding of students to support decision-making, strategic alliances for policy advocacy, effective

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presentations, and involvement in school-wide initiatives or systemic interventions can support social workers’ engagement in school leadership (Berzin & O’Connor, 2010). Supervisory groups for school social workers could afford them continuous feedback and guidance, while a professional association of school social workers could help to identify training needs and pool practitioners’ practical wisdom.

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114  Y. K. LAU Chi, I., & Cheung, S. K. (1998). Social work in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Social Workers Associations. Chiu, S., & Wong, V. (2002). School social work in Hong Kong: Constraints and challenges for the Special Administrative Region. In M. Huxtable & E. Blyth (Eds.), School social work worldwide (pp. 135–155). Washington, DC: National Association of Social Workers Press. Chiu, W. H., & Ling, H. W. H. (2013). School social work service in Hong Kong. In W. H. Chiu (Ed.), School social work: Current practice and research (pp. 21–38). New York, NY: Nova. Chiu, W. H., & Ling, H. W. H. (2014). Perceptions of school social workers in Hong Kong: The function, role, and challenges. Taiwan United Way Review, 3(1), 71–100. Chui, E. W. T. (2014). Social work in Hong Kong. In C. Aspalter (Ed.), Social work in East Asia (pp. 75–92). Farnham, UK: Ashgate. Clark, J. P. & Alvarez, M. (2010). Response to Intervention: A guide for school social workers. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Committee on Free Kindergarten Education. (2015). Children first: Right start for all. Hong Kong: Committee on Free Kindergarten Education. Retrieved from https://www.edb.gov.hk/attachment/en/edu-system/preprimary-kindergarten/ kg-report/Free-kg-report-201505-Eng.pdf. Corbin, J. N. (2005). Increasing opportunities for school social work practice resulting from Comprehensive School Reform. Children & Schools, 27, 239–246. https://doi.org/10.1093/cs/27.4.239. Dunst, C. J., & Trivette, C. M. (1996). Empowerment, effective help giving practices and family-centered care. Pediatric Nursing, 24, 283–290. Dupper, D., Rocha, C., Jackson, R. F., & Lodato, G. A. (2014). Broadly trained but narrowly used? Factors that predict the performance of environment versus individual tasks by school social workers. Children & Schools, 36, 71–77. Education Bureau. (2019). Education bureau circular memorandum no. 36/2018: The policy of ‘one school social worker for each School’ in primary schools. Hong Kong: Education Bureau. Retrieved from https://applications.edb.gov.hk/circular/ upload/EDBCM/EDBCM18036E.pdf. Financial Secretary. (2018). The 2018–19 budget. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government. Retrieved from https://www.budget.gov. hk/2018/eng/speech.html. Frey, A. J., & Dupper, D. R. (2005). A broader conceptual approach to clinical practice for the 21st century. Children & Schools, 27, 33–44. https://doi. org/10.1093/cs/27.1.33. Government Secretariat. (1982). The Hong Kong education system. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government. Retrieved from https://www.edb.gov.hk/attachment/en/ about-edb/publications-stat/major-reports/edsyse.pdf. Hartman, A., & Laird, J. (1983). Family-centered social work practice. New York, NY: Free Press. Hatta, Z. A. (2009). Towards establishing school social work in Malaysia. Social Work and Policy, 3(3), 187–197. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-1411.2009.00033.x. Henggeler, S. W., Schoenwald, S. K., Borduin, C. M., Rowland, M. D., & Cunningham, P. B. (2009). Multisystemic treatment of antisocial behavior in children and adolescents (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Guilford Press.

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Ho, K. W. (2004). Interactive campus: A collection of cases. Hong Kong: Scout Association of Hong Kong: Friends of Scouting. Hong Kong Council of Social Service. (1982). Estimating the size of the potential clientele of school social work service. Hong Kong: Author. Hong Kong Council of Social Service. (2013). Proposal on stationing social work in kindergartens and nursery schools (in Chinese). Hong Kong: Author. Retrieved from http://hkcss.org.hk/uploadfileMgnt/0_20131022171125.pdf. Hong Kong Council of Social Service. (2018a). Mental health problems and suicide among secondary students: Survey on cases of school social work service. Hong Kong: Author. Hong Kong Council of Social Service. (2018b). Opinion paper on the pilot scheme on kindergarten social work. Hong Kong: Author. Hong Kong Government. (1977). Development of personal social work among young people in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Government Printer. Hong Kong Government. (1979). Social welfare into the 1980s. Hong Kong: Government Printer. Hong Kong Government. (1991). Social welfare into the 1990s and beyond. Hong Kong: Government Printer. Hong Kong Society for the Protection of Children. (2018). 90% of the kindergarten object a staffing ration of 1:600 for the pilot scheme of school social work (Press release). Hong Kong: Author. Huxtable, M. (1998). School social work: An international profession. Children & Schools, 20, 95–109. https://doi.org/10.1093/cs/20.2.95. Information Services Department. (2011). Additional funding of $50 million to enhance school social work services. Retrieved from http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/ general/201109/27/P201109270105.htm. Isaksson, C., & Sjostrom, S. (2017). Looking for “social work” in school social work. European Journal of Social Work, 20(2), 191–202. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369 1457.2016.1188775. Kelly, M. S., Berzin, S. C., Frey, A., Alvarez, M., Shaffer, G., & O’Brien, K. (2010a). The state of school social work: Findings from the national school social work survey. School Mental Health, 2, 132–141. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s12310-010-9034-5. Kelly, M. S. Frey, A. J. Alvarez, M., Berzin, S. C., Shaffer, G., & O’Brien, K. (2010b). School social work practice and response to intervention, Children & Schools, 32, 201–209. https://doi.org/10.1093/cs/32.4.201. Keys, S. G. (1999). The school counselor’s role in facilitating multisystemic change. Professional School Counseling, 3(2), 101–107. Laird, J. (1995). Family-centered practice in the post-modern era. Families in Society, 76(3), 150–162. Lam, C. L., & Tse, H. K. (2013). Adversity and resistance: Neoliberal social services and social work in Hong Kong. Critical and Radical Social Work, 1(2), 267–271. https://doi.org/10.1332/204986013X673335. Lam, C. W., & Blyth, E. (2014). Re-engagement and negotiation in a changing political and economic context: Social work in Hong Kong. British Journal of Social Work, 44(1), 44–62. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcs092. Lau, Y. K. (2009). Family-centred practice with non-attending students in Hong Kong. International Journal of School Disaffection, 6(2), 5–8.

116  Y. K. LAU Lau. Y. K. (2011). A narrative oriented multiple-family group with students who refuse to attend school and their parents. International Journal of Narrative Therapy and Community Work, 2011(4), 46–57. Lau, Y. K. & Ho, W. M. (2018). Family-centered kindergarten social work services in Hong Kong: A pilot project. Journal of Asian Social Work and Policy Review. 12(2), 116-126. https://doi.org/10.1111/aswp.12144. Lee, J. S. (2012). School social work in Australia. Australian Social Work, 65, 522– 570. https://dxdoi.org/10.1080/0312407x.2012.675343. Levine, K. A., & Zhu, K. (2010). The changing context of China: Emerging issues for school social work practice. International Social Work, 53(30), 339–352. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0020872809359751. Ling Chow, H. Y. (2010). New challenges of school social work service in the turn of the century (in Chinese). In Hong Kong Christian Service School Social Work Service (Ed.), Tips for school social work practice (pp. 6–18). Hong Kong: Hong Kong Christian Service. Liu, E. S. C. (1997). School social work in Hong Kong: Task analysis and its implications for future development. Hong Kong Journal of Social Work, 31, 35–47. https://doi.org/10.1142/s0219246297000041. Ma, S. K. (1992). Job satisfaction and the turnover rate of Hong Kong school social workers. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong. McDavitt, K. (2017). School social work: Supporting children’s primary education in the South West of Western Australia. Retrieved from http://ro.ecu.edu.au/ theses/1979. National Association of School Social Workers. (2012). NASW standards for school social workers. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved from https://docs.wixstatic. com/ugd/426a18_e21a4e36a3014434988a27f95945fb01.pdf. Ng, A. M. C. (1975). Social causes of violent crimes among young offenders in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong. Pecora, P. J., Whittaker, J. K., Maluccio, A. N., Barth, R. P., & Plotnick, R. D. (2000). The child welfare challenge (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Walter de Gruyter. School Social Work Association of America, (2019). Role of school social worker. Long, KY: Author. Retrieved from https://www.sswaa.org/school-social-work. Sherman, M. C. (2018). The school social work: A marginalized commodity within the school ecosystem. Children & Schools, 38, 147–151. Social Welfare Department. (2019a). Funding and service agreement: School social work. Hong Kong: Author. Retrieved from https://www.swd.gov.hk/doc/fsa_ sd/099a.pdf. Social Welfare Department. (2019b). School social work. Retrieved from https://www. swd.gov.hk/en/index/site_pubsvc/page_young/sub_schoolsoci/. Sosa, L. V., Bomba, S., Ismayilova, G., & Tan–Wu, M. L. (2017). School social work in a global context. In L. V. Sosa, T. Cox, & M. Alvarez (Eds.), School social work: National perspective on practice in schools (pp. 221–238). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Sugrue, E. P. (2017). The professional legitimation of early school social work: A historical analysis. School Social Work Journal, 42(1), 16–36.

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Tam, T. S. K., & Mong, L. P. K. (2005). Job stress perceived inequity and burnout among school social workers in Hong Kong, International Social Work, 48, 467– 483. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872805053470. Tang, K. L., Fung, H. L., & Lau, Y. K. (2005). Social care in Hong Kong: Challenges and responsibilities. In N. T. Tan & S. Vasoo (Eds.), Challenge of social care in Asia (pp. 43–62). Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic. Task Group on Multi-Disciplinary Guidelines on School Social Work Service. (2000). Guideline on multi-disciplinary collaboration in school social work service. Hong Kong: Social Welfare Department. To, S. M. (2009a). Conceptualizing empowerment in youth work: A qualitative analysis of Hong Kong school social workers’ experiences in generating empowering practices, International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 15, 257–276, https:// doi.org/10.1080/02673843.2009.9748032. To, S. M. (2009b). Empowering school personnel for positive youth development: The case of Hong Kong school social workers. Adolescence, 44, 465–476. To, S. M. (2012) A qualitative analysis of the field experiences of Hong Kong school social workers in encountering different forms of power. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 17(2/3), 149–164. Tsang, S. (2004). A modern history of Hong Kong 1842–1997. New York, NY: I. B. Tauris. Wilson, M., Belgrave, M., Vette, M., Tamariki, O., McMillen, P., & Tamariki, O. (2018). Estimating the impact of social workers in school using linked administrative data. New Zealand: Ministry of Social Development and Ministry for Children. Working Group on Review of School Social Work Service. (1999). Report on review of school social work service. Hong Kong: Social Welfare Department. Yan, M. C., Cheung, J. C. S., Tsui, M. S., & Chu, C. K. (2017). Examining the neoliberal discourse of accountability: The case of Hong Kong’s social service sector. International Social Work, 60, 976–989. https://doi. org/10.1177/0020872815594229. Yuen, A. W. K., & Ho, D. K. L. (2007). Social work education in Hong Kong at the crossroads: Challenges and opportunities amidst marketization and managerialism. Social Work Education, 26, 546–559. https://doi. org/10.1080/02615470701456194.

CHAPTER 7

From Care Deficit to Overbearing Care: Childcare Provision and the Growing Inequality Gap in China Manon Laurent and Ya Wen

Introduction To build the China Dream, the current Chinese government emphasizes the importance of improving the nation’s human capital‚ that is educating a high-quality population (Anagnost, 2004; Jacka, 2009; Kipnis, 2006). To reach this goal, the government underlines the role of families in ameliorating the economic prospect of each successive generation and by extension, strengthening the nation. In this chapter we argue that the increased responsibility put on the shoulders of families by the current Chinese welfare regime reinforces social inequalities. Indeed, through both the exclusion of the r­ ural-to-urban migrant population from welfare provisions and by overlooking their care work needs, the Chinese welfare regime fosters social reproduction rather than social mobility. In the past two decades, the Chinese welfare state has been reformed in a way similar to western capitalist democracies, toward the social investment state as coined by Jenson & Saint-Martin (2003). The state focuses on investing in the most promising population to increase the economic return for the country. The welfare system provides the greatest social benefits to those who M. Laurent  Department of Political Science, Concordia University, Montreal, Canada CESSMA, Université de Paris, Paris, France Y. Wen (*)  Department of Social Work, Shanghai Ocean University, Shanghai, China e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_7

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are preparing for the future and who are willing to make sacrifices. Through a structural and long-term exclusion of rural-to-urban migrant workers from most of the welfare benefits and social services, the Chinese government increases social inequalities. Based on an in-depth qualitative analysis of the stories of families, this chapter explores the welfare regime in China by comparing childcare provisions in rural-to-urban migrant and urban middle-class families. In the first section, we distinguish the welfare regime, or “welfare diamond composed of state, market, voluntary sector and family” (Ever, Pilj, & Ungerson, 1994, cited in Jenson & Saint-Martin, 2003, p. 80) from the welfare state which designates only the benefits provided by the state. Building on Razavi (2007, 2015) we highlight the importance of care work when studying a welfare regime. Second, we describe the welfare regime in China and highlight how the residential registration system, hukou, institutionalizes a form of social segregation. Third, we compare childcare provision in ­rural-to-urban families with urban middle-class families. Finally, we discuss how the two different care regimes reinforce and reproduce social inequalities. We conclude that the Chinese state should better integrate care work when designing and implementing social policies in order to effectively reduce social inequalities.

Integrating Care Work in the Study of Welfare Regime Care work defined as the fulfillment of care needs by an individual or an institution has been overlooked in the study of welfare regimes, which focused primarily on redistribution and work-related benefits. In his landmark piece titled The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Esping-Andersen (1990) compared Western European welfare regimes to assess their performance in terms of redistribution. He focused on the social provisions of the labor market and its main actor that is the male breadwinner. Later the study of the welfare regimes broadens its definition to encompass all the institutions, policies, and programs “oriented toward promoting people’s welfare quite generally” (Goodin et al., 1999, p. 5, cited by Jenson & Saint-Martin, 2003, p. 80). However, care work as it was relegated to the private sphere, remained invisible. Care has been traditionally provided by members of the family or the community1 to persons who need intensive care, such as children, frail elderly, and people with disabilities and illnesses. Able-bodied adults also need to be cared for. Razavi (2007, 2015) calls for a better integration of care work by policy-makers when designing and implementing social policies and by scholars when studying welfare regimes. The care diamond is an extension of the welfare diamond to designate the different institutions which provide care work that is the family, the market, the community, and the state. 1 The community can be defined by different type of kinship depending on the context. In some countries, community care will be provided within a village, in others within a religious community, in some context friendship defines a community or common housing.

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In this chapter, we distinguish three kinds of care work. The first, standard house chores or indirect care work‚ has greatly changed with the widespread availability of washers, dryers, and dishwashers in developed countries and advanced developing countries. It is also the type of care which has been the most commodified and marketized with food delivery‚ restaurants, dry cleaners, or domestic workers. The second kind of care is the direct care for persons, that is bathing, feeding but also ensuring security and entertainment of persons who need intensive care. The direct care can be provided by members of the family or community. This type of care has also been commodified when using the services of nurses, nannies, and other paid caregivers working in private or public institutions. The third type of care, which we identify as care for the Future, focuses on the development of the person and their future prospect. This last type of care encompasses parenting practices as well as education provided in the public or private system. The care for the future directly influences social mobility and social reproduction as it impacts children’s development and their life as adults and workers. According to Razavi (2007, p. 11), “good quality care, whether paid or unpaid, is very labour intensive.” The “cost disease” (Razavi, 2007, p. 5) of care work means that its productivity cannot be significantly increased without decreasing the quality of the care. In other words, a caregiver can only care for a few number of persons in need of intensive care. The cost disease applies mainly to the last two types of care. The direct care for persons and the care for future requires intense and nearly exclusive attention from the caregiver. In the next sections, we use a care-centered analysis to better understand the Chinese welfare regime. We focus on three questions: who cares, who pays for the care, and where the care is provided.

The Chinese Welfare Regime: Segregation Between the Rural and the Urban Populations A central feature of the Chinese welfare regime is the institutionalized divide between rural and urban populations. This division exists in the Chinese governance system since the early premodern era, when the “hukou system consisted chiefly of two things: one was a registration system and the other was a management system” of the population (Young, 2013, p. 30). In other words, the hukou system started during Imperial China as a census tool to limit the geographic mobility of the population. In 1958, the hukou system, also called the household registration system, was reinforced, simultaneously with the establishment of the People’s Communes. “The new priorities of allocating state resources, managing the command economy and maintaining strict social control” (Young, 2013, p. 35) were added to the millennial hukou system. Since then, the household registration system is used to allocate welfare provisions. During the Maoist era, the People’s Communes defined the need of each individuals and each family in rural areas

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and ensured all welfare provisions for the rural population. The Communes aimed at replacing traditional family care by collective kitchen, community childcare, and community elderly homes. In the urban areas, the population was organized through the work unit system, danwei. Through a diversity of public employers the state provided welfare provisions to the urban population (Bray, 2005). Employers also provided collective kitchens, daycare for infants, kindergartens, and elderly homes. With the reform and opening era in 1978, the Chinese welfare regime has reduced its scope and has externalized to the private sector the provision of some welfare benefits in particular for urban workers (Gao, Yang, & Li, 2013). Regarding care work, the retreat of the public services provided by the state has led to more household duties and care work relying on women (Ji, Wu, Sun, & He, 2017, p. 772). In rural areas, in the early 1980s, in the context of decollectivization, land-use rights were distributed to rural households. People’s Communes were progressively dismantled and with them most of the care services provided to rural households. In the late 1980s, rural Chinese were encouraged to work in the industrial sector in urban areas but they are excluded from any public services in urban areas to discourage them from settling in the cities permanently. “This deprivation is justified on the grounds that the migrants formally remain rural residents under the governement’s hukou system” and thus they “retain land-use rights to small plots of land in their native villages” as a safety net (Pun & Chan, 2013, pp. 180–181). To conclude, the current Chinese welfare regime is composed of state, family, and market-based provisions. Most welfare benefits related to the labor market are provided by public and private employers. The long-lasting segregation between rural and urban populations is an important obstacle to social mobility for rural households. In the next two sections, we explore the Chinese care regime through the stories of families. We focus on the provision of direct care for children and care for the Future. Even though the two studies were conducted by different research teams in different academic settings, we have applied the same method. Specifically, the teams collected long narratives from urban middle families and rural–urban families. All the interviews were audio-recorded with the consent from the children and their parents.

Overbearing Care in Urban Middle-Class Families This research is based on eight-month immersive fieldwork conducted in Nanjing, in Jiangsu province, in 2018. Economically Nanjing is one of the major Chinese cities, the capital of the richest province (Jiangsu) and, thus the city hosts a well-developed middle-class. As assessed by s­cholars (Lieberthal & Oksenberg, 1988), politics in China depend in part on

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geography, the closer to Beijing the stricter is the enforcement of policies. Nanjing is a middle ground. During this immersive fieldwork, we tried to better understand the position of parents from the middle-class living in Nanjing and trying to choose not only the kindergarten and primary school for their child but also all the necessary extracurricular activities. During this fieldwork, we conducted formal interviews with more than 30 parents. Here is a quantitative description of the interviewees: Households

Persons

32

34

Fathers 8

Mothers

Grandmothers

24

Grandfathers

2

Two child-households 5

0

Due to the one-child policy most households have only one child. Here is a quantitative description of the children of our interviewees. However, we have not conducted interviews with the children themselves: Children

Boys

Girls

Age 0–6 (K-)

Age 6–11 (PS)

Age 11–15 (JHS)

Age 15–18 (SHS)

37

17

20

17

10

8

2

K = Kindergarten; PS =  Primary School; JHS  =  Junior High School; SHS = Senior High School All the parents that we have interviewed belong to the middle-class, in the way that they can afford to enroll their child in extracurriculum courses but nearly all of them mentioned their education expense’s weight in their budgets. Our interviews were structured into five sections. First, we asked parents to describe and explain their child’s schooling history (school and extracurriculum activities). Parents were also asked to evaluate the quality of the schools they chose. Second, parents described their interactions with the schools, in particular their use or lack thereof of phone applications and groups. Third, we discussed the involvement of the different members of the family in the education of the child. Fourth, we traced back the residential history of the family and how it was influenced by the child’s schooling. Finally, we had a discussion about education policies and state’s discourse about education. These steps were not followed in a specific order, as we wanted parents to share their own perspective. Several expressions used by the state such as “Quality Education”; “Happy Education”; “Reducing the burden”; “suppression of school rankings” were some brought up by the interviewees themselves. The interview ended with a discussion on a recent newspaper article reporting on the consequences of the shutdown of a school for migrant workers’ children by the education bureau of a nearby city. The migrant workers’ children were transferred to an elite primary school, about which outraged middle-class parents complained. Consequently, the school’s

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principal decided to build a wall to separate local pupils from migrant workers’ children. In the urban middle-class setting, the child is at the center of the family. Two generations—six adults—are mobilized to provide time, money, and care for one child—and in few cases for two children. Parenting is a gendered issue. During our interviews, we examined how mothers and fathers enact their roles differently regarding their child’s school (Hare-Mustin & Hare, 1986; Kuan, 2011). Mothers play a great role in planning the education of their child. Several mothers interviewed have resigned from their positions to take care of their child. Yang Ke (2018) argues that mothers are like education agents for their child, they compare opportunities, and prices, choose the best “contracts,” keep track of performance and make sure that all the activities fit in the schedule. Despite the central role of mothers, it is noteworthy that without purposefully targeting fathers, a quarter of our interviewees are fathers. Some interviewees describe a balanced or complementary division of tasks regarding their child’s education. For instance, the mother playing the role of agent and the father playing the role of a coach, that is, doing the homework and revisions at home with the child. Care provision is also an intergenerational matter. Grandparents play a great role in meeting the daily needs of the child. In most interviews, grandparents are directly in charge of the care of the children. They drop off and pick up the child at school and all the different extracurricular activities. According to most parents, the grandparents are indispensable in care provision for urban children. However, their role is very instrumental, they supplement care when parents are not available. Many parents assert that they want to reduce the role of the grandparents to a minimum. Indeed, grandparents are deemed having a bad influence on the children. According to our interviews, they spoil children by responding to all of their tantrums, they do not establish or uphold any rules. Parents are not the only ones to point at the bad influence of the grandparents, schools also convey this judgment. According to one of our interviewees, during the selection process for new pupils, elite schools favor children coming with parents rather than the ones coming with their grandparents. The child’s education is the major determinant of the family’s residential trajectory. Indeed, the most common strategy used by wealthy-enough parents to select their child’s school is to buy an apartment nearby their dream school. This strategy constrains the familial budget for any other financial decision. One mother told us that the family moved three times to guarantee that her daughter would enroll in the ideal school. Real-estate prices mirror this strategy, as housing prices skyrocket close to allegedly good schools (Li, 2012; Xunyao [朱迅垚], 2017). Reflecting on this situation, we have been told to look at real-estates prices in order to identify the best schools of a city. A new category of good appeared in the real-estate market, the ­ apartment-for-education “xuequfang” (Laurent, 2015), which enables

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parents to easily identify condos close to a good school. These apartments are usually located downtown. Real-estate companies also use it as a selling point. Wu, Zhang, & Waley (2016) have identified a process of “jiaoyufication”— contraction of jiaoyu, i.e., education in Chinese and gentrification—when parents buy apartment-for-education without living in but only to enroll their child in the nearest school. Sometimes the children live in the apartment with one or two grandparents to take care of them. In the weekends, they commute to see their parents living in a more spacious house in the suburbs. This strategy also reveals the priority given to the care for the future, that is the education investment for the child’s future career, over the direct and indirect daily care of the child. Beyond investing their financial resources in their children education, parents from the urban middle class also directly engage with the schools. All of our interviewees mentioned the existence of groups on phone applications—Wechat or QQ—to discuss with their child’s professors. Usually in the beginning of the year, the class teacher creates a group on one of the applications, which all the parents of the class children should join. According to our interviewees it is usually only the mothers who participate, sometimes the two parents or one grandparent do as well. There is a great variety of practices regarding what information and who participates on these groups. The most common feature is that professors inform parents of the homework that child has to do and the books or clothes that the child should bring to school. It decreases the responsibility of the child and increases that of the parents. Parents also help each other by sharing information on good resources and addresses. Parents sometimes question the teacher or complain about a specific issue. In kindergartens, parents expect to receive photos and videos of the everyday activities of their children. One of our interviewees is both a mother and a kindergarten teacher; she explained how stressful these groups can be for a professor. She has to be available not only to the 40 to 50 children in her classroom but also the 40 to 100 parents of these children. Children in urban middle-class families can be cared for by up to six adults, who spend all their energy, time, and resources to attend all the needs of the children. One mother hired a nannie fulltime when she gave birth to her second child. Her first child, a boy lives with his father and his paternal grandparents. The second child, a girl lives with her mother, her maternal grandparents, and the nannie. In total, seven adults care for two children living in two different apartments. Both parents are working fulltime jobs. The mother asserts that she would not be able to live with her two children in the same apartment. It would be too much stress and care work. If this situation is quite rare, the great number of caregivers mobilized for only two children highlights the overbearing pressure put on parents from the urban middle-class regarding their child’s education. All the interviewees describe very busy schedules for their children. One mother told us that her two daughters had a different activity every weekdays

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evening and three activities during the weekend (some options are dance, swimming pool, English, Mathematics, German, Chinese, calligraphy). This mother wants to identify the talents of her daughters as early as possible in order to nurture them. She does not give them one minute to do nothing. Their bodies and minds should always be stimulated so that they take advantage of each and every minute to improve their competences and explore their talents. This obsession of the full day is mentioned frequently by parents. In the urban settings, private service providers take an increasingly important place in the provision of the care for the future. Children are registered in numerous extracurricula activities, usually marketized by private companies. In conclusion, among urban middle-class families, each child is usually cared for by more than one adult. Parents, grandparents, public school teachers, and private tutors are mobilized to provide the three kinds of care, that is direct care (feeding, bathing, ensuring security), indirect care (house chores), care for the future (learning, teaching, disciplining). Child caring becomes the center of the life of many mothers (Ke [杨可], 2018). In the next section, we show the striking difference with childcare provision within rural–urban families.

Care Deficit in Rural–Urban Families: Impact on Children and Families China’s rapid development and urbanization have induced massive labor migration from rural to urban areas, which affects the children of migrant families. These children are identified as two groups: those who migrate to cities with their parents are called “migrant children,” and those who are left behind in hometowns by their parents and cared for by extended family members are called “left-behind children.” Rural-to-urban migrants bring their children to cities in the hope of seeking better educational opportunities. However, due to the household registration system, they remain classified as rural residents and their children cannot access the social welfare and services that their urban counterparts enjoy, including education (Wen & Hanley, 2015). A large percent of migrant families cannot afford to take their children with them to live in cities; therefore, many children are left behind. According to a survey by the All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF), there were about 35.8 million migrant children and more than 60 million ­left-behind children in 2012 (ACWF, 2013). Children affected by migration face many challenges, including a great care deficit. In order to explore how the this care deficit impacts these children and their families, two distinct studies have been conducted in an urban village—residential areas for migrants—around Shanghai in 2014 and in Changde (Hunan) in 2017. The first one is a larger study on migrant children’s urban adaptation and social support, which involves semi-structured

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interviews, and participation observation during three months in an urban village located in suburban Shanghai. Altogether we interviewed 18 migrant children (13 boys and 5 girls) aged from 10 to 14 years old and their parents. They were invited to describe their migration experience, their life in the city, and their expectations for the future. Children were also asked what kind of social support they received from the environment in which they were growing up including family school, and community. For instance when they encountered problems, who they would turn to for help and advice. Their parents were asked about the experience of migration as a family migration and their expectations for their children. The second study took place in Changde, in Hunan province, and involved 21 left-behind children (12 boys and 9 girls) aged from 7 to 14 years old and 12 guardians. Children were asked about how they manage their daily life, who they turn to for help when they encounter problems, and how they perceive the care they receive from their parents and the guardians. To the guardians, we asked questions about the family process regarding the decision to leave the children behind, what kind of care they provided and for how long. Our research shows that the care deficit may arise when the parents of migrant children lack the ability to satisfy their children’s educational needs. Migrants usually hold high expectations regarding the education performance of their children. They mention “longing for their child to be a dragon with a bright future” (wang zi cheng long) when talking about their expectation for their children. However, they have to face the gap between their high expectations and their limited material and intellectual resources, in particular the impossibility for them to provide the support that their children need to succeed at school. Children of rural-to-urban migrant families experience a serious deficit of care for the future. Wei2 was the top student in his class and he mentioned he had never received educational support from his family. Instead, he has benefited greatly from the good relationship with a local urbanite—his landlord’s son who was a college student and helped him with academic study and taught him many things that neither his parents nor their migrant friends would know about, including going to the library to study, and how to search for information on the Internet. As Wei’s mother said, “I would do anything to help my son to go to university. But we can’t help him with his school, you know, we are just rural people without wenhua [education and sophisticated knowledge]. He has to rely on himself.” Other parents interviewed the same feeling of helplessness. Among the 15 parents participating in the study, only two of them have completed senior high school, and others only junior high school or primary school. Most migrant parents lack the social capital and the resources to support their children’s educational needs. Liang, one of our participants, is talented 2 The

names of all the participants have been replaced by pseudonyms.

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in sports and hopes to become an athlete. He has been taking physical training for a few years to enroll in one of the schools specialized for sports in Shanghai. However, as a migrant student without the local hukou, that is his household registration is not in Shanghai, he needs to provide recommendation letters from several professionals to support his application. After asking relatives and friends, his father said desperately, “I am just a dagongde (migrant worker), how do I know those professionals and ask them for a favor?” Disappointedly, Liang ended up enrolling in an ordinary junior high school and eventually gave up his dream. The care deficit among children left at the rural hometown is even more serious as the parents are not the main caregivers. In our study, two-thirds of the left-behind children were cared for by their grandparents. This number is consistent with that of the national survey conducted by All-China Women’s Federation in 2013. Being brought up by grandparents is not necessarily harmful; however, a care deficit arises when grandparents cannot provide adequate care due to age, health conditions, or educational level. In our study, grandparents fall short in the provision of both the direct and indirect care. Children cannot satisfy their daily life needs, especially when the grandparents are old or ill. Most of the interviewed children are involved in household duties, including cooking and doing the laundry. One out of three children in the study has to spend two hours every day helping their grandparents with house chores. It is particularly common for the girls who are left behind. Xiao Fang told us that when she was young, she was working with her grandparents on the farm. Now that her grandparents have grown old, it is her responsibility to do the house chores and to take care of them. Sometimes, she is too busy with the heavy housework to complete her school work. Left-behind children suffer from all kind of care deficits. The children, in our study, mentioned that they seldom receive emotional or academic support from their grandparents and suffer from reduced parent–child bonds. This great care deficit may impact the child’s social, emotional, and cognitive development in future. The Chinese government is starting to realize that its development strategy based solely on cheap labor is not sustainable, given the large number of children affected by migration. The care deficit faced by migrant and left-behind children is detrimental to the society as a whole as it negatively affects the country’s economic development in the longer term.

Conclusion: Chinese Care Regime and Social Investment State To compare these two extremely different familial contexts, we distinguish three kinds of care: indirect care, associated with house chores; direct care, associated with daily needs and emotional support; and care for the future, associated with the education and future prospects of the child.

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It is noteworthy in both the urban middle class and the rural–urban migrant context that the children’s direct and indirect care provision involves their grandparents. However, the involvement of this older generation is not perceived in the same way and does not lead to the same consequences in each context. In the urban middle-class context, grandparents provide complementary support to parents. However grandparents are often “accused” of increasing children’s dependence, carelessness, and stifle their sense of responsibility. Conversely in migrant families, the children–grandparents care relationship goes both ways, children develop a sense of responsibility regarding the well-being of their grandparents. In the care for the future, we observe a steep gap between the urban middle-class families and the rural–urban migrant families. In the urban ­middle-class families, parents use all their resources (financial, social, and cultural) to guarantee that their children have the best opportunities for success. Parents engage directly with schools, education companies, real-estate companies, and education bureaus, trying to create the environment to be able to make choices regarding their children’s education despite the nearest school enrolment policy. On the other hand, migrant families are excluded from the urban public services and they cannot supplement this discrimination due to their lack of economic, social and cultural resources. They lack the resources to compete in the social and economic race for upward mobility, thus they feel disempowered and helpless regarding their children’s education.

References All China Women’s Federation. (2013). The National Survey Report on Rural Left Behind Children and Rural-Urban Migrant Children. Chinese Women’s Movement, (6), 30–34. Anagnost, A. (2004). The Corporeal Politics of Quality (Suzhi). Public Culture, 16(2), 189–208. Bray, D. (2005). Social Space and Governance in Urban China: The Danwei System from Origins to Reform. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Charmaz, K. (2009). Recollecting Good and Bad Days. In Anthony J. Puddephatt, William Shaffir, Steven W. Kleinknecht (Eds.), Ethnographies Revisited: Constructing Theory in the Field (pp. 48–62). London and New York: Routledge. Esping-Andersen, G. (1990). The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University. Gao, Q., Yang, S., & Li, S. (2013). The Chinese Welfare State in Transition: 1988– 2007. Journal of Social Policy, 42(4), 743–762. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0047279413000329. Hare-Mustin, R. T., & Hare, S. E. (1986). Family Change and the Concept of Motherhood in China. Journal of Family Issues, 7(1), 67–82. Jacka, T. (2009). Cultivating Citizens: Suzhi (Quality) Discourse in the PRC. Positions, 17(3), 523–535.

130  M. LAURENT AND Y. WEN Jenson, J., & Saint-Martin, D. (2003). New Routes to Social Cohesion? Citizenship and the Social Investment State. Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers Canadiens de Sociologie, 28(1), 77–99. Ji, Y., Wu, X., Sun, S., & He, G. (2017). Unequal Care, Unequal Work: Toward a More Comprehensive Understanding of Gender Inequality in Post-Reform Urban China. Sex Roles, 77, 765–778. Ke, Y. [杨可]. (2018). Mothers as Agent—The Shifts of the Mother’s Role Due to the Marketization of Education [母职的经纪人化——教育市场化背景下的母职变迁 muzhi de jingjihua—Jiaoyuhua shichang beijing xia de muzhi bianqian]. Women’s Studies [妇女研究论丛 Funv Yanjiu Luncong], 2, 1–16. Kipnis, A. (2006). Suzhi: A Keyword Approach. The China Quarterly, 186, 295. Kuan, T. (2011). “The Heart Says One Thing but the Hand Does Another”: A Story About Emotion-Work, Ambivalence and Popular Advice for Parents. The China Journal, (65), 77–100. Laurent, M. (2015). Les effets du renforcement de la carte scolaire sur le marché immobilier chinois. Urbanités, Numéro Spécial, 1–11. Li, W. (2012). Does School Quality Affect Real Estate Prices? The Effect of Top-Tier Elementary Schools on Property Prices in Shanghai. Honors Projects, Paper 44. Lieberthal, K., & Oksenberg, M. (1988). Policy Making in China: Leaders, Structures, and Processes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pun, N., & Chan, J. (2013). The Spatial Politics of Labor in China: Life, Labor, and a New Generation of Migrant Workers. South Atlantic Quarterly, 112(1), 179–190. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1891332. Razavi, S. (2007). The Political and Social Economy of Care in a Development Context (Programme Paper No. 3; p. 39). Geneva and Switzerland: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. Razavi, S. (2015). Care and Social Reproduction: Some Reflections on Concepts, Policies and Politics from a Development Perspective. In R. Baksh & W. Harcourt (Eds.), Oxford Handbooks: The Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements (pp. 423–445). Royaume-Uni: Oxford. Wen, Y., & Hanley, J. (2015). Rural-to-Urban Migration, Family Resilience, and Policy Framework for Social Support in China. Asian Social Work and Policy Review, 9, 18–28. Wu, Q., Zhang, X., & Waley, P. (2016). Jiaoyufication: When Gentrification Goes to School in the Chinese Inner City. Urban Studies, 53(16), 3510–3526. Xunyao, Z. [朱迅垚]. (2017, April 21). The Concept of Education-Apartment is Loosing Luster [“Xuequfang” gainian zhengzai shiqu guangze “学区房”概念正 在失去光泽]. Nanfang Zhoumo [南方周末]. Retrieved from http://www.infzm. com/content/124213. Young, J. (2013). China’s Hukou System: Markets, Migrants and Institutional Change. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

CHAPTER 8

“Bereaved Single-Child Families” (Shidu Jiating): Dealing with an Unintended Consequence of China’s One-Child Policy Björn Alpermann and Weiyue Yang

In early 2019, China’s government was conducting a campaign to “wipe out black and evil forces” (saohei chu’e 扫黑除恶) like organized crime and petty corruption, when suddenly public attention was drawn to a group unexpectedly targeted in this endeavor: families who had lost their only child under the decades-long one-child policy (OCP). Several grassroots governments in at least three provinces (Hunan, Shanxi, and Hebei) had categorized these so-called “bereaved single-child families” (shidu jiating 失独家庭, or shidu for short) alongside “persons heavily suffering from mental illnesses and other key objects for supervision” as potential troublemakers. Chinese netizens were quick to pick up this issue and take the side of those targeted. Eventually, official news media such as China Youth Daily, the People’s Daily Net and The Paper weighed in on this debate, criticizing the local authorities for misunderstanding the issue at stake: instead of shidu families being repressed, they should be given social and political support. Local authorities quickly relented, made excuses and retracted the categorization (Yang 2019a; Yang 2019b). Nevertheless, this incident throws an interesting light on the gap between official policies and public sentiment on shidu on the one hand, and the dynamics between this group and grassroots administrations on the other. Why would a group of people who suffered from a family tragedy be criminalized in this way?

B. Alpermann (*) · W. Yang  University of Würzburg, Würzburg, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_8

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This chapter provides an answer to this question by first introducing the political and social background of the shidu phenomenon. The extent of the problem is contested, but an oft-cited estimate puts the number of shidu parents at two million persons in 2010 (Yang & Wang 2012; Fang 2013). Next, it presents the official policies adopted to assist this particular “weak group” (ruoshi qunti 弱势群体) in Chinese society, before turning to a detailed analysis of the academic debate surrounding the issue. Both official policy documents and research literature tend to see shidu as a group characterized by serious challenges regarding old-age support, both social ostracism and self-selected social isolation as well as bad health and psychological issues, such as depression (cf. Wei et al. 2016; Zheng et al. 2017; Yin et al. 2018). Finally, the chapter takes a look at the often-contentious dynamics between local authorities and shidu families. This study is based on a wide range of sources such as laws, policies, numerous academic journal articles, unofficial documents such as petitions, interviews with local officials in China’s birth planning agencies, et cetera. To examine these materials, we employ discourse analysis based on the sociology of knowledge approach of discourse (Keller 2013).

Political and Social Background China’s one-child policy—limiting each couple to having just one child— which remained in force from 1980 until early 2016 has often been described as one of the most radical and ambitious experiments in social engineering ever undertaken.1 While it was considered a developmental necessity to save resources, ensure food security, and raise living standards by the political leadership at the time, it ran up against age-old cultural values and social practices—especially in China’s countryside. Traditionally, sons were seen as necessary in order to continue the family line, as having no progeny was considered to violate filial piety (xiao 孝), a core moral value in Confucianism. Moreover, in the absence of formal old-age pensions, raising sons was supposed to provide parents with support and care (yang’er fang lao 养儿防老) in their old age, and having more children proved beneficial for households after the return to family farming in the early 1980s. Due to widespread resistance and policy evasion in 1984, the central leadership relaxed the regulations for the rural population (Scharping 2003), in effect introducing a “1.5 child policy,” allowing peasants a second child if their firstborn was either female or disabled. This way, they would have someone to support them in their old age, since according to Chinese customs daughters were marrying out of their biological family and into their husbands, taking care only of their parent-in-law—although this is changing

1 On

the history and politics of birth control see Scharping (2003); Greenhalgh & Winckler (2005); White (2006); Greenhalgh (2010).

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of late (Cao 2019). In 2014, an official think tank calculated that this “1.5 child policy” governed some 53% of China’s population, while only 36% were affected by the more stringent OCP—with the remainder enjoying even more relaxed rules due to their ethnic minority status (China Development Research Foundation 2014: 54–55). Since over quota births remained common in the countryside despite the state’s efforts (Alpermann 2001), shidu families are more common in urban society. But the difference is less pronounced than one might expect: according to one source urban society accounts for 70% of single-child families but only for 58% of shidu families (NBS et al. 2015: 3). Mounting criticism of the OCP eventually led to its demise and replacement by a universal two-child policy in 2016 (Scharping 2019). Scholars still debate whether the OCP was effective, to what extent, or even whether it was ever needed in the first place (White et al. 2015; Zhao & Zhang 2018). However, some unintended consequences of birth restrictions are undeniable, such as the rapidly aging population that China now faces. The central government has acknowledged this by shifting from restricting to now encouraging births—though still within limits—and turning the focus of its population policies to eldercare (Alpermann & Zhan 2019). Another unintended—but not unexpected (Greenhalgh 2008: 181)—consequence of the OCP is the emergence of families who followed state regulations and restricted their childbearing behavior to one child accordingly, but then suffered the tragic loss of their single child, i.e., the shidu. But how large is this group? Unfortunately, the available data on shidu is less than clear. In a review article, Chen Wenhua (2016: 48) reports a wide range of scholarly estimates between one and ten million shidu families (i.e., two to twenty m ­ illion affected individual parents). The estimated size of this group also seems to be a function of each author’s position on the OCP. Thus, a long-standing critic of strict birth restrictions, Mu Guangzong (2015: 117), uses the 2000 census to calculate 4.32 million 18–30 year olds passing away, potentially leaving behind 8.64 million shidu parents in 2005. However, according to the most widely cited estimate for 2010, there was a total number of at least two million shidu parents (Yang & Wang 2012; Fang 2013). This figure is derived from age-specific death rates based on the 2010 national census which suggests an annual increase by 76,000 new shidu families. Having access to the raw census data, researchers at the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) present the most detailed statistical report on shidu so far.2 They identify 660,000 shidu mothers, aged 30 to 64 years (fathers cannot be singled out in the data), categorize 0.16% of all Chinese families as shidu jiating and estimate an additional 87,000 cases of single child deaths per year (NBS et al. 2015: 3–5). If correct, by late 2019 the number of shidu mothers would have more than doubled to some 1.44 million (plus potentially an equal number 2 The

authors would like to thank Ning Wang for alerting them to this source.

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of shidu fathers). Despite the lack of clarity in the available data, the issue is far from trivial—especially when the political sensitivity of the OCP is considered. Thus, it requires an appropriate policy response.

Policies on Shidu The National Level Around the turn of the century, the government realized that it had to tackle the shidu issue. Not caring for those who obeyed the OCP but lost their only child due to sickness, accident, or other fatalities would have undermined the party-state’s claim that the policy is in everyone’s best interest (Lu & Lu 2014: 35). But the policy support system that gradually emerged remains very basic and displays various loopholes. While there were general social policies for so-called “three-nos old people” (sanwu laoren 三无老 人)—those without ability to work, income, or support—these provided only relief of the most basic kind. The first official mentioning of state support for shidu families was in the Population and Family Planning Law of the PRC in 2002. In Article 27, it stipulated that local governments should provide families who lost their single child or whose child became disabled with “necessary aid”—provided the couples did not have another child later (neither by birth nor adoption) and the wife’s age was above 49 years. But state support remained vague, until 2007 when the National Health and Family Planning Commission (NHFPC) began pilots to experiment with setting up a support system. In 2010, together with the Ministry of Finance it promulgated a regulation setting a national minimum standard for support payment: a monthly stipend of RMB 100 per shidu parent. Regional governments were supposed to offer more depending on local circumstances. In this, the policy is following the example of the minimum livelihood guarantee system called dibao (低保) which also varies by locality (Solinger & Hu 2012). This regulation, along with the standard and prerequisites it introduced, laid the foundation for the further development of the support system for shidu families, though the limited amount of monetary aid could hardly meet the real demands of its addressees. Thus, the national minimum standard was incrementally but substantially improved in subsequent regulations, particularly for urban shidu families (see Table 8.1). On the other hand, the central government also called for multidimensional care services for shidu couples covering their pension, medical assistance, and psychological counseling. Thus, in all these respects shidu are deemed to need extra care—but the responsibility for service delivery is squarely put on regional and local governments. Since 2013, i.e., after a nationwide relaxation of the OCP became discernible (Basten & Jiang 2014), an ever-growing number of policies has been published by the central government, aiming to comprehensively upgrade the support system for shidu

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Table 8.1  National subsidy standard for shidu families Minimum (per parent/month)

2010

2013a

2016

2018

In case of death

RMB 100

RMB 340

RMB 450

In case of serious disability

RMB 80

RMB 170 (rural) RMB 340 (urban) RMB 150 (rural) RMB 270 (urban)

RMB 270

RMB 350

aDate of promulgation, effective from 2014 Sources Ministry of Finance & NHFPC (2010, 2016); NHFPC et al. (2013); Ministry of Finance & National Health Commission (2018)

families. First, the difference in the level of support between rural and urban families was canceled in 2016. The newly unified minimum standard was set at RMB 340, and later raised to RMB 450 in 2018. At the same time, the other forms of support for shidu families started to be more frequently mentioned in national policies and laws, focusing on prioritized medical service and insurance. Local governments were called upon to build a database of these special families containing their personal information and state support received. Two observations are noteworthy here. First, in all these documents the term shidu is carefully avoided, although it is the expression commonly used by media and academics alike. In contrast, the first official documents (and some officials publishing on the topic) used the term “families whose single child became disabled or died” (dusheng zinü shangcan siwang jiating 独生 子女伤残死亡家庭)—an expression that is just as cumbersome and negative in Chinese as its English translation suggests. In the 2010s, this was replaced by the euphemism “families with special difficulties due to birth planning” (jihua shengyu teshu kunnan jiating 计划生育特殊困难家庭)—later often abbreviated to “birth planning families” or “special difficulties families.” Second, included here are not just families who lost their single child due to death but also those who lost the effective support of their child because it suffered from injury or disability. However, the level of support varies between these two subcategories (see Table 8.1). By 2013, the government reported that a total of 671,000 persons received these support payments, of which 407,000 (or 61%) had a child who died (Xinhua News Agency 2013). In other words, whether both subgroups are discussed or just the latter makes a substantial difference. The most recent official report by the National Health Commission (2018) lumps both groups together and gives a figure of 1.12 million individual beneficiaries. These figures also raise another question, namely that of coverage. As lower bound estimate, we can take the above-cited NBS et al. (2015: 3–5) figure of 920,000 shidu mothers for 2013. Due to the age limit of 49 for shidu mothers, more than 800,000 of these would have been eligible for

136  B. ALPERMANN AND W. YANG

support.3 The above figure of 407,000 recipients in 2013 suggests that only half of those eligible received a regular support payment. Thus, there was a striking undercoverage of the target group. It is unlikely that this situation has improved much. Yet, since official data on recipients now no longer distinguish shidu from families with disabled single child, it is impossible to be precise. In sum, the central government has taken the shidu issue more seriously in recent years. Nevertheless, the ever-growing number of shidu families and rising aid standards have made it increasingly challenging to provide financial support, and offering a full range of care services seems now impossible given the limited public financial capacity. The situation is further worsened by the transformation of the previous NHFPC (since early 2018 called National Health Commission), which is the main state agency that copes with shidu issues4: In terms of organization and personnel, birth control and related topics now clearly take a backseat. As a result, national policies have to appeal for more social actors to be involved in the support system. The future development of the support system will likely follow a neoliberal model, particularly in the field of social care, in that nonofficial provision of care and services for shidu families will be continuously encouraged and expected to be relied on (Lu & Wu 2016). The Regional Level Policymaking and implementation usually differ between administrative regions in contemporary China due to the strong role played by local governments (Ahlers et al. 2019). While the central government generally sets the policy framework, provincial governments then develop their own implementation procedures, which are further refined by lower tier governments. In the case of the support system for shidu families, the center prescribed the lower limit of monetary aid and suggested various services to mitigate the problems shidu families grapple with. Subsequently, provincial governments are endowed with great discretion to offer extra aid on top of the national standard and specify services in their administrative region. Nowadays, the standard of financial support for rural and urban families is usually unified at the local level and it consists of two parts—a lump sum and a monthly

3 According

to the report, 45.5% of the 660,000 shidu women in 2010 were in the age range 45–64 years. Three years later, the total number would have climbed to 921,000 (or 1.8 million total shidu parents). We assume the same age distribution for this total to derive the number of eligible persons in 2013. Admittedly, there are still many intervening factors that cannot be discussed in detail here (such as shidu parents passing away, fathers remarrying after divorce to have a second child, etc.). But the point here is to give readers a feeling for the size of undercoverage, not to make a precise calculation. 4 The second most important agency is the Ministry of Civil Affairs and its subordinate bureaucracy, since it is responsible for the eldercare sector.

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Table 8.2 Monthly aid for shidu parents in Beijing and Guizhou

137

Minimum (per parent/month)

Beijing

Guizhou

2014 2015 2018

RMB 500 RMB 500 RMB 720

RMB 400 RMB 605 RMB 810

payment.5 Prefectural and even lower level governments sometimes also go a step further by introducing even higher standards. This discretion enables local governments to develop policies that meet conditions in their jurisdictions more precisely, but it also results in a prevailing gap regarding support standards among provinces and lower administrative tiers. Differences arise, first, because regional governments do not display the same level of attentiveness. Take, for instance, two provinces where the second author conducted field research in 2018 and 2019. Shaanxi province can count as a frontrunner. In 2002 it already stipulated in Article 40 of the Population and Family Planning Regulation of Shaanxi Province that shidu families should receive either a one-off or periodical support payments from local governments. Through later revisions and additional policy documents, the relevant preconditions and subsidy standard evolved and the provincial support system now covers various relevant fields such as subsidy standard, pension, and medically assisted reproduction. In Guizhou, by contrast, though a similarly detailed structure has been built based on a cluster of provincial policies, it does not enjoy the same legal status, since the provincial Population and Family Planning Regulation never mentioned the support for shidu families despite several revisions. This implies that supportive policies are somewhat downplayed by the provincial government. Second, disparities are most clearly expressed in the level of support payments and these interregional differences cannot easily be explained by pointing at the respective socioeconomic development level or diverging standards of living.6 Tables 8.2 and 8.3 shows the available figures for four selected province-level units. Beijing municipality, one of China’s richest and most costly regions, only raised its standard from RMB 200 to RMB 500 beginning in 2014—only then exceeding the level of RMB 400 already achieved in much poorer Guizhou in 2012. Both provinces subsequently raised their standards, but Beijing continues to lag behind. Keeping in mind that Beijing’s GDP per capita is more than three times that of Guizhou, the Beijing standard seems remarkably low—although actual payments at the local level may exceed this. 5 Shaanxi

province’s 2012 standards, for instance, stipulated a one-off payment of RMB 20,000 for rural and RMB 30,000 for urban shidu families, followed by RMB 800 (rural) or RMB 1,000 (urban) per person and month starting from age 60 (Jin 2013: 76). Guizhou province’s 2015 regulations stipulate a one-off payment of RMB 30,000 for shidu parents. 6 Due to data availability and comparability, we only compare ­ provincial-level standards here. Note that similar differences also exist between cities within the same province and even between lower tier governments.

138  B. ALPERMANN AND W. YANG Table 8.3  Monthly aid for shidu parents in Shaanxi and Shanghai Shaanxi 2012 2014 2018

Shanghai 49–60 y.o. RMB 140 RMB 340 RMB 450

60 y.o. RMB 1000 RMB 1000 RMB 1000

2008 2013 2016 2019

RMB 150 RMB 300 RMB 500 49–59 y.o. RMB 820

60–69 y.o. RMB 870

>70y.o. RMB 920

Sources Shaanxi PFPC & Department of Finance (2012); Shaanxi HFPC et  al. (2014); Shaanxi Department of Finance & HFPC (2018); Beijing Health and Family Planning Commission (2015); Beijing Municipal Health Commission (2018); Guizhou HFPC et al. (2015); Guizhou Health Commission & Department of Finance (2018); http://www.dajiabao.com/zixun/21613.html; http://sh.sina.com.cn/ news/b/2013-07-09/160253652.html; Shanghai Municipal Health Commission ‘(2019)

Other provinces differentiate between age cohorts, providing less to those below retirement age and more for seniors. Shaanxi province is skimping on younger shidu but more generous than twice as prosperous Shanghai municipality toward elderly shidu. While we lack systematic data, the four selected cases provide almost maximum contrast between the richest and poorest provinces and demonstrate that general development level and support payments for shidu are not systematically correlated. Building on the insights regarding differential dibao standards (Solinger & Hu 2012), we, therefore, posit that the payments for shidu are likely not to reflect the actual needs, but the seriousness of the issue from the perspective of local governments.

The Academic Debate on Shidu The above-described public support system took shape against the backdrop of an increasingly lively debate among scholars and heightened media attention attached to the shidu issue. Studying mostly state-run newspapers, Wei and Zhan (2019) conclude that media reports on shidu started in 2012 and peaked in 2014, dropping off considerably thereafter. Judging by the number of articles on the subject available in the database China Academic Journals (CNKI) the academic debate also took off in 2012, peaked in 2016–2017 but continues to fester. We draw on these sources to sketch the outline of discussion. Arguably, the debate began with Mu Guangzong (2004), a veteran Peking University demographer, characterizing the onechild family generally as “risk family.” His primary reason for this claim is the risk to lose the single child and hence face insecurity in old age, both financially and in terms of instrumental and emotional support. Subsequent research developed these themes and added new insights on the actual situation of shidu families.

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Old-Age Security and Eldercare We can assume that the somewhat larger urban segment of shidu families will benefit from the enhanced coverage and generosity of urban pension systems in recent years (Lin & Tussing 2017).7 Nevertheless, shidu are usually seen as highly disadvantaged in regard to economic security in old age (Dong 2012). Though recognizing the above-described regional variation, many scholars criticize current standards of financial support as too low and suggest more central-level support to balance regional disparities (Jin 2013; Liu & Ni 2016; Lu & Wu 2016). Some further point out that many shidu families came to financial ruin because of high health care costs spent to save their dying child (Jin 2013; An & Xu 2018: 75), as well as for themselves due to deteriorating health after their loss (Wang & Hu 2019: 4). Lu and Lu (2014: 35) even go one step further and criticize the state support because of its cynical motivation: the shidu were originally only supported to make the OCP more palatable and aid its implementation. Although the OCP is now history, these authors argue that “the suspicion remains” because shidu support is not yet defined as “social policy” but rather seems to be classified as “supportive measure” of birth planning as a “public policy.” Generally, however, academic authors agree that shidu elders’ problems extend far beyond their financial needs. They lack in both instrumental care and emotional support commonly provided by children in China (Yang & Wang 2012: 22–23). Because of their financial difficulties they may not be able to afford staying at a (private) eldercare home (Dong 2012: 37). To add insult to injury, many eldercare homes turn them away, since these institutions generally require a child—alternatively the work unit or street office—to sign the forms to be admitted. Because shidu families often do not want others to know about their status (see below), this creates a hurdle many do not cross (Jin 2013: 76–77). Therefore, some within the affected group, but also scholars researching the topic suggest the establishment of separate nursing homes for shidu elders (Liu & Ni 2016)—a position especially taken by shidu women (Liu & Chen 2016: 71). Such concerns about mixed eldercare homes are not unfounded, since welfare recipients are routinely stigmatized in such institutions (Dai 2014). Psychological Impact and Physical Health The loss of a child always brings grief and often long-term negative psychological consequences. In the case of shidu parents this is compounded by the fact that Chinese society traditionally places such a strong emphasis on family continuity and tends to see childless couples as an aberration (Mu 2016: 7 For 2010, at least, the share of pension recipients among shidu women aged 50–64 was 32%, compared to 4% living on dibao. Of the remainder 42% were still working and 20% relying on family support (NBS et al. 2015: 15).

140  B. ALPERMANN AND W. YANG

33; Zhang & Jia 2018). Both survey data and qualitative in-depth studies demonstrate that these psychological impacts lead to negative mental and physical health outcomes (Chen 2016; Wei et al. 2016; An & Xu 2018). Various local surveys find higher prevalence of depression among shidu parents compared to the control group (Liu & Chen 2016; Zheng et al. 2017; Wei et al. 2016). While details of the internal differences within the shidu group (by gender or age) are less clear, it is beyond doubt—and probably unsurprising—that bereaved single-child parents as a whole are worse off in many health respects than their peers. Mu Guangzong (2015: 118) goes so far as to call this “complete mental-emotional-psychological crisis” the biggest problem shidu parents face. Dramatically, his work highlights the cases of “white-haired” shidu mothers who used medically assisted reproduction to have another child, only to succumb to the stress of raising them—leading to depression and at least in one case a double suicide by a shidu couple (Mu 2016: 33). By way of explanation, most authors point at the social situation bereaved single-child parents in China find themselves in. Social Consequences Many authors agree that in Chinese society there is a stigma attached to losing one’s only child since this not only implies that the family line will be discontinued (duanzi juesun 断子绝孙)—a failing from a Confucian viewpoint—but from a Buddhist perspective may even be construed as being the result of a moral failing of the parents in a previous life (Lu & Lu 2014: 36; Mu 2015; Chen et al. 2019).8 While such attitudes are likely stronger in more traditional rural communities, they are not absent in urban China either (Jin 2013: 75; Liu & Ni 2016; Mu 2016: 35; An & Xu 2018: 77). For instance, in their qualitative study of shidu in five first- and second-tier cities, Wang and Hu (2019: 5) find that their respondents are stigmatized as “unlucky persons” who have to be avoided to prevent transferring “bad luck,” and shidu even internalize this self-abasing view. This is also reflected in shidu couples’ behavior: to avoid being identified as shidu by neighbors and acquaintances many move to areas where they are not well known, in effect withdrawing “voluntarily,” or at least proactively, from society. Liao et al. (2018: 76) even argue that the contemporary propagation of the two-child

8 The

situation is different for those shidu parents who have a grandchild: They may suffer less with respect to family discontinuation but will have to cope with the additional stress and financial burden of raising their grandchild (Jin 2013: 76). The size of this group is likely significant. The 2010 census data show that 34.2% of shidu households comprise one generation, 44.3% two generations, 20.8% three generations, and 0.7% even four (NBS et al. 2015: 8). While it is impossible to know how many of the two-generation households consist of shidu parents and their own parents instead of shidu parents and their grandchildren, households with three or four generations will invariably include shidu grandchildren.

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policy increases their suffering and promotes their feeling of being forgotten by society. Thus, local surveys demonstrate that their social networks are significantly smaller compared to the control group (Wei 2016: 27). The social disruption extends to the shidu couples themselves. Authors often claim a much higher divorce rate than that found in wider society—in one local sample 17% compared to zero for non-shidu (Zheng et al. 2017: 7). Yet it is unclear how representative such local samples are. The 2010 census data reveals stark regional differences in divorce rates among shidu women (5.3% for urban and 2.5% for rural ones, respectively) as well as an age effect. But overall this data shows a divorce rate just one percentage point above all single-child families (NBS et al. 2015: 12). In part, divorce happens since some shidu husbands would like to have another chance at procreation with a younger wife rather than let their family line end, but authors also contend that the loss of a child invariably entails the loss of regular family functions, and reduces a “solid triad” to a “shaky two-point” relationship (An & Xu 2018: 74). Even when shidu couples do not divorce, the spouses may be estranged or separated. Wang and Hu (2019: 5) even report of cases where ex-wives come to see divorce and their former partner having another child as a relief. To cope with the loss of regular family functions, Yang and Wang (2012: 24), for instance, advise propagating individualist value orientations among shidu parents as well as counseling them on how to find new meaning in their lives and stabilizing their marriage by developing shared hobbies, etc. Another common finding in these studies is that shidu tend to link up with one another—often at the expense of former social contacts with “normals,” to use Goffman’s (1963) expression for the non-stigmatized. Opinions on the emerging self-help groups are divided. Some see them as an effective way to overcome grief and reintegrate with society. Thus, Lu and Lu (2014: 36) argue that these self-help organizations should receive more official support. On the other hand, some authors maintain that the bonding social capital these groups provide cannot effectively replace the bridging social capital provided by ties with non-shidu. Thus, bereaved parents should be encouraged to foster the latter form of social relations, lest their bonding with peers further marginalizes them (An & Xu 2018: 75). Whether imposed by others or themselves, their social isolation explains at least in part the large undercoverage in social support for this group detected above: Many potential beneficiaries are reluctant to apply for benefits since in China the recipients of social welfare are often made publicly known in their neighborhood (Mu 2016: 34). This both serves to display the government’s benevolence and to enlist social enforcement against fraud. But—as is the case with respect to dibao payments (Alpermann 2016)—this induces a feeling of shame among recipients.

142  B. ALPERMANN AND W. YANG

Political Consequences In recent years, a number of collective petitions and protest incidents by shidu parents (detailed below) drew the attention of the public on their plight. Some scholars researching the issue likewise point out that this vulnerable group may constitute potential dangers for public order (Hu & Xu 2017; Liu et al. 2019). Thus, Mu (2016: 36), while highly sympathetic to the shidu families’ suffering, at the same time presents them as mentally unstable to the point where they might easily snap and endanger social stability. Other authors chime in and contribute to this “securitization” of the shidu phenomenon (Wei & Zhan 2019: 134). Additionally, several contributors highlight the fundamental role of the family as the core of Chinese society and basis of “national cohesion”—pointing out larger negative consequences on a macro level of society (Yang & Wang 2012: 23). Moreover, there are concerns about the importance of shidu on birth control policies more generally. Thus, Liu and Ni (2016: 40) worry that shidu parents will hold “a radicalized view toward birth planning,” which they subsume under the rubric of “mental problems.” Others argue that the shidu predicament may undermine the legitimacy of the overall birth policies (Lu & Lu 2014), especially now that having a second child is actively encouraged by the government (Liao et al. 2018: 76). In this context, scholars hotly debate the question whether the OCP is to blame for the shidu’s fate. At one extreme, Mu (2015, 2016) argues that most bereaved single-child parents are “political shidu” and that the government bears at least more than half the blame. Conversely, others are adamant that the OCP itself did not cause the death of the single child, hence the government is beyond blame (Ci & Zhou 2015; Wei & Zhan 2019). In between these extremes, moderate authors try to stake out a middle ground by acknowledging that public policies only provided the background against which the shidu phenomenon emerged, thus assigning the government an indirect role (Lu & Wu 2016). Trends in the Academic Debate This last disagreement notwithstanding, the general consensus in the academic discourse on shidu is to present them as a “weak group” afflicted with various ailments and troubles and therefore in need of more assistance. Thus, it is a fairly passive role in which shidu are being cast (Wei & Zhan 2019). Moreover, it is remarkable that most articles reviewed here focus only on parents whose single child died, leaving aside the large group of families in which the single child became incapacitated. While this is defended as specialization of the debate (Chen 2016: 52), it risks overlooking another “weak group” closely connected to the shidu in a strict sense. Arguably, parents whose single child has become disabled or infirm will have to take care of their child while having no one to take care of themselves in old age. Thus, they may not necessarily be faring much better than shidu parents.

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The entrenched description of shidu as “weak group” carries another risk. The shidu discourse is a fitting example for what Holbig and Neckel (2016) call “negative classifications.” They point at the dilemma inherent in this approach of classification: “Weakness” can compel others to help the weak and defend their interests – implications that are subject to political, legal and economic analysis. However, if the weak are to be protected and empowered, they must be identified as “weak” in the first place, and this act of identification has quite paradoxical consequences. The reason is that it can serve to reify the vulnerability that it actually intends to eliminate. (Holbig & Neckel 2016: 401)

Thus, interventions such as the one by Ci and Zhou (2015) who argue for revoking the label of shidu to resolve their situation may have some merit— it might counter the elision of other legitimate claims in the current debate and contribute to de-stigmatization. By extension of this line of thinking, it can be argued that the securitization of the shidu phenomenon—though the authors intend it to drive home the urgency of helping them—may, in turn, give rise to an entrenched view of shidu as potentially dangerous for social stability. Hence, there is a direct linkage between this trend in the academic literature and the often-fraught relations between shidu and government actors, both at the local and central levels.

Contentious Relations Between Shidu Families and Authorities The Local Level Despite the legal provisions on supporting shidu families, cited above, there seems to be widespread dissatisfaction among bereaved parents. A primary reason for this is the wide differences in regional subsidy standards discussed above. Officials from regions where the support system is relatively underdeveloped may find themselves between a rock and a hard place: competition between various local governments combined with demands by shidu parents forced some officials to upgrade local subsidy standards, although the increased financial burden may be unsustainable.9 The feeling of a local official from Guizhou can serve as an example here: Why does national policy turn out to be different [at the local level]? Shidu families question this a lot. The standard should be unitary in the whole country. […] Differentiated standards of monetary aid among regions are the biggest headache. Our previous standard for one-off subsidy used to be RMB 30,000. 9 Lin

and Tussing (2017) found a similar competitive dynamic between local governments in the case of pension standards.

144  B. ALPERMANN AND W. YANG However, another prefecture in our province increased theirs to RMB 50,000. Then shidu families in our city demanded the same, which eventually forced us to level ours up to RMB 50,000 too. Now our standard is much higher than others, but the financial burden is also bigger. (Interview B1, 2/2019)

Being at the frontline of state-society interaction often puts local-level officials in a predicament, just as Heberer and Schubert (2008) observed with respect to grassroots cadres in charge of dispersing dibao payment. This is illustrated by another interviewee from the same city: [The work stress is] surely high! ‘Special families’ make trouble every day. This is a quite special situation. Although receiving RMB 810 [monthly] from government, they still have various demands. […] Some of them want free medical treatment, but it is impossible! The state cannot accomplish that. […] You build houses for them, you develop the economy for them, and all these anti-poverty programs for shidu families. […] They are still unsatisfied, feeling that the state owes them. (Interview B2, 10/2019)

However, other interviewees displayed a more understanding attitude toward dissatisfied shidu parents. As one official from Shaanxi sincerely expressed: Actually, I think some of their wishes are reasonable. […] They do have encountered problems in terms of care. It is reasonable to put them forward, and the state should attach more attention to them. Now birth control has been loosened, but you should also take care of those who contributed to the state. […] They are indeed pitiful. […] We actively report their reasonable demands to superior levels [of government]. Help them to solve problems. (Interview A1, 1/2019)

But even in these cases, the local officials’ ability to accommodate shidu claims are limited due to budgetary constraints. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that their demands percolate upwards in the political system. The Central Level Available information shows that there have been at least six rounds of ­large-scale petitions launched by shidu parents at the central level (see Table 8.4). We have detailed information about four of these petitions, including their full texts. A careful analysis of these texts reveals some interesting dynamics. First, when looking at the addressees of the petitions, we find that they begin with targeting the functional department in charge of family planning. But as repeated calls on the Family Planning Commission did not lead to satisfying answers, they turned to increasingly higher and more powerful political actors: the top-level organs in both legislative and executive branches in June 2014, the offices of both Party center and central government in May 2015 and, eventually, the prime minister in person. This is in line with the

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Table 8.4  Petitions of shidu parents at the national level Time

Number of people

Target

May 2010

600+

NPFPCa

June 2012

2432

April 2014 June 2014

240 7700+ families

May 2015

1753

December 2015

N/A

Title

我们的诉求 (Our demands) 关于要求给与失 NPFPC 独父母国家补偿 的申请 (Application regarding demands by shidu parents for state compensation) NHFPC N/Ab 落实政府对失独 Standing 家庭帮助的呼吁 Committee of National People’s 书 (Written appeal to the government Congress; State to implement Council assistance for shidu families) CC Office, State 全国部分失独者 的诉求 (Demands Council Office, by a section of the NHFPC nation’s shidu) 全国失独家庭 Prime Minister, 诉求书 (Written Ministry leaders demands by the nation’s shidu)

Length (characters) N/A 846

N/A 1921

1821

1646

aNational

Population and Family Planning Commission (2008–2013), renamed NHFPC in 2013 for formal written answer from government to the petition in June 2012 Sources https://www.weibo.com/p/2304186037e1870102wjm32016; http://news.sina.com.cn/c/201404-25/141530011113.shtml2014; https://www.mala.cn/thread-9189028-1-1.html2014; http://www. chinadevelopmentbrief.org.cn/news-17135.html2015; http://www.sdzzj.net/thread-4142-1-1.html2014; http://groups.tianya.cn/post-164067-a3d0ab6e092c475289e129c121c0e299-1.shtml2015; https://www. weibo.com/2913557071/EfmQ6gKtM?type=comment#_rnd15733142110532016; http://www.sdzzj.net/ thread-148785-1-1.html2015 bAppeal

findings presented by Lianjiang Li (2013) on how petitioners’ disillusionment with central-level bureaucracy grows with each unsuccessful round of petitioning. Accordingly, they will adjust their definition of “the center,” making it narrower and narrower until it basically only consists of the topmost one or two national leaders. But since their only hope to get their grievances addressed rests with the notion that at least somewhere at the top there must be an upright official, petitioners cannot completely let go of their “trust in the center.” The same dynamic seems to be at work here. Second, while the length of each consecutive text is diminishing, the demands are becoming more differentiated and complex over time. In 2012, the petition was solely concerned with establishing a large lump-sum payment

146  B. ALPERMANN AND W. YANG

instead of (low) periodical subsidies. It argued for a uniform formula to calculate such a standard that would, however, take the local average urban disposable income as benchmark. Therefore, the standard would be unified but actual payments would continue to vary. Two years later, the demand was for a combination of one-off and regular payments to be similarly calculated based on local average wages, but from then on there was also a slew of new, often nonmonetary claims. Apart from free medical treatment, these included institutional changes (a separate state organ to deal with shidu, a “shidu certificate,” analogous to the disability ID, to get access to preferential treatments, etc.) and better eldercare options (including both separate eldercare/nursing homes for shidu and improved services for aging in place). Third, the petitions generally state their claims following the pattern that O’Brien and Li (2006) defined as “rightful resistance.” The petitions from 2012 and 2014, in particular, begin by citing at some length the legal documents, policies, and leaders’ speeches to highlight the legality of their claims. This serves to stress that shidu petitioners are lawful and loyal citizens. But there is also a subtext, as the 2012 document points at dire consequences if their demands are not adequately addressed: This would produce “a negative, antagonistic group and will create extreme problems for society.” The effects of such oblique warnings might be twofold. On the one hand, it should drive home the urgency of their grievances, but on the other, the shidu themselves contribute to the “securitization” of the issue. Thus, they risk reinforcing the view that they are potential troublemakers. Fourth, the tone of the documents changes over time as does the attitude displayed toward the OCP. The 2012 petition is fully supportive of the OCP and emphasizes the contributions the shidu had made for its success. If anything, the petition argues that it has not been enforced strictly enough! The shidu activists point out that officials estimate the number of unregistered “over-quota” births at 13 million (about one percent of the overall population). Instead of collecting the statutory fines for them (approximately RMB 260 billion) the government ignores the plight of those who followed the OCP faithfully yet suffered the loss of their single child. In essence, to bolster the legitimacy of their own claims, the shidu activists here blame another group victimized by the OCP, namely the “black children” (Greenhalgh 2003). The text even claims that granting their demands would greatly benefit achieving the state’s goal of long-term low fertility. In contrast, the 2014 document hardly mentions birth policy, most likely because it came hard on the heels of the center replacing the OCP with a “conditional two-child policy,” allowing a couple a second child if one spouse is a single child him- or herself. But the May 2015 petition starts with a direct attack on the “theory of no causality” between OCP and their shidu status. This is exactly the argument wielded by the NHFPC against the demands by shidu parents for more compensation (Mu 2015: 118). Thus, the petitioners react angrily and reposition themselves vis-à-vis the OCP. This becomes

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even clearer in the December 2015 letter—coming directly after the “universal two-child policy” had been announced by the Party center. Now, the petitioners reject the whole rationale of the OCP and present it as a state infringement on their “reproductive rights.” Fifth, throughout these petitions the shidu activists engage in boundary work in various ways. Boundaries drawn around a social group are crucially important to create collective identities which, in turn, are the basis for launching collective action (Lamont & Molnar 2002). But where to draw the boundary is usually a contentious issue. As Heurlin’s (2019: 195–198) discussion of “boundary activation” in the case of land-based claims shows, it has direct redistributive and political consequences. Thus, by demanding a uniform standard for urban and rural shidu alike, the petitioners reject being subdivided into two groups based on the administrative distinction between city and countryside. This creates a larger group supportive of this claim. However, in the May 2015 petition they explicitly reject being subsumed under the official term “families with special difficulties due to birth planning.” Here, they are drawing a narrower boundary by excluding families whose single child “only” became incapacitated but continues to live. In effect, those with a “weaker claim” are being excluded in order to create a more homogenous group. Moreover, activists cited by Lu and Lu (2014: 35) claim that only by using the expression shidu will their sacrifices be adequately acknowledged. This focus on “correct naming” is typical for stigmatized groups (Goffman 1963). In the case of shidu, it is also important for their self-conception that they do not depend on government magnanimity expressed through welfare payments, but that they suffered a loss for which they are being compensated. This requires a narrow definition of their group. While the shidu petitioners’ demands have certainly not been met in full, both central and local levels of government have reacted to accommodate them in part. As detailed above, there have been successive rounds of increases in the national minimum support standard in 2010, 2013, 2016, and 2018. In addition, a delegate to the National People’s Congress, academic Liu Guangping, recently brought the shidu issue up again, triggering a response from the Ministry of Civil Affairs (2019). Local authorities, too, have felt the pressure to raise their own spending on this group and often adjusted it upwards. However, although there have been no national-level petitions by shidu parents recently,10 as explained above, the everyday relations between them and local authorities continue to be acrimonious since claims-making continues. Also, shidu not only form local self-help groups (Chen 2017) but continue to connect online and, thus, nationwide (Liu 2014). These broad horizontal linkages distinguish shidu from other groups often engaged in claims-making in China and may constitute a potential for

10 Fan

(2017) reports that former petitioner received visits by local officials trying to dissuade them from petitioning in Beijing again.

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destabilization (Liu et al. 2019). On the other hand, in contrast to workers, villagers, or homeowners who all possess this identity before they suffer a grievance and may start to protest, shidu only come into existence as a group through their loss. They first need to subscribe to this new identity before collective claims can effectively be raised. The recent labeling of shidu by some local governments as “black and evil forces” or potential troublemakers has to be understood against this background of long-term contestation and an increasingly antagonized “weak social group.”

Conclusion This chapter has taken an intensive look at bereaved single-child parents, a group that came into being under China’s three-and-a-half-decades-long one-child policy. Starting from the surprising incident of this “weak group” being labeled a potential threat to social stability, it discussed the social and political context of its emergence, the social policy reactions by both central and local governments, the academic debate on this phenomenon and finally, the contentious relations between shidu activists and different levels of political authority in China. Although the support awarded by relevant bureaucratic actors has grown considerably, it still falls far short of their demands and, arguably, also their needs. Academics, in particular, often point out that mere financial subsidies are not enough and argue for more psychological counseling to help shidu cope with their loss. To mitigate the lack of official support, many shidu parents have turned to self-help groups or offers by nonprofit organizations (Chen 2017). However, their funding is insufficient, services are spotty and not professional. Thus, academics urge the government at various levels to support these social organizations instead of treating them as adversaries (Yang & Wang 2012: 26; Lu & Wu 2016). This points at the ambivalent positioning of shidu in both the public’s and the government’s view: While the shidu enjoy a certain commiseration within Chinese society, as is evident in media reports (Wei & Zhan 2019), at the same time they are often stigmatized. In addition, their central-level petitioning and complaining to local authorities has also earned them a reputation of being potential troublemakers. This “securitization” of the issue, in turn, is also inadvertently enhanced by both academics and petitioners employing this discourse to bring across the urgency of the problem. From there it is but a small step to label shidu generally as “black and evil forces” as has recently happened in several localities, as described in the introduction. The share of shidu parents willing to press their claims in an antagonistic way, however, is likely to be very small. We must keep in mind that far from all shidu even apply for the currently available subsidies. Judging by the available data, presented above, those receiving benefits are only roughly half of all eligible shidu. Although lack of knowledge about this support may play some role, the most important driver of this strikingly low percentage of claimants seems

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to be the stigmatization of both being a welfare recipient and having no offspring in Chinese culture. Bereaved single-child parents are by far not the only group disadvantaged by the OCP, or the only ones to face severe hardship in old age in Chinese society. But compared to “empty-nest elders” (kongchao laoren 空巢老 人) more generally or “left-behind elderly” (liushou laoren 留守老人)—two groups often discussed in this respect—shidu stand out for both their special relationship to state birth planning policies and for their activism to make claims vis-à-vis state actors. This activism also distinguishes them from families whose only child became disabled or infirm but survived—and who are despite their suffering hardly discussed or politically active as a collective. In fact, as we have seen, such a divide is deliberately reinforced by shidu themselves to bolster their “stronger” claim for compensation. In contrast, the government has continued to combine these two in the category of “families facing difficulties due to birth planning” in order to deal jointly with these unintended consequences of its earlier OCP. The higher standard of financial support awarded to shidu in the strict sense is partial recognition of their special status, but not enough to placate their demands. The government will have to continue dealing with these claims, since according to all available projections this group is set to grow in the coming decades. At the same time, the government is loath to admit the OCP as a mistake and will defend its rationale though it would be well advised to be more foresighted in the future. For although the shidu wave will eventually crest, the rapid aging of Chinese society will require more efforts on the government’s part to provide adequate eldercare in coming decades.

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PART III

Elderly Care in India and China—Emerging Concerns Dr. Lakshmana Govindappa and Dr. Rajendra Baikady

Family is the ancient social institution in humankind which are seen across the countries. In the evolution of humankind, the family is the oldest social institution, which played a significant role in civilization and continues to play its role. The family and other social institutions have undergone and continue to undergo various changes due to the increase of population, changing social structure, urbanization, industrialization, globalization, and so on. The family bonds are strong in Asian Countries, and it works as a social safety net for elderly, disabled, children and women (Liang et al. 2014; Mishra 2011). The old age differs from one country to another. The Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007 (MWPSCA-2007) refer to ‘Senior citizens’ and ‘not older persons’. It defines “senior citizen or elderly as any person being a citizen of India, who has attained the age of sixty years or above”. In China, though the retirement age is 58 years, for government benefits, a person who is above 60 years is eligible. It is evident that in both the countries, taking care of the elders is seen as moral responsibility and it is not at all seen as a burden until recently (Adams 2002; Liu et al. 2017; Mishra 2011; Dong and Simon 2008). Because of the changes taking place in the family systems in India as well as in China, families are not in a position to provide care and protection as earlier. The younger generation has been forced to migrate to the urban areas, metropolitan cities and abroad in search of better opportunities. At the same time, people prefer nuclear families instead of joint families. In China, due to single child policy which brought in 1980 has brought significant demographic changes. In India, due to the rapid urbanization and other factors, demographic changes are taking place rapidly.

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The population of the world is changing rapidly. The world’s elderly population constitutes to 617 million of the world population, and it is expected to reach 2 billion by 2050 (National Institute of Health 2016). It is also projected that the elderly population would be 3.6 times higher in 2050 in comparison to 1950 (UN-DESA 2017: 24–25). As per the 2011 census, India’s total population was 1210 million, out of that about 8% of the total population was above 60 years which constitutes 7.7%, and 8.4% are males and females, respectively. The demographic trend shows that over a period of time, the share and size of the elderly population is increasing. In 1961 about 5.6% of the total population was elderly, and it grew to 8% by 2011. Further, it is estimated to increase to 12.4% by the year 2026. Among the elderly population, the oldest-old (80 years and above) is about 10% which accounted for one per cent of the total population. As per the census 2010, China had 1.37 billion populations, out of which 15% were above 60 years. As per 2017 reports, 17.3% of Chinas population is above 60 years (National Institute of Health 2016). UN estimates that while 66% of Chinese fall under working group (aged 15–59 years), 18% population belongs to the younger group (aged 0–14 years) and 16% are elderly (60+ years). In India, on the other hand, 63% of the total population is working, and 28% population comes under the 0–14 age group. Nine per cent of Indians are aged at 60 years and above (UN-DESA, 2017: 24–25). There are various reasons for this. Because of the advancement in the medical facilities, welfare facilities, mental health facilities, social security measures and other reasons quality of life and life expectancy is increasing. Due to this, the death rate, crude death rate, child mortality is decreasing (Bhartiya & Dinesh 2009). As per 2017 estimates, China has 12.3 births/1000 population, less death rate (7.8 deaths/1000 population), and increased life expectancy (76.34 years in 2015) (National Institute of Health 2016). Similar kinds of trends are observed in India, i.e., 18.2 births/1000 population, 7.3 deaths/1000 population in 2020. We can observe that in 1950 life expectancy of a Chinese citizen was 41 years, whereas, in 2010 it increased to 73 years further it increased to 76 years in 2017, and it is projected that by 2050 it would be 80 years. At the other end, India had 35.4% years of life expectancy in 1950 and increased to 65.5 years by 2011 and was 69.7 years in 2020. The above demographic description shows that both the countries are highly populated and together account for 1/3 of the population in the world. They also have the highest number of the elderly population, which accounts for about 5% of the world’s total population. Both countries tried to control their population from the 1970s and used different methods. Both countries had strong family ties, but their social systems have got shaken because of various reasons. The changing demography, increased population of elderly forced both the countries to provide the social security measures for the elderly.

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Welfare Measures in India After independence, India has adopted its constitution, which is the guiding force for the country. The constitution has provided the road map for the country and the ruling governments. Article 41 of the Directive Principles of state policy in the Indian constitution states that “the state shall, within the limits of its economic capacity and development, make effective provision for securing the right to work, to education and public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness and disablement, and in other cases of undeserved want”. Indian constitution gives utmost importance to the welfare of its citizens. Accordingly, the Government of India has taken up various welfare measures to provide protection and social security to senior citizens over a period of time. Utmost importance has been given to senior citizens in the country. The Government of India has a separate Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment for looking after various sectors. This ministry is the nodal ministry which has been entrusted the responsibility of formulating the policies and programmes for the welfare of Senior Citizens in the country. National Policy on Older Persons (NPOP), 1999 is the first policy from the Government of India which gave importance to enhance the quality of life of the elderly by addressing the issues of financial and food security, health care, shelter, protection against abuse, exploitation, etc. The policy adopted numerous clear strategies for the implementation, such as: “preparation of the plan of action for operationalization of the National policy, setting up of separate Bureau for Older Persons and Directorates of Older Persons in the States, setting up of a National Council for Older Persons headed by the ministry, the establishment of autonomous National Association of Older Persons and encouraging the participation of local self-government”. After this, one of the landmark legislation in the history of elderly care in India is the enactment of “The Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007” in December 2007 (Government of India 2007). The act mandated the children to look after their parents and maintenance of parents/senior citizens by children/relatives. In 2011, the national policy on older persons was replaced with the new policy. This policy focuses on mainstreaming senior citizens by addressing their concerns and promoting ageing at home. The policy emphasizes the social security by providing economic security and discourages institutional care. The union government, since 1992, implemented an Integrated Programme for Older Persons (IPOP) which provides financial assistance to the NGOs, state governments and local self-governments and local communities for starting and maintaining old age homes, and other facilities. There are different schemes such as National Old-Age Pension Scheme (NOAPS)—for persons above 65 years who are belonging to Below the Poverty Line (BPL), National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP), which came into effect from 15th August 1995. The NSAP comprises five schemes at present i.e., “Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme (IGNOAPS), Indira Gandhi National Widow Pension Scheme (IGNWPS),

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Indira Gandhi National Disability Pension Scheme (IGNDPS), National Family Benefit Scheme (NFBS) and Annapurna scheme”. These five schemes cover most of the poor and unorganized sector in the country. Along with this, other ministries are extended various facilities to senior citizens such as tax exemption, medical facilities, and concession in railway ticket booking, flight, buses, and other facilities (Gupta and Raju 2018; National policy on senior citizens, Government of India 2011, 2016). The persons who work in the organized sector such as government, limited companies and other sector are covered with the defined pension scheme. The social security for this group is not an issue since they come under a defined policy such as minimum pension and other facilities as per their service agreement.

Welfare Measures in China The Chinese culture is deeply engrained with Confucian and Buddhist norm of filial piety, which provided the basis for old age support over the years. As per the culture, it is the traditional norm that taking care of parents and elders is the responsibility of the family, especially children. In the past, where formal old-age support systems were limited, many retired elderly people were dependent on their children for financial and emotional support (Cong and Silverstein 2008). Because of the changes in the traditional family structure, migration, urbanization, one-child policy, public social safety net policies and the increasing trend of personal financing initiatives, is bringing dramatic changes especially in urban China. Though old age support from children persists, it is undergoing dramatic changes because of the above changes. Because of this, the government in China has been forced to enact a clear policy on elderly care. The communist government is also not behind in providing social security to its elderly people. The important law which has been enacted to provide social security to its senior citizens is “China Law for the Protection of the Rights and Interests of the Elderly-2013”. Under this law “family members should care for the spiritual needs of the elderly and must not ignore or neglect them. The supporters who live separately from the elderly should frequently visit or send a greeting”. Further, the Article 43 notes: “When the lawful rights and interests of the elderly are infringed upon, they or their agents shall have the rights to refer the matter to the department concerned or bring a lawsuit to a people’s court according to the law” (Abruquah, Yin and Ding 2019; Zhu and Walker 2018; Serrano, Saltman and Yeh 2017). The rapid increase in China’s ageing population since 2000 had forced the government to look for a sustainable pension scheme. During the initial stages of the urban employee pension scheme, irrespective of the government or private limited number of employees were the beneficiaries. In this stage, many industries could not give pension due to their bankrupt—this

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created unrest among the retired people. Later “the pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) scheme and a specified subscription scheme, financed by both employers (20%) and employees (8%) of gross monthly earnings partial funding scheme” were introduced. For rural dwellers, a specified subscription plan where they would voluntarily decide to pay an amount of money, not exceeding RMB 20 monthly, quarterly or yearly was introduced, and the pension was based on contributions and return on investments. A new pension scheme was launched in 2008 which provides basic non-contributory pension insurance. It was based on the grounds of equity and equality among citizens, especially citizens not covered by the urban employees’ pension scheme and the rural social pension scheme (Information Office of the State Council China 2004; Abruquah, Yin and Ding 2019; Zhu and Walker 2018; Kuang and Liu 2012). Ghouse Basha in his Chapter 8 “Comparing Emerging Social Issues and Implementation of Social Policy Changes for Aged People in India and China” tried to describe and compare emerging social issues and social policy in both the countries. The paper explains how the changing demography in both countries led to adopt the elder-friendly policies and the need for it. As the population of elders increases and Youngers migrate in search of better opportunity, elder's social security, economic stability, mental health, physical care and basic needs become questionable (Mishra 2011). Along with this, living away from their children and the difficulties that come with isolation leads to depression in the majority of the elderly population. In both the Countries, younger generation migrating to nearest cities, later to bigger cities is a common phenomenon. It also describes as a process elders would be left back in their native places, making them fetch for themselves. The paper argues that interestingly old age has never been a big issue for Countries like India and China, where a value-based joint family system is supposed to prevail still. Both cultures are respectful and supportive of their elders, and consequentially, elderly abuse or neglect was never being considered as a problem and often thought of as a western issue. However, with modernization and immigration of the younger population to countries afar, the elderly people are often forgotten and abandoned. The second part of the chapter explains that the author conducted qualitative interviews among 27 respondents who were managing the trusts. The results emphasize that there is a significant need and focus on helping out the elderly population in India. The social workers from different parts of India voiced a uniformed opinion highlighting the lack of aids available for the elderly, especially those living in remote locations such as Assam. Similar situations of elderly neglect and abuse exist in China (Dong 2015), as shown by the literature. The study suggested that to understand the challenges faced by elderly in China and creation of effective social policy changes that bring about positive changes, future studies should include structured interviews, and it should be conducted from Chinese social workers. In the end, concrete recommendations and suggestions are given.

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Shachee Agnihotri, in her Chapter 9 “Disability, Social Welfare Policy and Elderly in India and China” tried to map the scale of ageing, disability and related social welfare policies in India and China. She argues that in developing countries, there are various pressing socio-economic problems such as poverty and jobs, which gets urgent attention and disability, and ageing is not given importance. The United Nations reported that every four out of five of the worlds disabled live in developing countries (WHO 2015: 1–2). With the increase in life expectancy and population ageing, disability rate is expected to rise. The complex social structure and size of the population forced the rulers for ignorance and lack of attention to disability. She argues that fast ageing population, vast geographies, different developmental priorities and, poverty and inequalities make it all the more difficult to target ageing and disability in both countries. Interestingly, on the policy front, both India and China have adopted liberal policies to support their disabled and the aged. It is evident that over the years, welfare policies targeting aged and persons with disability have improved and become comprehensive. Overall, social welfare in general and, ageing and disability in particular needs to be taken much more seriously in India and China which are home to not only the most significant share of the human race but the highest number of aged and disabled as well. Koustab Majumdar, Manoj Raul and Dipankar Chatterjee in their Chapter 10 “Social Status and Subjective Wellbeing of Tribal Elderly: A Narrative Discourse” paper narrates the experiences of tribal elderly in India. The present study has explored the cultural construction of elderly among the tribal people, the social status of elderly people, and how the elderly people perceive the well-being among Lodha and Santhal tribal community of West Bengal state, India. Though the law prescribes the age of 60 to consider elder, tribal after losing their physical strength, they would be regarded as an elder. As per their cultural considerations, elderly members are free to do anything according to their choices. They are invited first at the community festivals to contribute and participate to a great extent. Love, priority, decision making, and authority at the family level and celebrations, belongingness, interactions, community rights and old age group feelings at the community level have been admitted as the contributing elements of the subjective well-being of tribal elders. The study suggests that elderly related policies should be restructured about tribal welfare and provides financial assistance in the fourth decades of life. At the same time, they do experience and considered as an elder member that is based on the socio-cultural consideration. The deliberate focus needs to be given at community development too as the community is an institution influencing the subjective well-being to a substantial extent.

Emerging Concerns Though both countries have policies and law, the implementation has the difference. The government of India has provided various facilities to its senior citizens, and the 2007 act mandates the children to take care of their elderly.

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As per the law, if children deny taking care of their parents, then parents can approach the law implementation agencies, and children can be prosecuted. Though China’s law suggestive to parental care, the prosecution is not clear (Dong 2015). The 2013 law is a significant milestone in the welfare of the elderly in China. As literature shows that, both the countries had strong family ties, a culturally established system to take care of the elders and elders are not seen as a burden. But due to the changes taking place at the macro level, the traditional family and social system are collapsing, and the younger generation is forced to leave their native places in search of better prospects. The trend is not going to be reversed in the near future. At the same time, life expectancy is increasing, and China is going to have a significant portion of the elderly population, India is going to follow the footprints of China sooner or later. The breakdown of the family security system to the elderly population in both countries is pushing the ruling dispensaries to pitch in with the strong policies. As discussed earlier, the issues of the elderly are secondary to the countries at a phase of economic growth. When China and India are witnessing socio-economic transition; growing income, economic growth, and income disparities; not to ignore changes in education, urbanization, and fast socio-familial changes due to shifting demography (Williams et al. 2017). It is projected that by 2050 both the countries would be having more elderly population, which makes the governments have Hercules task in hand to provide social security measures to their elderly. If the younger generation becomes more individualistic, then the problem would be worst. Hence, there is a need to protect the families in both the countries and make sure that governments would come up with more comprehensive policies to extend social security to elderly so that they lead a dignified life.

References Abruquah, L. A., Yin, X., & Ding, Y. (2019). Old age support in urban China: The role of pension schemes, self-support ability and intergenerational assistance. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(11), 1918. Adams, R. (2002). Social policy for social work. New York: Palgrave. Bhartiya, A., K. & Dinesh, K. S. (2009). Social policy in India. Lucknow: New Royal Book Company. Cong, Z., & Silverstein, M. (2008). Intergenerational support and depression among elders in rural China: Do daughters in law matter? Journal of Marriage and Family, 70(3), 599–612. Dong, X. (2015). Elder abuse in Chinese populations: A global review. Journal of Elder Abuse & Neglect, 27(3), 196–232. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/089465 66.2015.1039154. Dong, X., & Simon, M. A. (2008). Is greater social support a protective factor against elder mistreatment? Gerontology, 54(6), 381–388. DOI: https://doi. org/10.1159/000143228. Government of India (GOI). (2007). The maintenance and welfare of parents and senior citizens act, 2007, ministry of law and justice. Retrieved on 15th March, 2020 from ­­file:///C:/Users/user/Downloads/Annexure-X635996104030434742.pdf.

162  Part III: Elderly Care in India and China—Emerging Concerns Government of India (GOI). (2011). National policy on senior citizens 2011 retrieved on 18th March 2020 from http://socialjustice.nic.in/writereaddata/ UploadFile/dnpsc.pdf. Government of India (GOI). (2016). Elderly in India. New Delhi: Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India. Government of India (GOI). National population policy. Press information bureau, Government of India, ministry of health and family welfare. Retrieved on 18th March 2020 from http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=133018. Gupta, N., & Raju, S. S. (2018). Policies, programs, and schemes for the elderly in India: A critical review. In Handbook of research on multicultural perspectives on gender and aging (pp. 11–25). IGI Global. Information Office of the State Council China. (2004). China’s social security and its policy. online Retrieved from http://www.china.org.cn/e-white/20040907/ index.htm. Accessed on 6 March 2017. Kuang, L., & Liu, L. (2012). Discrimination against rural-to-urban migrants: The role of the hukou system in China. PloS one, 7(11). Liang, J., Zhang, P., Zhu, X., Qiao, Y., Zhao, L., He, Q., … & Liang, Y. (2014). Effect of intergenerational and intragenerational support on perceived health of older adults: A population-based analysis in rural China. Family practice, 31(2), 164–171. Liu, Y., Dijst, M., Geertman, S., & Cui, C. (2017). Social sustainability in an ageing Chinese society: Towards an integrative conceptual framework. Sustainability, 9(4), 658. Mishra, S. (2011). The elderly dependents in India: A critical review. eTraverse—The Indian Journal of Spatial Science. National Institutes of Health. (2016). World’s older population grows dramatically. US Department of Health & Human Services. Serrano, R., Saltman, R., & Yeh, M. J. (2017). Laws on filial support in four Asian countries. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 95(11), 788. UN-DESA (2017). World population prospects: The 2017 revision, key findings and advance tables. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division Working Paper No. ESA/P/WP/248. WHO. (2015). WHO global disability action plan 2014–2021: Better health for all people with disability [A67/16]. Geneva: World Health Organization Williams, J. S., Norström, F., & Ng, N. (2017). Disability and ageing in China and India—Decomposing the effects of gender and residence. Results from the WHO study on global Ageing and adult health (SAGE). BMC geriatrics, 17(1), 197. Zhu, H., & Walker, A. (2018). Pension system reform in China: Who gets what pensions? Social Policy & Administration, 52(7), 1410–1424.

CHAPTER 9

Comparing Emerging Social Issues and Implementation of Social Policy Changes for Aged People in India and China A. M. Ghouse Basha

Introduction The rates of population and pollution are increasing daily due to the disastrous effects of both climate change and the ignorance of human beings. The current developments in medical science and technology have allowed human beings to live for extended periods of time, compared to few decades ago. This rise in population comes with its adversary effects, there are other consequences of increased population such as the moving of families to other parts of the world for better living. World population is projected to be 3.6 times higher in 2050 than in 1950 (United Nations, 2009). The older population constitutes to 617 million of world population (National Institutes of Health, 2016). UN expects the population of the world aged 60 or older to reach 2 billion by 2050 (National Institutes of Health, 2016). Families have become nuclear from joint family, because of modern-day migration and globalisation. People living in villages move from towns to neighbouring cities then to bigger cities, and eventually to other countries in search of better life. In this situation, the parents of these city-seeking dwellers are often left behind in the country side or in their home all alone or at the shelter homes. Consequentially, their social security, economic stability, mental health, physical care and basic needs become questionable (Mishra, 2011). Along with this, living away from their children and the difficulties that come with isolation lead to depression in majority of the elderly parental population. Most A. M. Ghouse Basha (*)  Social Research and Welfare, ASHOKAM, Madurai, Tamil Nadu, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_9

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of the Asian countries are still in the process of developing, due to irresponsible politicians and government officials who are more money and power driven. But when it comes to people, India is so slow to implement politically and economically efficient law order and policies that benefit all ages of the population, including those who are easily ignored/neglected (e.g. elderly population) (Mishra, 2011). For instance, an order of Supreme Court took approximately 3 years to provide shelter for the homeless and urban poor in particular for aged, women and children those who were living in the streets. It takes ages to bring to order a simple policy which will help the Indian population and this is just one of the many problems with this nation (Ingle & Nath, 2008).

Overview of the Study The aim of this study is to address the wellbeing of older population, emerging social issues and social policy changes for the betterment of aged people in India. China ranks top as the most populous country in the world, and India has stayed next to China for decades (Worldometer, 2020). China and India together constitute to majority of the global population. China is well known for being the exporter of many goods and produces, whereas India is known for importing (Economic Times, 2018). China being a communist country has its citizens as an integral part of the governance structure, whereas in India, the opposite exists. Government initiatives in China rapidly reduced death rate, and the country’s population began to grow rapidly. As a result, age structure became even younger in the 1950s and 1960s. In China, life expectancy increased precipitously in the 1950s and 1960s, and has now reached approximately 73. It is expected to reach nearly 80 by 2050 (Banister, Bloom, & Rosenberg, 2010) (Fig. 9.1).

Fig. 9.1  Population aging and economic growth in China (Banister et al., 2010)

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The graph above shows that in China, people started to live longer than before and therefore the old population stood healthy. As with any country, the political response towards the people has often been faced with internal conflicts within the country and yet, China understands the concept of capitalism and communism equally (Feng, Liu, Guan, & Mor, 2012). It holds a mixed strategy when it comes to leading people, allowing every individual to contribute for their country’s development (Tang, Wu, Yeung, & Yan, 2009). Even after several years of Independence, India is yet to become a functional nation that addresses the needs of its citizens. As a result, people of India have been migrating since 1947, millions to Pakistan before the independence and more than millions to different parts of the world after Independence. Majority of these Indian immigrants who move to far away countries earn enough to build mansions and buy lands back in their motherland, but a lot of the times their aging parents are often disregarded and ignored (World Health Organisation, 2018). They are left alone to live on their own, in rural/regional areas and in other cases, locked up in shelter homes (Prasad, 2011). Despite this disregard for the elderly, it is important to note that the Indian government has initiated few policy changes and welfare programmes. India’s first national aging policy in 1999 under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment intends to provide financial security through savings plans, pensions for the needy and workers in the nonindustrial sector, special tax deductions, and discounts in travel and hospital services. This policy aims to promote affordable shelter and subsidise basic necessities (e.g. food); advance and improve primary health care and health insurance for elders; accentuate research and training in geriatrics and gerontology; strengthen the family as the primary eldercare provider; and value seniors as human resource partners in national economic development. Along with this, the Indian Parliament also enacted the Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act in 2007. Their ability to implement national policies is often dependent on their priorities and budget capacity (Vardhan, 2017). This has an impact on what issues and which group of people are prioritised when it comes to budget allocation. Interestingly, old age has never been a big issue for countries like India and China, where a value-based joint family system is supposed to still prevail. Both cultures are respectful and supportive of their elders and consequentially, elderly abuse or neglect was never been considered as a problem and often thought of as a Western issue. However, with modernisation and immigration of the younger population to countries afar, the elderly population are often forgotten and abandoned. This paper aims to study the different types of social issues faced by the elderly and social policy changes required to improve their lives, focusing mainly in India but also comparing to China.

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Methodology The study analysed, interpreted and compared the data collected about the social issues and social policy changes for the aged people in India. Secondly, the researcher used a structured interviewing technique with the prime objective being to collect data from not-for-profit organisations. The research work was based on basic values of humanity concentrating on the welfare programmes and state policies and its implementation. The interview questions were open-ended, whereby the researcher asked detailed questions from the respondents’ answers. The key data was collected through one hour phone interviews between June and October 2018 and for further clarifications, more interviews were conducted from January to March 2019. Additional data were collected from the various sources such as previous studies, eBooks and library, Government Policies, Programmes, Orders, Acts and Laws. The researcher collected the data from every possible available resources till February 2019. The qualitative interviews were conducted among 27 respondents who were the managing personnel and trust members of the organisations managing the Shelter Homes for Urban Poor in 5 states of India, namely Tamil Nadu (8), Andhra Pradesh (6), Orissa (5), Kerala (4) and Assam (4). The central government’s Shelter for Homeless programme has not yet reached many states. The very first initiated states of this shelter home programme were Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan and Delhi. The respondents were selected from the references of Mother Teresa Educational Trust, Sellur, Madurai, Tamil Nadu, a Not-for-Profit Organisation initiating Tamil Nadu’s first shelter home for homeless and urban poor. The researcher used probability sampling method with simple random selection, for interviewing subjects.

Comparative Findings and Interpretations Medical (Gerontology) and Social Work Profession for Aged Compared to young adult respondents, middle-aged respondents possessed more positive attitudes towards old age homes, and were more willing to refer older people to old age home care. It is understandable that as employed professionals and immediate caregivers of their older parents and young children, middle-aged individuals may have experienced competing demands and responsibilities arising from their multiple social roles as paid workers, parents, and caregivers (Tang et al., 2009) (Table 9.1). Implementation of the Government Policies While analysing the data, it came to light that compared to China India was much behind in the implementation of the government policies. The Care and Maintenance of Parents and Senior Citizens Act 2007 in China mandates the care of parents by their adult children. It also provides free medical

Respondents from Andhra Pradesh

Social worker from nonprofit organisation in Andhra Pradesh: “Any work dealing with people can be called to be Social Work, which is more service related The Social Work profession need more in-depth understanding and meaning for the term in India. More focus is required to care for our elderly population”

Respondents from Tamil Nadu

Social worker working in non-profit organisation in Madurai, Tamil Nadu: “Being an educated professional social worker I was not considered as a valuable citizen in this society, whereas the uneducated, illiterate politicians are often given more respect, purely due to fear and money” 80 year old from a NGO: “Not many medical or any other professionals are concerned about the welfare of the elderly people. Most of them are interested in leading a luxurious life and trying to make more money. Our children left us and moved on with their lives and we have to depend on the government for the rest of our living days”

Social worker from Orissa: “Orissa, Bihar and Jharkhand, these states are in need of everything. When it comes to professions related to aged, there are not many options or people working in these fields”

Respondents from Orissa Social worker from NGO in Kerala: “I was practising as a Medical Social Worker in a hospital. I was treated like a clerk doing filing works Practical experience is different from the books and I often wish my skills and experience were put to more use when it comes to working in social work within healthcare institutions”

Respondents from Kerala

Social worker from Assam: “Basically, we respect each other and our profession. I have been maintaining good relationships with the medical professions who visit our shelter home and treat our inmates However, more attention is required to help our aged population Unlike other cities in India, Assam is reasonably isolated and the elderly generation living in these remote villages/deserts are often in despair both physically and psychologically. Even though we maintain good working relationships with other professions, it is still a challenge for us to travel afar in order to reach these elderly individuals due to lack of interest and funds”

Respondents from Assam

Table 9.1  Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding social work profession in aged care

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care for destitute old people in hospitals and free long-term care for them in ­old-age homes. The basic needs, physical, psychiatric care and the needed care after the abroad settlements, social policies and programmes are designed to address different societal issues and concerns across China. The primary focus is needed in Indian policy system on gaining understanding of design and delivery of the social welfare policies and programmes related to special interest groups, i.e. women, children, elderly, poverty groups, etc. Such an act does not exist in India, which shows that India has no prominent plans set in place for the future or it is trying to manage the current situation and the existing population. The few acts that are currently in place in India are yet to be fully put to use. They have not been validated in years or exercised in the population and this shows how behind India is in comparison to China (Table 9.2). Most of the responses were more or less similar. Government officials are not properly answerable and it takes endless time to process any schemes dealing money and money matters to proceed the process in each stage. The researcher wrote to RTI—Right to Information Act 2005—to collect the details and information of the Shelter Homes in India and highly recommends the Indian readers to kindly use this act in a right way to help the needy people. Table 9.2  Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding implementation of government policies Respondents from Tamil Nadu

Respondents from Andhra Pradesh

“Government policies and welfares are not appropriate and not reachable to normal people then how to the aged people?” In recent days there have been advertisements in cinema theatres and television channels to promote the government schemes and policies. A question raises, who is going to cinema theatre and watching television? Are the homeless able to? Are the elderly able to do so as well? We the responsible citizens of India should introduce and spread the policies and government benefits, through better wellthought sources “Every rules and regulations are written in a very proper way. But we the people not implementing it properly. Everybody being selfish, they are more focused in earning and become lazy, corrupted officials” Initiating and responding to a situation is not easy job and in a country like India it is even more challenging. As Social Work professionals we need more knowledge about the legal system to approach those government officials

“We will get things done according to the government officials, but we have to pay them, wait for them and spend half of our life time. Being a profession I am facing this, then how about the aged, just imagine”

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Elder Abuse and Family “India is undergoing a demographic transition! While 8 percent of its population was recorded 60 years and above in 2011 Census, it is expected to increase its share to 12.5 percent and 20 percent by 2026 and 2050 respectively” says Help Age India, 2018. Unless the population of India brings under control there will be difficulties in providing food, medical, financial and shelter for all. “Elder Abuse ever with no gender variation. The most common form of abuse they experienced was disrespect (56%), verbal abuse (49%) and neglect (33%). The main abusers were sons (57%) and daughter-in-law (38%). Around 11% were aware of the Maintenance and ­ Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act, 2007 (MWPSC) Act”, says Help Age India, 2018. This report shows how much the Indian culture has changed from the olden times where elderly were respected. When standing in the bus/railway stations in India, one could see homeless people living on the pavements out of poverty and aged abuse. There are religious spaces which provide space for such homeless people with food, shelter and clothes. People take advantage of this and stay in poverty and beggary. On the other hand, rural people are migrating to urban areas in search of jobs. Multinational Companies (MNCs) are able to give job for anybody which includes farmer. Farmers select air-conditioned rooms over the hot sun and drought situation in India. In these cases, the young generation leave their parents homeless. Elderly abuse has become more familiar to the urban lives unless elder people have enough financial backups. Not even their children are ready to take care which applies not just in India but in most of the developing countries. In comparison to China, the Confucian norm of filial piety is deeply rooted in Chinese elder care. India is facing several challenges in the form of weak economic growth, weak pension system and null infrastructure for ageing people, and lack of political will; and above all, each citizen’s response towards old population makes life miserable for the elderly (Dong & Simon, 2008; Li, Long, Essex Sui, & Gao, 2012; Liu, Dijst, & Geertman, 2017). Approximately in a shelter home more than 50% of aged are admitted because of elder abuse and harassment by their family members in the 70th year. Getting aged needs more care, protection, considering their feelings, insight and life experience. Violence in a family deals nothing but social psychology that could be domestic violence, verbal violence, aged abuse or harassment. Living an independent life in younger age could seem to be happy and enjoyable but we are addressing many issues being nuclear family. In specific, old age cannot be spent independently which shall be painful (Yan, 2015). Media plays a major role in Indian family; the researcher sees this response in a different perspective. In-law issues in a family is there in joint family system which is now inculcated through television broadcasts and serials related to the said (Table 9.3).

Respondents from Andhra Pradesh

“Until they have money, everybody cares them. When they don’t have money we (Shelter Homes) initiate to care them” Those are puissant response for the present situation, which deals with the family responsibility falling on parents in Indian culture

Respondents from Tamil Nadu

“Our shelter home have 93 inmates in which 36 are above the age of 70, in which 20 of them came to us because of elder abuse and harassment by their family members” “Elderly are weak, they can’t hit back their sons or daughters when they are hitting them, when they are already disrespected. The saddest situation for the parents who taught their children to live independent” “Abuse is everywhere, not just on elders, but elders look very sad from any perspective.” “Aged people are helpless within their family itself”

“Families in Orissa are very supportive to their elderly however they change when in laws enter into the family”

Respondents from Orissa “We try to avoid encouraging such shelter homes even though we are NGO with service mind. Of course we will have minimum facilities. But some aged people are willing to pay for Shelter Homes which provide luxuries space for living. They spend their own money or their children do, they just don’t want the aged in home”

Respondents from Kerala

Table 9.3  Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding elderly abuse

“We don’t have aged who face family abuses, we have aged who are left out by their relatives after taking their properties and valuables. I think it is an abuse too”

Respondents from Assam

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Aged as Resources Retirement age in India is delayed to 62 years which balances the pension system. In China it is 60 and this might lead to shortage of labour. In many countries, the burden of pension falls on the young generation which is very less in count to pay those high taxes. The more the aged, the lesser the tax payers are a burden to the economy of a country. Ideally, the elderly should be considered as a resource and valued for their knowledge and experience. Social insecurity, social isolation and loneliness are often considered to be problems of growing older. As people age, many outlive relatives and friends, and social interaction may become limited as people stay closer to home because of mobility difficulties and increased chronic illness. Older individuals may be more or less dissatisfied with the narrowing of their social network and for those who are dissatisfied, the result is feeling lonely. Researchers and practitioners tend to agree that social isolation and social loneliness among older people are often related to living alone and in poor health (Cramm, Bornscheuer, Selivanova, & Lee, 2015; Golandaj, Goli, & K.C., 2013; Panruti, Duvvuru, & Liebig, 2015) (Table 9.4). The right way to engage the aged is something we the social workers should learn and implement in our profession. This study also found that the majority of elderly adults tend to live in extended families. For Indians, one of the significant traditional values inculcated is responsibility, which is embodied in extended family. However, during the recent times, this is slowly getting dissolved.

Discussion of Results Old age has never been a problem for India, but homelessness has always been a niggling issue for many years. The Indian culture is respectful and supportive to the elders but the same culture has put human beings in the hierarchal pyramid with the caste system that makes the rich get richer and poor get poorer. After globalization and economic boom in multinational companies, migration resulted and joint families became nuclear, leading to homelessness of many types of people (including the elderly and in some cases, migrant workers). In many parts of the world, under this ageing issue there are also other pressing global challenges to older persons’ welfare: poverty; malnutrition; unattended chronic disease; lack of access to safe drinking water and sanitation and income security (International Association of Gerontology and Geriatrics [IAGG], 2014). In nations like India and China, the task to develop, initiate and expand programmes for the elderly population is more difficult due to the growing population of the elderly and the need for governmental support for economic development (IAAG, 2014). As shown from the results, it can be clearly observed that there is a significant need and focus to help out the elderly population in India. The social workers from different parts of India voiced a uniformed opinion

Respondents from Andhra Pradesh

“Life can be divided into three parts, first two parts are more energetic and enjoyable. The last considers to be waste and nothing good”

Respondents from Tamil Nadu

“Aged feel alone and helpless after their retirement because they have been worked for their lifetime where they worked just for money and not for passion. Look at any artists they never get tired, they work on their passion. Passion could be anything actually”

Respondents from Assam

“We just have hills and forests, most “They are very experienced and of my people leave the country and before deciding something I usually migrate to other countries. Our aged talk to them and get suggestions” people live alone with no worries. In our shelter homes we just have aged farmers who need care”

Respondents from Kerala

Table 9.4  Responses from the Indian subjects who participated in this study, regarding aged as resources

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highlighting the lack of aids available for the elderly especially those living in remote locations such as Assam. Similar situations of elderly neglect and abuse exist in China (Dong, 2015), as shown in the literature. In order to better understand the challenges faced by the elderly in China and to eventually lead to the creation of effective social policy changes that bring about positive changes in the lives of elderly, future studies should include structured interviews that should be conducted among Chinese social workers and the elderly.

Recommendations and Suggestions Old age is not a situation but a cycle of life. We cannot avoid this part in our life cycle, instead we need to understand it and handle the elderly with no harm. The respecting culture is vanishing out in the globalised culture, but it is imperative we realise the responsibilities that is falling upon us. We cannot avoid the wise population with any reasons; at the same time we are planning for our future where we are getting older. What we plan today will benefit us tomorrow and the future. Below are some suggestions we arrived at from this study: • Gerontology in India do has a great scope for medical profession as well as for the social workers for the aged. • Social work profession should be noticed to be a profession. There is a Himalayan need for the social work to be people’s profession. • A systemised job description for the social worker has to be framed in the work space, which has to be followed by the social workers in the medical establishments. • Politics plays a vital role in the implementation of policies and having younger leaders with bright innovative ideas who are also educated and not corrupted would be a great step forward for a country like India. • Retirement age of Indians shall be reduced to 58 years to balance the young generation’s unemployment. At the same time, the retired aged shall be used for various supportive system to deal with the pending works and to make a better working system with enumeration. • In India, people joining government jobs are not there to serve but only to enjoy the benefits of the government. The officials may not know or they haven’t realised that the salaries getting credited are from the tax payers, the citizens of the country. • Awareness about the Right to Information Act, Anti-Corruption, legal proceedings over the writ petitions and other special acts should be taught and reach every individuals of the country. • Being the fourth pillar of India, the media has great responsibilities in providing and spreading the policies and information to every single citizen of the country. • The Care and Maintenance of Parents and Senior Citizens Act 2007 mandates.

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• The care of parents by their adult children. It also provides free medical care for destitute old people in hospitals and free long-term care for them in old-age homes. The parents do file case over their own children in most of the cases, but this act and its consequences should be addressed to the young generation. • The family structure and the basic values should be inculcated in the younger minds through the education system, peer groups, family members and media. In this current tech world, the young generation is spending more time on screens over multimedia and this is something that should be addressed and controlled. We Indians don’t work with self-motivation instead we need a supervisor like a shepherd. That could be a reason for the high religious influence in India. A social welfare department can be extended to have a system to regularise and implement the policies for the aged.

Limitations of the Study • Reaching out to the respondents in different states and languages. • Was able to communicate only with people who understand Tamil, Hindi and English. • Changes in the case laws regarding the social policy-related judgements. • Delayed in getting variety of respondents for the primary data collection all over India. • Minimal availability of related studies to represent people against government policies and system.

Conclusion Rabindranath Tagore said, “Go not to the temple to bow down your head in prayer, first learn to bow in humility before your fellow men”. Mother Teresa said, “never worry about numbers, help one person at a time and always start with the person nearest you”. All other religious messengers and followers preach similar ideas to people in order to reach God, which is by being truthful, patient and serving humanity. We should stand firm to these words and spread love and serve humanity, especially our elderly. On the other hand, Social Work in India and China needs more attention. Since the profession has not been valued or considered to be a profession of significance by the government, the Indian Social Work especially needs to blow its own trumpets to make its voice heard. Despite the contributions of Judiciary, Executive, Legislative, Media and all other professions to the society, without the Social Worker, the inevitable consequence will be one of the sheep leading sheep. To conclude, a society that fails to care for its elders and refuses to prioritise social work in all settings is a society that will crumble.

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References Australian Association of Gerontology. (2014). Retrieved from https://www.aag.asn. au/about-us/international-association-of-gerontology-geriatrics. Banister, J., Bloom, D. E., & Rosenberg, L. (2010). Population Aging and Economic Growth in China. The Chinese Economy: A new Transition. Cramm, J. M., Bornscheuer, L., Selivanova, A., & Lee, J. (2015). The Health of India’s Elderly Population: A Comparative Assessment Using Subjective and Objective Health Outcomes. Journal of Population Ageing, 8(4), 245–259. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12062-015-9122-2. Dong, X. (2015). Elder Abuse in Chinese Populations: A Global Review. Journal of Elder Abuse & Neglect, 27(3), 196–232. https://doi.org/10.1080/08946566.20 15.1039154. Dong, X., & Simon, M. A. (2008). Is Greater Social Support a Protective Factor against Elder Mistreatment? Gerontology, 54(6), 381–388. https://doi. org/10.1159/000143228. Economic Times. (2018). Retrieved from https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/ news/economy/foreign-trade/india-china-bilateral-trade-hits-historic-high-of-usd84-44-bln-in-2017/articleshow/63203371.cms. Feng, Z., Liu, C., Guan, X., & Mor, V. (2012). China’s Rapidly Aging Population Creates Policy Challenges in Shaping a Viable Long-Term Care System. Health Affairs, 31(12), 2764–2773. https://doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.2012.0535. Golandaj, J., Goli, S., & K.C., D. (2013). Living Arrangements among Older Population and Perceptions on Old Age Assistance Among Adult Population in India. Here are five most common myths about India- China bilateral trade. (2018, April 29). Retrieved from https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/ economy/foreign-trade/india-china-bilateral-trade-deflating-the-five-most-common-myths/articleshow/63954787.cms. Ingle, G. K., & Nath, A. (2008). Geriatric health in India: Concerns and Solutions. Indian Journal of Community Medicine: Official Publication of Indian Association of Preventive & Social Medicine, 33(4), 214–218. https://doi. org/10.4103/0970-0218.43225. Li, L. W., Long, Y., Essex, E. L., Sui, Y., & Gao, L. (2012). Elderly Chinese and Their Family Caregivers’ Perceptions of Good Care: A Qualitative Study in Shandong, China. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 55(7), 609–625. https:// doi.org/10.1080/01634372.2012.703165. Liu, Y., Dijst, M., & Geertman, S. (2017). The Subjective Well-Being of Older Adults in Shanghai: The Role of Residential Environment and Individual Resources. Urban Studies, 54(7), 1692–1714. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098016630512. Mishra, S. (2011). The Elderly Dependents in India: A critical review. eTraverse- The Indian Journal of Spatial Science, 2(1). Panruti, R. V., Duvvuru, J., & Liebig, P. S. (2015). Gerontology in India. The Gerontologist, 55(6), 894–900. https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnv022. Prasad, S. (2011). Depravation and vulnerability among elderly in India, Working Paper. Tang, C. S.-k., Wu, A. M. S., Yeung, D., & Yan, E. (2009). Attitudes and Intention Toward Old Age Home Placement: A Study of Young Adult, Middle-Aged, and Older Chinese. Ageing International, 34(4), 237. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s12126-009-9047-2.

176  A. M. GHOUSE BASHA Tang, S. K., Wu, A., Yeung, D., & Yan, E. (2009). Attitudes and Intention Toward Old Age Home Placement: A Study of Young Adult, Middle-Aged, and Older Chinese. Ageing International, 34(4), 237–251. Vardhan, R. (2017). Elder Abuse and Elder Victimization: A Sociological Analysis. International Annals of Criminology, 55(1), 99–113. https://doi. org/10.1017/cri.2017.7. World’s older population grows dramatically. (2016, March 28). Retrieved from https://www.nih.gov/news-events/news-releases/ worlds-older-population-growsdramatically. Worldometer. (2020). Retrieved from https://www.worldometers.info/population/. World Health Organisation. (2018). Ageing and Health. Retrieved from https:// www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/ageing-and-health. Yan, E. (2015). Elder Abuse and Help-Seeking Behavior in Elderly Chinese. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 30(15), 2683–2708. https://doi. org/10.1177/0886260514553628.

CHAPTER 10

Disability, Social Welfare Policy and Elderly in India and China Shachee Agnihotri

Background: Defining Disability in Global Perspective Approximately 15% of the world population equaling nearly one billion people—and nearly 80% of whom live in developing countries—experience some form of disability either directly or in form of having a disabled family member (WHO 2015: 1–2). Generally, the poor and the marginalized are disproportionately affected by disability. For instance, gender-based discrimination, violence and abuses play a major role in enhancing and complicating female disability. Similarly, children from poor and backward families are more susceptible to disability due to lack of awareness of welfare schemes or simply inaccessibility to resources. According to the United Nations, every four out of five of the world’s disabled live in developing countries (WHO 2015: 1–2), however, both in developing and developed countries, elderlies are the most vulnerable group. According to a report of the World Health Organisation and the World Bank (2011: 27), high-income countries had 29.5% elderly disabled out of total disabled population, while low-income countries had a higher share of 43.4% elderlies among their total disabled population. However, with increase in life expectancy and population ageing, disability rate is expected to rise further in the future. Welfare policies for the disabled vary from country to country according to their socioeconomic context, however, international organizations rely on International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) to define disability. According to the ICF, “disability is an interaction between

S. Agnihotri (*)  Sharda University, Greater Noida, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_10

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the health condition and contextual factors”. The ICF explains the contextual factors under two sub-segments, namely environmental and personal (WHOICF 2001: 8). The physical, social and attitudinal ambience of a person comes under the category of environmental factors. The ICF adds that since disabilities result from the interaction between health and e­nvironmental-personal factors, different environment can have different impact on the same individual with a health issue. For example, a disabled unfriendly infrastructure will restrict the participation of a disabled individual while a supportive social and infra environment can help in increasing the same person’s activities and interactions. In brief, society and welfare policies play a defining role in making a disabled a “disabled” rather than “differently-abled”. Personal factors include components related to one’s personal life such as gender, age, education, occupation, health condition and fitness. Here, the personal features of a person play an important role and it affects the disability levels based on its interaction with other factors (ibid., pp. 16–17). Thus, impairments, functional and activity limitation, restricted participation or no participation come under the definition of disability (ibid., p. 3) (Fig. 10.1). There are two models—Medical and Social—to understand disability. The medical model attributes personal health conditions particularly disease as the main reason behind disability. It considers professional medical care as the core of the solutions at individual level. It also takes a “political” look at it and considers improvements in health and medical care policy as essential to manage with disability. Social model on the other hand, believes

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disability to be more of a socio-political issue. It says that disability is not limited to only an individual but is a product of social conditions itself. So, any improvement in social policies and social actions could be a key response to the problem. Thompson (2017: 6) also says that personal conditions and ­socio-economic-political environment vary person to person and country to country which clearly affects the severity of disability and participation. Overall, both medical and social models focus on different aspects of disability—a reason why the ICF opts for a more comprehensive ­model-biopsychosocial which focuses on multiple aspects of disability, namely biological, individual and social (ibid., p. 20). Disability can thus be understood as a personal condition which occurs due to a combination of multiple factors ranging from individual characteristics and health conditions to social ambience and lack of political attention on socioeconomic welfare policies. Together, these many factors act as a catalyst in deepening disability-related problems. Nevertheless, while dealing with the concept of disability, it must be remembered that there is no “one size fits all” kind of definition for disability. Altogether, disability is an interaction between an individual’s impairment and his or her environment (both supportive or non-supportive).

Disability Prevalence in Two Most Populated Countries Together India and China account for 31% of the world population with 1.33 and 1.40 billion people, respectively. Such large population implies that even a slight change in the ratio of the disabled signifies deep impact and affects millions. UN estimates that while 66% of Chinese fall under working group (aged 15–59 years), 18% population belongs to the younger group (aged 0–14 years) and 16% are elderly (60 + years). In India, on the other hand, 63% of the total population is working and 28% population comes under 0–14 age group. Nine per cent of Indians are aged at 60 years and above (UN-DESA 2017: 24–25). However, China is ageing faster, though, India is likely to follow, even if slowly. Higher total dependency ratio in both the populated countries mean that it can bear a significant impact on the fiscal aspect of welfare policy. It all comes at a phase of economic growth when China and India are witnessing socioeconomic transition; growing income, economic growth and income disparities; not to ignore changes in education, urbanization and fast socio-familial changes due to shifting demography (Williams et al. 2017: 2). All these not only influence governmental policies in the long run but also affect disability-related issues and programmes. Globally, one out of every seven persons is affected by some form of disability (WHO 2015: 2). However, Indian and China, have a disproportionate share of the global disabled at approximately 12% (Fig. 10.2).

180  S. AGNIHOTRI Fig. 10.2  Share of China and India in Global Disabled Population—2015 (Source UN-ESCAP [2016])

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In 2015, the number of disabled in China was 85.02 million accounting for about 9% of the world’s disabled (UN-ESCAP 2016: 38). The number of disabled in India around the same time was 26.8 million and accounted for nearly 3% of the global disabled population (UN-ESCAP 2016: 148). At the national level, nearly 6.3% of Chinese have a disability against India’s 2.2% (UN-ESCAP 2016: 38, 148). The impact on society and economy due to millions of disabled requires that disability and related issues have an important place in discussions on social welfare policy issues. Disability covers several types of physical and mental conditions which make it important to look into detailed disability prevalence. In China, around 29.1% of disabilities are of physical type, 24.2% related to hearing issues, 14.9% to visual disabilities, 1.5% to speech disorder, 7.4% to mental illness, 6.9% to mental retardedness, and the rest 16.9% constitute cases of multiple disabilities (UN-ESCAP 2016: 38) (Fig. 10.3). Of India’s disabled, around 20.3% are those affected by physical or ­movement-related disability, 18.8% by visual impairment, 18.9% by hearing issues and 7.9% suffer from multiple disabilities (UN-ESCAP 2016: 148). The data above, though belonging to different years, broadly depicts the picture of disability in India and China. The most prevalent forms of disabilities in India and China are those belonging to hearing and mobility. The third highest number of disabled in India are the visually disabled ones. In China’s case, though the visually disabled ones are significant in number and proportion, the third top disabled category belongs to those having multiple disabilities. Also, in case of India, the number of disabled in the visual, hearing and movement category is broadly the same around 5 million each. In case of China though, they all vary at 13, 21 and 25 million, respectively.

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Factors Influencing Disability in India and China Disability and Age Ageing makes people more vulnerable to disability due to falling physical and mental faculties on the one hand, and limited socioeconomic participation confining their functional ability on the other (Williams et al. 2017: 2). Experts believe that rise in population ageing and the rate of disability are directly proportionate (Metts 2000: 9). Worldwide, the ratio of disability is 39% among elderly age group against 12% among working people (Thompson 2017: 5). Several health issues cause old age disabilities such as visual impairment, hearing problems, bone-related diseases, and memory and psychological issues to name a few. For instance, a global estimate shows that between 1990 and 2015, ageing increased by 34.6% and during the same time-period, severe visual impairments (blindness) grew 17.6%. All other kinds of visual deficiencies also rose from 159.6 million to 216.6 million in those years. Similarly, around 25% of the people with hearing disabilities globally comes are the elderlies pointing towards the disproportionate share of disabilities they suffer from. (Thompson 2017: 5). In India as well, ageing is the prime culprit behind hearing and visual disabilities causing around 21.3% of the total hearing-impairments and 23% of the total visual issues (World Bank 2009: 37). Disabled people also age prematurely (sometimes in their 40s or 50s) (WHO 2018). Thus, understanding both ­ageing-induced-disability and vice versa are equally important for the government to account for in making retirement, pension, elderly health-care policies, and Long-term Care services and welfare expenditure (Guo 2011: 1).

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So far, in China, two National Sampling Survey on Disability were conducted: in 1987 and 2006. The comparative analyses of the two years’ data shows that disability prevalence has shifted more towards old age group. In 1987, the highest number of disabled people belonged to 18–44 years age group while in 2006, the highest disability prevalence up to the tune of 18.8 million persons was in the 65–74 years age group (Zheng et al. 2011: 790). Around 50% of the total disabled population were 60 years or above (UN-ESCAP 2016: 38)—a sign that as China enters the fast ageing lane, the disability prevalence will expectedly rise and require more focus on ­age-related disabilities and timely care (Peng et al. 2010: 6). Disability and Gender Disability affects female population harsher. According to the WHO (2015: 2), a disabled female person faces double discrimination in terms of ­gender-violence, abuse and negligence. Combined with contextual factors, the poor, the old and rural female are the most vulnerable groups (Williams 2017: 5). Globally, in some specific health conditions such as blindness (56%), mild visual deficiency (54%) and severe visual loss (55%), disability prevalence rate is higher among women. Figure 10.4 shows that in China, the overall male–female ratio among the disabled is 51.55% male versus 48.45% female (ILO 2008). The same ratio in India is 56% male versus 44% female (MOSPI 2017). And yet, despite higher total population of disabled males against their female counterpart, disability prevalence among elderly female population is higher in both China and India. According to the National Census of India 2011, there was not much difference between the number of male and female disabled-elderly in 60–79 age group. However, around the same period in India, there were around 386 thousand female disabled elderlies against 337 thousand male disabled elderlies in 80–89 years age

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group and in the 90 years and above age group, the number of female disabled elderlies was 128 thousand against 97 thousand male disabled elderlies. Overall, it turns out that while 18% of the male disabled population are elderly, 23% of the female disabled population are old aged (MOSPI 2017). According to the National Sampling Survey on Disability 2006, in China, around 22.8% of the female disabled population fell under 65–75 years age group against 21.5% of the total male-disabled population in the same age group. This gender gap in elderly disability becomes more prominent with increasing age—around 20.9% of female in 75–84 years age group suffer disability compared to 15.9% among male (Zheng 2011: 790). Old age female disability gets further complicated as they face double discrimination–due to disability and gender—in matters of employment. This trend is quite predominant among almost all the Asian countries, except Sri Lanka. In India, the gender gap in employment of disabled population is as high as 30% (UN-ESCAP 2016: 3–9). Among disabled female in India, almost 77% women remain unemployed compared to 53% unemployment among disabled men (MOSPI 2017). Disability and Socioeconomic Factors Socioeconomic factors such as education, employment opportunity, rural– urban differences, social environment and attitude towards the disabled affect their access to education and vocational trainings which in turn lowers their employment opportunities. In India, around 40% of the disabled children are not enrolled in school (UN-ESCAP 2016: 15). China also faces a challenging situation with 34.7% dropout among disabled children (Wang 2016). Illiteracy among the disabled population stands at 43.29% in China meaning that around 56.71% of them remain literate there (ILO 2008). In India’s case, literacy among the disabled is 67% in urban areas and 49% in rural areas (MOSPI 2017). Such a widespread lack of education among the disabled worsens their awareness and work-prospects. Generally, people with poor income or unemployment and low education level are more exposed to disability and related problems and they have minimal or no means to improve their status. A WHO reports says that same is true for children from poorer background as well who are at a higher risk of being affected by disability (Thompson 2017: 3). Disability prevalence is also higher in developing countries compared to developed ones (WHO 2015: 1–2). In terms of urban– rural comparison, rural residents are more vulnerable to being disabled than their urban counterpart. In China, 75.04% of its total disabled population, amounting to 62.2 million disabled, reside in rural areas (ILO 2008). The situation is not much different in India where 69% of its total disabled live in rural areas (MOSPI 2017). As for the female-elderly people, they happen to be the most vulnerable group in rural areas (Williams et al. 2017: 2). According to the UN, disabled people face more from unemployment than normal people and even when employed, they tend to have less resilient jobs. However, unemployment among the disabled is higher in high-income

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countries possibly due to integrated social security and financial support. In developing countries, however, the disabled are often associated with less stable jobs and poor social protection support. In 2015, employment rate among disabled people stood at 44.8% in India and 78.7% in China, pointing to greater discrimination against them in general but more in case of India. But in the Hong Kong and Macao special administrative regions (SAR) of China, employment rate among the disabled is alarmingly low at 13.7 and 9%, respectively (UN-ESCAP 2016: 3–9). Low employment opportunities obviously bring lower economic status to the disabled and limits their avenues to enjoy a better life style and living standard. Often, particularly in poor families, the disabled members and expenses associated with them such as healthcare and assistants, equipment and special transportation affect the income of the household too (UN-ESCAP 2016: 3–9). The social environment is another crucial factor for the disabled. A disabled-friendly society and work-place (for example ramps and elevators for physical assistance, softwares such as screen-reader, braille equipped devices) increases the ease of living and working for disabled people and in turn their socioeconomic participation and contribution.(UN-ESCAP 2016: 15). Disability and Health-Inequality Disability can be quite diverse in nature and while some disabilities are associated with health condition, others are not. Even when disability is not associated with a health condition, the disabled need general health-care facilities like normal people. Rather, the disabled are more likely in need of frequent healthcare even as they face more difficulties in accessing health-care services than normal people. A 2017 study shows that around 35–50% people with mental illness in developed countries did not get treatment and the ratio is even higher in developing countries at 76–85%. According to the WHO, health promotion and prevention activities are generally focused on normal people and the disabled are often left untouched. For example, compared to normal females, fewer disabled females undergo screening for breast and cervical cancer (WHO 2018). Disabled people are more likely to experience the unmet health needs as they are depended on other people to avail such services. Combined with their primary health condition, they are more likely to get affected by secondary conditions as well, which worsens their health. Timely diagnosis and treatment can lower these risks and prevent many disabilities but in case of unmet healthcare services, these only worsen the condition of a disabled person. In many cases, it is seen that disabled people are less keen to avoid ­health-risking behaviours such as poor diet, smoking and so on. As population ages, the probability of ageing-related chronic diseases increase and the aforementioned factors adversely affect the life-expectancy of disabled people (WHO 2018). Disabled people’s unmet needs of medical care are due to many socioeconomic hitches such as them having fewer economic prospects and financial

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issues in accessing paid healthcare. According to WHO, around 51–53% disabled people in low-income countries do not have enough resources to approach health and medical facilities. Most of the countries (especially in Asia) either lack or have limited disabled-friendly infrastructure and transportation facilities. Such a situation discourages the disabled to avail existing health services (WHO 2018) resulting in their poor health status.

Social Welfare Policies & Measures for the Disabled Population The discussion about disability has always been limited in the sense that when disability was first talked about around the eighteenth century as part of the European welfare policies, the disabled were considered worth helping. This discussion originally led to the establishment of self-help institutions for severe disabilities and eventually opened more avenues for the disabled. One such initiative was the establishment of special schools for people with hearing and visual disabilities after 1920. However, this initial effort at educating the disabled people was more of a charity and welfare rather than an educational initiative. During the same period, there was some progress on employment and reservation policy for the disabled in some western countries such as the US, Finland, Denmark, Sweden and Canada. The number of disabled people rose sharply during the twentieth century due to two world wars and epidemic diseases. This intensified the need for rehabilitation, employment and other welfare policies for people with disabilities (Metts 2000: 11–14). In this regard, the UN has worked on disability since its establishment, initially providing advisory delegation, workshop and training programmes, fellowships to the trainers and rehabilitation centres in different countries. Later, the disability-rights movements gained in speed and put pressure on the UN to adopt a more serious and integrated approach towards disability-related issues. This resulted in the Declaration on the Rights of ­ Disabled Persons in 1975 followed by the World Program of Action Concerning Disabled Persons (WPA) in 1982. The WPA called on “to promote effective measures for prevention of disability, rehabilitation and the realization of the goals of ‘full participation’ of disabled persons, in social life and development, and of ‘equality’”. To promote implementation of the WPA, the years between 1983 and 1993 was declared a decade of disabled persons by the General Assembly of United Nations. Despite its slow implementation, the WPA remains at the core of all further UN policies for the disabled. The UN General Assembly further adopted the Standard Rules on the Equalization of Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities (Standard Rules) in 1994. These rules form the standard for all contemporary disability policies based upon which several regional bodies including the EU (1996 Resolution) have prepared their own policy documents for the disabled population. All these documents and declarations follow the spirit of WPA which is “providing

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equal opportunities to the disabled people for socioeconomic participation” (Metts 2000: 19–22). Today, the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities adopted around 2008 is the core guiding document on disability welfare. The Article 25 of the convention strongly advocates equal rights and opportunities for the disabled along with their good health (WHO 2015). Since the reform and opening up era, the Chinese government has been working towards the betterment of its disabled population. The 1982 Constitution of China adopts a principle of protection of the rights of the disabled (ILO 2008). In China, the term canji ren (残疾人), used for people with disabilities, covers visual, hearing, speech, physical, intellectual, psychiatric and multiple disabilities. In 1988, China Disabled Persons’ Federation (CDPF) was founded under the Ministry of Civil Affairs. Later, it became an independent and national level government body with more than 90 thousand workers. The CDPF focuses and works for safeguarding the human rights of disabled people. To strengthen and bring clarity to disability welfare policies, the Chinese government published the Law on the Protection of Disabled Persons in 1990 which was amended in 2008 (Wang 2016). This law promises rehabilitation, education, employment, cultural life and social welfare to the disabled people of China (Information Office of the State Council China 2004). China also established a comprehensive State Council Working Committee on Disability to boost disability-welfare work. The council comprises 36 ministries and social organisations such as Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, the Ministry of Civil Affairs and CDPF. A vice-premier of China heads this council (ILO 2008). The Chinese government works on several projects with international organisations. For example, the Project on Promoting the Employability and Employment of People with Disabilities through Effective Legislation has been executed in collaboration with the ILO tripartite constituents, the CDPF and universities which is focused on assisting the government to increase employment prospect for the disabled people (ILO 2008). In China, disability among the youth is closely associated with poverty which affects their access to healthcare and creates a disability-induced problem cycle (Guo et al. 2019: 1). To provide equal employment opportunity to the disabled, the Chinese government has prescribed for reserving a minimum of 1.5% of jobs in the public and private sector (ILO 2008). Indian government has been working on a welfare policy for the people with disability (PwD, a term used for disabled people in India) since its independence. According to the Article 41 of the Indian constitution, the state is responsible to arrange and maintain welfare of disabled population or as it says: “relief of the disabled and unemployable”. Some employment-related concessions were provisioned for the disabled in India during 1960s, however, specific policy initiatives for full participation of the disabled people in society came into effect only in the 1980s. After this, several d ­ isability-related policy legislations were introduced in India such as the Mental Health Act-1987, the Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection

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of Rights and Full Participation) Act-1995 (PWD Act), the Rehabilitation Council of India Act, 1992 (amended in 2000) and the National Trust for Welfare of Persons with Autism, Cerebral Palsy, Mental Retardation and Multiple Disabilities Act- 1999 (National Trust Act) (World Bank, 2009: 123). In 2005, ministry of social justice drafted the National Policy on PwD which forces on the shortcoming of the existing PwD (ibid., p. 128) On 28th December 2016, the government adopted the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 which promises to give effect to the 2006 UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. It has identified and put forward norms for twenty-one types of disabilities. The 2016 act has among its guiding principles: “respect for inherent dignity, individual autonomy including the freedom to make one’s own choices, and independence of persons”. It has described the disability-related definitions, access to equal rights, case of female and child disability, protection from cruelty, inhuman treatment, violence and exploitation at full length. It also clauses the inclusive opportunity and participation in availing the education and also in getting the employment (Government of India 2016). According to Indian government’s PwD policy, all government educational institute must reserve minimum three per cent seats for the disabled candidates and the same applies in employment or job scenario also (World Bank 2009: 128). The biggest problem with disabled people is discrimination which they face at different levels of their life such as accessing education, job and even doing normal daily business. Our society still lacks the disabled-friendly environment and infrastructure. Another point is that they have rather limited and smaller social network which limits their social participation and activity. Mere policy is not enough for the welfare of the people with disability but making it accessible is something which can actually help the disabled people. As discussed before, disabled population face more health-inequality rather than normal people, Government needs to focus more on increasing the health-care accessibility.

Conclusion The case of ageing, disability and social welfare in India and China, as discussed above, shows that there is a lot that both India and China working on yet they face institutionalized barriers to healthcare when it comes catering to these specific groups. Not only such barriers need to be removed but require innovative approaches to be tried and adopted. As an evidence, the Indian and the Chinese government have reserved jobs and academic opportunities for the disabled and encouraged building of an enabling infrastructure for them and the aged people. However, that significant number of disabled in both the countries yet fail to access good education and jobs point to the huge gap yet to be filled. The need is possibly to target the poor and the disadvantaged sections of society from where the greatest number of disabled come in the first place. While it would be unfair to not acknowledge the progress in this

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direction, it does point to the limitations of the general welfare schemes of the governments in ensuring quality basic amenities, and standard health and education for those sections of society from where the disabled mostly originate. Similarly, when it comes to ageing, both India and China have a huge challenge to address. Life expectancy and health facilities have improved in both countries. However, health and disability issues in an ageing society require huge costs to be addressed properly. When it comes to underlining the ideal of how ageing needs to be tackled, India is not behind; however, China does seem to be several steps ahead of its southern neighbour in implementing several of these steps. Of course, the reason is also that China is ageing fast and has more resources to channel towards these issues. But we cannot ignore the fact that Chinese policy makers have shown an inclination towards forward planning and implementation. India’s ageing challenge could be very different because of a non-manufacturing sector-led economic development curve unlike China’s, relatively young population so far and a different s­ ocio-political culture. India could also be facing more environmental and infrastructural issues, limiting the proportion of the super-aged, not to ignore the notions about ageing which likely also affects their survival and quality of life. Overall, social welfare in general and, ageing and disability in particular needs to be taken much more seriously in India and China which are home to not only the biggest share of human race but the highest number of aged and disabled as well. Their ability to manage these complex challenges will determine not only how ‘youthful’ their societies remain despite ageing, but also how meaningful they are able to make the life of their disabled. Of course, the most critical of these would be managing those are both aged and disabled. If India and China are able to ensure the ideal situation, their policy announcements have been proclaiming, that will be the real story of the rise of the two as world powers. * * *

References CDPR. (2012). The Total Number of Disabled People in the Country by the End of 2010 and the Number of Persons with Different Disabilities. China Disabled Persons’ Federation. online: http://www.cdpf.org.cn/sjzx/cjrgk/201206/ t20120626_387581.shtml. Accessed on 6 March 2017. Government of India. (2016). The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016. Ministry of Law and Justice-GOI. Available online: http://www.disabilityaffairs. gov.in/upload/uploadfiles/files/RPWD%20ACT%202016.pdf. Guo, C; Luo, Y; Tang, X; Ding, R; Song, X; Zheng, X. (2019). Poverty and Youth Disability in China: Results from a Large, Nationwide, Population-Based Survey. PLoS ONE 14 (4): e0215851. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0215851. Guo, Man. (2011). Exploring Disability Among Chinese Elderly Population: Prevalence, Use of Social Service and Gender Difference. USC US-China Institute. Online: https://china.usc.edu/exploring-disability-among-chinese-elderly-population-prevalence-use-social-service-and-gender. Accessed on 27 December 2016.

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ILO. (2008). Facts on People with Disabilities in China. International Labour Organization. online URL:https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/— asia/—ro-bangkok/—ilo-beijing/documents/publication/wcms_142315.pdf. Accessed on 6 March 2017. Information Office of the State Council China. (2004). China’s Social Security and Its Policy. online: http://www.china.org.cn/e-white/20040907/index.htm. Accessed on 6 March 2017. Metts, Robert L. (2000). Disability Issues, Trends and Recommendations for the World Bank. Social Protection Discussion Paper Series, No. 0007, World Bank. http:// www.worldbank.org/sp. Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MOSPI). (2017). Disabled Persons in India: A Statistical Profile 2016. MOSPI- Government of India. http:// www.mospi.gov.in. Peng, Xiaoxia; Song, Shige; Sullivan, Sheena; Qiu, Jingjun; Wang, Wei. (2010). Ageing, the Urban-Rural Gap and Disability Trends: 19 Years of Experience in China—1987 to 2006. PLoS ONE 5 (8): e12129. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0012129.g001. Thompson, Stephen. (2017). Disability Prevalence and Trends. K4D Helpdesk Report. Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies. UN-DESA. (2017). World Population Prospects: The 2017 Revision, Key Findings and Advance Tables. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division Working Paper No. ESA/P/WP/248. UN-ESCAP. (2016). Disability at a Glance 2015: Strengthening Employment Prospects for Persons with Disabilities in Asia and the Pacific. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Bangkok: United Nations.ST/ ESCAP/2736. Wang, Y. (2016). A Glance at People with Disabilities in China. China Source. Online: https://www.chinasource.org/resource-library/articles/a-glance-at-people-with-disabilities-in-china#footnote-marker-1-1. Accessed on 27 June 2017. WHO. (2015). WHO Global Disability Action Plan 2014–2021: Better Health for all People with Disability [A67/16]. Geneva: World Health Organization. WHO. (2018). Disability and Health. WHO Fact Sheets. World Health Organization. Online: https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/ disability-and-health. WHO-ICF. (2001).International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health: ICF. Geneva: World Health Organization. WHO& World Bank. (2011). World Report on Disability 2011. Geneva: World Health Organization. Williams, Jennifer Stewart; Norstrom, Fredrik; Ng, Nawi. (2017). Disability and Ageing in China and India- Decomposing the Effects of Gender and Residence: Results from the WHO Study on Global AGEing and Adult Health (SAGE). BMC Geriatrics 17: 197. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-017-0589-y. World Bank. (2009). People with Disabilities in India: From Commitments to Outcomes [50209]. Washington DC: The World Bank Human Development Unit South Asia Region. Zheng, Xiaoying; Chen, Gong; Song, Xinming. (2011). Twenty-Year Trends in the Prevalence of Disability in China. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 89 (11): 788–797. https://doi.org/10.2471/blt.11.089730.

CHAPTER 11

Social Status and Subjective Well-Being of Tribal Elderly: A Narrative Discourse Koustab Majumdar, Manoj Raul and Dipankar Chatterjee

Introduction Background The recognition of elderly problems at the societal level has been reported as a recent phenomenon due to the emergence of nuclear families in developed and developing countries. The dependency among the elderly people is significantly high especially among women. The increasing dependency ratio of elderly people generates carious social conflicts (Nair 1983, pp. 383–384). The notion of elderly research has gained heightened concern among the policymakers and social scientists due to the dramatic growth of elderly population in the world and especially in India (Table 11.1). Population Census (2011) in India reported that there were 104 million elder person in India, where 53 million were males and 51 million were females (GOI 2016, p. iii). It was expected that by 2020 the elderly population (above sixty years) and it will cross 140 million, which will share 11.1% of the total population (Bose & Shankardass 2004; Cited in Nair 2014, p. 380). Between 2001 and 2011, the decadal growth rate of population was 2% while it is 36% among the elderly people. As a consequence of better medical facilities and low fertility rate, the growth of elderly population has been good enough (GOI 2016, p. 16). The issue of elderly has emerged as a serious concern in contemporary decades, especially among the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. National Sample

K. Majumdar (*) · M. Raul · D. Chatterjee  Division of Rural and Tribal Development, Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda Educational and Research Institute (Ranchi Campus), Ranchi, Jharkhand, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_11

191

192  K. MAJUMDAR ET AL. Table 11.1  The elderly population (aged sixty years & above) in India (in millions) Source

Census 1961 Census 1971 Census 1981 Census 1991 Census 2001 Census 2011

Total Person

Female

Male

24.7 32.7 43.2 56.7 76.6 103.8

12.4 15.8 21.1 27.3 38.9 52.8

12.4 16.9 22.0 29.4 37.8 51.1

Rural

Urban

21.0 27.3 34.7 44.3 57.4 73.3

3.7 5.4 8.5 12.4 19.2 30.6

Source Adapted from GOI (2016)

Survey (2004–2005) reported that 18 million elderly people belong to below poverty line in India (Kumar & Anand 2006). However, the discourse of elderly issue within public policy domain has been included recently (Coole 2012). In this perspective, there is an incipient need to recompense elderly issues in order to prepare integrated and holistic programmes and policies especially for the welfare of the elderly people. Improved health services accelerate the growth of the elderly population in India. A sharp increase in actual elder population was reported (Table 11.2). The highest increase (27.2 million) among the elderly person was reported in decade (2001–2011). This growth was relatively higher among the female (13.9 million) than male (13.3 million) between 2001 and 2011, albeit, a slight increase was reported in rural (15.9 million) and urban (11.4) areas. The elderly population in rural areas was high in urban areas. The population difference was around 40 million in 2011. Notwithstanding, it was found that the growth rate of the elderly population was always higher than the general population growth rate (see Table 11.2). Therefore, the increasing share of the elderly population1 in the overall population has become a serious concern in India. The last decade (2001–2011) witnessed the highest decadal growth rate (35.5%) among the elderly population, while it was lowest in general population since 1951. However, high level of decadal growth rate among the elderly population was reported in the period of 1961–1971 (33.7%) and 1971–1981 (33%). Aging is widely associated with disability, such as loss of energy and resources, ignorance that elucidates the negative aspects of an individual life. The old age phase, which is considered an unexpected phenomenon or 1 According to 2011 census report, the share of elder population 8.6% in overall population. The share of female elder population (9% in overall population is quite higher than male (8.2). The share of elder population in rural and urban areas are 8.8 and 8.1% respectively.

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Table 11.2  Decadal growth in elderly population vis-a-vis that of the general population (percentage change) Period 1951–1961 1961–1971 1971–1981 1981–1991 1991–2001 2001–2011

In general population 21.6 24.8 24.7 23.9 21.5 17.7

In the elderly population 23.9 33.7 33.0 29.7 25.2 35.5

Source Adapted from GOI (2016)

complexity (Achenbaum 1987) creates an unbridgeable gap between aged people and society (Hazan 1994, p. 18). Aging is considered as ‘inevitable and irreversible biological process of life’ (Sanger et al. 2002). In early 1970’s, researchers granted ageing as cultural construction (Gubrium 1986; Sanger et al. 2002; Guilemard 2010). Elderly and Well-Being Inclusion of well-being in a social context has got significant priority in making public policy (Stiglitz & Fitoussi 2009). According to Kapteyn and Van (2010), the most important aspect of well-being maintain a specific order, i.e. ‘partners or family, health, ownership rights and finances’ that do satisfy the environment of an individual. According to Kahneman et al. (1999) there are five different conceptual levels such as external conditions (income, housing and neighbourhood), subjective well-being (self-reports of satisfaction or dissatisfaction), persistent model level (optimism or pessimism), transient emotional state (joy, anger), biochemical and neural bases of behaviour. Well-being is the comprehensive framework of objective descriptions and subjective evaluation of different aspects of life that shapes the ‘personal development and purposeful activity’ (Felce & Perry 1995). Well-being is not merely the state of absence of illness within one individual; rather, it includes both the objective and subjective dimension of life. The objective aspect of well-being involves individual’s access to physical, social, and other kind of resources, while the subjective dimension includes the respondent’s view on life satisfaction, happiness, and quality of life that are often used interchangeably and required in measuring and interpreting the comprehensive framework of well-being (McAllister 2005, p. 1). The latter life or elderly phase is such a period, where an individual needs care, love and support to a substantial extent that strengthens the subjective and objective well-being as well as social well-being. The term ‘well-being’

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is not the same as ‘happiness’. ‘Happiness’ is the ‘psychological, measurable, autonomous variable’ that often used in contemporary decades within the global middle-class culture (Nandy 2012), while well-being, which is being currently used instead of ‘happiness’ is the comprehensive result of a meaningful and structured life. In a nutshell, happiness is one of the essential aspects of well-being, but not as a whole (Tandon 2016, p. 63). In the traditional or tribal societies, the tribal elderly people act as a ‘storehouse of knowledge’ regarding different religious activities, family-related information and myth which explain the identity and deep-rooted knowledge on environmental resources and how to use the environmental resources to survive. Anthropologists find that the age differences among the members of the tribal communities are the fundamental basis of functional authority, and it produces a sense of gratitude on social well-being among the elder members. In such, traditional society the strong kinship within the lifestyle generates the ‘social debt and cultural knowledge’ that make as the domain of the attitude towards respect, care, and support of the old members within the society (Sokolovsky 2002). Objectives of This Study There is an imperative need to explore the well-being facet among the elderly population. Notably, it has been a still unexplored area in anthropological and sociological domain of research especially in tribal perspective. Earlier, the elderly related investigations in the context of well-being were limited among the psychologists. However, anthropologists and sociologists construe the elderly or aging as a social and cultural construction, where, the elderly people carries the cultural identity. The socio-cultural construction of elderly which typically emerges among the tribal people usually at ‘fourth’ or ‘fifth’ decades of life (Glascock & Feinman 1981) however, changes over time, place, and construction of age in a particular time (Price 1997). In this perspective, this present study has explored the cultural construction of elderly among the tribal people, the social status of elderly people, and how the elder people perceive the well-being. The following research questions have been set for this study: a. How tribal people perceive and construct the elderly? b. What is the social status of elder individuals in the tribal community? c.  How do the tribal elders perceive the subjective dimension of ­well-being, and what are the responsible factors regarding it? The tribal people are nowadays considered as a burden due to loss of physical ability, and unsustainable livelihood, which make them vulnerable. The present study not only explores the perceptual construction of elderly and

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their subjective dimension of well-being, but also address the policy gap which may suggest the new service delivery approach to the policy-makers to re(shaping) the well-being policies for the tribal elderly.

Community Context and Research Method The present study was designed on the qualitative research methodology approach. The two tribal communities, i.e. Lodha and Santhal of West Bengal, India, were selected for this study. Lodha tribe of West Bengal is considered a Primitive tribal group or Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG). Lodha people are highly concentrated in Paschim (West) Midnapore and Purba (East) Midnapore and Jhargram districts of West Bengal (Devi 1983, p. 947). In the pre-Independence period, till the revocation of Criminal Tribes Act, 1952, the Lodha tribe was considered as the Criminal Tribe in West Bengal. Earlier, the Lodha’s primary livelihood was hunting and gathering. The Lodha people lived in forest covered areas and largely depended on the forest resources for their livelihood. However, they recently shifted towards different kinds of occupation, including agriculture and spread over the deforested areas where they are engaged as agricultural or non-agricultural labour. The Lodha community was considered as the most backward and vulnerable tribal community among the tribals of West Bengal. Since the post-independence period, the State Government has been emphasizing to improving the socio-economic life of the Lodha community by providing socio-economic assistance (Bhowmick 1994). Santhal tribe is the largest tribal community spread over West Bengal, Odisha, Assam and many other states in India. Traditionally, Santhals people were the ­forest-dependent, but had shifted in agriculture-based livelihood. Qualitative method of research focuses on the social situation in a constructive viewpoint. The constructive viewpoints of research explore the real world to others and impart a holistic recognition about a particular phenomenon (Patton 1990; Bogdan & Biklen 1998; Merriam 1998). And, the narrative discourse emerged as a noteworthy deal of interest within the qualitative method of research (Caldas-Coulthard 1987). According to Gerard Genette (1983), narrative discourse is the analysis of the connection or relationship of ‘story elements’, ‘narrative’, and ‘narrating’. The narrative approach through discourse analysis represents the viewpoints of the narrator’s and or the character’s (Krieken 2018, p. 771). The character’s perspective is the crucial elements for this present study as it focuses on the perceptual dimension of a particular event or reality, i.e. elderly. For this purpose, one socially dominated tribe (Santhal) and one PVTG tribe (Lodha) were selected. Based on narrative discourse approach of a qualitative study on the issue elderly and social status of tribal elder members and their well-being. The Lodha and Santhal people are highly concentrated in Paschim (West) Midnapore and

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Jhargram district of West Bengal, India. Therefore, the key informants (both Santhal and Lodha) were selected from different villages of these two districts). The community members of age above 30 years were selected as key informants. During the fieldwork, 100 key informants (50 from each tribal community) were interviewed through open-ended questions. The interview transcripts were analysed through thematic analysis to reporting the driven research result. Apart from it, different secondary and existing literature has been reviewed.

Narrative Discourses on Elderly, Social Status, and Subjective Well-Being Aging (eventually the old age phase as the consequences of the aging process) which is a complex phenomenon varies from one culture to another. However, the construction of the elderly is usually based on time, i.e. a particular age (above sixty years) in society or at the country level. The emergence of the nuclear family creates social complexes and degrades the status of elderly people. Consequently, elderly people are encountering different kinds of problems at the ‘fourth phase’ of life. It is supposed to be a dominant factor for the tribal society that the tribal people pass through a hard life in sustaining and life is quite vulnerable. Contextually, the present study seeks to explore the perceptual recognition of elderly, and the status of elderly people among the tribal communities live in West Bengal. The Perception and Construction of Elderly The anthropologists and sociologists acknowledge tribal society as a local community with a close association and a strong sense of kinship. The feeling of respect and moral value is extreme among the community members, and the old age people are considered as an important asset of society. However, sixty years and above is considered as the benchmark for being an elderly person in India, but there are some cultural constructions within the tribal community in defining the concept of the elderly. Among the tribals, ‘elderhood’ is something that is not limited within the age benchmark among the tribal communities; instead, it culturally constructed. The level of maturity and experience matter to a significant extent. On the other hand, the reduction of physical ability to work and possession of grandchildren are considered as the crucial factors of the aging process. Perception of the elderly, that is how the tribal people perceive the elderly and how the elderly person is treated within the family and community level. The elderly person relishes high social status that structures the w ­ ell-being aspect of mental satisfaction. The perception of the term ‘elderly’ includes some key aspects i.e. state of physical ability, experiences, and knowledge. Notwithstanding, the elderly people cannot contribute to the family and

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community level, but still they are considered as an essential asset of the community. Tribal people contemplate ‘elderly’ as the consequence of the process of ‘aging’ that should not be limited or restricted within a particular phase of life. Elderly is perceived not as merely a social and cultural construction, but physical and mental changes assimilated among the members that reflect the characteristics of an elderly person. With this, the perception of the elderly has been interpreted in two way. One is the perception of the elderly among the young community members (age below 40 years) and the elderly member (sixty years and above). Hereby, the perception and construction of the elderly have been classified into two groups, i.e. the elderly based on physical attributes and the elderly based on socio-cultural perceptions. The former one explains how the elder members (above 40 years) and young members (below 40 years) perceive, construct, and interpret the elderly people or old age phase of life based on physical attributes. The socio-cultural perception of elderly explains how attributes of elderhood are perceived by the community members and the essential socio-cultural aspects that differentiate between the perception of young and old.   Construction of Elderhood: Physical Attributes Perception of elderly among the community members (other than old members) that will also help in clarifying the perceptual differences at the community level. Interestingly, the physical ability is one of the significant aspects of determining the elderly. The old member perceives the elderly as the reduction of physical strength and inability to implement hard works. An elder person (age—67 years) of Lodha community mentioned: I cannot work hard because I feel weak. The body may not cooperate with you. I lost my physical strength, feel down, and weak. I would like to prefer to do the light works like grazing of cattle, look after the grand-children. I remember my old days, and I could work for hours, cut trees, bring the water buckets, go for hunting. I had tremendous physical strength, but since ten years back inability devoured me, but I love to see others work. (Lodha respondent)

The incapability of conducting hard work determines the emergence of old age phase of life. As the hard-working capabilities decrease with aging; therefore, the old people consider physical ability as an important aspect in considering the old age phase. It is pretty clear from the above statement that the respondent recognized the incapabilities toward hard works at the age of 57 years that indicated the assimilation of elderly phase. The respondent engaged in animal-grazing and look after his grandchildren. Therefore, elderly may arise even before the age of sixty years. It is all about physical strength. One female respondent (age—47 years) explained how physical capability is related to the tribal elderly:

198  K. MAJUMDAR ET AL. I will consider myself as Buri2 when I lose my hard work capabilities. However, nowadays I cannot work for long time as I usually did at the age of 25 or 30 years. I work in the agricultural field with my elder son and husband to help them. I am now 47 years approximately, but after three or four years I will become an old person (Buri) because I will lose my hard work capabilities then I will be a dependent person. I do ligh activities (checking plants, weeding activities) at the agricultural field and some household works whatever I like. (Santhal respondent)

The old age stage is not merely a particular phase of life, i.e. above sixty years. The construction of the elderly is more culture-specific that is based on physical strength. Therefore, physical strength is one of the considerable aspects of determining the age. The majority of elderly members,3 perceive elderly as a phase of life, while they start losing their physical strength and feel down. The lifestyle and livelihood of the tribal people are quite harsh. The people work in the agricultural field, which is seasonal (rain-based agricultural activities) and collect the forest resources to sell. As the consequence of harsh nature of livelihood, the elderly comes earlier among tribal people. Contextually, an elder person (age—71 years) of Lodha community disclose the hardship of livelihood: We are the Adibashi4 people. Our lifestyle was not so easy, when I was young. I remember the days when I went to the deep forest with my father, younger brother, and other community members. We collected tubers, fruits and hunt rabbit, pig, and birds. Even, we had to go to the forest for having woods and timber that were used in cooking foods. We had to visit the forest for the whole day searching for food. Some days we get nothing as hunt, then we had to depend on the fruits or had to have one meal only. We were not safe enough for those days because we did not have a permanent house. Therefore, it was too vulnerable, especially during heavy rain. We had to stock food, especially in the rainy season. I can recall my struggle and hard working days that I did just for one meal. Now, I become an old person. I do not have such strengths. (Lodha respondent)

The harshness of tribal livelihood has emerged from the above statement. The life and livelihood of community members were full of struggle that led to the decline of energy. Furthermore, they did not consume quality foods. Consequently, it promotes the loss of physical strength rapidly. Eventually, the old age phase usually emerges among the tribal community at the fourth or fifth decade of life (Sokolovsky 2002). Majority of the community members of both the communities mentioned that elderly is such a stage of life in which the external appearence of physical look change. The people from both the community

2 ‘Buri’ is the local term that do use to indicate the old female member (‘Bura’ the term uses to indicate the male elder member). 3 The elder members are hereby indicated to those respondents who are elder people on the basis of socio-cultural consideration not by sixty years age benchmark. 4 The term ‘Adibashi’ is the local term denotes the traditional or tribal people.

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mentioned some external physical characteristics which become prominent at the elderly stage, such as wrinkle of body skin and whitening of hair and beard. A young respondent (age—29 years) of Santhal community stated: After 50 years of age, a person can be considered as Bura/Buri because h/she might lose his/her physical strength. The person becomes dependent. Even, I can identify a Bura without asking the age. Look at my father; he is taking rest under the shed of the large tree. He has lost his physical strength, the skin of the body and face is already wrinkled and white hair in the head. He is looking like a weak person. (Santhal respondent)

Perceptual differences within the mental map in constructing elderly has emerged from the above statement. Perception of elderly is interpreted through the internal physical attributes, i.e. physical strength and external physical characteristics, i.e. wrinkled skin and white hair. However, sixty years of age is considered as the benchmark of old age in India, but the construction of elderly within the tribal society is unique. Perception of Elderly: Socio-Cultural Attributes Socio-cultural attributes such as social and cultural consideration, value, and belief system have emerged as a combined aspect of the perceptual mind of tribal culture regarding the construction of elderhood. The cultural construction of elderhood has been discussed here, i.e. how the elderly is defined within a tribal community and what are the socio-cultural consideration in interpreting the elderly. Determining the elderly among tribal culture is not about a particular phase or age in the life cycle. The cultural construction of the elderly has been perceived and described by the tribal society as possession of life experiences, grandchildren, maturity, and knowledge. These aspects are considered as the elderhood based on cultural construction. The cultural construction of elderly in tribal society can be recognized from the below statement given by a young person (31 years) of Santhal community: Elderly is a crucial part of life. As time moves and age will increase, and a person encounters a lot of hurdles in life, and it makes a person experienced and mentally strong. Elderly is all about the physical capability to work and experience. The elderly people may be quite weak in terms of physical ability, but they have a high level of experiences that we do use in our daily life, especially during the religious festival. We call them to participate actively. They know very well the process of worship. And, we believe that the worship should be conducted with the highest level of devotion and any mistake should not ensue. Though, we know all the process of worship still reckons the elderly person of our village. The whole process of worship is usually conducted under their supervision. We think the elderly people give us the best strength during the festivals. Furthermore, elderly people come together and make a group to enjoy. They do laugh, discuss, and make fun with each other; it makes them happy. We feel very grateful for this. (Santhal respondent)

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Various attributes have emerged, such as physical strength, experiences, festival, and happiness. Elderly does not mean to a specific age group. It is more specific, culturally perceived, and constructed within its temporal dimension. Elderly people contribute significantly at the time of different festivals. The community members believe that the rituals can be performed with the help of elderly members. Level of experiences, social maturity, and possession of grandchildren are the culturally constructed aspects of the elderly to both community. However, the community members confessed that the parameter of sixty years in the context of old age is just used to get registered at Panchayat office as the member receives financial support as old age pension as the following excerpt reflecting the cultural perception of elderly a Lodha community member (age 38 years): We do consider the people as an elder who has substantial experiences and has ‘grandson’ or ‘granddaughter’. We do consult with the elder people whenever we encounter any problems. They provide the best solution for us. We do not think sixty years should be the level in determining the elderly. But yes, if we have an elderly family member then, we have to keep in mind the age, as he would get the old age pension of Rs. 300 per month, while get registered at the Panchayat office. (Lodha respondent)

The cultural construction of the elderly is not about a particular age. It has emerged that social maturity and cultural knowledge are the two fundamental elements of the cultural attributes of the elderly. However, possession of grandchildren is also considered as the culturally defined parameter in recognizing the elderly. Elderly people acquire social maturity, decision-making that transmit from one generation to another. Social Status of Elderly In the society, the social status of an individual is acquired and or endorsed derived from distinct sources based on power, position, and property (Toppo 2000, p. 70). The elder member holds relatively a higher status than other members in the tribal community. The elderly person is considered as an imperative asset of the tribal community. The social status of tribal elder people is endorsed, due to the possession of a rich source of knowledge and authority. However, the reduction of physical ability devour the elderly member, but they contribute to the community in terms of moral support, experiences, and knowledge. The elder members are considered as the head of the family. The key responsibilities at the family level are maintained by the eldest member of the family. Moreover, the elder members of the community are considered as the ‘gatekeeper’ of cultural and ritual practices, and they actively participate in the festivals or rituals.

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Social Status of Elders at the Community Level The tribal communities (both Lodha and Santhal) were very much responsive about the social status of the elderly people. As the community members perceived the elderly people as the imperative asset of the community, thus treat the elderly people as most respected individual at the community level. The below-stated narrative paragraph reflecting the social status of the elder members of the community: Elderly people are the most respected member of our village. However, they are physically weak and cannot participate in economic activities, but their life experiences and knowledge, especially on the ritual practices, is much crucial for us. We accept them as a superior individual in our society. We consult them whenever we need to have decisions in a critical situation, because we think they have already encountered that situation. So that they can give us the best consultation. (Lodha respondent)

The elderly people are recognized as the superior person at the community, because the elderly people are rich sources of traditional knowledge. It is the belief of community members that elderly members can take the suitable decision and their choices are very superior. The elderly member becomes moral support. The traditional ritual practices are the basis of tribal culture, and the elder members are the key supporters in conducting those cultural and ritual practices. The below excerpt of a Santhal member reflecting how the elderly individual support the community members during the cultural practices: During the Sarna we invite all the elder member of our village. We make separate seating arrangement for the elder member of our village that they can observe and monitor the entire function of worship. The entire worship is conducted under the supervision of the elder members, because mistake should not be considered. So, elder members support us in the entire function. And, even after the worship, we do offer our Prashad to the eldest female and male member first. Then the other members can have Prashad. We believe that they are an old person, and maintaining fasting for the worship might hamper the health so that we first offer it to the elder members. The elder members are very active during cultural festivals. At the late night, we do celebrate together, and the elderly female members sing the traditional songs, and male elder members play the drum (musical instrument). We cannot even think of our cultural festivals without them. (Santhal respondent) 

The elderly people’s role during the cultural festivals has emerged from the above-stated quotation, i.e. how the elderly member support the young generation during the cultural festivals and worships, in terms of supervision and active participation at the community level. The community people believe

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that elderly people can give the best solution or suggestion regarding any concern. Therefore, the community members even accept the decision of the elder community in case of any conflict at the community level. The elderly people held a persuasive authority and enjoy the best social position at the community level. Social Status of Elders at the Family Level The elderly members get a respectful position at the family level. The eldest member of the family (irrespective of gender) is considered as the head of the family. The other members take care the head member who has the superior authority to control all the member of the family. Being an elderly person in the family, the person has to take care of the grandchildren. The elderly person is a key individual in making any decision regarding any event, and the other members accept that. As the elderly member possesses a rich source of knowledge about the tradition, culture, and experiences; therefore, the elder member is always put at the top position in terms of social status at the family level. The elderly individual has some key roles and responsibilities at the family level, which they usually done to help the family members. The below-stated excerpts of a Lodha community member (age—38 years) raised the viewpoint of the social status of the elderly person at family level: My mother is the eldest member (66 years) of our family, and she is considered as the head of our family. Earlier, it was my father. He died at 73 years. After his death, my mother became the head member as we consider eldest member as the head of the family. We all respect her very much. We believe that our parents are traditional people they have a rich source of knowledge about tradition, culture, and moral values. Therefore, we do listen to her and agree on the decisions we take at the family level. However, she sometimes refuses to get involved in the financial decision, but, I always inform all the decisions to my mother. When I go to work outside, mainly working for wage labour, I touch my mother’s feet to have her blessings. I believe that I will be secure and get work on the day with the blessing of my mother. (Lodha member respondent, July 2018)

The eldest member of the family becomes the head of the family. The gender differences in terms of power hierarchy is not prominent in the studied tribal communities. However, the headship (at family level) is male dominated in both communities. During the marriage, the adult male always chooses the younger female individual as the bride so that the male becomes the eldest individuals during the elderly stage and considered as the head of the family. The elderly member participates in the decision-making process actively, and the decision of the elder member always get a special priority due to experiences and maturity. Interestingly, there are few exceptional cases we found, as example: the elder member sometimes refuses to be considered as head at the family level. At the higher age, the elder member wants to be

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separated from the family level complexity regarding decision-making, but this does not degrade the social status of the elderly people; rather the family members of the community support it to a great extent. Subjective Well-Being of Tribal Elderly Well-being, which is often interpreted as individual’s dimension of emotional state (Diener 2009) is subjective (Smith & Clay 2010, p. 158) and depends on ‘situation’, ‘culture’, and ‘geophysical’ surroundings (Alcamo & Bennett 2003; Helliwell & Putnum 2004). Well-being can be measured through subjective and objective dimension. We have analyzed well-being of the tribal elders in the subjective dimension. Most of the studies have measured the well-being through the quantitative aspect (by using Likert scale). However, we have used qualitative tools to capture the subjective well-being of the tribal elders, i.e. the emotional state of happiness or well-being and the factors responsible for it. The emotional state of happiness recaptures the mental state of well-being or broadly discussing, how the tribal people perceive the state of well-being and are they (elderly people) really happy? Elder phase of life is such a stage of life where, the elderly individuals search for love, care, support, and priority that structured life satisfaction; therefore, life satisfaction does not depend on the tangible aspects instead of a move towards the intangible facets. During the fieldwork, we interacted with elderly respondents5 to explore the mental state of well-being and the responsible factors associating with these. The tribal elderly people perceive ‘well-being’ as a non-materialistic and distinct part of life satisfaction, especially at the elderly phase of one’s life. Being an elder member of the community or family they want extra priority from the family member and community members . Most of the interviewee elder participants reported that they have a kind of mental frustration for being an incapable member of the family. However, the elder persons love to do some light works such as taken care of the grandchildren to go for grazing of the domestic animals, etc. The elder persons love to share their past stories to their grandchildren and guide them in learning moral values. These things shape and strengthen the ­well-being at the family level while, taking part in different cultural and ritual programme structure the well-being aspect at the community level. And these aspects make the elderly people happy and structured their subjective dimension of well-being. The below-mentioned excerpts reflecting the factors that are responsible for structuring the subjective well-being. One Santhal female respondent (62 years) stated:

5 Hereby, the snow ball sampling were used to choose the elder individual as respondents. The respondents were those elder members who were considered as the elder member of the society by the community people while, the age did not taken as the account of consideration.

204  K. MAJUMDAR ET AL. I am happy enough. I have no problem except I feel pain often at my right leg. I have two sons and one daughter, and each of them got married and capable of in securing their livelihood. What else do I need? And, now I have two grandsons and one granddaughter. I am the responsible person for taking care of my grandchildren when all of them go for work outside the home. I share my old stories and other interesting moral stories to my grandchildren that make them surprised and interested. My sons love and respect me very much so that I do not want to be apart from them at any means. (Santhal respondent)

As an incapable member of the family, the respondent is happy enough and do not want to be apart from her family. Various activities at family (taking care of grandchildren, telling moral stories and helpful guidance) and acceptance by the family members make the respondent happy enough. The attributes such as secured livelihood, grandchildren, shared emotions, respect, and love have emerged as the principle aspects of well-being that assist in (re)shaping the mental satisfaction and happiness. The subjective well-being encompasses by support, care, being loved and get priority in ­decision-making at the family level. The elder members are free to do anything that signifies the acceptance of elder member at the family instead of a burden. The authority of family that is entrusted on the elder member. And, being the head of the family member, the elder member controls the other family member and also takes part in the decision-making aspect very actively. Consequently, it makes the elderly member feel of being the most prioritized member at the family level. Majority of the family member respondent consider the elderly phase as the last phase of life. Therefore, elderly people are not forced to do work, especially in economic activities; rather, they are free to do anything based on their choices. One elder member (68 years) noted: I am independent, and I do not want to be associated with the financial matters of my family because I became an old person. I want to have food on time, take rest and enjoy the cultural programme, when occurred. And, I want to go through like this in the last phase of my life. (Lodha respondent)

However, the decisions related to financial matter are usually avoided by the elder members, still the family members ackowledge their elder members about financial aspects of family. As it is thought to be ‘a sense of respect’ and ‘priority’ to the elderly members. Majority of the elder member respondents did not engage in economic activities. However, family members do not want to take the earned money by the elderly members. The earned money is shared with the grandchildren and personal purpose. There are several elements of subjective dimension of well-being, such as cultural celebrations, interactions, community belongingness, group feelings, and community rights have been emerged from the narrative analysis. Hereby, the significant elements of subjective well-being have been discussed (Fig. 11.1).

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Fig. 11.1  Diagramatic representation of subjective well-being of tribal elderly

The study reveals that there are two aspects of subjective dimension of well-being, which have appeared as the driving factors in shaping the framework of the subjective dimension of well-being among the elderly. The four key elements at the family level are love (sub-elements are care and support), priority (sub-element is shared emotions), decision-making, and authority. The elder member wants being loved that are expressed through care and support from their family members. They want to get the priority through participation in the decision-making process, sharing their socio-cultural emotions with grandchildren and the authority to control the family member. Furthermore, there are five different key elements have emerged at the community level, such as celebrations, belongingness, interactions, community rights, and old age group feelings. The first element celebration elucidates various cultural and ritual celebrations of the community. The elder members are invited first in conducting particular festivals or ritual activities where the elder members participate actively and freely. The ritual activities are conducted under the complete supervision of elder members. The elderly individuals love to participate in dance, song, and consume local alcohol (mainly rice beer). The elderly members are considered as the pride of the tribal community. The young members consult to the elder community members on various issues, which bestows the elder members a sense of social security and mental satisfaction. The community members even discuss with the elder member’s group regarding community rights and prioritise the given decisions. It explains the group feelings within the elder group members within the community. And, all these elements elucidate the community level priority and acceptance of elder members that ultimately, framed in strengthening the subjective well-being of elder members at the community

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level. Therefore, the subjective well-being of the tribal elders is the combined aspects of family and community. There are various factors (family and community) that are responsible for shaping the framework of the subjective dimension of well-being of tribal elders.

Concluding Remarks and Policy Implications The anthropologists and sociologists acknowledge tribal society as a local community with a close association and a strong sense of kinship. The sense of respect and moral value is usually very strong among the community members, and the old age people are to be considered as an important asset of the society. Though, sixty years and above is considered as the benchmark of being considered as an elderly person in India, but, there are some c­ulture-specific criteria for constructing elderly in a tribal community. This study reveals that elderhood is something that is not limited within the chronological age; rather, it is culturally constructed, where the level of maturity and experience matter to a significant extent. On the contrary, reduction of physical ability to work and possession of grandchildren is considered as the essential factors in considering the stage of the elderly. Various criterias are used in perceiving elderly, which influence the status and role of an individual within the family and community. Tribal people contemplate ‘elderly’ as the consequence of the natural process of ‘aging’ that should not be limited or restricted within a phase of life. Elderly is not merely a social and cultural construction, but it is associated with certain physical and mental changes that reflect the characteristics of an elderly person. Generally, the tribal people perceive the elderly through two approaches, such as physical attributes and socio-cultural attributes. The physical attributes are characterized by the reduction of physical capabilities of doing hard work, wrinkled skin, whitening hair. On the contrary, socio-cultural attributes include possession of grandchildren, level of experiences regarding socio-cultural and ecological knowledge, ritual practices, and social maturity. It has emerged that the tribal elderly members hold a superior social status at both the social and community level due to possession of rich sources of knowledge. The male elder member, who is usually considered as the head of the family has the authority to control the family member too. The community members have admitted the suggestions of the elderly members at family and community level with highest respect and gratitude. The family and community members are very much responsive and concerned regarding the state of well-being of the elder members. The elderly members are free to do anything according to their choices. They are invited first at the community festivals to contribute and participate to a great extent. Love, priority, decision-making, and authority at the family level

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and celebrations, belongingness, interactions, community rights, and old age group feelings at the community level have been admitted as the contributing elements of the subjective well-being of tribal elders. Thus, the subjective dimension of well-being is influenced by several socio-cultural elements. Recapitulating, the sixty years of age benchmark in determining the elderly is not accepted in the tribal communities. It is just used to get registered at the panchayat office to avail the financial assistance from the government. The community people confessed that at the age of forty-five to forty-eight years (fourth decades of life cycle) the community members started the experience of reduction in physical capabilities due to excessive hard work for securing the livelihood. Therefore, the elderly related policies should be restructured. The financial assistance should be provided at the fourth decades of life, while they start experience and considered as an elder member that is based on the socio-cultural consideration. The deliberate focus needs to be given at the community development, as the community as an institution influences the subjective well-being of tribal elderly to a significant extent. We would like to suggest to revising the age structure in determining the elderly, especially for the tribal people in India. The standard age in determining the elderly is 60 years. But, due to harshness in life, the tribal people encounter the general characteristics of elderly in the fourth decades of life. Therefore, the standard age in determining the elderly should be 45 years for the tribal people in India. Providing economic support to the tribal elderly people should be given at the age of 45. It may be a new service delivery approach, especially for the tribal elderly people. It is assumed that the elderly people are the burden and unproductive human capital in society. But the socio-cultural knowledge as the human capital of the elder people of tribal communities may be an asset in case of micro-planning (environmental resource management). Therefore, the active participation in social and environmental resource planning may create a trusted and productive network that contribute towards greater independence among the tribal elderly individuals. Acknowledgements   Authors are thankful to anonymous reviewer for the comments on the earlier draft of this manuscript. Authors are also thankful to all the respondents for their active participation and community members for the excellent hospitality and cooperation during data collection process. Further, authors would like to register their gratitude for valuable support received from Uttaran Paul and Kalyan Roy. Funding Information   This study was a part of major research project (An ethnographic account on the wellbeing of the elderly and related public issues with reference to the tribals of eastern India) supported by Indian Council of Social Science Research (Grant Number- ­­F.No.-02/274/2016-17/ICSSR/RP).

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PART IV

Poverty in Numbers—Where India and China Stands Jianguo Gao and Rajendra Baikady

This part of the book examines the status, impact and implications of poverty on social development in India and China. China in recent decades achieved considerable progress in the economic development and become the second largest economy of the world. On the other hand, India also achieved considerable progress in trade and economy. However, despite of these remarkable growth records, both these countries continue are home for poor people and inequality in both these countries is growing. In the backdrop of gains by rapid economic and industrial growth it is quite interesting to understand the welfare spending by these Asian super economies. Hence, the authors in this section makes an attempt to study the current state of knowledge about poverty in India and China identify the agenda for further research. An overview of poverty and its impact on different populations groups is provided in the chapters so as to place impact of poverty in context. World’s attention is on China since early 1980s because of its unprecedented, sustained economic growth that resulted in rising income and improved standards of living for a majority of countries population. However, the market reforms introduced by Chinese government during 1980s not only helped china to lift many people out of poverty, but also resulted in new source of risk and vulnerability among new group of people especially the middle-class population. Available literature shows that, both India and China are making impressive economic growth in the recent decades. However, the police makers and administrators are also concerned about the results of these economic development and its impact on poverty reduction. Evidently much discussion in poverty literature is concerned about, wither this economic growth is yielding sufficient poverty reduction in both these countries. While recent data on poverty shows that,

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economic development across India and China resulted in poverty reduction and as a result both these countries lifted many people out of absolute poverty. Further rapid economic growth in China was the main reason behaving declining poverty rate since 1980. However, the growth process and the results of growth are not equally distributed among the different groups population. Most importantly the gap between rural and urban settlements is increasing in both India and China. Researchers have argued that in China poverty reduction was far more benefited by rural economic growth rather than urbanization process (Ravallion and Chen 2007). However, the growth process and gains of development was unevenly distributed across sectors and regions. Further many groups within the society were excluded form developmental process and befits of these development were hardly accessed by them. Haomiao Zhang, makes an attempt in exploring the issues related to social exclusion of women living on urban Dibao in China. Adopting the qualitative method, the study probe into the issue, how the key institutions in the four social relations including the market, the state, the community and the family create the social exclusion to female Dibao recipients from their subjective experience. She argues that formal employment market in China excludes the female Dibao recipients. Further the intersection between employment system, the national social security system, the community and the formal employment market is contributing to the worsening situation of women in the employment sector and leading to social exclusion. Further, social exclusion in different forms is practiced across both societies. Despite of India's promising economic performance, gender gap continues to be a huge social issue disturbing the development and growth of sustainable development. Further research shows that income inequality and lack of opportunity for women in India is the result of widely practiced gender inequality (Comyn, Kemmis, and Smith 2014). Women in India experience exclusion in social, economic and political aspects. Madhok (2014) argues that a country cannot see all round development when a large number of its population is excluded from basic facilities and lives in deprivation. Further widely practiced cultural norms and low level of education is keeping women at home (Rathi 2014) and away from economic, social and political participation. The norms such as patriarchy is practiced and accepted widely in India gives male members of the family to monitor the lives of women from birth to death (Chada and Sinha 2013; Razvi and Roth 2004). Largely available statistics across different sectors shows that women’s experience the exclusion in terms of finance (World Bank 2014), bank credit (RBI 2013), and job opportunities (Gandhi 2015). Sudeshna Ghosh in her chapter explores the Gender Segregated educational effects on income inequality in India. By adopting a time series analysis approach, the chapter makes an attempt in understanding how different forms of inequality affect growth and how inequality in turn is impacted by growth. In conformity, with the existing literature author argues that in order to reduce the income inequality a rise

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in gender parity in tertiary levels of education is required in India. Gander inequality is one of the most widely practiced form of inequality in Indian society across micro, mezzo and macro level. Gender inequality is not only effecting the economic growth of the country rather access to education, health, employment opportunities and professional advancement are also effected based on the gender of the aspirant. Gender inequality in India exists as a socially constructed norms, which pre defines the gender based roles which has historical and cultural ruts. Gender based allocation of resources, opportunities and acceptance can be seen in every aspect on Indian society including social, political and cultural domain. Further social practices in India have profound impact on the economic development as they do not allow women to participate in economic activates (Menon-Sen and Shiva Kumar 2001; Sivakumar 2008), and this excluded population of the country accounts for 48.2% of countries total population (Census of India 2011). The cultural framework in India defined the gender based entitlements ­(Menon-Sen and Kumar 2001) as a result girl child receives less attention, care and nurturing (Chand and Mehrotra 2012). Further Census data shows that a wide spread inequality and lack of opportunity for girls compared to male (Census of India 2011). Poverty is another important aspect that brings further inequality and discrimination among people. Both India and China experienced extreme poverty, whereas economic reforms and welfare provisions in China helped the people in finding employment and thereby improving their economic conditions. After the introduction of economic reforms China had achieved grate success in poverty reduction. However, the incidence of poverty still remains in the form of income inequality and regional imbalance and lack of opportunity based on social and economic conditions. While in China, poverty is still a rampant social issue and unequal distribution of resources and concentration of wealth in the hands of five influential people are the major reason for these inequality and injustice. Further division on the basis of caste, religion and gender leads to unequal and injustice society, where everyday life takes place on the base of these divides and categories. Tilak Jhain in his chapter ‘Welfare communication and poverty eradication in India and China'’ examines the media coverage of flagship poverty alleviation schemes in India and China. By doing so the chapter documents the successes and failures in governmental programmes towards poverty reduction in two different political systems with high number of population and growing economic inequality. The chapter argues that, success of any government programme focusing on poverty eradication mostly depends on the successful communication of the welfare programmes to its beneficiaries rather than merely allocating the resources. Literature argues that traditionally more concentration was on poverty reduction rather than inequality and equality. Programmes and polices formulated and implemented by both government and no-governmental actors were primarily intended to address poverty rather than increasing

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inequality in the society. However, the new economic development, introduction of globalization, liberalization in economic and trade policies have given rise to rapid changes in the society and as a result income and social inequality between different groups within the developing countries is growing rapidly. Discussion in the chapters covered in this section of the book focuses more on the need for effective policy implementation and monitoring rather than mere policy formulation. Indian economy is fundamentally an agrarian based economy since its independence. In the absence of advanced industrial sector agriculture supported India’s predominantly poor population in finding employment and livelihood. However even after eight decades of independence agricultural sector in India is still underdeveloped and underrepresented in the national priority in developmental plans. Despite of its considerable contribution in countries economic growth and achievements governments support and provisions for agricultural development is minimal. As a result, farming population in India is most poor and exploited section of the society. Lack of education, lack of access to health and lack of quality of life is effecting the family’s dependent on agricultural employment. While discussing the issues faced by farming community in India, Nitin Dhaktode in his chapter ‘Drought and Farmer Suicides in Marathwada: A Natural or Man-made Disaster?'’ seek answer for a five fundamental question; (i) whether drought and farmer suicides are natural or manmade disasters; (ii) What are the policy level efforts of the state and its impact; (iii) Socio-political, geographical and economics reasons of the issue. Adopting a mixed method approach the chapter brings our interesting findings in relation to welfare of farmers and their community. Earlier research has also highlighted the importance of agricultural development in economic growth. Researchers across the disciplines, time period and geographical boundary highlighted the need for agricultural development for achieving the overall development (Yao 2000; Gollin et al. 2002; Humphries and Knowles 1998). Further it was also argued that GDP growth through agricultural development is more effective and successful in poverty reduction than contribution by rest of the economy (Ravallion and Chen 2007). Investments in agriculture also helps in famers income growth (Timmer 2005) and thus helps in bringing down income gap between industrial and agrarian sector. However, the impact of manufacturing sector on agricultural growth is very minimal (Kanwar 2000). In sum, this part of the volume provides an insightful discussion on the poverty, inequality and economic development among two largest countries with largest number of population in the Asian region. The insights from these research findings shows that despite of regions growing and impressive performance in economic growth both these countries are facing numerus societal issues while welfare and social protection are the basics. Examinations by authors in this sections of the volume also provides the insights that welfare provisions are more effective in bringing change when the delivery and

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performance of these programmes are monitored by the government and administration. In addition, both in India and China economic, political and social barristers are still impacting the livelihood of the people (Perlman 2007) further unless the economy achieves a balanced growth globalization will not necessarily good for the economy of any country (Liang 2006).

Reference Census of India. (2011). Number of literates & literacy rate. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from http://censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/India_at_glance/literates1.aspx. Chada, R., & Sinha, K. D. (2013). Indian family systems, collectivistic society and psychotherapy. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 55, 299–309. Chand, S., & Mehrotra, M. (2012). An evaluation of major determinants of health care facilities for women in India. Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2(5), 1–9. DOI: https://doi.org/10.9790/0837-0250109. Comyn, P., Kemmis, R. B., & Smith, E. (2014). How can the expansion of the apprenticeship system in India create conditions for greater equity and social justice? Australian Journal of Adult Learning, 54, 369–387. Gandhi, Rajat. (2015, June 19). “Women in Business: Can P2P Lending Bridge Gender Gap in Access to Capital”. The Times of India. Gollin, D., Parente, S., & Rogerson, R. (2002). The role of agriculture in development. The American Economic Review, 92(2), 160–164. DOI: https://doi. org/0.1257/000282802320189177. Humphries, H., & Knowles, S. (1998). Does agriculture contribute to economic growth? Some empirical evidence. Applied Economics, 30(6). 775–781. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/000368498325471. Kanwar, S. (2000). Does the dog wag the tail or the tail the dog? Cointegration of Indian agriculture with nonagriculture. Journal of Policy Modeling, 22(5). 533– 556. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/S0161-8938(97)00161-0. Liang, Z. (2006). Threshold estimation on the globalization-poverty Nexus: Evidence from China. (Research Paper No. 2006/057). Helsinki: The United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research. Madhok, D. (2014, July 23). Missing women: India’s record in women’s participation in the workforce is depressing. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from http:// qz.com/238484/indias-record-in-womens-participation-in-the-workforce-is-depressing/. Menon-Sen, K., & Shiva Kumar, A. K. (2001). Women in India: How free? How equal? New Delhi, India: United Nations Development Assistance Framework. Perlman, Janice E. (2007). Globalization and the urban poor. (Research Paper No. 2007/076). Helsinki: The United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research. Rathi, A. (2014). India’s urban work boom is leaving women behind. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from http://theconversation.com/indias-urban-work-boom-isleaving-women-behind-22668. Ravallion, M., & Chen, S. (2007). China’s (uneven) progress against poverty. Journal of Development Economics, 82(1). 1–42. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco. 2005.07.003.

216  Part IV: POVERTY IN NUMBERS—WHERE INDIA AND CHINA STANDS Razvi, M., & Roth, G. (2004). Socio-economic development and gender inequality in India. In T. M. Egan, M. L. Morris, & V. Inbakumar (Eds.), Proceedings of the Academy of Human Resource Development (pp. 168–175). Bowling Green, OH: Academy of Human Resource Development. Reserve Bank of India (2013, July 22). Outstanding credit of scheduled commercial banks according to organizations. Retrieved March 16, 2020, from https://www. rbi.org.in/SCRIPTs/PublicationsView.aspx?id=11407. Sivakumar, M. (2008). Gender discrimination and women’s development in India. Munich Personal RePEc Archive. Retrieved March 10, 2020, from http://mpra. ub.uni-muenchen.de/10901/. The World Bank. (2014). Financial inclusion data/global index. Retrieved November 21, 2019, from http://datatopics.worldbank.org/financialinclusion/country/india. Timmer, P. (2005). Agriculture and pro-poor growth: What the literature says. Draft paper, Agricultural and Rural Development Department, Washington, DC: World Bank. Yao, S. (2000). How important is agriculture in China’s economic growth?. Oxford Development Studies, 28(1). 33–49. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/713688306.

CHAPTER 12

Social Exclusion of Female Dibao Recipients in Urban China Haomiao Zhang

Introduction In 1990s, as China speeded up the transformation from the planned e­ conomy to the market economy, the unemployment and newly born city poverty became one of the serious social problems for China. In the late 1990s, there were more than 11 million laid-off workers. Increasing unemployment rates result in mounting poverty, and according to estimates made by the Urban Investigation Project Group of the State Statistical Bureau, there were about 25 million (or 8.6% of the total urban population) urban poor in the late 1990s. To address the issue of new urban poverty, from 1999 onwards, China set up a brand-new social assistance program—Dibao (Minimum Living Standard Guarantee System) for urban residents (Leung & Wong, 1999). It is an institutional social assistance program whereby any urban household—as long as its average income is below the threshold set by the local government—is entitled to receive the minimum living allowance from the government. After nearly twenty years of development, Dibao, which is the core of social assistance system, now covers all of urban and rural areas in China. The benefits of urban Dibao are means-tested and all levels of civil affairs departments are in charge of it. It should be noted that the administration of urban Dibao relies heavily on “local bureaucrats,” which refer to the staff of the Residents’ Committees (RCs). Although RCs are nominally self-organized, they are treated as a branch of the sub-district level governments and perform the administrative work assigned (Huang, 2003). In the H. Zhang (*)  School of Public Administration, Sichuan University, Chengdu, China e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_12

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administrative practice of the urban Dibao, an RC staff member initiates the assessment. Usually, the supervisor in the SO-civil affair cadre does not express a second opinion about the result, because they believe that the RC staff member should be the most familiar with the circumstances. To keep the administrative cost low, the civil affair cadres at SOs often concurrently hold other posts, such as managing homes for the aged and daycare centers for the disabled. Most of the cadres do not attain an education level higher than middle school level and most of them start to work after basic training on policy structure and operation of urban Dibao (Huang, 2003). In short, RC staff and SO cadres constitute the interface linking the Dibao to its recipients (Lei, 2014). According to the statistics data of the Ministry of Civil Affairs of China, the proportion of urban female Dibao recipients to nationwide urban Dibao recipients has undergone an increasing tendency year by year since 2010. By 2016, it had reached 43%, which was 6.37 million (Fig. 12.1). Early in 1970s, the proposition of the concept “Feminization of Poverty” had raised the interest of the academic world in the female poverty problem research. By the end of 1990s, the female poverty problem drew attentions from the world again. The United Nation Fourth World Conference of Women had probed into the female poverty problem in details. It pointed out that, for the transforming economy countries and the developing countries, the phenomenon of the increasing poor women had become a significant problem. In 2005, the United Nations Human Development Report Summaries had clearly pointed out that the gender was one of the strongest symbols to indicate the weak position of a person in the world. In recent years, the increasing proportion of the female Dibao recipients in China has indicated that the social problem taking the poor women as the principal begins to show in our country. By far, the researches on Dibao mainly start from the macroscopic vision to investigate the design and implementation

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Fig. 12.1  The proportion of women Dibao recipients of the total Dibao recipients in urban China (Note The number of women Dibao recipients and total Dibao recipients in urban China can be found in Civil affairs statistical yearbook, various years)

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problems of the system and present the policy suggestions for improving Dibao from the angle of the policymaker (Cho, 2010; Gao, Garfinkel, & Zhai, 2009; Gustafsson & Deng, 2011; Hong, 2004; Lei, 2014; Leung &Wong, 1999; Solinger, 2008; Wong, Chen, & Zeng, 2013).

Aims There is little research on inspecting the subjective experience and feelings of the Dibao recipients from the micro perspective. Moreover, there is a lack of gender perspective. The shortage of the gender angle has resulted in the ignorance on the survival experience of the female Dibao recipients. The women living on Dibao bear the two disadvantaged position symbols: the poverty and the gender. How’s the survival condition of them under such a disadvantaged plight? Have they ever been excluded by the society? If they have been excluded, how does the social exclusion happen? For the above problems, this paper will apply the social exclusion theories, adopt the qualitative research methods, and probe into the issue how the key institutions in the four social relations including the market, the state, the community, and the family undertake the social exclusion to the female Dibao recipients from their subjective experience.

Theoretical Framework The concept of social exclusion originated from France in 1970s. It was put forward during the research on the poverty and inequality. Later, the meaning of social exclusion kept being updated and expanded. Different from the traditional poverty, the social exclusion included the process of social disintegration that the relationship breaking between the developing individual and society due to the increasing long-termed unemployment (Gore, 1995), meaning the social members hope to join in the society with the citizen identity but have been stopped by the social element that they can’t control, therefore, the civic rights of the social member can’t be realized. Now, the concept is widely used and contested in research communities (Morris, Barnes, & Mason, 2009). Although the theory of the social exclusion was produced in the developed country, it’s still of a high value for the developing country, for it could be used to explain the social problems that developing countries are confronting with (Rodgers, 1995). Although the social exclusions have different conceptions, they share the common character, i.e., the emphasis on the social relationship, including the insufficient social participation and the shortage of the social integration and rights (Li, 2015). It pays attention to the impact of the social relationship element on the poverty research and brings the non-economic factors into the analysis framework of the social problem. Therefore, the social exclusion theory can provide a better angle for the research of poverty and disadvantaged group in China.

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The social relationship means all kinds of structural relationships in the society. It has allotted a position for everyone in the social structure and hierarchy. Therefore, the social relationship will produce inequality (Kabeer, 2000). Poverty originates from the inequality social relationship between people, which has determined the unfair relationship between the human and the resource, the right requirement and the responsibility. The analysis on the social relationship can’t separate with the institutions, which is a frame for the regulations formulated for the specific social and economic targets. Such institutions confirm the production, the consolidation, and the reproduction of the social relationship, and then create and maintain the social differences and inequality. The four key institutions that influence social relationship include the market, the state, the community, and the family (Kabeer, 2000). The social exclusion will happen in different institutional levels. When the institutions like the market, the state, the community, and the family have systemically refused to provide resources and recognitions to some social groups, these groups can’t thoroughly join in the social life, and then social exclusion is created. When the inequality participation principles in different institutional fields reinforce mutually, an unrestricted social exclusion will be resulted in (Li, 2015). The above theories related to the social exclusion and institution exclusion have offered an effective analytical frame for this research. This article will start from the narration of the women living on Dibao, and discover how they are excluded by the four key institutions in the social relationship, i.e., the market, the state, the community, and the family. These institutions are the external structural elements that the social member can’t control, the main reasons why these social members can’t join in and are excluded, and the explanation for the creation of social exclusion (Le Grand & Richardson, 2002).

Methods This article researches on how the market, the state, the community, and the family create a social exclusion on female Dibao recipients. By adopting the qualitative method, this research will undertake the site observation and the in-depth interview to understand the survival condition and the subjective feelings of the female Dibao recipients in urban China. The research location is chosen in the G community, Wuhou District, Chengdu City. Chengdu is the largest city in the southwest of China. Chengdu’s Dibao policies and the composition of its recipients are similar to other cities with larger populations. Thus, Dibao recipients in Chengdu can be considered representative to some degree. Wuhou District is in the central area of Chengdu city. G community is one of the communities with a dense population in Wuhou District, with a total area of about 0.21sq.km., a permanent resident population of 4258, a resident volume of 10,645, and

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23 available property management centers, commercial and residential buildings, and resident courtyards. There are 9 property management courtyards, 5 commercial and residential buildings, 9 resident courtyards. It’s known that there are 41 Dibao households, 93 Dibao recipients in total, and 45 female Dibao recipients. This community was recommended by the relevant official of the Civil Affairs Bureau after the author had expressed the research goal and requirements to the Chengdu Civil Affairs Bureau. G Community is an old resident area that has collected most of the elements in the city life of Chengdu. The recommendation of the official in the Civil Affairs Bureau had helped the author get into the survey site smoothly and gather the relevant information. The study adopts the purposive sampling technique, and the staff of the G Community who was responsible for auditing Dibao had searched the files of the Dibao recipients to identify the participants who had met the research criteria. The criteria included: (a) female; (b) 35–50 years old; (c) Receiving Dibao for more than 2 years. The female participants aged 35–50 and have received Dibao for more than 2 years were chosen, because they were in their middle age and bore the responsibility of childbearing and family management. What’s more, the subjective experience of the women receiving the Dibao allowance for a long time would contain more information. At last, under the help of the staff, the writer had successfully interviewed 13 female Dibao recipients. All the interviews were conducted in the respondents’ homes, without staff in the RCs. This increased the validity because the social assistance recipients are more willing to share their experiences when officials are absent (Lei, 2014). During the interviews, the author had observed the living condition, the clothes dressing, and the body language of the interviewee. Such observations did help to know and experience the living condition and spirit situation of the interviewee, and increase the understanding about the interviewee. The in-depth interview of every interviewee had lasted for about 40 minutes. Due to the same gender as the interviewee, the interview barriers caused by the gender difference had been removed. Using the female way and language to talk with the research objects about the problems that both parties cared had provided advantages for the female interviewees to talk their life stories and guaranteed the smooth going of the interview. During the interview, the author had respected the privacy right by confirming that the interviewee wouldn’t be harmed and the personal information wouldn’t be revealed. The interview content is centered on the opinions and experience of the female Dibao recipients on the market employment system, the national social security system, the community service system, and the i­ntra-household labor system. The questions for all the interviews were similar and included the following: “What’s the problem that you have come across in the employment market?” “Do you think the injustice or inequality does exist in the employment market?” “Do you cover by the social insurance? If not, what’s the reason?” “Can Dibao or other social assistance and welfare fulfill

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your basic living needs? Why?” “What kinds of social service offered by the community have you received? Did they help?” “What’s your opinion on the community services? What’s the service that you desire the most?” “What’s the main difficulty for your family? What’s the main reason? How to solve these difficulties?” “What household have you undertaken? Have you shouldered the responsibility of taking care of the family member? Do you think the intra-household labor division is reasonable?” It should be noted that the small sample and purposive sampling strategy of this qualitative study naturally limits the generalization; however, it can point to directions for future research in the field of social exclusions of poor women in urban China.

Findings Market: The Employment System and Exclusion Before the economy transformation, the labor resource distribution was solved through the administrative method, the full employment was the goal, the principle of gender equality had been strictly implemented, and the female employment rate had been in the front ranks of the world (Li, 2015). However, after the economy transformation, the enterprises began to choose the labor force in the labor market. Due to the maternity and the children raising that would affect the women’s labor productivity, the female was in a weak position in the employment market, so the employment problem for the female was obvious and serious. According to the data of the World Bank, from 1990 to 2016, the female labor participation rate in China had kept dropping from 73 to 63% (Xi, 2017). What’s more, the gap between the female participation rate and the male participation rate kept increasing. According to the demographic census in 2011, the female employment rate was 13.8% lower than that of the male. In a word, the female employment rate was much lower than that of the male (Xi, 2017). The gender element has a profound impact on the employment chance, the salary income, and the employment post situation. Therefore, the female is confronting more difficulties than the male. Due to the gender, the age, the education degree, and the skill level, the poor female in the city were rejected by the mainstream labor market, so most of them would work on the informal jobs that were of high labor intensity and low salary, such as housekeeping, clean-keeping, and nursing. When talking about the employment, many women living on Dibao said with deep feelings: W2 stated: “Last year, they introduced a job for me in the canteen. It has no rest on weekends, the salary is only around 1200 Yuan per month, without any social insurance, and is far away from my home. My child is in junior high school, I have to cook for him, so I did not accept the job after final consideration. After all, there are many benefits (attached with Dibao) such as low-rent

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housing, which is essential. If I go to work, probably my house (low-rent housing) will be taken back. Besides, jobs for us are unstable, I can only work for several years or even several months. Why should I take a risk of losing stable Dibao allowance?” W10 sighed helplessly when talking about employment and she said: “I had a job before. Looking back now, having job is good so that I can live actively and obtain dignity. However, I have chronic disease, and at my age it is very difficult to find a satisfactory job. The jobs for us are cleaning, housekeeping, etc., which are unstable, with low salary. It is unworthy to give up Dibao for employment.” The words of W2 and W10 had shown out the female Dibao recipients were in a marginalized position in the employment market due to the age, the education, and the skill level limitations. Being rejected by the formal labor market and hard to get a dignity life through the employment, they would rather choose to depend on the assistance than withdraw from Dibao. The employment not only means a piece of income but also represents the dignity and the social capital. The exclusion of the labor market will make the women living on the subsistence allowances have a sense of alienation and helplessness, so it’s hard for them to enter the mainstream social life.

State: The Social Security System and Exclusion Before Chinese economy transformation in 1990s, the social security system formed in the planned economy mainly had offered the overall welfare to the employee through the work unit, which had effectively guaranteed the basic life of the employee. As the deepening of the market reform, the original unit guarantee system collapsed, a number of laid-off and unemployed workers not only lost their jobs but also lost the social security related to the jobs. The newly formed social security system under the market economy includes the social insurance, the social assistance, and the social welfare. The state, the employer, and the individual shoulder the responsibilities together. At present, social insurance as the core of the social security system is mainly related with the formal employment. However, most of the female Dibao recipients are unemployed or in informal employment, so the exclusion is created. For example, when talking about the endowment insurance, W1 said: “When I had a job before, I had ever bought the endowment insurance. However, when I was unemployed, I stopped the paying. Later when I wanted to continue the paying, I was told that I had to start over again. So I gave up. I don’t know too much about the policy. When I started to get Dibao allowance, I didn’t care endowment insurance anymore.” W7 looked helpless when talking about the social insurance: “Nowadays, the social insurance is paid by the regular employers. If we don’t have the regular employer, we have to pay it all by ourselves. I even can’t handle my daily life, how could I have money to pay the social insurance?”

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The core of social assistance system is Dibao, with the medical aid and the housing aid as the supplement. In 2016, the benefit level of the urban Dibao only accounted for 17.6% of the average disposable income of urban residents. The majority of the female interviewees had said that the existing benefit of Dibao couldn’t fulfill the basic living needs. Medical aid can only have a small coverage and has excluded many female Dibao recipients. What W10 had said was representative. “How high the commodity price is! The Dibao allowance about 800 Yuan every month is not enough! My health is poor and I have to buy medicines always. It’s lucky that my older sister helps me.” W8 is suffering from a chronic disease. She said she had ever applied for the medical assistance but got refused. She said, “I have rheumatism and buying medicine is a heavy burden on my family. I used to ask the worker who was responsible for social assistance affairs in my community if I could apply for and get medical aid. She told me that medical aid was only for those who had serious illnesses, such as uremia and cancer. I think this scheme only sounds good but most of the sick poor cannot get help from it. I have to buy the medicine every month, and Dibao allowance is not enough.” The social welfare in China mainly includes disabled welfare and elder. Two of the interviewed female recipients are disabled. When talking about the topic that whether they have enjoyed the welfare of the disabled, W9 said, “I have received the subsidy for the disabled, which is about 200Yuan every month. The Disabled Persons’ Federation encourages us to buy the social insurance, saying that they will pay 60% of the fee and the rest 40% will be borne by ourselves. However, where should I go to get this 40%? What’s more, if I purchase the social insurance, the Dibao allowance and the welfare of the disabled will be canceled. So I didn’t buy it.” From this we can see that, in the welfare of the disabled, the policy to help the disabled by the social insurance, for the female Dibao recipients, bear the problem of exclusion, for they were unable to shoulder up the fee. In a word, although female Dibao recipients are protected by Dibao, due to the disequilibrium development of the social security system has made the system tend to the powerful group, the social security rights of the female recipients have been excluded. They can’t fully enjoy the protection of the social security system, so it’s possible that they will be stuck in Dibao for a long time (Chen, Wong, & Zeng, 2013). Community: The Service System and Exclusion Before the economy transformation, the social service is offered by the country and the workplace. For the grass-roots organizations that people live in—Residents’ Committee, people didn’t have too much attachment sense or belonging sense, because the service content of the community at that time was too limited (Li, 2015). After the economy transformation, as the social members changed from the “Unit People” to the “Society People,”

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the government had presented the idea of the community service network construction, which included the residents favorable service, such as the convenient family service, elderly care service, health care service, and psychological counseling service, and community welfare service, which targets at the vulnerable group in the community (Li, 2015). In the community service system, the community services that are directly relevant to the women living on Dibao mainly include the community employment service and the family support service. In the community employment service, the female Dibao recipients with labor capacity will be offered with the employment training and the job recommendation service. From the angle of the existing employment service, the community didn’t provide enough support for the female recipients, and the employment service didn’t become the main work of the community (Li, 2015). On one hand, there were not so many employment training chances. Most female recipients hadn’t ever join in the training, even they did, they would say the training was too impractical that it didn’t meet the need and couldn’t help them find jobs. For example, W13 didn’t attend the training, and her words were representative, “I have ever heard about it, but I didn’t know the detail procedure. It seemed to be notified by the community. However, nobody had ever found me. So I didn’t get the training.” W11 had joined in the training, but she indicated that the training wasn’t helpful for her job finding: “The training was notified by the community for free. At the beginning, the training makes me joyful, I was very happy that I would have a job right away. However, I found it was useless later. Only homemaking and cooking, there is nothing quite suitable or helpful to find a stable job.” On the other hand, in the job recommendation aspect, the jobs recommended by the community would be the low-end informal posts, such as the housekeeping and the ­clean-keeping, which are low in income, weak in stability, and shortage of the social insurance. Just as the narration in the employment system, the female recipients would rather choose to be unemployed than lose Dibao allowance and the relevant assistance treatments. In the family support service, all of the female interviewees have said the communities haven’t ever provided the family support service but the Dibao allowances and relative subsidies. The Dibao allowance, the festival conciliatory gifts, and the subsidy of the government were released to Dibao households by Residents’ Committee in the community. Most of the female interviewees have appreciated the attitude of the residents’ community staff, however, they also have said that the community’s help is limited in the care and comforting without the actual family support service. For example, the W7, whose husband had died of cancer, said, “The head of residents’ community will inquire after our life, however, for the detailed family difficulties, we have to figure it out by ourselves.” At the age of 36, W12 is still young and has a strong working willing. However, she is stuck in the family caring and can’t go to work. She said, “I want to go out to work. But I am worried about my

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child and parents. If the community is equipped with the daytime care service to help take care of the child and the elder for me, I can go to work in the daytime. The community has ever said they would help me to find or recommend a job. They said I was young and it was easy for me to find a job. However, can I work? Looking at the present situation, I have to stay at home.” From here we can see that, the limited and incomplete community service system has caused the social exclusion to the female Dibao recipients. Their development and rights of joining in the social life have been limited, so they will be always in such a disadvantaged position.

Family: The Labor Division System and Exclusion Before the economic transformation, Chinese government emphasized on the woman liberation, and the women were encouraged to actively find jobs. Commonly the workplaces would be equipped with the nursing room, the child-care center, and the kindergarten, providing convenience to the mothers to work. Some units even have their own primary schools and middle schools (Jiang, 2003), so the women would bear fewer responsibilities in taking care of the family. However, after the economic transformation, the welfares that the units were offering had been canceled. Taking care of children and doing housework conflict with the work. The urban women in a better economic condition would solve the housework and children raising problem through socialization. However, for the poor women, they can’t afford the socialization of the housework and the children caring, so the housework and the children care had cost all of their time and became a big barrier for them to participate in the labor market. W12 shook her head and said, “My child is still too young to go to the kindergarten. I have to wait for one more year. If I go to work now, my salary even isn’t enough to pay the baby-sitter. I really can’t leave and work now.” W2 has divorced and now she is living with her mother who is ill and the daughter who goes to the senior school now. When talking about the family problem, she was a little upset: “My mother is suffering from the encephalatrophy, so she is unable to handle her life. She is even incontinent. My daughter is going to the middle school. I’m the only one that is capable of working, but……I really don’t have other ways out.” Besides, all the female interviewees living on Dibao are undertaking most of the housework. It’s shown by the researches that, the housework is different according to the gender, the housework time for the female is three times of that of the male (Yang, 2014), and the housework will have a bad impact on the women’s income and career (Becker, 1985). The marriage between W10 and her husband exists in name only. Without a piece of decent furniture, her house has a cement floor and unpainted walls. Her husband handles nothing, while she has to bear all the housework. She said, “I’m responsible for all the housework. What can I do? He does nothing at all. I even have to purchase and carry heavy bags of rice and flour. I have to do it, or I have nothing to cook, right?” W4

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said, “I don’t have a job, so I have to handle the housework at home. Basically all the housework is done by myself. There is something wrong with his waist, what’s more, he is so lazy that he is not willing to do it. I’m embarrassed to require him to do. I feel wronged sometimes. I work so hard at home, without getting any economic status or social status. I’m unable to deal with such an imbalance.” From above, it finds that taking care of the family members and doing housework have taken up most of the time and energy of the female Dibao recipients, for they are not able to afford the expense of hiring others to do the housework and take care of the family member. At last, they have to depend on themselves, and the exclusion by the employment system becomes worse. This means that the family labor division system has made the female recipients lose the time resource for the housework and the family member care. And they’re blocked to enter the labor market.

Conclusion This research has found that, the women living on Dibao in the city have faced social exclusion, and their living condition is not that optimistic. Due to the age, the education background and the skill level, the female Dibao recipients are excluded from the formal employment market. Besides the market employment system, the national social security system, the community service system, and the family labor division system worsened the marginalized condition and the exclusion state of the female recipients instead of correcting their exclusion by the employment market. The family division of labor makes female recipients bear most domestic work and family care responsibility, which not only prevents women from participating in labor market, but also reinforces women’s social roles and limits their employment area, thus the exclusion of women recipients is further aggravated by the employment market. The State’s social security system is linked to formal employment, and women Dibao recipients lose the right to many social security, in particular social insurance, because they are being excluded from the labor market and formal employment. This has forced them to be dependent on the only national social security system, the Dibao system, which they are able to enjoy, resulting in dependency on Dibao and a low level of living in the long term. Community employment service and family support service are mainly concerned with the community service system for female recipients, but the current two services are inadequate and are far from meeting the needs of women recipients, which has also exacerbated the exclusion of women in the employment market. In conclusion, the social exclusion of female recipients is shown as a dynamic process in the interactions of the four key institutions of the market, the state, the community, and the family, such that, with respect to other women, women living on Dibao are less equal in access to the opportunity, demand satisfaction, participation, and realization of rights. Social exclusion of female Dibao recipients easily leads to their long-term dependency on Dibao.

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In view of the social exclusion of women recipients, the exclusion should be reduced and eliminated from the following aspects: First, regulate the employment system, including reducing and eliminating gender discrimination in the labor market, strengthening employment training and guidance to female Dibao recipients, and enhancing their employability. At the same time, strengthen the management and regulation of informal employment, gradually establish the industry minimum wage, maximum working hours, minimum non-wage welfare, and other systems. Second, the social security system should be perfected, and the female Dibao and other informal employment or non-employment groups should be ensured through the improvement of the social security system, so as to ensure the real enjoyment of the social security rights of the aged, the medical, and the like. Third, improve community service system, female Dibao group is a kind of human capital, should pay attention to their employment training and improve the training quality, at the same time to develop community family support service. The whole government and the social resources jointly solve the problems of family members caring and housework of urban poor women. In sum, it should further standardize the employment system, improve the social security system, and promote the integration of the functions the community and the family, establish a coordination mechanism between the main institutions of the four social relations in the market, the state, the community, and the family, to reduce and eliminate social exclusion of the female Dibao recipients. Funding    The research is funded by National Social Science Project of China (17BSH062).

References Becker, G. S. (1985). Human capital, effort, and the sexual division of labor. Journal of Labor Economics, 3(1), 33–58. Chen, H., Wong, Y., & Zeng, Q. (2013). Negotiating poverty from midlife to pre-old age: A longitudinal study on social assistance recipients in Shanghai. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development, 23(4), 285–298. Cho, M. (2010). On the edge between ‘the People’ and ‘the Population’: Ethnographic research on the Minimum Livelihood Guarantee. China Quarterly, 201, 20–37. Gao, Q., Garfinkel, I., & Zhai, F. (2009). Anti-poverty effectiveness of the Minimum Living Standard Assistance policy in urban China. Review of Income and Wealth, 55(Suppl.1), 630–655. Gore, C. (1995). Introduction: Markets, citizenship and social exclusion. In G. Rodgers, C. Gore & J. B. Figueiredo (Eds.), Social exclusion: Rhetoric, reality and responses (pp. 1–39). Geneva: International Labor Organization. Gustafsson, B., & Deng, Q. (2011). Di Bao receipt and its importance for combating poverty in urban China. Poverty and Public Policy, 3(1), 1–32. Hong, D. Y. (2004). China’s social assistance during the period of transition. Shenyang: Liaoning Educational Press. (In Chinese)

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Huang, C. X. (2003). Social assistance in urban China: A case study in Shanghai (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China. Jiang, Y. (2003). Urban women’s employment under two systems in China. Collection of Women’s Studies, 11(1), 15–21. (In Chinese) Kabeer, N. (2000). Social exclusion, poverty and discrimination: Towards an analytical framework. IDS Bulletin, 31(4), 83–97. Le Grand, J., & Richardson, L. (2002). Outsider and insider expertise: The response of residents of deprived neighborhoods to an academic definition of social exclusion. CASEpaper, CASE/57. Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. Lei, J. (2014). Covering whoever is eligible? An exploratory study on the eligibility of the Urban Minimum Living Standard Guarantee in China. Critical Social Policy, 34(2), 155–174. Leung, J., &Wong, H. (1999). The emergence of a community-based social assistance program in urban China. Social Policy & Administration, 33(1), 39–54. Li, M. (2015). How institutions create inequality? Beijing: China Social Science Press. (In Chinese) Morris, K., Barnes, M., & Mason, P. (2009). Children, families and social exclusion: New approaches to prevention. Bristol, UK: Policy Press. Rodgers, G. (1995). What is special about a social exclusion approach? In G. Rodgers, C. Gore & J. B. Figueiredo (Eds.), Social exclusion: Rhetoric, reality and responses (pp. 43–55). Geneva: International Labor Organization. Solinger, D. (2008). The Dibao recipients: Mollified anti-emblem of urban modernization. China Perspectives, 76, 36–46. Wong, Y. C., Chen, H. L., & Zeng, Q. (2013). Social assistance in Shanghai: Dynamics between social protection and informal employment. International Journal of Social Welfare, 23(3), 333–341. Xi, Y. (2017). Chinese women’s work rate taking lead in the world? A misunderstanding. Retrieved May 27, 2017, from http://view.news.qq.com/original/intouchtoday/n3906.html. Yang, J. (2014). Continuity and strategy: The gender differences in the division of housework in China 1990–2010. Academic Research, 56(2), 31–41. (In Chinese)

CHAPTER 13

Welfare Communication and Poverty Eradication in India and China Tilak Jha

Unlike India, China went through serious economic upheavals—as during the Great Leap Forward and the Great Famine, not to ignore the Cultural Revolution—but it also has had phenomenal successes since its first reform and opening up began in 1978. China has received global praise and attention for bringing up—according to its 2016 White Paper on poverty reduction—more than 700 million people out of poverty, within little more than three decades. China’s achievements on other fronts of social welfare have been dramatic as well. A key difference in the Indian and Chinese approach towards poverty eradication has been the effectiveness of government’s propaganda or welfare communication. Indian government relies on a largely commercialised private media and state-owned radio and TV stations—often with varying political sympathies, to make people aware of a multiplicity of poverty relief programmes—several of them announced with little or no planning during the run-up to elections. Chinese government has an entire range of media ready to speak in one voice, on and above an increasingly competitive ­party-state apparatus from the top to bottom—to push forth its poverty eradication and other social welfare programmes in campaign mode. A comparative analysis of the coverage of poverty-related news, programmes and statements made by the concerned authorities—both at the public and private level in India and China, has the potential to unravel related issues, and the communication matrix and the mechanism behind it.

T. Jha (*)  Bennett University, Greater Noida (Delhi-NCR), India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_13

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This paper proposes to analyse the theoretical and practical contours of the framework of communication—read media and propaganda—in two of the world’s most populated countries, with a fundamentally different political set-up, when it comes to poverty eradication. It will achieve this by comparing the media coverage of the flagship poverty alleviation schemes in India and China in recent times and their successes vis-a-vis the most vulnerable sections of their population.

Introduction The communication of welfare in India and China greatly differs in its nature and character. An Indian newspaper or media—nearly all of whom are private—usually adopts an anti-government stance and often pushes ­poverty-related news to the back pages. And though Indian leaders frequently vow their commitment to poverty alleviation, the truth notwithstanding, media rarely shows them as sincere. Rather, there is an overwhelming preponderance of media comments and commentaries which call these vows to be aimed at gaining votes and sympathies rather than uprooting poverty. Whatever the role of the “independent media” in India be, there is evidence to show that the competing promises of “free” benefits such as food, laptop, cash and clothes from different electoral parties to the poor has gone to the extent of “political brinkmanship”. The case of China is almost the exact opposite. Chinese media—a de facto “state media” set up editorially—is required to highlight the “positive” aspects of the government and focus less upon anything “controversial”. A Chinese newspaper or TV channel usually gives blanket coverage to the official calls to deal with poverty and almost never questions the intent of it. If at all, Chinese leaders’ promises to wipe poverty are questioned by the media upon methodology and in rare cases, about their failures. While there are reports which point to the significant issues (read corruption) with China’s poverty campaigns in terms of implementation, its achievements are better than India—whose own poverty alleviation successes have been no less remarkable compared to the rest of the world. That brings forth the need to compare the welfare communication of anti-poverty schemes in the world’s two most populated countries.

Welfare Policies and Welfare Communication in India and China Welfare is a social, political and economic tool, and stands at the core of how the worldview of an individual is shaped (Clarke and Ginsburg 1975). Understanding welfare communication dimensions in the context of media coverage in India and China requires figuring out the political nature of it.

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Political theories of poverty believe that power and institutions cause policy, which in turn cause poverty and influence the relationship between behaviour and poverty. There is little doubt on the fact that poverty often is a result of the power relations inequalities that is institutionalised by the existing political process. The extent of the role of politics in poverty, therefore, often supersedes the behavioural and structural challenges causing it. Politics determines the distribution of resources and usually, collective political actors favour the disadvantaged (Brady et al. 2013; Lohmann 2009; Rosenfeld and Laird 2016). However, for it to happen often requires the resources of the scale of developed, rich countries. But, developing countries do not have enough resources. Such a situation allows the elite to seek political realignments on the basis of non-economic sociocultural ideologies such as race, religion or caste. The extent of success of such alignments or realignments in favour of politics of resource or sociocultural ideology determines the nature and effectiveness of anti-poverty measures in general and welfare communication in particular. In brief, it is the political set-up which needs to be understood to explain and understand the fundamental nature and causes of poverty in any country or society. Overall, it would be fair to say socioeconomic policies are in a constant and invariable interaction with the political and institutional contexts. Of course, ultimately, a genuinely poverty-alleviating politics must bring in behavioural and structural changes to succeed. Thus, politics in general and its primary exercisers—the government—can achieve an appropriate welfare communication mix by playing the moderator between structural and behavioural dimensions that bring poverty. In reality, in an increasingly neo-liberal geoeconomic set-up, the rising costs of welfare commodities and the tendency to solve it through purely economic means creates circumstances for welfare policies to be insufficiently focused and inappropriately planned. In India, where competing goals of development and elections revolve in a never-ending cycle, welfare is influenced by what can be termed “political planning”. The complications of caste, creed, language, religion and region further complicate it. However, what makes it worse is the failure of the government and the concerned stakeholders to build a compelling welfare rhetoric. Though China also has its own regional, ethnic and other complications, due to its different media and propaganda set-up, it does seem to have certain advantages in communicating welfare policies. This context brings us to the another key theoretical framework for this research—the rhetoric theory of communication which among others assumes that logic appeals to human rationality. In the realm of communication, it draws primarily from the “propaganda element of the rhetoric”. The paper also draws from theories of space and segregation, namely “neighbourhood effect” and the concept of “cultural and environmental

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determinism”. Given the kind of topic it is, the paper assumes having to deal with lot of unstatedness both deliberate and unknown. To measure them, it depends on qualitative assessment of the media coverage of welfare schemes in both the countries. The adoption of several neo-liberal growth policies in recent decades by countries world over including India and China has made the rich richer and the poor poorer as reflected in their worsening Gini coefficients (Ghosh 2010). The claims of governments to be pro-common people in a fiercely contested market with problems of demand–supply mismatch and competitiveness have the political state ceding their welfare role without sufficiently pushing the market to fill the welfare gap (Doherty 2003). The fundamental duty of a government in a state is one of the great facilitators which ensures proper and fair distribution of wealth in favour of the weaker sections much like what the Nordic countries seem to have pioneered (The Economist 2013). On the one hand, it has to help businesses grow and create jobs for common people—both residents and migrants. On the other hand though, it ought to help poor people with access to equal opportunities of health, shelter, housing and education among others. It is this role that provides the governments with legitimacy of the masses. China and India have a long history of welfare communication; however, this paper will primarily bring forth examples from 2013–2014 onwards— the period since when both the countries have arguably “strong” leaders in command.

Welfare Communication in China: Beyond Poverty Alleviation Since he first promised to wipe out absolute poverty in 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping has consistently also talked about bringing prosperity and building a “moderately prosperous society”. Xi used poverty-related words (tuopin or pinku) no less than 10 times in his New Year eve message on 31 December 2018. On the same eve in 2017, Xi had promised to rid China of absolute poverty by 2020 for “the first time in several thousand years of history of the Chinese nation”. And on 21 October 2018, Xi praised China’s entrepreneurs for “enthusiastically devoting themselves to poverty eradication and helping many poor people live a good life”. The Chinese leader also stressed upon poverty alleviation and other welfare measures in his speeches to China’s parliament—the National People’s Congress (NPC)—in March 2018, and to the ruling Communist Party of China’s (CPC) crucial five-yearly congress in October 2017. At the closing meeting of the 13th NPC on 20 March 2018, Xi had said: “We will devote more energy and take more concrete measures in ensuring and improving people’s living standards, strengthening and developing new approaches to social governance, resolutely winning the battle against poverty,

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promoting social fairness and justice, making steady progress in ensuring people’s access to childcare, education, employment, medical services, elderly care, housing, and social assistance, so as to better demonstrate the realization of common prosperity for everyone in people’s real life.”

Beyond poverty alleviation, moderately prosperous and later prosperous society has been one of the key goals of the Chinese party-state and a fundamental target to be achieved before the party’s 100th anniversary in 2021 and China’s national independence centenary in 2049. In his report on behalf of the 18th CPC Central Committee on 18 October 2017, Xi also underlined that to “secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects” was one of the “original aspiration” for everyone in the party. Since building a moderately prosperous society has been adopted as a goal by the CPC constitution, poverty alleviation features in government’s annual work report and the crucial plenums of the party dealing with economic issues, and reports about it have been widely propagated by the Chinese media. Premier Li Keqiang has also talked about the need to build a moderately prosperous society in his work report to the National People’s Congress year after year. The political nature of propaganda in China requires that speeches by top leaders usually make it to the top of the Chinese newspaper and TV bulletins—some of them for weeks and months. It has become customary for the Chinese newspapers particularly since October 2017 to invoke the “19th Party Congress spirit” and hail the direction issued by Xi Jinping almost after every speech he delivers and every letter he writes. The Chinese media has a tradition of following the official line—except aberrations such as around the 1989 Tiananmen event—or when some of the party factions became prominent. However, it has broadly, especially since Jiang Zemin became president in early 1990s, followed the official line. Under Xi, the party-state has tightened its grip over media and ensured a more coherent communication of its political, economic and social agenda. However, all the controls notwithstanding, the stress on poverty alleviation is there for all to see in the official statements and the media coverage. In a speech in February 2018 (People’s Daily), Xi termed poverty alleviation as one of China’s “three tough battles”, called to “firmly” battle against poverty “without any pause” and warned against the misuse of poverty reduction funds. The same month, rural revitalisation was underlined as policy priority in the “No. 1 central document” of the year issued in February 2018 (Xinhua). Xi also used the word poverty at least three times in his speech at the G20 Summit in Argentina on 30 November 2018. The welfare measures have been particularly targeted under the CPC and Xi’s flagship anti-corruption campaign. For example, a disciplinary regulation issued in January 2018 (Xinhua) talked about “severe punishment” for officials who commit violations related to poverty alleviation. This followed the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection—the country’s top

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a­ nti-graft body then—report that in 2017, out of the 122,100 cases of corruption and other violations, 48,700 related to poverty alleviation work. In brief, welfare communication has not only got the push from the highest level in China over the last years but has also been widely covered by the media.

Welfare Communication in India: On Way to Rational Planning Like most other things, India has witnessed mixed success of its welfare agenda. While some states in the south and northeast have witnessed huge success in instituting and popularising social welfare schemes, most northern states have failed. The case of India’s competitive democracy shows that political continuity in a state is just one of the factors—not necessarily a decisive one—that enhances the reach of welfare communication to the targeted audience. In China, the central government can send a trusted efficient official to backward regions or can deal strongly with “disciplinary violations”—effectively corruption, misbehaviour, inefficiency and everything that the leadership does not appreciate. However, India is a federal set-up where the ruling party at the centre has little say in most provincial welfare matters. Some states such as Tripura, Kerala and Sikkim have done remarkably well in deepening the reach of welfare schemes, possibly due to relative political stability, education and committed local leadership. However, several others such as West Bengal, Bihar and Odissa have trailed on social indicators despite political stability. Unlike China, what is unique to most democracies including India is the constant cycle of elections. In India’s case, multiparty democracy means that one party’s welfare promises are subjected to more promising version of it by other parties—often resulting in poorly thought out and unsustainable welfare promises. Different Indian media houses also owe their loyalty to political parties on opposite sides of the political divide—implying they tend to present the same welfare schemes and promises differently—even as they promise “neutrality”. The nature of polity in India shows that politics and welfare communication is greatly driven by electoral wins. Political parties can get away with promises such as waiving off agricultural loans—mostly an economically unviable proposition—and not fulfilling it or only honouring it partially once in power. The political parties also hype their achievements selectively through their chosen media platforms—not to ignore the increasing evidence of fake news especially on social media. Combine it with the other social, political and cultural challenges that welfare policies ought to cater to and political parties must take into account to target their voters, and the welfare communication landscape in India has reasons to appear complicated, if not entirely ineffective.

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However, leaving behind the nearly three-decade old political alliance governments at the centre—which inevitably came with its own pushes and pulls—the Narendra Modi led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government which came to power in 2014 at the centre has a single-party majority. The BJP’s second parliamentary majority on its own in a row in 2019—on the perception, among others, that it effectively delivered on welfare measures such as LPG subsidy and cleanliness—seems to have pushed the idea that Indian political parties must deliver welfare schemes. Modi gave a political push to several of the flagship schemes—primarily repackaged previous government schemes—including the controversial biometric identity card project AADHAR. Modi’s party, the BJP saw political opportunity in their implementation and exerted its organisational and rhetorical strength to push them forth. The result has not been only an electoral win for the party but dramatic rise in improved sanitation, financial inclusion and Direct Benefits Transfer (DBT). For the BJP, the PM himself credited for his connect to the masses, more than his party—has been a constant communicator through his social media pages such as Twitter and Facebook, and speeches and public engagements. Indeed, the BJP and the opposition parties’ propaganda—especially through their unofficial social media windows—have been as much about welfare as about polarising messages that target their respective voter groups in the society. And yet, while this is not the first time a national election in India has been contested on welfare issues, this is possibly the first one won by a party seen as delivering on social welfare while it effectively cut welfare budgets. At the regional level, many parties won 2019 elections because of their welfare communication successes—from Naveen Patnaik in Odissa to K. Chandrashekar Rao in Telangana. However, so far, the only “welfare scheme” that won any party a national election was either the slogan of “gareebi hatao” (poverty alleviation) in the 1980s or the promise of caste-based reservation later on. The massive mandate that the BJP received in several Indian states— particularly the central Indian province of Uttar Pradesh in spite of coming together of two major caste-based parties, namely the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party—is testimony that delivery on social welfare can overcome such social constraints and win national elections. This seems to be the new mainstay in Indian polity which is likely to push not just effective welfare communication but also less politicised welfare planning and implementation.

Comparing Media and Poverty Eradication in India and China The media systems in India and China differ—both in their outlook, ownership‚ character and the very way they cover poverty-related issues. It exists despite the two countries sharing many similarities from culture and religion to their shared colonial and national legacies. Of late though, China’s

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Communist Party-led capitalist socialism has successfully brought millions out of poverty even as India’s democracy-inspired mixed economy struggles to provide for the poor. India’s greatest independence struggle leader Mahatma Gandhi—a votary of de-industrialisation, withdrawal of technology and human labour—almost adopted poverty for himself and his followers when it came to food, travel and dress habits. Gandhi also expected capitalists to believe in trusteeship and media to remain free from the influence of either the capitalists or the state to pursue what may be termed “welfare idealism”—when it comes to poverty issues. Post liberalisation, in the 1990s, Indian state and media both adopted a more economic approach even as they tried to balance the idealistic traditions since India’s independence struggle era. This duality was never ­non-existent at the height of the Gandhian era either when one of the ideals was the proverbial “Ram Rajya”. Indian media maintained a diversified and decentralised outlook during and after the independence struggle. So, there were liberal and extremist, national and local, and pro-British and other independent newspapers before independence, and later on pro-government ones and those opposing it. As in the western system, the role of media in India has mostly been as an independent entity with little or no role for the government to be involved in influencing it directly. However, the political economy of geopolitics, globalisation and ultimately wars with Pakistan and China ensured that India did not adopt excessive “state-led socialism”. But welfare communication took a hit amid on and off economic liberalisation of the country. Indian media’s reluctant often cumbersome acceptance of welfare communication did take a toll on the centrality or not of it in the public realm. Over the years, the race among Indian media houses to appeal to an increasingly young and impressionable audience to make money left few exceptions. They all appear same in their distaste towards welfare communication. Of late though, the resurgent BJP of PM Narendra Modi seems to have used political power and business funding to tame the media in its favour with some even calling it worse than during the infamous national emergency imposed by former PM Indira Gandhi (Sharma 2017). With the BJP’s ascent, welfare communication has gained more informal traction than ever before. Other than the PM himself talking about welfare issues through his radio talk show “Mann Ki Baat”, “unofficial” political and ideological WhatsApp and Facebook groups primarily dealing with votes and propaganda can often be seen dabbling with welfare topics. However, Modi has publicly upheld media’s critical role in the Indian democracy. China’s paramount leader Mao Zedong saw his nation’s troubles through its history, contemporary military threats and the economic theory of Marxism. The result was adoption of policies deeply rooted in realpolitik. Although Mao’s media and welfare worldview drew immensely from the

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Soviet Socialism, his revolutionary idealism brought disastrous consequences for the Chinese nation. Ultimately, China did away with Maoism politically, socially and economically as well, but the party-state held on to control in general and media in particular, especially after the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident. China watchers differ over whether it is CPC’s control and centrality that has helped the Chinese nation become the world’s major power. It may still be early to pass a definitive judgment about that. It will continue to unfold as long as the CPC rules China, but the Chinese media does seem to have a greater leverage in pushing propaganda. The roots of China’s relatively unified media propaganda system owes it to the party-state’s constant efforts since the revolutionary era to shape public opinion and ensure “correct guidance”. In China, culturally, the use of propaganda to transform society and its opinion is seen as legitimate. The CPC-led China treats all information, including welfare, as strategic and ­ important for its legitimacy. In its vanguard role, the ruling CPC requires the Chinese media to fulfil the welfare propaganda requirements. To be fair‚ it was never uncommon to see Chinese state media leading with the Chinese leader’s message on the Spring Festival to the country’s farmers or workers. What seems to have changed is that under current Xi Jinping, not only the state media but most of the regional and private media platforms seems to have little other choice. Yang Baojun (2013) writes that China’s journalism comes closest to “propaganda journalism”. He says that there is no news without propaganda and the Chinese news media is the mouthpiece of the party, the government and the people, and journalism must serve the cause of the party and obey the party’s leadership. As noted above, its implementation varied upon time and leadership but clearly, welfare communication could not be an exception. However, it is to the party’s credit that in its propaganda, it accommodated a role for the masses including on the issue of welfare and also provided a framework for the Chinese media to follow. The Chinese media system led by the CPC believes that persuasion and propaganda are the two key goals of media—both “built on the foundation of rhetoric”. For the party though, it claims, the role of propaganda is to serve [服务, fuwu] its political purposes by covering the domain as far and wide as “education, literature and art, the sciences, and even public health”. The CPC believes all of it plays a role in shaping the public opinion in its favour. Stressing on the importance of public opinion, former President Jiang Zemin said at the National Propaganda Conference in September 1996 that history has proven‚ favourable public opinion was a blessing for the party and if it was not the case, it could prove to be a problem. Among post liberalisation leaders‚ Xi has followed a tougher line in calling for the Chinese media to follow the party line. In a speech presiding over a group study session at the official party paper the People’s Daily on 25 January 2019, Xi called for consolidating the “common theoretical foundation for all Party members and all the people to unite and work hard”.

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A Comment upon How Indian and Chinese Media Cover Welfare Indian PM Narendra Modi gave a political push to at least four flagship schemes from cleanliness to housing. In August 2014, he announced his flagship financial inclusion scheme the Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) and the national cleanliness programme—Swachcha Bharat Mission (SBM). The PMJDY was aimed to facilitate direct benefit transfer (DBT) and stop proliferation of allocated money and it targets bringing all Indians under formal financial services net. The SBM is to create sanitation facilities for all. Nearly a year later, his BJP-led alliance government launched Ayushman Bharat—a National Health Protection Mission—also called Modicare and in May 2016, the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) was launched by the Modi government to provide LPG connections to all the below poverty line (BPL) families. Indian media has largely supported Modi’s campaigns. However, he has been subjected to a fair share of criticism as well‚ even from p ­ ro-market and neutral media. For example, India Today noted on 15 August 2018 that PM Modi “misquoted” a World Health Organisation report on SBM in his Independence Day speech that year (Patel 2018). Several media reports linked the government’s welfare schemes and claims to the Lok Sabha elections as the dates came closer. On 26 September 2018, the Business Standard newspaper noted that PM Modi’s three welfare programmes—old age pension, life insurance and maternity benefits “could translate into significant political gains to offset the challenges he faces in the lead up to the national poll…” (Beniwal and Pradhan 2018). On the other hand, as discussed earlier, all the Xi’s promises and speeches have consistently got blanket coverage in the Chinese media without being subjected to critical questioning. Rather, it got above the board support and the media found new ways of promoting “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era” after his doctrine was included in the party’s constitution following the 19th congress. Officially‚ the new ways included blocking of foreign news and entertainment channels, increasing restrictions and censorship on social media and targeting of party’s critics among the academia, human rights and the legal communities. It would be fair to say that the extent of promotion of Xi and his welfare agenda in the Chinese media in general has risen to phenomenal proportion especially after the 19th congress. Since coming to power, Xi launched an aggressive campaign against corruption which has “disciplined” more than one million officials, including some prominent party and military leaders. Alongside targeting corruption, particularly in poverty alleviation schemes, Xi’s government doubled spending on eliminating poverty. China lifted above 50 million people from extreme poverty between 2013 and 2016, though the “economic contradictions” worsened—a fact highlighted in his crucial speech at the 19th party congress in October 2017.

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Conclusion Welfare communication and poverty eradication in India and China remain rooted in their different and unique media and political-economic set-up. Despite the claims about the success of their respective welfare communications, particular during the tenure of “strong” leaders such as Modi and Xi, the gaps are hard to miss. With all its ability to propagate the party-state’s agenda, the Chinese media possibly ought to raise critical questions about the implementation of government’s welfare schemes and the very plans themselves. Similarly, the Indian media space ought to separate welfare communication from divisive propaganda and vote-seeking behaviour, and subject such schemes to fair questioning‚ coverage and praise. The above general conclusions notwithstanding, it is not clear if the Chinese welfare schemes would be any more effective and welfare communication any more trustworthy if the Chinese media are more forthcoming. Nor is it fair in India’s case to mix the divisive nature of welfare communication on social media with that in the mainstream media. There is little evidence to explain the linkages between them and their effectiveness in India. Altogether, welfare schemes ultimately succeed not just on government’s ability to weave an effective, persistent and consistent propaganda around it. They primarily succeed if the leadership is able to make welfare communication appear credible and trustworthy.

References Beniwal, Vrishti, and Bibhdatta Pradhan. 2018. “A welfare scheme for 500 mn Indians: Is this Modi’s big plan for 2019?” 26 September. Business Standard. https://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/a-welfare-schemefor-500-mn-indians-is-this-modi-s-big-plan-for-2019-118060500108_1.html. Brady, D, R. S. Baker, and R. Finnigan. 2013. “When unionization disappears: ­State-level unionization and working poverty in the U.S.” American Sociological Review 78: 872–896. Clarke, Simon, and Norman Ginsburg. 1975. “The political economy of housing”. Political economy and the housing question. Doherty, Joe. ed. 2003. The changing role of the state: State intervention in welfare and housing. European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless. Ghosh, Jayati. 2010. “Poverty reduction in China and India: Policy implications of recent trends”. DESA Working Paper No. 92ST/ESA/2010/DWP/92. January. Accessed March 6, 2016. http://www.un.org/esa/desa/papers/2010/ wp92_2010.pdf. Lohmann, H. 2009. “Welfare states, labor market institutions and the working poor: A comparative analysis of 20 European countries”. European Sociological Review 25: 489–504. Patel, Anand. 2018. “PM Modi misquotes WHO report on Swachh Bharat Mission saving 3 lakh lives”. India Today. https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/pm-modi-misquoteswho-report-on-swachh-bharat-mission-saving-3-lakh-lives-1315124-2018-08-15.

242  T. JHA People’s Daily. 2018. “Xi stresses difficulty, urgency of poverty alleviation”. 15 February. http://en.people.cn/n3/2018/0215/c90000-9427743.html. Rosenfeld, J., and J. Laird. 2016. “Unions and poverty”. In The Oxford Handbook of the Social Science of Poverty, ed. D. Brady and L. M. Burton, pp. 800–819. Oxford University Press. Sharma, Kalpana. 2017. “Media in the Modi era: How did India’s watchdog press become so docile?” 16 June. The Wire. https://scroll.in/article/840783/ media-in-the-time-of-narendra-modi-censorship-who-needs-it. The Economist. 2013. “The Nordic countries: The next supermodel”. 2 February. Accessed February 20, 2016. http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21571136politicians-bothright-and-left-could-learn-nordic-countries-next-supermodel. Xinhua. 2018. “China punishes 159,100 in anti-graft campaign in 2017”. 7 January. http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-01/07/c_136878378.htm. Xinhua. 2018. “Policies released on China’s rural vitalization”. 4 February. http:// www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-02/04/c_136948462.htm. Yang, Baojun. 2013. “新闻领域的中国模式:描述、概括与反思”. CSSN [Online: Web]. Accessed on December 2, 2016. http://www.cssn.cn/xwcbx/xwcbx_ xwll/201310/t20131026_607247.shtml.

CHAPTER 14

Exploring Gender Segregated Educational Effects on Income Inequality, India: A Time Series Analysis Sudeshna Ghosh

Introduction There has been a significant expanse of the empirical literature on the economic consequences of the expansion in education in general and the human capital formation in particular. In general, there exists a conformity with the theoretical literature that educational achievement has a significant and positive impact on economic growth. However, there are conflicting empirical conclusion regarding the impact of gender inequality in education, on economic growth, the notable works include the studies by Barro and Lee (1993), Birdsall et al. (1997) and Caselli et al. (1996). Policy proposals and erudite discussion focus upon the alternate concepts of gender (in) equality, with wide-ranging emphasis on the (in) equality of opportunity and (in) equality of outcomes. Equal opportunity is enshrined in a legal framework, where women and men obtain equivalent chances to participate in the ability to attain quality education to enhance the capability of leading a healthy life. However, equality in outcome refers to the gender parity index in educational attainment that may lead to gender parity in wealth and employment opportunities. Enhanced equality in educational outcomes across gender leads to higher work opportunities which fosters economic growth. However, economic growth of a nation does not simultaneously imply that inequality in income will decline. This is particularly true in the context of a developing economy like India, where the domestic burden of household chores, the S. Ghosh (*)  Scottish Church College, Kolkata, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_14

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discrepancy in the initial distribution of resources and social practices continue to restrict women’s abilities to explore the opportunities in the newly liberalized economy, World Bank (2011). This study employs time series econometric methodology to examine how gender differentials in educational attainment fosters income inequality in India over the period 1976–2014. Further, since the time period of observations runs from 1976 to 2014, the paper attempts to explore the importance of economic liberalization during the decade of 90s in explaining the impact of gender segregated educational inequalities on income inequality in India. It is widely acknowledged that levels of gender inequality change over time due to changes in the legal frameworks of a country and institutional transformation, thus it is indeed challenging to investigate the long run time series dynamics between income inequality and educational inequality in India. After the onset of economic liberalization in India during the 1990s, the Indian economy gradually got integrated into the world economy, it has experienced high growth rates since the 90s until the occurrence of the global financial crisis. The economic growth that India experienced since the 1990s, took place due to the structural reforms, the growth trajectory can be classified into three phases, the Phase one occurred during 1991–2003 when the annual GDP (Gross Domestic Product) grew on average at 5.4% per annum, the second phase runs from 2004 to 2008, during this period India received a large volume of capital flows. The third phase is characterized by slow growth rate during 2008–2009 due to the onslaught of the global financial crisis. It is interesting, to examine the instances of income inequality in India during the periods of accelerating economic growth estimated by the GINI inequality measure, such exploration will validate that growth was associated with income inequality. Figure 14.1 plots the relationship across economic growth

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and income inequality in India over 1991–2012. The periods of high-income inequality are associated with low growth rates in India, particularly in the post-liberalization period. Against this scenario, let us explore the situation of education in India vis a vis the major countries of Asia, to confirm how educational inequalities reshaped income inequality. The constitution has enshrined the right to free and compulsory elementary education for all the children belonging to the age group of 6–14 years in India. With the enactment of the Right to Education Act (2009), the scope for education for all got renewed importance. The government of India has realized the significance of public provisioning of education to all. The total public expenditure on education, as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product, in India was around 3.14% in the year 2000. This increased marginally to 3.25% in 2014, Fig. 14.2 plots the public provisioning of educational expenditure during 2000–2014 in India. Indeed, the public expenditure on education in India is abysmally low in comparison to major Asian countries, Fig. 14.3, the proportion of expenditure has only exceeded the countries of Sri Lanka and Pakistan, and it falls behind the other countries. The lower levels of educational expenditure have its manifestation in stark gender inequalities in educational achievement in India. Figure 14.4 shows that gender parity Index of Adult Literacy rate, for India it is only 0.68, whereas for the advanced Asian economies the rate is almost 0.95. The

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Gender parity index (GPI) help us to discern how the opportunities, access and participation in the schooling process relate between the female and the male population. With the thrust of emphasis on inclusive education in India, the GPI is often utilized in exploring the headway towards the path of inclusive education. An index value less than 1 imply male students are doing better than the female students. A value equal to 1 imply that the gender parity in the said indicator has been achieved. The Gender parity Index at the all India level shows a limited picture, the investigation at the state level performance of India manifests the glaring inequalities across the states. During 2015, the Gender parity Index was highest in Lakshadweep and lowest in Bihar, Fig. 14.5.

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Another discouraging situation of India’s education is her high dropout rate, though the country has been successful in increasing the enrollment levels in basic education. This implies that the rate of discontinuance of education is still higher in India. Figure 14.6 plots the dropout rate during 2015 for India’s school education, across different social groups. The dropout rate is highest for the scheduled tribe population, implying that the marginalized sections of India’s population still need more attention to be included in the mainstream population. The single most important factor for dropout

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Fig. 14.7  Major reasons of dropout from education, India (Source Educational Statistics at a Glance, 2018, Government of India)

is poverty, while the boys leave school to find suitable wage employment, the girls forego schooling to perform household chores. Figure 14.7 shows the various reasons during 2017 as to why India’s children continue to dropout from school. Apart from financial constraints Fig. 14.7 shows that a large number of children drop out due to lack of interest in studies. Such phenomenon is particularly true in rural India, where there are first-generation learners and they may do not get supportive home environment to continue studies. India is yet to show commendable progress in the area of human capital formation, though in the last ten years adult functional literacy has increased and the school enrollment has also risen, disparities in achievement of education continue to exist across social groups. The deprivation is acute when the gender dimension is considered. So inclusive education continues to be a major challenge in policy decision making in the country. The marginalized sections of Indian society continue to face deprivation in terms of human capital formation and thus they have limited employment opportunities in the high skilled sectors. However, India has made commendable progress as far as her economic growth, (World Bank 2018) is concerned. It appears that the growth process is not participatory. India’s situation is of a commendable economic performance in conjunction with inequality in terms of income and educational progress. Skewness in human capital manifests in income inequality in all societies, Ray (1998). This study tries to investigate whether inequalities in human capital formation (thus leading to inequalities in education) across gender exacerbate economic inequality in the long run in India. Economic inequality can be defined as a state where individuals

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having disparate access to wealth, this is inclusive of income, assets, landbased income and capital gains. Educational inequality can be defined as a situation when individuals have varied and diverse access to different levels of education and further there are differences in achievement levels among students. Those without adequate education have limited job opportunities and thus reduced job opportunities perpetuate low levels of income. Figure 14.8 explains how inequality in income levels perpetuates future inequality with limited educational opportunities. The paper tries to obtain the direction of causality between gender inequality in education and income inequality in India. The paper henceforth is organized as follows. The next section reviews the literature on the determinants of income inequality and how far there is a causal association between economic inequality and educational inequality. Third section delves on the broad objectives of the study, the section further discusses about the data sets explored and it gives in detail the description of the variables utilized in the study. The methodology adopted is discussed in fourth section. The major results are discussed in fifth section. The paper is finally concluded in sixth section.

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/ŶĐƌĞĂƐĞƐ ƚŚĞ ƉƌŽďĂďŝůŝƚLJ KĨ ĮŶĚŝŶŐ ũŽďƐ ǁŝƚŚ ŚŝŐŚ /ŶĐŽŵĞ͕ ƚŚĞ ŝŶĚŝǀŝĚƵĂůƐ͛ ŝŶĐŽŵĞ &ƵƚƵƌĞ ƐƚƌĞĂŵ ŽĨ ZŝƐĞ ůĞĂĚŝŶŐ ƚŽ ͙͙͙

Fig. 14.8  Inequality in income perpetuates educational inequality and exacerbates future inequality in income

250  S. GHOSH

Review of Literature Education has been recognized as the main factor in economic and social progress, further fair and equitable availability and accessibility of quality education has become the most important objective for development in all countries. According to the World Bank (2005) the countries which have high levels of educational inequality manifest slow growth in innovation and productivity which ultimately perpetuates the vicious cycle of intergenerational poverty. A huge body of the literature has deliberated upon the relationship between income inequality, economic growth and its association with human capital formation. The epoch-making paper of Kuznets (1955) explores the hypothesis, at the initial levels of economic growth, income inequality rises, reaches an optimum level and then declines subsequently when economic growth advances further. A number of empirical studies have investigated upon the Kuznets hypothesis for example, Ahluwalia (1974), Stewart (1978), Winegarden (1979), Checchi (1999) and Wells (2006). Aghion and Bolton (1997) discusses that due to imperfections in the capital market, the poorer households are not able to invest for human capital formation, thus the gains from productivity remains unchanged. Following, Becker (1964) on the importance of human capital in raising economic growth, a considerable part of the literature examines the impact of education on income inequality. Tinbergen (1972) and Park (1996) conclude that higher years of schooling and lesser variation in schooling access has a positive effect on growth and diminishes income inequality. Barro (2000) observes that the impact of education on income inequality alters with changes in the levels of education. Increasing access to education across caste, location, ethnicity, gender and across all income quintiles will manifest in productive efficiency and economic growth, Mankiw et al. (1992), Bourguignon (2006) and Bourguignon and Dessus (2007). Arcia et al. (2011) further discuss that equal and fair access to quality education in accompaniment to proper school governance can make the process of educational development sustainable. Hanushek and Wößmann (2007), Ravallion (2006) and Stevens and Weale (2004) argue that across the globe, there are evidences of high economic growth along with high levels of educational inequality, however, there are instances of casual association between education and economic productivity. The empirical literature on economic growth and income inequality confirm that higher income inequality inhibits the growth process. However, there is no clear consensus in the literature regarding the essential causative procedure for such a relationship. High levels of income disparity implies limited access to human capital formation and thus resulting in high poverty levels along with the slower growth process. Many aspects have been found that explain the rising inequality in income distribution in the recent decade, from globalization, locational disparity, gender differences in opportunity, to the legacy of post colonialism. However, the common element that explains the rise in income inequality is the wage differential owing to variation in skill formation. The variation

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of skill formation is due to unequal investment in human capital formation. Borjas (2013), observes that a rational individual chooses his or her years of education that optimizes the returns from the labour market. Again, greater income inequality along with low levels of human capital formation calls for greater attention of the state for ensuring a redistributive justice. Lopez et al. (1999) observe that human capital formation measured by the average years of schooling has an insignificant impact on economic growth until the gains from education is not explicitly defined. Further, the initial distribution of resources also determines the nexus between growth and inequality. The seminal paper of Becker and Chiswick (1966) discuss that differences in investment in human capital formation would lead to variation in the earnings of the individuals. The study concludes that educational inequality positively impacts income inequality. de Oliveira et al. (2000), Lee (2005), Amir et al. (2012), Arabi and Abdalla (2013) and Qadri and Waheed (2013) examine the causal effect of human capital formation on economic growth by applying time series techniques. The studies report that human capital is positively related to economic growth. Galor and Zeira (1993) discuss that poorer sections of the population do not have adequate credit to invest in human capital formation, so without proper redistributive polices pursued by the state economic growth will only lead to high inequalities in income. Jenkins (1995) study observes that unequal levels of human capital formation manifests in increasing levels of income inequality, so the policy implication of the study is that the state should take upon the greater responsibility in making investment in human capital formation more productive. Moretti (1999) discusses, in the case of the United States, higher wage differentials generate a demand of educated workers from other cities in the US. So increasing skewness in human capital formation actually leads to further wage differential in the US. Appiah and McMahon (2002), discuss in the context of the African countries, that high level of investment in human capital is a necessary precondition for the countries to yield dividends from investment in physical capital formation. The paper concludes that along with investment in human capital formation, institutional reforms in the countries can accelerate the pace of economic development. Yang (2002) discusses in the context of regional inequality in China, low levels of human capital formation exacerbate high levels of income inequality across rural and urban regions. Using panel data sets for the OECD and the non-OECD countries, Földvári and Leeuwen (2010) explored the effects of unequal human capital formation on income inequality. For the set of OECD countries the effect of unequal human capital formation, has significant impact on income distribution. However, the paper concludes that more equitable distribution in the levels of human capital formation does not always augment the levels of per capita incomes. Interestingly, considerable amount of research related to the empirical literature has found that there exists weak causality between human capital formation and economic growth,

252  S. GHOSH

the notable works include Benhabib and Spiegel (1994), Caselli et al. (1996), Pritchett (1996), Barro and Sala-I-Martin (1995), Durham (1999) and Bils and Klenow (2000). A large volume of theoretical literature exists, which discuss about the importance of investment in human capital formation among women, Blau (1986), Cain and Weininger (1973) and Ketkar (1978). These studies deliberate upon how increasing levels of education among women is associated with lower fertility rates, lower infant mortality rates and further it also decreases the incidence of maternal mortality rates. So, investment in girls’ schooling is positively related with human development which in the long run raises the productivity of the nation. The notable studies of Behrman et al. (1999), Feinstein and Symons (1999), Behrman and Deolalikar (1988), Blau (1986), Bach et al. (1985) and Schultz (1988) discuss on the effects of maternal education in raising the welfare of the children. Thus the studies explore on the intergenerational importance of investment in human capital formation among the female population. Gender differential in access to social and economic opportunity can affect economic growth and development. The dissimilar effects owing to the inequality in gender relations are found in the areas of distribution of income and wealth; allocation of resources within the household; access to the redistributive policy outcomes by the state such as health and educational programmes; inclusion in the financial market and wage differences in the labour market. Wright (1996), Davis (1983), Deere (1990) and Benaria and Roldan (1987) discuss women have less access to economic opportunities owing to a higher intensity of economic poverty, malnourishment and high incidences of human poverty. From, a sample set of 96 countries Benavot (1989), explored, the impact of male and female enrollment rates at the primary level, on the economic growth, the study concludes that both male and female enrollment have significant impact on economic growth. According to the study of Psacharopoulos (1994), returns from investment in female education is higher than the returns from investment in male education. Klasen (1999) study, on investigating the gender differential impact of investment in human capital formation found that growth is impacted by expansion of female education and the initial differences in the levels of education between the male and the female segments of the population, is a crucial determinant of the expansion of growth. Contrary, to the earlier studies of gender separated impact of investment of human capital formation on economic growth, Barro (1996, 1998, 1999) concludes, based on the panel set of the observations that impact of investment in female education on growth is insignificant. The discussion on the impact of gender separated impact of investment in human capital formation, focus on the impact on growth rather than on inequality. The effect of gender inequality in education has been extensively discussed in the theoretical literature, differential access to education lowers human capital formation, thereby reducing economic growth and moreover the

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innate abilities of the girls are not recognized so the pool of skilled manpower is confined to less talented boys who are qualified, Dollar and Gatti (1999). Klasen and Wink (2003) discuss that the impact of economic growth on women’s socioeconomic condition is rather mixed. In many Asian economies, exponential growth rates have been associated with rising incidence of female foeticide, while rising educational opportunities have improved labour market outcomes for women. The low access to education in the case of girls generates higher marginal returns than that of boys which implies higher economic productivity; Knowles et al. (2002) and World Bank (2001). Education in India: Gender Inequality in the Context of Economic Growth Moheyuddin (2005) discuss that inequalities in educational access across gender is due to locational factors, religious and cultural reasons in the developing countries of South Asia. Such a situation retards the process of economic growth and development in these regions. Galor and Weil (1996) and Lagerlöf (2003) based on theoretical models have proposed that gender inequality hurts economic development because it hinders human capital formation and fertility decisions. Duflo (2012), Elborgh-Woytek et al. (2013) and Stotsky (2006) discuss that the two factors, namely, gender inequality and economic progress are closely associated. Gender equality is instrumental in enhancing economic growth and development again high levels of economic development can assist in reducing gender inequality across nations. Tilak (2007) observes that gender inequality in education is a crucial problem that is affecting negatively economic growth in India. According to the findings of the study advancement in post elementary education is important for reducing poverty and in improving the health of the children. Self and Grabowski (2004) explored how education levels impacts economic growth for India, over the period 1966–1996. The study further examined the gender differential impact of education on economic growth. The paper concludes that reaching high levels of tertiary educational achievement does not impact economic growth. Agrawal (2011) using a large nationally representative survey data for India accounts for wage differentials in the rural and urban areas owing to disparity in educational attainments. Using the standard Mincerian wage equation the study finds that the returns from education based on educational achievements vary between the urban and the rural areas. The findings from quantile regression analysis demonstrate that educational impact is not identical across all quantiles. The returns are higher at the top quantiles in comparison to the bottom quantiles. Though India has made commendable progress as far as universal access to school education is concerned, Kingdon (2007), Dougherty and Herd (2008), Wu et al. (2006) and Thomas et al. (1999), observe, in spite of commendable progress in educational outcomes in India large disparity exist across gender, caste and religion owing to unequal access to schooling. Desai and Kulkarni (2008) and Niaz et al.

254  S. GHOSH

(2013) further discuss that the liberalization of the 1991 in India remain unaccompanied in, removing social and gender gaps in the realm of educational opportunities. Asadullah and Yalonetzky (2012), using National Sample Survey Data explores the pattern and types of inequality in educational opportunity for India over the period 1983–2004. The paper uses the Roemer’s concept of inequality to develop three indices of inequality of educational opportunity. The findings indicate that based on all three indices the state of Kerala has least inequality in educational opportunities. Exploring on a regional level the North-eastern states and the eastern states made progress in reducing the inequality in educational opportunities. According, to Asadullah and Yalonetzky (2012) such divergent findings with regard to inequality of educational opportunity across the Indian states is due to a number of factors. Some states have low levels of gender equality of opportunities which affect the household intergenerational investment decision making to send a female child to school. All states do not have equal opportunities as far as access to public infrastructure is concerned. The study observes that those states which experience drop in the levels of inequality in educational opportunity, have higher spending in comparison to the other states in the educational sector, which may have been the force to equalize the opportunities. These states are more accountable to pursue the objective of inclusive education and so the states equalize in educational opportunities. The study concludes that given a plethora of factors governing educational policies across the Indian states the reasons for divergent results in the inequality of opportunity in education is experienced. According to Roemer (1998) to undo the situation of inequality of opportunity in the area of education, particularly for societies where inequalities persist across social groups, there is an urgent need to ensure investment in human capital formation based on the individuals’ abilities rather than on the basis of family background. Waseem (2015) discuss that in India even after sixty years after independence there are shocking levels of inequality in educational opportunity among the poor and the under privileged. Such inequality adversely impacts the levels of economic development of the country. Geetha (2014) studies how different levels of educational achievement impacts the earnings levels in India. The paper further tried to assess how religion, caste as well as locational advantage impacts earnings levels among the educated youth in India. Using the Mincerian equation form, based on the large cross-section data of India Human Development Survey, the paper finds that returns to higher education vary between the rural and the urban region. The study further concludes that given the changing labour market conditions, the returns to higher education brings the largest dividend particularly if the English language ability of the jobseeker is enhanced. Earlier studies in conformity with Geetha (2014) findings include the studies of Kingdon (1999) and Colclough et al. (2009), the findings observe that for developing countries and India in particular the rate of return to education shows the tendency to accelerate with educational

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levels. This tendency holds good in particular for the last two decades. Vasudeva (2006) based on Indian National Survey data spreading over a time span of two decades estimates the returns based on education for adult male workers working as causal workers and also for those in regular employment. The paper utilizes the standard and the augmented Mincerian wage equations to estimate the impact of education on earnings. The study concludes that returns to education are almost flat for the causal workers. However, it shows a positive tendency and further becomes U shaped for the regular employed. The study further finds high difference in wage returns for the regular workers with primary educational achievements and those with graduate degrees. This could be due to labour market reforms and trade openness since the 1990s. Klasen (2018) observes that there is divergent opinion in the literature regarding estimation of gender gaps on economic growth. Micro evidence shows that in the household context reducing gender gaps have improved economic performance more profoundly in some areas, whereas the impact is less significant in some other areas. Ramanayake et al. (2017) explores the impact of gender inequality on economic growth by using a composite gender gap index. The panel data sets include the countries from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, a set of developing countries, and a set of South and Southeast Asian countries. The paper concludes that policies that promote equality boosts growth in the concerned countries. Arora (2012), findings across the Indian states confirm the hypothesis that gender inequality in education affects economic growth adversely. The paper discusses the issue of globalization and economic development across different states of India against the backdrop of gender inequality in education. Rammohan and Vu (2018) confirm the earlier results with respect to schooling opportunities across gender and its impact on economic growth. The paper uses representative data from Indian Human Development survey 2011–2012 and District Level Household Facility Survey (2007 and 2008). Wealthier districts of India have high educational achievement rates among girls’ schooling compared to the poorer states. Kobzev Kotásková et al. (2018) explores the relationship between education and economic growth for India over the period 1975–2016, based on econometric methodology particularly the Cointegration method and the Granger causality method. The study discusses the impact of all three types of education on economic growth, namely, primary, secondary and tertiary. The study finds positive causality between all three levels of education in India and economic growth. Accordingly, the paper concludes that such findings are important for future policy action. Though the literature has widely acknowledged the positive impact of the investment in human capital formation, for example the studies by Psacharopoulos (1994) and Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (2004), the study of the impact of the gender segregated investment in education on the economic growth is scarce and the results are not unequivocal. For the set of

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the developed countries Harmon et al. (2000), study concludes that the returns on women’s education is significantly higher than the returns from men’s education. Behrman and Wolfe (1984) and Schultz (1993) discuss that there is no gender segregated impact of returns to education. For a ­country-based studies, particularly, in the context of the developing world, the literature opines that returns to women’s schooling is higher than that of men’s, Asadullah (2006), for Bangladesh; Behrman and Deolalikar (1995), for Indonesia; Aslam (2007) for Pakistan; Kingdon (1998) and Kingdon and Unni (2001) for India. In sum, the existing empirical literature provides a case of mixed evidence, which renews the need for further research on the study of gender differential in educational achievements and its effect on the economy. The demand for quality schooling will rise, especially from the deprived sections of the society only when the poor realize about the potential benefits of education. When the policymakers identify this demand, then the need for constant governance and the accountability of quality schooling will rise. The statistics on inequality in school education will increase information about accessibility to schools and outcomes from school education. However the literature is still unclear on how dispersion in school completion contributes towards skewness to income distribution. So, the current paper attempts to explore the impact of educational inequality along with other variables on income inequality in a time series framework.

Objectives and Data Description Objectives This paper attempts to explore the importance of gender differential in tertiary educational achievements, in explaining income inequality in India over the period of 1976–2014, in a time series framework. The paper adopts the ARDL (autoregressive distributed lag) method to examine the causal association between gender inequality in education and income inequality in India. Time series data is an arrangement of observations of the concerned set of variables over a time period in a particular order of succession. The order may be daily, monthly or annual series. Analysis of time series data, related to macroeconomic variables suggest that there may exist a long run association among the concerned variables. The long run properties have to be examined in this context. The constancy of the mean and the variance has to be explored in this area. The Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model (ARDL) is a cointegration technique that explores the long run relationship of the variables, this study has adopted the ARDL model to the study the long run association between gender disparity in tertiary educational attainments and income inequality in the context of India. Usually, data sets in time series demonstrate some kind of association with the past values. The autoregressive

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techniques as used in this case, shows the adjustment factor as to how the present value is related with its past values. The autoregressive model estimates the adjustment factor of association of the past values with the current. It is designated as the first-order autoregressive if it is based on one preceding value, it is a second order autoregressive if it is based on two preceding values and so on. The specific objective of the study is to consider how over time income inequality is impacted by educational gender segregated inequality. In addition we also control for fiscal policy instruments that has a role in redistribution of incomes across a nation. Data Description All the data for the concerned variables are in annual series over the time period 1976–2014. The sources of data are given after the explanation and description of each of the concerned variables utilized in the study. Dependent Variable Inequality The dependent variable utilized in the study is a measure of inequality, more particularly the GINI (Gini coefficient) measure of inequality is used here. In the context of the GINI measure of inequality, the 0 value implies a case of perfect equality, there is no inequality in the society. The value of 100 implies a situation of perfect inequality, it represents an extreme situation of inequality, where one person enjoys all the income in the society. So the measure is scaled between 0 and 100. The measure is a ratio analysis of inequality of the society. The Gini coefficient (GINI) is utilized as the measure of household income inequality. The GINI measure is used because it provides the widest coverage across the time period. This metric takes into consideration the degree at which the income distribution of a country diverges from perfect equality, where 0 shows perfect equality, 100 represents perfect inequality, where all of the income is received by one household. However missing years, values are interpolated. The data are available from UNU-WIDER income inequality data base (Version WID3.4). Retrieved from the URL: https:// www.wider.unu.edu/database/world-income-inequality-database-wiid34. Explanatory Variables Educational Inequality The Gender parity index (GPI), is an important independent variable used in the study. This measure is used in the context of schooling and education to find out and explain how educational participation of female students vary

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against that of the male students. Since in the era of inclusive development we focus upon education for all, the GPI is frequently used to find out the progress of the female students in achieving educational opportunities. By comparing the ratio of the female enrolment versus the enrolment of the male students we can find out how the situation of education may be a case of disparity. An index value less than one implies that male students are doing better where as an index value of greater than one shows that the female students have higher levels of opportunities. A value of 1 is a situation of perfect equality. This means that gender parity with respect to the particular indicator is accomplished. A short coming of the measure is, it does not indicate whether over time the overall participation in education is increasing or decreasing. The Gender Parity Index (GPI), at the tertiary level is used as measure of educational inequality across gender. Gender parity index for gross enrollment ratio in tertiary education is the ratio of women to men enrolled at tertiary level in public and private schools. The data for GPI is obtained from World Development Indicators, World Bank, retrieved from URL: http: www. worldbank.org. Economic Growth The next important explanatory variable use here, is economic growth, economic growth essentially explains how the growth of goods and services expand in an economy after adjusting for the inflation. It is measured as the annual percentage change of the Gross Domestic Product. The database for economic growth (∆Y) is obtained from World Development Indicators, World Bank, retrieved from URL: http: www.worldbank.org. Investment, Government Spending, and Tax Revenue Database Investment, government spending and tax revenue explain in a summative form the fiscal policy of a particular government. Fiscal policy is used by the government of a particular country to influence the growth impetus of the economy. The governmental tools of fiscal policy can be two pronged, it can either change the levels of taxation or it can increase its expenditure. By increasing expenditure, the government can provide public services in the areas of health care, education and infrastructure development. Expenditure of the government for the future is classified as an investment. The tax instrument is indeed a powerful instrument of fiscal policy which in the public domain is meant to affect changes in disposable income of the households. Investment (K) and government expenditure (EE) as shares of GDP is available from the Penn World Table (version 9.0). Retrieved from URL: https://www.re3data.org/repository/r3d100012246. The tax revenue (T) database as a percentage of GDP, is available from World Development Indicators, World Bank, retrieved from URL: http: www.worldbank.org.

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Table 14.1  Symbols of the variables and their detailed definitions Symbol of the variables

Definition

GINI GPI

Gini coefficient of disposable income inequality of the households Gender parity index for gross enrollment ratio in tertiary education is the ratio of women to men enrolled at tertiary level in public and private schools Economic growth rate is annual percentage growth rate of GDP at market prices based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars Investment share of GDP per capita at current PPP Government consumption expenditure share of GDP per capita at current PPP Total tax revenue as percentage of GDP

∆Y

K EE T

Table 14.2  Descriptive statistics of the variables Variables

Range

Mean

GINI GPI ∆Y K EE T

1976–2014 1976–2014 1976–2014 1976–2014 1976–2014 1976–2014

32.79 0.58 5.87 0.22 0.15 9.8

Standard deviation 3.50 0.15 2.84 0.05 0.03 0.91

Maximum

Minimum

43 0.98 10.26 0.34 0.21 12.27

27.7 0.33 –5.24 0.17 0.10 8.19

Table 14.1 provides the detailed information on the variables and Table 14.2 gives the general statistical characteristics of the variables.

Methodology The current study explores the question, whether educational inequality impacts income inequality. It does so by applying the empirical method of ARDL techniques. The general empirical model can be expressed as in Eq. (14.1) n GINIt = α0 + βi GPIt−i + γ Xt−1 + δDUMt−1 + εt (14.1) i=1

where GINIt measures income inequality at the household level at time t, GPIt−i denotes the lagged influence of gender parity index on income inequality. Xt−1 shows the vector of other variables in time (t−1). Equation (14.1) shows that if gender parity index is low then income inequality will be high.εt represents the usual error term. The vector of other variables include economic growth (∆Y), it is argued that as economic growth rises income inequality increases until a threshold level of income is reached after which

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the impact of economic growth is negative on income inequality. So the impact on income inequality by economic growth is positive in the short run but negative in the long run. Apart from economic growth the macroeconomic impact of fiscal policies on income inequality is considered. The variables identified to capture the importance of fiscal policy are K (investment share of GDP). EE (public expenditure) and T (tax revenue). It is observed that higher direct tax reduces economic growth and also income inequality, however higher indirect tax increases income inequality. So, the net effect of tax base on income inequality depends on whether direct or indirect tax base overpowers the impact. Rising government expenditure implies an attempt to redistribute resources in the favour of poor and thus it has diminutive effect on income inequality. So, the study confronts a trade-off in the efficiency versus equity arguments in the role of fiscal policies in impacting economic inequality. Public investment reduces income inequality but not at the cost of growth. DUMt−1 indicates the incorporation of dummy variables, to capture the effects of structural break in the time series of the observations. The paper utilizes, variables (apart from the gender segregated educational inequality measure), such as economic growth, government expenditure, investment in the public sector and tax revenue as a percentage of GDP to explore the impact on income inequality. The inclusion of government expenditure, investment in the public expenditure and tax revenue have been done to include the role of fiscal policy in reducing income inequality in a developing country like India. The three variables, namely, investment in the public sector, government expenditure and tax revenue proxy for fiscal policy. Bird and Martinez-Vazquez (2008) opine that there is an urgent need in many developing countries to raise government expenditure in the social sector particularly health and education. In the literature the role of redistributive fiscal policy in reducing inequality in income and simultaneously raising the levels of economic growth has been adequately discussed. However, the effect of fiscal policy may be negative due to distortions in the economy, Nantob (2014). Nevertheless, in order to ensure that tax revenue has a direct impact on reducing income inequality in the long run, India must put concerted efforts to raise the share of direct taxes, which is progressive. The share of direct tax to total tax is only 52% in 2017. Econometric Methodology Unit Root Test Before the use of any time series method, it is a crucial precondition to detect whether the set of observations is stationary or not, it would be counterfeit to work with a series of observations which are non-stationary, Granger and Newbold (1974). The constancy of statistical properties is based on the merit of whether the time series of observations is stationary or not. Stationary of

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time series of observations have a steady mean and variance over time, such that the shocks to the set of observations will not be permanent. To get the stationary properties of the time series observations, the unit root test built on augmented Dickey–Fuller unit root test (ADF test), Dickey and Fuller (1981) and the Phillips-Perron unit root test (PP), Phillips and Perron (1988) is used here. However, both the ADF test and PP test method have the essential inherent supposition that the time series of the observations is linear. So the traditional unit root testing, namely, the ADF test and the PP test do not take into consideration the importance of structural breaks in the series, therefore the results obtained may be unauthentic. To deliberate the impact of structural breaks in the series of observations the Clemente et al. (1998) unit root test is useful here. This unit root test is appropriate if the series of observations shows one or two structural breaks. The Clemente et al. (1998) method has two methods, the Innovation Outliers (IO) and Additive Outlier (AO). The IO process shows the gradual change, whereas the AO model shows abrupt changes. The null hypothesis under Clemente et al. (1998) unit root test can be written as in Eq. (14.2) (14.2)

H0 : yt = yt−1 + δ1 DTB1t + δ2 DTB2t + εt The alternative hypothesis is shown in Eq. (14.3)

(14.3)

H1 : yt = ε + d1 DU1t + d2 DTB2t + et

Here DTBit is a pulse variable it takes the value of 1 when t = TBi+1 (i = 1, 2) and 0 otherwise. Again DUit = 1 when t > TBi (i = 1, 2) and otherwise it is 0. In accordance with Clemente et al. (1998), TB1 and TB2 are the time periods when the mean is being changed. Further, if the two breaks fit into the innovation outlier, then the unit root hypothesis can be tested through Eq. (14.4).

yt =ε + ρyt−1 + δ1 DTB1t + δ2 DTB2t + d1 DU1t + d2 DU2t N + ci �yt−i + et

(14.4)

yt = ε + d1 DU1t + d2 DU2t + yt∼

(14.5)

i=1

However, if the shifts in the mean belong to the additive outlier the null hypothesis of the unit root is expressed in Eqs. (14.5) and (14.6), respectively. In Eq. (14.5) by estimating it the deterministic part of the variable is removed, in Eq. (14.6) unit root test is performed by obtaining the minimal t—ratio for ρ = 1,

yt∼ =

N

i=1

ω1i DTB1t−1 +

N

i=1

∼ ω2i DTB2t−1 + ρyt−1 +

N

i=1

∼ ci �yt−i + et

(14.6)

262  S. GHOSH

Co integration: ARDL (Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model) Approach This paper has used the ARDL approach to co integration. The ARDL approach is more advantageous to other previously applied methods of co integration for example, Engle and Granger (1987) co integration techniques and Johansen and Juselius (1990) co integration techniques. The advantages of the ARDL method is, it can be used to the series of observations if they are integrated of I(0) or I(1) but not I(k) where k > 1; it is relatively more effective in a small finite sample size and last the method has the power to develop unbiased estimates of the long run model, Belloumi (2014). Given the definite set of advantages and the small sample of the current observations, the paper uses the ARDL approach. The ARDL bound testing approach to co integration, was founded by Pesaran et al. (2001). The bound testing method is built on the joint F-statistics, which is an asymptotic distribution and is non-standard under the null hypothesis of no co integration. The ARDL encompasses of two steps. The two-stage process includes (i) the choosing of the order of lags in the ARDL model using proper lag selection criterion and (ii) the model selected is estimated through the Ordinary Least Square method. Pesaran et al. (2001) calculated two sets of critical values for a given significance level. One set reflects that all variables are I(0) and the other set considers they are all I(1). If the calculated F-statistic is higher than the upper critical bounds value, then the H0 is rejected. If the F-statistic falls within the bounds, then the test becomes indecisive. Last, if the F-statistic is less than the lower critical bounds value, then there is no co integrating relation. The ARDL model utilized here is expressed in Eq. (14.7). Equation (14.7) explain the ARDL model with the incorporation of the dummy variable, here GINI is considered as the dependent variable. n2 n3 δ1kT �GINIt−k + δ2kT �GPIt−k + δ �(�Y )t−k k=1 k=0 k=0 3kT n4 n5 n6 + δ4kT �Kt−k + δ5kT �EEt−k + δ6kT �Tt−k

�GINIt = α1 +

n1

k=0

k=0

k=0

+ γ1T GINIt−1 + γ2T GPIt−1 + γ3T (�Y)t−1 + γ4T Kt−1 + γ5T EEt−1 + γ6T Tt−1 + γ7T DUM1t + γ8T DUM2t + µ1t

(14.7) Here µt is the white noise and ∆ is the first difference operator. The model is estimated using an ordinary least square method. The F test is suitable for testing the presence of long run relation among the variables. When a long run relation is obtained, the F test indicates which variable must be normalized. The null hypothesis of no co integration among the variables H0 : γ1T = γ2T = γ3T = γ4T = γ5T = γ6T = γ7T = γ8T = 0 against the alternative H1 : γ1T = γ2T = γ3T = γ4T = γ5T = γ6T = γ7T = γ8T � = 0. In the subsequent step, when the co integration is obtained, an augmented form of Granger causality test, consisting he error correction term is developed.

14  EXPLORING GENDER SEGREGATED EDUCATIONAL … 

263

Granger Causality Test The subsequent step consists in the application of the standard Granger causality tests augmented with a lagged error correction term. The Granger representation theorem states that Granger causality will be in at least one direction when a co integration, relationship is available among the causal variables, only if they are integrated in the order one. An augmented form of the Granger causality test consisting of the error correction term, is framed in a multivariate pth order vector error correction model (VECM), over a suitable lag selection criterion in Eq. (14.8). The Granger Causality test is found through the Wald test statistic. To estimate the short run relation of the variables the error correction version of the ARDL model is obtained in Eq. (14.8) n2 n3 δ �GINIt−k + δ �GPIt−k + δ �(�Y )t−k k=1 1kT k=0 2kT k=0 3kT n4 n5 n6 + δ �Kt−k + δ �EEt−k + δ �Tt−k k=0 4kT k=0 5kT k=0 6kT

�GINIt = α1 +

n1

+ τ ECTt−1 + ω1DUM1t + ω2DUM2t + µt

(14.8) The variable ECTt−1 shows the error correction term in Eq. (14.8). It is fundamentally, the lagged value of the estimated OLS model residual term. τ is the coefficient of the error correction term. It denotes the speed of convergence towards equilibrium due to the short run shocks, the expected sign should be negative for convergence, and it should be significant. To obtain the goodness of fit of the ARDL model, a battery of diagnostic and stability tests is applied. The diagnostic test examines the serial correlation, normality, functional form, and heteroscedasticity related with the model. The stability test uses the cumulative sum of recursive residuals (CUSUM) and the cumulative sum of the squares of recursive residuals (CUSUMSQ).

Results and Discussion One of the fundamental hypothesis in the current study is that inequality in educational outcomes across gender will positively affect income inequality in India. So by utilizing the annual time series data over the period 1976– 2014, the paper explores the short run relation and the long run time series dynamics among the variables. In addition, the impact of fiscal redistribution and economic growth is also investigated upon. The standard econometric methodology requires that the concerned set of the observations is stationary before the cointegration properties are examined. Unit Root Test Before proceeding with the ARDL bounds test methodology, we test for the stationary properties of the set of time series set of observations to select the

264  S. GHOSH

order of integration. According to Pesaran et al. (2001) the set of observations should not be of order I(2), they should be either I(0) or I(1). The Augmented Dickey–Fuller (ADF) test and the Phillips Perron (PP) unit root test is conducted to examine the stationary properties of the set of time series observations. Tables 14.3 and 14.4 report the results of the ADF and PP unit root test, respectively. The results obtained from Tables 14.3 and 14.4 show that all the observations are integrated at first difference except for the variable GINI. However, since the traditional unit root test, namely, ADF and the PP do not take into consideration the effect of the structural breaks, the Clemente et al. (1998) is used, which reflects the presence of the structural breaks. In this study, with the application of the Innovative Outliers and Additive Outliers, unit root method of Clemente et al. (1998), we found that with the presence of two structural breaks, the variables are either of the order I(0) or I(1). Bahmani and Nasir (2004) discuss that the order of integration of the variables may be contingent on the description of the unit root test used. Likewise, the conventional unit root test used in this study, like the ADF, Table 14.3, and the PP Table 14.4, test incorrectly exhibited the incidence of the unit root, nevertheless the series appears to be stationary around the structural break, Tables 14.5. Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL): Bounds Testing Method To capture the impact of the structural change introduced in India during 1991 in an attempt to integrate the country with world economy, as an important structural break and further to impact the importance of recent global crisis of 2005, as another important structural break two intercept dummy variables are used; DUM1 and DUM2. Here, DUM1 = 1 if t > 1991 and zero otherwise, DUM2 = 1 if t > 2005 and zero otherwise. The ARDL model is applied to test the cointegrating properties among GINI, GPI, ∆Y, K, EE and T. The initial step is to find the optimal lag length of the model, here the Schwarz Bayesian Criterion (SBC) is used. Table 14.6 show the results of ARDL, based on Eq. (14.7). The ARDL results show that we can reject the null hypothesis of no co integration for the model, because Table 14.3  Unit root test Variables GINI GPI ∆Y K EE T

Level

First difference

Result

−6.33* −0.47 −2.21 −1.69 −2.09 −2.13

−2.62 −5.74* −9.70* −6.44* −4.81* −5.74*

I(0) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1)

Note * and ** represent statistical significance at the 1 and 5% level, respectively. AIC Criteria is used to choose the optimal lag length. Compilation Author

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265

Table 14.4  Unit root test: (Phillips Perrron) Variables GINI GPI ∆Y K EE T

Level

First difference

Result

−32.30* −6.07 −2.21 −6.06 −11.22 −10.08

−3.52 −37.43* −44.67* −44.42* −28.84* −33.42*

I(0) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1)

Note * and ** represent statistical significance at the 1 and 5% level, respectively Critical Value at 5% level of significance is −18.88. Compilation Author

Table 14.5  Clemente–Montanes–Reyes unit root test with two structural breaks Innovation outlier (IO)

Additive outlier (AO)

Variables

t-stat

TB1

TB2

GINI ∆GINI GPI ∆GPI ∆Y ∆(∆Y) K ∆K EE ∆EE T ∆T

−2.94 −6.33* −1.58 −8.23* −3.48 −9.35* −5.43 −8.26* −4.19 −6.42* −3.89 −6.73*

1986 1984 1993 2001 1978 1980 1998 2003 1989 1990 1991 2002

2000 1987 2009 2009 2001 1990 2003 2007 2001 1996 2003 2006

Result I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1)

t-stat

TB1

TB2

−1.87 −6.02* −4.58 −6.64* −2.48 −9.95* −2.12 −8.89* −3.58 −5.99* −2.78 −6.89*

1995 1996 1987 1984 1989 1989 1989 2002 1992 1989 1994 2003

1998 1999 1997 1986 2000 2006 2000 2006 2005 1995 2003 2005

Result I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1) I(1)

Notes Clemente-Montanes-Reyes unit root test, critical value for (structural breaks), for AO and IO, respectively is −5.960 and −5.490 at 5% level of significance *Shows that the values are significant at (5) % level of significance. TB and TB shows the first and second 1 2 breakpoint respectively. ∆ shows the variables in their first difference

the value of the F-statistics is greater than the upper critical level. So, a long run relationship exists among the variables. Table 14.7 presents the long run coefficients of the ARDL model. A one percent rise in Gender Parity Index (GPI) leads to the decline in in income inequality by 0.16%. So when inequality in educational achievement declines the income inequality declines simultaneously. A one percent rise in economic growth leads to decline in income inequality in the long run by 0.13. The effect of taxation is positive on inequality, implying that India’s tax base is largely indirect, so the long run inequality rises owing to taxation. Capital formation reduces inequality in the long run, the impact of government spending is insignificant in the long run. Thus public investment is the only fiscal policy that considers the efficiency and equity argument of redistributive implications of fiscal policy. Fiscal policy designed for long

266  S. GHOSH Table 14.6  Bound tests of Co integration United Kingdom Dependent variable

Independent variables

GINI

GPI, ∆Y, K, EE, T

F-Statistic 6.52

Result Co integration

Notes Lower-bound critical value for “without intercept and trend” at 1% = 3.42. Upper-bound critical value for “without intercept and trend” at 1% = 4.84. Lower and Upper-bound critical values are taken from Pesaran et al. (2001) Table CI(ii) Case I

Table 14.7  Long run coefficients (ARDL)

Variable

Coefficient

t-Statistic

Constant GPI ∆Y K EE T DUM1 DUM2

−1.44 −0.16 −0.13 −0.83 0.14 0.49 0.03 0.04

−5.42 −2.99 −3.15 −4.98 0.61 2.88 3.07 2.61

Probability 0.00 0.009 0.002 0.0004 0.13 0.01 0.02 0.01

term redistribution in India is yet to yield the desired results. This is because of imperfections in the credit market, lower levels of investment in human capital formation to stimulate inclusive growth. A wide-ranging message that appears from this study, improvement in accessibility in education diminishes inequality in income, provided they fulfil a basic condition: the average attainment levels in higher education must reach a threshold level whereby there will be a rise in the pool of skilled manpower. This increasing pool of skilled manpower will avail jobs with rising incomes providing a possibility of income redistribution. This explanation arises from supply demand interface of human capital, in the background of globalization. With rising number of educated people the demand for high end job rises so firms both at the local and international levels compete with one another for job creation through technical advancement. In the long run the decline in inequality will facilitate better access to education thereby it will have a feedback effect in increasing the gender parity index of educational attainment. This increase in gender parity index will ultimately condition sustained fall in inequality provided the firms compliment physical capital formation and technological advancement. Table 14.8 gives the results of the short run dynamic coefficients found from the ARDL, Error Correction model in Eq. (14.8). From, Table 14.8 it is observed that the error correction coefficient is significant and negative. It shows that 22% of disequilibrium from the previous period shock will converge back to the long run equilibrium when inequality, GINI is the dependent variable.

14  EXPLORING GENDER SEGREGATED EDUCATIONAL … 

Table 14.8  Results of ARDL; short run

Variables Constant GPI ∆Y K EE T DUM1 DUM2 ECM(−1) R2 Durbin–Watson stat

Table 14.9  Short run diagnostic tests

Coefficient −0.83 −0.19 0.04 −0. 64 −0.17 0.24 −0.01 0.36 −0.22 0.85 2.25

Dependent variable (GINI) Serial correlation Heteroscedasticity Normality

267

t-Statistic

Probability

−0.21 −7.98 −0.91 −3.52 −2.14 3.19 −0.014 0.15 −2.1

0.084 0.002 0.32 0.006 0.04 0.003 0.18 0.12 0.0038

Test statistics

P value

0.40 0.46 0.39

0.84 0.69 0.72

Table 14.9 shows the battery of diagnostic tests for the model, this includes test for serial correlation, heteroscedasticity and normality of the residuals. Table 14.9 confirms that there is no evidence of serial correlation, heteroscedasticity and non-normal errors. Last, the stability of the model is investigated upon, the using cumulative sum (CUSUM) and the cumulative sum of squares (CUSUMSQ) tests. The requisite graphs of the tests are Figs. 14.9 and 14.10. From Figs. 14.9 and 14.10 it is established that the CUSUM and CUSUMSQ tests results lie within the critical bounds confirming that all the coefficients in the concerned model are stable. Granger Causality Test Table 14.10 shows the short run Granger causality test. In the short run the F-statistics on the explanatory variables imply that at the 5% level significance there is bidirectional causality across gender parity index in education and income inequality. There is unidirectional causality from economic growth to capital formation and public expenditure, respectively. The study confirms the theoretical underpinning that gender segregated inequality in education reduces the human capital formation and thereby restricts the pool of skilled labour which in the long run exacerbates inequality in income. It must be understood, however, in the context of India there are institutional barriers which may restrict women’s access to the labour market. So, universalization of education may not always lead to increasing employment prospects, however, externalities from education

268  S. GHOSH 8 6 4 2 0 -2 -4 -6 -8

2011

2012

2013 CUSUM

2014

2015

2016

5% Significance

Fig. 14.9  CUSUM test 1.6

1.2

0.8

0.4

0.0

-0.4

2011

2012

2013

CUSUM of Squares

2014

2015

2016

5% Significance

Fig. 14.10  CUSUMSQ test

increases women’s bargaining power, decision-making process and this indirectly raises the productivity of the nation. Ample evidence exists in the literature that confirm that low educational levels among women perpetuate conditions of ill health. This low health status, has negative feedback on growth, Judge et al. (1998).

0.89 0.23 1.31

T DUM1 DUM2

*Denote

5.11*

7.02**

0.22

EE

statistical significance at the 5% level

0.78 0.69 0.43

0.74

0.15

4.72*

K

0.32 8.41* 2.10

–

0.27 1.01 0.22

5.51* 0.65 8.43*

– 0.32 0.43

0.27

5.11*

7.62**

6.28* 5.52*

5.02*

6.02*

T

4.52*

4.07*

EE

6.67*

–

0.74

0.94

0.04

∆Y

–

–

2.90*

GPI

1.74 4.16*

4.11*

8.56*

–

GINI

K

1.16

∆Y

GPI

GINI

Variables

F statistic

Table 14.10  Results of short run Granger causality (Wald test)

15.01* – 2.09

0.78

2.23

1.01

0.32

13.95*

DUM1

0.76 1.07 –

0.016

21.34*

0.55

13.49*

0.43

DUM2

GINI→GPI GINI→∆Y GINI→EE GPI→GINI GPI→K ∆Y→EE ∆Y→T K→GINI K→T K→EE EE→∆Y EE→GPI EE→K T→K DUM1→∆Y DUM2→K

Direction of causality

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269

270  S. GHOSH

Human capital formation in a gendered perspective has become a crucial agenda of discussion in the current decade. The study amply shows that inequality in access to educational opportunities manifest in high-income inequality in India. So, globalization and trade openness in India has not been gender equal. To enable both men and women to participate in the globally integrated economic developmental process there is an urgent need to ensure that the societal mind sets alter. Herein, lies the role of the state, as a facilitator to ensure increasing legal rights to the women and generate awareness so that women can enhance their educational abilities to participate in the labour market. It is apparent from the results that promulgating equal opportunities for tertiary education would enable women to find better employment opportunities. Such kind of policy stance can be categorized as win-win strategy. It not only reduces economic inequality but fosters efficiency and promotes growth and human development. The latter component has an intrinsic valuation in the lives of women which may, in the long run empower women in major decision-making processes of the society. The ongoing literature clearly shows that women’s entry in the labour market is associated with expanding economic growth. As far as India is concerned public policies are necessary to create a virtuous cycle of feminization expanding education which would transpire into low inequality and high levels of economic prosperity. From, a methodological stand points this paper discus concerns for further research of the relationship between growth and gender inequality and further inequality in general. Better and more comprehensive indicators of growth and inequality and new measurement of gender inequality is necessary for deeper understanding of the macro and public policies. Economic development of a nation does not necessarily imply increased opportunities for women. Explicit policy prescription can only make the gains from economic development more equitable. Expansionary fiscal policies can be more promising in augmenting opportunities for women rather than tight fiscal policies. Policies should try to mitigate conditions of labour market in India that slow the process of availing new opportunities, the gendered wage gap also is counterproductive because it lowers the participation of women in the labour markets. The 2030 Agenda of Sustainable development presents a universal agreement in the international community about the importance of gender opportunities for the attainment of sustainable development. Thus it is an indispensable part of the expanding democracy to reinforce both the monetary and the non-monetary tools that creates equal opportunities for all segments of the population.

Conclusion The current paper, investigates the relationship between gender parity in tertiary levels of education and income inequality in India, using time series econometric methodology. In conformity, with the existing literature the study establishes that a rise in gender parity in tertiary levels of education

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271

reduces income inequality in the long run. The study further used Granger causality analysis to predict powers of gender parity index on the levels of income inequality. The general observation that the paper makes is that in order to ensure that equality in educational access among women impacts income inequality, the optimality in threshold levels of higher education must be reached. Higher educational qualification among women and men will generate demand for high skilled jobs, a supply side interaction will augment the job prospects. This process will have a negative feedback effect on income inequality. So, inequality in income is impacted in the long run through expansion in human capital formation. The paper points out that human capital formation impacts inequality in a lagged dimension. The policy direction available from the current research, is that educational expansion among women will break the intergenerational vicious cycle of poverty and income inequality. The role of the fiscal policy for ensuring initial redistribution is also vital. This paper explores the differential impact of investment in human capital formation, across the male and the female sections of the population on income inequality in India over the time period 1976–2014. The paper applies ARDL (Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model) to explore the short run dynamics and long run association between educational inequality and income inequality in India, accommodating for structural changes adopted by the government since 1990s. Against, the backdrop of liberalization the study confirms that in the long run there is a cointegrating relationship among gender segregated educational inequality (measured by the Gender Parity Index) and income inequality (measured through GINI). A one percent rise in Gender Parity Index (GPI) leads to the decline in income inequality by 0.16% over the long run. In the international context there is a growing discussion for setting up rationality criteria in the context of charging differential tuition in the realm of higher education. The principle is based on the returns to higher education and on the ability to pay principle. Policy makers should ensure that higher education is available to those vulnerable sections of the society who have high innate abilities but no means to pay.

Data Sources Feenstra, Robert C., Robert Inklaar and Marcel P. Timmer. (2015). The next generation of the Penn World Table. American Economic Review, 105(10), 3150–3182. www.ggdc.net/pwt and https://www.re3data.org/repository/r3d100012246. Government of India. (2018). Educational Statistics at a Glance, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Department of School Education & Literacy Statistics Division, New Delhi, India. Government of India Reports. (2014). Analysis of budgeted expenditure on education 2010–11 to 2012–13, Planning and Monitoring Unit, Department of Higher Education, MHRD, 2012–2013 to 2014–2015. Public Expenditure on Education. (2012). Retrieved from UNDP open data portal. https://data.undp.org.

272  S. GHOSH UNESCO Institute for Statistics. (2013). Data for the Sustainable Development Goals. Adult literacy rates, 2012. Retrieved from http://uis.unesco.org/. UNU-WIDER. (2018). Income inequality data base (version WID3.4). Retrieved from https://www.wider.unu.edu/database/world-income-inequality-databasewiid34. World Bank. (2018). World Development Indicators. http://data.worldbank.org.

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CHAPTER 15

Drought and Farmer Suicides in Marathwada: A Natural or Manmade Disaster? Nitin Dhaktode

Introduction “Yes every household has a person on full-time water duty”, says Bharat a small farmer with five-and-a-half acres of land from Osmanabad district of Marathwada region in Maharashtra (Sainath 2013).1 Agrarian crisis and farmers suicides in the west and south India for the last more than two decades have invited well-informed debate.2 The growing Farmers suicides in Marathwada for last one decade turns out to be one of the key social and political problems. Between 1995 and 2012, “the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reported 2,84,673 farmers’ suicides, which is 13.9% of all reported suicide deaths” (Mishra 2014). Maharashtra recorded 696 Farmers Suicides in the first three months from January to March 2018 out of which

1 In 2013 drought P. Sainath had field work in the Osmanabad, Jalna and come up with his report and article. He come up with the argument that ow the each family is getting affected due the drought how they spend money to buy the water in villages and cities like Osmanabad and Jalna. http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/when-water-flows-like-money/article4475836.ece. Last visited on 31 August 2017. 2 Some of the recent studies include Chowdry et al. (undated), Dandekar et al. (2005), Deshpande (2002), Government of Andhra Pradesh (2004), Government of Maharashtra (1998), Iyer and Manick (2000), Mohan Rao (2004), Mohanty (2001, 2005), Mohanty and Shroff (2004), Parthasarathy and Shameem (1998), Purendra Prasad (2003), Shambhu Prasad (1999), Shiva et al. (2000), Stone (2002) and Srijit Mishra (2006) among others.

N. Dhaktode (*)  Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_15

279

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244 were from Marathwada region.3 The problem of farmer suicide has not only made an effect on the family of the victim but also on larger society due to its growing trend of suicide. The growing water scarcity for agricultural and drinking made its impact on economic stability of the people that leads farmer’s suicide in Marathwada (Dandekar et al. 2005). The impact of drought on farmers suicide in Marathwada has invited well-informed debate over the government intervention to cope up with the natural disaster drought and manmade disaster like farmer suicides. The everyday disturbing news on the farmer’s suicide is serious concerned and raised by various social, political and psychological scientists in India. The burning issue of farmer suicides making an impact on the larger development of the region. Historically drought is not a new disaster faced by Marathwada people. It has been witnessed by many generations before independence and after independence. The key droughts that made worst impact got recorded are in 1972–1973, 1996–1997, 2001–2003, 2007, 2012–2015 and recent one in 2017–2018. In 2015 state recorded 3228 farmers committed suicides whereas in 2016 number was 3,063, just less than five percentage of the previous year. In the total number of suicide of state, the Marathwada region which has been worst hit by the drought for three years (2013, 2014 and 2015), witnessed 1053 suicides in 2016 against 1133 in 2015.4 On an average every day nine farmers have committed suicides in two years in Maharashtra (36 districts) in that single Marathwada (eight districts) has witnessed three suicides every day. The situation even became worst in 2017, “according to a report submitted by the Aurangabad Divisional Commissioner on August 14, 2017 Marathwada recorded 580 farmers’ suicide between January 1, 2017 and August 13, 2017. Another shocking data of the report says 34 farmers committed suicide between August 7, 2017 to August 13, 2017”. Despite the loan waived by the Maharashtra government in July 2017, farmers are continued suicides in Marathwada.5 Various studies on farmers suicides found that the fundamental reason of the farmer’s suicide is the severe drought witnessed by farmers in the region. In 2017 until 19th August out of 74 days only 29 days rain was recorded that also at the beginning of the Monsoon after which almost 40 days there was no rain due to which the Kharif crop got burnt. The important question remains here is, droughts have been witnessed by state since independence and even before that. When state is aware about the disaster, why there was no proper planning to overcome the problem? 3 https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/696-farmer-suicides-in-3-mths-despiteloan-waiver/articleshow/63791763.cms. 4 http://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai-news/in-maharashtra-despite-good-rain-and-government-schemes-farmer-suicides-down-by-just-5-in-2016/story-7xeKiTrxGn8vPwzdoh85LL. html. Last visited on 31 August 2017. 5 http://indiatoday.intoday.in/stor y/marathwada-farmer-suicides-devendra-fadnavis-loan-waiver-maharashtra/1/1028261.html. Last visited on 31 August 2017.

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The drought has led to another serious manmade disaster that is the suicide. Though well-known sociologist Emile Durkheim (1897) argues that suicide is an act “knowing that it will lead to his death”.6 However, the farmers suicide more than done by 84% by male (Mishra 2014, 04) has affected severely on the families of the victims and larger growth of the nation. This paper will deal with the problem of drought and farmers suicide as disaster in Marathwada region of Maharashtra. It will explore answers of the questions like; how the drought situation has been continued even after independence and leading another disaster through farmers and agricultural labourers suicide. What stapes and policies have been taken by the government to control drought and suicides? What are the key sociopolitical reason behinds long lasting problem of drought and suicide. It also intoreget the process of disaster, whether it is natural or manmade? What difference has been observed over a period of time, etc.

Research Methodology This is exploratory and evaluative research design with qualitative and quantitative research methodology adopted by the researcher. The region of adopting this method is “to use a variety of approaches to answer (research questions) suitable to address this requirement of exploring these dual perspectives” (Jaswal and Kshetrimayum 2017: 84). Paper is based on the ethnographic research study done by the researcher in Osmanabad and around districts. Researcher also has used his live experiences in the paper as key notes to provide the insides of the impact and reasons of the problem. For the macro analysis researcher has used secondary data from various research, NCRB report, news articles, academic research papers, government reports, etc. The rationale of field selection for this paper was the historicity and backwardness of the region in development indicators along with problem of drought and farmers suicides. This research has explored various social, political, geographical and economical aspect of the problem and its implication through data collected through above mentioned methodology.

Socioeconomic and Geography of Maharashtra and Marathwada Marathwada is one of the regions of Maharashtra state. Before coming to the Marathwada, it is important to understand the state of Maharashtra which is known as one of the richest states in India with GDP of Rs. 16.8 lakh crore.7 6 http://durkheim.uchicago.edu/Summaries/suicide.html. Last accessed on 21 December 2018. 7 Maharashtra ranks first in India to have the highest wealth. This is richest state due to its industrial development in the state. See the link http://www.trendingtopmost.com/worlds-popular-list-top-10/2017-2018-2019-2020-2021/india/richest-states-india-best-famous-beautiful-developed/. Last visited on 27 August 2017.

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Maharashtra has its peculiarities, it is the second-largest state in India in terms of population and geographical area about 3.08 lakh sq. km. “As per population census, 2011 the population of the State is 11.24 crore which is 9.3 percent of the total population of India and is highly urbanised with 45.2 percent of people residing in urban areas”.8 Maharashtra is also well known for various reasons including the social reformers and its progressiveness. The progressive kings like Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj, social reformers like Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and many more have given their lives to cultivate the values and principles of humanity, equality, fraternity, social justice for the development of the state and nation. Geographically Maharashtra occupies the western and central part of the country with 30,8000 sq. km land and has a long coastline stretching nearly 720 km along the Arabian Sea which has also source of economy through fishing and tourism. “The Sahyadri mountain ranges provide a natural backbone to the State on the west knows as protection wall of state, while the Satpura hills along the north and Bhamragad-Chiroli Gaikhuri ranges on the east serve as its natural borders”. The neighbouring states are “Gujarat to the northwest, Madhya Pradesh to the north, Chhattisgarh to the east, Telangana to the south east, Karnataka to the south and Goa to the south west”.9 Maharashtra has five regions, namely, Marathwada, Vidarbha, Desh, Khandesh and Konkan and 6 administrative divisions with 36 district, 355 blocks, 40,959 villages, 2706 habitations and 534 towns (Census 2011).10 Maharashtra is highly urbanised state as compared to the all India average 54.8% population in Maharashtra lives in rural areas whereas all India average 68.9% population lives in rural areas (Table 15.1). As compared to the 1960–1961 the percentage of the population in urban areas has increased for more than 17% in 2015–2016 in Maharashtra. The data from various reports shows that the migration of the rural population to urban areas over a period of time. The above table shows how the rural migration has happened, this is due to lack of employment in the rural areas. The rural population is largely depend on the agriculture for their livelihood. The decreasing agricultural production and drought has made rural people to migrate in the urban areas for the livelihood security. If the agriculture could have satisfactory provide the livelihood security to the people then number would not this large as we can see in the table.

8 See the government of Maharasthra’s economic survey report 2015–2016 for more details. Last visited on 27 August 2017. https://www.maharashtra.gov.in/PDF/EcoSurvey_2015_16_ Eng.pdf. 9 See the Maharashtra Government’s economic survey of financial year 2016–2017 for more details. https://mahades.maharashtra.gov.in/files/publication/ESM_Eng2016_17.pdf. Last visited on 27 August 2017 also see the NIDM Report 2016–2017. 10 Ibid.

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Table 15.1  Rural and urban population, Maharashtra Years

1960–1961 1970–1971 1980–1981 1990–1991 2000–2001 2010–2011 2015–2016

Rural (in ’000) Urban (in ’000) Total (in ’000) Rural (population %) Urban (population %)

28,391

34,701

40,791

48,395

55,778

61,556

61,556

11,163

15,711

21,993

30,542

41,101

50,818

50,818

39,554

50,412

62,784

78,937

96,879

112,374

112,374

71.78

68.84

64.98

61.31

57.58

54.78

54.78

28.22

31.16

35.02

38.69

42.42

45.22

45.22

Source Census (2011) and Maharashtra Government’s economic survey of financial year 2016–2017

Agriculture Holding of the State and Cropping Pattern The landholding pattern of the state shows that in 1971 there were only 49,51,000/holds the total operational land of 21,179 (Hectare [ha]). The average holding was 4.28 (Ha) where in 2010–2011 the land holding number went to 1,36,99,000/those hold the total operational land of 19,767 (ha). If we see the landholding average it shows 1.44 (ha) per holder. The dependant population on the land is growing rapidly but land as stable capital is as it was, which is getting distributed after every generation. This is also one of the reasons for the rural to urban migration in the state. The cropping pattern in the state is different in every region and even districts based on the land and rainfall. Districts of Konkan regions and few districts of Vidarbha receives high rainfall therefore farmers prefer to take Rice, Jowar, Pulses, Wheat, etc. Most of the districts from Marathwada region receives the low rainfall as compared to other regions like Konkan, vidarbha or western Maharashtra. Beed, Aurangabad, Latur are the only district who have privilege to access the water from more than two big rivers like Godavari and Manjara. Osmanabad is one of the lowest rainfall district in the region with 54 cm and don’t have any big river due to which in Human Development Index (HDI) it stands at 29th in the state.11 Most of the district of Marathwada are with poor HDI. However, still Marathwada is one the region after western Maharashtra who take sugarcane production highest in Maharashtra. Sugarcane as a cash crop has given opportunity to farmers to dig the tubwell as much as deep to exploit the water. That lead the agriculture and drinking water scarcity during the various droughts. 11 See the research study on the cropping patterns in all the districts of Maharashtra. http:// shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/106318/10/10_chapter%205.pdf. Last visited on 29 August 2017.

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Marathwada at Glance The name “Marathwada” drawn from the Marathi speaking population in region of Hyderabad princely state. Marathwada is one of the region of the Maharashtra located on the border of Karnataka and Telangana state. When India got independence on 15th August 1947 still Marathwada was under the rule of Nizam and became part of an independent India on 17 September, 1948. Aurangabad was the muluk headquarter of the nizam to get connected with the region. The Aurangabad has the history of Buddhist philosophy the Ajanta and Ellora caves are historical proof of the King Ashoka’s rule (Kate 1987). The Hyderabad state had eighty-five per cent of its population is Hindu, but Muslims dominated the army, police and civil services. Most of the top level decision-making post were given to Muslim by the king. Despite the Muslim ruled state the caste was practices brutal in all the region of state. Land was the only major livelihood source for the people but people did not have right to own it. “Nizam himself owned about 10 per cent of the land of the state; much of the rest was controlled by large landowners. From his holdings the ruler earned Rs. 25 million a year in rent, while another Rs. 5 million were granted him from the state treasury” (Guha 2007). He exploited the farmers as much as possible and earn the money due to which he was considered world’s richest man in 1930s decade. Even today most of the part of Telangana, Bidar and Marathwada which was part of Hyderabad state is known for severe drought. After region included in the state based on the language the state does not come out from the problem of water scarcity and drought. More than 65% population of the Marathwada is economically depend on the agriculture where the irrigation facility does not support this occupation satisfactory. Approximately 40% area of Marathwada is drought-prone.12 Marathwada is one of vulnerable regions that get affected by the drought due to its location in interior parts of Peninsular India. Marathwada not only has been witness of the drought as natural disaster but also earthquake of 1993, untimely rain and losses of crop, lives and animals, poor disaster management by the government, etc. The lack of planning, transparency and accountability in the system also been few key reasons of is long time battle against the drought in Marathwada.

Irrigation Facility Rivers are the key source of irrigation in the Marathwada. Maharashtra has key rivers named Godavari, Bhima, Krishna, Panchganga, Bhima, Tapi and Narmada. The key rivers are tributary rivers for instance Tapi with Purna, Gima and Spina. Godavari with tributary rivers of Penganga, Wardha, 12 See

the link for more details https://www.maharashtra.gov.in/site/upload/WhatsNew/ KCR-23122014.pdf. Last visited on 31 August 2017.

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Wainganga, Manjara and Purna. Krishna with Koyna and Bhima. West Flowing rivers. Damanganga, Vietnam, Ulaha, Vashishtha, Shashtri, Karli, etc. Most the river travels from other regions of the Maharashtra and very few from Marathwada. The Godavari is the important river flowing through Marathwada, particularly serving the district of Aurangabad, Beed, Parbhani and Nanded. The Godavari Springs from a hill behind the holy spot of Trimbakeshwar and enters Marathwada region near the township of Puntamba, and flows across the region covering almost every district of Marathwada except Osmanabad Jalna and Latur Districts. The Manjara, Bendsura and Wan are the prominent rivers of Beed District along with Godavari. The Penganga, Purna and Dudhana flows through Parbhani. The important rivers of Osmanabad and Latur district are the Manjara and Terna these teams along with the Gautami Ganga (Kate 1987). Marathwada don’t have any other big river except Godavari that provides the water for irrigation and drinking purpose of some part. Jayakwadi is one of the largest irrigation project in India that covers the Aurangabad and Jalna district. Terna has two dams, namely, Terna Dam and Makini Dam. But due to low rain the dame hardly get filled, also most of the time river remain dry. Manjra flow from Latur district and some of the part of Beed do have few Dams but the situation of Manjra also is not different than Terna. Most of the time farmers on the bank of river exploit the water for agriculture land and taken cash crops such as Sugarcane. Low rain is the main reason of the drought in region, low rainfall due to less forest is the source of problem. There are no adequate irrigation facilities in the region. Thus no water for the trees, most of the part of the region found species of small trees which can survive with less water. It is interdependent cycle, there are no adequate tree therefore no rain, there is no enough water therefore no trees. If we see the map of Maharashtra, Marathwada looks yellow and dirty due to lack of adequate water and tree. Various programme by government to increase the number of trees also got failed due to water scarcity.

Drought a Natural or Manmade Disaster? The important question in the process of understanding the drought is whether it is natural or manmade disaster. If this is the natural disasters then what is the process and if this is manmade disaster then how this can be called manmade disaster. Before going into the details, it is important to understand the meaning of drought and its process. The word drought (Dushkal in Marathi, Akal in Hindi) is often used in the Marathwada region to express any problem. The residence of region are use to of drought as problem. There are multiple definitions of the drought popularly defined “a lack of precipitation over an extended period, usually a season or more, relative to

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some long-term average condition”.13 Whereas the specific definitions as bellow “Droughts are believed to be creeping phenomena because of their slow onset intensity, and uncertainty of duration” (Gillette 1950; Choudhury and Sindhi 2017). Whereas another set of researcher defines “droughts can be meteorological, hydrological, agricultural, or socioeconomic depending on rainfall or runoff deficiencies, the availability of water for crops in the growing season, or the impact of drought on human activities, both direct and indirect” (O’Farrell and Anderson 2010; Choudhury and Sindhi 2017). In the history first time due to water dispute in Latur District, Magistrate imposed the section 144 in district.14 Latur and Osmanabad are the most affected district in the region. As P. Sainath found that in 2013 Jalna, Osmanabad were most affected district for the drinking water. Water is one of the most important part of the human life. Without water world is incomplete. It impossible for the any lives to survive without water. The large source of the water is rain for the society. The irrigation and drinking water is totally depend on the rain droop. “In a country like India, where rain-fed agriculture is the dominant source of food production, drought inherently coexists with farmers, society, and the economy” (Choudhury and Sindhi 2017). Though the drought is considered a natural disaster due to low rainfall it is also important to understand other manmade reasons. “Without denying the occurrence of extreme and perennial droughts, the effects of which may be disconnected from anthropological factors, it cannot be denied that human activities play a crucial role in influencing the severity of droughts” (ibid.). The another important question remain silent is, what were the effort of the government to overcome from the problem of drought in various parts of India including Marathwada? The answer seeking process take us towards the question whether drought are natural or manmade?

Major Droughts and Counter Government Policies The 1972 drought is known every part of the Maharashtra, out of 26 district 21 districts faced drought. It was one of the worst drought ever residence of state altogether faced. Marathwada being and most vulnerable part of the state was worst affected area of the drought. The struggle of the Maharashtra farmer is not new for the irrigation facilities in the state. In seventies decade state stand second lowest in irrigation facilities (Ladejinsky 1973). Though Nehru took the extraordinary efforts for the agriculture development including irrigation facilities, Maharashtra did not get much attention for development of irrigation facilities. Two consecutive years drought lead the various other problem such as lack of food grains for human beings and animal, 13 http://drought.unl.edu/Portals/0/docs/Drought%20in%20the%20US%20Causes%20 and%20Issues%20for%20Congress.pdf. Last visited on 31 August 2017. 14 http://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/fearing-water-riots-latur-imposes-sec-144-steps-up-police-patrols-116032100156_1.html. Last visited on 31 August 2017.

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unemployment, it affected on the cities for the vegetables and milk supply. The high level of migration was started in 1973. Government of Maharashtra come up with the Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS) (1974) which was made and act in 1977 to assure the employment and curb the rural migration. EGS is know one of the successful programme in the state that assured work in village, created community and agricultural infrastructure which also contributed for the rainfall and water conservation. However main cities like Pune, Mumbai were filled by the rural people in search of work. Latter the government of India made National Employment Guarantee Act in 2005 based on the EGS. Another drought which hit most of the states of India including Maharashtra and particularly Marathwada was in 1996–1997. The 1996 drought affected 7 districts and 266.75 lakh people. The 1997 drought affected 17 districts.15 During this drought also EGS played an important role to provide the employment for rural unskilled labourers. EGS was one of most effective anti-poverty alleviation programme in Maharashtra. As found by Dreze and Sen (1990) “the public-works programme helped in preventing the famine during the drought of 1970-73 in-spite of the low and declining per capita availability of food-grains in the state”. During the drought period the EGS was used as a relief programme (Dev 1995). “By any criterion the drought of 1970-73 in Maharashtra must have marked as all time record for the scale and reach of public works programme in a famine relief operation” (Dreze and Sen 1990: 89). After the drought period the government has continued the EGS and used it as an anti-poverty programme (Dev 1995). The other words drought was recorded in history in 2001. In 2001, droughts affected about 20,000 villages from 23 districts. That affected 28.4 million people and 4.5 million hectares of crops in the State of Maharashtra. According to a report from the Government of Maharashtra, 3 districts in 2002–2003 and 11 districts in 2003–2004 were affected by severe drought. This continued in 2004 Rabbi and Kharip. Due to lakh of rainfall in monsoon in 2003, the Govt. of Maharashtra (GoM) declared droughts in 11 districts, namely, Pune, Satara, Sangli, and Solapur (Pune Division), Nashik and Ahmednagar (Nashik Division) which are known well in irrigation facilities whereas the marathwada’s Beed, Latur, Osmanabad and Aurangabad (Aurangabad Division). “Altogether 71 talukas in these 11 districts were seriously affected by the droughts” (Vaishampayan and Patil 2014). The Drought of 2001–2002 not only affected the agricultural crop and economic instability but also on health, education and other development of the residence of the drought-affected areas. In 2013, 2014 and 2015 for consecutive three years Marathwada witnessed worst drought in the region. Marathwada received 541 mm rainfall 15 This is government report that provides the detailed data about the drought and drought situation in the state. http://nidm.gov.in/PDF/DP/MAHARASHTRA.PDF. Last visited on 31 August 2017.

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every year whereas in 2015, it was just 259 mm. The drought-hit 400 villages where the situation became like desert. The people were struggling for drinking water and food for the animals. Government extended support through the animal shelter with food grains but those were just for the sack of the showing that state is working for the people and farmers. The level of groundwater in the drought time went deeper fore 600 feets in Osmanabad and Latur districts. The Jayakwadi dam had only 6% water left while the water in five other dams—Manjira, Seena, Kolegaon, Majalgaon and Lower Terna—was finished. Till September 2015 more than 43 lakh hectares under Kharif and 20 lakh hectares under Rabi crops get affected, hitting 36 lakh farmers and their families across the state. Even the aged people said to many journalist that the three years consecutive drought is worst than 1972 and never seen such in their lifetime. Government took the decision to stop the groundwater exploitation for irrigation below feet underground. Even government come up with the idea of artificial rain through cloud seeding which was an unsuccessful effort with huge money spent on this project.16 The situation of drought was almost occurred in 2017 when there was no rain for more than 40 days in the monsoon. Most of Kharif crop got burnt and farmers lose the confidence.

Suicides in Maharashtra and Marathwada The important disaster which Marathwada has been facing known as farmers suicides. The news of farmer suicide has become no more shocking for many people from Marathwada since it almost every day incidence. Unfortunately, state and common people somehow lose their sensitivity to think and fight against such manmade disaster. However, everyone got shocked by an inside of “a 16-year-old daughter of a farmer in drought-hit Latur district of Marathwada allegedly committed suicide by consuming pesticide as her debtpressed parents could not buy her a monthly state transport ‘bus pass’ to commute to college”.17 Not only this single girl but there are many who have choose this way because of the expenditure that father made on their daughter’s marriages by taking loan and latter committed suicides. The daughter who yet to get marry also have committed suicides by seeing the struggle of fathers. The worst situation occurs when the landless labourers commit suicide during such drought. Most of the landless labourers are depend on the agriculture land for their livelihood but during the drought situation they except EGS and NREGA they don’t get any assurance. The story of NREGA

16 News article about the drought in Marathwada region. http://www.downtoearth.org.in/ news/marathwada-in-the-grip-of-drought-like-situation-51012. Last visited on 31 August 2017. 17 http://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/farmer-s-daughter-ends-life-forwant-of-money-to-have-bus-pass-115102600474_1.html.

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Fig. 15.1  Number of suicides from 2001 to 2016 (Source Data from 2001 to 2014 is from state crime records bureau. Data for 2015 is from NCRB and includes suicides by agricultural labourers as well, data for 2016 is from state assembly records from February 1, 2016 to mid-February 2017. https://thewire.in/wp-content/ uploads/2017/04/Annex-1-%E2%80%93-Farmer-suicides-2016-and-2017.pdf)

implementation in the state is very poor.18 Thus, in such poor governance the problem of farmer and labourers suicides in Maharashtra and Marathwada growing every day a serious issue (Fig. 15.1). As per the data from various sources mentioned above shown in the graph indicate that the suicides of the farmers and agricultural labourers has sudden increase in 2014 after droughts of 2001, 2002, 2013 and in 2016 after 2013, 2014, 2015 droughts. If we see the graph, it shows that in 2001, 2002, 2004 total 1372, 1340 and 1445 farmers, respectively, committed suicides in Maharashtra. However, the number suddenly went 1638 in 2014 the reason behind this was the three years consecutive drought in Maharashtra especially in Marathwada. Almost similar thing happen in 2013, 2014, 2015 total 1326, 1090 and 1290 farmers, respectively, committed suicides. The number again went high this time to 1982 in 2016 exactly after three years consecutive drought in state and Marathwada region. This data shows during the drought farmers have committed suicides but the number increased after a year. The reason behind this is the loan taken from banks and landlords 18 See http://www.nrega.nic.in/netnrega/home.aspx. Also the social audit situation and corruption in the Maharashtra. As per the government of India’s notification, state government should have implemented the social audit in NREGA but after 6 years of notification and close follow up by the central government, state government yet to establish the social audit directorate.

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during the drought, that build the pressure on the farmers. The scary picture occurs in the month of August when there was not rain the number of farmers suicides rapidly increased in a week 34 farmers from Marathwada committed suicides. Despite of the 34,000 crores 40 lakh loan waivers announcement by government of Maharashtra in the month of July it didn’t make any positive contribution to control the suicides.

Reasons of Suicide Various studies have come up with key reasons of the suicide. “The expressed reasons in order of importance behind farmer suicides were – debt, alcohol addiction, environment, low produce prices, stress and family responsibilities, apathy, poor irrigation, increased cost of cultivation, private money lenders, use of chemical fertilizers and crop failure” (Parvathamma 2016). Narayanamoorthy (2006) cites a decrease in the importance of agriculture as the main reason. As a result, crop cultivation is no longer sufficient as the only means of subsistence and farmers are increasingly indebted. Rahman (2012) adds that the decline in agricultural production was induced by the structural adjustment policies in the 1990s (Hofle 2015).

Suicides a “Man Made Disasters” and Welfare State Approach The important thing is there to understand the weather the drought and suicides are the manmade or natural disasters? Maharashtra secures the top in economic development; money is not problem for the state due to the money generated from public taxes. State government has also invested lot in the creation of irrigation facilities. In 2013 Maharashtra had the highest number of major, minor and medium projects dams in the country exclusively for irrigation. However being in top in nation this only could cover 18.9% of land.19 Thus, the more than 80% land still depends on the seasonal rain, which is mostly from Marathwada and Vidarbha region. The question occurs here why government has not invested in Marathwada for irrigation development projects. Since 2002 government has been expanding huge amount to create the irrigation project in the state. After spending Rs. 70,000 for decade long project government could only achieve the 0.1% of irrigation facilities. Horrified Actually money was drowned but nothing happened on the ground. It looked like a horrified scam was about to emerge. When the corruption come out the responsible minister given the resignation, the Chitale committee was formed for the investigation. Many politicians also faced the CBI inquiry but 19 https://yourstory.com/2016/04/maharashtra-drought-feature/.

2017.

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they manage to do away with responsibility. Corruption in the agriculture development project, irrigation project has occurred one of the serious reason that lead this problem more vulnerable. The decade long data of farmer suicides shows that the number has not been under control. If state has failed to control the suicides that mean there are some basic problem with policy. Lack of transparency and accountability in the policy planning, implementation and evaluation became key reason for the policy failure. Another poor management in cropping system lead drought in state and region. The pattern of cash crop also pushed farmers in trouble. The cash crop requires the fertiliser and if farmers use the fertiliser then it should have enough water, if crop don’t get the enough water the whole crop get burn. To take cash crop, farmers have to invest lot on the seeds and fertilisers and if there is no rain then farmers found themselves in deficit. The standard practice in the Marathwada is, farmers take the loan in advance on the crop, spend it on seeds and fertilisers but if due to water scarcity they loose crop then it became challenging to face the deficit. In the cash crop, sugarcane has biggest contributor in the drought and farmer suicide in Maharashtra. It has been criticised by many policy makers that the water-guzzling sugarcane is one of the key reason to lead the drought situation in Maharashtra. State account almost 40% of sugar production of India. To produce a one kg sugar on an average sugarcane take 2068 liters water. In Maharashtra, almost 72% of available irrigation and well water is directed to the production of sugarcane, leaving little water for cultivation of other crops (ibid.). The Chitale committee warned government of Maharashtra to decrease the sugarcane production and promote other crops that need less water. In fact the problem was identified by the Maharashtra Water and Irrigation commission in 1999 and stated: “It is desirable to impose a total ban on water intensive crops like sugarcane in these deficit sub basins… less water intensive crops only and less water intensive economic activities only should be permitted” (ibid.). The political economy of the sugarcane did not allow for any ban or control over the sugarcane production. In the Maharashtra politics, the political lobby is known as “sugar lobby” who have strong hold on the sugar industries. Most of the powerful politicians have the sugarcane industries those gives advance money to the farmers to take the crop and take it back from their production. Marathwada which is known for drought have 80 sugarcane industries out of 205 in state. Almost one third industries are located across the districts of Osmanabad, Beed, Latur, Aurangabad, Nanded, Parbhani, Jalna and Hingoli. “A similar situation exists in western Maharashtra’s drought-prone districts of Solapur and Ahmednagar. Water is being indiscriminately provided just for sugarcane cultivation to keep netas well fed. There has been no attempt in educating farmers to shift to other less water dependent crops and other activities like dairy to supplement income” (ibid.). All the factories requires water that has been provided by the government

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through various irrigation projects and dams. Since sugarcane is the cash crop, landlord farmers have invested lot to exploit the water, they have dig wells, taken bore wells. Everyone knows farmers are committing suicides due to drought/water scarcity and loans but since the political power holders earns money from the sugarcane industry never put their effort to educate the farmers for crop shifting. State government has implemented various programme for water conservation and increase the number of plantation. Integrated Water Management Programme with the major share of central government was one of the programme. Specifically for the Marathwada the Krishna Khore Vikas Mahamandal was established by the state government. The aim of the programme was to build the canal and water irrigation facilities to get water from Krishna river. But yet that has not been suicide due to oppose from the western Maharashtra to take away the water. Under the sanitation programme government has made it clear that the water management and water conservation with planting tree given preference. In the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan also these things given importance. To implement the NREGA project the preference has been given to pound, tree plantation, building, etc. those contribute in agriculture development. However, unfortunately the objectives and aims of the project couldn’t able to achieve due to poor implementation and lack of sustainability. The Maahaautee (Coalition) government came in power in 2014 come up with new programme named Jalukt Shivar targeting drought free Maharashtra before 2019. Government allocated another Rs. 70,000 crores budget for this programme. The key objective of the programme are to make drought free state, provide employment opportunities to the people, curb the farmers suicides. Under the programme key works are taken on top priority basis 1. The work is to Broadening and deepening river base 2. Removing silt from lakes, ponds, farm ponds and canals which prevents water percolation 3. Building check dams, canals, small ponds and wells for individual and community 4. Tree plantation for better conservation of water in soil. State also set the target to implement water conservation and ­micro-irrigation on 25 lakh hectare in the state within 15 month. The major support of public in this Abhiyan aim to target 60% area. Jalyukta Shivar Yojna implement on each and every district, taluka and villages.20 Apart from the government Jalukt Shivar Programme the Non Profit Organisations also have come up with various programme such as “water cup” competition by the Pani Foundation. Pani Foundation lead by Bollywood actor Aamir Khan 20 http://govinfo.me/jalyukta-shivar-yojna-maharashtra/.

Last visited on 31 August 2017.

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has been working in the field since 2016 received fund from the Tata trust and Reliance Foundation. The foundation is set up by Kiran Rao and Aamir Khan. The idea of project is to take the voluntary participation of the people through Shramdan and create the water conservation infrastructure in the rural areas. Whichever village does best in the year that are awarded by “Water Cup” award by the Chief Minister of Maharashtra. The programme has contributed effectively in the rural Maharashtra and shown the positive impact. However the demand and targets yet to achieve and need consistent work with proper follow up for its sustainability.

Conclusion The political economy of water distribution in the state of the Maharashtra has lead more number of farmer’s suicide in the Marathwada and Vidarbha regions. The wrestler Maharashtra, Konkan and Khandesh of the Maharashtra are rich in terms of the water. Thus, less farmer’s suicides have been reported from this regions. However, the high number of suicides have been noted from above both reason. The politically powerful leadership has made positive impact in the other region except Marathwada and Vidarbha. The faire water distribution hasnot been taken place in the state. The architect of Indian constitution Dr B. R. Ambedkar argued that water is the Natural wealth and it is the responsibility of Country to conserve it. This Natural wealth must be nationalised and it must be distributed in well manner. Further he promoted the national level river connectivity programme which was not taken as top priority by the government. If that could have been done then, situation of the farmers would have been different today. Despite Maharashtra having progressive history of the social reformer the discrimination practices in the state are very much based on caste, class, gender, language and region even in water distribution. Marathwada which was a part of Hyderabad state ruled by Nizam got over exploited for the development. After it became a part of the India and latter Maharashtra based on the Language got secondary status in the states. The political economy of the State did not leave single opportunity to exploit the region. Most of the big rivers are in other region of the State, when the Krishna Khore Project was designed for the water supply the politicians from the Western Maharashtra strongly opposed it. The sugar lobby also in the state assembly did not allow any ban on the sugarcane production which became one of the key region for the drought and water scarcity in the region. The drought and water scarcity led the massive number of farmer’s suicide in the state and region. Lack of proper planning, transparency in planning, implementation and evaluation of the policies to deal the issue of farmer’s suicides is another region. Government has not been showing its accountability to take care of the farmers and have sustained solution. The irrigation scam of Rs. 70,000 found by Chitale Committee didn’t came on the public view, politicians

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manage to hide that and wash their hands from responsibility. Such failures should be bring in the public view and state should be made accountable. Until and unless state take adequate participation of the key stakeholders in the policy planning, implementation and evaluation with adequate transparency and accountability problem may not have sustainable solution. Thus, the drought, which is largely looked as natural disaster, could have been resolved through quality intervention and the problem of farmer suicide stopped. Nevertheless, in absence of proper intervention the problem remain as it is. Therefore, it is not a natural disaster but more a state-sponsored manmade disaster in Marathwada and other parts of the state and nation.

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Mishra, S. (2006) Suicide of Farmers in Maharashtra (Submitted to the Government of Maharashtra). Mumbai: Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research. Mishra, S. (2014). Farmers’ Suicides in India, 1995–2012: Measurement and Interpretation (Asia Research Center Working Paper 62). London: London School of Economics & Political Science Houghton Street. Mohanty, B. (2001). Suicides of Farmers in Maharashtra. Review of Development and Change, 6(2), 146–188. Mohanty, B. (2005). ‘We Are Like the Living Dead’: Farmer Suicide in Maharashtra, Western India. Journal of Peasant Studies, 32(2), 243–276. Mohanty, B., & Shroff, S. (2004). Farmer’s Suicides in Maharashtra. Economic and Political Weekly, 39(52): 5599–5606. Narayanamoorthy, A. (2006). Relief Package for Farmers: Can it Stop Suicides? Economic and Political Weekly, 41(31), 3353–3355. O’Farrell, P., & Anderson, P. M. L. (2010). Sustainable Multifunctional Landscapes: A Review to Implementation. Current Opinions in Environmental Sustainability, 2, 59–65. Parthasarthy, G., & Shameem. (1998). Suicides of Cotton Farmers in Andhra Pradesh: An Exploratory Study. Economic and Political Weekly, 33(13), 720–26. Parvathamma, G. (2016). Farmers Suicide and Response of the Government in India—An Analysis. IOSR Journal of Economics and Finance, 7(3) (Ver. I), 1–6. Purendra Prasad, N. (2003). Rights of Farmers in the Context of Suicides in Andhra Pradesh. Indian Journal of Human Rights, 7(1–2), 101–119. Rao, M. (2004). Suicides Among Farmers—A Study of Cotton Growers. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Rahman, F. (2012). Agrarian Reforms and Farmers Suicide in India: Human Rights Issues and Concerns. The Northern University Journal of Law, 3, 49–62. Shambhu Prasad, C. (1999). Suicide Deaths and Quality of Indian Cotton— Perspectives from History of Technology and Khadi Movement. Economic and Political Weekly, 34(5), PE12-20. Shiva, V., Jafri, A. H., Emani, A., & Pande, M. (2000). Seeds of Suicide: The Ecological and Human Costs of Globalisation of Agriculture. New Delhi: Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Ecology. Stone, G. D. (2002). Biotechnology and Suicide in India. http://artsci.wustl.edu/~anthro/research/biotech_suicide.html. Accessed 20 June 2005. Vaishampayan, M. R., & Patil S. A. (2014). Problems and Prospects of Agriculture in Drought Prone Area in Maharashtra. Scholarly Research Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies (Online).

PART V

Social Problems in India and China—A Comparison Jianguo Gao and Rajendra Baikady

Both India and China faces numerus social issues that are contemporary in nature. A high level of poverty, inequality and discrimination based on caste, gender, religion and economic status is seen largely in India where as China witnesses the differential treatment based on economic status and geographical divides. Poverty is one of the major social problem in both these emerging economies in of the Asian continent. Both India and China adopted planned economic programmes in order to curb the poverty level and achieve sustainable development. This part of the book examines some of the social problems experienced by both India and China in the light of trade liberalization, opening up to the global market and privatization of means of production. The process of economic development helped China to pull itself out of absolute poverty especially in the urban parts of China. Market reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping in 1978 resulted in 700 million peoples lift out of absolute poverty which contributed for 70% of global poverty reduction (Majendie 2018). China under the leadership of General Secretary Xi Jinping set the goal of lifting 1.4 billion Chinese people out of destitution by the end of 2020 (Wescott and Wang 2019). Further 13th five-year plan in operation since 2016 and continues till 2020 aims for poverty reduction through industrialization and investment, employment opportunities, ex situ resettlement and social security programmes (Central Committee of the Communist Party of China 2016; Zuo 2019). A step towards lifting 30 million people out of poverty by 2020, China achieved a remarkable reduction in the extreme poverty in villages and number of poorest counties reduced from 832 to 430 by the end of 2018 (South China Morning Post 2018).

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Three contributions in this section of the volume presents an in-depth discussion of the social problems in two diverse contexts. On appositive note they don’t only discuss the problems and to some extent they also delineate the possible solutions to overcome by these social problems. Yixuan Wang in her chapter examines the monetary and logistical challenges posed by international trade and patent laws and its effect on the abilities of India and China to access the most current and effective treatments for HIV/ AIDS epidemic. India, in the recent past made fast growth in the people with HIV/AIDS epidemic. Estimations shows that approximately, 1.7–2.7 million people were living with HIV/AIDS in India at the end of 2013 (UNAIDS 2014). Further a hypothesized finding shows that only 36 per cent of people living with HIV/AIDS have access to antiretroviral therapy (ART) (UNAIDS 2014). Even though sources show a decline in the new HIV infection at the rate of 57% (NACO 2014), over the last decades, the social consequences of the infected population are high because of lack of information about HIV, and stigma and discrimination associated with the disease. Where as in China according to BBC report (BBC 2018) there was a 14% rise in new HIV infections and out of this 40,000 infections were reported only in the second quarter alone. While large number of these transmitions are through general population, health officials report an increase of 100,000 new cases each year (BBC 2018). However, the collaborative approach of Chinas government, civil society and the private sector in combating HIV can provide important lessons for many countries in Asia and the Pacific and beyond, particularly for south-south collaboration and sustainability (UNAIDS 2013). A chapter by Peter Selman compares and contrasts trends in international adoption in India and China over a period of 25 years starting from the 1993 Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption to 2017 based on the statistics provided by 20+ receiving States. The findings revile the Changes in the characteristics—e.g. age and gender - of the children chosen for adoption focussing on the move towards special needs adoption and the growth in domestic adoption in the two countries. Jesper Willaing Zeuthen in his Chapter  22 From Peasants to Social Assistance Recipients? Semi-forced Urbanization in China examines the logic followed by the Chinese government in compensation and resettlements with respect to land appropriation. The chapter provides insightful findings that are based on fieldwork around the mega-city Chengdu in Southwestern China. The argues that compensation works more as a social right for those in communities already eligible for social welfare than as a market-based compensation reflecting the property’s value for developers. Thus, it is predominantly citizenship and the state’s conception of what the function of the housing in question was prior to its demolition that determines the amount and type of compensation. Further regional imbalance and inequality is one of the major problem faced by the China in the recent decades. Along with high level of income inequality people in China also experience injustice in

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opportunities and entitlement depending on their residential status. Jiang (2006) argued that the reason for regional imbalance is posed by the negligence of the government in the economic development of the middle and the western regions since last twenty years. Hewitt (2008) noted that one category of the rural population which is in the attention of the government, media and the academia is migrant workers or the floating population who comprises in millions who basically live in the coastal regions of the country and are migrating in search of the work and better leaving condition in the southern part of the county. However, the contribution by these migrant workers to the Chinese society is remarkable. As Farndon (2008) notes these migrant workers contributed to China’s economic development is miracle. These workers were involved in the work which are low paid and the work which urban residents were reluctant to do (Lo & Jiang 2006). Xiong and Wang (2007) noted that Social work emerged as a new solution to many old and new social problems. Next set of chapters in this parts discuss about the Indian common social problems such as social exclusion and cast based discrimination which is unique to Indian context. Debates on inequality and discrimination is an important issue throughout the globe and more in developing and less developed nations. Further development and inequality has a close connection and development cannot be discussed in the absence of debates on inequality. Unequal distribution of Income is one leading cause for the inequality in many societies whereas in other societies verity of other factors associated with inequality and discrimination. Ricardo characterises income distribution as the principal problem of economics (Sandmo 2015). Researchers have examined income inequalities in Asian countries (Zhuang et al. 2014) and found that Inequality increased for three large countries like China, India, Indonesia. Further Jain-Chandra et al. (2016) in a study found capital expenditure are associated with higher inequality in Asia. Vikram Singh documents the experiences of Dalit Children in Indian in his chapter ‘Social Welfare and Inclusive Education for Children with Disability towards Social Inclusion: Dalit Children Experience’. The chapter makes an attempt in exploring the dynamics of caste in deciding the educational accessibility of the children with disability and those who belongs to Dalit community. The review of the literature and theoretical framework in this chapter provides a critical understanding on social welfare provision for disabled children, common factors that prevent the children with disability in schooling, and other various factors that decrease the welfare accessibility of a child with disability from the Dalit community. Prashant Negi in his Chapter  15 “Social Policies and Institutional Arrangements for Minorities and Special Categories in India: An Overview and the Way Forward” makes an attempt to understand the overall institutional arrangement of the Government of India towards minorities and special categories such as the Scheduled Castes (Sc’s) and the Scheduled Tribes

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(ST’s). The chapter analyses the specific constitutional provisions and statutory bodies established for the mainstreaming of minority communities and marginalized social groups in India. Caste is a source of embarrassment and controversy in middle-class India. Caste plays an important role in the social, economic and political life of people in India. Majority of the social exclusion happens because of caste differences and exploitation of lower caste people by the upper caste people. Cast also plays an important role in the poverty and majority of poor belongs to lower caste and mostly the rural and semi urban residents. Shah et al. (2018) argued that in Indian context poverty and caste are closely connected and caste cannot be independently examined. Further while examine the changes, Deshpande (2017, 93) notes that the degree of caste inequality in India is unimproved and faster development of different states have contributed for these increasing caste inequality. Many scholars have also discussed the anti-caste development activism (Anandhi and Kapadia 2017; Gorringe et al. 2016; Hardtmann 2009; Lerche 2008; see Rawat and Satyanarayana 2016; Waghmore 2013) which provides and understanding of growing intolerance about caste inequality in India. Development and innovation in educational sector is an inevitable aspect of any developing society. In terms of its size and diversity Indian education system is the third higher education system in the world, next to China and United States and largest in the world in terms of number of educational institutions (Sharma & Sharma 2015). However, despite of these positive factors and growing investment in the educational sector 73% of India’s population remain illiterate (Census of India 2011). Further quality of education whether at primary or higher education is significantly poor when compared to other developing countries. Further a huge gap between the literacy of male and female is found across the India. Researchers have suggested a greater attention by the administrators and planning personals in bringing down this gender gap (Grover and Bhardwaj 2002). Firdous Ahmad Dar examines the Trends and Challenges in Indian higher education system and traces the sources of these challenges. Further the paper provides concrete suggest and remedial to overcome by these problems. Rajni Gupta makes an attempt in understanding the gender differences in Indian society through the case study of a Science City in India. By doing so she examines (i) how science museums display their scientific objects from male provider to female equity presumptions; (ii) How much gender orientation contrasts in found in science museum’s social approach and socio-cultural practices. Going forward the chapter familiarises the readers with gender orientation fairness in socio-cultural contexts, national approaches and discussions related to gender discrimination in Indian context. The study plays a critical role in contextualizing social welfare issues related to women in Indian context. Veena B, M. Hilaria Soundari and Divya K. documents the issues related to women safety in India through a case study conducted in Short Stay Homes. Women being a commodity in most of Indian societies, the study finds that 63% of

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the participants who were the inmates of short stay home during the study were victims of sever level domestic violence from their husbands. The study also found the that high level of alcoholism among the husband is closely related with high level of domestic violence and ill-treatment of wives. Anish Gupta and Uma Jadhav in their Chapter 17 “UNHCR’s Populations of Concern: Where Does India Stand?” rises the fundamental questions related to India's failures in ensuring policy framework for its displaced people. The chapter takes the stock of UNHCRs population of concern in South Asian countries with specific reference to China, Pakistan, Bangladesh and contrast with Indian subcontinent. By doing so the authors make an attempt in capturing India’s strange picture of displaced population and policy failures in accommodating UNHCRs population of concern in comparison with her counterparts. In a nutshell chapters in this part of the volume brings out the discussion and concerns pertaining to social problems in both Indian and Chinese Society. Chapters examines a range of topics that are exclusively important not only to India and China rather international community. Further these examinations through light on the Indian case where social problems such as right to education, land rights, food security, health for all, gender equality, women’s empowerment, livelihood and employment guarantee are largely neglected by the policy makers and the administrators. Further debates on Indian social problems are important because despite of its accelerated economic performance in the recent decade’s it also accounts for the largest number of illiterates and poor people in the world. Further Chinese society is largely characterised with deprivation of property, demolition of houses, poor quality of medicine and treatment, violation of workers’ rights, lack of food and drug safety and people’s distrust on the government. In sum, (Yan and Tsang 2005; Qiao and Chan 2005) argued that the social problems, such as child abuse have not been sufficiently addressed by the Chinese Government as the major policy focus of the government has been on economic development. Further Qiao and Chan (2005) argues that Chinese society accounts for most of the child abuse cases. But there is no government intervention that prevents the maltreatment of children (Liao et al. 2011). Further social problems such as child maltreatment in Chinese society needs an immediate policy attention as these practices in China is largely considered as family matter rather than an issue that calls for government attention.

References Anandhi, S., Kapadia, K. (Eds.) (2017). Dalit women: Vanguard of an alternative politics in India. Taylor & Francis, London & New York. BBC report ‘HIV/Aids: China reports 14% surge in new cases’ 29 September 2018 (Accessed April 2019) available at https://www.bbc.com/news/ world-asia-china-45692551.

302  Part V: SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN INDIA AND CHINA—A COMPARISON Census of India. (2011). Retrieved from www.censusindia.gov.inhttp://www.censusindia.gov.in. Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. The 13th five-year plan for economic and social development of the people’s Republic of China 2016–2020. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201612/ P020161207645765233498.pdf (CCCPC, Beijing, 2015). Deshpande, A. (2017). The grammar of caste: Economic discrimination in contemporary India (Paperback ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Gorringe, H., Jeffery, R., & Waghmore, S. (Eds.). (2016). From the margins to the mainstream: Institutionalising minorities in South Asia. Delhi: Sage. Grover, R. P., & Bhardwaj, R. (2002). Gender inequity in literacy in Haryana: An analysis. Indian Journal of Adult Education (New Delhi), 63(4), October– December, 61. Hardtmann, & E.-M. (Eds.). (2009). The Dalit movement in India: Local practices, global connections. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. HIV/Aids: China reports 14% surge in new cases. (2018, September 29). BBC Report. Retrieved April, 2019, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asiachina-45692551, http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201612/P020161207645 765233498.pdf. Jain-Chandra, S., Kinda T., Kocchar K., Piao S., & Schauer, J. (2016). Sharing the growth dividend: Analysis of inequality in Asia IMF working papers. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2016/wp1648.pdf. Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). (2014). Gap report. Geneva, Switzerland: UNAIDS. Retrieved from http://files.unaids.org/ en/media/unaids/contentassets/documents/unaidspublication/2014/ UNAIDS_Gap_report_en.pdf. Lerche, J. (2008). Transnational advocacy networks and affirmative action for Dalits in India. Development and Change, 39(2), 239–261. Majendie, A. (2018, December 16). The next economic superpower: China’s 40-year rise, in photos. Retrieved August 26, 2019, from Bloomberg website: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/photo-essays/2018-12-17/chinas-fourdecade-opening-in-pictures. National AIDS Control Organization. (2014). Annual report 2013–14. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from http://www.aidsdatahub.org/hiv-sentinel-surveillance-2012-13-technical-briefnational-aids-control-organisation-2014. Rawat, R. S., & Satyanarayana, K. (Eds.). (2016). Dalit studies. Durham & London: Duke University Press. Sandimo, & Agnar (2015). The principal problem in political economy: Income distribution in the history of economic thought. In Atkison, A. B. & Bourguignon, F. (Eds.), Hand Book of Economics (Vol. 2A and 2B), N ­ orth-Holland, UK: Elsevier. Shah, A., Lerche, J., Axelby, R., Benbabaali, D., Donegan, B., Raj, J., & Thakur, V. (Eds.). (2018). Ground down by growth: Tribe, caste, class and inequality in twenty-first-century. London: India Pluto Press. Sharma, S., & Sharma, P. (2015). Indian higher education system: Challenges and suggestions. Electronic Journal for Inclusive Education, 3(4). South China Morning Post. (2018). Extreme poverty in China: Poorest village hopes for change. Retrieved from March 25, 2020 https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=W11o_4keAwA.

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UNAIDS (The Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS). (2014, July 16). Gap report. Retrieved March 25, 2020, from http://files.unaids.org/en/ media/unaids/contentassets/documents/unaidspublication/2014/ UNAIDS_Gap_report_en.pdf. UNAIDS. (The Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS). (2016, May 13). Acceleration and innovation in China’s AIDS response. Retrieved February 2019, from https://www.unaids.org/en/resources/presscentre/featurestories/2016/ may/20161013_China, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W11o_4keAwA. Waghmore, S. (2013). Civility against caste: Dalit politics and citizenship in western India. Delhi: Sage. Westcott, Ben, & Wang, Serenitie. (2019, April 20). Xi Jinping is determined to end all poverty in China by 2020. Can he do it? Retrieved March 25, 2020, from https://edition.cnn.com/2019/04/19/asia/poverty-alleviation-2020-xi-jinping-intl/index.html. Zhuang, J. R., Kanbur, & Rhee, C. (2014). What drives Asia’s rising inequality?. In Kanbur et al. (Eds.), Inequality in Asia and the Pacific. London: Routledge. Zuo, C. (2019). The evolution of China’s poverty alleviation and development policy (2001–2015). Retrieved from https://www.springer.com/gp/book/97898 11316890.

CHAPTER 16

Social Policies and Institutional Arrangements for Minorities and Special Categories in India: An Overview and the Way Forward Prashant Negi

Introduction The paper attempts to understand the overall institutional arrangement of the Government of India (GoI) towards minorities and special categories such as the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and the Scheduled Tribes (STs). In that context, it begins by analysing the basic defining political principles, structures, procedures and other instruments of state policy, which necessitated the establishment of statutory bodies for safeguarding and proper implementation of the rights of minority communities and other marginalized social groups in India. Thereupon, it focuses on outlining specific constitutional provisions and discussing statutory bodies established for the mainstreaming of the minority communities and marginalized social groups by presenting the historical trajectory of their evolution, outlining their functions and demarcating the constitutional framework within which they operate. In conclusion, issues of ongoing importance to such groups are addressed.

P. Negi (*)  Managing Trustee, Centre for Development Studies, Shimla, India Dr. K. R. Narayanan Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_16

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The Context The Constitution of India, adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 26 November 1949, eventually came into effect on 26 January 1950. The Constitution, besides defining basic political principles also lays down the framework for structures, procedures, powers and duties of public sector institutions. It further delineates a set of rights and duties in the form of fundamental rights and directive principles of state policy for the citizens of India (Bakshi 2011). Synchronous to the promulgation of the Indian Constitution, India as a nation was a mosaic of various cultures, religions, ethnicities, identities, languages and regions. While all these multicultural attributes made India a truly unique nation, they simultaneously presented policymakers and academicians with structural complexities intrinsically linked to such pluralities. Cognitively speaking, the categories of caste, identity, religion, language, ethnicity, region, etc., defined the temporal and spatial dimensions of the Indian society. These categories were not only pervasive, but interdependent in terms of the inequality, subordination and dominance they generated (Mandelbuam 2010). India’s diversity, on the one hand, was to be celebrated while on the other, it presented a political and policy landscape beset with differences (Tharoor 2012). The fundamental issue therefore, was to ensure equal and fair treatment of all social groups in the Indian society. Normatively, democracies and associated democratic traditions justify themselves by adopting principles of egalitarianism, social justice and inclusion, and distributing resources based on equality and equity. This ontological question, to a considerable extent, was resolved by the incorporation of such values in the Constitution of India. Concurrently, inter-social group differences and inequalities in India were acute and seemingly amplifying. Social institutions (read ascribed identities) characterizing India appeared to be extremely viable and an instance where simultaneously their old uses were being retained and the newer ones were demonstrating considerable adaptability (Negi 2011). Such inconsistencies resulted in a disproportionate access and representation for marginal social groups and as such there was an urgent need to address such anomalies primarily through policy and legislative interventions, broadly categorized under ‘affirmative action’. Since there is a component of discrimination towards members of marginalized social groups, such policies are also known as ‘positive discrimination’, ‘protective discrimination’, and ‘compensatory discrimination’ (Wiesskopf 2004). Despite the promulgation of various instruments of state policy, members of minority communities and marginalized social groups continued to face discriminatory and prejudiced attitudes. This necessitated the establishment of statutory constitutional bodies, which primarily work towards safeguarding the rights of such communities and ensuring that provisions for their empowerment and mainstreaming are properly implemented.

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In context of a highly stratified complex of the Indian society, wherein societal contradictions, incommensurability and community identity retain themselves at the centre stage and cultural, religious, ethnic and linguistic differences stratify the society horizontally, the GoI located cumulative disadvantage of the marginalized within a broad discourse. Weisskopf (2004) appropriately argues that group differentiation has been a norm in India and it in this context that positive discrimination has been utilized by the Indian state to address to the lot of the disadvantaged. Additionally, there is no dearth of literature, which establishes the complex relation between socially segregated societal relations and differential economic, social, cultural and civil rights of people. The continuum of disadvantage and marginality gets further severe if such complexity reflects itself in differential ‘access’ and ‘participation’ of various social groups. Incidentally, these two variables have been identified as the twin mechanisms through which processes of social exclusion between social groups perpetuate themselves (Hills et al. 2002). Thus, the government’s approach was characterized by a multi-pronged strategy guided primarily by: one, a recognition that certain social groups in the Indian society face marginalization; two, by underscoring that the contexts of their marginalization were multiple in nature; three, by contextualizing disadvantage in a historical dimension; four, by placing the debate within the broad principle of disparity and by accentuating the need to mainstream to the extent possible; and five, by overcoming marginalization in the present by incorporating protective measures and promulgating safeguards in the form of affirmative action, which includes among others constitutional provisions, legislations, statutes, etc. Others like Thorat and Senapati (2006) have also placed the government’s approach within the rubric of ‘anti-discriminatory and protective’ measures and ‘development and empowering’ measures. These measures have been incorporated to ensure proportional participation of the minority communities and marginalized social groups in public spheres, which otherwise would not have been possible given the entrenched and stratified form of disadvantage faced by them. In the absence of legal provisions, these measures have also been supplemented by general programmes for inclusion and empowerment of the marginalized in the social, economic and educational spheres. Notionally, the discourse can be situated within the hermeneutical1 exercise of the need for institutions for the protection of the marginalized per se and is discursive, in the sense that it is meant to encapsulate the processes and reasons for their emergence. By being representative of collective will, definite procedures, specialization, formalized rules and stability and distinctive in terms of their regulation, such institutions add functional value to the measures, on which they are based. 1 Refers

to the art of text interpretation.

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Herein, one must place emphasis on how in India social policies implemented through legislations and supplemented by constitutionally mandated institutions are grounded in universal rights and how they complement competing values, social norms and power structures that have evolved historically (Cook 2011). Perhaps salience could also be placed on understanding the issue from changing political and social culture, whereby the rights based regime was being juxtaposed with aspects of empowerment. Sociological imagination and policy imperative apart, the strategy of the GoI was concretized ‘dialogically’2 (see Bakhtin 1981 for an understanding of ‘dialogism’) in recognition to the visible social and empirical reality and as a cumulative residue of various social movements and civil society interventions. Theoretically, the gamut of government’s discourse was not exclusive, and should rather be viewed as mutually reinforcing.

Understanding the Categories of Minority, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe in India: The Official Stand Who Is a Minority? The Constitution of India does not define the word ‘minority’ and only refers to minority communities ‘based on religion or language’. However, it is exhaustive in its exposition of minority rights: two sets of rights, placed within the ambit of ‘common’ and ‘separate’ domain, have been delineated in that regard. The former include rights universally applicable to all the citizens of India, while the latter contain those specifically promulgated for the protection of the identity of minority communities. The Constitution is also clear in its distinction between ‘common’ and ‘separate’ domains. In its ‘common’ orientation, the Preamble to the Constitution declares the state to be ‘secular’ and guarantees all citizens ‘liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship and ‘equality of status and of opportunity’, while under its ‘separate’ domain, the Constitution individually lists out rights for the minority communities. Rights placed under the ‘common’ domain and having implications for the minority communities are contained in Part III, IV and IVA of the Constitution. Part III of the Constitution, dealing with Fundamental Rights is divided into two parts. The rights and freedoms in the first part are general and therefore, common in their application. These primarily refer to:

2 The

term ‘Dialogic/Dialogism’ was initially conceptualized by in 1981. The term is used here as it represents relationalism, dynamism and continual dialogue which merely does not answer, correct, silence or extend a previous work but informs or is continually informed by it. The analogy therefore is implicit.

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1. Article 14: People’s right to ‘equality before the law’ and ‘equal protection of the laws’; 2. Article 15(1) and (2): Prohibition of discrimination against citizens on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth; 3. Article 15(4): Authority of State to make ‘any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens’ (besides the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes); 4. Article 16(1) and (2): Citizens’ right to ‘equality of opportunity’ in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the state and prohibition in this regard of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth; 5. Article 16(4): Authority of State to make any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in the services under the State; 6. Article 25(1): People’s freedom of conscience and right to freely profess, practise and propagate religion—subject to public order, morality and other Fundamental Rights; 7.  Article 26: Right of every religious denomination or any section thereof—subject to public order, morality and health—to establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes, manage its own affairs in matters of religion and own and acquire movable immovable property and administer it in accordance with law; 8. Article 27: Prohibition against compelling any person to pay taxes for promotion of any particular religion; and 9. Article 28: People’s freedom as to attendance at religious instruction or religious worship in educational institutions wholly maintained, recognized or aided by the state. Part IV of the Constitution contains non-justiciable Directive Principles of State Policy. The provisions having implications for the minority communities are: 1. Article 38(2): The State is obligated to endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities among individuals and groups of people residing in different areas or engaged in different vocations; and 2. Article 46: The State is obligated to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people (besides Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes). Part IVA of the Constitution relates to the Fundamental Duties provided in Article 51A. This part too is commonly applicable to all the citizens of India, including those from the minority community. These duties refer to:

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1. Citizen’s duty to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood among all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; and 2. Citizen’s duty to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture. As mentioned above, Part III of the Constitution also deals with specific rights pertaining to the minority communities. These rights, categorized within the ‘separate’ domain are: 1. Article 29(1): Right of any section of the citizens to conserve its distinct language, script or culture; 2. Article 29(2): Restriction on denial of admission to any citizen, to any educational institution maintained or aided by the State, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of them; 3. Article 30(1): Right of all Religious and Linguistic Minorities to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice; 4. Article 30(2): Freedom of Minority-managed educational institutions from discrimination in the matter of receiving aid from the State; 5. Article 347: Special provision relating to the language spoken by a section of the population of any State; 6. Article 350A: Provision for facilities for instruction in mother-tongue at primary stage; 7. Article 350B: Provision for a Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities and his duties; and 8. Explanation 1 below Article 25: Sikh community’s right of ‘wearing and carrying of kirpans’. Who Is a Scheduled Caste? The nomenclature ‘Scheduled Castes’ was first proposed by the then provincial government of Bengal to the Indian Franchise Committee in 1932. Accordingly, in the GoI Act, 1935, a schedule containing a list of such classes [not castes…emphasis by the researcher] was added for the first time, prior to which, such classes were categorized as ‘Depressed Classes’. After independence, the Constitution of India vide Article 341,3 authorized the President, after fulfilment of a duly demarcated criterion, to specify castes to be notified as SCs. In the Constitution, the expression ‘Schedule’ merely refers to a schedule to the Constitution and term ‘Scheduled Caste(s)’ implies such ‘castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes as are deemed

3 See

Article 341, The Constitution of India (As on 9 November 2019), New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of Law and Justice, Legislative Department, pp. 216–217.

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under Article 341 of the Constitution to be the SCs for the purposes of the Constitution’. While the Constitution does not provide a clear definition of the expression ‘Scheduled Caste’ in terms of the definitive/identifiable features of a scheduled group, the GoI Act, 1935, was more unambiguous in its definition appending social, economic and educational backwardness arising out of the traditional customs related to the practice of untouchability as the primary criteria for consideration and inclusion of a particular caste into the schedule. Significantly, the GoI 1935 Act underscored the importance of untouchability as a social custom and how it became embodied in social customs. Who Is a Scheduled Tribe? The STs have been defined vide Article 366(25)4 of the Constitution as ‘such tribes or tribal communities or part of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 3425 to the Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this Constitution’. Article 342, too, simply prescribes the procedure for specification of a ST and is silent regarding the criterion for the specification of any community as a ST. A broadly framed criterion that is largely applied includes geographical isolation, backwardness, existence of a distinctive culture, language and religion and shyness of contact.

Statutory Institutions for the Minority Communities in India National Commission for Minorities Genesis and Historical Background Minorities Commission was envisaged in the Ministry of Home Affairs Resolution dated 12 January 1978, which specifically mentioned that ‘despite the safeguards provided in the Constitution and the laws in force, there persists among the minorities a feeling of inequality and discrimination. In order to preserve secular traditions and to promote national integration the government of India attaches the highest importance to the enforcement of the safeguards provided for the minorities and is of the firm view that effective institutional arrangements are urgently required for the enforcement and implementation of all the safeguards provided for the minorities in the constitution, in the central and state laws and in the government policies and 4 See Article 366, The Constitution of India (As on 9 November 2019), New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of Law and Justice, Legislative Department, p. 244. 5 See Article 342, The Constitution of India (As on 9 November 2019), New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of Law and Justice, Legislative Department, p. 217.

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administrative schemes enunciated from time to time’. Initially, the Minorities Commission was a non-statutory body and was attached to the Ministry of Home Affairs. It was subsequently placed under the newly created Ministry of Welfare in 1984. With the enactment of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992, the Minorities Commission became a statutory body and renamed as National Commission for Minorities. The first statutory National Commission was set up on 17 May 1993 vide a Gazette notification issued on 23 October 1993 by Ministry of Welfare, Government of India. Five religious communities, that is, the Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Zoroastrians (Parsis) were notified as minority communities. As per the 2011 Census, these five religious minority communities constituted about 20.08% of India’s population (Census of India 2011). The states of Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Manipur, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal have set up State Minorities Commissions and their offices are located in the respective state capitals. The functions of these Commissions, inter-alia, are to safeguard and protect the interests of minorities provided in the constitution and laws enacted by Parliament and the state legislatures. Functions As per Section 9(1) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992, the Commission is required to perform the following functions: 1. Evaluation of the progress of the development of minorities under the Union and States; 2. Monitoring of the working of the safeguards for minorities provided in the Constitution and in laws enacted by Parliament and the State legislatures; 3.  Making recommendations for the effective implementation of safeguards for the protection of the interests of minorities by the Central government or the State governments; 4. Looking into specific complaints regarding deprivation of rights and safeguards of minorities and taking up such matters with the appropriate authorities; 5. Getting studies to be undertaken into the problems arising out of any discrimination against minorities and recommending measures for their removal; 6.  Conducting studies, research and analysis on the issues relating to socio-economic and educational development of minorities; 7.  Suggesting appropriate measures in respect of any minority to be undertaken by the Central government or the State governments;

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8. Making periodical or special reports to the Central government or any matter pertaining to minorities and in particular the difficulties confronted by them; and 9. Any other matter, which may be referred to it by the Central government. Section 2(C) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 stipulates that ‘Minority’ for the purposes of the Act, means a community notified as such by the Central government. Therefore, all the functions of the Commission as laid down in Section 9(1) of the Act are related to the five notified communities. Organizational Setup of the Commission The Commission (shall) consist of a Chairperson, a Vice-Chairperson and five Members to be nominated by the Central government from among persons of eminence, ability and integrity, provided that five Members including the Chairperson shall be from among the minority communities. New Initiatives On the recommendations of the Sachar Committee,6 the then Prime Minister of India initiated a ‘15 Point Programme for the Welfare of the Minorities’ (http://www.minorityaffairs.gov.in/prime-ministers-15points). It incorporated a host of initiatives, which included enhancing opportunities in education (equitable availability of Integrated Child Development Services, improving access to school education, greater resources for teaching Urdu, modernizing Madarsa education, making available scholarships for meritorious students from minority communities and improving educational infrastructure through Maulana Azad Education Foundation); expanding the share of the minorities in economic activities and employment (self and wage employment, upgradation of skills through technical training, provision of enhanced credit support and increasing recruitment in public sector services); improving the living conditions of the minorities (providing equitable access to rural housing schemes and improving the conditions of slums inhabited by minorities); prevention and control of communal riots (this includes prevention of communal incidents, prosecution for communal offences and rehabilitation of victims of communal riots), etc. Further, there have been initiatives in the government to establish an ‘Equal Opportunities Commission’ and to create ‘Diversity Index’ whereby, access and participation of minorities and other marginalized social groups would be ascertained and corrected accordingly. At other points of time,

6 The

Sachar Committee was a high-powered committee nominated by the then Prime Minister of India to prepare a report on the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. The seven-member committee submitted its report popularly known as the Sachar Committee Report in 2006.

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the government has also considered extension of affirmative action, especially pertaining to reservations in employment to the private sector in India.7 Some State governments (Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, for instance) have also reserved contracts for the members of minority and marginalized social groups. The present government, among other schemes, has also conceptualized extension of credit to develop entrepreneurial skills and self-reliance among people from minority and other socially marginalized communities (https://www.standupmitra.in/).

National Commission for Scheduled Castes Genesis and Historical Background As mentioned in the preceding sections, given the deeply entrenched caste prejudice in the Indian society, the founding fathers of the Constitution were especially concerned about the social and economic position of the SCs. Pertinently, for their mainstreaming and to provide them with social, educational, economic and service safeguards, special provisions were promulgated. In order to ensure that such safeguards were properly implemented, the Constitution also provided for appointment of a special office under Article 338 to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards provided for SCs and STs and to report to the President of India about the working of these safeguards at regular intervals. In pursuance of this provision, a special officer known as the Commissioner for SCs and STs was appointed for the first time on 18 November 1950. By 1965, the Commissioner for SCs and STs had 17 regional offices located in various States, headed by Assistant Commissioners for SCs and STs who were in July 1965, re-designated as Deputy Commissioners. This field organization of the Commissioner was recognized into 5 Zonal offices in June 1967 and placed under the control of the newly created Directorate General of Backward Classes Welfare in the department of Social Welfare with each Zonal office being headed by a Zonal Director. Later Backward Classes welfare and the erstwhile regional Deputy Commissioner for SCs and STs were re-designated as Deputy Directors. Backward Classes welfare was placed under the control of Zonal Directors located at Chandigarh (Northern Zone), Bhopal (Central Zone), Patna (Eastern Zone), Baroda (Western Zone) and Madras (Southern Zone). The Eastern Zone office had two branches located at Bhubaneswar and Shillong and later a branch office of the Central Zone was also set up at Lucknow. Each of these branches was headed by a Deputy Director. The Western Zone office was shifted to Ahmedabad in 1969. 7 The demand for the extension of reservation to the private sector in India was a part of the election manifesto of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government in 2004. It was also discussed by some State governments.

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Setting up of the Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes It was felt that the office of the Commissioner for SCs and STs was not enough to monitor the safeguards provided to the SCs and STs. Hence, giving due diligence to voice raised by Members of Parliament, a proposal was mooted for amendment of Article 338 of the Constitution (46 Amendment) by replacing the single member special officer by multi-member system. The first Commission for the SCs and STs came into being on August, 1978.8 With effect from 1 December 1978, the field offices were transferred to the newly set up Commission for the SCs and STs and the Zonal Directors, Backward Class Welfare and the Deputy Directors, Backward Class Welfare were re-christened as Directors for the SCs and STs and Deputy Directors for the SCs and STs, respectively. Later, the Zonal setup was abolished and the Commission once again had 17 field offices. Since the field Directors were also working for the Commissioner for the SCs and STs, they were re-designated as Directors for the SCs and STs and Ex-officio Deputy Commissioner for the SCs and STs. The functions of the Commission for the SCs and STs and of the Office of the Commissioner for the SCs and STs co-existed till 11 March 1992. During this period, the office of the Commissioner of the SCs and STs had submitted 30 reports. Setting up of National Commissions for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes The functions of the Commission for SCs and STs as delineated in the Home Ministry’s Resolution dated 21 July 1978 and those of the special officer appointed under Article 338 overlapped considerably. In July 1987, the GoI decided to merge the functions of the two organizations and to rename the Commission for SCs and STs as National Commission for SCs and STs.9 The National Commission for the SCs and STs thus came into being with the 65

8 See Ministry of Home Affairs, Resolution, Number 13013/9/77-SCT(I), dated 21st of July 1978. This resolution in effect listed the functions of the Commission as to investigate all matters related to safeguards including inter alia review of the manner in which reservations in public services were being implemented; to study the implementation of the PCR Act, 1955; to study the socio-economic and other causes for the commission of offences against members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and suggest appropriate remedial measures; and to enquire into denial of any safeguard to the members of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe. 9 See Ministry of Home Affairs, Resolution, Number BC-13015/12/86-SCD(VI), dated 1 September 1987. The functions of the National Commission for SCs and STs were listed vide the Ministry of Welfare Resolution dated 1 September 1987 and were almost similar to the one listed under the Home Ministry Resolution Number 13013/9/77-SCT(I), dated 21 July 1978.

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Amendment Bill, 1990 notified on 8 June 1990,10 the rules of which were notified on 3 November 1990. This Commission being a national level advisory body advised the GoI on major policy and developmental issues relating to the SCs and STs and submitted 8 reports during its tenure. In the 89 Amendment to the Constitution, it was decided to have separate National Commissions for the SCs and STs. This amendment came into effect on 19 February 2004 and thereupon, the erstwhile National Commission for the SCs and STs was bifurcated into two different Commissions on 1 December 2004. After bifurcation, 12 state offices come under the jurisdiction of the National Commission for SCs and these are located at Agartala, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Chandigarh, Chennai, Guwahati, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Lucknow, Patna, Pune and Thiruvananthapuram, respectively. Functions The functions, duties and powers of the National Commission for SCs have been laid down in clauses 5, 8 and 9 of the Article 338 of the Constitution. Clause 5 stipulates that the Commission will: 1. Investigate and monitor all matters relating to the safeguards provided for the SCs under the constitution or under any other law for the time being in force or under any order of the Government and to evaluate the working of such safeguards; 2. Inquire into specific complaints with respect to the deprivation of rights and safeguards of the SCs; 3. Participate and advise on the planning process of socio-economic development of the SCs and to evaluate the progress of their development under the Union and any State; 4.  Present to the President, annually and at such other times as the Commission may deem fit, reports upon the working of those safeguards; 5. Make in such reports recommendations as to the measures that should be taken by the Union or any State for the effective implementation of those safeguards and other measures for the protection, welfare and socio-economic development of the SCs; and 6. Discharge such other functions in relation to the protection, welfare and development and advancement of the SCs as the President may, subject to the provisions of any law made by Parliament, by the rule specify.

10 See

the Gazette of India, Ministry of Law and Justice, Extraordinary, Part II-Section I, 8 June 1990.

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Clause 8 stipulates that the Commission shall, while investigating any matter referred to in sub-clause (a) or inquiring into any complaint referred to in sub-clause (b) of clause 5, have all the powers of a civil court trying a suit and in particular in respect of the following matters, namely: 1. Summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person from any part of India and examining him on oath; 2. Requiring the discovery and production of any documents; 3. Receiving evidence on affidavits; 4. Requisitioning any public record or copy thereof from any court or office; 5. Issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses and documents; and 6. Any other matter which the President may by rule, determine. Clause 9 of Article 338 stipulates that the Union and every State government shall consult the Commission on all major policy matters pertaining to the SCs implying that before any major legislative or executive decisions are taken affecting the interests of the SCs, the Commission needs to be mandatorily consulted. Further, clause 4 empowers the Commission to regulate its own procedure. The Commission’s functions in clause 5(a) regarding investigation and monitoring of all matters relating to constitutional and other safeguards provided to the SCs has three components of: a. Investigation: The Article provides unlimited scope for the Commission to investigate any matter relating to safeguards. The phrase ‘all matters’ is a broad enabling provision and the Commission would have to take up for investigation from time to time. The procedure and methodology for investigation are to be determined by the Commission itself; b. Monitoring: The Commission shall monitor the working of the safeguards.11 As is evident from the very exhaustive list of safeguards, meaningful monitoring requires not just a large organizational set up, personnel and processing systems, but also concurrent evaluation of government programmes. It must be recalled here that the

11 The

Constitution of India provides various safeguards to the SCs vide Articles 15(4), 16, 17, 19(5), 46, 164(1), 244, 244A, 275, 330, 332, 334, 335, 338, 339, 341, 342, 371A, 371B and 371C. In addition, there are the Fifth and the Sixth Schedules; a number of Acts such as the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976, the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities Act), 1989, excise policies, laws governing alienation of lands belonging to the SCs and the STs, provision of reservation in allotment of retail agencies, reservations to educational and professional institutions, etc., and various executive orders of the Central and State governments.

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Commissions constituted in 1978 and 1987 had not been given this function; and c.  Evaluation: The Commission evaluates various programmes implemented by the Government to access their qualitative nature and impact and also to provide constant feedback to various developmental agencies. Clause 5(b) of Article 338 requires the Commission to inquire into specific complaints with respect to deprivation of rights and safeguards of the members of the SCs. The inquiry conducted by the Commission is on the pattern ascertained under Commissions of Inquiry Act, whereby the Commission may gather facts, take evidence on oath and even call from documents from any authority including a court. The Commission also has the powers of a civil court enabling it to compel the presence of persons, production of documents and deposition under oath. Further, clause 5(c) of Article 338 entrusts the Commission with an important function to participate in and advise on the planning process for the SCs and also to evaluate the progress of various schemes for their development. For the same, the Commission involved with the erstwhile Planning Commission,12 various Central ministries and the Special Component Plan (SCP) for the SCs. Organizational Setup of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes In order to discharge its varied functions, the Commission (shall) have five members including a Chairperson, two honorary members, one Secretary, one Joint Secretary, one Deputy Secretary, one Director, one Deputy Inspector General of Police and two Superintendents of Police besides ­technical and administrative staff. It is also supported by three study units dealing with service safeguards, development and atrocities and a number of field offices.13 Human Development Indices and the National Commission for Scheduled Castes The Commission also undertakes an annual review (wherever possible) of critical human development indicators pertaining to the SC population. This largely relates to education (wherein, the all India position of the SC population in terms of literacy, enrolment ratios, dropout rates, etc., are ascertained, 12 In

2014, the then Prime Minister of India replaced the Planning Commission of India and its emphasis on five year planning to Niti Aayog and yearly planning. 13 For a detailed discussion of the functions undertaken by these units and field offices see Annual Report (1992–1993), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Chapter II, pp. 15–20.

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besides evaluating other Centrally and State sponsored schemes such as preand post-matric scholarships for SC children and those engaged in unclean occupations, book banks, national overseas scholarships, girls and boys hostel’s schemes, admission to universities and colleges, etc.); economic development (assessment and evaluation of poverty indicators, SCP plan, SCP, Special Central Assistance (SCA) to SCP, SC Development Corporations, anti-poverty programmes, schemes for liberation and rehabilitation of manual scavengers, land reforms, etc.); service safeguards (representation of the SCs in public sector, preparation of status reports, etc.); and atrocities (review of incidences of atrocities committed against the SCs, enquiries conducted, the role of Police and Forest officials, central and state assistance, relief and rehabilitation, etc.).

National Commission for Scheduled Tribes Genesis and Historical Background The National Commission for STs was established by amending Article 338 and inserting a new Article 338A in the Constitution through the Constitution (89 Amendment) Act, 2003. With this amendment and as per the notification dated the 19 February 2004, the erstwhile National Commission for SCs and STs was bifurcated and replaced by two separate Commissions: the National Commission for SCs and the National Commission for STs (see the section on National Commission on SCs for further details). Functions The National Commission for STs is required to perform the following functions: 1. To investigate and monitor matters relating to safeguards provided for the STs under the Constitution or under other laws or under Government orders, to evaluate the working of such safeguards; 2. To inquire into specific complaints relating to rights and safeguards of the STs; 3.  To participate and advise in the planning process relating to the socio-economic development of the STs, and to evaluate the progress of their development under the Union and any State; 4. To submit an annual report to the President and at such other times as the Commission may deem fit, upon working of safeguards, measures required for effective implementation of programmes and schemes relating to the welfare and socio-economic development of the STs;

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5.  To discharge such other functions in relation to the STs as the President may, subject to the provisions of any law made by Parliament, by rule specify; 6. Measures that need to be taken over conferring ownership rights in respect of minor forest produce to the STs living in forest areas; 7. Measures to be taken to safeguard the rights to the STs over mineral resources, water resources, etc., as per law; 8. Measures to be taken for the development of the STs and to work for more viable livelihood strategies; 9. Measures to be taken to improve the efficacy of relief and rehabilitation measures for the STs displaced by development projects; 10. Measures to be taken to prevent alienation of the ST people from land and to effectively rehabilitate such people in whose case alienation has already taken place; 11. Measures to be taken to elicit maximum cooperation and involvement of the STs for protecting forests and undertaking social afforestation; 12. Measures to be taken to ensure full implementation of the provisions of Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (40 of 1996); 13. Measures to be taken to reduce and ultimately eliminate the practice of shifting cultivation by the STs that lead to their continuous disempowerment and degradation of land and the environment; and Further, the Union and the State governments are required to consult the Commission on all major policy decisions affecting the STs.

Constitutional Safeguards for the Scheduled Tribes Educational and Cultural Safeguards 1. Article 15(4): Special provisions for advancement of other backward classes (which includes the STs); 2. Article 29: Protection of interests of the minorities (which includes the STs); 3. Article 46: The State shall promote, with special care, the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and in particular, of the SCs, and the STs, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation; 4. Article 350: Right to conserve distinct language, script or culture; and 5.  Article 350: Language to be used in representation for redress of grievances.

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Social Safeguards 1. Article 23: Prohibition of traffic in human beings and begar and other similar form of forced labour; and 2. Article 24: Prohibition of child labour. Economic Safeguards 1. Article 244(1 and 2): Clause 1 stipulates that provisions of Fifth Schedule shall apply to the administration and control of the Scheduled Areas and the STs in any State other than the States of Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura, which are covered under Sixth Schedule, under Clause 2 of this Article; and 2. Article 275: Grants in-Aid to specified States (the STs and Scheduled Areas) covered under Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution. Political Safeguards 1. Article 164(1): Provides for Tribal Affairs Ministers for the States of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa; 2. Article 330: Reservation of seats for the STs in Lok Sabha; 3. Article 337: Reservation of seats for the STs in state legislatures; 4. Article 334: Provides for 10 years period for reservation (this provision has been amended several times to extend the period); 5. Article 243: Reservation of seats in Panchayats; and 6. Article 371: Special provisions in respect of Northeastern States and Sikkim. Service Safeguards 1. Article 16(4): Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State; 2. Article 16(4A): Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for reservation (in matters of promotion, with consequential seniority, to any class) or classes of posts in the services under the State in favour of the SCs and the STs which, in the opinion of the State, are not adequately represented in the services under the State; 3. Article 164(B): Provision for the appointment of a Minister for Tribal Affairs in the states of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, who may in addition be in charge of the welfare of the SCs and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and any other work; 4. Article 335: The claims of the members of the SCs and the STs shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or of a State; and

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5.  Article 320(4): Nothing in Clause (3) of Article 320 shall require a Public Service Commission to be consulted as respects the manner in which any provision referred to in Clause (4) of Article 16 may be made or as respects the manner in which effect may be given to the provisions of Article 335. Safeguards Under Various Laws The other prominent safeguards for the STs include the SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 and the Rules 1995 framed there under; the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act 1976 (in respect of STs); and the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act 1986. Alienation and Restoration of Land Belonging to the Scheduled Tribes: States Acts Prominent among these Acts are the Forest Conservation Act (1980); the Panchayati Raj (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (1996); and the Minimum Wages Act (1948).

Religious and Linguistic Minorities of India: Ministry of Minority Affairs Genesis and Historical Background Presently, there is no separate statutory body for the religious and linguistic minorities of India. The religious and linguistic minorities, however, constitute the subject matter of the Ministry of Minority Affairs (MoMA). The ministry was created on 29 January 2006 to ensure a more focused approach towards issues relating to the minorities and to facilitate the formulation of overall policy and planning, coordination, evaluation and review of the regulatory framework and development programmes for the benefit of the minority communities. Functions The MoMA is required to perform the following functions: 1.  Empowering the minority communities and creating an enabling environment for strengthening the multi-racial, multi-ethnic, ­multi-cultural, multi-lingual and multi- religious character of India; 2. To improve the socio-economic conditions of the minority communities through affirmative action and inclusive development so that every citizen has equal opportunity; 3. To facilitate an equitable share for minority communities in education, employment, economic activities and to ensure their upliftment;

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4.  Overall policy, planning, coordination, evaluation and review of the regulatory and development programmes of the minority communities; 5. All matters relating to minority communities except those relating to law and order; 6.  Policy initiatives for protection of minorities and their security in consultation with other Central government ministries and State governments; 7.  Matters relating to linguistic minorities and of the Office of the Commissioner for Linguistic Minorities; 8. Matters relating to National Commission for Minorities Act (1992); 9. Work relating to the Evacuee Waqf properties under the Administration of Evacuee Property Act, 1950 (31 of 1950) [since repealed]; 10. Representation of the Anglo-Indian community; 11. Protection and preservation of non-Muslim shrines in Pakistan and Muslim shrines in India in terms of the Pant-Mirza Agreement of 1955, in consultation with the Ministry of External Affairs (MoEA); 12.  Questions relating to the minority communities in neighbouring countries, in consultation with the MoEA; 13. Charities and charitable institutions, charitable and religious endowments pertaining to subjects dealt within the department; 14. Matters pertaining to the socio-economic, cultural and educational status of minorities, minority organizations, including the Maulana Azad Education Foundation; 15. The Waqf Act, 1995 (43 of 1995) and Central Waqf Council; 16. The Durgah Khawaja Saheb Act, 1955 (36 of 1955); 17.  Funding of programmes and projects for the welfare of minorities, including the National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation; 18. Employment opportunities for minorities in the Central and State public sector undertakings, as also in the private sector; 19. Formulation of measures relating to the protection of minorities and their security in consultation with other concerned Central ministries and State governments; 20.  National Commission for Socially and Economically Backward Sections among religious and linguistic minorities; 21. Matters pertaining to the Prime Minister’s 15-Point Programme for Minorities (see the section on National Commission on Minority Affairs for details); and 22. Any other issue pertaining to the minority communities. The Ministry has the following constitutional/statutory/autonomous bodies under its purview:

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1. The Commissioner for Linguistic Minorities; 2. National Commission for Minorities; 3. Central Waqf Council; 4. National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation; 5. Maulana Azad Education Foundation; and 6. Durgah Khawaja Sahib, Ajmer. Constitutional Safeguards for the Religious and Linguistic Minorities These have been described in detail in the section on National Commission on Minorities elsewhere in this chapter. National Commission on Religious and Linguistic Minorities On 29 October 2004, the GoI constituted a National Commission on Religious and Linguistic Minorities to look into matters pertaining to the religious and linguistic minorities of India. The Commission was chaired by Ranganath Misra, former Chief Justice of India (CJI) and is also popularly referred to as the Ranganath Misra Commission. Broadly, the Commission was entrusted to suggest the criteria for the identification of socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities; to recommend measures for welfare of socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities, including reservation in education and government employment; and to suggest the necessary constitutional, legal and administrative modalities required for the implementation of its recommendations. The Commission in context of its terms of reference came out with specific recommendations. With regard to the first, the Commission recommended the evolution of a uniform pattern of criteria for identifying the backward, which should be based only on the educational and economic status of people and not on their caste or religion, and its application equally to all sections of the citizens irrespective of their caste or religion. Secondly, the Commission was of the opinion that backwardness— both social and economic—actually emanates from educational backwardness and therefore, suggested several measures for the educational and economic development of the minorities. Importantly, with regards to reservation, the Commission recommended that the minorities should be regarded as backward and 15% reservation should be considered for their empowerment (10% for the Muslims and 5% for rest of the minority communities).

Conclusion This paper presents an overview of the rationale and the historical antecedents behind the formulation, promulgation and implementation of various policy instruments and statutory bodies towards the mainstreaming and protection of minorities and other socially marginalized categories in the Indian society.

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It, as such, makes no claim to assert that these mechanisms have resulted in a complete amelioration of the conditions of such social groups. While it is true that such mechanisms of affirmative action have contributed significantly towards developing the human capacities and capabilities of such groups and reduction in inter-social group disparities, the situation is far from satisfactory. Regular reporting of crimes, atrocities and incidences of discrimination against the minority communities and marginalized social groups therefore, do not come as a surprise. Some important points that need to be accentuated here are with regards to the terms of inclusion of these social groups. To begin with, despite seven decades of social intervention, the continued presence of disparities and social distancing between such social groups and other general categories in India is disquieting. A cursory look at any indicator of human development unambiguously establishes the relative marginality and deprivation that such communities continue to face. Also, in terms of ‘access to’ and ‘participation in’ critical social, economic and political processes of the society, the share of these communities remains subsidiary. Equally discomforting is the social construction and selective reinforcement of stigma and discrimination against such communities. As mentioned previously, such trends are reinforced by various structural processes and cannot be singularly outlined. Multidimensional disadvantages emanating from material and non-material aspects of poverty contribute to the gamut of problems. It is, therefore, essential to contextualize such trends and processes along with addressing structural issues. Despite the historical nature of disadvantage that such communities face, a sense of despair among them is compounded by a consciousness of being subjected to differential justice and active discrimination. Consequently, a sense of ‘othering’ and ‘exclusion’ seems to have percolated into their psyche, both at an individual and collective level. The genesis of conflict, hence, cannot be attributed to any particular community, but to the agency and processes that are causative of such alienation and differentiation. It might be advisable to view the problems of differential treatment from the perspective of substantive equality and of fairness in treatment. The epistemological notions that could be extendable here must necessarily take into account: ‘equal, but in what respect’, ‘whether it is possible to treat unequals as equals’ and ‘whether fairness of treatment be achieved’. Ideally, a democratic state has always justified itself by distributing welfare based on distributive justice. However, when claims to social justice, equality and egalitarianism themselves become contested, alienation is but a natural derivative. In essence, the core concerns of the minority communities and marginalized social groups in India seem to revolve around issues of identity, security and equity. This has resulted in increased in-group cohesion and subsequent ghettoization of such social groups. Moreover, the politicization of relations between them and other categories exacerbates further polarization.

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Besides, one must understand that neither the minority communities nor the marginalized social groups are homogeneous in terms of their collective consciousness, aspirational levels and patterns of mobilization. Additionally, among each of these groups is an entirely new generation of people who do not share the predicaments of the past. Their ambitions naturally are completely diverse and articulated differently. Such variations too, need to be understood and contextualized. In fact, much of these issues are an integral part of the governance process and empowerment remains at the very core of assimilating the minority communities and the marginalized social groups. The problems therefore, need to be addressed from a framework, which is holistic rather than one based on a policy of appeasement or ‘tokenism’. The need of the hour is sustained mainstreaming of issues faced by such social groups and creation of a discourse, which is comprehensive, representative and participatory. Perhaps a beginning can be made by asking the right kind of questions.

References Annexure to the Report of the Religious and Linguistic Commission (2007), Volume II, Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Annual Report (1992–1993), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India. Annual Report (1993–1994), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India. Annual Report (1994–1996), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India. Annual Report (1996–1998), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India. Annual Report (1998–1999), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India, Volume I. Annual Report (1998–1999), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India, Volume II. Annual Report (2001–2002), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India. Annual Report (2004–2005), National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India. Annual Report (2006–2007), Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Annual Report (2007–2008), Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Annual Report (2008–2009), Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Annual Report (2009–2010), Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Annual Report (2010–2011), Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Annual Report (2011–2012), Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Bakhtin, Mikhail Mikhailovich (1981), The dialogic imagination: four essays. Austin, TX: The University of Texas Press. Bakshi, P. M. (2011), The constitution of India, New Delhi: Universal Law Publishing. Census of India (2011), Distribution of Population by Religion, Government of India, Drop-in-Article on Census Number 4.

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Cook, Sarah (2011), Social institutions, social policy and redistributive policy reduction, 20 June, Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. Habibullah, Wajahat (2012), Backward minorities in India: The role of national commission for minorities, Maulavi Abussabah Ahmed Ali Memorial Lecture. ——— (2012), India’s muslims: Social, economic and political status, Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Centre of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University. ——— (2012), India’s right to information and social inclusion, National Commission for Minorities. ——— (2012), Convocation Address, 72nd Convocation, Tata Institute for Social Sciences. ——— (2013), Challenges to governance in diverse society, National Commission for Minorities. Hills, John et al. (2002) (eds.), Understanding social exclusion, New York: Oxford University Press. Lok Sabha Secretariat, Government of India (October 2008), National Commission on Scheduled Tribes: Its Mandate and Achievements: A Review of Its Organization and Working, Committee on the Welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (2008–2009), 14th Lok Sabha, 33rd Report on the Ministry of Tribal Affairs. Mandelbuam, David G. (1970), Society in India, Mumbai: Popular Prakashan, reprinted 2010. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, Resolution, Number 13013/9/77SCT(I), dated 21st of July 1978. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, Resolution, Number BC13015/12/86-SCD(VI), dated 1st of September 1987. Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India (2007), Statement by Sh. A. R. Antulay, Minister for Minority Affairs in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha on the Follow-Up Action on the Recommendations of the Sachar Committee, 31st August. Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India (2008), Equal Opportunity Commission: What, Why and How?, February. Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India (2008), Report of the Expert Group on Diversity Index. Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India (2013), Sachar Committee Report and Status of Follow-Up Action, 31st January. National Commission for Minorities, Government of India, Draft Model Act for State Minorities Commissions, 2010. National Commission for Minorities, Government of India, Draft Policy on Minority Communities in India, 2010. National Commission for Scheduled Castes, A Handbook, Government of India, 2007. National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, Government of India, Comments/ Action Taken Report on the Conclusions/Recommendation Contained, in the 33rd Report of the Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (14th Lok Sabha), 19th of October 2009. Negi, Prashant (2011), “A tale begun in other days: Understanding caste as social exclusion in india”, Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics,

328  P. NEGI Heidelberg: Politische Wissenschaft, Südasieninstitut, Ruprecht-Karls-Universitat, May, 62: 1–30. Report of the Religious and Linguistic Commission (2007), Volume I, Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community in India (November 2006), A Report of the Prime Minister’s High Level Committee, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India. Tharoor, Shashi (2012), Who is an Indian?: A nation of minorities, The National Minorities Lecture, National Commission for Minorities, 4th September. The Gazette of India, Ministry of Law and Justice, Extraordinary, Part II-Section I, 8th June 1990. Thorat, Sukhadeo and Chittaranjan Senapati (2006), Reservation policy in India: Dimensions and issues, Working Paper, 1 (2), New Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. Weisskopf, Thomas E. (2004), Affirmative action in the United States and India: A comparative perspective, London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group.

CHAPTER 17

Higher Education in India: Trends and Challenges Firdous Ahmad Dar

Introduction The prospects of any nation are poor unless its education is rooted in its society’s day-to-day demands and needs and its wider socio-economic aspirations. India’s higher education system has entered a crucial phase. While policy makers and academics face a great many challenges, many opportunities are also opening up which, however, require serious reflection and adequate preparation by stakeholders and academics alike. It is an established fact that the progress of a society invariably depends on the health and content of its educational institutions. These institutions provide a kind of fuel that keeps societies and polities running smoothly. Any malfunction in their behavior negatively affects the entire social fabric, disturbs socio-political relations, and generates violence and confusion. Societal growth and decay are linked to the performance of the education system: if rust and decay are allowed to creep into educational institutions, cracks develop in the social structure which, if not repaired, can lead to profound changes in the socio-economic and political structure of the state, with serious repercussions for the socio-economic development of the country in general and national security in particular. A healthy and socially relevant education system can be regarded as the best remedy for the morally reprehensible behavior of societies, moving societies and polities up to a higher level of learning.

F. A. Dar (*)  Department of Higher Education, Govt. Degree College, Kulgam, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_17

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Current Trends At a time when there is increasing pressure on the stakeholders of India’s higher education system to maintain both quality and quantity of education, especially at higher level, newly emerging issues and trends are not only severely affecting the system as a whole but also threaten its very relevance. Despite tremendous progress in teacher/student ratio, increasing enrolment, equity, and gender equality, there is a long way to go in maintaining international standards. If the education system is to become increasingly flexible and properly integrated with the needs of society and the demands and challenges ahead, a thorough rethink is needed.1 An Emerging Economy The last two decades have witnessed tremendous economic process for India, which is receiving external recognition as an emerging economy with widespread infrastructure in place. However, this progress has not percolated down to the education sector. India’s gross enrolment rate (GER) is far lower than that of its global competitors in South East Asia (average 70%) and Latin America (average 82%). Even countries with lower p ­ er-capita incomes, such as Vietnam and Bangladesh, have higher GERs. This indicates that India needs to pick up the pace of universal and accessible education.2 The country has set itself the target of achieving a GER of 30% in higher education by 2020, or 40 million places, from the current GER of 22.5%.3 In its report ‘Higher Education in India,’ the Delhi-based Centre for Research and Debates in Development Policy and Amit Sharma, research analyst at the National Council of Applied Economic Research, argue that only 10% of students have access to university education in India and there exist huge regional disparities across the country. These disparities exist by region and gender but also by community and caste. Muslims and Dalits come off worst, with GERs of 2.1 and 1.8% respectively. Again indian society is a caste ridden society having four varnas and three of which are considered (Brahmins‚ Kshatriyas‚ Vashiyas as “twice born” and ritually purer than Shudras. The scheduled Caste (SCs) and Scheduled Tribe (STs) were considered untouchbles as they were considered ritually impure (polluted). There social and economic position having direct negative influnce over educational standards. The share of Hindu SC/ST in technical education in south India is about 22%, and the share of Muslims 25%.4 1 Smruti S. Pattanaik (ed.), South Asia Envisioning a Regional Future, Pentagon Press, New Delhi, p. 14. 2 Smruti S. Pattanaik (ed.), South Asia Envisioning a Regional Future, Pentagon Press, New Delhi, p. 14. 3 A Global Conference & Exhibition Leapfrogging to Education 4.0: Student at the Core, 13 FICCI Higher Education Summit 2017, Govt. of India, Ministry of Human Resources, p. 3. 4 Rema Nagarajan, ‘Only 10% of Students Have Access to Higher Education in Country’, 5 January 2014, TOI, p. 2. The report, published by the US–India Policy Institute in Washington, is based on data from the 64th round of NSSO survey 2007–2008.

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As an increasing number of its people gain access to quality higher education, India can expect to produce a world-class polity and leadership. However, if education moves in the wrong direction, with indoctrination taking the place of genuine knowledge and wisdom, society as a whole will never become emancipated. The bigger challenge for a country like India is to plan a curriculum that meets the socio-economic needs of society.5 Such a curriculum also supports inculcating democratic values.6 If the curriculum and pedagogy are designed by inexperienced or out-of-date educationalists and policy makers, societal growth will be crippled and the polity and economy will suffer a huge blow in the long run. The Demographic Dividend Societies are rooted in institutions and vice versa. Mismatch and malfunctions can have serious repercussions and retard overall growth. The fundamental duty of policy makers and educationalists, therefore, is not only to develop the education system but to consider how far it is equipped to deal with both society’s present demands and its future. As long as institutions in general and educational institutions in particular remain outdated, societies are handicapped in their ability to make progress and grow smoothly, and human beings are deprived of realizing their potential. Society is currently experiencing various kinds of crisis with global consequences. These include the livelihood crisis, diversity, heterogeneity, crisis in the welfare state, environmental challenges, the crisis of democracy, social exclusion, citizens’ loss of confidence, and the perception that people are excluded from remote political decision making, exacerbated by political and economic inequalities. In education, there is a loss of interest within a student community that feels overburdened with examinations and unrealistic expectations, and does not perceive the syllabus as student oriented. Many complain that education is not enhancing their skills, and that teachers simply do their job with no sense of wider responsibility. The inadequate education system is resulting in a failure to take advantage of the demographic dividend in general, and in young people in particular being poorly or only partially equipped to take on the jobs generated by a knowledge economy. There is a continuing mismatch between young people’s educational levels and their employment prospects. Hundreds and thousands of degree holders enter the job market every year but only a small percentage of them are well trained and equipped with innovative skills. This represents a tremendous waste of resources and talent. Education needs to develop optimum talent in the 5 A

Global Conference & Exhibition Leapfrogging to Education 4.0: Student at the Core, 13 FICCI Higher Education Summit 2017, Government of India, Ministry of Human Resources, p. 3. 6 Pawan Agarwal, ‘Higher Education in India: The Need For Change’, Working Paper No. 180, June 2006.

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individual, keeping in mind the needs and demands of the market. Nevertheless, educationalists are concerned not only with the purpose or aim of education, but also with a curriculum which may enable people to live a better, happier life. Focusing on students’ EQ (emotional quotient) and SQ (social intelligence quotient) aims to enable them to manage their life better by harnessing their natural ability and developing their skills accordingly.7 A New Model of Teaching and Learning In order to realize the social-economic goals of education and to increase its productivity, a complete overhaul of both its content and purpose is required. The need of the hour is to develop new ways of thinking and innovative learning processes. The culture of silence in the classroom must give way to debate and discussion. Bold and innovative learning tools must replace the old model of teaching and learning in which the existing syllabus was constantly revisited. Technology has made significant changes to the role and importance of the teacher. While the teacher remains pivotal to the whole process of education, their role has changed: they are no longer a commander of the classroom, owner of knowledge in a one-way traffic system. Completely new models of teaching and new ways of thinking about education that reflect a democratic methodology need to be developed to meet global standards in the age of globalization. Maintaining international standards should be the top priority, and in this way both local and global requirements can be met. Revisiting and updating the curriculum and pedagogy is a task for experts and academics. Indian higher education needs some radical changes especially in teacher-training institutions, in the reform of curricular design, and in the delivery and management of education. The challenge is to produce creative and innovative teachers encouraging independent thinking in their students. Both physical and intellectual capital needs to be developed, and outdated institutions overhauled to meet the current demands of the market and society at large. At present there is a lack of interest in the teacher community, a lack of professionalism caused mainly by the absence of incentives, and a lack of financial autonomy, all of which undermine effective teaching and learning in India.

Challenges and the Way Forward Despite various attempts at coordination and cooperation that have been made from time to time, there is little evidence on the ground of links between the demand and supply side in education, and the gap is widening alarmingly. On the demand side, there are many questions with regard to employability, skills and other necessary qualification for the job. Higher education must not only yield productivity but can be regarded as an instrument 7 Disha

Roy Choudhury, ‘Happiness Curriculum: Raise Children’s EQ Teach Them to Accept Failure’, Indian Express, 30, 2018. Accessed on 30 August 2018.

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of socio-political transformation.8 If it is to act as a key driver of human development and the building of an inclusive society, higher education must address the issues societies are currently confronting. Instead of sitting in their ivory towers, academics and policy makers should come up with solutions, accepting the responsibility that comes with autonomy rather than mere freedom with authoritarian tendencies. A visionary strategy is required, based on inclusive development, and it needs to be implemented in both letter and spirit. The student community, not well equipped with proper skills, faces tremendous challenges in real life. The examination system in most cases remains traditional, the teaching courses outdated and irrelevant. The syllabus and examination systems need to be framed in such a way as to equip students with knowledge and abilities that prove productive and yield results, engaging students not only in theoretical learning but in the real experiences they will need when they face society at the end of their formal learning.9 Separating the teaching and learning process from the genuine requirements of society turns teaching into an elite activity, ultimately reducing its relevance. Educationalists and policy makers must move away from tradition and craft a more flexible and community-oriented curriculum. The Employment Challenge Rapid changes in the job market, with the shift from agriculture to industry and from manufacturing to the service sector, demand that the existing curriculum changes to deliver the requirements of the twenty-first century in a very productive way. Innovation and progress at educational level brings changes in the social level as well. So the kind of education that institutions are delivering will have a direct bearing on the development of society. Continuing with traditional education generates stagnation at societal level. The increasing use of automation and AI10 that will replace hundreds and thousands of jobs, especially menial jobs, has brought a paradigm shift, leading to huge pressure and job stagnation.11 Robotics, AI and cloud technologies are resulting in redundancy of many low-skilled and unskilled jobs. The need of the hour is to accommodate the changes brought by the increasing demand for corporate training services, reskilling and upskilling of traditional professional jobs. With the trend towards increasing numbers of students on liberal arts programs, several universities have reworked their curriculum, adopting choice based credit system (CBCS) to offer flexible learning to students so that the 8 National

Policy of Education 2016, Government of India, p. 14. report on higher education by the Yashpal Committee. 10 Yuval Harari, 21 Lessons for the 21st Century. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articlesshow/28420175.cms?utm_source=contentofinterests&utm_medium=text&utm_compaign=cppst. 11 FICCI, ‘The Future of Jobs and Its Implications on Indian Higher Education’, November 2016. 9 See

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students of today have better adaptability toward the jobs of the future.12 These, however, are small steps. A broader framework and vision is needed to cater for future needs. With the information and knowledge explosion, education is becoming easily attainable by everyone; this change may render existing teaching methodologies superfluous. The focus of higher education needs to change from providing employability enhancements to producing thinking, complex problem-solving and decision-making individuals. The new generation of companies and corporate managers accuse the present education system of not producing skilled young people able to grapple with the challenges of today.13 In most cases, the jobs are available but suitable people with the skills and potential to deliver cannot be found. The Vice President has stressed the need to provide education, skills and productive employment to millions of young people in order to reap the benefits of the demographic dividend and support the nation’s economic agenda by creating a job-ready and employable workforce. He has also expressed concern about the SCs, STs, Muslims, women and backward regions of the country which lag behind in education.14 India now needs a radical shift with an emphasis on ‘College 4.0’ that may help us to maintain a balance of cost, quality and scale, while delivering the desired employment outcomes. College 4.0 was actually balances standars and relevance if higher education system with a prime focus on quality and delivery (outcome). It is about thinking along new lines, making quality and employability compatible so that future challenges can be handled more appropriately. It is about preparing students to operate skillfully in a totally different environment full of machines and robotics, or artificial intelligence. It is predicted that in 2050 about 50% of jobs will lost to technologies. The challenge is to educate the current generation for this exponential change in the knowledge, skills and abilities that will be required in the next 10–15 years.15 With India predicted to join the club of the largest economies by 2030 with the world’s largest young workforce, the country will need not only additional jobs but jobs with new requirements and qualifications for the estimated 100 million people entering the job market over the next decade. The ultimate sustainability test for India’s future and its prospects of emerging power will be, to a great extent, the relationships forged by educational standards with key sectors such as health, industry, services, research and defense. India needs to deepen its relationship with the US, the UK, Germany and other developed countries in education and skill development. 12 FICCI, ‘The Future of Jobs and Its Implications on Indian Higher Education’, November 2016. 13 Manish Sabharwal, ‘Education: India Needs College 4.0: Reboot Higher Education’, https://www.businesstoday.in/magazine/cover-story/education-india-needs-college-4.0-reboot-highereducation/story/227514.html, Delhi, January, 2016, p. 1. 14 ‘Improving Quality of Education Is Must’, 1 April 2015, http://digitallearning.eletsonline. com/2015/04/improving-quality-of-education-is-must/. 15 Madhuvanti S. Krishnan, ‘Education 4.0 Is Here’, The Hindu, June 2017.

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With a major overhaul of the country’s job market and skill-based framework required,16 India’s education sector will soon be experiencing major changes17 driven by the unprecedented changes happening in and outside the country. The Higher Education Challenge The reputation of higher education institutions is reliant upon teachers and researchers, talented staff, quality teaching, global research, innovative thinking, partnerships with the private sector, professional ethics, and public engagement with the business community, among other aspects. A vital aspect of universities is that they should attract and retain the best talent. The forces of privatization, marketization, sustainability, resource challenge, affordability and many other factors are presenting greater challenges for universities. Universities and colleges are under pressure to ensure world-class standards so they can attract students and good faculty. Under tough competition they must either keep pace with the times and become competitive, or wither and die. It is a case of survival of the fittest. Overall, however, standards are declining on account of teacher shortages, lack of professional staff and limited professional development opportunities, an inclusive approach and retarded educational reforms. There are many ways to evaluate institutional capacity. The major factor apart from teaching is quality impactful research. For universities and colleges, the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) measures the quality of education. There are similar agencies, such as the National Board of Accreditation (NBA) for technical and professional educational institutions. With the help of these accreditation agencies, India’s Department of Higher Education is tasked with ensuring quality education but its performance needs to be improved. Recently the process of accreditation has received a new impetus. Both NAAC and NBA are receiving a good number of applications for approval and accreditation, and will be busy completing the backlog of accreditation of eligible institutions during the next few years. The Political Challenge The missing link between university graduates and their employment prospects is one of the most formidable challenges for the political establishment. Governments will probably be formed and defeated on the number of jobs they are able to generate during their time in office. Due to government

16 ‘India

to Be World’s Third Largest Economy By 2030: Study’, The Indian Express. Council, ‘Understanding India: The Future of Higher Education and Opportunities for International Cooperation’, February 2014. 17 British

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ambivalence and negligence, higher education output remains overwhelmingly poor in 3Es Education‚ Employment and Employability. The liberalization process in India has incentivized the industrial spirit of Indians. The huge demand for job-oriented education and training has led to increasing private-sector involvement, with new players emerging. The Modi government’s four-pronged strategy will be evaluated on the basis of its job-creating capabilities. The focus of its new industrial policy is likely to be on job creation and halting job losses.18 The 2015–2016 economic survey highlighted the role of education in employment generation, emphasizing that in order to make optimum use of the demographic dividend, India must create millions of good, safe, productive, well-paying jobs.19 Simultaneously, at all-India level, the number of persons aged 15 years and above, their employment rate comes down from 529 to 503 or 3.8 to 5%.20 The Employment/Unemployment Survey shows that there has been a progressive worsening of the unemployment situation in India over the years.

Conclusion The twenty-first century demands a comprehensive vision centered on innovation and choice. With strategic planning, countries like China, Korea and Singapore have achieved major transformations and have been able to correlate higher education with economic development to achieve their targets, with their higher education sectors becoming internationally competitive. In this environment, the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry’s Higher Education Committee has produced its ‘Vision 2030’ for higher education in India. The Vision is motivating and revolutionary: with India gaining currency and poised to participate ever more fully in the global economy in the next few years, its higher education sector must be revamped to produce leading high-quality higher education that fulfills the needs of society.21 A survey by Wheebox, a talent assessment company, reported in 2018 that 85% of higher education graduates are not well equipped to take career decisions. The same survey found that around 85% of candidates stated that internships in collaboration with industry at college level could go a long way towards enhancing graduates’ job prospects.22 India has signed a loan 18 Malini

Goyal and Shantanu Nandan Sharma, ‘Elusive Jobs: Modi Govt. Slowly Coming to the Terms with Awaits It in the Final Year’, Economic Times, 19 April 2018, p. 5. 19 Tulsi JayaKumar, ‘India’s Employment Conundrum’, India Forbes, Tulsi JayaKumar, 31 May 2017, p. 5. 20 Tulsi JayaKumar, ‘India’s Employment Conundrum’, India Forbes, 31 May 2017, p. 5. 21 FICCI, ‘The Future of Jobs and Its Implications on Indian Higher Education’, November 2016. 22 Varuni Khosla, Economic Times Bureau, 25th January 2018, p. 1, www.google.com/amp/ s/m.economictimes.com/jobs/nearly-85-ofhigher-education-candidates-notequipped-totake-career-decisions-survey/amp-articlesshow/62636443.com?espy=1.

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agreement with the World Bank in a project to enhance institutional mechanisms for skills development. In order to boost the Skill India Mission, two new schemes, Skills Acquisition and Knowledge Awareness for Livelihood Promotion and Skill Strengthening for Industrial Value Enhancement (STRIVE) have been approved by India’s Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs.23

23 www.ibef.org/industry/education-sectot-india,

p. 4.

CHAPTER 18

UNHCR’s Population of Concern: Where Does India Stand? Anish Gupta and Uma Jadhav

Introduction It won’t be a piece of exaggerations if we call twentieth century as a period of scientific progress. The human kind has made a lot of progress on social as well as at economic fronts. The per capita income of the world has grown at a pace never before. This century can also be marked with introduction of a lot progressive laws to safeguard marginalized people from the discrimination based on religion, race and gender. The way many countries (including some developing countries) have taken steps to safeguard the rights of transgender, who have been mocked and discriminated since the evolution of human race, are highly appreciable. However, at the same time, twentieth century has also witnessed increase in the number of displaced people all over the world, even the beginning of twenty-first century is no exception to it. The chapter has been divided into 4 sections. Section “Background Information” gives overview of UNHCR’s population of concern in Indian context and methodology of paper. Section “Trends of Displacement in Major Asian Countries” deals with the trends of displacement in major Asian countries viz. China, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. This includes refugee population by country of origin and refugee population by country of asylum. It also discusses the controversies related to estimation of population of concern in India. Section “Trends of Displacement in Major Asian Countries” discusses

A. Gupta (*)  University of Delhi, Delhi, India U. Jadhav  Seth G.S. Medical College & KEM Hospital, Mumbai, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_18

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trends of displacement in China, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and ­current international legal instruments for people of concern. Section “Indian Refugee Policy” focuses on India’s refugee policy. Last section deals with the conclusions and policy implications.

Background Information UNHCR’s population of concern, mainly consists of the people displaced due to conflict, war, persecution and human rights violations, has been divided into various categories, that is, asylum-seekers, internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees, returned refugees, stateless people, returned IDPs and people of concern. Except the categories of IDPs and returned IDPs, all other classification consists of mostly outsiders. Despite of absence of national refugee protection policy, India shows long-standing tradition in accommodating refugees and they continue having access to the territory of India and asylum procedures. According to a submission by the UNHCR for the office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ compilation Report, ‘There are approximately 174,303 Tibetan and Sri Lankan refugees, who are directly protected and assisted by the Indian Government, and approximately 33,558 refugees and asylum-seekers from India’s non-neighbouring countries and Myanmar, who are registered and protected by UNHCR under its mandate’ (UNHCR 2016). Since 2012, at least 13,000 Rohingya have entered India, virtually all via Bangladesh. According to UNHCR, in 2016, among Rohingya registered with UNHCR in India, over 1000 arrived in India having travelled from Myanmar overland through Bangladesh. The Indian government’s non-restrictive approach towards refugees and asylum-seekers enables them to access public services such as health, education and legal aid which help in furtherance of access to informal labour market thereby mitigating risk of poverty cycle. Indian Government does offer durable solution to refugees for naturalization in India subject to adherence to various criteria of Citizenship Act 1955. Recently, concerted efforts by GoI substantiate India’s comprehensive approach to regularize statelessness of individuals due to ratification of the Agreement about Demarcation of the Land Boundary between India and Bangladesh and Related Matters of 1974. Indian Government in October 2015 declared the 14,864 enclave dwellers as Indian citizens. Second, the Election Laws (Amendment) Act, 2016 includes enclaved territories and eligible voters to come within the purview of the electoral role. In 2016, enclave dwellers issued with Aadhaar cards—a 12-digit unique identity number issued by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) (UNHCR 2016). UNHCR has been working in India since 1981. UNHCR registers ­ asylum-seekers and determines refugee status for nationals of ­non-neighbouring countries. In New Delhi, UNHCR works with individual refugees and a­sylum-seekers, primarily from Afghanistan, Myanmar and Somalia. Since 1992, UNHCR has had a small office in Chennai to facilitate the voluntary return of Sri Lankan refugees (UNHCR 2016).

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The present paper takes the stock of UNHCR’s population of concern in South Asian countries with specific reference to China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and juxtaposes with Indian subcontinent thereby endorsing India’s surreal picture when accommodating UNHCR’s population of concern in comparison with her counterparts. It further contested India’s own failure to take cognizance of her internally displaced people delineating policy paralysis owing to multifaceted reasons on socio-political and international fronts. Paper further laments comprehensive legislative framework in the context of International human rights laws, UN conventions, South Asian regions’ normative framework along with India’s statutory constitutional provisions and its ad hoc policy decisions while dealing with population of concern. The paper concludes with policy implications of multi-pronged strategies to protect the rights of this unique group of vulnerable population. Methodology UNHCR periodically collects data on persons of concern (PoCs) across continents to understand its composition, geographic distribution and overall needs. The core objective of this context-specific empirical data is to adduce evidence for programmatic planning and advocacy with the intent to provide durable solutions for PoCs. There is no systematic approach or standard guidance to help UNHCR staff to arrive at these figures. However, demographers apply diverse demographic tools to project data on PoCs. For example, cohort-component method. The details of methodology of collection of the data presented in the chapter are described in published document (Diego Alburez-Gutierrez and Carlota Segura García, UNHCR 2018). The present chapter used data projected by UNHCR 2016 to deliberate thematic argument, that is, ‘UNHCR’s population of concern: Where does India stand?’ which is contested in the following sections. The article uses data of UNHCR to substantiate proposed argument about India’s position about population of concern of its neighbouring countries, that is, India, China, Pakistan and Bangladesh, as India share its border with these countries. These four countries not only share borders but share around 40% of world’s population and only 9% of world’s land, and according to UNHCR’s 2016 figures, approximately 5.3% of world’s population of concern reside in these countries while 1.5% of world’s population of concern are originated from these countries. It is worth mentioning here that these four countries are having this huge population of concern despite none of them is considered as war-torn countries. Moreover, none of them is facing any kind of civil war, criminal violence, political instability and sectarian war. This number is highly underestimated especially for India, as a lot of people migrated from Pakistan at the time of partition and a lot of Bangladeshis entered into Indian Territory have not been included in UN’s population of concern.

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These facts make these countries different from the rest of the world. The population of concern residing in these countries constitutes mostly population settled here long back. India shares boundaries with few countries compared to China but India accommodated more population of concern than China inspite of its inherent religious, social, cultural and ethnic diversities. Countries like China, Pakistan and Bangladesh refuge people based on religious and ethnic grounds as opposed to India.

Trends of Displacement in Major Asian Countries UNHCR’s Population of Concern in China, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh According to the data released by UNHCR for 2016, the highest number of UNHCR’s population of concern was found in China followed by Pakistan and Bangladesh, and lowest in India despite being second largest in terms of population, area and per capita income, after China. On the contrary, number of asylum-seekers is highest in India despite the fact that the majority religion in India is different from the asylum-seekers, followed by Pakistan and China, and there was just one person sought asylum in Bangladesh. Among these four major Asian countries, IDPs, is the problem limited to Pakistan only. More so, the combined proportion of IDPs and returned IDPs in Pakistan were approximately 40% of total displaced population. Out of these 40% internally displaced people, 15.52% are still IDPs, living in pathetic conditions. The situation is equivalent to countries facing internal and external war like Syria and Afghanistan (Table 18.1). Refugees Population by Country of Origin The UNHCR’s data on refugee population by the country of origin can be one of the criteria to measure internal peace in a country. Apart from China, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan, we have taken USA in the graph to compare these Asian countries with a developed and so-called crusader of human rights. The Graph 18.1 clearly shows that the total number of refugees originated from China is consistently highest, except for few years in early 2010s when there was surge in the number of refugees originated from Pakistan. The number of refugees originated from India and Bangladesh has been almost equal. Since the absolute population of all these countries are very different, the comparison of absolute number of refugees originated from these countries will not provide real picture of the situation. For the purpose of comparison, we have taken a ratio of number of refugees originated from a country as a proportion of per million populations of that country. This ratio indicates that in the decade of 90s, it was highest in Bangladesh, and from late 90s to

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Table 18.1  Refugees, asylum-seekers, internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees (refugees and IDPs), stateless persons, and others of concern to UNHCR in China and Indian sub-continent by year 2016 Type of refugees

Country/territory of asylum Bangladesh

China

India

Pakistan

1 Asylum-seekersa 0 Internally displaced personsb Others of concern 0 276,207 Refugeesc and Refugee-like situationsd 0 Returned IDPe 0 Returned refugeesf 0 Stateless peopleg Total UNHCR’s populations 276,208 of concern As % of total UNHCR’s population of concern

668 0 0 317,255 0 0 0 317,923

9219 0 0 197,851 0 1187 0 208,257

4856 448,956 0 1,352,560 704,370 381,275 0 2,892,017

Type of refugees Bangladesh Asylum-seekers 0.0004 Internally displaced persons 0.0000 Others of concern 0.0000 Refugees (incl. Refugee-like situations) 99.9996 Returned IDP 0.0000 Returned refugees 0.0000 Stateless people 0.0000 Total UNHCR’s population of concern 100.0000

China 0.2101 0.0000 0.0000 99.7899 0.0000 0.0000 0.0000 100.0000

India 4.4267 0.0000 0.0000 95.0033 0.0000 0.5700 0.0000 100.0000

Pakistan 0.1679 15.5240 0.0000 46.7687 24.3557 13.1837 0.0000 100.0000

aPersons whose application for asylum or refugee status is pending at any stage in the asylum procedure (Definition by UNHCR) bPersons who are displaced within their country and to whom UNHCR extends protection and/or assistance. It also includes people in IDP-like situations. This category is descriptive in nature and includes groups of persons who are inside their country of nationality or habitual residence and who face protection risks similar to those of IDPs but who, for practical or other reasons, could not be reported as such (Definition by UNHCR) cPersons recognized as refugees under the 1951 UN Convention/1967 Protocol, the 1969 OAU Convention, in accordance with the UNHCR Statute, persons granted a complementary form of protection and those granted temporary protection. In the absence of Government estimates, UNHCR has estimated the refugee population in 24 industrialized countries based on 10 years of individual refugee recognition (Definition by UNHCR) dThis category is descriptive in nature and includes groups of persons who are outside their country or territory of origin and who face protection risks similar to those of refugees, but for whom refugee status has, for practical or other reasons, not been ascertained (Definition by UNHCR) eIDPs protected/assisted by UNHCR who have returned to their place of origin during the calendar year (Definition by UNHCR) fRefugees who have returned to their place of origin during the calendar year. Source: Country of origin and asylum (Definition by UNHCR) gRefers to persons who are not considered nationals by any State under the operation of its laws (Definition by UNHCR) Source Authors’ calculations based on data from the UNHCR

2017 (Graph 18.2), it has been highest in Pakistan. The ratio is continuously growing for China while the same has been lowest in India among all these four countries. In fact, the ratio for India is almost equal to that of in USA, sometimes higher in USA and vice versa (Graph 18.2).

344  A. GUPTA AND U. JADHAV ϰϬϬϬϬϬ ϯϱϬϬϬϬ ϯϬϬϬϬϬ ϮϱϬϬϬϬ ϮϬϬϬϬϬ ϭϱϬϬϬϬ ϭϬϬϬϬϬ ϱϬϬϬϬ Ϭ ϭϵϵϬ ϭϵϵϮ ϭϵϵϰ ϭϵϵϲ ϭϵϵϴ ϮϬϬϬ ϮϬϬϮ ϮϬϬϰ ϮϬϬϲ ϮϬϬϴ ϮϬϭϬ ϮϬϭϮ ϮϬϭϰ ϮϬϭϲ ĂŶŐůĂĚĞƐŚ

ŚŝŶĂ

/ŶĚŝĂ

WĂŬŝƐƚĂŶ

Graph 18.1  Refugee population by country of origin (Source UNHCR)

Graph 18.2  Number of refugees per million of population by origin of the country (Source UNHCR)

Refugees Population by Country of Asylum A look at the composition of UNHCR’s population of concern for 2016 shows that India is accommodating refugees from highest number of countries (42) followed by China (40), Pakistan (24) and Bangladesh (7). The figures compiled by UNHCR for year 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015, also show that India has historically been accommodative to the refugees of all parts of the world, while China became accommodative from the recent past while Pakistan and Bangladesh have mostly accommodated refugees from very few countries mostly confined to majority religion in their respective country. According to the data release by UNHCR for year 2016, in terms of number, India accommodates mostly people from Asian countries, that is China, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Myanmar and Iraq. People from other Asian countries have also taken refuge in India, that is Iran, Kazakhstan, Lao

18  UNHCR’S POPULATION OF CONCERN: WHERE DOES INDIA STAND? 

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Table 18.2 Number of countries whose nationals have sought Asylum in Bangladesh, China, India and Pakistan Name of continent

Asylum provider country

Number of countries of Asylum seekers in various continent Number of countries from Asia Number of countries from Africa Number of countries from North America Number of countries from South America Number of countries from Antarctica Number of countries from Europe Number of countries from Australia Number of countries from entire World

Bangladesh 4 3

China 11 27

India

Pakistan

20 19

13 8

1

3

3

40

42

24

1

7

Note For details see Appendix Source Authors’ calculations based on data from the UNHCR

People’s Democratic Republic, Maldives, Pakistan, Palestinian, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Syrian, Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Vietnam and Yemen. India has also given refuge to the people of African countries, that is Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Dem. Rep. of the Congo, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Libya, Mali, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda and Uganda. Even people from European countries, that is Bosnia and Herzegovina, Russian Federation and Ukraine, have also taken refuge in India. In this way, India’s profile in terms of providing refuge has not been confined on religious, race and regional considerations (see Appendix) (Table 18.2). UNHCR’s population of concern for 2016 also shows that people of Indian origin were lowest in number as well as proportion who were seeking refuge or asylum in other parts of the world. Among these four countries of study, only 2 persons originated from India were designated as refugee in Pakistan by UNHCR, while 110,098 persons of Chinese origin were designated as refugees in India. Some people from Bangladeshi origin living in China and Pakistan have also been designated as refugees by UNHCR. However, there are a lot of Bangladeshi nationals illegally staying in India waiting for official protection from UNHCR (Reference). The people of Pakistani origin are found in all these three countries. Controversy on the Estimation of Concerned Population in India UNHCR’s population of concern is of those people that have been recognized by UNHCR, in other words, it includes only those who have been identified by UNHCR. But there is a large population illegally immigrated in India, which is not included in UNHCR’s population of concern. No one disagree with the infiltration of people from Bangladesh, however, the

346  A. GUPTA AND U. JADHAV

amount of infiltration is still debated. The recent revision of NRC (Full form) on the order of honourable Supreme Court has excluded over 40 lakh people in its first draft. Gupta (2018) in his statistical analysis of demographic change between 1971 and 2011 in Assam found that population growth of district of Assam has negative relation with its distance with Bangladesh and positive relation with population percentage of Muslims in that particular district. In other words, the districts closer to Bangladesh are having enormously high population growth, despite the fact that these districts used to have lower population growth prior to 1971. The reversal of population growth (higher in the districts closer to Bangladesh districts and lower in the districts farther from Bangladesh) is very unlikely and in contrast to the well endorsed transition theory of population (Reference). It is clear indication of some kind of infiltration from Bangladesh and especially of Muslims as the districts where Muslim population percentage was higher, the population growth was also higher. It may give some statistical evidence of changing religious composition of Assam’s population. Similarly, Gupta (2017), on the basis of population growth in 2001 census, divided all districts of the state of West Bengal into two groups. First group consist of all those districts having higher population growth than the state average (Uttar Dinajpur, Malda, Darjeeling, Murshidabad, North Twenty Four Parganas, Dakshin Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri, South Twenty Four Parganas, Nadia and Birbhum). Interestingly except Birbhum and South Twenty Four Parganas, all these districts share a border with Bangladesh. Even Birbhum is just 40 kilometre far from nearest Bangladesh border, and its neighbouring district Murshidabad is one of the districts of West Bengal where not only the population growth is highest but Muslim population proportion is also one of the highest. As far as South 24 Parganas is concerned, it shares direct sea route with Bangladesh due to large coastal area. Interestingly all the districts (Hooghly, Paschim Midnapur, Purba Midnapur, Howrah, Cooch Bihar, Puruliya, Barddhaman, Bankura and Kolkata) having lower population growth than the state average do not share any border with Bangladesh except Cooch Bihar, which is a special state in terms of lower population density and higher flood prone areas than any other district. Author went on saying that this systematic pattern may suggest some kind of unnatural alteration in population probably due to infiltration especially of Muslims from Bangladesh. Though, UNHCR’s population of concern doesn’t show any population of IDPs in India, but there are a large number of Kashmiri Hindus living in refugee camps in Jammu and various parts of the country, that is Delhi, Rajasthan, etc. According to an estimation, around 2.5 lakh Hindus were internally displaced in 80s when a bloody rebellion broke out against New Delhi’s rule in Kashmir, resulted in attack on minorities.

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International Legal Instruments for People of Concern In international context, twentieth century witnesses large influx of mass movement of population of concern due to border conflicts and internal disputes in Asian regions such as Afghanistan, Iran, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Burma (Myanmar), Pakistan, Tibet, and the civil wars in Indochina (UNHCR 2000). The trend still continues today as Asia hosts the largest number of people of concern who fall under the mandate of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR 2017). In South Asia, refugees/asylum-seekers are subjected to varying standards of protection as there have been no mandatory uniform international and regional legal instruments that respond uniformly to refugee crises. South Asian countries are signatories to several core International Human Rights Treaties however, position of judiciary regarding the incorporation of Human Rights Conventions in their respective national legal system varies. This is due to adoption of either integration approach or monoism (Civil Law country) verses transformative approach or dualism (Common Law country) systems of domestic government (Pejovic 2001). Under civil law countries, there is a system of direct incorporation of International Human Rights Treaties, however under common law countries, the international conventions do not become the part of national legal framework, but to amend existing legislation in lieu of rights, principles and obligations contained in the treaty to form the part of domestic legal system (Bangamwabo 2008; Neudorfer and Wernig 2010; Ashraful 2014). South Asian countries follow dualist approach of international law for the implementation of Human Rights Treaties and therefore International Human Rights Treaties do not automatically become part of domestic legal system. In the context of refugee policy, therefore, south Asian countries not being a part of 1951 international Convention of refugee status and 1967 Protocol have diverse practices and/or ad hoc approaches while dealing with crisis of population of concern. However, judiciary of these respective countries are leveraging support of Human Rights Treaties in explanation of fundamental rights enshrined in their respective constitution. Since 1920, the League of Nations’ concerted efforts demonstrate on the development of international legal rules for refugees. The ‘Magna Carta’ of international refugee law is 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees1 developed after Second World War and subsequent 1967 Protocol relating response to people of concern.2 The core objectives of these international instruments were to standardize state responses to refugees and ­asylum-seekers. It created a universal definition of properly identified person deserving of refugee status and to promote uniformity of response in the way that states provide asylum. 1 1951 2 1967

Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (189 UNTS 150). Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (606 UNTS 267).

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The 1951 Convention had significant time and geographic constraints as opposed to 1967 protocol. 1951 Convention on refugees endorses that states could only grant refugee status to those who demonstrated a fear of persecution due to events in Europe preceding 1 January 1951. The 1967 Protocol was introduced as an addendum to the 1951 Convention and was created with the intention of removing the Convention’s time and geographic constraints.3 Although, 145 nations were signatories worldwide to the1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol, majority of Asian states were not party to it (Davies 2008). Of twenty-nine states in Asian region4 (UNHCR 2017), only ten states have signed both the Convention and Protocol and China is one of them. However, only five States have incorporated legal framework on refugees in their domestic law5 (Davies 2008). Thus none of the three countries, that is India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, is signatory to International refugee convention nor incorporated national legal framework in their domestic laws. Moreover, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),6 the dominant multilateral body in the Southeast Asian region and the South Asian Association for Cooperation (SAARC)7 emphasize respect for the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political independence and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. Their state-centric approaches delineate lack of political will to address forced migration hence there is limited potential for these organizations to establish a coherent regional protection framework. Furthermore, SAARC’s Charter states that bilateral and contentious issues shall be excluded from the deliberations.8 However, on the contrary, various International Human rights instruments to which South Asian countries are signatories delineate protection of rights of refugees/people of a concern. For example, Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) 1948,9 International Convention on Civil and

3 The 1951 Convention relating to the status of refugees and its 1967 Protocol: Signing could make all the difference. http://www.unhcr.org. 4 Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei, Cambodia, China, East Timor, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Malaysia, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, North Korea, Pakistan, Philippines, Singapore. South Korea, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam (UNHCR 2017: population & Geographic Data Section). 5 Japan, Kazakhstan, Korea (South), Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. 6 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (1976), Article 2. https://www.aph.gov. au/binaries/house/committee/jsct/9august2005/treaties/tac_text.pdf. 7 Charter of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (1985), Article II. https:// www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/treaties/en/saarc/trt_saarc.pdf. 8 Charter of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (1985), Article X. https:// www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/treaties/en/saarc/trt_saarc.pdf. 9 UDHR 1948. http://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/.

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Political Rights (ICCPR-1966),10 International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR-1966),11 Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination ­(CERD-1965)12 and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Torture Convention-1984)13 and Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, the UN Convention of Child Rights. These conventions incorporate various Articles about protection of rights of refugees. For example, Article 14-A of the UDHR states: ‘Everyone has the right to seek and enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution’. Article 13 of the ­ICCPR-1966 states: ‘An alien lawfully in the territory of a state party to the present Covenant may be expelled there from only in pursuance of a decision reached in accordance with law and shall, except where compelling reasons of national security otherwise require, be allowed to submit the reasons against his expulsion and to have his case reviewed by, and be represented for the purpose before, the competent authority or a person or persons especially designated by the competent authority’. Article 3 of the Torture Convention-1984 states: ‘No state party shall expel, return (“refouler”) or extradite a person to another state where there are substantial grounds for believing that he would be in danger of being subjected to torture’. These provisions indicate that South Asian countries obliged to uphold and protect rights of women, children, racial and ethnic minorities along with due process to be followed to in refugees’ status determination and a right against return to the country of origin. Similar to Africa14 and South America,15 during 1990s, there had been concerted attempts in South Asian regions to develop comprehensive regional normative framework that would address the needs of refugees, stateless persons and IDPs. For example, in the year November 1994, UNHCR constituted Eminent Persons Group (EPG) for South Asia for developing a regional refugee protection laws. The EPG group holds annual regional consultations to promote public awareness, identify mechanisms for moving

10 International

Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR-1966). https://treaties. un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%20999/volume-999-i-14668-english.pdf. 11 International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR-1966). https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/cescr.aspx. 12 Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD-1965). https://www.ohchr.org/ en/professionalinterest/pages/cerd.aspx. 13 Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Torture Convention-1984). http://legal.un.org/avl/ha/catcidtp/catcidtp.html. 14 Organisation of African Unity (OAU) 1969 Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa. https://www.unhcr.org/about-us/background/45dc1a682/ oau-convention-governing-specific-aspects-refugee-problems-africa-adopted.html. 15 Organisation of American States (OAS) 1984 Cartagena Declaration on Refugees. https:// www.oas.org/dil/1984_cartagena_declaration_on_refugees.pdf.

350  A. GUPTA AND U. JADHAV

towards accession to convention or alternatively formulating a regional instrument adapting the refugee conventions to the needs of the South Asian region. This has been followed by Colombo Consultations of 1995 and common declaration confirming the relevance of 1968 OAU Convention (Organisation of African Union) and 1984 Cartagena Declaration. It was at New Delhi Consultation of 1996 and in the year 1997, Dhaka Consultation of EPG which aims for strategic shift in favour of enactment of national legislation that facilitates commonalities in principles, policies and practices to enable a formulation of regional legal framework.

India’s Refugee Policy India being a democratic Soft State, its easy accessibility of borders and economic opportunities, it has been more of a refugee-receiving than a refugee-generating country (Muni and Baral 1996; Chowdhory 2018). ­ India does not have a national refugee policy or legal framework to address forced migration, and its legislation is vague about the differences between refugees, migrant workers and other foreigners. India views refugee problem from bilateral issues between the country of origin and the country of asylum. The claimant has to bear the burden of proof to prove his/her refugee claim. Indian State in such cases cross validates and reconfirms information from UNHCR office in the country of origin. Even though India is not signatory to 1951 International convention on status of refugee and subsequent protocol of 1967, Indian State fulfils its commitment in protection of people of concern. Various articles of Constitution of India stipulated India’s commitment to observe for International Law and Treaty obligations in the dealings of organized people with one another. For example, Article 51 part of Directive principles of State Policy (DPSP) in Part IV of the Indian constitution & Article 253 thrust on observance of International treaties respecting human rights of citizens (Basu 2013). Similarly, under Part III, the Constitution of India provides adequate safeguards to citizens and non-citizens alike—Article 14: the right to equality, Article 25: the freedom to practice and propagate one’s own religion, and Article 21: the right to personal life and liberty which reflects the principle of non-refoulement16 (Basu 2013). Over the years, Indian judiciary through

16 Non-refoulement

is a key principle of international law (see Article 33 of the 1951 Convention) and specifies that a person who seeks asylum and is then determined to be a refugee, cannot be returned or refouled to the country they are originated from, that is state shall not expel or return a refugee ‘in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion’.

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‘judicial activism played a proactive role in implementing India’s international obligation under Human Rights Treaties under Human Rights law and pronounced judgements ‘safeguarding right of people of concern. Various judicial pronouncements of Supreme Court of India17 under Article 32 and High Courts of India18 under Article 226 (Basu 1999) reiterated these constitutional provisions thereby played constructive role in protecting rights of population of concern (Parikh 2001). However, on several occasions,19 Indian Courts have reiterated limited refugee rights other than the few rights provided to aliens in the Constitution of India, which do not acknowledge refugees as a category. These cases give insights of infringement than protection of refugee rights and are glaring examples of indifference and non-intervention by Indian Judiciary to humanitarian aspects of refugees’ needs (Bhattacharjee 2008; Chowdhary 2018). In present scenario, refugees are governed under Law and Enforcement agencies under the rubric of national security and can be issued notices of ‘leave the country’ under threat of malafied intentions of commit harm and posing danger to stability and integrity of the country. Absence of national refugee law observing their rights and governing treatment makes existing Indian laws under Criminal procedure code, Indian Penal code and Evidence Act applicable to refugees. Moreover, ad hoc nature of the legally binding structures that regulates refugees in India resulted in significant variations in treatment of asylum-seekers and refugees.

Conclusions and Policy Implications India poses a very surreal picture when it comes to accommodating UNHCR’s population of concern. There are three main positive characteristics of refugees related to India. First, the proportion of refugee population originated from India is one of the lowest in the world, in fact comparable to most developed countries in the world. In fact India is the only developing country having such trend. Second, India has tried to fulfil its international commitments for displaced population of various part of the world without any social, religious, regional and racial discrimination. The ethnic diversity of

17 Gurunathan and others versus Government of India (WP No. S 6708 and 7916 of 1992); A. C. Mohd. Siddique versus Government of India and others [1998 (47) DRJ (DB), p. 74]; Crl. WP No. 243 of 1998; Louis De Raedt vs Union of India 1991, 3SCC 544; State of Arunachal Pradesh vs Khudiram Chakma10 (1994) Supp (1) SCC 615. 18 P. Nedumaran and Dr. S. Ramadoss versus The Union of India and the State of Tamil Nadu (1992); Crl WP No. 125 and 126 of 1986; N. D. Pancholi versus State of Punjab and others [WP (civil) No. 1294 of 1987]. 19 SAHRDC, Refugee Protection in India, October 1997. Writ Petition nos. 450/83; 605– 607/84; 169/87; 732/87; 747/87; 243/88; 336/88; A. D. Cri No. 48 of 1994.

352  A. GUPTA AND U. JADHAV

refugee population is highest in India among all Asian countries. Third, India has a large number of refugee population from all the countries it shares border with, that is China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Afghanistan. Whenever any conflict happens in these countries, people take refuge in India while vice versa is not true. On the contrary, there are few negative aspects related to refugee population in India. First, India may have given shelter to people from various parts of the world but its own internally displaced population, living in temporary shelters as refugees for many decades, could not be resettled to their place of origin due to divisive political system where almost all political parties have almost certain vote bank based on ethnicity. Second, laws made for the protection of the rights of refugees may be one of the best on papers. But due to lethargic, corrupt, time-taking, unpredictable and cumbersome judicial system, most of the refugees are still being subjected to various kinds of harassment by corrupt executive. These harassments range from bribe, protection money, sexual abuse and trafficking, to use in the electoral system. Third, the shelter homes provided to the refugees are far from the standards set by the United Nations.

Policy Implications In order to ensure protection of refugees, India needs to follow three important steps: acceding international refugees’ conventions; developing regional instruments for South East Asia, where consensus and cooperation among member states are made to protect refugees and encourage voluntary repatriation; reexamination and simplification of national legislations. It has been noticed in India that in spite of India’s (Southeast Asian countries) accession to UN Convention on Human Rights, constitutional guarantees, generous asylum practices and lenient judiciaries indicating protection of refugees, on several occasions, one witnesses protection of refugees jeopardized by the absence of legal principles. Given the political condition of India where refugee issues are linked with national security concerns, it is unlikely that the rights of refugees are easy to be addressed in the near future. But despite all these problems, India has done pretty well compared to its neighbourhood.

Appendix See Table 18.3.

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Table 18.3  UNHCR’s population of concern by country of origin in China and Indian sub-continent by year 2016 Origin Afghanistan Algeria Angola Bangladesh Benin Bosnia and Herzegovina Burundi Cameroon Central African Rep. China Colombia Congo Côte d’Ivoire Dem. Rep. of the Congo Egypt Eritrea Ethiopia Gambia Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau India Iran (Islamic Rep. of) Iraq Kazakhstan Kenya Kuwait Lao People’s Dem. Rep. Liberia Libya Maldives Mali Morocco Mozambique Myanmar Niger Nigeria Pakistan Palestinian Philippines Russian Federation Rwanda Saudi Arabia Sierra Leone Somalia South Africa South Sudan Sri Lanka Sudan

Bangladesh

China

India

Pakistan

23

12,067

1,737,882 17

2 1 5

5

10 50 1

2 1 5 26 110,098

4 1

21 19 1 2 12 66 18 1

1

3 31

7 15 82 1 38 26

1 1

1

79 584 1

2 66 28

5 1 1 84

10

4 3 4 1

19 276,199

1

2 69 17 14 5 9

3

1

9 135 1 2

1 19,241 74 1 86 3 10 5 3

23

1,153,326 17 7 1

759

223

35 64,208 122

2 (continued)

354  A. GUPTA AND U. JADHAV Table 18.3  (continued) Origin Sweden Syrian Arab Rep. Tajikistan Thailand Turkey Turkmenistan Uganda Ukraine United Arab Emirates United Kingdom United Rep. of Tanzania Uzbekistan Viet Nam Yemen Zambia Zimbabwe

Bangladesh

China 2 55

India 100 2 1

Pakistan 20

361 46

2 6 10

1 1 1

2

2

317,098 19 1 49

4 1 535

6 27

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Muni, S.D. and L.R. Baral. (1996). Refugees and Regional Security in South Asia. New Delhi: Konark Publishers. Nasreen, Chowdhory. (2018). Refuges, Citizenship and Belonging in South Asia Contested Terrains. New Delhi: Springer Publishers. Neudorfer, S. and C. Wernig. (2010). Implementation of International Treaties into National Legal Orders: The Protection of the Rights of Child within the Austrian Legal System (A. Bogdandy & R. Wolfrum, Eds.). Max Plank Institute Year Book of United Nations Law, 14, 409–444. Parikh, Sanjay. (2001). Refugees in the International and National Framework. In Indian Society of International Law Yearbook on International Humanitarian and Refugee Law. Pejovic, C. (2001). Civil Law and Common Law: Two Different Paths Leading to the Same Goal. https://www.victoria.ac.nz/law/research/publications/aboutnzacl/ publications/nzacl-yearbooks/yearbook-6,-2000/Pejovic.pdf. Pooja, Faculty of Law, DU. (2018). India’s Refugee Policy. https://www.indianbarassociation.org/indias-refugee-policy/, December 2018. UNHCR. (2000). The State of the World’s Refugees (2000). New York: Oxford University Press, 102. UNHCR. (2016). Submission by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees For the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ Compilation Report Universal Periodic Review: 3rd Cycle, 27th Session INDIA. UNHCR. Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2017. https://www.unhcr.org/ en-us/statistics/unhcrstats/5b27be547/unhcr-global-trends-2017.html. Accessed on 30 December 2018.

CHAPTER 19

HIV Medication Access Between China and India on the Policy Level Yixuan Wang

Global Trade Limitations of HIV Medication Access in Developing Countries Despite decreasing incidence, in 2012, 35.3 million people were living with HIV worldwide, and 2.3 million are newly infected each year (UNAIDS 2013). In order to alleviate the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the World Health Organization (WHO) has expanded coverage of HIV treatment. Still, in 2012, only 9.7 million out of over 30 million people in low- and middle-income countries received antiretroviral therapy (UNAIDS 2013). ­ Meanwhile, in wealthier industrialized countries, even more advanced forms of antiretroviral medications are sold that are less toxic, are more effective, and require simpler regimens. Challenges to expanding HIV treatment in low-income and developing countries include the inabilities of these countries to import inexpensive pharmaceuticals or manufacture antiretroviral medications domestically because of restrictions placed by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Global patent protections on pharmaceuticals increase costs and constrain developing countries’ attempts to access the most advanced forms of This article is reproduced from: Wang, Y. (2014). Global Trade Limitations of HIV Medication Access in Developing Countries. Columbia Social Work Review, V, 21–32. Y. Wang (*)  China Youth University of Political Studies, Beijing, China e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_19

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antiretroviral medications. The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) requires countries within the WTO to adopt International Intellectual Property Rules (IPRs) which provide strict national protections for competing pharmaceutical companies internationally. Specifically, TRIPS obliges all WTO member countries to grant at least 20 years of patent protection for new medications, resulting in costly market prices for new medications (Alikhan and Mashelkar 2004). As corporations in developed countries hold the majority of pharmaceutical patents, some advocates maintain that IPRs generally reflect the economic interests of those developed countries. To improve access to HIV medications in least developed countries (LDCs), in 2001, the WTO developed the concept of TRIPS flexibilities. Initiating TRIPS flexibilities to obtain lower cost medications has proven difficult at a practical level. The challenges and importance of TRIPS policy, its established flexibilities and successes serve to underline inequity in healthcare as a human rights issue. With a focus on the conflict between patent rights and the right to health, this paper focuses on Brazil, India, and China as examples of how TRIPS flexibilities help provide adequate access to HIV medications. Then, this paper will advocate that TRIPS flexibilities should be unconditionally expanded to all developing countries experiencing an HIV/AIDS epidemic, not only to those at the lowest degree of development. Social workers, particularly those involved in the formulation and evaluation of macro-level policy, are bound under the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) Code of Ethics to advocate for just and equal treatment of all people, which includes access to healthcare and treatment. This article serves to inform social workers of the complexities involved in accessing HIV/AIDS treatment in order to improve their ability to advocate for universal access.

TRIPS Framework The research and development (R&D) of a new HIV medication requires the investment of billions of dollars and intense intellectual labor over many years (Smelyanskaya 2013). In order for pharmaceutical manufacturers to recover R&D costs and provide protection for their products, companies patent their new medications. Patent registration grants the manufacturer a certain period of time to exclusively sell their medication on the open market. Entities seeking to produce or sell formulations must obtain permission from the patent holder. As a result, pharmaceutical manufacturers may set high prices for their products to maximize profits due to the de facto legalized monopoly that the patent registration effectively creates. Established in 1994 during the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, TRIPS requires countries within the WTO to establish domestic minimum protection standards for intellectual property products. In addition to IPRs inherited from predecessor agreements, TRIPS introduced

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patent protection of pharmaceuticals into the international trading system. WTO members must internalize the IPRs of TRIPS into their domestic laws to gain national jurisdiction against international intellectual property rights infringements. Developing countries not part of the WTO can potentially sell, manufacture, or make use of patented HIV pharmaceuticals without permission of patent holders. However, “special and differential treatment” as a WTO member, exemplified in technology transfer and investments from wealthy countries and preferential trading rules, attracts developing countries to join the WTO. For example, while WTO members trade among one another with relatively low tariffs on goods, non-WTO countries who trade with WTO members incur higher tariffs, potentially hindering domestic economic growth. Historically, developing countries strived to become members of the WTO and established or modified domestic patent laws to adopt TRIPS IPRs in preparation. Once admitted, if the patent of a new HIV medication is filed and international valuations remain constant, prices would likely be unattainable for most national health programs in developing countries (Intellectual Property Watch 2013). Under this framework, industrialized countries that export medications achieve legal grounds to initiate trade actions against piracy in developing countries. These restrictions, while offering intellectual protections, place remarkable burden on emerging international economies. While international patent laws may be necessary to drive innovation, royalties drastically drive up the price of new HIV medications and put ­low-income patients’ lives at risk. Generally speaking, the average cost of HIV treatment is $14,000–$20,000 a year (Vann 2009), which is more than ten years’ income for people living in low-income countries (UNDESA 2013). For instance, Uganda has one of the highest HIV/AIDS adult prevalence rates around the world (Central Intelligence Agency 2014), but its gross national income per capita was only $479 a year in 2011 (World Bank 2014). As such, Ugandans living with HIV are often unable to access the most effective HIV treatments.

The History of Flexibilities With the implementation of TRIPS pharmaceutical IPRs in the 1990s, the conflict between the right to health and intellectual property intensified. In 2010, companies within industrialized countries held more than 80% of the pharmaceutical patents (Julian-Arnold and Gianna 1993), while over 80% of people living with HIV were in developing countries (AVERT 2011). Increasingly, the clash between healthcare and economic development began to receive attention internationally, and on August 17, 2000, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights approved a resolution on intellectual property and human rights. The resolution claimed that TRIPS did not “adequately reflect the fundamental nature and indivisibility of all human rights, including…the right to health…[t]he apparent conflicts

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between the intellectual property rights regime embodied in the TRIPs Agreement…and international human rights law” (United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2000). On June 27, 2001, a UN report further discussed the relationship between TRIPS and human rights, encouraging governments to take legal and administrative measures to protect human rights under the TRIPS framework (United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 2001). The TRIPS Agreement was reinterpreted during the WTO Doha Round (WTO 2001b) in order to explicitly deliver an international consensus that the private interest of patent rights should not go against public interest and human rights during a public health crisis. The Doha Declaration clarified the scope of TRIPS and detailed the application of its flexibilities. One of the most crucial flexibilities is compulsory licensing, which can be applied under a “national emergency or other circumstance of extreme urgency” such as “public health crises, including those relating to HIV/AIDS” (WTO 2001a). It allows a national government to issue licenses to domestic pharmaceutical manufacturers to produce generic versions of patent medications without the permission of patent holders. In 2003, a permanent amendment was inserted in TRIPS allowing WTO members of LDCs to import inexpensive generics made under compulsory licensing provisions (WTO 2003). Therefore, even LDCs lacking production capacity could continue to access inexpensive medications. Kenya, an LDC, currently has 1.6 million people living with HIV out of a population of about 40 million (UNAIDS 2014), but in 2003 only 5% of the people who needed antiretroviral treatment received it (WHO/UNAIDS/UNICEF 2007). Following the TRIPS amendment, the government of Kenya passed a bill to legalize the purchase of generics from other countries (AVERT 2013). The impact was significant—in 2010, 540,000 people living in Kenya could access antiretroviral drugs (NACC and NASCOP 2012), more than 30% of the total population living with HIV.

Implementation of Flexibilities While LDCs enjoy unconditional application of flexibilities and are granted a transition period to defer the implementation of TRIPS on pharmaceuticals until January 2016, the transition period for other developing countries ended in January 2005. Since then, many developing countries have been urged under TRIPS guidelines to issue or protect patents for new HIV medications. China and India are two active WTO member countries with the largest population sizes and high HIV prevalence rates. Owing to their rapidly growing national economies, the international community expects these countries to take steps to combat their HIV epidemics while adhering to TRIPS IPRs. The divergence of these countries’ domestic social practices reveals how TRIPS flexibilities fail to adequately provide access to medication for people living with HIV in many developing countries, especially in China and India.

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China In 2000, China modified its Patent Law to comply with TRIPS in preparation for joining the WTO. The Patent Law was last amended in 2008 when China fully internalized TRIPS flexibilities and exhaustively listed the grounds for initiating compulsory licensing. According to the Law, China can grant compulsory licenses to domestic pharmaceutical manufacturers or import lower cost HIV generic medications from other countries to combat the HIV crisis. In spite of a well-developed legal basis, China has not yet issued any compulsory licenses for HIV medications in practice because the country has been categorized as having low HIV prevalence (Ministry of Health of the People’s Republic of China 2012) and thereby does not qualify for compulsory licensing according to international standards. However, China’s HIV epidemic is quite severe. China ranks 13th in the world in number of people living with HIV with more than half of this population living in poorer provinces (Index Mundi 2014). In order to provide treatment to its 780,000 people living with HIV (UNGASS 2012), China began to provide free HIV medications to low-income communities in 2003 (Yardley 2003). However, as TRIPS ­ obliges all WTO member countries to grant at least 20 years of patent protection for new medications (Alikhan and Mashelkar 2004), the Chinese government provided patients with an older generation of antiretroviral therapies. One study found that half of the patients who received these older forms of therapy did not benefit from the treatment after five years, most often due to regimen ineffectiveness or medication side effects (Zhang et al. 2009). Although the Chinese government started to provide newer medications in 2009, as of 2011 only 18,703 adults and 216 children had received them (UNGASS 2012). India India has the 85th greatest HIV incidence rate yet ranks third in the world in terms of prevalence, with 2.4 million people living with HIV (Central Intelligence Agency 2014). Having established its own generic drug industry, India exports inexpensive HIV medications to other developing countries while also selling them domestically. In 1995, when India joined the WTO and internalized TRIPS IPRs into its domestic patent laws, the Indian government chose to continue to allow generic medication production by domestic companies. While HIV medications cost $14,000–$20,000 per year in industrialized countries, Cipla, an Indian drug manufacturer, offers the medications for as low as $80 per year (Harris 2008). As Indian patent laws support robust generic medication manufacturing to the detriment of patent protections, an abundance of pharmaceutical patent disputes initiated by foreign pharmaceutical manufacturers have arisen in Indian courts. As a result, the United States placed India on its trade blacklist (Carter and

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Siddiqui 2013). Internationally, TRIPS IPRs have challenged India’s efforts to promote universal access to HIV medications. Utilizing international legalities and trade agreements, the governments of pharmaceutical exporting countries have filed complaints against India within the WTO dispute settlement body. However, for a government providing universal healthcare and free HIV medication for 2.4 million people since 2004 (NACO 2013), India should retain its proactive position of applying TRIPS flexibilities and challenging the tolerance of international patent holders.

Conclusion Intellectual property rights and licensing laws stem from the ownership of ideas for profit—an appropriate concept in a generally capitalistic world. International organizations that monitor trade and offer individuals, companies, and countries protections for their intellectual and physical properties are essential in ensuring this system. Pharmaceutical patent law offers a method to protect intellectual and market interests. TRIPS flexibilities bridge international law and medical need, however, unregulated infringement would undermine incentives for new R&D projects. Facing a public health crisis, many poor and developing economies are unable to offer their citizens available treatments and alleviate human suffering. These countries lack resources, making them vulnerable to trade systems driven purely by profit. The technicalities of policies and securing profits, however, have superseded universal access to treatment for HIV—one of the most devastating public health crises in modern times. China’s passive use of TRIPS flexibilities contrasts, what some consider, India’s patent infringements. The divergence of responses the two countries have chosen demonstrates how technicalities and profit margins inhibit countries from ensuring the well-being of their citizens. Each exemplifies challenges faced by developing countries to apply TRIPS flexibilities under accepted WTO guidelines. The strict, yet poorly defined, TRIPS flexibilities make it difficult for many developing countries to initiate compulsory license mechanisms to address public health crises. The improbability of pharmaceutical companies foregoing their profitable patent rights on new HIV medications creates significant delays in access to inexpensive generics. Historically in WTO pharmaceutical disputes, wealthier countries, which have a disproportionate number of companies with pharmaceutical patents, resist TRIPS flexibilities to appease companies and foster economic growth. Strict TRIPS IPRs have become weapons to hinder access to HIV medicines in developing countries. If we choose to live in a world where human rights are valued above profit, the WTO should work to encourage its member countries to protect human rights by expanding the application of TRIPS flexibilities for HIV medications unconditionally.

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References Alikhan, S., & Mashelkar, R. A. (2004). Intellectual Property and Competitive Strategies in the 21st Century. New York: Kluwer Law International. Attaran, A., & Gillespie-White, L. (2001, October, 17). Do Patents for Antiretroviral Drugs Constrain Access to AIDS Treatment In Africa? The Journal of the American Medical Association, 286(15), 1886–1892. AVERT. (2011). Regional Statistics for HIV and AIDS, End of 2011. Retrieved on February 15, 2014 from: http://www.avert.org/worldwide-hiv-aids-statistics.htm. AVERT. (2013). Treatment Access. Retrieved from: http://www.avert.org/treatment-access.htm. AVERT. (2014). Global Epidemic: Asia—HIV&AIDS in China. Retrieved on February 22, 2014 from: http://www.avert.org/hiv-aids-china.htm#footnote86_gfxc8fa. Carter, Z., & Siddiqui, S. (2013, May 1). India’s U.S. Drug Rulings Earn Trade Blacklist Spot from Obama Administration. Huff Post—Politics. Retrieved from: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/05/01/india-us-drugs-trade_n_3196458. html. Central Intelligence Agency. (2014). The World Factbook: Country comparison HIV/ AIDS Adult Prevalence Rate (Based on 2009 Estimates). Retrieved from: https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2155rank.html. Harris, G. (2008, October 31). The Safety GAP. New York Times. Retrieved from: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/02/magazine/02fda-t.html?pagewanted=all. Index Mundi. (2014). Country Comparison: HIV/AIDS: People Living with HIV/AIDS Top 100. Retrieved from: http://www.indexmundi.com/g/r.aspx?v=35&t=100. Intellectual Property Watch. (2013). Fact Sheet: Extending the TRIPS Waiver for Least Developed Countries. Retrieved from: http://www.ip-watch.org/weblog/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/LDC-extension-Fact-Sheet.pdf. Julian-Arnold & Gianna. (1993). International Compulsory Licensing: The Rationales and the Reality. Idea: The Journal of Law and Technology, 33(4), 349–400. Ministry of Health of the People’s Republic of China. (2012). 2012 China AIDS Response Progress Report. Beijing, China: Ministry of Health. NACC & NASCOP. (2012). The Kenya AIDS Epidemic Update 2011. Nairoby, Kenya: Office of the President National AIDS Control Council. Naco. (2013). Annual Report 2012–13. India: Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. National Bureau of Statistics of China. (2012). National Data: Population [Data file]. Retrieved from: http://data.stats.gov.cn/workspace/index?m=hgnd. SAPA-AFP. (2001, May 28). AIDS Activists in Kenya Launch Campaign for Cheap Drugs Bill. South African Press Association. Retrieved from: http://www.hst.org. za/news/aids-activists-kenya-launch-campaign-cheap-drugs-bill. Smelyanskaya, M. (2013). Funding Scientific Innovation: Global Investments in HIV Treatment Research and Development in 2010 and 2011. Treatment Action Group. UNAIDS. (2010, June, 10). UNAIDS Welcomes the Efforts of UNITAID Towards the Creation of a Patent Pool Entity. Retrieved from: http://www.unaids.org/en/ Resources/PressCentre/Featurestories/2010/June/20100610UNITAIDPP/. UNAIDS. (2013). Global Report. UNAIDS Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic 2013. UNAIDS. (2014). County Webpage of Kenya, 2012 Data. Retrieved on February 14, 2014 from: http://www.unaids.org/en/regionscountries/countries/kenya/.

364  Y. WANG UNDESA. (2013, Augest). The Criteria for Identifying Least Developed Countries. Retrieved from: http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/policy/cdp/ldc/ ldc_definitions.shtml. UNGASS. (2012). China AIDS Response Progress Report. Retrieved from: http:// www.unaids.org/en/dataanalysis/knowyourresponse/countryprogressreports/ 2012countries/. United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. (2001, June 27, 42nd Session). The Impact of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights on Human Rights. Retrieved from: http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/0/590516104e92e87bc1256aa8004a8191/$FILE/G0114345.pdf. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. (2000, August 17, 25th Meeting). Intellectual Property Rights and Human Rights. 2000/7. Retrieved from: http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/TestFrame/c462b62cf8a 07b13c12569700046704e?Opendocument. Vann, M. (2009, May 13). Can You Afford Your HIV Treatment? Everyday Health. Retrieved from: http://www.everydayhealth.com/hiv-aids/can-you-afford-hiv-treatment.aspx. WTO. (2001a). Doha Agenda. Retrieved from: http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/dda_e/dda_e.htm. WTO. (2001b, November 20). Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health. Doha WTO Ministerial 2011: TRIPS. Retrieved from: http://www.wto. org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min01_e/mindecl_trips_e.htm. WTO. (2002, June 28). Council Approves LDC Decision with Additional Waiver. The WTO 2002 Press Releases, Press/301. Retrieved from: http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/pres02_e/pr301_e.htm. WTO. (2003, August 30). Decision Removes Final Patent Obstacle to Cheap Drug Imports. The WTO 2003 Press Release, Press/350/Rev. 1. Retrieved from: http:// www.wto.org/english/news_e/pres03_e/pr350_e.htm. WHO/UNAIDS/UNICEF. (2007). Towards Universal Access: Scaling Up Priority HIV/AIDS Interventions in the Health Sector. Retrieved from: http://www.who. int/hiv/pub/2010progressreport/report/en/. World Bank. (2014). Country Data: Uganda. Retrieved from: http://data.worldbank.org/country/Uganda. Yardley, J. (2003, November 8). China Begins Giving Free HIV/AIDS Drugs to the Poor. New York Times. Retrieved from: http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/08/ world/china-begins-giving-free-hiv-aids-drugs-to-the-poor.html. Zakumumpa, H. (2012, May 4). Kenya: Court Ruling on Generic Drugs Sets Precedent for the Region. All Africa. Retrieved from: http://allafrica.com/stories/201205050203.html. Zhang, F., Duo, Z., Ma, Y., Zhao, Y., Liu, Z., Bulterys, M., & Chen, R.Y. (2009). Five-Year Outcomes of the China National Free Antiretroviral Treatment Program. Annals of Internal Medicine, 18:151(4), 241–251.

CHAPTER 20

Gender and Socio-Cultural Policy Issues in Objects of Display: A Case Study of Gujarat Science City in India Rajni Gupta

Introduction Museums are important for learning and entertaining visitors; they provide innovative resources for formal education and informal learning at various levels as well as museum gives an opportunity to educate visitors about the cultural and scientific knowledge. Museums organize open cultural events and unique activities and play a significant role in developing a sense of identity. It helps in preventing and conserving the natural and cultural heritage. Museums also give opportunities to engage with visitors and curators through special programmes built around their collections. Museum and science centres give a chance to interact with people about the social and scientific knowledge. It’s open for historical and cultural importance, which shows the reasons of the study, training, material proof of individuals and their conditions. In other words, museum is an ‘engaging’ organization, intended to fuse all common social and scientific objects and their experiences. Visitors can stroll into a museum’s exhibition hall and learn about the historical and cultural activities of our nation. Museums have the potential to bring necessary change, and relevant theorist has produced expectations from the museum. This includes sensitivity or openness with greater accountability. Museums as a propagator of systemic R. Gupta (*)  Centre for Studies in Science, Technology and Innovation Policy, School of Social Sciences, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_20

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knowledge with their approach involve several categories of museums, such as the science museums, memorial museums, historical museums, digital museums and the art galleries as well as technological museums which focus majorly on cultural, political, socio-economic, scientific, and theological subjects/objects.

Science Museum Concept of science museums having interactive exhibits and live demonstrations originated in Europe but did not become fully developed until reaching the middle of the twentieth century in America. Science museums are primarily devoted to science. Ancient science museums tended to concentrate on static displays of objects related to natural historical science and Modern science museums have many other ranges of subject matters. It introduced some interactive and exciting exhibits. According to Durant (2014), ‘Science centres are not science museums. Science museum typically has a historical focus and collect or use the artefacts of science and technology. Science centres have a focus on phenomena, experiences, and stories. However, there are many institutions that combine a science museum with a science centre approach’. In 1978 the government of India decided to incorporate an autonomous body, the National Council of Science Museums (NCSM). The existing Science Museums at Kolkata, Bangalore and Mumbai were subsequently delinked from CSIR and their control was taken over by the NCSM. The NCSM leads the science museum and science centre movement in India. The NCSM network functions in a 3-tier orientation with 4 national level centres in Kolkata, Bangalore, Mumbai and New Delhi. Each of such national level centres has a strong exhibit development centre, has under its control a number of Regional Science Centres (RSC) and Sub-Regional Science Centres (SRSC, also called District Science Centres). At present, there are 26 Science Museums/Centres under NCSM and 53 are being developed (NCSM website) (Fig. 20.1).

Old Museum Theory Old museums and their theories are monolithic in nature; simply it is called museology. Museology is the theory and methodology of museum work, which is commonly shared by all areas of knowledge such as natural, historical, social or technical science as represented in museums. Further, traces its roots and argues that we do not think museology as a sect or religion; we believe museology as a movement which rooted deeply in the 70s and 80s of this century, and it is not something for everybody. Museology is only for the people who are convinced and volunteer to take part. However, it is something to build because the practice is tough if we have no models. Old museum theorists believe that museums are the site of worship. We can say that the old museum theory was colonizing cultural objects and worked in

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Fig. 20.1  Map representing Science museums/centers under NCSM Source:  (NCSM 2016)

a fixed frame, no one can question it. It was not transparent as compared to postmodern museums. Marxist philosopher Benjamin questions old museum theory, who argued that museums atmosphere and authenticity are social constructions irrelevant and inappropriate to twentieth-century culture. Under the old museum theory, museums framing objects such as wall coverings, wall texts or message, pictures and posters, architectural flourishes and period furniture, these show how the museum makes meaning (Marstine 2006). Theorists of old museum tradition shave categorized museums as Place of worship, Market commodity, Settlement space and New Museum.

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Place of Worship paradigm considers ‘museum as shrine’, which means museums are equivalent to places of worship and a place of holy importance. Marstine (2006) argues, ‘As a category of place of worship, the museum protects its treasures and the museum as shrine dedicates itself to connoisseurship, conservation, and skills of its permanent collection. Objects prioritized over ideas’. Market Commodity paradigm says that museums preferred their institutions as perfect environments for their collections, clear by commercial concerns in the past, but all museums need to raise finances to operate. Overall sources of finance of museums demand commercialization of museums. In the museum, mostly object collection and their value refer to them as a commodity. Visitors and public are rarely asked about the values of objects and how the institution obtained objects. According to many Marxist theorists, museum shaped like a ‘market commodity’ and looks like social and economic foundations of culture. Settlement space under this category of old museums, the museum is conceived as a settlement space or a colonizing space, which was involved in defining people or visitors. Many museums that colonized or following non-western cultures follow hierarchies based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion and caste. Whether we focus on postcolonial theory, it examines the shaping of our culture by the orientalist, imperialist and patriarchal forces. New Museum vs. Post-Museum takes into account that diverse stakeholders are active participants in museum discourse. Greenhill (2001) defines a new museum or post-museum as an ‘institution that has completely reinvented itself, that is no longer a museum but something new, still related to the “museum”, it is clearly formulated its strategies, motto, decision-making processes and continually re-evaluates them in a way that acknowledges the politics of representation, the work of museum’s office staff is never naturalized but seen as contributing to these agendas’. According to Sandell (2002), post-museum or new museum ‘is a site from which to amends inequalities, this is a most important factor of the new type of museums, and they imagine that the post museum can promote social understanding’. A museum theorist hopes that ‘a space for the cultures of this world to collide and to display their heterogeneity, even irreconcilability, to network, to hybridise and to live together in the gaze and the memory of the spectator’ (Greenhill 2001).

New Museum Theory It is not a new science, but new museum theory is a movement within the science. Museology itself is an applied science and new museum theory or new museology being a recent development within the fold of museology prescribes new ideas; develops new forms of museums and fresh approach to deal with the new problems and challenges arising out of modern development based on science and technology (Bhatnagar 1998). New Museum Theory takes ‘considerable effort to think ourselves back to the world without them

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and to think through the shadows put by the amazing and massive familiarity of this truly uncanny social construction of technology’ (Marstine 2006). The new museum theory is a discourse which revolves around the social and political role played by a museum, which encourages new modes of communication and new styles of expressions in contrast to the classic viewpoint which are models of collection-centred museums (Mairesse and Desvallées 2010). New Museum Theory is based on interdisciplinary approach and considers equally all the products of humanity like artistic religious and technological, domestic and linguistic as an integral component of a culture together being a coherent statement of the relationship within a community and of a community with the environment, Thus the new museum takes a holistic view of culture. Museums are one of the central sites where modernity has been generated. We are not growing in this world without museums. Museums may be gendered, engendered and sustained over that time. Thus, the new museum theory has become a theoretical and a philosophical movement, which is linked to a shift in the focus and intention within the museums away from the traditional ideas of the museums. The main areas which were reconsidered include the position of the museums in conservation, the epistemological status of the objects on display and nature and purpose of the scholarships for museums (Smith 1989). There is also a focus on the shift from objects to ideas within the new museology where languages and education play a central position in the museums. Harrison (1994) argues that there has also been an introduction of multiple discourses which links museums to terminologies like ‘cultural empowerment’, ‘social redefinition’, ‘dialogue’ and ‘emotion’. A major work which contributes to the body of literature about the museum is by Hooper-Greenhill (2007) which addresses the m ­ eaning-making and understanding of how museums will be developed in the future. There are several other questions raised in this study like how museums select and arrange objects, shape the knowledge and construct a view? How are the museums producing values? The most important question asked by the author in this study is how audiences in the museum make meaning from what they experience in the museums? New Museum Theory in Practice After a brief discussion of the concept of new museum theory, now we will focus on how this approach is used in practices. According to Lindauer (2006), the Critical Museum Visitor is a good example of new museum theory’s practice. This theory supports the activity of analysing a museum display and specifically, to demonstrate how to synthesize individual observations about aspects of displays into a coherent and critical argument. She shows museum design and interpretation with concerns relating to broader cultural politics and the museum’s institutional context. With the help of new museum theory, we find many hints for the museum study and its practice.

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We also adopt a more conventional academic approach and sense of distance. New museum theory reflecting real proportion is primarily concerned with cultural politics and the role of museums in society. It is very useful to offer interest to students in the museum and their gallery studies (Mason 2010). According to Marstine (2006), the museum serves not just to map out the key ideas, debates and arguments within their different disciplinary and intellectual contexts; something often left more implicit in the museological critique. It is consistent in problematizing of conventional definitions of collecting’s function, symbolism and significance to individual and society. New museum theory lays emphasis on developing critical thinking that outlines connections between new museology and institutional critique within science and social understanding of scientific objects kept for display. New museum theory talks about the construction of a society that we live in and their construct in understanding science from museum phenomenology, archival manuscripts, museum architecture, scientific objects display, images and their illustrations, the museum’s written texts and unspoken messages. Importance of Museum Theories The museum theories bring into the light of hidden agendas, assumptions and museum practices because people think that museums work as a ­non-profit organization. This organization needs to know what the public wants so they used many tricks like analysis, multidimensional technique or making profit plans. Marketing knowledge of the public or visitors will help the museum organization to target their desired segments or programmes, and the museums can design their exhibitions or galleries with entirely different exhibits that will appeal different target groups. This is also creating many opportunities to explore greater and more diverse audience engagement with the knowledge it produces and mediates. American Association of Museums Survey has found that 67% of respondents trust books and only 50% of respondents believe in television news, but 87% of respondents deem museums trustworthy (Greenhill 2004). In the twenty-first century, when we talk about reality, then it is important that we realize museums do produce cultural identity through framing. The concept of framing is very broad; it is helpful to understand how the meanings of the object shift when an object is moved from one institutional context to another. For example, a stone might be valued for its artistic qualities in an art museum; simultaneously, it may have religious importance for which our ancestors have prayed since centuries. In other words, ‘framing is a metaphorical process that creates a vision of the past and future based on contemporary needs’ (Marstine 2006). Therefore, we have to develop a proper understanding of different museum theories. It plays important role in our social as well as educational context. Another important concept, that is ‘display’ in museums or science museums is worth discussing here. The public is right to identify display in museums. Displays do many other things as well and use various techniques

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to communicate with the audiences, their unique and particular method of display. Museums display will be aimed at target public or audience and designed to meet their needs and interests, though it should also enjoy and interest other visitors as well. Interpreters should target their display at a particular audience or group of visitors because if they try to enjoy everyone, they may end up enjoying anyone (Ambrose and Paine 2012). Objects of Display in Science Museums After the discussion on the importance of museum theories, now in this section of the chapter, we will focus on ‘objects’ like what is the definition and meaning of it as well as what are objects’ theories and how are objects linked to scientific and other different museums? In the case of science museum, we discuss the different facts of how museums were developed in the form of science cities and science centres. It shows the multilevel variations. Now it is important to recognize that, how objects and artefacts are displays in museums. Many museums were established commercially and some for educational purposes and accordingly objects differ. How Are Objects Socially Constructed in Science Museum? After the discussion of objects and their theories, now we will focus on how objects are socially constructed in a museum. Social constructivism says that ‘science is other social practices invented by humans; it is a construction of those humans, therefore, a social construction’. Generally, objects are the principal educational tools of a museum but now in museums; ‘framing of object’ is an issue which similarly raises its head. Derrida et al. (1987) who was a philosopher first used the concept of framing for cultural theory in his essay ‘Parergon’, which critiques Immanuel Kant’s ‘Analytic of the Beautiful’. Mostly museums frame objects and visitors to control the viewing process, to suggest an ‘authentic’ mirror of history, without any contradiction or conflict. According to Thomas Mann, the display of the object in museum works as a framing device and it tries to mimic or present it as a fact as well as a formula that disguises framing (Marstine 2006, p. 5). Science museums are the history of science and it presents a collection of historical objects relating to anthropology, astronomy, numerology, electricity, chemistry, biology, photography, microscopy, mathematics, communication technology and palaeontology at the world level. Their education programmes focus on using the collection for classroom learning across the curriculum, to encourage curiosity and discovery, and it also supports public engagement and informal learning. The science popularization programmes of the period proudly legitimated more government spending on science by constructing the image of a passive and most appreciative audience of science, thereby suppressing all critical voices regarding science and technology emergent in the public sphere.

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Nowadays, science museums change in the science centres and science city at various levels. Science museums or science centres work as a target like, without the use of television or schoolbooks, they educate visitors or audiences. However, many of the time museums communicated certain knowledge with all the authority of fixed, stable institutions. People believed that museums offered facts and truth because they were trusted institutions. From the view of social construction, it emerges a big challenge to museums’ authority and it would misguide schoolchildren. There has been a shift in the understanding of classic science museums and their changing nature and forms towards framing of the science centres and then to science city at various levels in the Indian context. These science museums/science centres function to make people aware of past technologies and the most prominent scientific activities and prominent names that relate to the innovation of a particular technology. These objects of display become easy for visitors to understand the philosophy of technology advancement that is often missing in television or school books. Therefore, when knowledge is diffused from an institution certified by authority, it makes the knowledge more trustable and is believed to be propagated forward by the knowledge seekers. When it comes to school-going children and others having an interest in science, who often visit these science museums, they can be misguided if female scientist name and portraits remain missing from this kind of spaces. From this point of view, this research lays special importance to understand the importance of recognition which cannot be discriminated on a gender basis.

Gender and Socio-Cultural Policies for a Distant Rhetoric Over the past few decades, state policy analysis shows that many policies are formed for gender equalities but it has no successive effect on gender relations. The main goals of making state policies are to understand ­socio-cultural issues of gender. In state policies, government predominates in a way of social justice and gender fairness. But it does not show any major impact on public places or organizations. In case of museum and science cities, we saw that same policy related issues are also found in objects of display in museum galleries. New museum theory aims to encourage visitors or scholars to reflect critically on the concept of the museum and its associated practices. It provides a balance of practice and theory from a wide range of academic knowledge and cultures and it is helpful in the building on a culture of ‘Critical Museology’. It is also emphasizing students or scholars into questioning the museums and their exhibits. New museum theory encourages to critically scrutinize ‘Eurocentric’ accounts and definitions of museums and cultural heritage, and it can critically appreciate ‘alternative’ conceptualizations and understand the complexities

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involved in the globalization of museological practices. Many museum theorists have written that the museums were monolithic and static in nature. Museums encouraged the possibility of change, and it has great flexibility.

Methodology Paper’s methodology is based on a case study, ethnographic observation and museum research methods for analysing the findings and results. The research process followed both the descriptive and qualitative approach to undertaking the following pattern. It began with a literature review in the basic and primary data regarding the nature of the research problem and its various objectives. The paper facilitated to learn more about the problems faced by museums and their visitors in the past. The nature of the literature covered books, reviews, reports, journals, articles, notes, suggestions and opinions, recommendations, proceedings, internet websites and others. It also included the study of available literature at the majority of the prominent places known as science city or science centre and their active museological interests and participation. The case study of Gujarat Science City is based in Ahmedabad and Nisarg Community Science Centre in Gandhinagar. Research work and extensive fieldwork were carried out across the Gujarat science city with a view to studying the situation and has a first-hand account of the research problems. Needless to elaborate on this procedure has no alternative or substitute and has its special advantages in the assessment of a situation. Some questionnaires were also prepared and sent to a selected set of leading museums known for their museological standing in one aspect or the other; in order to understand their perspective and viewpoint regarding the research which helped to compare and contrast the findings of the author and draw meaningful conclusions about certain aspects. Results come out from several discussions held with science museum or city’s officers and their various professionals, curators, visitors and others undertaking with this work. Discussion with experts is also indicating a direction or hinting a probable solution to the problem and enriched the statements noted in this text with their rich and different opinions and experience. Personal visit also helped in observing the day to day functioning of science museums or centres and search the relevant documents of institutions. Try to discuss some things with different stakeholders such as directors, curators and visitors to the science city and science centre.

Results & Analysis Gujarat science city entry section is greeted by banners and posters of some famous scientists and little information about them. The posters included the scientists Vikram Sarabhai, Srinivasa Ramanujan and C. V. Raman. These pictures itself reveal certain things. For instance, all of them are male and

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belong to Hindu upper caste of the Indian society. Also, one can figure out the disciplines they belong to, that is two of them are physicists and one is a mathematician. It points to the existence of a variety of hierarchies in the science field based on gender, caste, religion, class and discipline. There was no poster or even information regarding other important scientists such as Meghanad Saha, who was a contemporary of C. V. Raman and belonged to a lower caste. Similarly, there was no information regarding current scientists, especially female scientists, such as Anna Mani and Kamala Sohonie. Apparently, caste, class and gender played a role in the display of portraits in the entry section. On the other hand, Regional Science Centre, Gandhinagar had the portraits consisting of pictures of mostly Nobel Prize winner scientists, and a few other scientists of the current times such as Stephen Hawking. The name board displays pictures of three scientists—Albert Einstein, A. P. J. Abdul Kalam and Homi Bhabha. This is interesting to note that Kalam has been given space with Einstein and Bhabha. It shows that in recent times Kalam, at least in India, is put on the same pedestal as these two figures in sciences. However, like in the earlier case of Science City, the women scientists have not been given space on these boards. Nonetheless, Marie Curie, a Polish and naturalized French Physicist has been given space on a poster inside the building. Thus, Nisarg centre too reflects the hierarchy and gender biases in sciences (Fig. 20.2). Another model depicted the human morphology as an Industry, but the title of this anatomy section is ‘Man as an Industrial Palace’. Better use of the word ‘human’ in place of ‘man’ here. This model also contained a male human figure to explain the human physiological system. Here the question is

Fig. 20.2  Scientist Poster and Information display on the scientist (Source Author’s compilation, 18 December 2015)

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that why women cannot be displayed as an industrial palace and which types of work women do to become an industrial palace? In the entire section, there was not even one object or artefact displaying reproductive organs. All of the systems such as respiration, metabolism, blood circulation and excretion, etc., were depicted, but not the reproductive parts. The absence of particularly reproductive section is perplexing and is indicative of the prudish mindset and cultural attitudes prevalent in the larger society, which reflect in the design of the anatomy section. Another instance of construction found in the display of nail anatomy showed pictures of painted nail arts. This display also seems to be gender constructed based on popular women cultural and aesthetic ideas. At last ‘human evolution’ section depicted the gradual process of human evolution. The images are clearly based on societal stereotypes of gender roles. For instance, men are shown to be hunting in the paintings, whereas women are shown to be taking care of children or cleaning and decorating the house. Similarly, in one of the paintings: men were shown preparing for the hunting; on the other hand, the woman was shown to be preparing for cooking and making fire. In another painting, a man was shown the painting in the cave whereas the woman was shown holding the earthen lamp (Diya) for that man.

Conclusion Museums were places for the preservation of objects. Children from government and private schools or colleges went to a museum on a trip but, as pointed out by many, they were nothing more than an ‘Ajaib Ghar’ or ‘cabinet of curiosity’ or ‘place of wonder’. Museum has mainly two new words which are commonly used in North India sangrahalaya, the Hindi word which means a house that keeps or collects things. This term of museum leads us to think of museums as a place that protects, objects, and indeed most museums in India offer little more than a storage space. The Urdu word for a museum is ajaibghar which means the house of curiosities where extraordinary things are kept and it takes us in a very different direction. In other places such as Bengal, the word ‘jadughar’ called a house of magic replaces with ‘ajaibghar’. Although these words can be critiqued as incorrectly defining the role of museums as we see them today, both suggest the strategic and important components of what museums do and stand for, whatever additional functions they may have in changing times. New museum theory has an institutional purpose; they provide a cultural context and also have inspiration for the question and debate the structural things. It has acknowledged the power and exposes opposition between traditional frameworks. New museum theory leads to new possibilities for people and for old museums and it can also provide a different experience in critical thinking and innovative learning methods. New museum theory is an ideal way for radical and new thinking and it has to provide most public of museum activities, whether it is financial matters, trustee influence, donor

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relations and conservation or curation policy as well as museum archives. It confirms that museum is not monolith; it is a diverse organization which is run by individuals, each shaped by social and political considerations. Evidence for construction of exhibits displayed based on commercial purpose and gender stereotypes were found in both case studies explored in this work. The study brought to notice overt and covert conflicts existent within museum spaces. Many instances were found where masculine and patriarchal viewpoints shaped the exhibits displayed. In analysing the findings of our study, we are reminded of Hunt’s words, mentioned earlier in the study, ‘Museums such as this are by-products of the capitalist impulse which drove the European colonies the distant and the past based on an illusion of moral superiority, disguised as scientific objectivity, which we no longer trust’. Numerous evidences were found in Gujarat Science City and Nisarg Community Science Centre based on gender stereotypes. The much larger Gujarat Science City did not include reproductive organs in its anatomical section. Neither did it include information on Genetic science or Biotechnology. Science’s supposed superior status as well as India’s colonial history, and unique history of Indian science, as well as societal components such as caste, class, gender, religion and larger regional politics, affect the museum exhibits and knowledge constructed within the museums.

References Ambrose, T., & Paine, C. (2012). Museum Basics (2nd ed.). London and New York: Routledge. Bhatnagar, A. (1998). Two days seminar on Concept of New Museology and Challenges of 21st century. Hyderabad. Chalmers, L. (2014). Gendered Work. In Alex C. Michalos (Ed.). Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well-Being Research. Springer Netherlands, pp. 2472–2475. Clifford, J. (1997). Routes, Travel and Translation in the Late 20th Century. Museums as Contact Zones. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Derrida, J., Bennington, G., Chenoweth, K., & Therezo, R. (1987). Geschlecht II. Deconstruction and philosophy: The texts of Jacques Derrida. Desai, N. V. (2016). Museums for a Stable South Asia. Seminar, 680: 27–28. Durant, G. (2014). A Role for Science Centers in Communicating Science: A Personal View. In Communicating Science to the Public. Springer Netherlands, pp. 81–103. Friedman, A. J. (1995). Creating an Academic Home for Informal Science Education. Curator 38(4), 214–220. Greenhill, H. (2001). Museums and the shaping of knowledge. London and New York: Routledge, pp. 9–10. Harrison, J. D. (1994). Ideas of Museums in the 1990s. Museum Management and Curatorship 13(2), 160–176. Hooper-Greenhill, E. (2004). Museums and the interpretation of visual culture (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. Hooper-Greenhill, E. (2007). Museums and education: Purpose, pedagogy, performance. London: Routledge.

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Lilla, M. (1985). Museums Are Now Very Popular, and Very Confused-The Great Museum Muddle. The New Republic 192(14), 25–30. Lindauer, M. (2006). The critical museum visitor. In New museum theory and practice: An introduction (pp. 201–225). Malden, MA: Blackwell. Mairesse, F., & Desvallées, A. (2010). Key concepts of museology (pp. 1–90). International Council of Museums: Armand Colin. Marstine, J. (Ed.). (2006). New museum theory and practice: An introduction. Oxford, Malden, MA and Carlton, VIC, Australia: Blackwell. Mason, R. (2010). New Museum Theory and Practice: An Introduction (J. Marstine, Ed.). Museum and Society 8(2), 118–119. http://icom.museum/theorganisation/icom-in-brief/. Accessed on 7 March 2016. http://mospi.nic.in/Mospi_New/upload/Energy_stats_2015_26mar15.pdf. Accessed on 26 March 2015. Sandell, R. (2002). Museums, society, inequality, (7). London: Routledge. Smith, C. S. (1989). Museums, artefacts and meanings. In P. Vergo (Ed.). The new museology. London: Reaktion Books.

CHAPTER 21

Safety and Welfare for Women in Need: A Study of a Short Stay Home in Paravai, Madurai District, Tamil Nadu B. Veena, M. H. Soundari and K. Divya

Introduction Women make up half of the total population of India, and enhanced status for women is a major component of the development of any society. The government has introduced many policies and programs designed to improve the lot of women (Narasaiah 2007). Many women, however, remain deprived of their rights and opportunities, and suffer from violence and harassment and various forms of vulnerability in economic and political activities, social life, cultural and traditional rites, rituals and beliefs. In addition to unemployment and poverty, domestic violence against women plays a significant role in destitution. Violence from close family members may cause women to leave their home or be forcibly removed from it.

B. Veena (*)  Tata Institute of Social Science, Tuljapur, Maharashtra, India M. H. Soundari  The Gandhigram Rural Institute (Deemed University Gandhigram), Dindigul, Tamil Nadu, India K. Divya  Department of Social Work, Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Amarkantak, Madhyapradesh, India © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_21

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Challenges and Destitution for Women The problem of destitute women has become a major issue and is increasing in scale due to lifestyle changes, including the growth of urbanization and industrialization, and consequently of migration. Destitute women with no other options become victims of violence, prostitution, rape, sexual abuse, and domestic violence (Singh 2013). In India 21% of women are either unmarried, divorced, widowed, or single parents (Singh 2013). Most of these women are unemployed, making it harder to shoulder their family responsibilities and exacerbating negative societal attitudes towards them. Crimes Against Women According to the World Health Organization, one in three women experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetime. Whether in the form of domestic abuse, rape, or sexual trafficking, gender-based violence deprives many women of the opportunity to live a happy, healthy, and fulfilling life (Glick 2014). Most studies find that 70% of women are targets of sexual or physical violence from their life partner and members of their marital family (http://www.unwomen.org). Thirty-five percent of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual violence from intimate partners or sexual violence from non-partners during their lifetime. Forty-two percent of women who experience violence from intimate partners report injuries in consequence (WHO 2018). While the world is developing rapidly, violence against women is increasing day by day in line with their growing empowerment. Women are starting to emerge from their homes and undertake different kinds of work, and their lifestyles are changing accordingly. A 2018 NCRB report found the three most unsafe states for women were Uttar Pradesh with 59,445 reported crimes against women, Maharashtra with 35,497, and West Bengal with 30,394 (Ministry of Home Affairs 2018) (see Table 21.1 and Fig. 21.1). Women’s Safety and Well-Being The Ireland Safety Report (2014) records an alarming rise in cases of domestic violence against women. In 2008, the agency reported a 36% increase in recorded cases of domestic violence, with an 11% increase in 2014. The report highlights safety concerns over women and children within the family as well as in society (Organization 2014).  Shrivastava, K. K. (2017) conducted a study on the safety of women in public spaces in Delhi following interventions by the central government and GNCTD. The study aimed to identify gaps in the implementation of

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Table 21.1  Crime against women by type, 2015 Sl. No

Type of crime

India victims (2015)

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Dowry death Sexual harassment Immoral trafficking Suicide Domestic violence Gang rape Sexual offences against women Dowry Prohibition act 1961 Part IV

Tamil Nadu victims (2015)

Rate (%)

Rate(%)

7646 24,124 330,187 4060 113,548 2113 84,222

65 197 6040 79 1908 – –

1.3 4.0 53.9 0.7 18.7 – –

0.2 0.6 17 0.2 5.5 – –

9984

333

1.6

1.0

(Source Ministry of Home affairs, Government of India)

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Fig. 21.1  Crime against women in India, 2015–2016

key interventions and to develop supportive social mechanisms for distressed women in life-threatening situations.

Studies of Short Stay Homes in India In 1999 the Department of Women’s and Children’s Welfare (1998) and PEO (Program Evaluation Organization) conducted an evaluation study on the administrative and welfare functions of Short Stay Homes (SSH)

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for women and girls in thirteen Indian states. SSH, which were established primarily to protect destitute women and enable them to live with dignity and empowerment, provide a variety of social services for women, including training and employment-creation programs. A case study of the SSH for Women at Jalandha highlights the activities of the short-state home for destitute women and its role in their upliftment (Sachdeva 2015). In a study of an integrated response to domestic violence, Silke Meyer (2014) looked at victims’ experiences of short- and long-term safety and well-being. This study strongly recommends that women victims of domestic violence need continuing support to ensure their safety and security in private and public life. Financial stability and social support also need to be developed alongside this to secure their future. The study highlights domestic violence as the main reason for homelessness among women with dependent children, and concludes that in the short term, SSH provide safety and protection for homeless women and promote their well-being and that of their children. The study recommends proper implementation of welfare scheme for women in SSH. Tiruchirapalli Multi-purpose Social Service Society, Tiruchirapalli, Tamil Nadu (TMSS) studied a SSH established in 1975 (known as the Southern since 1993). This SSH supports women in difficult circumstances, including run-away girl children, unmarried women, and girls or women who have no security either from their family or society. Counseling and mental health services are a major part of the institution’s problem-solving approach. Southern is well known for its training, skill-development, and vocational training programs for girls and women. Entrepreneurship skills are widely developed in such areas as tailoring, wire bag making, and embroidery. These employable skills will improve quality of life for women and girl children who do not wish to be a burden to their parents. Accommodation, training, health care and recreational facilities are provided. At the same time, work is undertaken to promote reconciliation with husbands, in-laws, parents, and other relatives.

The Development of Short Stay Homes in India With urbanization, industrialization and the consequent culture of rural– urban migration, women’s education is becoming increasingly important and they are starting to enter higher education. The adjustment required by this first generation of learners to increased expenditure and the need for independent earnings creates problems for many women and girls, to which the disintegration of social institutions like the extended family contributes significantly. It may also lead to marital conflict or domestic violence. The concept of the SSH was established to support women in this situation, providing institutional services for short-term rehabilitation and supporting the recovery of their self-confidence and self-esteem.

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In 1953, a national social welfare board was set up to promote and implement welfare programs for women, children and people with disabilities through voluntary organizations. In 1969, the Scheme of SSH for Women and Girls was started under the Department of Women and Children’s Development. The scheme was implemented all over India including Union Territories. The scheme became increasingly effective and financially feasible in 1999, when managing committees were established to supervise their administration. The managing committee comprises a variety of professionals: a social worker, a vocational-cum-craft teacher, a part-time medical officer, a part-time clinical psychologist, a clerk-cum-accountant, a chowkidar and a peon. Currently homes are run by different types of NGO funded by state and central government. A total of 273 SSH are registered across India under the government scheme (Ministry of Women and Child Development). SSH should be located at district/block headquarters or in a town with a population not less than 50,000 according to the 2001 census (Central Social Welfare Board). Voluntary organizations running SSH should be engaged full time in women’s /community activities. Government Grants The Department of Women and Child Development and the Ministry of Human Resources Development provide annual grants of around Rs. 1,87,300/- for NGOs to run SSH (based on a C-class city). The annual grant is increased from Rs. 7,00,000 and above for maintenance, staff ­salaries, rents, contingencies, medical, rehabilitation. The Ministry also provides ­one-off grants of Rs. 50,000 for non-recurring items like office furniture, bedding and skill-development equipment. The rent is determined according to the home’s location in A-, B-, or C-class cities (Fig. 21.2).

Fig. 21.2  Average beneficiaries per short stay home by state, 2015–2016 (Source [Rani & Rao 2018, p. 76])

      

  

        

 

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Admissions Policy and Procedures The average number of residents is 30, with SSH providing facilities for a minimum of 20 and a maximum of 40 residents. If the number of residents exceeds 40, the voluntary organization running it is entitled to ask for residents to be transferred to another SSH. Where women are facing court proceedings, a case worker can escort them to court and help them with their case. The admissions policy prioritizes women and girls from disadvantaged and underprivileged groups, especially those exposed to moral danger or victims of family conflict experiencing relationship breakdown or emotional distress. An initial interview is conducted by the social worker, who makes a primary-level assessment of the problems and the rehabilitation services required. Where a woman self-refers, admission information should be sent to the nearest police station. Within three days of admission, inmates are given a variety of medical check-ups and further essential information is collected. Full case records of each resident are maintained for proper follow-up. Performance The performance of the SSH is evaluated by collecting opinions from exinmates regarding the quality of the psychological and economic rehabilitation, and levels of satisfaction. Services/Facilities at the Home The following services and facilities are provided: 1. Temporary shelter for needy women and girls from six months’ to three years’ duration. 2. Case work and counseling services. 3. Medical care and psychiatric treatment. 4.  Occupational therapy, skill-development training, and rehabilitation services. 5. Educational, vocational, and recreational activities (indoor and outdoor games). Girls are taken on cultural outings to shows, movies, exhibitions, and so on, at least once a month in cases of prolonged stay. 6. Follow-up by counselors for women who have left the home to ensure their well-being and safety. 7. Public awareness programs. 8. Celebration of festivals for all religions, plus national festivals such as Republic Day and Independence Day. Residents’ birthdays are also celebrated.

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9. Women and girls whose parents or close relatives are alive are granted 15 days’ leave a year if they wish. 10. Residents are allowed to meet visitors including parents/guardians/ close relatives. (Source: http://www.sociologyguide.com/women-and-society/short-stay-homes.php).

Eligibility The SSH motto is “Be a guiding light for unfortunate estranged women, young girls and children.” The following categories of women, girls, and children are eligible:



I. Women and girls being forced into prostitution. II. Those who, as a result of family tension or discord, are made to leave their homes without any means of subsistence and who have no social protection from exploitation, and/or who are facing litigation resulting from marital disputes. III. Those who have been sexually assaulted and are experiencing problems re-adjusting to the family or society. IV. Those experiencing mental ill health, emotional distress, and social ostracism. V. Those escaping from their homes due to family problems or emotional/physical abuse who require shelter, psychiatric treatment, and counseling for rehabilitation and re-adjustment to family/society. VI. Those aged between 15 and 35 years should be given priority, as well as SC/ST minorities and women with disabilities. VII. Children accompanying their mother or born in the home are permitted to stay there up to the age of 7, after which they may be transferred to a children’s home or placed in foster care. VIII. Temporary accommodation can be given to women resident to attend court cases or deal with other legal matters. (Source: http://www. sociologyguide.com/women-and-society/short-stay-homes.php). Objectives

The SSH aims can be summarized as follows: • To provide basic needs such as food, clothing, shelter, and medicines to destitute and deserted women. • To offer guidance, counseling, and therapies for those in need. • To instill confidence in women to face the challenges of life.

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• To improve women’s skills and empower them with economic independence. • To offer health education, legal aid, and non-formal education. • To provide education to their children and inculcate civic values in them. • To settle young girls with good partners. Other programs include exposure visits, value education, family counseling, occupational training, legal aid, and entrepreneurship training.

Feminist Social Work Feminist social work is a form of social work practice that takes women’s experience of the world as the starting point of its analysis and by focusing on the links between a woman’s position in society and her individual predicament, responds to her specific needs, creates egalitarian relations with interactions, and addresses structural inequalities (Dominelli 2002, p. 18). In a male-dominated society, women living under a system of patriarchal suppression face different kinds of violence and gender-based discrimination from husbands and other family members. If they are single or widowed, society treats them very differently from married women. Some women whose situation forces them to move away from their family need care either from individuals or an institution. Emotional distress, mental disturbance, and physical and sexual harassment expose women to negative societal reactions, and facing society becomes very difficult for them. The feminist perspective considers how all these problems impact on women’s welfare.

Case Study Although a planning commission introduced SSH all over India in 1986, only the Tamil Nadu government adopted and implemented the scheme across the state in collaboration with the central government and NGOs active in the state. Across the state a total of 42 SSH provide temporary accommodation for women in need of care and protection. The Holy Cross Social Centre is a SSH for destitute women and children located at Paravai in Madurai district. It was established by the Sisters of the Cross of Chavanod in 2004 in response to the emerging needs of women and children in various desperate situations needing asylum. In 2011 the state government approved it as a SSH for the deserted and marginalized. With the number of nuclear families on the increase, family problems are also on the rise. Most of the women seeking refuge are victims of family problems such as dowry issues, ill-treatment by in-laws, suspicion, domestic violence, and alcohol abuse. The Sisters help the women in the home to return to mainstream society. They also reach out the nomad community in

21  SAFETY AND WELFARE FOR WOMEN IN NEED … 

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this area. The home offers residential care, treatment, and rehabilitation for these women and their children, to whom their vulnerability may also extend. Married women who decide to return home are helped to reconnect with their family. There are also unmarried mothers who come to the home to give birth and leave their children there. Women in police custody are also referred to the home pending completion of enquiries. Objectives • To identify the different types of problems faced by destitute women. • To study the administrative functions and social care mechanism of SSH for destitute women. • To understand contributory factors that drive women to stay in SSH. Methodology The descriptive research study was conducted in a small SSH located in Madurai city, Tamil Nadu state. The study describes the demographic details, different problems of the residents, and their reasons for staying in the SSH. The data were collected using primary and secondary sources. The primary data were collected through formal discussion with the inmates and using observation. A purposive sampling technique was used. The sample size was 100: those who were admitted to the home during a period of one year from different parts of Madurai district and Tamil Nadu. The duration of the field work was three months. The quality of life of destitute women in SSH is an interesting and necessary aspect which has not been studied before. The health of destitute women is an important aspect which has also not been widely researched. Result and Discussion The empirical data were analyzed manually and the results are presented in the form of tables and figures for ease of comprehension. An analytical commentary accompanies each table and diagram. Table 21.2 shows that 47% of respondents were aged 21–24 years. ­Fifty-two percent of the inmates were married, 24% unmarried, 18% of the inmates were separated from their husband and the remaining 6% were widows. Of the respondents’ marriages, 65% were arranged and 11% love marriages. It is clear from the table that married women were facing more problems than other women. Early marriages are among the reasons for women not being able to deal with critical situations and being forced to seek shelter in SSH. In a study by Sachdeva, both married and unmarried women were shown to be equally prone to violence: out of 20 inmates, seventeen had never married, two were divorced and one was separated from her family (Sachdeva 2015, p. 2).

388  B. VEENA ET AL. Table 21.2 Sociodemographic profile of respondents

Particulars

Categories

Age

15‒20 21‒25 26‒30 31‒35 36‒40 41 and above Primary school Middle school High school Higher secondary Other Housewife Coolie Other work Married Unmarried Separated Widowed Arranged marriage Love marriage Not applicable Nuclear family Extended family Single-parent family Orphans

Education

Occupation

Marital status

Type of marriage

Family type

Percentages 9 47 24 13 3 4 16 23 40 14 7 66 22 12 52 24 18 6 65 11 24 48 25 21 6

Of the total sample, nearly 79% had completed secondary education. Nearly 66% of the inmates were housewives, 22% of them were coolie workers and 12% were employed in other occupations, such as government librarian. Table 21.2 also provides family information: 48% came from a nuclear family; 25% were living in extended families; 21% were single parents; and 6% were orphans. Women belonging to nuclear families were more likely to experience different types of problems. Most newly married couples leave their parental home and establish their own family. In cases of love marriage, parents sometimes refuse to allow them to share their home. So couples are starting their own family without the support and guidance of their elders, and when problems arise, there is no one to provide support and guidance. Sachdeva’s study also states that the extended family structure has always provided familial as well as social support to each of its members, mainly to the women, but changing cultural patterns and independence are giving rise to more nuclear families (Sachdeva 2015, p. 2). Different Types of Problem Faced by the Inmates In addition to physical abuse, sexual abuse and verbal abuse, the present study found other problems such as alcohol-induced family violence, sexual

21  SAFETY AND WELFARE FOR WOMEN IN NEED … 

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and dowry harassment, adjustment, problems specific to unmarried mothers, and problems arising from second marriages. An inmate named Banu who came to the home for safety and well-being had been sexually abused by her husband, who subsequently left her and married again. Banu was left without family or relatives, and because it had been both a love marriage and an inter-caste marriage her family had disowned her. The types of problem faced by inmates are shown in Fig. 21.3. A revealing finding is that 63% of inmates had experienced ill-treatment at the hands of husbands who were alcohol addicted, including physical abuse, verbal abuse, and suspicion. Fifteen percent of women had been sexually abused by husbands, other family members or lovers (police referrals). Ten percent were facing harassment, 6% were having relationship problems with husbands and other family members, and 4% were experiencing problems because it was their husband’s second marriage. Reasons for Admission to the Short Stay Home Sachdeva (2015) found that women came to the SSH for protection (2015). Reasons contributing to women’s admission to the home included family problems, love failure, inter-caste marriage, pregnancy outside marriage, all of which meant they could no longer stay with their families. For others, it was alcohol abuse by husbands, relationship problems with husbands and family members, extramarital affairs, or suspicious attitudes of husbands. Figure 21.4 shows the reasons for admission. A large majority (55%) of the women were admitted to the SSH for their own protection, to be out of the way of husbands or family members. Six percent of them were orphans, and 9% had been arrested by the police and

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referred to the short stay home. Eight percent of women were admitted for both protection and peace of mind, and 2% because they were unmarried mothers and nobody was willing to look after them.

Summary and Conclusion Throughout history women have experienced different kinds of problems. Safety and well-being are interrelated, and the safety and well-being of women is one of the most important social issues which cannot be ignored. The women in this study suffered from different types of vulnerabilities, and included those who are destitute and deserted, widows, victims of physical abuse and domestic violence, unmarried mothers, women who had lost their parents, and women facing harassment over their dowry or problems adjusting to married life. In a patriarchal society, men exercise power over women who, unable to resolve their problems, end up destitute. Most of these women will leave their home, and in the absence of other support they come to the SSH or are taken there by relatives or the police. Following the negative experiences they have endured in the name of love and marriage, clarity in decision making, and proactive thinking and belief systems can enable women to address their experience in a better way. The SSH ensures the protection and security of homeless women at risk, providing support to help them to empower themselves. It develops positive thinking, increases self-confidence and helps women to build new lives.

References Census India. (2011). Retrieved March 2017 from Census India Gov. (http://censusindia.gov.in/2011-Common/CensusData2011.html). CSWB. (1999). Scheme of Short Stay Homes for Women and Girls: Ministry of Women and Child Development. New Delhi: Government of India. (https://wcd.nic.in/ sites/default/files/AR2003-04.pdf).

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391

Dominelli, L. (2002). Feminist Social Work Theory and Practice (J. Campling, Ed.). New York: Palgrave. Dotson, H. (2009). Homeless Women in the Orlando Shelter System: A Comparison of Single Women, Families, and Women Separated From Their Children. Central Florida, Orlando, Florida: Department of Sociology in the College of Sciences. Edwards, R. (2011). Staying Home Leaving Violence: Listening to Women’s Experiences. Social Policy Research Centre, University of New South Wales, Human Services, Community Services. Sydney: SPRC Publications. Gupth, N. (2014). Socio-Economic Status of Women in Northeast India: Causes and Consequences of Domestic Violence Against Women in Assam: Case Analysis (N. Network, Ed.). International Journal in Multidisciplinary and Academic Research (SSIJMAR), 3 (2), 17. Glick, H. (2014, June 4). Key Issues Affecting Girls and Women Around the World: https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/9-key-issues-affecting-girlsandwomen-around-the/. India, P. C. (1999). PEO Evaluation Study of Short Stay Homes for Women and Girls. Ministry of Women and Child Development. New Delhi: Government of India. Kulkarni, S., Pomane, R., Mulla, H., Dhanashree, & Ashwini. (2005). Mainstreaming Rights of Deserted Women: A Livelihood Study of Deserted Women from Sangli District. Tata Institute of Social Sciences; Stree Mukti Sangharsh Chalval, Society for Promoting Participative Eco-system Management. Pune: Society for Promoting Participative Eco-system Management. Meyer‚ S. 2014. Victims’ Experiences of Short-and Long-Term Safety and Wellbeing: Findings from an Examination of an Integrated Response to Domestic Violence. Trends & Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice no. 478. Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. https://www.aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi478. Ministry of Home Affairs. (2018). Crime in India 2018: Crime Against Women. New Delhi: National Crime Records Bureau. Narasaiah, S. S. (2007). Women Development Programmes (Vol. 1). Darya Ganj, New Delhi, India: Discovery Publication House. National Crime Records Bureau. (2015). Crime in India 2015. Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs. New Delhi: National Crime Records Bureau. Organization, I. C. (2014). Safety Report. Montréal, Canada: International Civil Aviation Organization. Padman, M. R. (2003). Destitute Women in Kerala: Psychological resources (H. S. Prof. P. R. Gopinathan Nair, Ed.). Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala: Dr. K. N. Nair, Programme Co-ordinator, Kerala Research Programme on Local Level Development. Rajshree Dayanand Katke, M. R. (2014). Rising Incidence of Unwed Mothers in India; Associated Social. International Journal of Reproduction, Contraception, Obstetrics and Gynecology, 3(4)‚ 942–946. Rani, V. S., & Rao, D. M. (2018). Protection of Destitute Women Through Short Stay Home in India. International Advanced Research Journal in Science, Engineering and Technology, 5(11), 74–83. Sachdeva, S. K. (2015). A Case Study of the Short Stay Home for Women. SHRINKHALA, 2(4), 6. Salivkar, D. S. (2012). An Abandoned Woman––Her Problems and Measures. INDIAN Journal of Applied Research, 2(2), 1–2. Shrivastava, K. K. (2017). Safety of Women in Public Spaces in Delhi: Governance and Budgetary Challenges 2017. New Delhi: Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability (CBGA) And Jagori.

392  B. VEENA ET AL. Shylah Elliott, R. V. (2007). The Little Voices of Nunavut: A Study of Women’s Homelessness North of 60. Territorial Report, Qulliit Nunavut Status of Women Council, Nunavut Department of Education––Nunavut Homelessness Program. Singh, K. (2013). Separated and Divorced Women in India: Economic Rights and Entitlements. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data.

Web References Child Trends. (2014). Births to Unwed Mothers. Retrieved March 2017, from childtrends.org: https://www.childtrend.org. WHO. (2018). Retrieved September, 2019, from https://www.who.int/news-room/ fact-sheets/detail/violence-against-women.

CHAPTER 22

International Adoption from China and India 1992–2018 Peter Selman  

Introduction In the seventy years since the end of WW2, over one million children have moved from their birth country to another (often distant) land through international adoption. It is estimated that more than 150,000 of these were adopted from China in the last 25 years and that there have been over 50,000 transnational adoptions from India since 1970. The much smaller country of South Korea has sent the most children for adoption—over 165,000 since 1953—and will be used as a comparison in the chapter. Table 22.1 shows the number of adoptions recorded by the three countries since 1980. The chapter will focus on the period since 1992 when China first officially announced its acceptance of intercountry adoption. Two years earlier The Central Adoption Resource Agency (CARA ) was established to regulate intercountry adoption in India and in 1993, the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption was concluded, entering into force on 1 May 1995. Since then we have seen a huge rise in annual numbers worldwide to a peak of 45,000 in 2004, followed by an even sharper reduction to less than 9000 in 2018. This is the context in which I shall be considering the nature and importance of this process in the two countries. China and India are the two largest countries in the world in terms of population and both have faced issues of rapid population growth and its impact on social and economic development leading to population policies which have P. Selman (*)  School of Geography, Politics & Sociology, Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK © The Author(s) 2020 J. Gao et al. (eds.), Social Welfare in India and China, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5648-7_22

393

394  P. SELMAN Table 22.1  Adoptions from China, India and Korea 1980–2018 1980–1989 1990–1999 2000–2004 2005–2009 2010–2018 1990–2018 1980–2018 China India Korea All countries

94a 15,325a 66,511b 161,456a

27,546 13,277 22,925 223,407

50,100 6442 11,795 197,672

44,891 4135 7919 184,992

30,028 4446 5158d 142,645

152,565 28,300 47,797 748,717

152,659c 43,625 114,308e 910,173

aEstimated

number to 14 countries (Kane 1992) is total from Korean Ministry of Health & Welfare, Kane’s estimate is 61,235 to 14 countries cTotals for China are based on data from 16 countries listed by Chinese CA but does not include adoptions to Singapore dTotal for 2010–2018 includes estimates from receiving States for 2013–2018 (see Table 22.6) eThe estimate for 1953–2018 is 169,408 which makes Korea the country with the largest number of international adoptions bThis

Table 22.2  Population and population growth in China, India and Korea 1980–2016 Population (1000s)

China India Korea

Population growth % p.a.

1980

1995

2010

2016

988 685 38

1222 936 45

1346 1198 48

1404 1324 51

1960– 1980– 1990– 1980 1995 2016 2.1 1.3 0.7 2.2 2.0 1.6 1.9 1.1 0.6

TFR 1980

1995

2016

2.9 4.8 2.5

2.0 3.5 1.8

1.6 2.3 1.2

often been contentious. Population growth has also had an impact on the patterns of adoption we shall be discussing. Table 22.2 shows the population of the two countries since 1980, the year in which China’s ­One-Child Policy was introduced. Data from South Korea are also included for comparison. In 1990 the population of China was approaching 1000 million, making it by far the largest country in the world. India was the second largest with an estimated population of 685 million. Table 22.2 shows population estimates from 1990 to 2016, with details of changes in fertility rates and population growth rates. South Korea is again included for comparison of trends in the latter. The United Nations Population estimates for 1 July 2019 shows China as still the largest country with over 1430 million people but India is now close at 1366 and a faster growth rate. The two countries account for 36% of the current world population of 7713 million. The UN predicts that by 2030 India will have overtaken China as the world’s most populous country. Population Policies in the Two Countries The One-child Policy was introduced in China in 1979 and officially ended in 2016 but concern over population growth had been an issue for many years previously (Johansson and Nygren 1991; Potts and Selman 1979; Fong 2016). It has been seen as a major factor in the growth of international

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adoptions (Johnson et al. 1998), which initially mainly involved young girls abandoned by their parents. India too has a long history of population concerns and draconian policies to reduce fertility, most notoriously the campaign of forced vasectomy led by Sanjay Gandhi in 1977 (Potts and Selman 1979, pp. 317–318). The Rise and Fall of Intercountry Adoption from China In the period 1980–1989 Kane (1993) reported less than 100 children sent abroad from mainland China, although three times that figure were sent from the small territory of Hong Kong, from which children had been adopted to the UK as early as the 1960s (Bagley 1993; Feast et al. 2013). China began to allow foreigners to adopt ‘orphaned’ children on ad hoc basis in the late 1980s (Tessler et al. 1999), but formal approval did not come until 1992, when China passed a law ‘officially granting foreigners the right to adopt and setting up protocols for doing so’ (Evans 2000, p. 17). From that year the number of children going to the United States began to rise sharply. In the United States, Canada and the Nordic countries China became the main source of children for adoption by the turn of the century, while in Spain the annual number received rose from 196 in 1998 to 2753 in 2005 (Table 22.3). Of the major receiving countries only Italy received no children

Table 22.3  Adoptions from China to 12 receiving States 1992–2018 ranked by total number recorded by receiving state over the period Country

1992

1995

1998

2002

2005

2009

2013

2018

1992– 2018

USA Spain Canada Nlands Sweden France Norway UK Denmark Belgium Italy Finland Top 12 Other a

206 n/a 295 29 8 2 42 0 n/a 0 0 n/a 582 0 582 (6)

2130 n/a 665 132 68 3 57 59 n/a 26 0 n/a 3140 0 3140 (8)

4206 196 901 210 123 23 162 123 97 61 0 24 6033 0 6033 (12)

6116 1427 800 510 316 210 310 111 145 138 0 64 10,147 110 10,257 (15)

7903 2753 960 666 462 458 299 190 207 203 0 140 14,241 240 14,481 (15)

3000 573 377 283 248 102 106 11 89 77 23 33 4922 81 5003 (15)

2306 293 216 136 59 99 31 15 11 6 161 47 3380 23 3403 (16)

1475 86 57 28 15 29 0 6 2 2 84 7 1791 5 1796 (13)

96,229 16,239 13,268 6896 4253 3146 3003 2030 1907 1617 1249 1009 150,846 1526 152,372

aFour other countries recognised by the CCAA—with total sent in brackets—are Australia [860; Ireland [400]; Iceland [184] and New Zealand [82]. Singapore is also recognised but no data were obtainable apart from 63 recorded by the CCAA in the period 2005–2009. A small number of adoptions from China are also reported by Germany, Luxembourg, Switzerland and Slovenia. Adoptions from Hong Kong are not included

396  P. SELMAN

from China during this period, although this has changed in recent years so that in 2015 and 2016 Italy was second to the United States in the number of children adopted from China. At a global level the annual number of children recorded as adopted from China by 16 receiving States rose from 582 in 1992 to 14,481 in 2005. China ratified the Hague Convention in 2005. In the last 12 years the situation has changed dramatically. The number of international adoptions from China fell sharply from nearly 15,000 in 2005 to under 10,000 a year since 2007. The total recorded in 2018 was less than 2000 to 13 receiving States—less than the total to eight countries in 1995. The total number of adoptions from China recorded by 16 countries between 1992 and 2018 is now more than 152,000. If annual numbers continue to fall, China may never top the total of 169,000 adoptions reported by South Korea between 1953 and 2018. Some feared that the decline in adoptions from China when demand remained high was leading to child buying or trafficking (Meier and Zhang 2008; Smolin 2011; Stuy 2014). The remarkable rise from the mid-1990s seems to be associated with the opening up of China to the West and growing revelations about the huge number of abandoned children resulting from the One-Child Policy which had been enacted a decade earlier in 1979 (Johansson and Nygren 1991; Johnson et al. 1998; Johnson 2004). This had resulted in large numbers of babies being abandoned in public places, as there was no legal avenue by which birth parents could place their children for adoption. The modification of the policy to a ‘one son/two child’ (Rojewski and Rojewski 2001, p. 4: Dowling and Brown 2008) did little to reduce the rate of child abandonment, but ensured that those ‘abandoned’ were girls, predominantly second daughters, most of whom were not unwanted by their mothers (Fong 2016; Johnson 2004, 2016). The subsequent reduction in annual numbers has been attributed to a number of factors—most of which reflect the supply side. Fewer children are being abandoned. Interest in domestic adoption is rising and as a result the number of healthy young children in orphanages has fallen. In October 2016, China’s government announced the end of the o ­ ne-child policy—all married couples would be permitted to have two children, fulfilling Kay Johnson’s hope that the policy might ‘… finally come to an end, taking its place in the proverbial trash bin of history, alongside other practices that, in retrospect, we can see as the atrocities they always were’ (Johnson 2016, p. 171). The arrival in 1992 of China as a source of children for adoption coincided with the end to a huge influx of Romanian children in the early 1990s following the death of Ceausescu. Just as the interest in Romania was stimulated by media coverage of the country’s orphanages, so too China was to come to the attention of Western film-makers in the notorious ‘Dying Rooms’ shown on British television in 1995. Prospective adopters around the world saw international adoption as a way of helping such children and also ‘enriching the multicultural landscape of the receiving countries’ (Luo and Bergquist 2004, p. 25). Such motivation continues with the growth of international adoption

22  INTERNATIONAL ADOPTION FROM CHINA AND INDIA 1992–2018 

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Table 22.4  International adoptions from China 2005–2009. 10 countries receiving most children; Proportion of children adopted in 2009 who had ‘special needs’. Data provided by CCAA for the Hague Special Commission of June Country

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2005–2009

% special needs in 2009

USA Spain Canada NL Sweden France Norway Denmark Belgium Australia Totala % aged 5 and over % special needs

7933 2608 928 667 432 439 284 230 196 138 14,221 1.4

6138 1909 748 367 335 331 204 163 147 112 10,648 3.4

4736 1269 496 330 248 178 136 111 111 93 7858 5.8

3515 738 294 297 198 139 78 76 45 57 5531 9.4

3029 817 379 297 255 95 104 73 78 55 5294 10.9

25,351 7341 2845 1958 1468 1182 806 653 577 455 43,550

62 9 40 66 69 13 28 38 54 6 49

9

20

30

47

49

aChina also sent children to a further seven countries: Finland; Iceland; Ireland; Italy (from 2009 only); New Zealand; Singapore and the UK Source CCAA submission to Hague Special Commission—available at http://hcch.e-vision.nl/upload/wop/ adop2010pd05_cn.pdf Figures do not include adoptions from Hong Kong SAR (30 in 2005; 19 in 2009), which were submitted separately

from Africa led by Evangelical Christian adoption agencies in the United States (Joyce 2013; Riley 2015; Smolin 2012). In the early years China had a particular appeal for many Westerners because, in contrast to most other sending countries, there was a preference for older parents and an acceptance of single women as suitable to adopt (Selman 2009a). Furthermore, most available children were babies and in relatively good health. The fact of abandonment was cited as a positive by some United States agencies as it seemed to make it unlikely that birth parents could ever intrude on the adopted family—at a time when domestic adoption was increasingly stressing open adoption and search and reunion was a major feature of the lives of older adoptees. It has been estimated that as many as a third of all adoptions from China to the United States in the 1990s were by single women. Thus a new source of ‘demand’ was developing that was a key factor in the growing popularity of international adoption in many countries, although the Chinese authorities had always made it clear that adoption by gay and lesbian couples was not acceptable. A decade later the Chinese Centre for Adoption Affairs (CCAA) announced a restriction of the number of single applicants—to a maximum of five per cent. Then in 2006 CCAA announced new guidelines intended to recruit adoptive families with qualities that the Chinese believed would

398  P. SELMAN

provide the greatest chance that children will be raised by healthy, economically stable parents (Bellock and Yardley 2006). The new guidelines stated that prospective adopters must be a couple of one male and one female who have been married for at least two years and have had no more than two divorces between them. This made it impossible for single women to apply for a child and also made it difficult for many married couples to adopt a second child. In March 2011, the CCAA formally changed its name to the China Centre for Children’s Welfare and Adoption (CCCWA) and announced that single women could apply to adopt special focus children listed on their Special Needs System. Table 22.4 gives data for 2005–2009, provided by the CCAA for the Hague Special Commission of June 2010 and shows the steady increase in the proportion of children with special needs—from 9% in 2005 to 49% in 2009, when over 60% of children entering the United States and the Netherlands had ‘special needs’, which includes older children and those with minor health problems. In the same period the proportion of older children increased and the gender ratio changed (see Table 22.7).

What Is the Future for Adoption from China? It remains unclear whether the dramatic fall in the number of children sent from China is a retrenchment, with a shift in emphasis towards special needs adoption, or whether it heralds an early ending to adoption from China. China has concrete benefits from a continuation of adoption in the short term through savings on the cost of institutional care and the substantial amount of revenue it brings in. Originally this included a donation of $3000 (Luo and Berquist 2004) to the child’s orphanage. This was later raised to $5000, and has now been replaced by a ‘voluntary’ donation. China has also raised a large amount through providing accommodation and travel arrangements for foreigners collecting their promised child. China now officially encourages domestic adoption (Johnson 2016) and this will mean that the number of younger children is likely to continue to fall and that in most receiving countries waiting times for such children— already 4–5 years—will increase and that some couples may never receive a child despite having been approved by their Central Authority (San Roman and Marre 2014). Intercountry adoption from China is now very different from the pattern of the first twelve years. But issues still surround many orphanages funded by Western Aid organisations (Wang 2010, 2016) and reliance on transnational adoption for the placement of older children and children with special needs could continue for many years to come, as in Brazil and several countries of Eastern Europe. However, concerns over trafficking may yet bring a halt to the movement of children as it has in Romania and Belarus (Smolin 2011) and more recently in many African countries.

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The Longer History of Intercountry Adoption from India As indicated in the introduction to this chapter, India has a much longer history of international adoption than mainland China. Adoption of unrelated children in India dates back to the 1960s, but it was not until the 1970s that child welfare organisations became involved. Intercountry adoption started in the same period and grew rapidly in the next two decades. Between 1975 and 1984, 5522 children were given in guardianship abroad, more than a quarter going to Sweden, with a further 15% to France and 14% to the Netherlands, where Hoksbergen (1986) reports 1630 adoptions from India between 1975 and 1985. Concern over abuses led eventually to the historic Supreme Court judgement of 1984, which attempted to regulate intercountry adoption mainly through the Guardians and Wards Act 1890 which deals with non-Hindu adoptions (Bharat 1993; Damadoran and Mehta 2000; Bhargava 2005). In the 1980s, when we saw that there were less than 100 adoptions from China recorded by the 14 receiving countries studied by Kane (1993), there were 15,325 adoptions from India (see Table 22.1), making India the second largest source of children for international adoption after South Korea in that decade. Intercountry adoptions are also recorded in the 1970s, with more than 2000 to Sweden alone. In the following twenty years, when adoptions from China rose to 27,000 for the 1990s and 95,000 between 2000 and 2009, India continued to send a similar number in each decade to that recorded by Kane for the 1980s, albeit to a growing number of receiving countries and against a backcloth of rising numbers of births each year. The CARA was set up in 1990 and has now become the central authority for the country, following India’s ratification of the Hague Convention in 2003. New guidelines were introduced by CARA in 2006 to improve ethical practices and safeguards (Pati 2007). Between 1989 and 2004 the annual number of intercountry adoptions recorded by CARA fluctuated between 1000 and 1400, but since 2005 there have been less than 1000 a year. Many of these are not transracial adoptions—the adopters being non-resident Indians (NRIs) from the United States or the UK (see Table 22.5). There have been concerns over ‘child trafficking’ in some Indian States for many years (Krishnakumar 2005) and there has been a continuing concern over stolen children (Rollings 2008) and corrupt agencies (Dohle 2008). Smolin (2005a) talks of the ‘two faces of intercountry adoption’ and describes and analyses the adoption scandals in Andhra Pradesh, which involved serious charges of abusive adoption practices including baby buying and other illicit means of obtaining children for adoption. The number of domestic adoptions recorded annually trebled between 1989 and 2001 (Selman 2009b, p. 288). These were adoptions arranged by agencies

400  P. SELMAN Table 22.5  Adoptions from India to 14 receiving States 1992–2018 ranked by total number recorded by each country over the period Country

1992

1995

1998

2001

2005

2009

2013

2018

1992– 2018

USA Italy Canada Denmark Spain Sweden Switzerland Belgium France Germany Netherlands Australia UK Norway Othera Total [no. of states]

352 n/a 130 n/a n/a 92 98 97 89 n/a 71 41 n/a 13 3 986 [10]

371 204 203 n/a n/a 93 66 97 69 138 64 29 22 22 3 1385

478 194 179 120 97 78 49 66 52 117 72 28 22 15 23 1590

542 145 95 115 129 75 62 45 44 39 53 40 19 48 57 1508

323 136 44 65 43 44 25 23 20 14 24 31 32 16 22 862

297 132 52 24 29 37 22 6 18 12 9 12 29 12 15 706

119 76 44 3 18 42 7 5 20 7 0 3 23 5 18 350

302 110 33 4 75 17 0 4 26 1 0 0 8 0 62 639

8957 3041 2678 1697 1595 1456 1124 1042 1027 947 749 605 439 435 650 26,442

a1992–2018:

Finland [189]; New Zealand [160]; Iceland [120]; Ireland [60]; Luxembourg [52]; Malta [69]

recognised by their Central Adoption Resource Authority (CARA). The numbers have increased partly due to the inclusion of adoptions arranged by Shishu Grehs (government-funded adoption agencies). The numbers have risen further in the last seven years. Some Indian commentators say that the estimated numbers are still far too low as CARA gets reports about in-country adoption only from agencies licensed to them for intercountry adoption (Ramaswamy 2003). The figures do not include many of the adoptions arranged by agencies that do purely in-country adoption, ‘illegal’ adoptions (carried out through faked birth certificates) and open, community-based adoptions. Whatever the ‘true’ figure, the total adoptions (in and intercountry) remain very low in a country with an estimated 12 million orphans and many thousands of children are likely to spend their childhood in large institutions. Table 22.6 shows the rise and fall of annual numbers of intercountry and domestic adoptions in India, China and Korea between 2000 and 2018, using where possible data provided by the Central Authorities of the three countries. Throughout the period the number of domestic adoptions reported by the CCCWA is substantially higher than the number of intercountry adoptions. In India domestic adoptions were 50% higher than intercountry in 2001 but in later years the number of intercountry adoptions fell and the number of domestic adoptions rose and from 2010 to 2014 there were about ten domestic for every one intercountry adoption. In contrast in Korea intercountry outnumbered domestic adoptions until 2007.

22  INTERNATIONAL ADOPTION FROM CHINA AND INDIA 1992–2018 

401

Table 22.6  Intercountry and Domestic Adoptions: India, China and Korea 2000–2018 ,1',$

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