Social Foundations of German Unification, 1858-1871, Volume II: Struggles and Accomplishments 9781400869343

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The Social Foundations of German Unification 1858-1871 Struggles and Accomplishments

T h e Social Foundations of German Unification

Ideas and Institutions (ip6p) Struggles and A ccomplish ments (l972)

The Social Foundations of German Unification 1858-1871

Theodore S. Hamerow

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS Princeton, New Jersey 1972

Copyright © 1972 by Princeton University Press ALL

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IN T H E

0-691-05174-7

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77-166376

STATES

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OF

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PRESS

T h i s book has been composed in Linotype Baskerville

Preface

WHEN I wrote in the preface to the first volume of this work that I expected to complete the second one in a year or two, I was expressing a pious hope rather than a firm conviction. Although at that time I had already written a few chapters of the concluding part, there were still many problems and questions before me. That I was able to deal with them expeditiously is a source of considerable satisfaction to me, although I am inclined to ascribe it to luck as much as to diligence. The important thing in any case is that the work is now finished. It has been almost ten years since I first began to study the social and economic forces which a century ago helped shape the achievement of national unifica­ tion in Germany. The pleasure I feel in contemplating the completion of the book is tempered by the realiza­ tion that a task with which I had to grapple day after day for such a long time will not be there any more to confront me. It is curious how attached one can feel to even the most arduous labor which has become an inti­ mate part of one's life. The present volume is not a continuation but a com­ plement to the previous one. That is, it deals with the same period, but from a different point of view. The first volume sought to establish a framework of ideas and institutions which would make the process of na­ tional unification more intelligible. This volume treats in a chronological fashion the development of that process within the framework of these ideas and insti­ tutions. Its opening section covers the years 1858-1862, when the revival of the national movement led to a new confrontation between the established order and the advocates of change. The next section examines the con­ flict between the forces of tradition and reform, analyz-

PREFACE

ing the foundation on which a compromise between them ultimately became possible. The last section de­ scribes the final victory of nationalism in Central Eu­ rope in the form of the North German Confederation and the German Empire. What I have tried to do is to give these familiar events a new dimension by correlating political and diplomatic phenomena with social and economic devel­ opments. It is my belief that the form national unifica­ tion assumed in Central Europe was profoundly influ­ enced by the growth of industrial capitalism and the rise of a liberal bourgeoisie. This is not a new thesis, to be sure; but its complexities and convolutions have never been fully explored. This book is a step in the direction of such an exploration. The validity of its approach will have to be judged by those who read it. In acknowledging the obligations I have incurred in the writing of the present volume, I can only repeat what I stated in the preface to the preceding one. There are, first of all, the many libraries, both in this country and abroad, which gave me access to their collections directly or through microfilm. To enumerate them all would be impossible, but some I cannot leave unmentioned. The Memorial Library of the University of Wis­ consin assisted me not only by making available to me its substantial holdings, but also by borrowing impor­ tant materials from other American libraries. As for European libraries, I am especially indebted to the Universitatsbibliothek of the University of ErlangenNtirnberg and the Stadtbibliothek in Niirnberg. During my trip abroad in 1962-1963 they allowed me to use their resources and obtained for me works from various collections in Germany. The Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich provided me with information regard­ ing the location of materials I needed, and even admitted me to its stacks, a rare privilege. Finally, the

PREFACE

Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin helped me by let­ ting me examine its holdings, by sending me microfilms, and, most important, by informing me about the collec­ tions of other libraries in the German Democratic Republic. The writing of this book was also made possible by the financial assistance I received from three sources. The Graduate School of the University of Wisconsin was both generous and patient in providing funds for research assistants and materials year after year, while the Social Science Research Council and the Committee on International Exchange of Persons (the Fulbright Program) awarded me concurrent fellowships which enabled me to spend a year in Europe examining his­ torical data unavailable in this country. Without this stay abroad I would not have been able to complete my work. In conclusion, my friends Francis L. Loewenheim, Otto Pflanze, and George G. Windell, who are ex­ perts in the field of nineteenth-century German history, kindly agreed to read the manuscript. Their comments and suggestions were very helpful, and I want to ex­ press my thanks to them. THEODORE S. HAMEROW

Madison, Wisconsin October 1970

VLL

Contents PREFACE

PART ONE:

V

THE NEW ERA

1.

The Challenge to Authority

2.

The Breakthrough of Industrialism

49

Commercial Policy and Political Hegemony

98

3.

PART TWO:

3

THE ROAD TO COMPROMISE

4. The Constitutional Conflict

149

5.

The Economics of Expediency

192

6.

The German Revolution

238

PART THREE:

THE TRIUMPH OF NATIONALISM

7.

The Framework of Government

295

8.

TheFruitsofVictory

337

9.

Founding the Empire

384

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF CITED WORKS

429

INDEX

451

THE NEW ERA

ONE The Challenge to Authority THE ACHIEVEMENT of national unification during the

1860's was a result of the growth of a political con­ sciousness which had begun only a generation before. In the course of a single lifetime the attitude of men of education and substance toward public affairs became transformed. At the beginning of the nineteenth cen­ tury the norms of civic conduct were still being deter­ mined by the canons of enlightened despotism. Sub­ mission to benevolent autocracy was the ingrained convention of a provincial society reconciled to the par­ ticularism of the decaying Holy Roman Empire. The longing for reform, which in England and France had been directed toward the improvement of the state, in Germany became sublimated into the ideal of self-perfection. This internalization of social energies helped produce the intellectual and artistic achievements of the Augustan Age, but it also shifted the emphasis of speculative thought from the community to the individ­ ual. While west of the Rhine a growing concern for the form of governmental authority led to revolution, in the east the etherealization of politics disguised a frustrat­ ing sense of powerlessness. Goethe urged his country­ men to compensate for their lack of unity with a liberat­ ing spirituality: Zur Nation euch zu bilden, ihr hoffiet es, Deutsche, vergebens; Bildet, ihr konnt es, dafiir freier zu Menschen euch aus.

THE NEW ERA

And Schiller sought in the freedom of the heart an escape from national futility and irresponsible rule: In des Herzens heilig stille Raume Musst du fliehen aus des Lebens Drang: Freiheit ist nur in dem Reich der Traume, Und das Schone bliiht nur im Gesang.1 The period of Napoleonic hegemony initiated the politicizing of the prevalent view of state and society in Central Europe. The sudden collapse of the old order opened opportunities for civic reform which had seemed unattainable in the tranquil years before 1789. Oppression by the alien conqueror further stimulated the rise of national sentiment in a people accustomed to a localism sanctified by history. The movement for the regeneration of the state was motivated by ideals incompatible with the teachings of benevolent autoc­ racy. Yet the break with the thought of the Enlighten­ ment was not complete. Tο many of the reformers pub­ lic morality was inseparable from private virtue, and collective progress depended on individual perfectibil­ ity. They combined a faith in civil liberty with the idealization of a personal ethic. Not until the Restora­ tion did political ideology begin to free itself from the philosophical introspection of the previous century. Al­ though never severing the ties completely, it increas­ ingly defined the problems of the community in institu­ tional terms. Some of the more militant critics of the established system even mocked the genteel placidity of the educated classes. To the youthful Georg Herwegh, for example, the giants of classic literature had become the opiate of a complacent society: 1 Schillers Werke, ed. Reinhard Buchwald (3 vols., Leipzig, 1940), 11, 493. Cf. Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Samtliehe Gediehte (a vols., Zurich,

!950-53). "> 455·

THE CHALLENGE TO AUTHORITY

Und ob man dir alles verbote, Doch grame dich nicht zu sehr, Du hast ja Schiller und Goethe: Schlafe, was willst du mehr? An age of incipient industrialization was learning to speak a political language of its own. The attitude of the older generation of reformers to the constitutional movement reveals the extent of the change in political thinking between the War of Libera­ tion and the Revolution of 1848. Those steeped in the philosophic tradition of the Enlightenment found the nineteenth century too aggressively materialistic. To them freedom was to be won not through party po­ lemics and election campaigns, but on the battlefield of the spirit. The statesman and historian Barthold Georg Niebuhr sighed at the end of his life: "It is impossible to mistake the fact that the attractive qualities which constituted the ornament of our nation, profundity, sin­ cerity, individuality, heart, and love, are disappearing, and that shallowness and impudence are becoming prevalent." Baron Friedrich Karl vom Stein, the leading figure of the period of national regeneration, was even more pessimistic: "A new generation is advancing. It is pressing into all channels of civic life; it is being formed under the influence of the most recent history of the world, of newspapers and of political writings. It feels [within] itself the energy of youth, the impulse to act. Ambition, greediness, and envy among the vari­ ous classes of the nation animate it, while religious prin­ ciples are being undermined by rationalism." He was especially alarmed by "the danger . . . arising out of the growth of the numbers and of the demands of the low­ est class of civil society." It was fortunate for such men that they did not live to see the revolutionary upheaval of the mid-century. Social dissatisfactions and class con-

THE NEW ERA

flicts were distressing realities which they preferred not to face.2 The failure of the uprising of 1848 would not have pleased them either. For the reaction which followed did not represent a return to the patrician ideal of in­ dividual liberty which had inspired them in the strug­ gle against Napoleon. It was rather the twilight of legitimism, the final hour of an ideology seeking to jus­ tify a hierarchical form of civic authority by invoking history and God. Liberal hopes aroused by the revolu­ tion gradually gave way to a mood of political disen­ chantment. The business boom helped allay the disap­ pointment of many bourgeois constitutionalists, but those who continued to yearn for a free and united fatherland remained disconsolate. Even the pliant Theodor von Bernhardi felt discouraged: "The constitution [of Prussia] has become a lie. In the chambers of the legislature a specter of lies, instead of the voice of the country, has been conjured up around the throne through terrorism and other means. The laws are being circumvented and disregarded in order to satisfy the appetites of the reaction and its Biblical and medieval tendencies. Wherever one looks, hypocrisy, falsehood, and corruption. . . . How should, how can it end? . . . We stand at the edge of an abyss." The only consolation for the opponents of the regime was the belief that the existing state of affairs could not go on. Sooner or later the rulers of Central Europe would have to yield. "One feels in the German states from many things that a significant change in the weather is taking place," maintained Droysen in 1855. 2 Herweghs Werke, ed. Hermann Tardel (3 vols., Berlin, Leipzig, Vienna, and Stuttgart, 1909), 1, 130; Lebensnachrichten uber Barthold Georg Niebuhr (3 vols., Hamburg, 1838-39), in, 280; G. H. Pertz, Das Leben des Ministers Freiherrn vom Stein (6 vols., Berlin, 1849-55), vi, 1081, 1108.

THE CHALLENGE TO AUTHORITY

"There is movement everywhere, and things, moods, and hopes are stirring which are only too justified, but which are of a very, very dangerous sort." His appraisal was not entirely correct. Another three years were to elapse before the grip of conservatism began to relax. The liberals were not the only ones to feel dejected. The legitimists remained strangely subdued in their hour of triumph. Their somberness was partly the re­ sult of a conviction that human depravity was timeless and ubiquitous. Leopold von Gerlach lamented: "So completely has faith vanished from politics and doubt gained the upper hand that we can almost live only from hand to mouth." Not even the royal cabinet met with his approval. Prime Minister Otto von Manteuffel was "Bonapartistic," Minister of Finance Karl von Bodelschwingh was "pro-western," and Minister of Com­ merce August von der Heydt "is making of the old Prussian monarchy an industrial enterprise in which railroads, credit, shares, etc., rank above all." The min­ istry in turn disliked and distrusted "the small but pow­ erful party" of ultraroyalist advisers surrounding the throne. The effectiveness of the regime was impaired by a struggle between cabinet and camarilla for the favor of a king who increasingly lived in a world of fantasies. Many of the legitimist leaders sensed, moreover, that they were defending a system of government which was doomed. They saw themselves as a small, valiant band fighting to hold back the flood of materialism, constitutionalism, egalitarianism, and godlessness. Their hero was Frederick William IV. "He recognized it as his vocation," eulogized Stahl, "to unfurl from the throne . . . the banner for the eternal truths of faith and justice against the negative, lying spirit of the time, whether it be called revolution, rationalism and liberal­ ism, civilization, or ideas of 1789." But what would hap-

THE NEW ERA

pen after the king died? It was known that his brother and heir disapproved of the course of out-and-out re­ action. "All the medieval traditions will cease with [Frederick William IV]" was Leopold von Gerlach's gloomy prophecy. The monarch himself recognized how transitory were the policies he pursued. He voiced the fear that "everything which he is now doing will, once he closes his eyes, collapse amid the exulting roar of public opinion." The statesmen of the 1850's thus had to resist a feeling of futility. Some of them even began to have secret doubts about the wisdom of what they were doing. "Could my politics be out-of-date?" GerIach wondered in the privacy of his diary.3 The end of the reaction came late in the decade with the revival of a widespread agitation for civic reform. The economic depression intensified political discon­ tent. The defeat of Austria in the Italian Peninsula un­ dermined the prestige of the established order, leaving it vulnerable to demands for a program of liberaliza­ tion. The decision of the Hofburg to introduce a con­ stitutional form of government into the empire was the direct result of Magenta and Solferino. In the secondary states prominent conservative statesmen like Ludwig von der Pfordten of Bavaria and Wilhelm von Meysenburg of Baden began to leave office amid stirrings of public unrest. But the most significant portent of a shift in official policy was the mental breakdown of Fred­ erick William IV of Prussia. For a whole year the legitimist counselors of the king resisted the establish­ ment of a regency, hoping against hope that he would 3 Aus dern Leben Theodor von Bernhardis (9 vols., Leipzig, 18981906), 11, 363-364; Johann Gustav Droysen, Briefwechsel, ed. Rudolf Hiibner (2 vols., Berlin and Leipzig, 1929), π, 338; Denkwiirdigkeiten aus dem Leben Leopold von Gerlachs, Generals der Infanterie und General-Adjutanten Konig Friedrich Wilhelrns IV. (2 vols., Berlin, 1891-92), 11, 400, 446, 494, 526, 632; Hermann Wagener, Die Politik Friedrich Wilhelm IV. (Berlin, 1883), p. 25.

THE CHALLENGE TO AUTHORITY

regain his health. "Our party can neither live nor die in this atmosphere," brooded Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach. But it became increasingly obvious that a recovery could not be expected, and in the fall of 1858 Prince William assumed the prerogative of the crown. The result was a sudden break with the loyalties and purposes of the preceding decade. The Manteuffel min­ istry was dismissed, the camarilla lost its influence, and ihe appointment of a moderate cabinet headed by Prince Karl Anton of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen signal­ ized the regent's determination to follow a course of his own. Before the year was out new elections gave the stamp of popular approval to the change in political di­ rection. "One achievement after another of 'the small but powerful party' is being lost," mourned Leopold von Gerlach; his brother Ernst Ludwig wrote despair­ ingly in his diary: "A look at my desolate life. The blos­ soms have all vanished, how many of them without fruit! No Frederick William IV anymore, . . . no party. All prospects are gloomy in the state, and even more so in the church." Most men interested in public affairs, however, greeted the end of the reaction with rejoicing. To them it meant the revival of the ideals of unity and freedom. The patriotic publicist Wilhelm Kiesselbach felt sure that an era of national progress was at hand: "The ener­ vation of public life, which in an inevitable movement of the pendulum followed the political excitement in the nation of a decade ago, appears for some time now to have reached its farthest limit. A fresher mood, espe­ cially after the solution of the regency question in Prus­ sia, is once again stirring the spirit of the people. Unless all signs deceive us, we are approaching better days." The marriage of Prince William's son to Queen Vic­ toria's daughter seemed to symbolize the political union of Prussian manliness with the British love of liberty.

THE NEW ERA

An anonymous pamphleteer hailed civic reform as well as the royal marriage by reciting Uhland: Als nun die Botschaft in das Reich erging, Da fuhr ein reger Geist in alles Volk, Ein neu Weltalter schien heraufzuziehn: Da lebte jeder langst entschlafne Wunsch, Und jede langst erlosch'ne Hoffinung auf! Overjoyed liberals began to infect each other with their enthusiasm. Had not the regent in his address to the new ministry agreed that "we have been driven back to the old conditions without taking into account the demands of the time, which a correct middle course would have done"? His condemnation of self-interest posing as piety had been unequivocal: "We must in both churches oppose with all earnestness the efforts which will aim to make religion the cloak for political efforts." Most important, he had called for a more vig­ orous policy with regard to the national question: "Prussia must make moral conquests in Germany through wise legislation at home, through encourage­ ment of all ethical elements, and through use of unify­ ing elements like the customs association. . . . The world must know that Prussia is ready to defend justice every­ where. Firm, consistent, and, if it must be, energetic conduct in politics combined with good sense and prudence must provide for Prussia the political respect and the position of power which she cannot achieve by her material power alone." The words were music to the ears of impatient civic reformers, who preferred to ignore the Prince's admonition against extravagant ex­ pectations: "There should be no talk at any time of a break with the past. . . . You all recognize that the wel­ fare of the crown and of the country . . . rests on sound, strong, conservative foundations. . . . Above all, I warn against the stereotyped phrase that the government must continually let itself be pushed into displaying

THE CHALLENGE TO AUTHORITY

liberal ideas, because otherwise they will break a path for themselves by their own efforts."4 The end of the 1850's came to be known as "the new era." The entire complex of ideas and policies opposing national consolidation seemed to collapse of its own weight, leaving the way clear for the establishment of a united fatherland. Demands for the political integra­ tion of Central Europe became clamorous and insistent. "The German nation," maintained Julius Frobel, "is sick of principles and doctrines, of literary greatness and of theoretical existence. What it wants is power, power, power! And whoever gives it power, to him it will give honor, more honor than he can imagine." The longing for union impressed rulers and diplomats as well as politicians and publicists. Grand Duke Frederick of Baden concluded: "The impulse toward unification is so great that it will soon be irresistible. . . . The spirit which honestly and bravely appears before the nation and confers upon it rights in which the whole can see a guarantee of respect and power, this spirit will be master of the nation." During a visit to Berlin, Lord George Clarendon confided that "what has surprised [me] is the mighty awakening of national feeling in Germany and the general desire for unity." And, in Turin, Cavour sought to further the unification of Italy by supporting the unification of Germany: "We believe, moreover, that we have some claim to the friendship, to the sympathy, and to the confidence of the Prussian 4 Kaiser Wilhelms des Grossen Briefe, Reden und Schriften, ed. Ernst Berner (2 vols., Berlin, 1906), 1, 446. Cf. ibid., 1, 447, 449; Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach: Aufzeichnungen aus seinem Leben und Wirken, Ij9 318-22, 327-34; and the Franco-Prussian commercial treaty, 226-32; and the industrial working class, 204-207, 211-19; and the suffrage question, 183-90, 243-69, 274-80, 318-22, 331-33; and the Seven Weeks' War, 238-41, 246-70, 273-82, 286-87, 289, 291; and the Franco-Prussian War, 384-87, 392-93,409-11 Blanckenburg, Moritz von, 75, 154, 187, 275, 364-65, 396, 399- 412 Blind, Karl, 392 Bloomfield, John, 46-47 Bluntschli, Johann Caspar, 24, 99- I 6 5 Bodelschwingh, Karl von, 7, 215-16, 239, 250-51 Bohmert, Victor, 52, 83, 93, 100, 112, 131, 171, 195-96, 236, 284 Brater, Karl, 99 Braun, Karl, 51, 112 Bray, Otto von, 398 Bright, John, 248 Bruck, Karl von, 18-19, 6i, 92, 121-22 Bucher, Lothar, 266 Budberg, Andreas von, 42 Camphausen, Otto, 365, 400 Cavour, Camillo Benso di, 11, 171, 258, 260, 287

451

INDEX Chambers of Commerce, 29, 53-54. 57. 67-68, 75, 91,94, 118-19, 135-3 6 . !39. 142-44, 166, 220-21, 223-25, 233, 271-72, 279, 297. 335. 338, 344-45. 353. 359. 375-76, 402 Charles, 389, 421 Charles Alexander, 173 Chevalier, Michel, 111 Clarendon, George, 11, 248 Cobden, Richard, 113 Congress of German Economists, 23. 32. 57. 6 9. 7 i . 77. 8 2, 84, 93, 112, 115, 117, 134, 195, 223, 233, 283, 342-43, 347. 402 Congress of German Representatives, 134 conservatism, and the artisan class, 75-81; and the constitutional conflict, 149-50, 154-56, 161-62, 172-81; and industrial freedom, 73-80; and the industrial working class, 206-11; internal divisions, 43-45; and the new era, 37, 43-47; and the North German Confederation, 301-305, 363-66; and the suffrage question, 249-56, 274-76, 321-22; and usury laws, 73, 75-80; and the Seven Weeks' War, 249-56, 274-76, 286-90; and the Franco-Prussian War, 411-14 Dalwigk, Reinhard Karl Friedrich von, 230 Delbriick, Rudolph von, 30, 111, 129, 133, 222, 365, 375, 397 Diest-Daber, Otto von, 365 Diotmund, see Judeich, Edmund Dornberg, Ernst von, 102 Drouyn de Lhuys, Edouard, 249 Droysen, Johann Gustav, 6, 41, 62, 171 Duckwitz, Arnold, 291 Duncker, Max, 152-53, 156, 162, 168, 170-71, 188, 279, 367 Eckardt, Julius von, 295

Economic Society for East and West Prussia, 233 Elben, Otto, 391, 420 elections, of 1867 to the constituent Reichstag, 322-27; of 1858 to the Prussian legislature, 38-40; of 1861 to the Prussian legislature, 154-55; of 1863 to the Prussian legislature, 181-83; ° f 1866 to the Prussian legislature, 281-82; of 1867 to the Reichstag, 334-35; of 1871 to the Reichstag, 424-25 Elisabeth, 250, 274 Emminghaus, Arwed, 112 Emster, H., 349 Engels, Friedrich, 158, 164, 273, 328 Ernest II, 28 Eulenburg, Friedrich Albrecht von, 239-40, 257, 318 Faucher, Julius, 112-13, 236, 283-84 Feustel, 84-85 Forckenbeck, Max von, 170, 382, 395-96. 398 Francis Joseph, 19, 231, 247, 2 7 3 . 392

Franco-Prussian commercial treaty, 128-44, 226-35, 284 Frauer, Ludwig, 109 Frederick, Crown Prince, 152, 158. 1 7 7 . 239. 250. 2 7 3 - 7 4 ,

366-67 Frederick, Grand Duke, 11, 19, 89, 120, 151, 250, 375, 419-20 Frederick of Augustenburg, 155 Frederick William IV, 7-9, 43, 127 free trade movement, aims, 114-16; role of Prussia, 118-22, 127-37, 141, 144-45; social and economic basis, 111-13, n 7 freedom of movement, establishment, 339; and liberalism, 56-58, 60, 71 Freiligrath, Ferdinand, 288, 392 Frey, Theodor, 23

452

INDEX

Freytag, Gustav, 43, 149, 330-31 Friedenthal, Karl Rudolf, 279 Friedmann, O. Bernhard, 108 Friedrich Karl, 46, 149, 176 Friesen, Richard von, 320 Frobel, Julius, 11, 27, 117, 125 Gablenz, Anton von, 103-104 Gagern, Heinrich von, 260 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 28, 171 Geffcken, Friedrich Heinrich, 224 General German Commercial Code, 28-30, 57 General German Workingmen's Society, 317, 354, 359-61, 408-409, 411 General Mining Law for the Prussian States, 220-21 Georgii, Theodor, 28 Gerlach, Ernst Ludwig von, 9, 44, 159, 179-80, 185, 188, 208, 210, 241, 251, 254-55, 274, 287, 289, 322, 413 Gerlach, Leopold von, 7-9, 43-44, 100 German Association of Handicraftsmen, 86-88, 193-94. 2°3 German Commercial Association, 23. 57. "7. "9. !44- 224-25, 233. 283, 297-98, 343, 346, 376 German Society of Sharpshooters, 25 Gervinus, Georg Gottfried, 408, 426 Gneist, Rudolf, 166, 170 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 3 Goltz, Robert von der, 35, 189 Gorchakov, Alexander, 42, 244, 247. 387 Gramont, Antoine Alfred Agenor de, 386-89, 393 Grumbrecht, August, 332 Hahn, Ludwig Ernst, 251-52 Handel, Maximilian von, 120-21 Hanoverian Commercial Association, 136

Hansemann, Adolf, 400 Hansemann, David, 15-17, 32 Harkort, Friedrich, 117 Hatzfeldt, Sophie von, 159 Hayrn, Rudolf, 164, 168, 181, 260, 390-91 Hepke, Robert, 35 Herding, Georg von, 425 Herwegh, Georg, 4, 358 Heydt, August von der, 7, 16, 91, 94. 152, 365 Hock, Karl von, 124, 137, 231 Hofmann, Friedrich, 26, 108 Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen, Adolf von, 131, 157 Hohenlohe-Schillingsfurst, Chlodwig zu, 382 Hoverbeck, Leopold von, 32, 36, 91, 163, 168, 170, 233, 237, 407 Hugel, Karl von, 31 Industrial Association of Lower Austria, 124, 142 industrial freedom, and conservatism, 73-80; and liberalism, 50-53, 58-68, 71-72; spread, 92-97, 338-41 industrial working class, and artisan class, 354-56; and Bismarck, 204-207, 211-19; and conservatism, 206-11; and the democrats, 362-63; militancy, 204-205, 358-59; and socialism, 360-62 Itzenplitz, Heinrich von, 203, 251 Jacoby, Johann, 36, 285, 3 1 3 - 1 4 , 319, 362, 371. 407 Jhering, Rudolf, 261, 282 Jolly, Julius, 399 Jorg, Edmund, 161, 377, 423 Judeich, Edmund, 13 Kalchberg, Joseph von, 231 Karl, 249 Karl Anton, 9, 42, 48, 94, 156-57 Karolyi, Aloys, 273, 277-78 Kerstorf, Friedrich von, 101, 116-17, 120

INDEX Ketteler, Wilhelm Emmanuel von, 306 Keudell, Robert von, 206, 319, 384 Kiesselbach, Wilhelm, 9, 109 Kinkel, Gottfried, 266, 268 Kleist, Adolf von, 251 Kleist-Retzow, Hans Hugo von, 55, 73-74. 178. 255. 275. 280, 287, 322, 327, 412 Kolb, Georg Friedrich, 377 Krupp, Alfred, 219 Kttbeck, Aloys von, 30-31, 34, 126, 231, 246, 266

Lotz, Walther, 103 Ludwig II, 228, 398, 417-18, 421 Lutz, Johann von, 398

La Marmora, Alfonso Ferrero, 223 Lammers, August, 55 Lasker, Eduard, 340-41, 394-95, 397-99. 405. 420 Lassalle, Ferdinand, 113, 159, 188-90, 205-207, 210-11, 213-14, 217, 219, 267, 316-17, 354-55, 359, 361, 408, 410-n Leopold, 386 Lette, Wilhelm Adolf, 23, 69, 72, 112 liberalism, and the artisan class, 62-67; and the constitutional conflict, 149-50, 155-56, 161-72, 234-37," a n d freedom of movement, 56-58, 60, 71; and industrial freedom, 50-53, 58-68, 71-72; internal divisions, 40-42, 163-65; and the new era, 9-11, 31-32, 35-42; and the North German Confederation, 295-303, 345-48; and the suffrage question, 257-69, 276-78, 320-21, 331-32; and usury laws, 53-56, 58, 68-71; and the Seven Weeks' War, 261-69, 276-78, 282-86, 288-89; and the Franco-Prussian War, 390-93. 400-402, 406-408 Liebknecht, Wilhelm, 315, 361, 409-11 Lippe, Leopold zur, 257 Loftus, Augustus, 47, 153, 305 Loher, Franz, 105

Mallinckrodt, Hermann von, 307 Manteuffel, Edwin von, 47, 173, 175 Manteuffel, Otto von, 7, 9, 184, 192, 251 Marcard, Heinrich Eugen, 56 Marx, Karl, 113, 158-59, 164, 273, 3 l 6 -!7> 359"6o> 409 1 1 Mathy, Karl, 57, 169 Maximilian II, 143 Mensdorff-Pouilly, Alexander, 246 Metternich, Richard von, 248-49 Meysenburg, Wilhelm von, 8 Michaelis, Otto, 91, 111-12, 235 Miquel, Johannes, 165, 266, 268, 295, 3°°> 3 ' 2 Mittnacht, Hermann von, 399 Mohl, Moriz, 117 Moltke, Helmuth von, 174, 238, 240, 246, 412 Mommsen, Theodor, 171, 282 Napoleon I, 6, 248, 413, 416 Napoleon III, 128, 130, 159, 186, 249. 384-85. 389, 392, 407. 409. 415-17 Nationalverein, 22, 26, 31, 33-34, 61, 66, 104, 107, 111, 117, 134, 169, 176, 263, 309, 370, 398 Neumann, 350 North German Association of Handicraftsmen, 351-52, 354-55, 357 Ollivier, Emile, 385 Oppenheim, Heinrich Bernhard, 399 Otto, 418-19 particularism, in areas annexed by Prussia, 308-10, 366-68, 414-16; in the North German Confederation, 310-12; in

454

INDEX south Germany, 369-74, 379-82, 403-405, 416-23 Peel, Robert, 189 Perthes, Clemens Theodor, 159, 175, 178, 255, 286, 321 Pesche, C., 87 Petri, 216 Pfordten, Ludwig von der, 8, 16-17, 33 Phillippsborn, Max von, 111 Plener, Ignaz von, 231 Prince-Smith, John, 91, 112, 114, 132, 284 protectionism, aims, 116-17; role of Austria, 124, 136-45; social and economic basis, 116-18 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph, 207 Prussian Commercial Association, 69 Prussian People's Association, 48. 55. 79. 197. 209-10 Prussian State Convention of Handicraftsmen, 85 Ranke, Leopold, 179, 289 Rechberg, Johann Bernhard von, 27, 32, 137, 231 Reformverein, 138 Reichenbach, Oscar, 266-67 Reichenheim, Leonor, 217 Reichensperger, August, 20, 81, 89, 105. !32> >89, 290, 415 Reichensperger, Peter, 20, 81, 89, 105, 132, 397 Rewitzer, 82 Reyscher, August Ludwig, 398 Ricker, Samuel, 29 Robolsky, Hermann, 59 Rochau, August Ludwig von, 48, 62, 165, 298 Roggenbach, Franz von, 19, 120, 260, 266, 268, 385-86 Roon, Albrecht von, 47, 150, 152-54. 159. 173, 177. »8i, 189, 365, 412 Ruge, Arnold, 266, 268, 392 Riimelin, Gustav, 370

Sayn-Wittgenstein-Berleburg, August Ludwig, 128, 227, 230 Schaffle, A.E.F., 14, 51, 55, 105, 111, 122, 128 Schede, Hermann, 254 Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von, 4 Schlor, Gustav von, 398 Schrenck, Karl von, 229 Schulze-Delitzsch, Hermann, 51, 164, 167, 210, 216, 363, 406 Schweinitz, Hans Lothar von, 177. 251-52, 304. 37f> Schweitzer, Johann Baptist von, 267-68, 316-17, 361-62, 411 Simon, Ludwig, 299 Simson, Eduard, 41, 401-402 socialism, and the North German Confederation, 315-17, 360-62; and the Franco-Prussian War, 408-11 Society for German Industry, 116, 138 Sonnemann, Leopold, 371 Stahl, Friedrich Julius, 7 Stemmermann, Johann, 350 Stolberg-Wernigerode, Eberhard, 275 Strauch, C. M „ 86 Stiive, Johann Carl Bertram, 93. 95. 3 6 7-68, 415 suffrage question, and Bismarck, 183-90, 243-69, 274-80, 318-22, 331-33; and conservatism, 249-56, 274-76, 321-22; and liberalism, 257-69, 276-78, 320-21, 331-32 Sybel, Heinrich von, 3g, 41, 62, 163, 166, 423 Thadden-Trieglaff, Reinhold von,255 Thiers, Louis Adolphe, 415 T o d t , P., 87 Trauttmansdorff, Ferdinand von,31 Treitschke, Eduard von, 291 Treitschke, Heinrich von, 166, 260-61, 266, 268, 277, 283, 29 1 . 321, 39 1

455

INDEX Twesten, Karl, 163, 168-71, 259, 265, 267, 285, 300, 368 Uhland, Johann Ludwig, 10 Unruh, Hans Viktor von, 164, 265, 267-68, 305 Usedom, Guido von, 28, 31 usury laws, and conservatism, 73. 75-8o; and liberalism, 53-56' 58, 68-71; repeal, 90-92, 341-42 Vecchioni, August, 83-84, 139 Victor Emmanuel II, 28, 240-41 Victoria, 9, 248 Vincke, Georg von, 286 Vincke-Olbendorf, Karl von, 46 Virchow, Rudolf, 206, 285, 319 Wagener, Hermann, 44-45, 74-75. 155, 172. 187, 198, 200, 206-207, 213, 275 Waideck, Benedikt, 163, 330

Waldow-Steinhofel, Karl von, 365 Wehrenpfennig, Wilhelm, 282, 321, 366-67, 371, 374 Weiss, Siegfried, 5g Weizsacker, Julius, 373 Werthern, Georg von, 371, 373, 380, 382 Westphalen, Ferdinand von, 36. >52 Wien, Carl, 350 WiJIiam I, g, 20, 33, 46-48, 62, 91, 101, 150-52, 158, 173-75. 186, 203, 217-18, 238, 240, 245-46, 248-50, 254-56, 268-71, 273-74. 276-77, 286, 304, 333, 339. 386-88, 415, 417-18, 421, 425 Windthorst, Ludwig, 415-16 Wirth, Max, 15, 112 Witt, Carl, 236-37 working class, see industrial working class Ziegler, Franz, 259, 266, 268

456