Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions: Research, Theory, and Practice [1 ed.] 1412972515, 9781412972512

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To Rossina, Bella Rose, and my mother

Copyright © 2011 by SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For information: SAGE Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road Thousand Oaks, California 91320 E-mail: [email protected] SAGE Publications Ltd. 1 Oliver’s Yard 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 India SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd 33 Pekin Street #02-01 Far East Square Singapore 048763 Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Liu, William Ming. Social class and classism in the helping professions : research, theory, and practice / William M. Liu. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4129-7250-5 (cloth) — ISBN 978-1-4129-7251-2 (pbk.) 1. Cross-cultural counseling. 2. Social classes. 3. Classism. 4. Mental health—Social aspects. 5. Social service—Sociological aspects. I. Title. BF636.7.C76L58 2011 158’.30862—dc22 2010009452 This book is printed on acid-free paper. 10 11 12 13 14 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Acquisitions Editor: Editorial Assistant: Production Editor: Copy Editor: Typesetter: Proofreader: Indexer: Marketing Manager:

Kassie Graves Veronica Novak Catherine M. Chilton Kim Husband Hurix Systems Annette R. Van Deusen Hyde Park Publishing Services LLC Stephanie Adams

Contents Preface Acknowledgments

ix xvii

1. Introduction Definitions and Focus The Importance of Social Class in the Helping Professions Research The Helping Profession’s Poor Understanding of Social Class and Classism Sociology’s Impact on the Helping Profession Social Class, Socioeconomic Status, Social Status, and Classism Social Class and Classism Multicultural Competencies Conclusion and Summary

1 4 5 7

17 20 22

2. Social Class, Classism, and Mental and Physical Health The Context of Social Class and Classism The Social Class Health Gradient Sense of Control Environmental Toxicity, Health, and Social Class Social Class, Malnutrition, Obesity, and Health Social Class and Mental Health Implications for Practice Conclusions and Summary

23 25 29 30 32 34 39 43 44

3. Problems in Social Class Measurement and Research Problems With Current Methods for Understanding Social Class Categorizing Social Class How Is Categorizing Accomplished? Income Occupation

46

9 16

48 52 53 54 57

Education Wealth Summary Moving Toward Subjectivity of Social Class and Classism Implications for Practice Conclusion 4. The Social Class Worldview Model The Context of Economic Cultures Human Capital Social Capital Cultural Capital The Worldview Classisms Social Class and Classism Consciousness How the Worldview Operates SCWM–R Example Implications for Practice Conclusion

59 60 61 62 67 67 75 79 81 82 82 83 86 87 95 95 97 98

5. Social Class and Psychotherapy, Counseling, and Career-Related Issues Counseling, Psychotherapy, and Helping Professionals Social Class and Classism to Inform Our Work With Clients Empirically Validated and Supported Treatments and Common Factors Understanding Our Own Biases and Social Class Experiences Career Counseling Using Social Class–Based Interventions in Counseling Participants Procedure Measures Results and Discussion Implications for Practice Conclusion

108 109 111 113 114 115 115 117 121 122

6. The Impact of Social Class and Classism on Healthy Psychological Development Social Class and Classism and Psychological Development Quality of Child Care Sleep Habits Parent and Child Relationships Impact of Media and Television

134 136 139 140 141 142

100 101 102

Social Class and Classism Traumas Into Adulthood Implications for Practice Conclusion 7. Greed, Materialism, and Affluence and Mental Health: The Rich Are Not Immune Greed, Materialism, and Affluence Consumption and Being Healthy Materialism and Consumerism Other Forms of Commodification and Consumerism Consumerism Affluence and Mental Health Implications for Practice Conclusion 8. Classism, Inequalities, and Poverty How People Make Meaning of Poverty and Inequality Racism Economic Resources, Economic Privilege, Economic Entitlement The Psychology of Privilege and Entitlement Classisms White Trashism Implications for Practice Conclusion 9. Integrating Social Class and Classism Into Training, Education, and Supervision Training and Education Upward Mobility Bias Becoming Social Class and Classism Competent Using the Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM-R) as a Training Tool Training Experiences and Supervision Privilege and Power Conclusion 10. Social Class, Classism, Advocacy, and Social Justice Definitions and Contexts of Social Justice, Advocacy, and Empowerment Work Definitions Social Justice and Social Class and Classism Advocacy

145 148 152 154 155 157 158 165 169 170 173 176 177 178 180 186 190 195 199 202 203 205 207 208 213 216 218 226 228 230 235 237 239 241 245

Empowerment Conclusion

247 250

References

251

Index

285

About the Author

299

Preface

I

n my counseling courses, I tell my students that clients, and most people for that matter, have predictable narratives of their lives. In a circular motion I move my hands and I suggest that clients have a set narrative, a standard story, about their lives to which they come back. They may try to change that narrative, but without a thorough understanding and integration of how the clients got to where they are now, those changes are unlikely to last. I advise students, “Don’t worry about getting certain information about a client now; they’ll come back to it.” I liken the counseling process to the stories we tell our partners, spouses, and significant others and how we often tell the same stories, but we may revisit the same experience with different perspectives. I concluded this from my work with clients, but I had not fully realized the same concept applied to my life and writing as well. It was always there in my research and my personal and clinical interests, but I had always made an effort to consider social class and classism to be an “objective” research consideration without much connection to my personal life and experiences. I had not completely considered that my research was, in part, me-search. Me-search has sometimes been the description of research agendas that revolve around the researcher’s personal experiences and identity. In contrast, I suppose, real research is supposed to focus on only those things on the outside of one’s life that are objective and have no relevance to one’s personal life. Yet we are all connected to our research interests. The HIV/ AIDS researcher, the cancer researcher, or the depression researcher all have been touched by their topics. But perhaps the label of me-search prevails around multicultural research because the researchers often “are” the topics they research. In my case, the three major areas have been masculinity, Asian American culture, and the focus of this book, social class and classism. I think it is interesting that the derogation of researchers who investigate psychological phenomena that reflect their lives is a relatively new critique—a critique that has mostly occurred since the ascension and ix

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prominence of multicultural research. I am inclined to feel that the labeling of me-search is a form of marginalizing and is an attempt to diminish the importance of multiculturalism and the necessity for clinicians, counselors, psychologists, researchers, and other helping professionals to fully comprehend how the self impacts and inflects all that we do. But as a psychological researcher and a practitioner within the helping professions, my focus is on understanding the client and the individual, the experience-near phenomena of the person. It would make sense, then, that I should also plumb my own personal experiences and use my own worldview as a gauge to understand the world. Research in the helping professions should start with some conceptualization and acknowledgment of our own experiences, biases, and worldviews and how these have been infused throughout our clinical and research work. Here, I am providing such a personal audit as a preface to how and why this topic is of such importance to me. My father was a relatively rich man in Taiwan, where he owned his own business. From stories, I gathered that my parents were wealthy and had status in their community. When he and my mother moved to the United States, with me in tow as a young boy, this wealth did not transfer. He and my mother found themselves, like many other immigrants, in business and other work that did not fit the education, lifestyle, or worldview they were used to before they left. I never did understand how my parents owned a coffee shop serving coffee, pancakes, and burgers. Here we were making basic Americana foods. To this day, my comfort foods still revolve around meatloaf and mashed potatoes—not typically expected of a Chinese American. But I knew they worked hard, long workdays, every day of the week. My brothers and I worked hard, long days, almost every day of the week, too. We knew every aspect of the restaurant business, and when my parents would find some time for themselves, we could run the operation single-handedly. Running to take an order, provide drinks, cook, and then deliver the order to the table was normal for us. Our parents sold the business and believed their lives would become easier—but their lives did not. The business deal fell through, and consequently, the stress and strain from these daily financial problems and conflicts grew. And looking back, we all grew apart. For my father, though, soon the shame of losing his role as the breadwinner was too much and our family was irrevocably changed. Looking back, I know now that my father, mother, brothers, and I saw our social class world differently. We were all in the same objective condition, yet we were all seeing and processing aspects of our social class world in personally relevant ways. Classism also impacted our lives, but we all quietly coped and managed our experiences differently. It had not fully occurred to me that some of my interest and passion for social class lay in these early experiences and were founded in my family. I recall the

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accommodations I made to feel better about my social class and the experiences of classism. At some point, I stopped inviting friends over to my home because our apartment was shamefully small compared to their homes. My clothes as well as my brothers’ were often bought on layaway, and this only dramatized our poor social class position. Having a reliable car, a seemingly small expectation, also was a source of trouble in our family. These are the personal experiences that would have been missed by a helping professional who may have just classified us as “working middle class” and expected that we should have seen our economic world similarly. My suspicion is that classism would have been entirely missed if the approach to it were from a binary “oppressor versus oppressed” framework. Oppression is not what we experienced specifically. We felt marginalization, certainly, but there were also intense internal and intrapsychic struggles around classism that could not be understood from this traditional paradigm. Social class and classism have always been part of my worldview, but it took the push of my academic advisor to put it into meaningful form and shape. I had repressed and denied the experiences with classism, the attempts to fit into my various social class peer groups, and my own family experiences. These were aspects of my personal history, but they were not well understood or integrated into my identity. In part, I had not even known that these could be conceptualized as aspects of social class, yet they were. These were important pieces of my life that, when put together, helped make sense of why social class and classism has been a professional and scholarly pursuit. When I started my exploration of social class and socioeconomic status in psychology, I thought it was an easy task. Certainly someone, somewhere, had already written about all the important aspects of multiculturalism. I started with the counseling and psychology literature and found that there had been only a few pieces written, but there was nothing that helped me piece together how social class and classism were to be understood. Instead, what I found in the literature was fully disappointing. Social class was relegated to parenthetical mentions; essentially, an author would suggest that social class among other cultural constructs should be considered, but that was the extent of the recognition. Expanding my literature reviews and searches to other disciplines such as sociology and economics, I found a wealth of data, research, and theory. Sociologists, I believed, would certainly show the way for psychologists to understand and integrate social class. There was so much written about the topic that surely it had been discussed and elaborated upon. Economists as well should have something to discuss about social class and classism. This process of reading and critiquing the literature, even before I wrote a single word on the topic, took about 5 years. And through it all, I learned much from these two and other disciplines.

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But just when I felt that I had a handle on the topic, I found new information that caused my hypotheses to fall apart. Part of the process of evaluating my burgeoning ideas and theories was to read and watch television shows, movies, and other popular culture materials. It seemed to me that the theories propagated in the literature could not always explain the consumerism, materialism, greed, and selfishness that was illustrated everywhere else. These were all concerns that were related to social class and classism but were never fully addressed or explicated. There was so much variability and diversity in the ways people saw their social class world that categorizing people into these groups seemed to automatically stunt the exploration of within-group differences. This was not just a problem in sociology; psychologists and counselors who spoke of and described people as part of social class categories did the same thing. Starting to think about social class and classism also affected the way I worked with clients. I was struck in my practicum that either no consideration was made about the client’s social class or there were vast generalities made about the client. These assumptions about the client based on the client’s major, home address, or parents’ occupation seemed widely biased and predicated on the clinician’s perspectives and worldview. It is not that the clinician was wrong, but it was that there was no logical framework by which these conclusions were drawn and no way to teach another person to come to the same or similar perception of the same client. It seemed to me that the lack of research and lack of clinical applicability was compelling to me to pursue this area as a helping professional. Throughout all the literature, there seemed to be small bits of evidence and interesting findings that could be pulled together and made meaningful for helping professionals. My first attempt at a social class and classism model was largely similar to the racial, ethnic, and minority identity models. These models, such as the People of Color Racial Identity Model, led me to categorize people into different social class groups. This was not the direction I wanted to go with this theory. I wanted more flexibility. I also needed to have a model, theory, and framework that could help me explain how a person sees his or her social class and also how this perception, this worldview, was related to classism. What I started to realize was that social class, because of its multifaceted nature, was likely best explained through a worldview, or different lenses that shifted and changed depending on context, and previous and current experiences. I also needed to integrate the person’s socialization experiences by parents, peers, and friends, understand how different contexts impact the person’s worldview, and examine how these are related to classism. When I came to The University of Iowa, I had a rudimentary framework I presented to my graduate students. Every week for two hours, over two semesters, we

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started to think about all the other aspects of social class and classism that needed to be explained. We presented all of our personal experiences and tried to make sense of it within the nascent Social Class Worldview Model. What did it mean for me to feel pressure to buy a lawnmower? What about the stories of kids who worked at a fast-food restaurant but were ridiculed by their peers? And just as important, what about those who are affluent and wealthy? Why are they typically left out of the discussion on social class and classism or why are they regarded as the “oppressors”? Does this paradigm of “oppressor and oppressed” really help us dismantle inequality? These seemed to be legitimate critiques and issues that needed to be addressed in the theory. When it came time to present this theory at conferences and other speaking engagements, I found that people resonated with the framework. Although it was complex, they appreciated that I had considered multiple aspects related to a person’s social class worldview and that my theory was not predicated on just investigating how lower-income people conceptualized social class but included people across the economic spectrum. I also thought people appreciated the different ways to approach classism and that focusing on the interconnection of classism (upward, downward, lateral, internalized) was important in dismantling inequality; that combating inequality was not a binary paradigm but was about locating the multiple sites by which classism is perpetuated. The theory seemed to make sense and I was encouraged to further refine the worldview model. My book has been percolating in me for more than 14 years, and in that time, I have collected a vast array of resources (articles, books, journals, the Internet, and television). I have also attempted this project a few times before, but each time I thought I was ready, I was not. So, during my sabbatical in 2007, right after my daughter was born, I worked on this book proposal and it was accepted. At this time, I felt that I had a good grasp and conceptualization of all the materials on which I have worked for so many years. This book covers many areas of social class and classism, and all of these aspects have implications for helping professionals. I have tried to structure the book to make it helpful and useful for helping professionals across multiple disciplines. At the beginning of each chapter, I open with a small personal anecdote, a personal reflection on the topic I cover. At the end of many chapters, I attempt to provide the reader with some practical suggestions on how to use the information in each chapter. There is much theory and research implicated throughout the chapters because it is important that there is some scientific support to my propositions and ideas. As scientist–practitioners, the essence of our profession is the praxis of rigor and relevance, the client and classroom, and our empiricism and our experiences. I hope the reader will appreciate these connections.

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In Chapter 1, I introduce the reader to the multiple facets of social class and classism and how I came to develop a subjective and phenomenological, individual-level framework. Tired of the sociological frameworks and language that did not shed light into the intrapsychic world and experiences of people, I wanted to find a way to better explain and understand the “idio” aspects of social class and classism. On my way to better understanding the literature and science about social class, I found that one of the areas where the literature was fairly robust was around health and social class. This incredible literature spells out the extreme disparities that result in poor health and early mortality for many in poverty and impoverished settings. I do not discuss all the aspects of health and social class in Chapter 2, but rather I try to identify a few areas in which helping professionals should be aware. For example, in this chapter I discuss problems related to obesity and diet and show how social class, especially poverty, often exacerbates these problems. Chapter 2 provides helping professionals with information on physical health and how this biological information may be used from a bio-psycho-social approach to working with clients. In Chapter 3, I elaborate on the problems helping professionals often have in conceptualizing social class and classism, especially as it relates to the ways we go about using these constructs in our scholarship and research. I lay out the problematic assumptions related to our current ways of understanding social class and classism and how these contemporary methods tend to exclude children and older individuals who may not have access to the traditional indicators of social class (income, education, and occupation) but yet still participate in social status behaviors and experience classism. In Chapter 4, I present the Social Class Worldview Model–Revised (SCWM–R), which is an elaboration and clarification of the original worldview model I proposed several years ago. In this iteration, I link the relationships of socialization to a person’s worldview and experiences with classism. I also present a new framework to explain the social class consciousness (Social Class and Classism Consciousness, or SCCC). The SCCC outlines the ways in which people may comprehend and understand themselves as social class individuals. Using this framework, in Chapter 5, I discuss the ways in which helping professionals can better use social class information to build relationships with clients, to understand clients’ worldviews, and to develop better interventions. I also present results from an analogue study we conducted that showed the potential effectiveness of using social class in counseling. I conclude this chapter with specific recommendations and a step-by-step procedure on how helping professionals may use the SCWM–R in counseling.

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As a counseling psychologist, one aspect I am always concerned about is the ways in which social class and classism are related to the person’s healthy psychological development. From childhood to adulthood, I discuss the ways in which social class and classism may impact psychological and physical health in Chapter 6. In Chapter 7, I elaborate on how people may engage in unhealthy behaviors and endorse problematic value systems like greed, materialism, and the pursuit of affluence. These topics are not always discussed in relation to social class and classism, but it is my feeling and belief that these issues are intimately intertwined with healthy and unhealthy worldviews. As such, I believe that helping professionals should understand these concepts and how these may appear in counseling. Related to the problems in social class and classism, in Chapter 8, I discuss how classism, poverty, and inequality are interrelated and how helping professionals should be concerned with the ever-present and ever-growing problem of inequality. In this chapter, I present literature on the impact of poverty and classism and how helping professionals may better understand and use this in work with clients and patients. As I end this book, I focus two chapters on how helping professionals may become more social class competent (Chapter 9) and how to be advocates and social justice oriented (Chapter 10). I offer the reader some guidance on how to teach and present social class information in the classroom and in other training situations, and I provide some materials to use with students. These are materials I have used in other social class workshops and have found useful in initiating discussions and framing the discourse around the individual’s perspective of social class and classism. And in Chapter 10, I discuss how helping professionals may be active in being social change agents in society as well as with clients. I elaborate about areas we typically assume need social justice work (i.e., with poverty) and on areas in which we need to be more active (i.e., materialism and with the privileged). Throughout this book, my hope is the reader will take away some greater idea and conceptualization of social class and classism after reading it. Additionally, my intent is that helping professionals will become more capable in using social class in their work with clients and patients, but also in education, training, and working toward a more socially just world. Social class and classism are important considerations and are integral as a multicultural competency, and this book provides some guidance on being more social class and classism competent in research and practice.

Acknowledgments

A

work such as this is never an individual project. The ideas and concepts are born from my relationships and discussions with family, friends, colleagues, and students. Many have helped me shape and form my ideas and have provided me the opportunities to think aloud, to be challenged, and to be deeply supported. The most important person who has helped me write and complete this project is my wife Rossina. She provided me the emotional support needed to plow through the research, and it is with her that I have been able to find the time and energy to consider, plan, and complete such an endeavor. My wife is also a writer, and she has guided my language and writing and has always supported my scholarship. I have been successful because of her love. My mother has also been a champion for me. She has always known of my capabilities; even when I was suspended from school, she knew I could do better. She drove the used cars we found at junkyards and spent what seemed to be interminable days and nights stuffing envelopes, but she always encouraged me. Nothing seemed too small for her, as long as she knew my brothers and I could benefit from her endurance. She sent me off to graduate school even when she needed me most. From her I learned grace and humility. In graduate school, Donald B. Pope-Davis was my advisor, advocate, and friend. He mentored me to be the professional I am today. A few years into my doctoral program, he approached me with a suggestion to “find something new in multiculturalism to write about.” Given this direction, I found myself in a process of reading and sifting through reams of articles and books until I came to the conclusion that social class and classism had not been explored or fully discussed. Don’s advice and mentorship led me to my lifelong scholarly pursuit in these areas. Don also showed me the importance of one’s family and the need to find a healthy balance with work. Finally, my colleagues at The University of Iowa’s Counseling Psychology Program have been wonderfully supportive and encouraging. Betsy, John, Sam, Saba, and Megan have provided me the environment to explore this xvii

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area in the helping professions. One cannot underestimate the import of comity among colleagues and how these relationships set the foundation from which success is built. Their relationships with me have made the scholar, scientist, teacher, and practitioner I am today. I would also like to thank the wonderful graduate students with whom I have worked and who have argued and discussed with me their thoughts about social class and classism. Their long hours of dedication to our research, preparing for presentations, and resilience in the editorial processes have been inspirational. Finally, I need to recognize the commitment my college, the College of Education at The University of Iowa, has had to me. They have created a working environment in which I have been tremendously successful. SAGE Publications would like to acknowledge the following reviewers: Nadia Torres-Eaton Webster University, Irvine Bengü Ergüner-Tekinalp Drake University Walter Chung Eastern University Donna J. Dockery Virginia Commonwealth University Jane Fried Central Connecticut State University Tracy J. Cohn Radford University Stephen M. Marson University of North Carolina at Pembroke

1 Introduction On many Saturday mornings, my wife, 2-year-old daughter, and I visit a small boutique bakery. The bakery is in a historic part of town, and if you did not know of the bakery, you might easily miss it. It is a source of pride for most middle- and upperclass people to know about it, talk about it, and on occasion, refer people to it. The bakery is not large, and the owner has placed a small table and chairs to accommodate the many children visiting the bakery.

One Saturday, my daughter was sitting at the table eating a cookie when a mother and daughter came in. The girl was probably 4 or 5 years old and was carrying a doll. When the girl sat down at the children’s table, she placed the doll on the table as well. My daughter noticed the doll and started to reach for it. In reaction, the other girl snatched the doll out of reach. Apparently, the mother was shocked by her daughter’s behavior and she turned to me (figuring I was the father since we were the only Asian American couple in the bakery that morning) and apologetically said, “She’s in Montessori, so she knows how to share.”

I was strolling through an upscale shopping mall in Northern Virginia, pushing my daughter in our Bugaboo stroller. The Bugaboo stroller is supposed to be a distinctively designed stroller, so it stands apart in terms of color and aesthetics.

1

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Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

To that end, we fit into the expectations of upscale parents at this mall. A lone woman walked out of a store carrying some shopping bags and stopped to ask how we liked our Bugaboo stroller. After a very quick conversation about the stroller, the woman added, “Yes, I have a Bugaboo as well and it is at home,” smiled and walked away.

T

hese two experiences remind me that social class and classism are all around us and are constantly part of our conversations. We only need to be sensitive to how social class is communicated and the subtle—and at times not-so-subtle—ways in which people jockey for position along the social class hierarchy. In these two experiences, “Montessori” and “Bugaboo” become indicators of social class and status and are used to demonstrate familiarity but also to suggest that “we are all of a kind, we are peers, and we are part of the same cohort.” Dropping these hints, like an eye-wink or a nod, is a subtle gesture of communality—of knowing something others do not. It is a way of establishing social class and status without having to talk about how much one makes, educational level, or one’s occupation. It is akin to the ways we get to know people and the light social conversations that occur over wine or cocktails and how people probe, mostly through seemingly innocuous questions, about where one went to school (private, public, ivy league), where one works (white-collar, salaried), and where one lives (rent, own, high-rise, single-home, good neighborhood). The questions, in this case, are used to investigate and to establish potential likeness of social class. I believe for most of us, there is likely to be an incident or experience that vividly exemplified social class and classism in our lives. When I teach social class, most students recall some incident or series of events that consolidated for them the meaning of social class in their lives at the time. Remarkably, for many of these students as they think about that particular incident or event, they recognize the reverberations that it caused across their lives. For instance, some students recall traumatic incidents that made them feel shameful about being poor and in turn initiated a drive toward status and upward mobility that they believed could shield them from feeling that way again. This commonality in experiences reveals to me that social class and classism are pervasive throughout our lives, and how imperative it is that helping professionals understand its impact and use social class and classism to inform their work. At the risk of sounding clichéd, I think it is fair to say that social class and classism are all around us. Before we are even born, the social classes of our parents, families, and neighborhoods are already making an impact

Introduction

3

on our lives. The foods we eat, the air we breathe, and the prenatal health care we receive all influence our developing babies. Once born, we are socialized by our parents and families to relate to people through social class, and through the media, we are bombarded by images and messages about how and what to consume (Schor, 2008). In our home life, the environment and its levels of chaos or serenity, violence or safety, and toxicity or nontoxicity start to influence our physical makeup, both body and brain. In school, some of us experience bullying and teasing because of our clothes, lunches, or even how we get to school (bus versus car). And for some, this bullying can be relentless and can become the basis of traumatic classism (which I discuss later in the book). For others, material possessions are easy to come by, but the psychological stress, anxiety, and depression related to growing up in affluence and wealth, and expectations for perfection and excellence become difficult to manage and understand. In other educational experiences and jobs, we are exposed to social roles and expectations and constantly reminded that social status is important. And over our lifetime, social class has helped to shape our choices, opportunities, and relationships. To say that social class has an impact on people’s lives is an understatement. But social class and classism also interact with other forms of identity and diversity such as race, gender, ability, age, and sexual orientation to form unique opportunities, barriers, and choices. Like race and gender, two other frequently studied multicultural constructs, social class is one of the most important multicultural variables for helping professionals, counselors, and psychologists (Liu, 2001). Social class is important because, on a material level, one’s resources (income, for instance) greatly impact life chances and opportunities. It is that income, as one indicator, that provides access to wealth, privilege, and status. But also, the higher one is on the social hierarchy, the better one is able to withstand crises and life problems. On an experiential and subjective level, social class shapes the way we perceive and interact with others but more importantly, how we see ourselves. Reality is distorted regardless of whether one grows up rich or poor; our self-perceptions and our interactions with others are colored by our experiences, socialization, expectations, and aspirations. Now overlay social class with race, gender, ability, or sexual orientation, for instance, and humans become clearly more complex. But whereas other cultural aspects have been plumbed and explored, social class has not been equally discovered at the individual level. But social class is distinctly different from race and gender in the most basic way. Social class is virtually invisible and is only recognizable through the materials and behaviors that mark us and are associated or stereotyped with particular social class groups. Perhaps the lack of a specific indelible and expressible marker or the absence of a social class physicality is what makes

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social class one of the most elusive and difficult constructs to understand and integrate into the mental health professions. The challenge, though, should not make us hesitant about using social class and classism as helping professionals but instead should compel us to be more thoughtful about the ways we employ these constructs. Given this difficulty, how do social class and classism work in our lives? And just as important, how do helping professionals understand and use social class in practice? The purpose of this book is to define the psychological meaning of social class and classism and to provide guidance on how to best integrate social class and classism into mental health practice and research.

Definitions and Focus Before starting a discussion on social class and classism, I think it is important to establish some definitions and parameters. First, the focus of this book is to discuss and connect social class and classism to the work of helping professionals (practice, research, training, and education), especially those in the mental health professions and those who work in some capacity with mental health concerns. Therefore, the constructs, theories, and research discussed will all be made relevant for work with clients, patients, trainees, and supervisees in the helping fields such as nursing, social work, counselor training and education, school counseling and psychology, rehabilitation counseling and psychology, clinical psychology, and counseling psychology. Second, the theories, assumptions, and implications are mostly meant for social class and classism within the United States. The research reviewed, cited, and integrated into theories is mostly from the United States or European countries, so there may be a privileging of some experiences in modernized, industrialized, and postindustrialized societies. I do not make any claim that the theories and ideas presented in this book can be applied to international contexts without careful consideration and potential alteration. Social class and classism may take on varying definitions in different contexts and locales, and because context is so important in understanding social class and classism, only the experiences within the United States are implicated in this book. Third, the preferred terminology I use in this book is social class and classism. Although I cite and use research from different countries, I attempt to make the research I integrate relevant for understanding social class and classism in the United States. I will elaborate on why I choose certain terms later in the book. But occasionally, the reader will find that I may use the terms social status, social position, and socioeconomic status. I use

Introduction

5

these terms either (a) to refer to a person’s subjective impression of his or her place within the perceived social class hierarchy (i.e., position or status), or (b) to reflect the terminology that is likely used in the literature being cited. Because there is much disagreement and confusion about the terms social class and socioeconomic status (Brown, Fukunaga, Umemoto, & Wicker, 1996; Frable, 1997; Liu, 2001, in press; Liu & Ali, 2008; Liu, Ali, Soleck, Hopps, Dunston, & Pickett, 2004; Liu & Arguello, 2006; Liu, Soleck, Hopps, Dunston, & Pickett, 2004; Oakes & Rossi, 2003), at times when I refer to specific literature, the terminology may vary. As part of this first chapter, my intent is to address the reason why social class and classism are important sociocultural considerations. Moreover, I will provide a rationale for why there is such a poor understanding of social class and classism and operationalize the terms social class, socioeconomic status (SES), social status, and classism. Finally, I will address how social class is an important multicultural competency and what it means to appreciate social class diversity.

The Importance of Social Class in the Helping Professions In my writing, I have consistently argued that social class, SES, social status, and classism are implicated in many areas of interest to helping professionals: practice, research, education, training, self-awareness, and social justice (Liu, 2002, 2006; Liu & Ali, 2005; Liu, Corkery, & Thome, 2010; Liu, Fridman, & Hall, 2008; Liu, Sheu, & Hall, 2004). With regard to specific mental health issues, social class and socioeconomic status constructs have been associated with psychological variables such as poor mental health, depression and suicide, increased psychopathology, and poorer psychological services (Adler, Epel, Castellazzo, & Ickovics, 2000; Amato & Zuo, 1992; Singh-Manoux, Adler, & Marmot, 2003; Wadsworth & Achenbach, 2005). Usually, the research suggests that being poor puts one at the most risk for deleterious physical and mental health. Additionally, social class has been found to impact physical health in ways that include increased substance use, cardiovascular disease, and obesity (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). In the psychology of work, the research often suggests that social class is related to increased stress related to job insecurity, authoritarian occupations, and poor work satisfaction (Gutman, McLoyd, & Tokoyawa, 2005). Context and environment also affect and are influenced by social class. For instance, those from poor social class environments are likely to live in situations with increased rates of violence, increased exposure

6

Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

to environmental toxins such as lead, and limited availability of supermarkets (Evans 2004, 2006; Huie, Krueger, Rogers, & Hummer, 2003; Lee & Marlay, 2007; McLoyd, 1998). From study to study, the effect sizes are different in terms of the magnitude and impact of poverty, inequality, and social class on all of these variables. Additionally, there is a host of mediating and moderating factors as well such as race, gender, and age, to name a few. But even with all of these considerations, I believe it is safe to say that, for the most part, all of these aspects come together and impact the development of the infant and child through young and middle adulthood and are likely to impact the development of the individual over the lifespan (Benzeval & Judge, 2001). Reading through this list of social class-related effects, it may be simple to see that many of these problems are especially pronounced for those in lower social class situations and environments and for those who are economically poor and impoverished. Contributing to this perception is that much of the research is focused on those who are poor; consequently, one might conclude that social class and classism are relevant only for the poor. Part of the reason for this conclusion is that much of the research is premised on addressing the ills and deleterious situations of those who are poor. This focus is needed and important because those who are poor are differentially and severely impacted by many of the conditions identified above. They usually have fewer resources and reserves upon which to draw, so economic setbacks often have much more severe consequences than for the affluent, rich, and wealthy (Chen, Martin, & Matthews, 2006, 2007). Additionally, those at the bottom of our social class hierarchy also have less agency and power to effect change for their benefit (Hopps & Liu, 2006; Liu, 2008, in press; Liu & Hernandez, 2010; Liu, Hernandez, Mahmood, & Stinson, 2006; Liu, Pickett, & Ivey, 2007; Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003; Lott, 2002). Therefore, there is a substantial and important need to focus on those in lower, poor, and impoverished conditions. Additionally, it is also imperative that helping professionals consider the salience of social class across the social class hierarchy and spectrum. In fact, there is burgeoning research on social class and the affluent, rich, and wealthy (Levine, 2006; Luthar, 2003; Luthar & Becker, 2002; Luthar & D’Avanzo, 1999; Luthar & Latendresse, 2005; Luthar & Sexton, 2005; Luthar, Shoum, & Brown, 2006; Sherman, 2006; Twenge, 2006; Twenge & Campbell, 2009). The research does not usually compare indicators of mental and physical health between groups because comparing the two groups on these criteria would only highlight the great and increasing disparity between the rich and poor. Instead, this nascent and scattered research investigates the within-group variations and issues specifically linked to those of wealth and affluence. For instance, researchers have found

Introduction

7

surprising levels of anxiety, depression, and substance use among children and adolescents of the wealthy (Levine, 2006; Luthar, 2003; Luthar & D’Avanzo, 1999). Some of these findings are linked to issues such as a drive for perfectionism, difficulty in receiving critical feedback, and the absence of parents and healthy role models (Levine, 2006; Luthar & Becker, 2002). Mostly, the research focuses on children and adolescents who grow up in affluence and discusses how entitlement, narcissism, and consumerism interact to create young adults who have high aspirations but potentially have poor intra- and interpersonal skills that would allow them to cope with life stressors (Levine, 2006; Twenge, 2006; Twenge & Campbell, 2009). For me, this research on affluent children and adolescents is interesting because it suggests that social class pressures and potentially classism also may affect those of privilege. This is not in any way to say that mental health concerns are the same or similar among those in poverty and those in wealth. Instead, I believe that helping professionals should recognize that it may be important to understand the social class context and relevant problems specific to particular contexts. In this case, for those of privilege and wealth, there may be enormous pressure to succeed and excel. These expectations, coupled with the entitlement and narcissistic attitudes, may combine to form their own toxicity born from social class privilege and wealth. Thus, helping professionals need to be aware of the ways in which social class may create diagnostically similar syndromes from distinctly different situations.

Research For helping professionals, the importance of social class and classism extends beyond therapy and counseling and also affects the ways in which we approach and pursue research and science. Social class, as an important dimension of our society and of our human experience, is simply not well understood from a counseling and psychology research framework. At the most basic level of understanding social class and classism, most psychologists and counseling researchers cannot agree on a specific operational definition of social class (Brown et al., 1996; Liu, 2001; Liu & Ali, 2008). I would posit that if any one of us walked around and asked 10 people to define social class and classism, it is quite possible to get 20 different answers. Most people draw on their own experiences of social class and classism, refer to how they grew up, the messages and socialization they received from parents, peers, and friends, and intermix it all with their current circumstances, both economic and social.

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Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

This was exactly the problem I encountered when I was a doctoral student in my counseling practicum. At my university counseling service, the intake form asked students to report their income or parents’ income, what high school they attended, where they currently live, and where they grew up. My supervisors would scan the sheet and derive a social class category for the client (e.g., middle-class). At one point, I inquired about how one supervisor arrived at her conclusion about a client’s social class, and she elaborated on how a certain level of income was regarded in a particular neighborhood and the assumptions one could make about personal and familial resources. She discussed how certain high schools and neighborhoods were regarded as affluent, working class, or poor. I was not from the area, so my unfamiliarity with specific neighborhoods, especially as it pertained to affluence and wealth, were very limited. The “socialization” I was undergoing on social class was from information and perceptions from a long-term resident of the area and from her aggregate understanding of social class based on the meaningful indicators of social class for that geographic area. But, more importantly, the composite description of a client as middle-class was also subtly inflected with her own biases, personal experiences, and perceptions about people from a particular neighborhood. In her case, she would talk about her perceptions as an outsider. Interspersed throughout her assumptions of the client were her experiences and perceptions of driving through those neighborhoods. I wondered then, what does it mean to be middle class? Or more precisely, what does it mean for people when they describe someone as middle class or any social class category? I thought the extant psychological and counseling literature, both theoretical and empirical, could provide some grounding and direction for a simple question. Instead, the extant literature at the time was opaque and vague about social class and classism. I could not even find an agreed-on definition of what constituted the boundaries for “middle-class” (Liu, Pickett, et al. 2007). The most common definition for middle class seemed to be based on income calculations (Pew Research Center, 2008). Using only income, for instance, the Pew Research Center used Census Bureau data from 2006 and divided Americans into three tiers. For the middle tier or middle class, they calculated annual incomes that were between 75% and 150% of the median income, which came out to be a range between $45,000 and $90,000. I thought this seemed reasonable, but I was aware of my own social class background and upbringing, and I wondered if people from poorer situations or even much wealthier contexts would perceive this income range as middle class. I began speculating about the possibility of a subjective aspect to how people regarded social class and how they perceived others.

Introduction

9

Even a conceptualization of wealth was difficult. Wealth was usually defined as assets and resources and as more permanent than income and more likely to have more impact in the life of the individual (Huie, Krueger, Rogers, & Hummer, 2003). With so many indicators for wealth, there was bound to be some methodological confusion and inconsistency, which there was from the available literature. From my review of the extant literature at the time, I began to understand one of the factors contributing to the confusion around social class. It seemed that often in the literature, social class appeared as a parenthetical comment, something to the effect of “counselors should pay attention to diversity issues (e.g., race, ethnicity, and class).” There was simply a significant absence of a coherent and cogent approach that defined, elaborated, discussed, and integrated social class and classism into research and practice. Helping professionals understood the importance of social class and classism but had not constructed any framework with which to understand and integrate it into science and practice.

The Helping Profession’s Poor Understanding of Social Class and Classism In discussing how the helping professions have had a poor grasp on social class and classism, I do not mean to imply that helping professionals and researchers have been negligent. It is important to acknowledge that there is and has been a long and vibrant history of counselors, psychologists, and helping professionals active in working and advocating for the poor and impoverished and active in social justice efforts against inequality. It is important to distinguish the point I am making about having a better and clear understanding of social class and classism in our practice and research and the current work and advocacy many are doing. My curiosity has led me to conclude that there are likely two major factors that have hindered mental health’s understanding of social class and classism. First, it is my belief that in the United States, social class is generally regarded as a taboo subject and is not well regarded as a topic for discussion. Inhibiting a full dialogue about social class may be the myth of meritocracy or that only hard and diligent work will lead to economic success for everyone. Certainly there is nothing wrong with hard work, diligence, and aspirations for success. But the myth of meritocracy focuses on internal dispositional attributes and suggests that everyone has equal access to upward mobility, wealth, and opportunities. External hurdles and hindrances such as poor schools, dilapidated neighborhoods and transportation, and poor job prospects, for instance, are contextual and

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Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

situational problems that may be conquered through sheer force of will. Of course, there are individuals who subscribe to this meritocratic ideology and there are even some whose success exemplifies this meritocratic social class mobility, and they are to be commended for their success. But the singular achievements by individuals do not address the larger systemic inequalities that likely make these rags-to-riches stories exceptions rather than the rule. The taboo element of social class discourse is likely related to the problems inherent in the myth of meritocracy. How would our cultural fables and lore (e.g., Horatio Alger) fare if people were to discuss their aspirations and motivations for social mobility alongside a discussion of income disparities, economic resources, the glass ceiling, or red-lining (i.e., denying or restricting racial minorities on where they may live)? Furthermore, the taboo in our society may stem from not only an unwillingness to confront and dialogue about social class but also an inability to start and continue such a discourse. Like any other difficult dialogue, finding the correct and best ways to articulate one’s feelings and thoughts about a subject starts with understanding and framing personal experiences, impressions, and cognitions. But people will struggle at first with this new dialogue on social class and classism. In other words, “How might a person articulate and discuss something for which he or she has no words?” Imagine the alexithymic (i.e., no words for feelings) male client sitting in front of a counselor who has just asked him how he feels. If he has never been taught or given an opportunity to put words to his feelings, the client is likely to become frustrated at the counselor for such a simple question. So, at some point, we (the helping professionals) must venture into the discussion and help to frame the discourse. In doing so, as helping professionals, we should look to develop a developmental approach to this new understanding and language of social class. That is to say, we should understand that as people start and learn this new discourse, complexity develops, and we should empathize and nurture this new understanding. But it is also my belief that people in our society are not at a complete loss for how to talk about social class and classism. Rather, individuals are likely using terms and words that are approximations for social class (e.g., snobbiness, White trash, welfare, affirmative action), yet these words and terms fail to provide individuals with a full framework to engage deeply and meaningfully on social class and classism. But the cognitive development and intellectual understanding of social class and classism needs to be understood within the context of the self-learning, emotions, and feelings that arise from new information and knowledge. Thus, I would suggest that the language people use often reflects their level of consciousness

Introduction

11

about social class and classism. To better understand the individual’s social class and classism consciousness, I proffer a theoretical framework called the Social Class and Classism Consciousness Model (SCCC) (Liu, in press; Liu & Hernandez, 2010). I discuss and elaborate on the SCCC later in this book. The social prohibition against talking about social class is uneven, though. Social class talk may appear among the poor and the rich, but what is discussed is probably vastly different. For example, I would posit that some racial and ethnic minority groups and some people who are poor and impoverished may likely socialize children and adolescents about working hard but also about being aware of and vigilant to potential environmental hindrances that they must negotiate to be successful (Carter, 2003). So for these individuals, there may be some discussion of social class and classism, and these discussions may be instrumental in helping the individual learn how to best navigate a potentially hostile and barrierfilled environment. These discussions are pertinent and relevant because, for many of these community members, these barriers and economic problems are daily hassles and stressors and thus highly meaningful (Fouad & Brown, 2001; Heflin & Pattillo, 2006; Liu, Stinson, Hernandez, Shepard, & Haag, 2009). A parallel illustration may come from race-related research. For racial and ethnic minority individuals, most contexts are constant reminders of the person’s minority position. These reminders are not necessarily always negative and racist, but racial and ethnic individuals are likely to understand that they live in an environment in which they are numerically inferior or in less powerful, lower-status positions. Consequently, to live and succeed, these individuals are likely always negotiating their race and ethnicity and so they may have some familiarity with interacting with people who are racially and ethnically dissimilar to them (Carter, 2003). Thus, socialization within these contexts is a matter of survival and thriving, and so these individuals are constantly reminded and reinforced for their vigilance around race and racism. The second problem contributing to mental health’s poor understanding of social class is linked to poor theoretical and methodological clarity (Liu, Ali et al., 2004). Like other concepts in psychology that have undergone specification and clarification (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender) (Beutler, Brown, Crothers, Booker, & Seabrook, 1996), social class has remained relatively undistinguished (Liu, 2001, in press). In my previous suggestion of asking individuals to describe a middle-class person, it is likely also that most answers will fall into the categories of the person’s income, educational level, and occupation level, type, and/or prestige. Many people will use these indices to informally conclude a person’s social class category

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Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

(e.g., lower, middle, or upper class). Some common measures also use the method of identifying certain indices as a means to conclude a person’s social class category or position (Hollingshead, 1975; Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958). From the extant research using social class, I have come to consider income, education, and occupation to be the putative and the most commonly found objective indices of social class. In other words, I mean “objective” in that income, education, and occupation are supposed to be clear and discrete ratio-level (i.e., absolute zero, ordered, equal distances between levels) indices that should be answered accurately, have levels that represent reality (veridical), be equally meaningful for anyone responding to the levels, and be connected to social class groups (e.g., lower, middle, and upper class). These indices are considered objective as well because researchers generally assume that people will answer accurately, without any distortion or error, on these questions. Researchers have used various contortions of these indices to effect a particular social class category, yet no research to date has shown this to be an effective or efficacious method of identifying a person’s social class position (Brown et al., 1996). At present, there is no research that shows how an individual expresses social class vis-à-vis being categorized into a social class group. On the contrary, a problematic result of these categorization attempts has been the confusing creation of elaborately imprecise social class striations such as lower working class, middle upper working class, and upper elite class (Liu & Ali, 2008). And while these striations may be meaningful for any single study, results are not often replicated or meaningful from study to study. But a problem would still persist even if one were to create a strategy by which these indices could effectively categorize an individual into certain social class groups. Would all individuals in a particular social class group (e.g., middle class) have the same worldview, attitudes, and thoughts about being middle class? The easy answer is probably no. One basic assumption in the categorization strategy is that all the indices and each level have equal salience and meaning across all contexts and individuals. That is, if the assumption held true, there is one homogenous middle-class entity in the United States. And although politicians appeal to the middle class in the United States, and many people may believe they are in the middle class (Liu, Pickett, et al., 2007), this ascription and subscription to being middle class does not necessarily translate to a uniform or homogenous objectively identified middle class. It is my belief that when politicians appeal to the middle class, they are tapping into people’s ascription to “middle classhood” or “middle classness.” Note that politicians will refer to the middle class but provide no indicators as to how they define it—not even suggesting some income level. It is not an objective reality but a perceived

Introduction

13

identity and relationship to others in the middle class. And rather than focus just on income as an indicator of middle classhood, there may be multiple variables contributing to one’s sense of being in any social class, including the middle class. Moreover, depending on one’s context, geographic region, neighborhood, or social context, being in a particular social class is comprised of different variables of varying salience. For some, income may be an important hallmark of one’s social class, and for others, one’s occupation or educational level may be meaningful indices of social class, and still for others, it may be material possessions that indelibly reflect a social class. Furthermore, if we categorize individuals and find that some groups are poor, categorization does not account for the various ways people are poor (e.g., poor neighborhoods, toxic environments, violence, educational opportunities, police relationships, aggression) (Marmot, 2006). Additionally, categorization does not account for the various ways individuals live within their social class groups. That is, once you categorize someone, there is no discussion of how the person entered the group, exists in that group, and stays in that group. Rather than perhaps seeing people’s social class position as dynamic and potentially transitory, using a categorical framework promulgates a tendency to believe that one’s social class position or status is constant, or at least constant enough to develop a social class consciousness for that group. For example, what might we conclude about some African American families from a study by Heflin and Pattillo (2006) and their findings that poor African Americans are less likely to have siblings in the middle class in comparison to Whites; similarly, being a middle-class African American means you are more likely to have poor siblings. According to Heflin’s study, African Americans are less likely to have siblings that cross important social class divides (i.e., siblings in upper social class groups) in beneficial ways. African Americans may have fewer people to turn to when they need assistance, and therefore their risk of downward mobility is higher than that of Whites. It may be that social class position is less an individual issue and more related to relationships such as one’s group and family. Additionally, researchers may need to consider a level of potential anxiety for some African American families who may regard their social class position as tenuous. Thus, in this situation, how might a middle-class family’s or individual’s social class consciousness vary from that of Whites who may not need to consider their social class position as tenuous? All of these questions and possibilities are difficult to explore from a strictly categorical social class framework. Also, if we were interested in, for instance, psychological distress related to social class, measuring income would be insufficient. Instead, researchers would need to investigate issues such as debt and other indicators of financial distress. For example, Brown, Taylor, and Price (2005) found

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Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

that individual (not household) credit card debt was significantly related to psychological distress. Additionally, Drentea and Lavraka (2000) also found support for the relationship between psychological distress and credit card debt. It may also be important to recognize that people in wealth and affluence and people who are poor may have different thresholds for what they may consider to be in debt and financially distressing. For people who are poor and without many resources, financial distress may be a constant and real threat and may be related to fears of losing a home or not being able to afford food. Alternatively, people in wealth may have other holdings and resources, and financial distress may be related to the loss of an expected lifestyle. If income were the most important variable reflecting one’s social class, it would make sense that people would behave in ways that would allow them to show their income in a purely monetary sense. This may be absurd, but consider people walking around in suits and clothes of money, some in coins, some in dollar bill suits, and others in suits made of hundred dollar denominations. In these situations, one could clearly determine other people’s social class just by their income. We would also see that each of these dollars means something different depending on how much each person has at his or her disposal. That is, a single dollar does not have the same meaning for someone who is poor as it does for someone who has millions or even billions of dollars. Instead, if we were to measure meaningfulness by dollar amounts across the income spectrum, I would argue that we would likely see a steep ascent in meaningfulness for each dollar among the poor and certain middle classes and an eventual plateau for those whose income and money are no longer handled in a physical sense but can only be reviewed in electronic forms, balance sheets, and banking statements. But since we do not have money suits, people look for other ways to show their monetary worth. Typically this demonstration is through material objects and possessions, and sometimes it is through the ways people spend their time, such as increasing schedule flexibility or free and luxury time. Also, the research has not been clear in untangling what “income” means to an individual. When asked about income, what other items come to mind that are related to income but not necessarily just what one is paid? For instance, what about a person’s wealth, holdings, savings, debts, credit card balances, bills to be paid, and future and anticipated income? Also, when people think about their income, is it before or after taxes? That is, a total salary before taxes and benefits sounds much greater than one’s actual take-home pay. Is the income sufficient and livable? Is the income level relatively stable for the scale of life in which the individual is engaged? Income as an objective matter is relative to some extent; there

Introduction

15

may be some discrepancy between what a person believes a particular income means and the actual meaning in that person’s life. The meaningfulness of income is also geographically determined. The salary of a person living in Iowa is perceived differently than that of someone who makes the same salary and lives in San Francisco. Simply, the cost of living from housing to food is vastly different, so the amount of income that may mark someone as middle-class in one geographic context may not be as salient for another. Also, the meaningfulness of one’s income is dependent on how an individual compares to those around him or her. Social comparison and the peer-based evaluation of the income amount seem to contribute to how one self-evaluates his or her position in a social class hierarchy. Also, the issue of income assumes a constant salary and income stream but does not necessarily account for the stress felt by hourly workers who live from paycheck to paycheck, with each paycheck potentially varying in amount. And what about those who live on tips? What does income tell us then? Thus, even when asking about income, it is incredibly important to understand the population or community that is being researched and ask questions that are relevant to better understanding that particular community. One final problem with using these objective indices is the implication that only those who can report on or have these indices affect and effect social class and classism. For the most part, then, based on these indices alone, it would appear that adults are the only ones who are impacted by social class and classism. And yet, some research suggests that if social class is considered a socially constructed hierarchy into which people are ascribed a particular position based on certain criteria and then treated by others to reinforce and perpetuate the hierarchy, then social class and classism may start among young children (Miech & Hauser, 2001; Tudor, 1971; Tulkin & Kagan, 1972). Young children and adolescents are keenly aware of social class differences in material possessions and are able to categorize individuals based on a rudimentary social class hierarchy. We also know that children and adolescents treat and marginalize others based on social class criteria such as shoes, clothes, transportation, and even meals. I remember as a middle-school child when I started to see my friends bring lunches to school in brown paper bags and their sandwiches in plastic bags. I thought that participating in the school lunch program was marginalizing, so I envied their brown paper bags. I wanted to be similar to my friends because I started to see the differences between the poorer children in the lunch program and those among whom I wanted to be. I had none of the adult indices that would have given me a social class, but nevertheless I was aware of social class and classism.

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Social Class and Classism in the Helping Professions

Sociology’s Impact on the Helping Profession Along with the methodological problems related to measuring and assessing social class and classism is an equally important problem of the construct. The construct of social class as it has been largely understood and examined in psychology and counseling has been a product of disciplinary importation. I argue strongly that the discipline mostly responsible for mental health’s approach to social class is sociology. Sociology is interested in the macro-level issues that impact groups and communities. It would make sense that sociology’s interest in social class and socioeconomic status (SES) is focused on the “social” or “macro” of class and status. But since the term socioeconomic-status (SES) was first used in 1883 by Lester Ward to nominally connect the social and economic aspects of people’s lives (Jones & McMillan, 2001), SES and social class have been inconsistently and mostly atheoretically used, even in the sociological literature (Oakes & Rossi, 2003). While this inconsistent and atheoretical use of social class and SES is a problem for sociology, this problem is additive for helping professionals. In making this critique of disciplinary importation, I do not intend to demean and diminish the scholarship and practice of sociology. Sociological research is critically important to me and frames parts of how I approach an understanding of social class at the individual level. I implicate sociology (writ large) and its influence on the helping professions to note specifically that the helping professions’ scholarship and science have not addressed social class and classism. And even though these are incredibly important issues and problems for people, rather than develop a framework to understand social class and classism, the helping professions have largely relied on sociology’s perspective. Finally, to a large extent, the helping professions have mostly distilled what sociology has researched into mostly incoherent and inconsistent variables. Therefore, in this brief discussion of problems related to helping professions and social class, I discuss some of the problems helping professionals have encountered in becoming more aware and knowledgeable about social class and classism. The first problem is related to confusion and inconsistencies related to methodology and terminology, which have been addressed. The second problem is related to the use of a macro-level paradigm and strategy to understand micro-level and individual-based experiences and phenomena. A parallel to our understanding of social class and classism comes from psychology and counseling’s exploration of race and racism. If psychology and counseling were to study race and racism in the same manner they have approached social class and classism, the research methods would have been focused on gradients of skin color and other phenotypical

Introduction

17

features within and between “racial” groups. Moreover, these various racial features would have been examined to determine the combinations that would effect a particular racial category. Finally, individuals within each of these “racial” categories would be ascribed some racial attitudes, identity, similarity in experiences (i.e., racism), and worldview. But the research on race and racism for helping professionals has not focused on or used this paradigm. Helping professionals recognize that skin color and other “racial” features may be related to how an individual is treated and the ways in which the individual may perceive him- or herself. For instance, in general there tends to be a prejudice toward racial and ethnic minority members whose physical features are darker and more indigenous than toward those with lighter skin and more European features (Fuertes & Gelso, 2000; Fuertes, Potere, & Ramirez, 2002). But even though there is some acknowledgment that racial features have some impact, these physical elements are likely insufficient in fully determining or organizing the individual’s racial attitudes, identity, or worldview. Helping professionals, then, do not study race and racism, but instead they focus on a psychological construct related to race and racism. Helping professionals explore an individual’s racial identity but not specifically race, and the focus is on experiences or attitudes about racism, but not specifically racism. Therefore, the construct “race” modifies the psychological phenomena under investigation. In framing a larger social issue such as racism in terms of a psychological or intra- and interpersonal construct, it becomes possible to use this “racial” knowledge for the benefit of the client. Also, psychologists may use this research and theory to better tackle societal racism. Similarly, the study of social class should also be connected to a psychological construct. Any number of mental health-related constructs could be studied such as social class acculturation, social class dissonance, social class trauma, or social class identity. By framing social class as a psychological construct, helping professionals are better positioned to explore, investigate, and integrate knowledge about the client and his or her context into counseling, therapy, and advocacy (Liu & Hernandez, 2010).

Social Class, Socioeconomic Status, Social Status, and Classism Up to this point, I have intentionally avoided operationalizing social class or any other social-based economic term. In part, the operationalizing of terms too early would have created a number of questions for the reader,

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most of which I have just addressed. But now that the argument has been laid forth for the importance of social class and classism in mental health practice and why there is a need to approach social class and classism from a psychological and counseling perspective, this foundation allows us to focus on what terms are used in this chapter and throughout the book. In defining social class, SES, social status and other terms, one assumption I work from is that there has been no clear operationalization or definition of the terms in the helping professions. Various theorists and researchers have used an array of different indicators (e.g., income, wealth, education, occupation level, occupational prestige, access to power, resources) to define the similarities or differences between social class, SES, and social status. But as Liu, Ali et al. (2004) have shown, at least in the counseling psychology literature, the more than 400 terms (e.g., poor, wealthy, after school lunch, affluent, middle class) used to implicate social class or SES constructs have often been poorly operationalized or not defined at all. Consequently, to suggest that one term in the helping profession literature is superior to another or that one term is more meaningful is not a substantial argument (Liu, 2001; Liu, Ali et al. 2004). Rather than focus on the terms, it would be more important to focus on questions such as the following: (a) What is the intention of the theory or research to be carried out? (b) What is the clinician or researcher interested in about the client or participants? and (c) How is classism linked to the “socioeconomic” term being investigated? The specific terms should follow the research intention, but always, the terms should be defined for the purposes of the research study. So, rather than attempting to establish discriminating criteria among the different terms, for the purposes of this book I will use and define social class and classism. These terms are intentionally selected because I believe they are theoretically useful and meaningful constructs. In my theory and research as a counseling psychologist, I posit that social class may be conceptualized as a psychological construct through the framework of a worldview. By worldview, I mean that social class is a type of lens through which the individual perceives the world around him or her, but also that the worldview (i.e., lens) filters the way information, experiences, and relationships are perceived by the individual. Because I am specifically interested in the “social class” worldview, I believe that individuals perceive themselves as part of an economic hierarchy and that there are in- and out-groups (Liu, in press). The out-group may be any person who does not belong to the same group, and because the person is an out-group member, he or she may be a target of marginalization and derision (i.e., classism). Being a member of a particular social class group means that the individual is also conscious of a hierarchy and his or her position and status in that hierarchy (Wright, 2002). Liu (in press) defines class as:

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A “class” is an economic group within which an individual belongs, and the individual perceives material (i.e., types of belongings, neighborhood) and nonmaterial (i.e., educational level) boundaries. The individual may observe other “classes” which are perceived to be, in subjective hierarchy, higher, lower, and at the same place (i.e., lateral) as the individual’s own class. Class mobility is possible, but only through the comprehension of the other class’s norms, values, and culture; that is, each class is perceived to have its own culture, and the further away the social class group is from the current position, the more dissonant or unfamiliar the culture is to the individual. Consequently, classism is an employed behavior and attitude, and an expected consequence as the individual attempts to navigate within and between classes. (p. 14)

With socioeconomic status (SES), Liu, Ali, et al. (2004) argue that the term often implies that an individual’s place in an economic hierarchy is temporary and in flux. The term SES may also imply that there is not necessarily any group consciousness, but instead the individual is an autonomous agent within a constantly dynamic economic environment (Liu, in press). Finally, in SES, because the individual is assumed by the researcher to be focused on social mobility, one issue may be the unequal distribution of resources as a factor in SES transitions. This inequality of resources is a result of classism exerted by other people and social forces, but because SES is focused on mobility rather than consciousness, investigating, understanding, and exploring the causes and consequences of classism may not be fully addressed. But even as I make these distinctions, I am aware that I am attempting to draw differences among terms that have been confusingly used in the past. So even here, some may argue that SES has different meanings and definitions. And I would agree. My focus here is not so much on operationalizing SES as on operationalizing social class and classism. Because the focus of social class here is on the individual’s worldview, I do not imply that social class becomes idio class (specific to individuals with no connection to context or history; Liu, in press). That is, a social class worldview does not negate the sociopolitical (e.g., unequal distribution of power), sociohistorical (e.g., biased and inaccurate histories of peoples), and sociostructural (e.g., legal, education, and economic systems) forces that marginalize, exploit, and oppress individuals (Liu & Ali, 2005). Social class, SES, or any of the other ways an individual understands and interacts with his or her economic context needs to be understood within various interdependent systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Liu & Ali, 2008). Thus, while helping professionals, psychologists, and counselors are interested in the idiosyncratic ways in which individuals perceive their social class contexts, social class is always dependent on multiple and simultaneous macro-level operations (some of which favor and some of which disadvantage the individual). These operations are typically not within the agency of the individual to impact or change in toto.

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Heretofore, I have attempted to link the terms social class and classism. I have surmised that the terms hierarchy, status, class, and position all tacitly imply that there exists a gradient of “more” and “less” and of those who are “higher” and those who are “lower.” In our current economic system, and for the foreseeable future, it seems that inequality and stratification will continue if not increase in magnitude. These disparities are a cause and consequence of classism and inequality and I suggest that there are likely to be individuals within our social and economic spheres of life who are benefitting from and are committed to perpetuating these inequalities. Therefore, social class or any other socioeconomic term implies a hierarchy that can only exist with the presence of classism. It would be fair, then, to conclude that social class and classism are interdependent and coconstructed, that one cannot exist or persist without the other. Consider, for instance, that the meaningfulness of racial categories cannot exist independent of racism. Theoretically, it would be important to develop theories that illuminate and explain how both social class and classism operate in synthesis (i.e., the Social Class Worldview Model–Revised; Liu, in press). Based on these assumptions and the operationalization of social class and linking it with classism, I will present the Social Class Worldview Model–Revised (SCWM–R) later in the book and connect it to counseling and other helping professional interventions, training, and education.

Social Class and Classism Multicultural Competencies Presenting social class and classism as multicultural competencies should be simple. Social class and classism are often mentioned as being among the three cultural constructs (race, social class, and gender) of which helping professionals need to be aware. To start, a basic premise is that helping professionals need to develop knowledge, awareness, and skills in social class and classism as well as in the areas of knowing the client, knowing one’s own biases and worldview, and knowing how to effectively employ culturally based interventions (Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992), therapy relationships, and multicultural research (Liu, Sheu, & Hall, 2004). But in developing multicultural competencies in this area, helping professionals should consider the wide array of social class worldviews and look for ways to address clients across the entire economic spectrum. Developing one’s multicultural competency in working with people who are poor or impoverished is likely supported by the extant theoretical and empirical literature. Vast amounts of research and theoretical literature exist, and rightly so. I will not reiterate here the psychological,

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health-related, developmental, occupational, and systemic problems faced by people who are poor since (a) these issues are discussed throughout this book, and (b) most people may already have some sense that the disadvantages faced by people who are poor are significant and deleterious. But in understanding a wide array of social class worldviews, those who may be affluent or middle class (Liu et al. 2007) may warrant some consideration. In no way do I mean that those who are poor, middle class, and affluent are equal in any meaningful way, but I do believe helping professionals need to develop approaches and frameworks to understand and effectively work with clients from across the economic spectrum. For instance, the contingencies that may create and perpetuate substance use and abuse for those who are poor versus the affluent may be different (Luthar & D’Avanzo, 1999), and it would be necessary to understand these different contexts in developing culturally congruent interventions. One other issue related to multicultural competencies and social class and classism relates to the appreciation of cultures. In most multicultural counseling training, one way to help students develop their interest in other cultures is to help them learn ways to appreciate, not just tolerate, cultures and cultural differences. Food fairs, cultural festivals, and invited speakers are ways in which this appreciation for cultures is developed. But how might one go about appreciating social class and classism? Is appreciating social class the same thing as appreciating disparities, stratification, and inequality? In appreciating any cultural group or groups, one must understand the sociopolitical, sociohistorical, and sociostructural contexts within which these cultural groups exist. One could not appreciate Native American cultures if one did not understand well the genocide and cultural obliteration these nations faced since the first European explorers set foot in the Americas. Appreciating Native Americans and their cultures necessarily implies confronting this history and seeing the ways in which Native American cultures have persisted and in some cases flourished within this context. Racism is inherently, if not explicitly, a part of how an individual must appreciate cultures, and in many situations, racism is an issue in which one must understand his or her culpability and responsibility. Social class and classism may be easily appreciated within this similar cultural framework, but because social class does not implicate one singular group but a cultural affect, one has to find ways in which social class and classism have impacted a particular group and the ways in which the group has coped, survived, and flourished. I mean cultural affect and effect because, unlike race and gender, there are no apparent physical features or markers for most people, and thus, social class as a cultural construct is much more difficult to identify. But that being said, appreciating the

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cultural diversity related to social class is an imperative for multiculturally competent helping professionals. Finally, understanding oneself as a culturally constructed and influenced being, especially a social-classed individual, is an important dimension of multicultural competency. I elaborate on this later in the book, but I think it is important to mention a few aspects related to this self-knowledge. The helping professional should understand his or her worldview, biases, expectations, and distortions. I believe one potential place to start is with a self-audit of sorts in which the helping professional explores the social class traumas that may have impacted and influenced his or her life. These might be personal traumas experienced by the individual such as bullying, teasing, or abuse related to social class. But these traumas may also be related to being in a situation such as violence and poverty and are certainly related to family dynamics and conflict. I do believe it is possible that individuals across the social class hierarchy (both poor and rich) may be able to report on these experiences. And I feel that supervisors and teachers should help their students and trainees articulate these histories as a means to develop multicultural competency.

Conclusion and Summary Social class and classism are important constructs in the helping professions, but because of cultural taboos in discussing these topics, methodological inconsistencies, and theoretical confusion, these constructs have been not well integrated into research and clinical work. In part, there are cultural prohibitions against talking about social class and classism, but also, some individuals simply lack language and experience in talking about these constructs. For helping professionals who are interested in better understanding their clients and in looking for ways to integrate social class and classism into their practices, there is a need to shift from macro-level constructions of social class and toward more subjective and phenomenological approaches. We know that social class and classism are implicated across the lifespan, and children start early in discriminating among social class groups. Because classism starts early, it would be important for helping professionals to have a way of framing these problems and experiences and interventions to explore and understand these issues. Since there is a lack of theory and research on social class for the helping professions, the purpose of this book is to present and discuss the theoretical and empirical literature on social class and to present a theory that links a person’s social class worldview and classism experiences.

2 Social Class, Classism, and Mental and Physical Health As a psychodynamic psychologist, I am always interested in my countertransference. Countertransference is essentially the unconscious reactions, distortions, and biases we may have toward others. Countertransference cannot just be explored because of its unconscious nature. Instead, for many psychologists, being aware and sensitive to extreme personal reactions, and being willing to understand the root of these feelings is at the core of analyzing countertransference.

My countertransference was triggered one afternoon while I was washing the dishes and I had some cable news channel playing in the background. My focus was on the dishes and I was tangentially attending to the news when one item stopped me. Two teenagers were filing a lawsuit against McDonald’s for making them obese (Santora, 2002). From the reports, the teenagers did not realize that a McMuffin in the morning and a Big Mac, Super Sized fries, Super Size Coke, and apple pie (total calories: 1,600) in the evening would make them fat. They just did not know. My countertransferential anger was intellectualized as, “How doesn’t one know that all that McDonald’s food would make you fat?” And I caught myself. Well, that’s right, how would they know? Where would they learn that 1,600 calories for one meal is exorbitant?

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How would they know what a calorie was and how it is used metabolically? Even if this information was posted in McDonald’s, how does a person make sense of it? Finally, what are the alternatives for these children? It just was not sufficient to avoid these legitimate questions to blame the children alone for lack of willpower, discipline, or self-control. Instead, there are critical issues related to their behavior that help explain and contextualize how and what people do.

In February 2009 on ABC News, Diane Sawyer reported on children living in poverty in rural Appalachia in a show called “A Hidden America: Children of the Mountains.” One of the segments that caught my attention was the problem of “Mountain Dew mouth.” This dental problem is enamel decay due to chronic consumption of the soda Mountain Dew (Kitchens & Owens, 2008; von Fraunhofer, 2004). The resulting dental problems were lost teeth, enamel decay, discoloration, and, of course, poor health habits. Mountain Dew was not just a childhood or adolescent drink or an occasional beverage; it was sometimes used in baby bottles in place of regular milk. As a father, I knew of Mountain Dew mouth, but seeing it was astounding. Even more, considering it to be a viable drink option for a small child seemed unfathomable. But it made sense in a way—Mountain Dew was cheaper than formula or regular milk. And Mountain Dew didn’t need to be refrigerated, so it could be kept anywhere.

I

f you were interested in understanding social class or socioeconomic status and did a literature review on most social science search engines, the likelihood is that the vast majority of literature you would review would be focused on some aspect of health. Thanks to the enormous contributions of those in health psychology, ecological psychology, and epidemiology, to name a few, we have considerable empirical and theoretical literature that has found strong relationships, if not causal links, between poor mental and physical health and being poor. The reason it is so important to review and understand this literature as helping professionals is because helping professionals need to take a biopsychosocial approach or a holistic (including spiritual) understanding of the mental health concerns of clients and patients (Suls & Rothman, 2004). Additionally, the health-related literature provides clues on how context creates conditions that may affect physical health and exacerbate mental health problems, and this literature sets the foundation for

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different methodologies and theories (i.e., subjective and/or phenomenological approaches) that may be used to better understand and explore the meaning of social class and classism in people’s lives. We know that social class and classism are external, contextual, and situational. We understand social class in terms of inequality, poverty, affluence, and wealth. But how do these issues affect the ways we live, our mental health, and our relationships? That is, the larger question is how does social class “get under our skin” (Adler & Ostrove, 2006)? To start, social class and classism represent a diversity of variables that directly and indirectly influence or are strongly related to a person’s, and his or her community’s, mental and physical health (Isaacs & Schroeder, 2004). It is impossible to identify one cause that leads to poor physical or mental health, but instead, the array of factors should be seen as cumulative problems; each factor or cause is additive to the physical, contextual, and psychological burdens some people carry. Depending on exposure, duration, intensity, and chronicity, people may develop different thresholds for when poor health may be expressed. For some individuals, the threshold is low, so fewer of these problems may trigger a single health problem, and for others, a single health problem starts a cascade of concerns and problems. The important piece for helping professionals to remember is that often by the time clients seek help, these problems may have been occurring for some time, so there is unlikely any easy or simple remedy for some of these entrenched problems. This chapter focuses on the effect social class and classism have on people’s physical and mental health. This chapter will describe how a context of inequality impacts people’s health. I will also discuss how the social class gradient is related to health and how a person’s sense of control over his or her situation and environment relate to health. One specific area of focus in this chapter is the issue of malnutrition and obesity and how these problems are often exacerbated by living in poor conditions and growing up poor. I focus on these specific health problems because many helping professionals are unaware of the relationship of eating to mental health. And while much is being made in the media about the obesity crisis, helping professionals may not be aware of how they may find a role in helping people in this situation. Finally, I will discuss mental health concerns and implications for helping professionals.

The Context of Social Class and Classism As I write this book in the latter half of 2009 and early 2010, the American economy has experienced the greatest economic decline in decades with layoffs, foreclosures, and business and bank closings. Increasing inequality

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and poverty have also created conditions for “a dramatic upsurge in severe poverty” (Woolf, Johnson, & Geiger, 2006, p. 335). And while some of the super-rich have lost some of their affluence and wealth (Leonhardt & Fabrikant, 2009), those in the top 10% of the income hierarchy still earned 11.4 times as much as those living in poverty ($138,000 versus $12,000) (Associated Press, 2009). In fact, the 2008–2009 recession affected the middle and lowest social classes the worst and tended to spare those in the upper income brackets (Associated Press, 2009). So, with all the economic problems, helping professionals should anticipate an increase in psychological distress, and this is exactly what was found in the American Psychological Association (2008) report on Stress in America. Researchers discovered that money and the economy now are the leading causes of stress for 8 out of 10 Americans. Supporting these findings, another report by the Pew Research Center (2008) found that middle-class Americans did not believe they were moving forward in their lives and felt “stuck.” Interestingly, the Pew study also found that even in this context of economic duress, these Americans in the study also reported spending and borrowing more money to live. Consequently, the “median debt-to-income ratio for middle income adults increased from .45 in 1983 to 1.19 in 2004” (p. 6) and suggests many may still be living above their economic means. Still, for some, “down-shifting”—being less materialistic and less focused on upward mobility (Schor, 2000, 2004)—may be difficult. It may be that spending has been equated with being happy, but there is virtually nothing that tells or guides individuals about what amount of money is adequate for living happily or healthfully (Morris, Donkin, Wonderling, Wilkinson, & Dowler, 2000). As a result, for some with limited healthy psychological coping skills, their distress may be compounded by the situation and their own behaviors. I mention this because when we examine economic distress in the context of a recession, understanding psychological distress means that the helping professional needs to also consider the positive and negative behaviors in which people engage. It is not a simple direct relationship between a context of recession and psychological distress. Instead, helping professionals need to consider the mediating and moderating behaviors and attitudes that people sometimes engage in that work against the person’s best self-interest. Moreover, by the context of social class and classism, I refer to the societal systems (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1986; Robert, 1999) and the social structures (legal-educational, historical, and social) (Liu & Ali, 2005) that create inequality. This inequality materializes in people’s lives through unequal distribution of resources, wealth, and access to power. Even though poverty (near poverty and extreme poverty) has significant and negative effects on mental and physical health, it is important to understand that

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beyond individual-level attributions, societal-level inequality has a greater and more profound impact on people’s health. As Babones (2008) concludes in his study of income inequality, “It can be concluded that there is a strong, consistent, statistically significant, non-artifactual correlation between national income inequality and population health” (p. 1614). Therefore, the greater the inequality in a society (where the rich are extraordinarily rich and poor are unimaginably poor), the more healthrelated problems one should find. Adler (2009) also suggests that inequality is specific to a context (or country); that relative income and not absolute income is a stronger factor in a person’s health. That is, across countries, the absolute value of a person’s income may differ (an American dollar is still worth more than many currencies, so an income of $10,000 in the United States is likely different than $10,000 in a developing nation) but even though “individuals in the United States have higher incomes than do middle-income individuals in less affluent countries, . . . they do not necessarily have better health” (p. 667). For example, in the United States, one indicator of health in a community is life expectancies. In one area of Montgomery County, Maryland, for instance, poor Black men have a life expectancy of 57 years versus rich White men, who have a life expectancy of 76.7 years (Marmot, 2006). And while research shows that life expectancies have increased for all groups regardless of social class, those in the top tier of society have seen their gains grow more and faster than those in the bottom tiers (Singh & Siahpush, 2006). Thus, it is possible to point to improvements among those who are poor, but as the Matthew Effect demonstrates (the rich and wealthy, because of their position and privilege, will always get more from societal gains than those who are poor), the gains by the rich still outpace those of the poor and the chasm continues to grow (Bakersman-Dranenburg, van IJzendoorn, & Bradley, 2005). Life expectancy disparities may result from living in inequality and poverty, which increases rates of disease and consequently decreases life expectancy. From the national to the state to the neighborhood level, these inequalities affect the individual. Neighborhoods are divided into safe and unsafe spaces, and for those living in the unsafe spaces, their health suffers from exposure to violence, toxins, and environmental stress. For instance, in one study, Chen and Paterson (2006) found that adolescent self-rated health, body mass index (BMI), blood pressure, and cortisol levels were related to neighborhood level and family socioeconomic conditions. Poor family and neighborhood socioeconomic conditions were related to psychological stressors such as experiences with hostility and discrimination (Chen & Paterson, 2006). Thus, the feedback circuitry for poor health is external and environmental, but it is also related to our perceptions and capacity to cope with these stressors and how our bodies respond in kind.

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Thus, being poor and living in poor neighborhoods that are perceived to be unsafe is part of the process by which ecological inequality permeates into the individual. There are also interpersonal consequences for inequality that affect our physical health. In our relationships, inequality creates conditions for perpetuating discrimination and prejudice, and these marginalizing experiences are likely related to disrespect of others (Miller, 2001). In a situation where there is high income inequality, there are significantly decreased positive social interactions because these inequalities (Sapolsky, 2005b). In these environments, people are likely to feel poor and are made to feel poor by others, and thus there is an increase in psychological distress (Sapolsky, 2005b). Individuals who perceive inequality and unfairness are likely to also experience “increased coronary events and impaired health” (De Vogli, Ferrie, Chandola, Kivimaki, & Marmot, 2007, p. 513). Therefore, just living in and seeing unfairness creates conditions of psychological distress and problems with health. Furthermore, these forms of disrespect and injustice foment anger and frustration, which eventually impact the person’s self-esteem and relationships with others (Miller, 2001). As Pascoe and Richman (2009) discuss in their review of literature on health and perceived discrimination, individuals have increased stress responses in the face of perceived discrimination and are less likely to participate in healthy behaviors. In fact the chronic physiological response by the body when confronted with stress is likely to have deteriorative effects on the body. As McEwen (1998) has pointed out, people’s stress response is adaptive at first and allows the person to be vigilant against possible threats, but over time, the physiological response to chronic stress is deleterious to the individual’s body. That is, the elevated and “sustained levels of the stress response hormones, glucocorticoid and catecholamine, adaptive in normal levels, may also accelerate the disease process” (p. 544). Additionally, chronic stress increases hypertension; inhibits digestion, tissue repair, and ovulation; and impairs cognition (Sapolsky, 2005b). So there is a pattern such that environmental inequality affects neighborhoods, families, and individuals, and these marginalizations and hostile interactions create interpersonal conflict. Sustained conflict implies increased and chronic distress and stress, and consequently there are physiological as well as psychological effects (Sapolsky, 2005a). Thus, improving physical and psychological health may be a matter of both decreasing inequality and increasing economic growth (Pickett & Wilkinson, 2007; Ram, 2005). That is, it is important to lift people out of desperate situations and provide more resources but also to close the gap between rich and poor.

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The Social Class Health Gradient Research suggests that being in poverty, living in inequality, and being in low-income situations are related to a wide range of health-related problems. For instance, these individuals tend to less frequently use health care services and receive poorer-quality care (Asch et al., 2006; Hopps & Liu, 2006); have higher infant mortality (Singh & Kogan, 2007); have poorer actual and self-rated physical health (Mackenbach et al., 2008); have increased rates of cardiovascular disease (Winkleby, Kraemer, Ahn, & Varady, 1998); have increased risk of heart problems (Kareholt, 2001); have increased rates of cancer risk, treatment, and survival (Brown et al., 2001; Robbins, Whittemore, & Thom, 2000); infrequently use mental health services (Garland, Lau, Yeh, McCabe, Hough, & Landsverk, 2005); and have increased levels of functional physical limitations (Minkler, Fuller-Thompson, & Guralnik, 2006). Inequality is also related to poor physical health (Kunst et al., 2005; Smith & Brunner, 1997), and those who perceive themselves to live in poor neighborhoods tend to also have negative health indicators such as high body mass index (BMI) and higher prevalence of depression (Schaefer-McDaniel, 2009), as well as experiences with hostility and discrimination (Chen & Paterson, 2006). Along with objective inequality (i.e., income), even perceived and subjective evaluations of inequality or disadvantage are related to poorer self-rated health (Haines, Godley, Hawe, & Shiell, 2009). Thus, perceiving oneself as low status may be related to poorer health (Schnittker & McLeod, 2005). For instance, cardiovascular risk among women with lower subjective social status was related to having “less healthy dietary and exercise behaviors” (Ghaed & Gallo, 2007, p. 668). Being poor and working class also increases the likelihood that one will be employed in hazardous and dangerous work that leads to increased risk of fatalities, serious injuries, and debilitation (Young, Meryn, & Treadwell, 2008). For many employed in these occupations, the health insurance safety net is either absent or very thin, so injuries on the job can quickly lead to bankruptcies and homelessness. Living in poverty and existing in conditions of inequality also mean problems with stable employment, which affects not only income but also health insurance and coverage. Furthermore, psychological stressors parents experience also permeate the home. Research suggests that parents who find themselves out of work for long periods are also likely to have adolescents who rate themselves poor on self-rated health questions (Sleskova et al., 2006). So parental economic distress and duress is felt by everyone in the familial system. The research mentioned here gives a glimpse into the many factors contributing to people’s poor health. Most people may understand intuitively that higher income and ranking in social class tend to be related

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to better health. Reasons people are likely to cite for this gradient may be access to health care, preventative care, better schools, less violent environments, and better nutrition. These suppositions would be partially correct. There is a health gradient such that the higher one is on the social class hierarchy, the more likely one is to have better actual and self-reported health (Adler, Boyce, Chesney, Cohen, Folkman, Kahn, & Syme, 1994; Adler & Snibbe, 2003). In part, those higher in the economic hierarchy are likely to have better preventative treatment, interventions, access to health care, and use of available resources (Hopps & Liu, 2006). Furthermore, it is not just being wealthy that is related to better health; research generally suggests that the longer one is wealthy, the more likely one will have better health (Benzeval & Judge, 2001). Given that wealth and health are related, there are potentially racial differences. Racially, the group that typically is seen at the higher end of the health gradient is still overwhelmingly White, married, high in education, and employed in professional work (Lee & Marlay, 2007). And it is the affluent Whites who are likely to receive more and better overall health care (Daniels, Noe, & Mayberry, 2006; Fiscella, Franks, Gold, & Clancy, 2000). Thus, the research suggests that being wealthy and White potentially is related to better health, in part because of access to health care and avoidance of toxic and violent situations, but also because being affluent and White confers privilege and power and possibly a sense of control over one’s situation.

Sense of Control Those people growing up and living in wealth and affluence are likely to have a better sense of control and higher expectations of control in their lives (Sapolsky, 2005b). Conversely, those in lower social classes are less likely to perceive their illnesses as controllable (Maher & Kroska, 2002). Being able to predict or have a sense of control over the cause of psychological distress may have an incredible impact on one’s body. As Marmot (2006) suggested, along with all the other potential causes of disease and mortality, there is a psychosocial variable related to one’s health. Psychosocial stress and the perception of control may also be related to the onset and course of any particular illness (Sapolsky, 2005b). Marmot (2006) posits that a “status syndrome” (p. 1304) exists such that the higher the perceived social position of the individual, the better the individual’s self-rated health. To support this idea, Marmot examined data from the Whitehall study of British Civil Servants in the 1970s and the rates of coronary heart disease (CHD) among these workers. Originally, British health officials believed CHD was related to affluence because CHD was supposed to be caused by stress and an affluent lifestyle.

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Yet in examining the data from the workers, the researchers found that while the top third had high rates of CHD, the second third had higher rates than the top third, and the lowest third had even higher rates than the top two groups. Even when access to health care and unhealthy lifestyles were controlled and accounted for, these results persisted. The researchers posited that the individual who is lowest in social status is least likely to feel that his/her “fundamental human needs for autonomy and to be integrated into society will be met. [And] failure to meet these needs leads to metabolic and endocrine changes that in turn lead to increased risk of disease” (p. 1304). What Marmot is alluding to is the sense of control an individual perceives and its potential relationship to health. It is the feeling of not being valued and not having much agency over one’s environment that may be related to poorer health. In another study on self-control among workers, Christie and Barling (2009) examined national data on Canadian employees. They found that the less perceived personal control an individual has over his or her work environment, the more likely that individual will experience deleterious effects of work stress. This particular variable of perceived personal control is one factor that is related to the cumulative effects of low income and low occupational prestige over a lifetime. So even though higher-status workers and occupations may report work demands and stress, perceived control in their work environment may be higher and thus the demands are not as deleterious or perceived to be noxious by the individual. In essence, higherstatus workers “are afforded greater substantive and social luxuries, such as money, power, and opportunity, the benefits of which are far reaching” (Christie & Barling, 2009, p. 1467). Lachman and Weaver (1998) also examined the relationship among sense of control, social class, and well-being and found that among those in the lowest social classes, those who had a sense of control, believed they had some efficacy in their environment, and believed other people did not limit or constrain them had self-rated health and well-being at similar levels to those in the highest social class groups. These same individuals were likely to report better health, more life satisfaction, and fewer depressive symptoms (Lachman & Weaver, 1998). Other research further suggests that people who report a “higher” subjective social class standing may have positive health outcomes. One study found that endorsing a higher subjective social class had a role in protecting against adiposity (i.e., fat tissue) in adolescent girls (Lemeshow, Fisher, Goodman, Kawachi, Berkey, & Colditz, 2008). In other words, the girls in this study who rated themselves low on subjective social class had 69% higher odds of having a higher BMI than girls who rated themselves higher in subjective social class (Lemeshow et al., 2008). Thus, seeing oneself

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in a lower social class position seems to be related to increased odds of having body fat. Another study by Cohen, Alper, Doyle, Adler, Treanor, and Turner (2008) even found evidence that higher subjective social class, independent of objective indices of social class (absolute income, education level, or occupation), was related to decreased chances of getting the common cold. Thus, there is some evidence to suggest that individuals who have some sense of control and capacity to predict what will happen in their environment may have better self-rated health. This is not to disregard or diminish the severe impact of being poor, because those who are poor already start with certain health burdens in comparison to those in wealthier statuses. Along with understanding the health gradient, it is important for helping professionals to integrate other factors that may impact the client’s health. While there may be many factors that impact a client’s overall health, I identify two facets that I believe helping professionals do not often consider. The first facet I discuss is the impact of a toxic environment and how it may be related to a person’s health. Related to the environment is the problem of obesity and nutrition, the second facet. Focusing on obesity and nutrition may seem obtuse as a helping professional consideration, but as an aspect of a person’s overall physical and mental health, obesity and nutrition are important contributing variables.

Environmental Toxicity, Health, and Social Class Most people are able to determine social class differences within their neighborhoods. Driving around a particular city or town, one may even come across the “over the train tracks” changes in neighborhoods. On one side of the tracks is a nicely manicured, clean, and quiet community. Crossing the tracks, though, brings people to a whole new dilapidated community that may be only a short distance from the manicured side. Some call this change in context and ecology a form of environmental racism (Bullard, 1993) because those who live on the “wrong side of the tracks” tend to be overwhelmingly people of color and low income. I would strongly agree with this sentiment. These divisions between neighborhoods are likely formed through racism and discrimination (i.e., redlining), and often result in individuals living in these situations with poor housing, poor neighborhoods (lack of maintained roads, sidewalks), and toxic environments (power lines, sewage, pest infestations). This form of environmental racism might also be considered environmental classism because most people in these situations are poor and people of color. These poor environments only exacerbate and add to the vulnerabilities for many of these community members who are trying to become and remain successful and healthy.

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As I mentioned, one manifest way inequality impacts people’s lives is through exposure to toxins and environmental assaults that are not likely to be present or are less frequently found in more affluent neighborhoods. Odds are that poor, impoverished, low-income individuals tend to live in environments where their exposure to environmental toxins is higher than that of the affluent (Allen, 2001). These toxins are both material (e.g., lead, toxic chemicals, pesticides; Dilworth-Bart & Moore, 2006) and ambient (e.g., high noise level, crowding; Evans, 2004; Evans, Gonnella, Marcynyszyn, Gentile, & Salpekar, 2005), and the combination is toxic and corrosive to both body and mind. For example, low-income individuals, especially children who live in situations of chaos (e.g., lacking structure and routine, high ambient noise, crowding) may have high levels of psychological distress, learned helplessness, and problematic behaviors (Boyle & Lipman, 2002; Evans, 2004, 2006; Evans & English, 2002; Evans, Gonnella, Marcynyszyn, Gentile, & Salpekar, 2005). Additionally, exposure to chronic poverty and other risk factors (e.g., poor housing and family chaos) appears to have a deleterious effect on children’s physiology— for example, increased cortisol levels and dysregulated cardiovascular response to stress (Evans & Kim, 2007). Finally, exposure to these toxins dramatically impacts these poor communities because people in disadvantaged communities have fewer doctor visits, have fewer chances of diseases being detected, and have less access to treatments and interventions. Exposure to toxins such as lead, especially among children, can have long-term neurological and cognitive consequences such as developmental delays (Bellinger, 2008). In one study on air pollution in New York City, nonsmoking Black and Dominican American women whose children were exposed prenatally to air pollution (i.e., airborne polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons [PAH] that are released during incomplete combustion of fossil fuel, tobacco, and other organics; this is the dark-black sooty exhaust coming from buses and trucks) were found to have lower full-scale IQ and verbal scores than those less exposed to PAHs (Perera et al., 2009). Exposure to air pollutants seems to interact with being in low economic situations to create a situation that is related to children performing lower on standardized intelligence tests. It is unclear how PAHs impact the IQ directly, but there is evidence now to suggest that early and long-term exposure has consequences. What this means is that having children who start early with poor health tends to suggest that they may have higher probabilities of becoming unhealthy adults (Evans & Kim, 2007). Finally, another form of environmental classism is poor or substandard housing as well as living in segregated housing (Evans et al., 2005). Those who are poor tend to live in housing that is more crowded, and this reduced living space is related to elevated psychological stress (Evans, 2006). Poor

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housing (apartment or house, rental or owned) also may mean poorer or older construction, and this may expose children to materials that leak toxicity into the home (e.g., toxic fumes), are toxic or dangerous if ingested (e.g., lead-based paint or water pipes), as well as problems with pest infestations (e.g., flies, cockroaches, mice, and rats). Additionally, these homes may be poorly kept and maintained, and because of the lack of money, owners and renters may have problems repairing or replacing damaged parts of the home. All these aspects of environmental classism are important for the helping professional to consider because these problems set the baseline from which individuals may regard their health. Some of the prenatal aspects as well as the general environmental toxicity (e.g., airborne PAH) are clearly out of the individual’s ability to control, but all of them may have had some impact on the individual’s development. For helping professionals, it may be important and necessary to assess for exposure to environmental classism to develop a full bio-psycho-social conceptualization of the client.

Social Class, Malnutrition, Obesity, and Health Another sometimes overlooked cause and consequence of inequality and mental health is nutrition. Intuitively, helping professionals may assume that if one is poor or low income, the person is less likely to eat, eat well, and eat healthfully. In part this is true, but exploring the literature on this simple subject exposes the complex relationship among being poor and malnutrition, obesity, and health. For health professionals interested in taking a holistic approach to working with clients and patients, it is important to understand how context shapes physiology and mental illness. Quite simply, there is a relationship between an individual’s social class, health, diet, and weight. In particular, a socioeconomic gradient exists between diet and education and income, such that the higher one’s income and education, the more likely the individual will have a healthy diet (Darmon & Drewnowski, 2008; Drewnowski & Specter, 2004) and even value thinness (Sobal & Stunkard, 1989). On the other end of the economic spectrum are those who are poor and near poor. For these individuals, access to adequate and healthy food is constantly a problem. For example, in a recent study, researchers were alarmed about finding that almost half of all children between 1 and 20 years old will experience some period on food stamps (Rank & Hirschl, 2009). For some children, this will be a chronic and long-term problem, and for others, they will only have a transitory period on food stamps. But being on food stamps is only reflecting a larger problem of Americans not having adequate food (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2009). Surprisingly, in 2008, one in five children will have been

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in a household without adequate food, and nearly 15% of all Americans will not have had adequate food (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2009). Before delving too far into this topic, some points of clarification must be made and some limitations must be addressed. First, I purposely differentiate between hunger and malnutrition in this discussion. Certainly there are sectors in the United States where children, adults, and families are pervasively hungry and in want of food (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004). This food deprivation has its own biological and physical consequences such as poor neurological development in children, adults who are underweight (which is especially pernicious for pregnant mothers), and a psychological fear of not having food or access to food (i.e., food insecurity). Second, there is ample evidence that investigates the racial and ethnic differences in obesity. For instance, obesity seems to be more prevalent and persistent in certain low-income racial minority groups such as American Indian/ Native American children, where it is twice as common when compared to White and Asian American children (Anderson & Whitaker, 2009; Delva, O’Malley, & Johnston, 2006), and because of the scope of this chapter, much of this literature is not addressed directly. Therefore, the reader should keep in mind that racial and ethnic differences may be an issue in some of the literature reviewed. And third, in relation to racial and ethnic differences, helping professionals would need to be sensitive to different cultural values, parenting styles, and values around eating, diet, and obesity (Chamberlin, Sherman, Jain, Powers, & Whitaker, 2002; McLaren & Kuh, 2004). Furthermore, some aesthetic norms for body shapes may not be representative of how other cultural groups value size and proportions, and there are cultural and geographic differences with respect to preferences for type and amount of food, and consumption patterns (communal, familial, and individual). For Americans, one of the most pressing health problems today is obesity and other health sequelae (e.g., diabetes, cardiovascular problems) related to malnutrition or poor nutrition. To begin, obesity is typically defined in relation to body mass index, which is an individual’s weight in relation to his/her height (kg/m2). Being overweight is classified as having a BMI > 25, and being obese is > 30 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000). Please note that there are problems with using only BMI as an index of obesity because this index does not consider differences in muscle mass, which weighs more than body fat. Thus, people with higher muscle mass in relation to height may be considered obese by this index. But given the wide use of the BMI criteria at this moment, we can use this as a general framework to understand obesity. What may contribute to obesity? Some suggest that the obesity epidemic is related to an individual’s lack of self-control (Offer, 2006). That is, in a

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consumerist society, why not expect people to indulge their material and gastric preferences? Others would argue that health inequalities and poor health are related to the individual intelligence (Gottfredson & Deary, 2004). In other words, individuals who have low intelligence may have problems with self-care, problem solving, and evaluating risky behaviors (Gottfredson & Deary, 2004); it may be that having a low IQ may be related to poor health behaviors such as not reading nutrition labels, considering the relationship of exercise to health, or having access to adequate health care. Of course, one of the risky and unhealthy behaviors may be eating calorie-dense and rich foods without much concern for long-term physical consequences. And some research does suggest that there is a relationship between high obesity rates and populations who are the most impoverished and least educated (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004). Assuming that IQ is directly related to health behaviors may be an oversimplification of complex interactions and dynamics among a number of variables. Also, it may not be IQ that is related to obesity but the person’s level of education. In a recent report by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s Commission to Build a Healthier America (2009), the researchers found that level of education was related to health. Specifically, an increase in the number of years of schooling and education was positively related to better health outcomes (longer life, more exercise, avoiding tobacco, and regular health care). More education by the parents also positively affected children as well (e.g., decrease in infant mortality). It seems that higher education may be related to more knowledge about health and healthy behaviors, higher levels of employment and income, and a better sense of control over one’s environment, higher social standing, and better social support. Overall, the findings also suggest that higher educational level and better health can be transmitted intergenerationally so that educational, economic, and health benefits become advantages. Therefore, focusing only on these internal dispositions and intelligence belies not only the significant impact of education and income but also of poverty on health behaviors and the individual’s propensity toward obesity and other problems of poor nutrition. Focusing on self-control or intelligence does not address objective problems such as the price of food and healthy eating (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004). Additionally, self-control and intellect do not address the legacy of poverty and inequality for some individuals and the impact of hunger and food insecurity (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004) with respect to overconsumption, malnutrition, and eventually obesity. Malnutrition is directly linked to hunger because an individual who does not have the necessary caloric or nutrient intake per day is at risk of a whole array

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of acute and chronic physical problems. But for those in poverty, malnutrition is not necessarily related to caloric intake. Instead, an interesting paradox results among those in poor and impoverished settings. Among those who are poor, the access to and preference for energy-dense (high-calorie) foods is not only easy but also frequently ideal (Darmon & Drewnowski, 2008; Drewnowski & Specter, 2004). That is, the cost per serving for these energy-dense foods is so low that these foods are often the most attractive in comparison to foods with more nutrients (e.g., whole grains) and fresh fruits and vegetables (Darmon & Drewnowski, 2008; Drewnowski & Specter, 2004; Reed, Fazao & Itskowitz, 2004). The energy-dense foods tend to be composed of “refined grains, added sugars, or fats . . . [and] the high energy density and palatability of sweets and fats are associated with higher energy intakes” (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004, p. 6). Consuming these high calorie foods makes sense from the perspective of food insecurity because these foods are more affordable and more prudent purchases than “diets based on lean meats, fish, fresh vegetables, and fruit” (p. 6). Consequently, as income decreases, individuals tend to eat less expensive foods while attempting to maintain the same energy level (Darmon & Drewnowski, 2008; Drewnowski & Specter, 2004). Related to food insecurity and mental health are recent research findings that suggest those families living in poverty and who experience food insecurity may also have mothers who have mental health concerns (Melchoir et al., 2009). The research suggests that not only are low-income mothers living in unstable and unpredictable environments that may trigger maternal mental health problems such as depression or psychosis, but maternal depression, for instance, is also related to creating conditions for children’s feelings of food insecurity. Mothers who are depressed, for example, are less likely to make meals or shop for food. These low-income mothers may also find themselves in abusive relationships and lack access to money and transportation, all of which contribute to the problems of food insecurity and potentially malnutrition. Therefore, there are extrafamilial causes to food insecurity as well as within-family factors of which helping professionals need to be aware. Living in these situations of stress also may produce weight gain. Research on rats under stress (i.e., exposure to cold and aggression) has shown that the sympathetic nerves release a neuropeptide Y (NPY) and its receptors such that there is a positive feedback mechanism to increase abdominal fat as a survival mechanism (Kuo et al., 2007). While rats are not human, of course, the research does suggest a potential link between psychological stress and the induction of the body to create fat, in particular abdominal fat. Evidence supporting this position comes from a review of the empirical literature that found some limited evidence that “depression, hostility, and

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anger [may] predict increased risk for the metabolic syndrome” (i.e., central adiposity or fat and insulin resistance; Goldbacher & Matthews, 2007, p. 240). Thus, it is not just individual choices and dispositions that are related to poor health and being overweight; existing in situations of chronic stress (i.e., poverty) may also contribute to a high BMI. What we also know is that those who live in lower-income, poor, and impoverished neighborhoods face a number of environmental factors that contribute to their poor health (Larson, Story, & Nelson, 2009). These communities, both rural and urban, tend to have fewer supermarkets available to them and yet have higher rates of liquor, convenience stores, and tobacco outlets (Asumda & Jordan, 2009; Chuang, Cubbin, Ahn, & Winkleby, 2005; Cubbin & Winkleby, 2007; Darmon & Drewnowski, 2008; Inagami, Cohen, Finch, & Asch, 2006; Moore & Diez Roux, 2006; Theall, Scribner, Cohen, Bluthenthal, Schonlau, & Farley, 2009). The problem of the increasing number of liquor stores is the effect it has on relationships in the neighborhood. Research suggests that increases in the number of liquor stores are related to decreases in social capital or social networks (Theall et al., 2009). Reduced social networks likely mean poorer neighborly relationships and thus, for the individual, fewer social support resources to use and access when the person is in duress. On the contrary, research also suggests that people who experience greater and diverse social interactions throughout a day may be more likely to consume alcohol less and smoke tobacco less (Cohen & Lemay, 2007). Thus, strong social support networks may make the business of alcohol and liquor stores less profitable in some neighborhoods. Along with the increases in liquor stores, poor neighborhoods often have many fast-food restaurants (Block, Scribner, & DeSalvo, 2004; Kwate, Yau, Loh, & Williams, 2009; Lewis et al., 2005; Odoms-Young, Zenk, & Mason, 2009; Pearce, Hiscock, Blakely, & Witten, 2009; Sharkey, 2009; Smoyer-Tomic et al., 2008). Fast-food outlets often replace supermarkets and other retailers who may offer healthier alternatives to fast food. This unequal access or barriers to supermarkets, for instance, is mostly a problem related to poor African and Latino communities. Compounding the problem of scarcity of supermarkets is the fact that some lower-income individuals tend to have more transportation problems. Thus, lack of easy and frequent access to a conveniently located supermarket is a barrier to healthy eating. The problem with fewer supermarkets is that people have limited access to a wide variety of fresh foods, which some convenience stores carry but at a much higher cost per serving than supermarkets. For example, in one study of Baltimore neighborhoods, milk, cereal, and bread were 20% more expensive in the convenience stores than in a supermarket a little more than

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a mile away (Franco, Brancati, & Diez-Roux, 2007). Moreover, these communities, most often African American and Latino, tend to have fewer or no “community-level psychical activity-related settings (such as sports areas, parks and green space, public pools and beaches, and bike paths/lanes)” (Powell, Slater, & Chaloupka, 2004, p. 135). The lack of these physical activity-related settings and the presence of dilapidated and poorly kept environments (Cohen, Farley, & Mason, 2003) all contribute to restricted or limited options for physical activity, which in turn contributes to sedentary lifestyles and behaviors (Craig, Brownson, Cragg, & Dunn, 2002; Dowda, Ainsworth, Addy, Saunders, & Riner, 2001; Gordon-Larsen, Nelson, Page, & Popkin, 2006; Powell et al., 2004; Roemmich, Epstein, Raja, Yin, Robinson, & Winiewicz, 2006). Those who are poor not only face limitations with respect to economic resources such as income but also must grapple with their physical health. Assaulting their physical health are nutrient-poor foods, high-calorie foods, and the lack of exercise and play space. These physical health problems are pertinent to helping professionals because it makes little sense to work with a client who is struggling with depression or anxiety, for instance, and not consider the outlets for exercise that may help ameliorate the mood. Helping professionals would also need to understand the relationship between the client’s focus, attention, and energy if that client’s food consumption patterns revolved around calorie-dense and sugar-rich foods. Finally, helping professionals who conceptualize clients integrating these perspectives may also develop more diverse perceptions of people of color who are likely to live in these situations.

Social Class and Mental Health As helping professionals, we understand that there is some relationship between social class and a person’s mental health and perceptions about economics, and the research generally supports this notion (Gift, Strauss, Ritzler, Kokes, & Harder, 1986). Tangentially, there is even brain research (mostly imaging studies) that has suggested that different regions of the brain are related to how individuals process arousal, uncertainty, risk taking, money motivation, and anticipation of purchases (Critchley, Mathias, & Dolan, 2001; Dagher, 2007; Knutson, Rick, Wimmer, Prelec, & Loewenstein, 2007; Knutson, Wimmer, Kuhnen, & Winkielman, 2008; Kuhnen & Knutson, 2005; Pessiglione et al., 2007; Tobler, Fletcher, Bullmore, & Schultz, 2007). Additionally, research suggests that individuals with neurological problems in the prefrontal lobes of the brain (the logical reasoning

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regions) tend to show problems in finances and credit card use (Spinella, Yang, & Lester, 2007). These studies are interesting because they suggest different aspects of our neurological makeup contribute to how we respond to material (e.g., money) and how these may then be related to our relationships and our self-perception. But at this point, the brain imaging studies can only allude to how these different neurological patterns may be related to mental health. Even when it comes to major mental health issues, the research on the impact of social class is not completely clear. We know that the social class context of poverty and inequality are likely to be related to increased risks of major depression in adults, but the specific pathways for this relationship are not clear (Gilman, Kawachi, Fitzmaurice, & Buka, 2002; Goodman & Huang, 2001). There are various explanations for these relationships such as social selection, social causation, and the neomaterialist hypotheses. In social selection, a person’s downward mobility is related to his/her mental illness. That is, someone who has depression is not likely to be upwardly mobile, so it is likely that mental illness is related to one’s poor economic condition, setting, context, and history (Costello, Compton, Keeler, & Angold, 2003; Wadsworth & Achenbach, 2005). Simultaneously, social causation would suggest that downwardly mobile individuals were also prone to alcoholism (Hemmingsson, Lundberg, & Diderichsen, 1999). That is not to say that for some individuals, mental illness is related to decreased earnings and therefore diminished social mobility and social status (Kessler et al., 2008). Instead, it is more likely that there are social factors and sociostructural features that have impacted the lives of the poor and have contributed to (not directly caused) mental illness and continued downward mobility. However, some research suggests that there are reciprocal relationships between social class and mental illness such that one’s social class is both cause and consequence of mental illness (Hudson, 2005; Johnson, Cohen, Dohrenwend, Link, & Brook, 1999; Miech, Caspi, Moffitt, Wright, & Silva, 1999). However, the point at which mental illness is a cause or consequence of social mobility may be related to the question being asked by the researcher. For instance, social selection may potentially be an adequate explanation if one were to explore the relationship of alcoholism to downward social mobility (Hemmingsson, Lundberg, & Diderichsen, 1999). Someone who is an alcoholic may have problems holding a job and may not be promoted or given a salary raise. In effect, social selection would show that the mental illness of alcoholism is related to economic problems and possibly to downward mobility. But in general, most researchers embrace an interactionist perspective, which is an integration of social selection and causation (Conger & Donnellan, 2007). The integration perspective acknowledges that something does occur in relation to social class, but it is still largely unclear how the specific mechanisms operate. For instance, in one study of

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Blacks and Latinos who moved from high-poverty to low-poverty neighborhoods, those students who moved tended to show significant improvement in achievement scores when compared to those who stayed in high-poverty neighborhoods (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2004). The improvement is a wonderful outcome of the change in environments, but the specific components and their interaction with social class and academic improvements are still unclear. In another quasi-experimental longitudinal study of rural children, one quarter of whom were American Indian children, Costello, Compton, Keeler, and Angold (2003) found that the persistently poor and ex-poor children had more psychiatric problems than those children who were never poor. Halfway through their observations, an Indian casino opened, which increased the American Indian annual income. The authors found that psychiatric symptoms such as conduct and oppositional disorders decreased while anxiety and depressive symptoms remained the same. Therefore, there was some evidence to suggest that income had an impact on some psychiatric problems but not on others. Why this occurred to some group members and not others and why only on certain symptoms but not others is an area that needs to be explored in future studies. Similarly, the neomaterialist approach is an attempt to integrate competing theories of poor mental health among those who are poor. Before the neomaterialist approach, the strict materialist approach suggests that it is a lack of money and resources that is directly linked to poor physical and mental health (Lynch, Smith, Kaplan, & House, 2000). The other possible explanation was a purely psychosocial interpretation, which suggests that “income inequality affects health through perceptions of place in the social hierarchy based on relative position according to income” (Lynch et al., 2000, p. 1201). The individual’s perceived place creates negative feelings, and these feelings in turn are related to psychological stress. The individual also has poor interpersonal interactions and withdraws from social interaction and thus, pathology is triggered as a result of these negative biological (physiological reactions to stress) and negative social consequences (Lynch et al., 2000). Integrating the two, the neomaterialist approach says that health inequalities result from the differential accumulation of exposures and experiences that have their sources in the material world . . . [for instance] the effect of income inequality on health reflects a combination of negative exposures and lack of resources held by individuals, along with systematic underinvestment across a wide range of human, physical, health, and social infrastructure. (Lynch et al., 2000, p. 1202).

Another important facet in understanding social class and mental health comes from Singh-Manoux and Marmot (2005). They argue that along

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with all the structural problems and reasons related to physical and mental health, one should also consider the role of socialization. These authors suggest that individuals are socialized into attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors that are then tied to the individual’s health. For instance, the individual’s views on health-damaging behaviors (e.g., tobacco or alcohol use), the individual’s ability to cope with psychological distress, and how the individual interacts and seeks out social networks are all conditions of socialization that are related to the individual’s health. An illustration of socialization and help seeking comes from the men and masculinity literature. This literature suggests that men’s unwillingness to seek help for physical or mental health concerns is related to maintaining a sense of strong invulnerable masculinity (Addis & Mahalik, 2003). Men are socialized and reinforced for certain health-related behaviors—or in this case, nonaction—even though in some circumstances this inaction is deleterious to their health. Helping professionals should also consider the individual’s health literacy. Health literacy is conceptualized as “a constellation of skills, including the ability to perform basic reading and numerical tasks required to function in the health care environment” (Ad Hoc Committee on Health Literacy for the Council on Scientific Affairs [CHL], American Medical Association, 1999, p. 553). In their report, the CHL found that individuals who had poor health literacy also tended to report worse health status, and these problems may also be related to increased risk of hospitalization (CHL, 1999). Health literacy is not only about the individual’s ability to interpret and comprehend complex legal and medical language presented on many forms and notifications (Breese, 2005), but also about the ability to orally engage medical professionals and ask important and pertinent questions about one’s health care (CHL, 1999). For helping professionals, it would be important to assess for the level of the client’s understanding of the health materials (e.g., consent forms) and also to normalize the difficulty many people may have in understanding and interpreting the materials. Helping clients to ask appropriate questions, normalizing the anxiety around healthrelated information, and having resources available may be actions that engender future healthy behaviors and help seeking. Finally, understanding the relationship between one’s family of origin’s social class, current social class, and health behaviors and attitudes is important. As Liu (in press) has suggested, it is necessary to consider the lifespan of the individual and how social class has impacted and shaped the individual’s current worldview rather than focusing only on the individual’s current social class position. More specifically, it is necessary to explore the individual’s experiences with past and present economic difficulties and how these problems may be related to current mental health problems or crises (Hemmingsson, Lundberg, & Diderichsen, 1999; Lahelma, Laaksonen,

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Martikainen, Rahkonen, & Sarlio-Lahteenkorva, 2006). Helping professionals should try and understand that a client’s experiences with family financial distress and community economic problems may create psychological distress among parents who in turn may have less-positive interactions with their children (Gutman, McLoyd, & Tokoyawa, 2005). These familial or historical experiences with financial distress may manifest in the individual through dysfunctional coping styles such as materialism or a focus on money. Understanding the full history of the client may be a necessary step in understanding the causes for current attitudes and behaviors.

Implications for Practice One approach or framework helping professionals may use is to integrate the biological, psychological, and social aspects and mechanisms that are related to our clients’ health (Suls & Rothman, 2004). This tripartite model provides three points of access for the helping professional. The bio-psychosocial model provides a framework to assess clientele across relevant areas of life and experiences and attempts to provide a more whole profile of the client. With social class, the bio-psycho-social model approach allows the helping professional to ask, for instance, about where the client grew up, the health of the mother and healthiness of the pregnancy, any traumas or violence experienced, possible exposure to toxins, experiences with poverty or homelessness, and current diet. Along with integrating the biological mechanisms, the helping professional is encouraged to understand the psychological aspects related to disease and dysfunction and how the person’s perceptions, attitudes, experiences, and history are related to his or her current state. Finally, the social aspect compels helping professionals to consider the context within which the individual lives and how situations and the macro functions of society may impinge on the individual. For those helping professionals who are social justice oriented, understanding the context of racism and classism and how it impacts the physical and mental health of clients allows for other ways to be advocates and change agents for clients (Liu & Hernandez, 2010). I would also suggest the possibility of spirituality as part of the assessment and considerations for clients. Often, solace and meaning may be found through various spiritual and religious avenues, and the helping professional should consider the meaning making of spirituality as well as the potential for spirituality to be associated with the person’s well-being (Rose, Westefeld, & Ansley, 2001). Another consideration for helping professionals is to explore more specifically the health behaviors of clients. Helping professionals should

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train and educate themselves on basic metabolic issues and perhaps take a course or workshop on nutrition, kinesiology, or health behaviors. Helping professionals should ask clients about what are they eating, how much, and when. Are the clients exercising? Do the clients have opportunities for healthier behaviors? This last concern is pertinent because devising a plan of action with a client without appropriate resources will only frustrate the client and damage the helping professional’s credibility and trustworthiness (Sue & Zane, 1987). This expectation would require helping professionals to explore the environment of the client and be familiar with resources and outlets that will support the client’s and helping professional’s goals. Finally, in working with clients, the helping professional will need to collaboratively develop a means to communicate basic health-related information. The helping professional should not assume that the client understands the materials. Instead, the helping professional should rely on their working alliance and relationship to make sure the client understands via some Socratic questioning (e.g., helping them learn to ask the appropriate questions necessary for them). Many times, clients are presented with complex forms that are difficult to interpret even for the educated reader, so the helping professional should seek a partnership with the client to help him or her better understand the health information presented.

Conclusions and Summary The purpose of this chapter was to provide helping professionals with some foundation on the health consequences related to inequality, poverty, and being poor. Overwhelming research evidence suggests that being at the bottom rungs of the economic hierarchy has deleterious consequences for one’s physical and mental health. Even if one were to successfully break the cycle of poverty and live in wealth and affluence, exposure to the toxicity of poverty at an early age can have long-term consequences. The two specific forms of environmental classism discussed were the toxicity related to living in poverty and the problems of malnutrition. For infants and children, these two problems may start a life-long battle of poor physical and mental health. And for helping professionals, it is imperative that the client’s concerns and issues be contextualized by understanding how the context of poverty and inequality may be related to the client presenting concerns. Taking this bio-psycho-social approach may allow the helping professional a broader perspective on the causes of the problems and also on possible solutions.

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Finally, for helping professionals with a social justice orientation, understanding environmental classism allows for other avenues of client advocacy. For instance, it may be important that helping professionals be involved in local government as a way to help communities get more supermarkets, playgrounds, and recreational options. Limiting the expansion of liquor stores, fast-food restaurants, and convenience stores, for instance, may allow those in poverty to have more access to better-quality food. These forms of social justice advocacy are not within the standard nomenclature such as antiracism, but the effect of these efforts is in fact antiracist and anticlassist. Working for the community in these capacities allows one to develop relationships across communities and become a visible advocate.

3 Problems in Social Class Measurement and Research During graduate school when I was first thinking about a theoretical model for social class, I would watch MTV. MTV stopped showing music videos for the most part and replaced most of that programming with reality shows such as Cribs (a show about expensive homes) and other “reality” shows. Most of the shows featured luxurious, glamorous, and affluent lifestyles with lavish cars and expensive homes. It was interesting to me that the individuals featured in many of these shows were affluent and tended to show off their wealth. They spent lavishly and seemed to buy whatever was in front of them, or more importantly, whatever would mark them as rich. Athletes, performers, parents, and teens all seemed to participate in the same kind of frenzied overt demonstration of status and social class. But these individuals on the shows were not representative of everyone else who might have had the same level of monetary wealth. I know from my reading and experience that there is a difference between people considered “new money” and “old money”; that there are wealthy people who regard flashiness as gaudy and therefore to be avoided. What would cause the variability among those who should be in the same social class? It did not make sense to me that categorizing all of these individuals as the same social class level would adequately explain how they saw their world, others, and themselves. It seemed that this categorization approach

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was limited in helping me understand the individual-level interpretation of social class.

Often when students seek advice on how to measure social class, they expect me to provide them with a single measure. When they sit and talk to me, they are largely unprepared to answer the question, “What are you interested in understanding?” They are unsure. For some, social class is a variable to be accounted and controlled for and not really to be analyzed. Why measure it, then, if you are not interested in understanding its effects or relationships? I respond. I ask if they would ever consider conducting research on a racial or ethnic group without measuring something specific about culture, race, or ethnicity. With all that we know about culture and its relationships, and with all the available measures, why not measure it? Other students speculate some relationship or influence of social class on their main variables of interest but are unsure. They believe social class is a singular construct that is defined and measureable. They are not at all pleased by my response, “It really depends on what you’re interested in.” I can safely say that students who meet with me to talk about social class and their dissertations leave my office frustrated and often with more homework—and an appointment to continue our discussion.

I

n the helping professions, the measurement and assessment of social class and classism has been often confusing and opaque. Regardless of whether one is interested in assessing and understanding social class at a societal level or at an individual level, the literature and research have been largely inconsistent and confusing. Just starting a review of the literature, one significant problem that arises quickly is that social class and SES have been used interchangeably in the extant literature (Lupien, King, Meaney, & McEwen, 2001; Oakes & Rossi, 2003). A cursory review of the literature also shows that across studies, authors and researchers often cite similar indices and factors they believe to be salient in understanding social class and SES, and they use the terms interchangeably, sometimes even within the same piece of writing. No wonder, then, that helping professionals looking to integrate social class into their clinical practice or research have been frustrated with the existing literature. Just review the empirical literature as I did among the leading journals in counseling (Journal of Counseling Psychology, Journal of Counseling and Development, and the Journal of Multicultural Counseling

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and Development) and you will likely find a confusing mixture of words and terms that are supposed to be related to social class and classism (Liu, Ali, Soleck, Hopps, Dunston, & Pickett, 2004). In fact, in our review of the literature within these three journals between 1981 and 2000, we found more than 400 different terms that were used to allude to social class or other aspects of social status and inequality (see Appendix A). But even if your role as a helping professional is not directly related to research, measurement, or assessment, clarity with respect to operationalizing (i.e., defining the construct of interest in measureable and observable ways) and conceptualizing social class and classism is relevant for work with clients and patients. For instance, what might a client or patient mean when he or she is talking about being working class? How does this individual come to this understanding of him- or herself? What are the elements in his or her life contributing to being working class? And just as important, how would the helping professional understand these discussions and probe the client or patient for more information? These elements of clinical, counseling, and helping professional practice are clearly related to a methodology of exploring a client’s social class worldview, values, and beliefs. Therefore, the focus of this chapter is to discuss some of the theoretical problems with social class and classism in the helping profession’s research and provide some guidance for future research and assessment.

Problems With Current Methods for Understanding Social Class Reviews and research of psychological and other helping-profession literature generally show limitations in how social class, socioeconomic status (SES), and classism have been investigated (Brown, Fukunaga, Umemoto, & Wicker, 1996; Frable, 1997; Liu, 2001; Liu, Ali, Soleck, Hopps, Dunston, & Pickett, 2004). Along with poor operationalization of social class constructs, the limitations in the data generally fall into three categories: (a) insufficient data, (b) constriction of data, and (c) overextending the data and results. In the first case, some of these limitations are simply related to researchers not collecting necessary social class data in the reported research such as the social class composition of racial groups (Ensminger & Fothergill, 2003; Graham, 1992; Liberatos, Link, & Kelsey, 1988; Oakes & Rossi, 2003). Researchers may assume a social class level among participants such as classifying African Americans or Latinos as urban and therefore in poverty without collecting the necessary data to substantiate this characterization. For instance, a reader may see a study

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that reports data being collected in an urban setting, and the discussion of these participants sometimes assumes these participants are in poverty or poor. In the second case, limitations are a result of using indicators such as income, education, and occupation that are not well intercorrelated with each other (Liberatos et al., 1988) and do not effect (create) any particular social class grouping (Brown et al., 1996). In other words, although income, education level, and occupational level and type are often used together, there is little evidence that these variables are associated with each other or that these variables are related to specific social class groups. Finally, other limitations are related to overgeneralizations, unwarranted extrapolations, and overextending the data from limited social class information collected on a particular population or community. Sometimes results are interpreted and discussed in ways that are not clearly or well linked to the results or data collected. The overextension of the data and results may come from a poor operationalization of the construct or not using a theory to guide the collection of data. An example of collecting data without clearly articulating and operationalizing a construct is found in some popular social class measures. Social classes are assumed to exist by researchers and assumed to be constituted by certain variables. These variables or indices are assumed to be “objective” since people should be able to report without bias their income, marriage status, and educational level. But while these are popular measures for assessing social class, all of them are problematic. For instance, the Hollingshead Index of Social Position (Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958) and even the Hollingshead Four Factor Index of Social Status (1975), which is the same version as the Hollingshead Index of Social Position, uses education, occupation, sex, and marital status to create a score to classify people into five occupational categories (major business and professional; medium business, minor professional, technical; skilled craftsmen, clerical, sales workers; machine operators, semiskilled workers; and unskilled laborers, menial service). The Hollingshead data and framework for classification of individuals are based upon occupational classifications of the 1970 U.S. Census. In other words, how occupations and jobs were classified and regarded (the prestige) are based on 1970s Census information. The problem with using outdated Census information, especially about occupational prestige, is that for some jobs the prestige may not change (i.e., plumber), but for others prestige certainly does evolve. One example is a scene in the movie Catch Me If You Can where Leonardo DiCaprio plays Frank Abagnale, Jr., and one of his disguises is as an airline pilot. In a scene where he strolls through an airport or on the city sidewalk, people turn their heads and are impressed by him. Clearly, the scene implies that airline pilots were once regarded with high prestige and acclaim. I am not sure this

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is still the case, especially for anyone who has spent time at airports and on planes. Pilots barely trigger a look for many people. This is an example of occupational prestige changes. One other problem that resonates for most academic psychologists is that the Hollingshead measure has not been published in a peer-reviewed journal (Oakes & Rossi, 2003). Therefore, this particular measure, which has been frequently cited and used, has not received rigorous scientific attention. Another measure is Duncan’s Socioeconomic Index (SEI; 1961), which focuses on education as a key to occupation and income. Additionally, the SEI uses prestige as a factor in determining social class. Originally, Duncan created the classification scheme based on 1950s Census data. The major problem, of course, with using dated Census information to provide prestige indicators is that occupations have changed and thus the prestige of these occupations may have shifted. Prestige is also difficult to quantify and consists of many aspects that modify and mitigate it such as lifestyle and access to resources (Oakes & Rossi, 2003). Certainly these two indices do not represent an exhaustive list of available measures of social class or SES (e.g., Nam & Powers, 1965; Treiman, 1975). Instead, reviewing these two popular methods and measures is used to highlight the consistent problem among many of these assessments: they all tend to focus on classifying individuals into categories (i.e., upper, middle, and lower class). Categorizing individuals into social class groups means that the clinician and researcher must make certain assumptions about the individuals. For instance, one assumption is that entry into each of these categories or social class groups is equal and relatively unfettered. That is, there is no assessment or explication of the barriers in entering certain social classes, and these theories assume that upward social mobility is a matter of “more” of these indices (e.g., more education, more income). Another assumption not fully addressed is the potential that higher social class groups represent something potentially different from middle and lower social class groups (Offer, 2006; Weeden, Kim, Di Carlo, & Grusky, 2007). In other words, as one moves up the social class hierarchy, it is not just a quantitative change (more income and education to be in higher social classes); there may also be a qualitative change (in worldviews, perceptions, behaviors, and attitudes). The measures previously mentioned illustrate how social classes may be quantitatively different (e.g., more income and more education are needed at the higher social class groups) but qualitatively similar (i.e., no differences in resources, access to power, prestige). To assume that having “more” across all the indicators is equated with higher social class positions does not necessarily reflect what happens in real life. Many jobs and occupations disrupt this increasing indicators approach. For instance, one could compare the work of a professor versus a plumber (I do not intend to offend anyone who is a plumber or

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a professor by using these occupations as examples). In educational level, the professor may have higher credentials in educational settings valued among educated individuals. However, quite simply, being a plumber requires certification and licensure that are valuable as well. In income, the differences may also be great and advantageous to the plumber. One could argue that being a professor is just clearly more prestigious, but recognizing and acknowledging this prestige may depend on the values of the individual. If the person does not value education or perceive worth in academic occupations, for that person in that community, being a professor is not a prestigious occupation. There may be valuable aspects of occupations that are considered valuable (being in control of one’s time, autonomy to prioritize and work on one’s own, and sense of responsibility in work) that are not a part of the occupation as a whole, but these occupational facets are rarely examined by most measures and most studies. Therefore, the indices that categorize individuals into discrete social class groups may be an inefficient and ineffective tool in understanding the impact and influence of social class. Finally, individuals who are categorized into these groups are assumed by helping professionals and helping profession researchers to be relatively homogenous in their worldviews and experiences. That is, there should be little to no within-group variability (i.e., most if not all middle-class individuals should have similar worldviews and values). But the research does not support this particular perspective. In fact, even among adolescents who would be classified objectively as working class, there is great variability in their self-identification as working class (Goodman, Amick, Rezendes, Levine, Kagan, Rogers, & Tarlov, 2000). Thus, strict categorizing of individuals limits the exploration of within-group variation and how people identify and make meaning of their social class. In this brief review, we found in the popular methods and measures some significant limitations to how social class and SES are conceptualized and understood. The major assumptions implicit in the measures tend to be a problem for how helping professionals may approach clients and patients and how helping professionals may integrate a social class understanding and awareness to clinical work. Of course, one concern that is not addressed explicitly in any of these measures and methods is classism and those marginalizing and alienating behaviors and attitudes that may help create social classes and divisions. Additionally, for helping professionals, the most salient of the limitations is the expectation that people within a particular social class grouping should perceive the world similarly, regardless of age, race, gender, or geographic region, to name a few variables. It would follow, then, that helping professionals may be reluctant to fully integrate social class perspectives because this information may add little to understanding the client, and the information homogenizes rather than individuates.

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Categorizing Social Class As I described earlier, one of the prominent ways for helping professionals to understand social class, even at the individual level, is through categorizing individuals into social class groups. It makes sense for researchers to have adopted this format because individuals already talk about each other as though social class groups exist. It is a vernacular that is nearly impossible to resist. Even throughout this book, I use these similar descriptions because they function as adequate shorthand descriptors for people and communities. Saying “in some middle-class communities” is sometimes easier than describing the various ways people may define themselves as middle class within a particular context that values certain elements of being middle class. Friends and colleagues may also describe someone as “middle or lower class” and use these categories as meaningful ways to interact with each other. For instance, if a person perceived him- or herself as middle class and another as lower class, there are assumptions and expectations one might make of the other person. The lower-class person may be assumed to be less educated, to be employed in menial or manual labor, and to lack the aesthetic values and lifestyle of a middle-class person. Moreover, depending on how the individual views him- or herself with regard to middle class, the perceived distance from the lower-class person may vary. Imagine that the middle-class person is an individual who values his or her working-class background and is not quite comfortable or even eschews the entrapments of middle classhood. This person may see him- or herself as middle class but lower middle class or close to the working- and lower-class individual. Compare this to a middle-class person who comes from the same workingclass background but values a middle-class lifestyle and worldview; this individual may see substantial distance between him- or herself and the lower-class person. Thus, there may be incredible variation even within a social class group or category, and it would be important for helping professionals to accurately assess these differences but also have a framework to understand what these differences may mean. Researchers in the helping professions have usually imported sociological notions of social class and have tried to make sense of these macro-level-based paradigms for individual-level experiences and phenomena. Even the terms helping professionals often use are directly from sociology such as socioeconomic (Jones & McMillan, 2001) and meritocracy (Young, 1961). I would go further and argue that the language we use is still so immersed in the sociological framework that it is quite normative in our professional discourse around social class that these macro-level notions of discrete social class categories infiltrate our attempts to understand individual-level social class

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experiences. Consequently, it is my position that among helping professionals, this implicit need to categorize individuals into social class groups has distorted our understanding of social class at the individual level. Hence, the paradigms by which helping professionals have understood and are exploring social class and classism are inadequate (Muntaner, Eaton, & Diala, 2000; Weeden, Kim, Di Carlo, & Grusky, 2007). Categorizing individuals into discrete social class categories also does not allow the helping professional and researcher to investigate the variability and differences in worldviews and values inherent in human diversity such as race and gender (MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Socioeconomic Status and Health, 2008). Moreover, placing people into these groups does not illuminate the motivations and rationale for behavior even within that category.

How Is Categorizing Accomplished? The most frequent and most commonly accepted manner of categorizing individuals into social class groups is to use the indices of income, occupation, and education. Even though the research is unclear as to what specific index of social class is most relevant or important (Currie, Molcho, Boyce, Holstein, Torsheim, & Richter, 2008), these variables have been used in various combinations and have been operationalized (i.e., defining a construct of interest in a way that is measurable and meaningful for research) in numerous ways (e.g., level, type, amount) in an attempt to effect (create or see a direct link) a social class group. Yet many researchers have recognized that none of these contortions has led to stable and meaningful social class groupings (Brown, Fukunaga, Umemoto, & Wicker, 1996; Liberatos, Link, & Kelsey, 1998; Oakes & Rossi, 2003). For instance, the use of these objective measures—income, education, and occupation—tends to not be as robust in predicting and explaining a social class-based event or situation when a subjective question is used along with these objective indicators. If one were to ask a person to mark an X along a 10-rung ladder (lowest rung being the lowest social position in society and the highest rung being the highest social position in society) and took that item in conjunction with the objective indices, the research generally shows that this one question tends to be the strongest and most robust predictor (before and after other objective indicators are added into a regression model) of most psychological variables such as mood, sense of control, or well-being. In other words, once this item is introduced or added to a list of other predictors in a hierarchical regression (i.e., a statistical analysis where a list of predictors is theoretically proposed and used to

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examine their relationship to a dependent or criterion variable), most of the variance around social class is explained and the objective indicators do not add any new or novel explained variance (Kraus, Piff, & Keltner, 2009). One of the problems with these indices is that, as Offer (2006) suggests, “The construction of the index tells us what it measures, but not what it means” (p. 236). In other words, the indices are used to place people in social class categories, but it is not clear whether these categories are meaningful or salient to the individual. For example, is “lower working middle class” a meaningful category and does this meaning hold constant across multiple groups and locations? Thus, focusing on accurately assessing income, for instance, still does not convey what the meaning of “income” is to that individual within a particular context and in relation to others around him or her. Given that income is one of the top three indicators used to classify people into a social class, in the following, I address these three frequently cited constituents of social class and discuss some of the limitations of each. I also mention the variable of wealth because researchers have sometimes used this catch-all variable.

Income Income, personal and/or household, is probably the most frequently cited indicator of one’s social class. A person’s income could be perceived as a kind of grand indicator that points to the person’s position in the social class hierarchy and is based in the person’s educational level and occupation. It is also supposed to be objective. In other words, income is supposed to be a simple number that everyone should know, and that income number should be reported without error. An income is a number with a meaningful zero (no income) and a relatively set standard increments such that $2 is twice as much as $1. And with every incremental increase in the dollars one has, the individual is supposed to be able to purchase or have increasing access to certain resources (I discuss resources later in this chapter). We are likely to see these social classes based on income level in Census Bureau reports or other public policy reports (e.g., Pew Research). And it would also seem that people would be able to accurately report their income with very little distortion. At an objective level, income is clearly important with respect to purchasing power and as a monetary resource. Although I speculate as to the subjective meaning and utility of income as an indicator and an index by which people are categorized, I do not argue that income is meaningless. The real money one has is important and has meaningful consequences for many people; income, or a person’s monetary resources, has a real impact on people’s lives and it does either facilitate one’s life or put a limit to one’s

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aspirations. Thus, asking someone to report income should be a simple matter, but it turns out that this question is a problem across the income hierarchy and may not necessarily relate to what is being asked. Imagine the last time you may have completed a survey, and as part of the demographic questions, the researcher asked that you either write in your income or identify the income bracket: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

$0 to $20,000 $21,000 to $40,000 $41,000 to $60,000 $61,000 to $80,000 $81,000 and over

Does the researcher want to know current income, family income, household income, or perceived income? And why create this distribution with these increments? On what would this be based? Are these increments relevant for the neighborhood, city, or state? Is there a mean or median income level on which this is based? How variable is income given a certain mean? Finally, what would it tell the researcher if someone was in the “$81,000 and over” category? What assumptions are being made about the individual in this category? Also, consider some other questions that may be relevant to how one perceives the meaningfulness and utility of income. Does income refer to before or after taxes? One may quote “before” income, but what does that mean in terms of real living? Is it relevant if the person owns a home or rents? Is it important to know if one’s income allows appropriate and reliable transportation? Simply said, there are a number of questions and considerations related to just a “simple” objective question such as, “What is your income?” Income is also problematic as a tool for understanding the subjectivity of social class. As Offer (2006) states, People are coy about their income, and have good motives to under- or overreveal it. Income is easier to measure than wealth. But the value of money is relative. A loaf of bread is worth more to a homeless person than to a millionaire. Its value is asymmetric: dollars lost are experienced more acutely than dollars gained. . . . The measuring rod of money is a little too elastic, and is less reliable than it is convenient. (p. 234)

Moreover, income may vary in the short term for individuals (Duncan, 1988). For instance, for those who are minimum-wage workers, income may vary from week to week and month to month or even year to year (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003), and individuals’ capacity to control that income is rather limited because the shifts and hours they work are left to another person in authority such as a manager or supervisor. Therefore,

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one’s perspective on income, even if the amount is the same, may vary if one is earning a guaranteed salary versus someone who may experience shortterm variation or even short-term volatility (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). The most important way individual income is valued, it appears, is in relation to others in one’s peer or comparison group. That is, the way we value income is relative depending on the amount in comparison to others in a particular group (Solnick & Hemenway, 1998). Therefore, it may be important to understand the context in which the individual values his/her income, that context being peers, family, colleagues, and working partners within a specified setting. Even defining oneself as middle class and comparing oneself to other middle-class people nationally is far too broad. It would be important to understand the conceptualization of middle classhood within the person’s perceived immediate surroundings. Thus, for helping professionals, it may be interesting to inquire with clients about the perceived parameters of their economic context or economic culture. What is considered their economic setting (neighborhood, school, classroom, or workplace)? In my clinical experience, this question is easily answered by many clients. Typically they will talk about specific friends, peers, or family members, and usually these are in specific contexts such as a workplace. The ease with which this question is answered leads me to believe that people are likely engaged in these comparisons often or at least frequently enough to have specific people in mind. Having this information would at least allow the helping professional to conceptualize how the client gauges the relative importance of a particular income. Finally, the research seems to suggest that age also affects how one may perceive and value income and money. Intuitively this would make sense. At certain ages, based on experience, perspective, and setting, income and money take on different meanings. For instance, research suggests that college students tend to see money as less desirable than older individuals do (King & Napa, 1998). It may be that college students are more idealistic about their values and expectations in life and thus value more abstract ideas about what may be desirable life goals (e.g., having a satisfying career, helping one’s community). It may also be that this research is a snapshot of a particular cohort of college students at a certain time in our country’s history, or these idealistic notions evolve over one’s lifespan. Hence, as the person ages, it may be that older adults see the relative importance of having certain levels of money or income to facilitate those life goals. That is, older participants were more likely than younger adults to understand the importance of having money as a resource in the study. It may follow that if money is not highly valued by young adults, some research shows that younger adults tend to be more materialistic and prone to compulsive buying than older adults (Dittmar, 2005). Specific behavioral problems

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may be related to age and the individual’s relationship with money and not necessarily related to a psychopathology (i.e., impulse control), and it would be important to have indicators that are sensitive to variables salient for different ages (Entwisle & Astone, 1994). But the impact of age on income is especially relevant in psychological and counseling literature. Specifically, if the meta-analyses and content reviews are accurate in that the overwhelming population on which psychological research is premised is White college students (Buboltz, Miller, & Williams, 1999; Graham, 1992), how might have this demographic restriction affected our understanding of social class, especially income as a prime variable in our conceptualization? Thus, even with a supposedly simple indicator such as income, the accurate assessment of it is still complicated and prone to error and variability. And although at some point it may be possible to get an accurate report on a person’s income (e.g., reviewing tax returns), knowing the amount of income still does not convey the meaningfulness of that income.

Occupation From most of the literature on social class, the factor of occupation is never quite clear. Occupation seems to be a catch-all category to represent occupation type, occupation level, or occupational prestige. It seems from the literature that occupation should be a composite or outcome of one’s educational level and a direct link to income. Thus, occupation has been used and inserted as a common social class indicator. In research, the questions about occupation may be about one’s occupation, but also about one’s father’s or mother’s occupation. Usually, asking about parental occupation is supposed to be an indicator of one’s social class in the home and potential social class in the future. Occupation is implicitly a measure of skills and power in particular occupations (Bornstein, Hahn, Suwalsky, & Haynes, 2003). Prestige, therefore, may reflect the relative worth and importance of a particular occupation. But occupational prestige may change depending on the context or even time. For instance, if the economy is thriving, being an investment banker may be regarded as prestigious. But if investment bankers are regarded as the culprits in an economic downturn, the occupational prestige may diminish. And in other contexts, manual work-based occupations may be valued over white-collar jobs (Ali & McWhirter, 2006; Ali & Saunders, 2006). In communities where manual labor is valued and the jobs are handed down from generation to generation (coal mining, for example), white-collar work may not be deemed an acceptable or worthy alternative to a secure and well-paying job (albeit a sometimes dangerous, unhealthy, and monotonous one). Therefore, prestige-based occupational indexes may

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have limited value (Hauser & Warren, 1997). Another part of the problem is that job prestige tends to rely too much on the occupation’s income or earnings (Hauser & Warren, 1997). While this is an important indicator of occupational prestige, there are also plenty of occupations that may have high income but not be regarded as prestigious. For example, many highly dangerous occupations (e.g., demolition specialists or crab fishers) may make more income than a professor, but many would not necessarily ascribe prestige to these occupations based solely on income. Another consideration with occupational prestige is the implication that more value or esteem is given to some occupations versus others. Esteem and value may also be related to aspirations and the hope of one day achieving these more prestigious occupations. The inherent distortion is what I consider to be the upward mobility bias, or the notion that people are always compelled to strive for “more” (more things, higher positions). Prestige may not operate well with people who are content with their current position and social class. Moreover, if we were to use the framework of how people compare themselves to those around them, would this also be accurate for occupational prestige? That is, rather than a list of occupations that span the gamut of all possible occupations, income brackets, and educational levels, would it be more meaningful to present to a group of people occupations that are specifically relevant to their context? For instance, as a university professor, my value is centered around education and achievements in teaching, learning, research, and practice. I know my banker friends make more money than I do, but I do not necessarily regard being a banker as more prestigious. Occupational prestige is afforded to those jobs and vocations that reflect my value system. Faculty with endowed chairs, leaders of institutions and research centers, those involved in creative and artistic endeavors, and those conducting active and productive research are people I regard as having prestigious occupations. Additionally, there are status levels within particular occupations (e.g., supervisor versus worker). Thus, asking a general question about what one does may not accurately assess the power, skills, and prestige of an occupation. But as Blustein (2006) has discussed, there is some amount of bias and distortion about how helping professionals currently understand and conceptualize occupation and careers. If one were to look only at career development, for instance, current theories of career tend to favor and focus on those within conventional developmental trajectories (e.g., going to school and then getting a job). While these career theories may explain how one enters a particular occupation, this may not fully be accurate for those working jobs where the focus is on survival and money and not on internal satisfaction (Blustein, 2002).

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Another issue related to occupation as an objective indicator is that occupations vary with regard to difficulty in entering and ascension. For some individuals who may be White and male, certain prestigious occupations may be easier to enter and ascend, whereas there may be glass ceilings for other individuals like women and minorities (Bornstein et al., 2003). Consequently, if one were to rate prestige, there are differences by gender, usually where women tend to have less prestigious jobs (Hauser & Warren, 1997). Additionally, career trajectories may vary by gender. Men’s occupational and career development tends to be linear, but women are expected to bear the burden of childrearing and tend to have cyclical patterns within the labor force such that they may enter and leave jobs and occupations due to familial responsibilities and expectations (Drach-Zahavy & Somech, 2008; Gottfried, 1984, 1985). Therefore, even with occupation, it seems that a simple matter of asking what a person does for a living and then putting a value or ranking on that job has variability depending on time and context. There are also assumptions built into occupations such as income level and educational experience, but these two variables that are supposed to correlate with occupation may not do so in the expected directions. Thus, the reader is likely becoming aware of the inherent problems that arise with asking these “objective” social class questions that tend to raise other pertinent questions.

Education Finally, education is a form of human capital that alludes to and measures obtusely the resources that were needed to obtain a particular level of education (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). Thus, it is relevant to know how much education an individual has received, the progression of educational attainment, and where the person was educated. Assessing these facets is by no means an indication of the individual’s level of intelligence; rather it is an assessment of how an individual has been educated. Does the person have a history of private or public schools, were there preparatory schools, are there large gaps in the educational history, did the individual use financial aid, did the person work, was the person on scholarship, in what extracurricular activities did the individual participate (internships, externships), and is there graduate or professional education? All of these questions may translate to amount and type of monetary and other resources that were needed and used throughout the educational life of the individual. And all of these questions are not assessed by asking only, “What is your current education level?” Education is considered one of the most common indices of social class (Ensminger & Fothergill, 2003; Entwisle & Astone, 1994). But what does education confer to one’s social class? Research suggests that a person’s

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education level may be related to cultural tastes (Liberatos et al., 1988), how a child reads and speaks (Bornstein, Hahn, Suwalsky, & Haynes, 2003), and income (Ceci & Williams, 1997). Other research suggested that education reflects a person’s general mental ability (GMA) and that the higher one’s GMA, the more likely one would obtain higher levels of job training and prefer more complex jobs (Judge, Linger, & Simon, 2010). Hence, increasing educational experiences and where those educational experiences are gained may be related to a host of “educational” outcomes related to social class. Complicating our understanding about education, educational level, and social class, is the nascent evidence that educational level is also declining in its link to particular social classes. In part, the theory is that educational level is being delinked from occupations and that some employers are turning less to formal educational level as the criteria from which skills and competencies may be born (Jackson, Goldthorpe, & Mills, 2005). For some occupations, having a college education is simply a threshold, but there may be no connection between one’s major and one’s job. As one job recruiter told me, “It just looks better for the company to say we have college graduates.” In today’s economy and jobs, people may be inclined to seek technical certifications and credentialing that allow them to specialize in a job function but without the requisite educational level. Thus, if a computer engineer may make $150,000 a year with only a high school degree and advanced credentialing and live in the same neighborhood as the investment banker with an MBA from Harvard, what is the utility of measuring educational level or attainment? It is not clear in most of the research why educational level is asked of participants. It seems that educational level, along with the other indices, is relegated to demographic variables (descriptive factors and not interpretational factors). Finally, educational level may be better regarded as a resource, a human resource, or capital. As I discuss later in this book, education as a resource, especially for the wealthy, allows an individual to use education across multiple domains of one’s life. That is, for those who are less wealthy, educational level, especially a college degree, may be directly implicated in obtaining certain occupations. But for the wealthy, educational level is a distributive resource that can be used not just for a job but also as a resource that can facilitate social networks that are important in upward social class mobility.

Wealth Wealth is another catch-all indicator that is supposed to be more robust and accurate than asking individuals about income. Wealth should refer to the person’s overall economic constellation as it relates to income, debt, holdings, and other assets. Yet the problem with wealth as an indicator

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is that there is no set definition of wealth, so to try and capture all the elements of a person’s wealth is unwieldy. People refer to wealth all the time to infer an individual’s or family’s assets-to-debt ratio, for instance, and to derive a sense of what the individual believes to be wealth (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). But evaluating one’s wealth is much like judging the worth of one’s income—it is relative and somewhat based on what others within the same peer group are making. Furthermore, depending on where one lives, the considerations for what is rich, poor, or middle class may vary. For instance, Fletcher (2001) found that people who were considered rich varied from $1.49 million in the Pacific Northwest to $830,000 in the South Atlantic, with considerations for how big a house one owned and whether one owned a yacht as part of the material possessions and criteria. To me, these seem to be indicators of general wealth, but these nuanced differences in how people regard wealth reflect the values and context of the person’s “wealthy” economic culture and community. The other issue related to wealth is that this particular dimension of social class and status disrupts the assumption we carry about the linearity and baseline of how social class is perceived and measured. What I mean is that, when we consider an economic hierarchy, we may perceive a ladder in which each rung is an equal distance from the next highest and lowest rung. At the bottom, we assume, is an absolute zero (no wealth and income) or abject poverty (Pollack, Chideya, Cubbin, Williams, Dekker, & Braveman, 2007). But I would argue that for some individuals, there may not be an absolute zero—there is never a situation of no income, no equity, no opportunities, or no access to additional resources (Liu, in press). For those who are wealthy, “zero” is a relative term, depending on the measure. Thus, one may not have income, but one may still have “income” from inheritance, investments, or other sources that are not easily measured.

Summary In this section, I attempted to describe the problems with how helping professionals understand and conceptualize social class and classism. The typical paradigms and framework that helping professions have adopted have not adequately addressed or focused on individual-level factors. Given these methodological and measurement problems, I argue that helping professionals may have been reluctant to fully embrace and incorporate social class as a useful and meaningful way to work with clients and patients. There is just too much room for variability and interpretation, not only from the point of view of the client and patient but also from that of the helping professional. With all these limitations and concerns, I suggest that helping professionals shift from these objective indicators to a more

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subjective and phenomenological perspective that allows for clients and patients to discuss and describe their worldviews, experiences, and values around social class and also the meaningfulness of classism in their lives.

Moving Toward Subjectivity of Social Class and Classism Shifting to a subjective and phenomenological approach to understanding social class and classism is predicated on what is most useful to helping professionals. The helping professionals in counseling, social work, and psychology, for instance, are interested in the intrapsychic elements of a person and how these nonvisible aspects of social class may be understood and made a part of therapy. Therefore, the focus of this section is to further discuss aspects of social class not captured by categorization and posit the need for exploration and investigation into within-group variability and subjective perceptions and experiences. This is important because moving to a person-centered approach to social class and classism, such as an individual’s social class worldview, is related to how helping professionals may best understand, conceptualize, and use social class as part of their counseling work with clients. Evidence suggests that there is utility in assessing social class and social status through subjective indices and measures (Goodman, Adler, Kawachi, Frazier, Huang, & Colditz, 2001). One way this subjective approach has been used is to ask a person about what he or she believes is his or her social class level. The belief is that a person’s subjective interpretation of his or her social class may be composed of “occupational position, education, household income, satisfaction with standard of living, and feeling of financial security regarding the future . . . [and suggests] that subjective social status reflects the cognitive averaging of standard markers of socioeconomic situations and is free of psychological biases” (Singh-Manoux, Adler, & Marmot, 2003, p. 1321). Thus, the person will accurately report his or her social class because the individual is allowed to aggregate and weigh different parts of it (income, education, and other important indices). Based on this personal assessment, the individual is better positioned to identify his or her social class status in relation to others. Up to this point, the critiques on the current methods of conceptualizing and measuring social class and classism have addressed the relative inaccuracies of current methods and the potential for variations of how individuals perceive social class, even within the same objective social class category. My preference about social class and classism is toward a more

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individual-level perspective. But with a movement toward understanding social class and classism at the individual level (phenomenologically and subjectively), does this mean we dispense with macro-level problems such as inequality, marginalization, classism, and oppression? The answer is, simply, of course not. The person-level experience allows us to better understand how the individual responds to and incorporates societal-level and structural inequalities, entitlements, and privileges. As Liu and PopeDavis (2003) have posited, to comprehend and dismantle oppressive forces and inequalities, it is important to conceptualize power as an intricate network of relationships rather than a binary system. Specifically, rather than viewing poverty and inequality as a binary of haves and have-nots (powerful and powerless), it may be useful to see that people participate in and negotiate power, and as such, people are engaged in networks of power. Depending on context, time, and other factors, people can exercise power differently. That is not to say that those who are poor are as powerful, have as many resources, or are as socially connected as the wealthy. Instead, it may be useful to see that people may engage in social class-based microaggressions or individual-level classism that perpetuate a cycle of oppression; at the individual level, it is everyone’s responsibility to decrease classist behaviors and attitudes. I realize this may be a controversial point and may appear as a form of equivocation and arguing that the powerless have power in the same vein as the wealthy. This is certainly not what I am positing. What I am suggesting is that, for helping professionals, those interested in dismantling inequality, and those interested in social justice, understanding that those in privilege can also feel slighted or hurt because they are dismissed as “elitist” or “snobs” can feed into future deleterious beliefs and interactions with those who are poor. This is the cycle of individual-level inequality that can contribute to sociostructural policies that perpetuate inequality. Do people who are poor need to be polite to the rich? No, this is not what I am advocating. I am suggesting a critical way we can diffuse, diminish, and dismantle inequality through interpersonal relationships that address microaggressions as well as societal aggressions. It is a multilevel and multidimensional approach that is needed. This multiple approach also means that the individuals need to assess and understand their own motivations, attitudes, and behaviors along with combating situational and societal inequalities. At the counseling level, empathizing with a person’s experience of classism and/or sense of hurt can allow for understanding and healing to take place. Thus, what much of the current literature also does not directly address is the relationship of classism to social class. It has been my position that classism is both a cause and a consequence of social class and that to fully understand the individual’s experience of social class, one must also

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simultaneously measure or acknowledge the role and impact of classism in that person’s life. Another aspect of the current methods in understanding classism is the focus on income, education, and occupation or other variables that are only relevant to adults. The problem with this focus on adult indices is that social class may be assumed to be an adult experience. But this truncated focus would then leave out the study of children, how they come to perceive social class, and potentially how they behave in classist ways. For instance, this focus on adult indices would be similar to assuming that racism occurs at only a certain point in people’s adult life and believing that racist behaviors and beliefs are not a part of the overall life development of the individual. Focusing only on how to best classify individuals also does not address the impact of peers, family, and friends on one’s social class. One assumption from which I operate is that most individuals want to be perceived as normal or good among those they consider their in-group (Miller, 2006). Therefore, the social class group may have some influence on what people determine to be good and bad behaviors and choices. The issue then becomes this: If the different groups have varying perceptions of what is acceptable and unacceptable behavior, how do individuals act in ways that allow them to remain congruent? As Stephens, Markus, and Townsend (2007) found, depending on one’s social class group, either working or middle class, one’s choices are dependent on one’s social class. In a series of experimental studies, they found that working-class individuals tended to choose and have preferences for objects (in this case pens) that were similar to those selected by others (in this case a confederate of the experiment). During these experimental situations, participants were put into rooms with people who were the experimenters’ confederates and acted in deliberate ways to impact the participants’ behavior. The researchers generally found that when confederates chose a particular type of pen, the working-class participants expressed similar preferences. In another part of their study, Stephens et al. (2007) examined advertisements. The authors found that car advertisements targeting working-class individuals tended to focus on “connection to, rather than differentiation from others” (p. 814). In contrast to working-class participants, middleclass participants did not follow the confederates’ choices. Interestingly, middle-class individuals tended to prefer objects that differentiated themselves from others. One explanation proffered by the authors is that many working-class individuals are limited in resources and have a limited capacity to make mistakes in certain material choices. Therefore, it may be wiser for some working-class individuals to make choices similar to

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others’ as a way to decrease the odds of wasting resources on a particular product. Additionally, the focus on how others make choices is congruent with working-class environments where they may have more time focusing on communal activities and interdependent social support (Stephens et al., 2007). For instance, the authors suggest that for working-class individuals, a socialization motto may be “It’s not just about you” (p. 814), whereas in middle-class families, that socialization message may be “It’s your world” (p. 815). It would make sense that middle-class families have that particular socialization message because in many middle-class contexts (e.g., occupations), there is likely to be more autonomy, choice, and real or perceived control over one’s circumstances (Stephens et al., 2007). Resources may also allow middle-class individuals to be more socially and geographically mobile and thus less interdependent on community or family members. As a result, “being unique and different from others will be relatively normal” (p. 815) within middle-class contexts. Another problem with objective classification is that it does not address people’s personalities, values, worldviews, and motivational differences. For example, in one study, Nickerson, Schwarz, and Diener (2007) found that people who were interested in achieving financial success tended to be “socially inclined, confident, ambitious, politically conservative, traditional, conventional, and relatively less able academically, but not psychologically distressed” (p. 467). This would be an important understanding of the population being studied that would be missed through simple classification. These studies of within-group variations have also suggested that those who value financial aspirations tend to find jobs that will allow them to maximize their income opportunities (Nickerson et al. 2007). In this regard, assessing for the primacy of financial success or aspirations is important around career aspirations. Classifying individuals into social class groups without contextualizing these groups also limits the helping professionals’ understanding of the group. Offer (2006) demonstrates that the ways in which elements of status are valued (e.g., income, education) tends to be a “local rather than a global attribute” (p. 280). That is, how much one earns in income is meaningful in comparison to others in that person’s perceived immediate group or community. Thus, as I have suggested to doctoral students and other researchers as they report social class-based demographic data on their participants, it is also important to contextualize the participant information within communities. I encourage them to review census or tax information about the communities and populations from which the participants are gathered and to provide that additional descriptive information as a means of comparing and understanding the participants.

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Finally, one other form of variability may not be accurately captured from categorization. This group of people has always been of interest to me, and my research team has labeled these individuals the “silver-spoon hippies” or those who grew up and have families who are “rich” but who choose to live a much more impoverished lifestyle. Brooks (2000) regards some of these privileged individuals making this lifestyle change as bobos, or bohemian bourgeoisie. These individuals may be similar to those described as “down-shifters” or individuals who choose to move from “fast-paced” lifestyles to “slower” and sometimes agrarian existences (Holt, 1998; Schor, 1998). But these bobos represent the variability arising from differences in worldviews and values, which are not effectively assessed or understood by simply placing them in high or low social class groups. A bobo’s agency at choosing a down-shifted lifestyle that looks poor is likely very different from that of someone who has grown up poor or who has not had choice in being poor. What is of interest to me is that, for these individuals who have been raised or socialized into certain social classes, usually more wealthy and affluent social classes, choosing a “slower” or more “impoverished” lifestyle means a change in value systems, worldviews, and beliefs. Yet I still wonder, since these individuals may have a “safety net” on which to fall, what might it mean for them to live an “impoverished” lifestyle? These individuals are important because they are potentially difficult to classify if given only the typical social class indices. What if they were categorized among the poorer social classes? How would their experiences and voluntary downward social mobility disrupt the meaningfulness of these social classes? I have yet to find any answer about this problem from the standard methodological protocols around social class. The converse to these bobos are those I would regard as the “passers.” These are individuals who may come from humble and poor backgrounds but aspire to be wealthy and affluent. These individuals want to be perceived by others as part of a particular social class, so they take on the behaviors and attitudes that mimic those in higher social classes. These folks may be dishonest about their backgrounds or be vague and opaque. It may be extremely difficult for the helping professional to have these individuals reveal their true social class background. These individuals may also be in a recurring debt cycle—probably a lifestyle largely leveraged on credit cards and other loans or extended mortgages—so that they may pursue or express a particular lifestyle or material excesses that are valued by the higher-social-class group to which they aspire. For these individuals, current ways of understanding their social class experiences and perceptions do not capture the complexity of how they conceptualize themselves as part of a social class group.

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Implications for Practice Throughout this chapter I have attempted to identify the shortcomings of current theories, paradigms, and frameworks on measuring social class and classism. Here, I will distill what I have presented into some practical considerations for helping professionals. 1. Helping professionals should identify specific variables of social class and define them in ways that may be observed and measured. Operationalizing these variables and even connecting these variables to a larger coherent theory of social class is important in research. 2. Try to provide some context to the data about to be collected. If income or some other discrete variable is of interest, provide a reference point by which a comparison may be made. For instance, examine demographic or census tract data about income for the specific population or community being measured and present these data. 3. Look for measures or portions of measures that may be used or adapted to assess for social class or classism. Rather than looking only for social class measures, helping professionals may look broadly at other ways social class is conceptualized such as social status, mobility, self-perception, acculturation, identity, or worldview. These measures should reflect some psychological, interpersonal, or intrapsychic experience and not a measure of classification or categorization. 4. Always give some consideration to the role of classism in social class. Helping professionals should consider social class and classism to be interdependent constructs that provide meaning and information to each other much like race and racism or gender and sexism, to name a few. Selfperceptions and attitudes of social class are often shaped by socialization and experiences with discrimination (i.e., classism), so there is a compelling interest to consider both.

Conclusion The focus of this chapter was to provide an understanding of how the current methods and assessments of social class fail helping professionals in working with clients and patients. Largely adopted from a sociological perspective, the indices such as income, education, and occupation and the impetus to categorize individuals into larger social classes tend to work against understanding individual-level experiences. What is also missing

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from the larger discussion on social class is the importance of classism and how these experiences help shape and sometimes direct people’s behaviors and attitudes around social class. For those who do want to integrate social class into research or assessment, the first step is to conceptualize the relationship between social class and the other variables of interest. The researcher should consult and review the available literature and determine what aspects of social class (e.g., income, education, occupation, wealth) are relevant and may play a role in the results. Certainly all of these aspects of social class may have some role, but to collect necessary and meaningful data is more important than collecting any and all data on social class. If possible, the researcher should consider theoretical guidance to help conceptualize the role of social class. The next step would be to find an available measure, and if there is none, to ask specific and direct questions about the social class construct of interest. It is important to be thoughtful about these questions rather than just to ask the obvious and surface-level questions. Asking about educational level and attainment only is a surface-level question, but asking about educational history and a timeline would be asking the less-obvious questions. Besides analyzing the data, the final step would be to contextualize the social class-related data. Contextualizing the data means the researcher should provide social class data about the population being studied (e.g., income, education, occupation) and the locale in which the study is taking place (e.g., the annual income of people in that community). Contextualizing the study also means providing social class data about participants in other relevant studies. Is this current study’s population higher, lower, or within a reasonable standard deviation in comparison to other study participants? I offer these considerations not as an exhaustive list but to provide a place for researchers and other helping professionals to understand how social class may be better used and integrated into research.

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Appendix A Social class and classism terms in the Journal of Counseling Psychology, Journal of Counseling and Development, and the Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, years 1981–2000. academic success academically disadvantaged adequate financial resources adequate financial sources adequate income administrative jobs affluent suburb affluent/more affluent annual income average yearly income bachelor or advanced degree better educated Black middle class blue collar broad socioeconomic range cannot find employment career and achievement career identification class and status variables class-distinctions class education class elitism class factors class income class occupation class populations class privilege class respect class-conscious class-economic status class-related disorders classism community income levels concerns for monetary cost control dead-end jobs

dependent versus independent financial status depressed social structure disadvantaged vocational students disadvantaged wealthy diverse income levels earning power earnings earnings and achievement related to environment and social factors economic economic and job insecurities economic and occupational indexes economic assistance economic background economic barriers economic characteristics economic classes economic concerns economic conditions economic context economic creeds economic dependence on parents economic deprivation economic development economic differences economic disadvantage economic factors economic forces economic freedom economic gains economic hardship economic hurdles economic implications economic inequalities economic influences

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economic interventions economic issues economic level economic mainstream economic need economic networks economic obstacles economic oppression economic poverty economic power economic pressures of poverty economic problems economic prospective economic prosperity economic realities economic reasons economic resources economic rewards economic security economic segregation economic self-sufficiency economic situations economic social cultural environments economic status economic stratification economic stress economic success economic underclass economic upheaval economic variables economically depressed economically deprived economically disadvantaged economically privileged education education and economic status variables education inequalities education level limitations education background educational achievement

educational and occupational attainment barriers educational background educational benefits denied to poor educational development educational level/level of education educational opportunities educational parity educational status elitism elitist educational institutions employment employment status enough money environmental variables (economic) equal-status jobs equated SES with sampling of schools essentially lower-middle class expected salary family average income family breadwinner family economic history family economic problems family income family occupation family status fathers’ occupation federal income guidelines finances financial and educational resources financial and employment problems financial assets financial background financial barriers financial concerns financial considerations financial freedom financial inadequacies financial incentives

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financial or job worries financial resources financial security financial status financial support financially disadvantaged first-generation college students formal education free lunch ghetto government assistance for lunch gross national product health care hierarchical structures (wage, job prestige, opportunity networks) high class high education/high education level high income high income status high prestige high social class group high versus low salary high-paying occupation high-risk poverty high-status jobs high-status positions higher socioeconomic backgrounds higher-level occupation homeless household income human capital inadequate housing income income and educational background income disparity income levels income to live industrial setting inequality inner city

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job insecurities job level job market salaries job prestige jobs lower in prestige lack access lack of financial resources lack of money lateral aspiration leisure activities leisure time less affluent less educated less-prestigious occupations level of educational attainment lifestyle change with education lifestyle planning concepts of life work limited economic resources limited education limited financial resources live in poverty low economics low education low income low pay low prestige low salaried low social status low socioeconomic class low socioeconomic levels low socioeconomic resources low status low-class background low-esteemed jobs low-income families low-income neighborhood low-level occupations low-middle-income families low-paying jobs low-paying, low-status occupations low-reward careers

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low-skilled occupations/jobs/ positions low-socioeconomic clients low-socioeconomic preschoolers low-status occupations lower class/low class lower economic strata lower education and occupations lower education level lower in status and salaries lower middle-class lower socioeconomic ranking lower wages lower-class Blacks lower-level or downward mobility lower-prestige occupations/jobs lower-SES communities lower-socioeconomic minority population lowest professional status lucrativeness of a career (salary earnings) macroeconomic conditions managerial jobs manual labor marginal economic survival material advantages material resources material success mean education mean family income mean income mean salary median income median income status median rating of prestige Medicaid Medicare medium income middle class middle income middle or high family income

middle socioeconomic strata middle-upper class middle-class economic issue middle-class education middle-class parents middle-class socioeconomic background middle-class south middle-class suburb middle-class values middle-class worldview middle-class youth middle-income jobs migrant laborers minimum wage money nonprofessionals not well-educated occupation occupation category occupation level occupation mobility occupational occupational and educational status occupational classifications occupational prestige/prestige of occupations occupational status old money parent occupation parent occupational prestige parental income parental occupation parents’ education parents’ educational attainment per capita income percent free lunch physical labor poor poor housing

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poor-middle class poor people poor urban areas poor urban south poor White trash poorer homes poverty poverty level poverty line poverty rate poverty-level incomes power power and class power due to income power status prestige prestige-level privileges of the more powerful professional professional and managerial workers professional capacity professional jobs/positions professional-levels professional status professional white-collar occupations professional women projected income protestant work ethic psychosocial economic public assistance programs quick socioeconomic change resources salaries salaries below qualifications sales jobs second-class population second-class populations self-employed salaried professionals semi-professional positions

semi-skilled service-related jobs SES/socioeconomic status skilled occupations social backgrounds social class Social Security benefits social status socially economically occupationally societal prestige socio-cultural and economic problems socioeconomic socioeconomic advantage socioeconomic and political structure socioeconomic background socioeconomic barriers socioeconomic characteristics socioeconomic circumstances socioeconomic class socioeconomic clients socioeconomic concerns socioeconomic conditions socioeconomic differences socioeconomic diversity socioeconomic educational differences socioeconomic environment socioeconomic equitable world socioeconomic factors socioeconomic families socioeconomic groups socioeconomic households socioeconomic index socioeconomic levels socioeconomic makeup of norms socioeconomic minority population socioeconomic population

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socioeconomic positions socioeconomic prejudice socioeconomic realities socioeconomic setting socioeconomic similarities socioeconomic situation socioeconomic socialization socioeconomic strata socioeconomic structural socioeconomic students socioeconomically socioeconomically advantaged socioeconomically deprived area socioeconomically or socioeconomic source of support status status and class success survive economically technical jobs terms of economics under-class underemployment unemployment rate unemployment/unemployed university education upper class upper income upper middle class upper occupations upper-middle-income families

upward economic and career mobility upward mobility upward mobility in employment upwardly aspiring middle class families urban despair urban setting varieties of income very poor very poor individuals very rich wages wages from coal, steel, allied industries wealth wealthier wealthy people well-educated white collar White middle class White middle-class males white-collar professionals work environment work status working working class working population working-class communities working-class families working-class poor working-class Whites years of education

Note: This list is from Liu, W. M., Ali, S. R., Soleck, G., Hopps, J., Dunston, K., & Pickett, T., Jr. (2004). Using social class in counseling psychology research. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 51, 3–18. The list is presented in no order, preference, or hierarchy of frequency or importance.

4 The Social Class Worldview Model Our local food cooperative is one of three different food markets in our city, and each of these different markets serves a particular social class community. The large-warehouse national chain market such as Walmart tends to appeal to the working-class community. The regional food market is a chain store, is much smaller in size than the warehouse market, and tends to appeal to most everyone across the social class hierarchy. Stocked with local and national brands, it tends to be the middle-ground market. Finally, our food cooperative (co-op) is distinctly attractive to what I would consider to be the professional and upper-class members of the community. Organic and locally grown foods are found at our co-op, and the prices tends to be at least twice as high for many items when compared to the other two markets. Walking around, the faces are a familiar mix of the professional class. They bring their own shopping bags to be environmentally conscious; peruse the bulletin boards, which are populated with notices and advertisements for socially conscious events and services; and talk to their child(ren) as they shop and teach the children about the produce and the 13 different forms of lettuces. I imagine the children are all being socialized to one day talk about how much they enjoy the mix of arugula, endive, and radicchio in their salads. As we pack our groceries in our large mixed-fuel SUVs, we give each other a nod and recognize that we are

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socially conscious and liberally minded. I am part of a group that I have affectionately described as the socially conscious and upwardly mobile—S.C.U.M., for short.

T

here are varied ways in which people make sense and meaning of their social class, their experiences with classism, and their social class worldview. Being affluent or poor does not necessarily imply that a person takes on the same worldview as other people in the same or similar situations. Context, socialization by peers and family, and experiences with classism and discrimination are a few ways that people may develop different social class worldviews. I have argued throughout this book that the construct of social class is not well reported in the empirical literature for psychology and not well understood in the helping professions (Munley, Anderson, Baines, Borgman, Briggs, Dolan, & Koyama, 2002). In one review of empirical articles from American Psychological Association journals in 1999, Munley et al. (2002) found that in examining the description of participants, social class had some of the lowest reports, which was in contrast to more frequent reporting of race and gender. Either unmeasured or misunderstood, the outcome seems similar: a disjointed conceptualization about social class and its relevance for people and communities. Even when social class is reported, the focus is still on stratification rather than on subjective and experiential meaningfulness. That is, current methods of understanding social class cannot explain other human characteristics and perceptions related to social class such as greed, envy, entitlement, and pride (Boyd & Helms, 2005; Friedman & Ostrov, 2008; Lea & Webley, 1997; Nikelly, 2006). All of these elements are tied to the human experience and interpretation of social class, and all of these may appear in the counseling session or work done by helping professionals. Yet these are not well articulated in the literature. With all that is lacking in our current conceptualizations of social class and classism and the importance of these constructs in the helping professions, I found it imperative to find a way to link social class and classism to the helping professions. The premise of the Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM) is to move the way helping professionals understand social class and classism from the broader sociological perspectives to an individual-level understanding that will assist and inform counseling and other clinical work with clients and patients. By sociological, I do not mean to imply that the work of sociology is irrelevant but to remark about the need to move from exploring the macro level to the individual level. Originally, I proposed the SCWM in 2001 (Liu, 2001) as a heuristic to explain how people may make sense of

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their environment as well as of themselves and others as social class beings. The latest revision of the SCWM–R (Liu, in press) presents some changes to the original theory; I have worked to clarify the relationship between the different aspects contained within the worldview model, and I have elaborated on the saliency and consciousness portion of the worldview. I had originally posited that saliency and consciousness served a central role in determining the extent to which a person understands and integrates social class into his/her life. In 2001 and in subsequent writing, I had mentioned this central construct and its governing function within the worldview of the individual, but I had not elaborated on the different types and levels of this consciousness. In this present rendition of the SCWM–R, I have added and elaborated on the consciousness facets of social class and classism. I also realize that for some readers, the SCWM–R may be relatively new as a heuristic framework for understanding and exploring social class and classism. Therefore, the purpose of the chapter is to describe the SCWM–R, its components, and how they work in concert to create a social class worldview. The only aspect of the SCWM–R that I do not discuss here is classism and the four kinds of classism (upward, downward, lateral, and internalized). I will discuss these more in depth in the classism chapter. What I do discuss is how classism as a general construct operates within the SCWM–R and its relationship to homeostasis and disequilibrium. In describing a subjective approach to understanding individual-level experiences with social class and classism, I do not mean to imply that social class, inequality, affluence, and wealth are all subjective and not based in objective factors such as income, education, or occupational level. I recognize and believe that the privileges that are afforded to some from being born into wealth certainly do have an effect on how a person conceptualizes his or her social class, and that perceiving and believing that one has money is a different situation than actually having money. The same is true for someone born into poverty; one cannot discount the deleterious effects of poverty on the physical and psychological constitution of a person and its lifelong consequences. In addition to all of these real effects, I am also interested in how people within these situations and contexts understand themselves and others within a social class world. How do people conceptualize and understand themselves as social class beings and how do they make sense of classism in their lives? How do people make meaning of having a lot of money or no money at all? These individual-level differences, even within a similar income bracket, for instance, allow helping professionals to better explore and understand the worldview of the individual. These different perceptions of an “objective” variable became apparent to me during a football party. Attending this event were a number of faculty members, spouses, and children. Most of the faculty members attending

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were junior (assistant- and associate-level tenure-track faculty). At one point we were discussing whether students should address us as Professor, Doctor, or by our first names. One person remarked that, everyone is a doctor, but only a few were professors. I believe his sense was that living in a university town that was linked to a large teaching hospital, there were many people who regarded themselves as doctors. This situation had me thinking. In my program, we tend to be rather informal, so first names are preferred. But I also know that in another helping professional program down the hall from mine, all the students refer to faculty as Doctor or Professor. It becomes an interesting juxtaposition for my students in mixed classrooms where they address me by my first name and other students use the prefix. Among the faculty in this discussion, I mentioned that it did not matter to me, but as a professional issue, I only preferred that I give permission to students to use my first name and that students should not automatically assume familiarity and use my first name. This was related to another discussion I had with my mentor, an African American faculty member, who advised me to set that professional boundary since, in his experience, mostly White students had a tendency to assume that privilege in addressing him and other faculty of color by first names; students of color tended to initially refrain from this behavior. For me, even in this simple discussion of professional prefixes, it was apparent that people regarded their educational distinctions differently and that the prefix (Professor or Doctor) was an important aspect of their identities. Additionally, people were not passive respondents to their social class environment but were also active participants in engaging and shaping their situations to best meet their social class worldviews. The SCWM–R is founded on the idea that the individual is an interactive participant with his/her social class and economic environment and that these social influences help shape the individual’s worldview. Therefore, the SCWM–R, even though it is an individual-level exploration and understanding of social class, is still interdependent on the environment and situation as well as on the interrelationships with others (socio). The worldview is not just internal and intrapsychic (idio; Liu, in press) or a worldview contrived without influence by the larger economic world. To account for the impact of the larger context, I have integrated the “socio” with the “idio” and developed the Social Class Worldview as three interrelated components. The first component is the economic culture, which I will describe. The second component is the worldview, which may be defined as “sets of beliefs or assumptions that describe reality” (KoltkoRivera, 2004, p. 3). This definition is about how life within that worldview is described, lived, the goals, and the limits—“A worldview defines what can be known or done in the world, and how it can be known or done” (p. 4).

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More simply, worldviews are a kind of lens through which we see the world, and these lenses color, distort, magnify, and limit what is seen and what information is taken in by the individual. Within the SCWM–R, the worldview represents the beliefs, attitudes, and values an individual uses to understand and interpret his/her economic and social class situations and conditions. These beliefs, attitudes, values represent the aggregate socialization experiences and social class aspirations resulting from interactions with friends, family, peers, and the larger economic cultures. The worldview also facilitates the individual’s understanding of the various demands and expectations from various groups within these economic cultures (Liu, in press). Finally, the third component is classism. The worldview helps the individual interpret experiences with classism and helps to frame the ways in which classism is used to maintain a perceived social class position (Liu, in press; Liu, Ali, Soleck, Hopps, Dunston, & Pickett, 2004).

The Context of Economic Cultures I propose that the United States is composed of multiple economic cultures, each with some specific value system that circumscribes values, beliefs, and expectations about what are important capitals and resources to accumulate. As Ahuvia’s (2002) research on subjective well-being across nations suggests, one of the outcomes or purposes of economic development is the creation of “individualistic cultures which encourage their members to pursue personal happiness” (p. 23). I would go further and say that these individualistic cultures are not just national but also local cultures that circumscribe the values around economic happiness. An economic culture (Ec) is the context in which people develop their social class worldview. The individual’s Ec exists within a larger economic culture (EC) that might be understood as the country’s economic system such as capitalism. This larger macro-level economic culture (EC) exists interdependently with the multiple economic cultures (Ec). So for instance, the current situation with our economy is dire and we would be considered within a recession. This larger economic issue of the EC impacts communities (Ecs) differently, and people have varied the ways in which they have interpreted and coped with the larger national problem. Given this idea, helping professionals should be aware of how larger economic forces impinge upon and impact the individual’s economic culture. For me, it is important that helping professionals recognize that there is not one unitary middle-class, for instance, but that there exist multiple ways middle classhood is understood, conceptualized, and made meaningful. Being a middle-class person in an urban area is likely a little different

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than being middle class in a more rural locale. It is not just the objective factors such as income and educational level that determine these differences; it is also the meaning placed on certain levels of income, education, and a host of other factors that contributes to varying ways in which middle classness is understood. In other words, people in urban areas may place a premium on income as a sign of social status, perhaps due to the high cost of living expenses, but middle-class individuals in a college town may value educational level and attainment as well as professional status (e.g., professor rank). These different levels and ways in which social class is made meaningful represent the economic culture (Ec) within which the person derives his/her social class worldview. Moreover, it is not just the town or city that represents the Ec, but people may also exist within smaller Ecs (neighborhood, department) that also impact and dictate what is defined as appropriate and meaningful for a person within a social class. Conceptually, I have suggested that the Ecs determine what individuals need to do to maintain their social class position and status. The Ecs are populated by people who interpret larger EC demands and expectations and then filter them down to what is meaningful and reasonable for others in the Ec. For instance, most people would not be able to afford the extravagant gowns that actresses wear to formal events (EC), but this aesthetic is distilled for the wider population. The national EC in this case presses people to subscribe to a certain aesthetic that reflects wealth and affluence. People are given opportunities to purchase similar aesthetics in fashion from an array of different stores marketed for different social class groups (Ecs). These range from boutique stores to larger chain department stores to chain retailers such as J. Crew and finally to larger chain thrift stores such as Target or Walmart. Therefore, individuals within an Ec experience particular expectations and demands upon them to which they must respond to remain congruent with others within their perceived social class group. I have determined that most of these demands and expectations fall into three categories. These categories represent forms of capital or resources that individuals must develop and nurture so they may use them appropriately within their Ec to remain consonant with others in their perceived social class group. The three capitals are human, social, and cultural. As I explain each one briefly (see Figure 4.1), it is also important to consider that these capitals are not equally salient and meaningful. Instead, depending on the Ec, each type of capital may be differently meaningful and salient for the individual. As a result, the individual may focus primarily on developing one form of capital while the others are developed as auxiliaries (backup and reserve) capitals. So for instance, in a collegiate environment, for a professor, depending on the department and context, human capital (educational level and attainment) may be a priority,

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HOMEOSTASIS

C

MAT

UP

BEH

LAT

LSTYL

DOWN

SM EC

S

NO

SCCC H

YES INTCLS

DISEQUILIBRIUM

Figure 4.1

The Social Class Worldview Model–Revised

Source: Liu (in press). Note: EC = Economic Culture; C = Cultural Capital; S = Social Capital; H = Human Capital; SM = Socialization Messages; SCCC = Social Class and Classism Consciousness; MAT = Material Possessions; BEH = Social Class Behaviors; LSTYL = Social Class Lifestyle; UP = Upward Classism; LAT = Lateral Classism; DOWN = Downward Classism; and INTCLS = Internalized Classism.

and the auxiliary capitals may be social capital (knowing people and social networks) and cultural capital (aesthetics and social class mannerisms).

Human Capital Human capital can be defined as capabilities and physical characteristics with which a person is born and that the person may develop and enhance throughout a lifetime. But the enlargement of these capabilities is related to physical limitations and access to resources. For instance, genetically, a person can only grow so tall or gain so much muscle mass, even given optimal nutrition and protein intake and exercise; there are real limits to a person’s size (without the use of steroids). These human capabilities are such things as body size, mass, muscularity, and attractiveness. Education or being considered “smart” is a form of human capital and a form of upward mobility (Nettle, 2003), and people are motivated to present themselves as smart because it represents a form of social class and mobility (Piketty, 1998). Intelligence and related ability may be gained through schooling or training (Gradstein & Justman, 2000). In other situations such as professional athletics, body size and muscularity are valued and encouraged and are an important part of social class position because

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performance is related to pay. And finally, in some other contexts where beauty and attractiveness are important, even skin color could be used as a physical or human form of capital that conveys status or one’s social class (Hunter, 2002).

Social Capital Social capital may be defined as social networks and interpersonal connections. These networks and interpersonal relationships (close and distant) may be used as a resource. Social capital may be conceptualized as “resources accessible through one’s direct and indirect ties” (Lin, 1999, p. 468). One way to conceptualize these resources is as social resources that may be related to opportunities for any individual (Lai, Lin, & Leung, 1998). For example, within certain social networks, job opportunities that are not publicized may be communicated among friends and peers. Another reason social capital is important is because people want to be affiliated with others who they deem similar in some regard (Schmid, 2000), and in this case, around people who may be regarded as being within the same social class. In some contexts where professional networking is highly valued, developing social capital is a regular part of the discussion and expectation. Having business cards ready for any kind of interpersonal interaction recognizes the importance of social capital development.

Cultural Capital Cultural capital is defined as aesthetics an individual develops and has that are demonstrated to reflect one’s current or intended social class group (Bourdieu, 1984). For the aesthete or strong adherent to aesthetics, this capital or resource focuses on tastes and aesthetics that may be demonstrated through one’s clothing, how one decorates one’s home, the food one chooses to eat, and the leisure activities in which one chooses to participate. Aesthetics and taste become important markers and representations of one’s social class. For example, one’s participation in art or visits to an art museum (DiMaggio, 1996; Glynn, Bhattacharya, & Rao, 1996) may be regarded as an activity by which one is able to garner capital among those in an Ec who value museum patronage. One’s willingness to buy brand-name expensive cosmetics is another reflection of one’s “good tastes” (Chao & Schor, 1998). Importantly, even in this capital, I intentionally do not discuss only upper-class aesthetics because it is possible that individuals may also want to cultivate cultural aesthetics of groups “lower” than their social class. In this situation, I imagine the “trust-fund hippie” who adores and privileges cultural aesthetics in contradistinction to upper-class values

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and tastes (e.g., clothing, music, art, and food). Thus, the trust-fund hippie in this example has developed aesthetics that may privilege vintage or second-hand clothing, subcultural music, and alternative lifestyles. Essentially, cultural capital is a form of “class practice” (Holt, 1998, p. 19). That is, there are cultural tastes affiliated with one’s social class, and the individual is motivated to demonstrate or reflect his/her legitimacy in that social class (Holt, 1998; Tournemaine & Tsoukis, 2008).

The Worldview The worldview is a collection of lenses and is the way through which the capital demands and expectations are understood. Influencing how the worldview takes shape are two forces. The first is socialization messages, which I will discuss here, and the second is social class consciousness, which I will discuss later. The socialization messages are composed of implicit and explicit communications from friends, peers, and family members. Additionally, another aspect of socialization may come from the group to which the individual aspires. These socialization messages may be such things as “work hard to succeed” or “never trust anyone to help you out,” or even “don’t trust anyone who makes less than you.” Family, friends, and peers provide all sorts of implicit and explicit messages about social class, even if they are not couched in the language of social class. Individuals ingest and introject these messages, and these messages help them create a rudimentary script by which they see themselves and others with regard to social class. These socialization messages may not necessarily be direct and explicit messages (e.g., not attending to a homeless person is a communication of the homeless person’s invisibility), but these can be socialization messages nonetheless for others. A child watching his father walk past someone in need without a glance is being socialized to see and treat others in a similar condition with aversion and distance. Furthermore, if the individual aspires toward upper-class groups, even though the individual is presently in a lower- or middle-class situation, the messages the individual may receive may be from other sources such as books, magazines, and television, but also from direct and indirect messages from people who are from that group or who have contact with those group members. What stem from these socialization messages and social class and classism consciousness are attitudes and behaviors toward materialism and possessions, social class congruent behaviors (e.g., etiquette, accent), and how one spends time or lifestyle considerations (e.g., leisure, work, vacations). The premise is that these socialization messages influence how the individual approaches three specific areas comprising the social class worldview: materialism, lifestyle considerations, and social class behaviors (Banerjee &

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Dittmar, 2008; Chebat, Sirgy, & St-James, 2006; Clark, Martin, & Bush, 2001; Davies & Lea, 1995; Fitzmaurice & Comegys, 2006; Kottler, 1999; Wang & Waller, 2006; Zukin & Maguire, 2004). Materialism is the tendency of people to primarily see the self, world, people, and relationships as materialistically laden. For example, a person who perceives the world primarily through this lens will evaluate and judge people and relationships based on material possessions and representations. This individual will likely be explicitly looking for material symbols such as clothing, labels, cars, homes, and even bikes (Klinkenborg, 2009) as a means to interact with others. Much of what this person looks at and talks about constantly revolves around material things, objects, and possessions. Additionally, this individual is acutely aware of others’ evaluation of him or her and is likely to be a high self-monitor and constantly sensitive to self-presentation and his or her own display of material things and objects. The other lens through which people see the self, world, people, and relationships is social class-based behaviors. These behaviors are the explicit representation of social class. These behaviors may be etiquette, language use, accents, and even physical fitness. During my time as a graduate student, one program I conducted during my assistantship was a professional development event that was supposed to prepare students for job interviews. The portion of the event that attracted the most students was the etiquette course. How to navigate through a formal meal, how to hold a drink at a social hour, and how to conduct polite conversation were social class-based etiquette skills many students needed. Thus, any behavior that is typically regarded as part of a social class group and any behavior expected of an individual to remain congruent in that social class group would be considered a social class-based behavior. Individuals perceiving the world primarily through this lens are likely to be critical and evaluative of how others demonstrate or display social class through dining manners, gait, or even speech. The last lens through which people see the self, world, people, and relationships is the lifestyle considerations and ways in which a person spends his or her time. There are social class expectations of how one should and must spend time, and to remain congruent in the social class group, the individual looks for and evaluates the ways time is spent. For instance, a simple consideration such as a vacation is highly social classed because the length of the vacation and where one goes and stays are related to expectations of a social class group. Driving to Mount Rushmore and residing in a motel is social class-congruent in some situations, while for some others, no less than a week at the Mandarin Hotel in Paris would suffice. Materialism, lifestyle considerations, and social class behaviors might be conceptualized as three apertures, all of which have different salience and thus

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have different-sized openings. As an example, if materialism is the primary way an individual sees him- or herself, the world, people, and relationships, then the materialism lens may have the largest opening in the aperture, and the other lenses of lifestyle considerations and social class behaviors are relatively smaller. These smaller openings suggest that these other lenses then serve as secondary or auxiliary lenses through which social class information is perceived and given. Certainly social class context and situation also impact the relative size of each lens, so for many people there is some shifting and changing of the size of these apertures. These changes imply some adaptation that allows the individual to better understand and navigate the world. However, I would argue that when these lenses remain static and constant—nonadaptive—regardless of the situation and context, the individual will likely experience distress and dissonance because these lenses fail to adequately interpret and filter social class information (from the external to the internal individual and vice versa). Consequently, this person may find him- or herself forcing the situation to be consonant with how the world is interpreted, temporarily withdrawing from the situation to decrease the tension and conflict, or looking for ways to permanently extract him- or herself from the present and other future situations with similar demand characteristics. To illustrate this last point, I am reminded of an undergraduate woman who was a former client. She came to the university from an affluent suburb outside of Chicago. She came to session dressed exceedingly well, with explicit name-brand shoes, handbags, sunglasses, and clothing. Her presentation reminded me of a NASCAR racecar, but instead of Mobile Oil, her preferences leaned toward Louis Vuitton and Gucci. Her presenting problem was her inability to attract and retain friends. She also reported that others “just didn’t seem to get her” and that people were “jealous of her.” It was such a problem that she considered changing schools. Her problem was apparent after some assessment: She had a tendency to relate to herself and others through her materialism lens. Even though this was adaptive and functional for her, to some extent, in high school and in her neighborhood, the institutional setting was a change in contexts. Her tendency to “stuff” all of her perceptions and interactions through the materialism lens became tiresome and boring for other new students who seemed more interested in other interpersonal interactions. Part of my work with her was to develop more flexibility with her interest in materialism and to develop and learn how to talk about other interests. Because her materialism script was so entrenched, one of her developmental skills was to develop other ways to “talk” to her peers; this became a trial-and-error–filled learning task, but one she learned well and generalized throughout her other interactions. It turned out that this small change in her allowed her to feel more comfortable with others and herself.

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Classisms Other psychologists and helping professionals have discussed the problem of classism and how interpersonal classism is mostly directed at those who are poor (Beagan, 2005; Holtz, 2003; Lott, 2002; Smith, 2005; Smith, Foley, & Chaney, 2008). To some extent, it seems that the exercise of classism against others is also likely a means to maintain one’s own fragile sense of self and self-image (Fein & Spencer, 1997). Additionally, it is a form of negotiating who is part and not part of the group and to find attributes of the negative group (Ostrove, 2003). Both of these aspects are pertinent within the SCWM–R. As a means to maintain psychological equilibrium, classism is important in feeling normal within one’s social class group, and as a means to negotiate out-group members, classism is a behavior by which nongroup members are marginalized. Classism, within the SCWM–R, has dominant and auxiliary functions as well. Much like the apertures in the worldview, people have dominant ways in which classism is exerted against others. As I will discuss later, classism may be directed to people perceived in higher social classes (upward classism), and these “upper-class” individuals may be perceived to be unkind or uncaring, for instance (Christopher & Schlenker, 2000; Konigsberg, 2008). There may be downward classism wherein individuals perceived to be in lower social class groups are degraded. Lateral classism is a form of horizontal comparison (Diwan, 2000; Rege, 2008; Schor, 1998) wherein people evaluate themselves and are evaluated based on what others within the same social class have or do. Finally, internalized classism is feelings of anxiety, depression, anger, and frustration arising from not being able to maintain one’s social class standing. In some cases, these feelings and beliefs that one cannot maintain a social status or the loss of social status are full of shame and may result in self-destructive behaviors as extreme as suicide (Liu, 2002; Semple, 2009). As a means to resolve these noxious feelings, the individual may engage in specific behaviors (e.g., shopping to enhance one’s material possessions). Advertisers have discovered that eliciting these noxious feelings is an essential way to compel people to buy and shop (Cotte & Richie, 2005) because advertising and consumerism constantly try to shift the foundation for people’s happiness and contentment (Peiro, 2006). And as Diener, Lucas, and Scollon (2006) have shown in their research, the hedonic treadmill hypothesis (Brickman & Campbell, 1971) that describes people adapting to circumstance such that they eventually reach a neutral point (hedonic neutrality) is not entirely accurate. People may reach a neutral point, but they are immediately compelled toward another threshold. For instance, when it comes to materialism, the original hedonic treadmill hypothesis is

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that people may shift their buying habits and purchase new material objects. Eventually they become habituated to the new materialistic values and reach a new neutral point. Thus, the individual is never truly happy but rather is continually seeking and meeting new challenges, and as the individual meets these new challenges, he or she becomes habituated to them. The problem for many people, though, is that the chronic sense of internalized classism is deleterious to the individual and to others around him or her.

Social Class and Classism Consciousness From my clinical experience with people, I was fascinated by the different levels of awareness and consciousness people had around their own social class experiences. Some people clearly had struggled with social class in their lives and had some rudimentary and fragmented ways to understand social class and classism. For others, social class was never an issue to be considered. These individuals understood there were rich and poor, but that was about as far as they thought about inequality. This variability in understanding and awareness of social class is the reason there needs to be a component of consciousness in any theory or framework around social class. Social Class and Classism Consciousness (SCCC) is a construct within the SCWM–R that addresses the individual’s social class awareness and consciousness. This consciousness is about the individual’s sense of being in a social class system and how the individual sees the world and others. The SCCC has three broad levels or domains (No Social Class Consciousness, Social Class Self-Consciousness, and Social Class Consciousness) and 10 statuses within the three levels (see Tables 4.1 and 4.2). The 10 statuses are: Unawareness, Status Position Saliency, Questioning, Exploration and Justification, Despair, The World Is Just, Intellectualized Anger and Frustration, Reinvestment, Engagement, and Equilibration. The first level is the No Social Class Consciousness wherein the individual is largely unaware of social class in his or her life (Liu, in press). For this person, it is not that he or she is completely devoid of any awareness but rather that the individual has not developed a complex or sophisticated understanding and awareness of how social class operates in his or her life. Usually, the way in which the person may try to understand social class and classism comes mostly from introjects of scripts and schemas from media, family, and friends. I mean introjects to be unfiltered and wholesale adoption of perspectives from others; the person has not fully considered these scripts and schemas and tends to parrot social class discourse from

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Table 4.1

Social Class and Classism Consciousness Model Levels and Statuses (SCCC)

No Social Class Consciousness • Unawareness • Status Position Saliency • Questioning Social Class Self-Consciousness • Exploration and Justification • Despair • The World Is Just • Intellectualized Anger and Frustration Social Class Consciousness • Reinvestment • Engagement • Equilibration

those around him or her. For instance, one may encounter someone who believes wholly in the myth of meritocracy and has not explored the individual, cultural, systemic, and structural forces and privileges by which some succeed without effort. As the individual has more experiences, changes contexts, and has other situations that challenge his or her current conceptualizations of social class, the person may begin to experience dissonance and recognize that the present schemas fail or are ineffective in exploring, explaining, and comprehending these social class experiences. The person may even generate questions about social class and classism but may not have the capacity and complexity to fully articulate or understand these experiences. At the next level of Social Class Self-Consciousness, the individual begins the evolution of a self-consciousness and sensitivity to social class and classism. Self-consciousness is meant here as an acute sensitivity to the person’s social class context and environment and how he or she is perceived, but this sensitivity lacks complexity in deciphering power, privilege, and inequality. Simply stated, the individual understands something is happening but does not know and understand what or how it is happening. In this level, the individual is self-focused, and this inward direction allows the person to explore and reconcile what he or she currently knows about social class and classism. Using the example of the myth of meritocracy, at this level, the individual looks for ways to justify this perspective. Disquieting information that challenges social class schemas may be dismissed, denied, or minimized. (Text continues on p. 94)

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The self is an Social class is not a salient independent actor in part of one’s worldview. the social class system. There is recognition of inequality, of rich and poor, but no real conceptualization of how social systems may work to create inequality. Overall there may be a belief in the myth of meritocracy and an acceptance of personal and other people’s unqualified privileges and entitlements. The individual generally sees him/ herself as belonging to a social class group and begins to recognize the boundaries of his/ her social class group.

Unawareness

Status Position The individual recognizes Saliency people in higher and lower groups and is aware that he/ she may belong to a social class group.

Definition

Status

Self-Perception

Social Class and Classism Consciousness Model

Table 4.2

The larger sociostructural system works neutrally. People get what they deserve. The individual believes that there are some unfair advantages but not so much as to unbalance the system. The larger society is recognized to be composed of higher and lower social class groups, some of which deserve esteem and others derision.

Some recognition that there are higher and lower “others” but no acknowledgement that the individual is also part of a larger economic system

The individual perceives of multiple social class groups within which others belong, and these groups are stratified, but the individual is unclear what creates the hierarchy, stratification, or inequality.

Peers are perceived to reflect and endorse the individual’s worldview and are believed to share a similar unaware worldview.

Peers are part of the individual’s social class group and the individual recognizes peers who may belong to other social class groups.

(Continued)

Perception of Society

Perception of Others

Perception of Peers

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(Continued)

Definition

The individual questions the role of social class in his/ her life. The questions may create anxieties and tensions related to how social class operates in the individual’s life and the larger society.

The individual seeks out knowledge and experiences to answer these questions. The individual is primarily interested in finding support for previously held beliefs about how social class functions and the role it plays in his/her life.

Table 4.2

Status

Questioning

Exploration and Justification

Perception of Society Still greatly unsure how the larger sociostructural system of social class operates but some sense that status considerations are important parts of one’s experience

A growing sense that society “must” be just and inequality “must” be a “natural” product of people’s efforts

Perception of Others Steady recognition that there are social class in-groups and outgroups

Other people are unreliable because they do not “understand” the individual’s experiences and perspectives and are likely to challenge the individual too much.

Perception of Peers Beginning sense that the individual and his/her cohort have certain social class boundaries that still seem diffuse and unclear and some recognition that the peer group has boundaries

Peers and the cohort group are sought out for answers, but recognition that the peer group may be an unreliable source of information grows.

Self-Perception Some dissonance about the individual’s role in social class and inequality; generally unsure what social class and classism means, but some burgeoning recognition that social class exists and operates. The individual may also question how he/ she came to his/her particular social class position. The self is unsure and is vulnerable, but the individual is willing to explore answers that may support the already existing, albeit tenuous, worldview.

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The individual is resigned to accepting inequality and the rationalization that people get what they deserve. The individual is interested in his/her own privilege, entitlements, and status attainment.

The World Is Just

Intellectualized As the individual explores Anger and his/her questions around Frustration social class, classism, and inequality, the individual becomes angry and frustrated at the state of inequality. The individual

The individual resigns him/ herself to believing there is no escape from the current circumstances. For instance, an individual in poverty may believe he/she cannot move beyond his/her situation.

Despair

Society is just and inequality is a natural product and process.

Society is unjust and must be corrected—usually through some revolutionary action. Large social action is sought.

Other people have not worked hard enough or made the right “life choices” to succeed.

Others are categorized into oppressed and oppressors, with the oppressed being those in poverty and lowincome situations. Others are also encouraged to fight against inequality.

Peers are sought out who reinforce this same worldview. Usually they are people who reinforce the individual’s current social class position or who are interested in upward mobility. Interested in seeking out other groups and expanding their peer group to find additional support for his/her experiences and growing perspective.

Because the world is unchangeable, it is important to look out for oneself.

The self is blameless and it is others and society who created inequality; it is the individual who must “correct” the injustices.

(Continued)

There are rich and poor and society is made to make the rich richer and the poor poorer.

People are not interested in helping you cope with the situation better.

Peers are regarded in a similar situation and peers may be the target of anger if they try to deviate from (improve) their current situation.

The self is perceived as impotent against the current situation; the individual does not believe he/she possesses the skills to overcome his/her situation.

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Reinvestment

Definition

Status

The individual investigates social class, classism, and inequality again in his/ her own personal life and explores how his/her actions impact others. The individual is interested in finding ways to understand social class in his/her own world.

becomes increasingly interested in addressing economic inequality. The individual likely attempts to involve him/herself in broad and far-reaching activities that are outside his/her ability to intervene and understand. There is no introspection and deep consideration about poverty and inequality except reactive anger and frustration.

(Continued)

Table 4.2

The individual recognizes that he/she is engaged in unequal, unjust, and sometimes classist actions. The individual recognizes these actions as having negative impacts on others. He/she begins to connect individual behavior to possibly larger social problems.

Self-Perception

The individual observes how peers also enact social class and classism. Peers are being evaluated on their social class consciousness.

Peers are expected to reflect the individual’s worldview about inequality.

Perception of Peers

Rather than focusing on society at large, the individual focuses on his/her surrounding environment. The individual’s interest is the immediate context within which social class and classism are enacted and how his/ her individual behaviors may make an impact.

Perception of Others

Society is recognized to be composed of smaller contexts. These smaller contexts are the ways in which society may be changed to be more equitable.

Perception of Society

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The individual is able to complexly explore and understand the role of social class in his/her world. The individual struggles for equilibrium when trying to figure out issues of poverty/ injustice.

Equilibration

Source: Liu (in press).

The individual is actively involved in social class, inequality, and poverty issues in his/her community. The individual is testing his/ her developing awareness of being a socially classed person.

Engagement

Society is largely unjust and classist and marginalizing of the poor and people from poverty. The whole of society cannot be changed immediately, but it is important to be a part of or start a process of change. Society is not an independent entity or organism outside the individual, and the individual can only make changes through constant vigilance in combating classism.

It is important to find ways to help people in one’s community/ neighborhood. It is also important to support other causes against classism.

The individual recognizes people in different strata and sees the privileges, power, and limits of each group. He/she recognizes the fluidity of these groups and how context changes the quality of each group.

New peer groups may be sought that reinforce this growing new consciousness. Dissonance and conflict may still exist as the individual shifts away from old friends to new networks. Anxiety may increase from these new experiences.

The individual has multiple groups of friends and peers that reflect a complex understanding of social class. The individual has some ability to move between and within each of these groups.

The individual recognizes the importance of being vigilant against inequality and that social class operates all around. The individual is intentional and deliberate about how he/she acts in certain contexts and is sensitive to social class differences. The individual recognizes that he/ she is constantly negotiating privilege and power, and there are some times and contexts in which he/ she has and uses the privilege and others in which he/she does not or cannot exercise privilege.

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There may be an appearance of despair wherein the person gives up trying to understand the complexity of social class and may even conclude that, for the most part, the world is just and people get what they deserve. There is a recognition that inequality may exist, but this person may conclude that inequality is a natural part of our economic system and constraints and limitations are all individual-level deficiencies rather than systemic or structural. For some individuals, there may be some venturing into further understanding the problems of the “other” (i.e., the poor). From the safety of an intellectualization, the person may envision ways to change and rectify this inequality. Largely focused on macro changes and societal movements, the person may become frustrated as he or she begins to see the enormity and intractableness of the problems. Some may just turn away from further action since they cannot comprehend the steps needed to change these problems and can regress to blaming the poor for being poor. The final level of SCCC is Social Class Consciousness. At this level, the attention and exploration of social class is not inward; the focus is on self and other. The person here may be interested in how he or she impacts others as a social class individual. As the individual understands how interpersonal interactions are related to macro-level problems of inequality, this person may find personally meaningful ways to positively impact the lives of others. This person may donate money, food, and time, for instance, at a local shelter or food bank and be involved in advocacy, education, or training around issues of personal interest. At this level, the individual is able to articulate his or her role and relationship to inequality and classism and the ways in which they satisfactorily attempt to change these unequal dynamics. The person recognizes the limits of his or her work but also acknowledges the impact. With time, it is possible that the person develops a cognitive complexity to better understand inequality and classism. The SCCC is posited in a hierarchical order such that there is potential movement from less sophistication and cognitive maturity to more complexity. Yet with this ordering, it is important to know that people are likely to go through all the statuses at some point. Even someone who grows up in a home that discusses inequality does not immediately have the cognitive capacity and experience to comprehend complex issues such as inequality. I believe that for many people, there is some level of “unknowing” and struggle (however long or short that time is) before cognitive maturation occurs around social class and classism. Over time, I would also argue that people are likely to develop preferred and dominant ways in which they consciously attend to the world. That being said, all the statuses are present and potentially useful depending on the context and situation, and an ability to move through the statuses and use each status adaptively represents a level of complexity and maturity in and of itself (Brimeyer, Miller, & Perrucci, 2006; Diemer, Hsieh, & Pan, 2008; Ryan, 2006).

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How the Worldview Operates With all these different components and facets to the SCWM–R, how might it work? How does the SCWM–R operate in counseling or in the work of helping professionals? What is the relationship between all the parts and what is the usefulness of this framework for the individual? The essential notion of the SCWM–R is that people are motivated to maintain equilibrium and therefore, disequilibrium is a noxious and untenable situation. Equilibrium is subjective and is largely dependent on what the demands and expectations are on the individual from the economic culture. The demands and expectations of the economic culture are filtered and made meaningful by significant people (socialization messages) as well as the individual’s own awareness and consciousness of social class (SCCC). Given the context and situation, the individual has a preferred lens through which he or she believes it is best and most congruent to respond to these demands and expectations (materialism, lifestyle, behaviors). And in acting upon his or her world, forms of classism (upward, downward, and lateral) may be used to achieve a particular goal. That is, as the individual attempts to create the space, opportunities, situations, and relationships to meet the specific goal, classism may be used (and it is often used) as a means to accomplish these goals. Seldom is there a situation where classism is not employed to meet one’s goals. Internalized classism also is a major component, and it is always activated and active at some level for the individual. Overall, people are motivated by internalized classism to act in classist ways against others. That is, the person may perceive others as barriers to achieving a goal or preventing him or her from achieving equilibrium. In part, classism against others is to achieve a goal, but classism against others may also be protective, especially if one experiences or perceives that classism is directed at oneself.

SCWM–R Example For illustration, let me suggest a person who might be a graduate student in a helping profession such as counseling psychology. She exists in multiple economic cultures, but the primary one that really influences her is the graduate student economic culture, specifically those in her department and college. Among these graduate students, all of whom are intelligent, the human capital of interest is the development of their intellectual capacity. This capital demand is explicit, and everyone is motivated toward the same task and goal. The other type of capital that is less explicit but equally demanded is social capital. This graduate student has learned that the person with more social capital tends to be distinguished from others and tends to be regarded with more social class status. In this situation, social

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capital is experienced as a demand and expectation to develop important social networks for professional development. Participating in conferences, seeking out opportunities to present, and contacting other professionals are important expectations. But this social capital demand (social networking) has some cost to this student because she comes from a working-class family and her family has limited resources to support these important extracurricular activities. The important socializing messages from her family are framed as “work hard and do what you need to succeed.” She also hears messages from her family and friends that success will reflect positively on the family and that there should be no excuse for failure. Along with these socializing messages, this graduate student also has a sense that there are some differences between others and her, that there are people above and below her in social class and status, and that there are boundaries that govern who is in one group versus another, but she is largely unaware of what the mechanisms are that create inequality or these social classes. She could then be best conceptualized to be within the Status Position Saliency. Based on these socialization messages, her level of consciousness, and the economic culture’s demand and expectation for her to develop social capital, this graduate student tends to believe the best way for her to achieve these goals is through the lens of materialism. Her materialistic lens is the preferred aperture to perceive herself and others because lifestyle considerations and social class manners are not that important for this economic culture. Additionally, she has seen how others respond to material objects, how she responds to others who have “nice things,” and she recognizes how people sometimes start to engage in lengthy discussions over possessions. Over time, she has also seen how these individuals tend to gravitate toward each other over material objects and she has come to feel that material possessions may be an appropriate means for her to achieve her economic culture’s expectations of developing social networks. Material possessions also do not create too much distress for her because she believes she deserves what she gets and that others should work hard for their own material possessions. This belief is congruent with her social class and classism consciousness that there are different levels of groups, but these disparities may be related to people’s effort. Material possessions are the major route by which she believes she can meet these economic culture expectations, and material possessions will allow her to create spaces and opportunities for social networking to occur. In using material possessions as this particular vehicle to achieve her goal, she is likely to perceive classism by others (upward, downward, and lateral) that will be filtered through her materialism lens. In kind, she is likely to exhibit, however subtly or explicitly, similar forms of classism as a way to

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maintain or create the opportunities for her to meet her economic culture’s demands. As she begins to accrue material possessions that she believes she needs in order to maintain her social class position and status as a professional graduate student, she does not have the monetary resources to purchase the best or most expensive items and she cannot purchase many items. So in comparison to other graduate students who have the monetary resources, her items are perceived as second best and she recognizes this disparagement (downward classism). She also considers these other peers who look down on her as elitists and snobs (upward classism). But she feels the pressure to live slightly above her means as a way to be congruent with her peer group (lateral classism). In all, these classisms (perceived and acting against) create feelings of anxiety and frustration (internalized classism). Her feelings of anxiety and frustration are at such a level at this point that she feels in disequilibrium and needs to continue to buy material objects. Until these feelings of internalized classism are diminished greatly (never really gone; equilibrium), she will feel in disequilibrium.

Implications for Practice Pulling together all the research and theories on social class, the SCWM–R is an attempt to develop a theory of how people come to see themselves as social classed people, how they interact with others, and how they decipher the social class messages in their world. Here I also provide some suggestions for helping professionals on how to use the SCWM–R. 1. It is important for helping professionals to consider that people vary in the ways they make sense of social class. Do not assume that because of their income or education, or the way they are dressed, that they have one particular way they see their social class world. 2. Intake information and other demographic information are only one source of data by which a helping professional may start to build a profile of the client’s social class worldview. It is also imperative that the helping professional develop ways to explore the social class worldview of the client. Helping professionals may ask clients such things as: a. What was it like to grow up in your family? b. Who are the people that are important for you in determining your social class? c. If you were to describe your social class economic culture (the neighborhood, program, department, work site) that is important for you in evaluating your own social class status, what would that look like?

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d. What were you told about being rich or poor? e. Have you ever experienced discrimination because of your social class? f. How does it feel when you are not able to maintain your social class position? g. What were your first memories of being different from others with respect to social class? h. How have you experienced pressure to be like others in your social class? 3. Allow the client to struggle with trying to talk about social class. Some clients have thought and talked about social class, so they may have a different ability to articulate their perspectives. However, for many others, social class and classism issues have not been explicitly relevant or salient, so they may not have the same capacity to describe their social class situation and perspectives. Given time, everyone has the ability to develop a social class language pertinent to his or her situation. 4. Helping professionals should be sensitive and aware of their own biases, worldviews, and perspectives on social class, classism, meritocracy, and inequality. This is especially important with clients who may espouse a different worldview than the helping professional. Clients who may justify inequality or poverty or believe that only hard work determines success may trigger a reaction by the helping professional. Knowing that these perspectives and ideologies may be a way that the individual is attempting to make sense of social class in his or her world allows the helping professional to understand the social class worldview of the client. 5. Helping professionals should consider the importance and relevance of social class in the client’s life. This does not mean that social class is the most important, but that social class has a role (either past, present, or future), and that proper assessment of this role is necessary. Using the SCWM–R as a model by which questions and probes are asked and data are integrated, the helping professional has a way to interpret the diversity of social class information by the client.

Conclusion The purpose of this chapter is to describe the rationale and constructs that constitute the Social Class Worldview Model (Revised). The SCWM–R is a subjective and phenomenological approach to understanding the ways in which people understand themselves as social class beings and how individuals interpret and act on their social class environment. In this model,

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I describe a new aspect that focuses on social class and classism consciousness (SCCC). This part of the model is an elaboration of a theoretical construct I first proposed in the original SCWM (Liu, 2001) but had not fully developed. The premise of the SCCC is to describe the different ways in which people come to see themselves as social classed beings. In the SCCC, I start with the individual not understanding him- or herself as a social class being and being relatively unaware of social class and classism in his or her life. As the person progresses in understanding and moves through the three domains and 10 statuses, the individual moves from unawareness to self-awareness, and then finally to self- and otherawareness. The SCCC provides another tool for helping professionals to use to gauge the extent to which a person understands the complexities of social class and classism and the degree to which the person has integrated this awareness and consciousness into his or her social class worldview. With all the components and facets and with all the variability that arises from the SCWM–R, it is important to provide an example of how people may come to conceptualize themselves and others and their social class environment. Much like the complexities in measuring social class in any objective sense, a subjective approach to social class and classism also presents complexities and difficulties in trying to understand the many facets comprising an individual-level social class understanding. The SCWM–R is only one approach to exploring social class and classism. Other scholars, practitioners, and researchers may also posit alternative approaches to social class and classism. The important features of these other approaches such as identity, acculturation, or dissonance would be that classism needs to be a construct integral in these other theoretical approaches and that levels of awareness or consciousness also need to be addressed. In all, the SCWM–R and other potential social class frameworks supply helping professionals with an array of tools to understand the client and possible interventions to work with clients.

5 Social Class and Psychotherapy, Counseling, and Career-Related Issues One of my clients was a well-dressed, very articulate, and, I assumed, affluent person. She was a graduate student who was about to complete her work in a prestigious program. Her presenting concern was about her troubled relationship and about arguments she was having with her boyfriend. What was odd to me was the level of sadness—despair, almost—that she exhibited in session. My feeling was that her affect, her sadness and sobbing, were not proportional to her conflicts with her boyfriend. But each time I pressed her on what else was going on for her, she would say, “I don’t know.” As a way to change the tone of one of the sessions, I asked her to talk about some happier moments in her life. My intention was to talk about other aspects of her relationship with her boyfriend. Instead of describing happier moments with her boyfriend, the first happy moment she described was about having breakfast at Denny’s with her mother and younger brother. The client was about 8 or 9 years old in these memories. I knew that her mother had died a few years earlier and the client still had expressed some mixed emotions about her passing. Interestingly, based on her response, I didn’t realize that my question was vague and that she had interpreted it as “any” happy moment. Yet this memory was important because it was immediate, unfiltered,

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and seemingly unconnected to anything else we had talked about in counseling. I probed about her memories and feelings, and she would describe delight and warmness around these meals. Nothing seemed remarkable about the meals except the happy memories. “What was the occasion that brought you to these breakfasts?” I inquired, seemingly innocuously. My client suddenly lurched forward, head almost to her knees, sobbing. After some time, I softly asked the question again. The client described the mornings before the breakfasts when she and her mother and brother would drive around the expensive neighborhoods and pick out the houses they had hoped to live in one day. At the breakfasts, they would sit around and talk about where they would live, how they would furnish the houses, and how they would all eventually afford these homes. The utter sadness was because her mother was not able to finally enjoy the home my client was now ready to buy for her. Her difficulties with her boyfriend were arguments that allowed her to avoid confronting her real issue—her anger and frustration at her mother’s passing and never living the affluent life they had all dreamed about.

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ocial class issues for clients may arise at any time. Sometimes, clients are not even aware of the impact social class and classism has had on their lives. Sometimes clients may be explicit and vocal about experiences of social class and classism, but in other instances, social class is diffuse and unspecific but powerfully personal nonetheless. As helping professionals, we must consider social class and classism throughout therapy and counseling. And equally important, helping professionals need to know how to best use this knowledge in their work with clients.

Counseling, Psychotherapy, and Helping Professionals In working with social class and classism, my most important contribution to the helping professions is a better understanding of and capacity to integrate social class and classism into counseling and therapy. As I mentioned in the first chapter, when I first started investigating social class and classism in the available counseling and psychology literature, there was virtually nothing that provided helping professionals with guidance on how to do social class-based counseling or social class-informed work. Generally, the literature was focused on multicultural issues, and social class and classism

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were given parenthetical attention (i.e., counselors should pay attention to race, class, and gender), but not much else was provided to guide, assist, or frame social class and classism in counseling. In my theoretical work on social class and classism, I have strongly advocated for a subjective approach to understanding social class and classism, and through this subjective and phenomenological approach, we can better understand the ways in which clients interpret their social class world and how we can best understand it as well. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to provide helping professionals with ways social class and classism can inform our work and understanding of clients and their concerns. Additionally, the chapter will discuss the social class implications for career counseling and considerations for helping professionals. The chapter will conclude with some research evidence on the use of social class in counseling and practical considerations for helping professionals.

Social Class and Classism to Inform Our Work With Clients One aspect of using social class and classism in counseling work is to better understand our clients. Given the current state of the economy, it is even more important now that helping professionals be aware of economic and financial distress (Falconnier & Elkin, 2008), and how these problems are related to interpersonal relationships, consumerism, and other psychological distress (Dean, Carroll, & Yang, 2007). Helping professionals have many tools for working with clients, and it may be necessary to also reframe some of our current modalities to work better with clients. Crisis counseling, for example, as many of us have been trained to understand and use it, is typically reserved for individuals who have experienced some form of acute trauma, suicidal ideation, accident, or death. Crisis counseling, though, is not usually considered a part of client financial issues and distress. Yet given the acuteness and rapidity with which many people have experienced financial distress, crisis counseling may be an appropriate way to conceptualize the work with clients. I would posit that the trauma of a financial crisis is experienced as immediate, much like other acute experiences, because the compression of time (especially around losing one’s home) feels immediate when combined with the imminent prospect of being homeless. Similar emotions related to other acute traumas may appear such as frustration, anger, rage, hopelessness, and shame. Self-perceptions of being a failure, at losing one’s social position and role, and hypercriticalness may also ensue. Helping professionals need to see these individuals in crisis and use similar

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tools and interventions to help mitigate the current state before it gains momentum and leads to more desperation and hopelessness. While it is possible that individuals in crisis may seek help, it is also quite possible that there is a stigma and negative perception of helping professionals. The stigma related to seeking help may be partly attached to societal norms against seeking psychological help. Most helping professionals are already aware of this particular stigma. Now, imagine that the stigma against seeking psychological help is compounded with societal expectations of upward mobility and financial success, and that those who fail financially may be considered social pariahs. That is, to seek help because of financial distress or crisis is akin to admitting that an individual has failed to live up to society’s expectation of working hard and succeeding, and that financial failure is directly related to poor choices (internal disposition) rather than to larger economic conditions (structural causation). Then, it may be that seeking help for financial distress or failures reveals to the world that the client is a “double failure” and this vulnerability may be intolerable for the client. Unfortunately, this compounded stigma may leave clients with few options for resolution. Therefore, for helping professionals, understanding and addressing these forms of stigma may be imperative in communicating empathy and regard and helping to normalize help seeking. Still, there are those who may not seek out help, and we need to understand what might be related to this reluctance. Helping professionals need to ask, “How might clients and patients perceive us as helping professionals?” What might their first reactions be to us? How have their previous interactions with agencies and institutions impacted their perceptions of counseling work and us as helping professionals? These are important first questions to understand about any clientele. Although we may believe that people perceive helping professionals and our agencies and institutional affiliations neutrally, or at least have positive perceptions, this is hardly the case for all clients. Helping professionals need to understand our roles as agents within an agency or institutional culture, and that for people outside these institutions, we may be seen as “just another” person or institutional symbol (Liu & Hernandez, 2010). For instance, when I started working with clients at a transitional shelter for the homeless, my role was as a counselor, not as part of the agency of the transitional shelter. No matter what I tried to dispel that notion, nothing worked. Clients and residents of the shelter treated me as another agent of the agency. At times they would not reveal particular aspects of their life for fear that this information would cause them to lose their place at the shelter. So rather than work against this notion of being a formal agent of the institution, I came to embrace this role and stopped trying to dissuade this impression. It was unimportant how I was perceived, but it was

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necessary for me to understand that my roles were conflated. Instead, using these roles, I continued my counseling and advocacy work. In the end, the clients still had a positive impression of my work and me as a professional because my efforts were on their behalf, and they had a positive impression of the agency because they partially attributed my work to the purpose of the shelter. In another example, I remember that I was presented with an ethical dilemma during my work with clients who are homeless. The city surrounding our university has a large pedestrian mall. In one corner of the walking mall, there are a number of people who I recognized as clients of our shelter. As I walked past that area, I noticed one person with whom I was working at the shelter. Typically, my standard approach to seeing clients outside of session is to respect their confidentiality; in fact, during my first session with all my clients I mention to them that we may run into each other, and in those instances, I will not acknowledge the client so our counseling work may remain confidential. In this case, my dilemma was between my therapeutic relationship with the client and my professional responsibility to respect the client’s autonomy and confidentiality. My thought was that I could walk ahead and not recognize the shelter client and later when I met with him, I would re-explain my actions. But my overriding question was, if I walked past him and did not acknowledge him or even look in his direction, would I be acting like everyone else who passed by that area? Do I defer to my professional standard of confidentiality or do I recognize the therapeutic consequences of that action? I chose to walk over and say hello and that it was nice to see him, and that I would see him later. I trusted my clinical skills to engage the client and still limit the conversation. Later that week, my client remarked that he appreciated me coming over and “just saying hi.” He said that other people around saw me doing that (other homeless and nonhomeless people), and that for that brief moment, my behavior disrupted the “normal” discourse that was expected in that area (just to walk by). He noted that my action was pivotal in him gaining more trust in me. Regardless of public or private institutions and agencies, clients and patients have perceptions, prejudices, and expectations that may be based on their previous experiences. If one were poor, it is likely that experiences with previous institutions and agencies are likely to have been problematic or poor (e.g., dismissing, alienating, demeaning). It is possible, thusly, that when approaching other helping agencies and professionals, there may be a fair amount of skepticism and cynicism about how one will be treated and accommodated. Conversely, if one were from an affluent background, one might approach agencies and institutions with the expectation (entitlement) of being treated with privilege or preference; that one’s issues and needs

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are regarded as more important than others’ and that there may be some amount of expeditiousness applied to wait times and paperwork. Given these disparate experiences, the helping professional should be conscious and sensitive to the various ways clientele may seek out or approach helping professionals. Some research evidence suggests that helping professionals need to be conscious of the perceptions and past interpersonal experiences of clients. For example, in one study of high school students who were asked to view videos of ambiguous and negative life situations, lower-social-class students tended to interpret ambiguous (rather than negative) situations with greater threat than those in higher social classes (Cheng, Langer, Raphaelson, & Matthews, 2004). The findings suggest that for some individuals from lower-social-class environments, there may be a predisposition toward viewing the world as hostile and aggressive that is predicated on experiences and family socialization. Furthermore, Gallo, Smith, and Cox (2006) found that individuals from lower-social-class environments tended to perceive their world and interpersonal interactions as more hostile and less friendly than did peers in higher social classes. These same individuals were likely to perceive and report more dominating and controlling behaviors from others as well. The importance of this and other related research suggests that helping professionals must navigate the stereotypes and attributions of lower-social-class individuals. A client’s initial distrust about the helping professional may be a coping style rather than cynicism about counseling (Liu et al., 2010). That is, the lower-social-class individual may have prior experiences where professionals and educated individuals have attempted to positively effect change for the client. There may have also been experiences where these professionals, rather than spend time to develop relationships, arrived with the expectation of being accepted and then left once the actual work was completed. In all, these experiences may have left a negative lasting impression on the client and tainted his or her perceptions of future interactions. I would not at all be surprised if these perceptions and attitudes were also taught to other members of a family or community and these negative experiences then become scripts on how to interact with professionals. It is important to remember that these findings on lower-social-class individuals and their tendency to perceive their world as hostile may be related to previous poor interactions with agencies and service providers. It does not mean that they actually behave in hostile ways, but it does serve to remind helping professionals that they should not expect that their interventions or role as helping professionals will be automatically accepted. I mention this research because it does make some adaptive sense that approaching the world with some hesitancy means to protect whatever resources they

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have and present themselves as less vulnerable. This is not to say that one should expect people from poor environments to act in overtly hostile or aggressive ways. The contrary is often true—and hostile interactions can come from people across the economic spectrum. Interestingly, some research suggests that people in lower-social-class positions, because of their lower sense of control and lack of abundant resources, are likely to be much more highly interpersonal than those in higher social classes. Kraus and Keltner (2009) found in their study that within a novel situation such as a “getting acquainted” setting, those in lower social classes tended to demonstrate more nonverbal cues (head nods) and verbal cues (laughs) that are indicative of engagement in comparison to those in higher social classes. Those in higher social classes tended to demonstrate more disengagement cues such as “doodling” and fewer head nods. Kraus and Keltner speculate that those in higher social classes have more resources and thus are less interdependent and perhaps have less need to demonstrate engagement with people and potentially expand their social network. It may be that those in higher social classes have established social networks on which they depend and novel individuals, especially in a social gathering that is nondiscriminatory, are not viewed positively or valued, and thus they demonstrate fewer engagement behaviors. In contrast, those in lower social classes, in a social gathering, may engage in social networking-type behaviors and activities as a means to expand their social networks. Moreover, it may be possible that helping professionals may experience forms of upward classism by individuals from lower-social-class contexts. Part of the reason for some of these upward classism experiences may be from work and schooling environments where lower-social-class individuals are usually told what to do and given very little autonomy or independence (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994). Depending on where a person works and the type of occupation, the experiences at that work may also be related to the person’s values and personality (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). These work experiences are likely different than those found in middle- and upper-class work where autonomy and independence are valued and the individual may be more self-directed. Manual work tends to be less autonomous and less complex and conformity is a value (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). Cognitively, low-complex jobs and highly routinized jobs may also depress an individual’s abilities. Compare this description to other white-collar work, for instance, where higher-complex jobs may be likely to be stimulating and promote thinking, initiative, and decision making (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). Hence, it may be possible that these other contextual experiences of aggression and hostility translate to interpersonal interactions with people who are outside their regular peer and family groups.

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For helping professionals, understanding these contextual differences may be important in deciding how to deliver counseling interventions. As other authors have posited and in my experience as well, the abstractness of what happens in counseling is valued by educated, verbal, and middleclass individuals. Having a client come to session and saying to him or her, “Tell me what’s going on” is an open-ended question that may be valued by people who have been socialized toward autonomy, complexity, and selfdirection. It may be possible that these open-ended questions are met with frustration by others not familiar with this therapy process. Instead, helping professionals should think about the research presented and consider more concrete interventions and ways to build the therapy relationship. Directness may be valued and specific interventions may also be accepted easily. It is my feeling that any theoretical orientation is applicable (dynamic, cognitive, humanistic) so long as the client understands the process of counseling and the roles in therapy and has a sense of ownership over the therapy goals (i.e., collaboration). The helping professional may work with clients and socialize them to another context, that of therapy and counseling. Similar to my previous example, it is important that the helping professional recognize these value differences and find ways to incorporate them effectively into his or her work; denying there are differences is not acceptable and will be unhelpful for both the client and the helping professional. Another related issue is the perceived similarity of the helping professional to the client. While research generally shows that clients prefer helping professionals who have similar worldviews and values (Coleman, Wampold, & Casali, 1995; Griner & Smith, 2006; Kasser, Koestner, & Lekes, 2002), clients also have limited ways of determining this similarity. So it is possible that clients may develop an impression of the helping professional based on external aspects such as where the agency or office is located, clothing, watches and jewelry, and how the office may be decorated. The client may be evaluating the probability that the helping professional is similar in worldview and values based on these external cues. Therefore, it may be necessary for helping professionals to be aware of how they externally and materialistically present themselves and to look for ways to close the perceived gap between the client and helping professional. Simply, this means that the helping professional needs to be sensitive to his or her own “stimulus value” (aspects of the client’s race, gender, social class that may trigger a reaction). Dressing appropriately and professionally means to present oneself within a socially normative role within a given context. So for instance, if no professional at the transitional shelter wears a suit, why would I wear a suit to see clients? The power differentials are already apparent given my role, so wearing a suit would only mark me as different and in power.

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Finally, using the bio-psycho-social approach to clients, helping professionals also need to consider the impact of the client’s physical health as it relates to the counseling work. This relationship is especially true for clients who work in high-stress and low-personal-control environments. These situations may contribute to overall psychological distress, and over time, this chronic level of stress becomes deleterious to the individual’s overall health. Supporting this is additional research by Gallo and Matthews (2003) and Gallo and Smith (1999), who posit that negative emotions derived from living in poor and low-income environments may be related to poor health. The authors propose that individuals in these environments are likely to have frequent contact with situations where they are more likely threatened or experience actual harm, and that these experiences produce requisite emotional responses and psychological distress. They conclude that low-social-class individuals are likely to be “more vulnerable to the negative emotional effects of harmful or threatening stimuli” (Gallo & Matthews, 1999, p. 229). As such, these individuals are likely to have more limited “reserve capacity” (Gallo & Matthews, 1999, p. 229) or resources to cope with these negative emotional situations. That is, these individuals are likely to have less access to tangible resources and psychosocial support to effectively cope with the negative emotions and toxic environment. Thus, not only do they have shallower resources, but their resources are also more easily and quickly depleted. Helping professionals should develop collaborative relationships with other medical helping professionals and coordinate assessment and treatment. Referring a client to have medical evaluation is important to understanding what may or may not be causing or exacerbating a particular presenting concern. Additionally, coordinating treatment also means better overall care for the client.

Empirically Validated and Supported Treatments and Common Factors To this point, the literature reviewed and discussed has identified several areas in which clinicians need to be sensitive to their clients in order to potentially do effective therapy and counseling. And a relevant question does arise: “How do we know what we are doing is effective for our clients?” The first place to turn to would be investigating the possible efficacious (treatments that work in controlled settings) and effective treatments (treatments that work in real-world settings) for people who are poor, low income, impoverished, or experiencing inequality. In general there is research, for example, that has focused on specific psychological disorders

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such as depression among low-income individuals (Miranda et al., 2003). The experiences and perceptions of being low income or poor are not always assessed; instead, being poor or in poverty is a demographic variable that describes the client or situation. The results from many of these studies provide additional suggestions to better improve services. Considering issues of transportation, day care, and reimbursement for lost income and wages related to participating in research or treatment may all be valuable in increasing the effectiveness of treatments. Thus, there is the possibility that manualized treatments or the use of empirically validated, supported, or principled treatments may be effective for people from low-income backgrounds if many or all of these cultural issues were considered in treatment (Coleman & Wampold, 2003; Wampold, Lichtenberg, & Waehler, 2002). Another way to approach making counseling and psychotherapy more effective with those in poor as well as affluent situations is to focus on factors related to increasing the working alliance and relationship between the client(s) and helping professional (Ahn & Wampold, 2001; Fraga, Atkinson, & Wampold, 2004). From the perspective of social class and classism as cultural constructs, helping to make the relationship and psychological interventions used in counseling effective is also a matter of a strong working relationship. These aspects of the working relationship and alliance and the general connection of the client to the helping professional may be regarded as part of the common factors across all psychotherapy theories and modalities. Since no research exists on working exclusively on issues of poverty or classism, and the research generally uses poverty as a demographic characteristic, using relationship tools that can potentially bridge the distance between client and helping professional is both important and necessary. And beyond looking at the ways the common factors help us engage with people who are poor, these common factors may also be important in working with people of affluence and wealth. Being from these upper echelons or ranks of society constitutes cultural differences for most helping professionals, so looking for relational ways to close the distance between client and helping professional is just as important.

Understanding Our Own Biases and Social Class Experiences While the overwhelming research is on the clients and patients, helping professionals also need to be aware of their own social class upbringing and context and how these factors may impact their work (diagnosis and treatment) with clients (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003; Liu et al., 2010; McDermott,

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Harrison, Schrager, Killins, & Dickerson, 1970). Understanding our own experiences, biases, and even social class traumas and interpersonal assaults related to classism is akin to comprehending our countertransference and how these unresolved issues may impact our helping relationships, interventions, and effectiveness. Of course, I speculate about the impact of these past experiences, but I believe these experiences may help to explain our biases to clients and how we conduct our counseling work. To begin, I would suggest that helping professionals plumb their own experiences of classism. These may be experiences of being marginalized because of clothing, where one lived, having to ride a bus to school, or even bringing lunch to school or eating meals targeted for low-income children—essentially anything that marked the individual as different or lower in social class than his or her peers. Related to these experiences may be teasing, bullying, or social isolation and marginalization. Given these experiences, some people may attempt to salve these memories and psychic pains. This may be where the problems arise. From the research, we know that these previous experiences of social isolation are experienced as pain, and as a way to cope with these painful experiences, individuals may turn to money or materialism to insulate themselves from future harm (Zhou & Gao, 2008). So, the helping professional who has had these experiences needs to be aware of his or her relationship to materialism and consumerism. I remember when my wife and I moved into our first home. I had just finished my internship, graduated from my doctoral program, and moved to the Midwest. After living in Los Angeles and in the Maryland suburbs for more than 10 years, both my wife and I were apartment dwellers and were quite sure that our first residence at my new job as a professor would be in an apartment. When we met with the local bank during our real estate tour prior to starting my job, they had no problem finding a loan for us. This was amazing because it would have been virtually impossible to receive that type of loan in Los Angeles or the suburbs of Maryland. One summer afternoon we were walking around our neighborhood with our dogs and during our tour, I noticed myself becoming a little agitated and anxious. I was unsure from where these feelings were coming. Everyone in the neighborhood was inviting, friendly, and curious about us, just as we were about them. In our neighborhood, during the warmer and sunnier months, the garage doors were open and many people were out on the driveways. What I realized when I returned home was that my anxiety and agitation were caused by our home’s lack. We just came from Los Angeles, so we had one car, but no lawn mower, no snow thrower, no snow shovels, no gardening tools, and none of the other things that seemed to be stuffed into our neighbors’ garages. I was starting to feel the impact of

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lateral classism (keeping up with the Joneses) on my life. That was a vivid memory because we were now in a new economic group and what we had was not congruent with others in that group. The experience reminded me that social class transitions are fraught with excitement but also trepidation and anxiety, something helping professionals need to be sensitive to when working with clients. In counseling, the helping professional would need to be sensitive to his or her perceptions of clients and the perceived irrational or unreasonable reactions that may be triggered by clients. For instance, if the helping professional grew up poor, had always experienced some amount of marginalization through school, and always felt some need to compensate (e.g., work harder than everyone else to succeed), what might be triggered for the helping professional when he or she first encounters someone from affluence and wealth? How might the helping professional’s perceptions of privilege and entitlement impact the counseling work? How might the helping professional minimize some issues or over-focus on other issues? How might the helping professional ally and collude with the client? I am not saying that all countertransference is related to social class, but I do believe these personal experiences with classism may lead to meaningful distortions in the helping relationship that may diminish the effectiveness of counseling.

Career Counseling Of course, when it comes to counseling and the services helping professionals provide, it is necessary to discuss the impact of social class and classism in career and vocational counseling. There seems to be a natural fit between career counseling and social class since “occupation” is one of the most important and oft-cited categories that comprises an individual’s social class position. Additionally, career and vocation are tightly intertwined with national and local economies and economic concerns. People’s interest in jobs and occupations reflects what occurs at the societal level. For instance, for some during the economic boom in the mid-1980s, there was a marked increase in positive attitudes toward materialism and a modest decrease in public interest concerns. Related to those shifts was an increase among college students’ majors toward higher-paying and higher-status jobs in comparison to self-fulfilling and public service jobs (Easterlin & Crimmins, 1991). Thus, the economy and the individual’s career aspirations may be interdependent. Understanding how both work together should be naturally linked, and one would expect to find that social class and classism concerns have been discussed and interwoven into career counseling.

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Yet interestingly, it seems, as Blustein (2006) has alluded to, social class and especially classism have yet to be fully integrated into the career and vocational counseling literature. That is, social class and classism have to be part of the discussions around research and theoretical developments in vocational psychology and counseling (Betz, 2001). And while some authors have alluded to the importance of financial considerations in choosing careers (Holland, 1997; Lent et al., 2001), a full exploration and investigation of the impact of social class on career choices and perceptions has not materialized. Blustein (2001, 2006) suggests that career counseling needs to be better linked with social class and classism along with other forms of isms (e.g., racism and sexism). Some of the research that is available has shown interesting findings regarding how careers, vocations, and jobs are viewed by lower-, working-, and middle-class adolescents. For instance, for adolescents from lower-social-class backgrounds, jobs may be seen as a means of survival, whereas those from higher-social-class backgrounds may view jobs and vocations as a means toward personal satisfaction and expression (Blustein et al., 2002). It seems that this study suggests that these differences are related to economic and social resources available (e.g., leads to jobs, helping adolescents understand and navigate employment situations) to higher-social-class adolescents that are relatively absent from the occupational development of lower-social-class adolescents (Blustein et al., 2002). The results also tell helping professionals that having a fulfilling career over a lifetime is a nice goal but not necessarily imperative. Jobs are a means to another end for some social class groups and not incredibly important as an identity. In another study of White adolescent women from privileged backgrounds, Lapour and Heppner (2009) investigated the adolescent women’s perceived career choices. Of interest to the researchers were the perceptions of gender, privilege, and social class status and the impact these variables had on the young women’s self-perceptions and their future career trajectories. The researchers found that the young women reported experiences of lateral classism (keeping up with the Joneses) and that these peer expectations and pressures were related to their future career perceptions. There was a sense among these women that future careers should capitalize on and strengthen their current privileges and social class positions rather than pursue careers that would be considered a “shift down” (p. 490). But also, these young women reported that their perceptions of these lower-socialclass occupations tended to be laborious, too risk filled (unpredictable earning potential) and filled with “monotony, or little room for advancement” (p. 490). Lapour and Heppner suggest that these perceptions were both a reaction to lateral classism and an enactment of downward classism

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toward those occupations perceived to be below them. Interesting as well, the researchers posit that, even with the privileges afforded many of these young women, “to maintain their level of social class privilege, the options may be narrower than they perceive” (p. 490). Thus, while the young women may have many more choices and opportunities, those choices and opportunities that would help them maintain their current position were still limiting, thereby mitigating their social class privilege (but not other privileges and entitlements). Finally, social class and race may interact to help affect career decisions by impacting the individual’s sense of opportunities and barriers and his or her self-concept in relation to occupations (Super, 1990). This impact of social class and classism has been demonstrated in empirical research and has shown, for instance, that for lower-social-class individuals, lower occupational aspirations may be related to perceived barriers, obstacles, discrimination, and stereotyping (Rojewski & Yang, 1997; Ryan, Tracey, & Rounds, 1996). Additionally, Thompson and Subich (2006) found that a person had greater career decision self-efficacy when he/she also had greater access to economic resources and social prestige. Thus, career aspirations may be linked to the real and perceived opportunities afforded to an individual, and the more privileges, the greater the likelihood of seeing careers beyond having jobs just to survive. Although there is some theoretical rationale for doing more research around social class and career counseling, there are still only a few empirical studies that fully investigate the role of social class on an individual’s career choices, aspirations, and perceptions. Much more work can be done. It does seem that the social class position of the individual and the access to current and previous privileges has some role in how people see career prospects. It is not enough to just investigate the differences between social classes and career counseling, but researchers also need to better understand the within-group variation and the struggles people have within that social class group to achieve a particular career goal. But the research on social class and career counseling is not a new problem or unique to only vocational psychology and counseling. Research around all aspects of counseling and its intersection with social class and classism is lacking.

Using Social Class–Based Interventions in Counseling In the following, I report a study conducted with my graduate students. In this study, we examined the perception and attitudes of participants about seeing a counselor who uses social class in counseling. Specifically, my

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graduate students and I examined the potential differences between perceptions of a counselor who used general psychotherapy techniques versus a counselor who used social class–based interventions. In this analogue study, participants rated a social class–based therapy intervention versus a neutral–supportive therapy condition. Based upon existing literature and the Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM), we hypothesized: (a) participants who viewed the social class intervention would be more willing to see their counselor than participants who viewed the neutral–supportive condition; and (b) participants would rate counselors using the social class–based intervention more positively than the neutral–supportive condition. The case vignette of the hypothetical client was developed by my research team. The neutral–supportive condition script was reviewed by three staff psychologists at the University Counseling Service (UCS), and each one agreed that the neutral–supportive condition was accurate and communicated empathy, regard, and support. After the review by the UCS staff, the script was reviewed by students in an undergraduate seminar (see Appendix A for the neutral script and Appendix B for the social class intervention script). The students provided feedback on the accuracy of the vignette. Responses indicated that the undergraduates found the case vignettes to be realistic. The social class condition used in this study was developed based on the SCWM model (Liu, in press). The SCWM provides a theoretical foundation to help helping professionals integrate social class into research and clinical practice. Both the social class and neutral–supportive intervention conditions detail the content of the fabricated client’s second session with the therapist. Two actors were hired to act as the client and counselor. Both actors were paid $100 for their time. After some practice with the scripts, the actors were videotaped. The videos were then edited for similar length and copied onto flash drives and compact disks for use in the study.

Participants One-hundred and twenty six participants from a large Midwestern University participated in this study. The data from 4 participants were not included due to missing information; 122 participants were included in this analysis. Participant ages had a mean of 21 and a standard deviation of 5.82. There were 24 men and 97 women, and 1 did not provide a gender. The vast majority of the participants were White (n = 115). Of the participants, 30% were freshmen, 33% were sophomores, 27% were juniors, and 5% were seniors (percentages do not equal 100% because of rounding and missing data). Finally, when asked to rank themselves on the social class ladder, 1% indicated they were at the lowest rung, 7% were at

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the second rung, 15% were at the third rung, 31% were at the fourth rung, 25% were at the fifth rung, 13% were at the sixth rung, 6% were at the seventh rung, and 2% were at the eighth rung. Overall, the distribution along the ladder seemed to be almost normal (M = 4.45, SD = 1.36, Median = 4.00). With respect to combined family income, 37% indicated their family made between $61,000 and $100,000, and another 37% indicated their combined family income was above $100, 000. To provide a context for the sample in this study, the state in which all the data were collected showed that in 2000, 94% of the state was Whites (Census Bureau, 2001), and that the median household income in the same year was $39,469 (Census Bureau, 2002). In constructing the demographic items, family income categories were meant to reflect the median income of those in the state. Educationally, 14.7% had a bachelor’s degree, 7.4% had an associate degree, and 36.1% had a high school degree (Census Bureau, 2001, 2003). Most people were also shown to be in management and professional occupations (31.3%), sales and office occupations (25.9%), production, transportation, and moving occupations (18.1%), service jobs (14.8%), construction (8.9%), and then farming (1.1%; Census Bureau, 2001, 2003). These occupational classifications are based on the Standard Occupational Classification Manual, which categorizes 23 major occupational groups, then divides into 96 minor groups, 449 broad groups, and then 821 detailed occupations (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1999).

Procedure With the institution’s Human Subjects Review Board’s approval, we solicited participants from undergraduate educational psychology courses. Students consenting to the study participated in the 60-minute experiment and were given one extra credit point for their participation. When participants arrived, they were divided randomly into two groups. The first group would view the taped vignette of the neutral–supportive counseling (see Appendix A), and the second group viewed the taped vignette of the social class-based intervention (see Appendix B). The videos were approximately 10 minutes in length. Following the viewing of the stimulus, the participants were asked to complete the following measures.

Measures Demographic Questions. The participants were asked to provide demographic information: race, gender, year in school, combined family income, father’s and mother’s education level, and a social-class ladder. The ladder

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question asked the respondents to place an “X” on a 10-rung ladder according to where they believed they were on the economic hierarchy. The question item was: Think of this ladder as representing where people stand in the United States. At the top of the ladder are the people who are the best off—those who have the most money, the most education, and the most respected jobs. At the bottom are the people who are the worst off—who have the least money, least education, and the least respected jobs or no job. The higher up you are on this ladder, the closer you are to the people at the very top; the lower you are, the closer you are to the people at the very bottom. Where would you place yourself on this ladder? Please place a large “check” on the rung where you think you stand, at this time in your life, relative to other people in the United States.

Session Evaluation Questionnaire—Form 5 (SEQ; Stiles, Gordon, & Lani, 2002). The SEQ assesses participants’ perceptions about the session and their postsession emotional state. The SEQ is composed of 21 items that are answered on a 7-point scale consisting of bipolar adjectives (e.g., Bad versus Good; Difficult versus Easy). Participants are asked to circle the number that best corresponds with how the individual feels about the session. There are two sections to the SEQ. In the first section, participants respond to the stem “This session was. . . .” and there are 11 items to evaluate the session (bad–good, difficult–easy, valuable–worthless, shallow–deep, relaxed–tense, unpleasant–pleasant, full–empty, weak–powerful, special– ordinary, rough–smooth, and comfortable–uncomfortable). In the second section, participants respond to the stem, “Right now I feel. . . .” and there are 10 items that evaluate the postsession mood (happy–sad, angry–pleased, moving–still, uncertain–definite, calm–excited, confident–afraid, friendly– unfriendly, slow–fast, energetic–peaceful, and quiet–aroused). Each item is scored from 1 to 7, with some reverse scoring, and higher scores generally indicate greater depth, smoothness, positivity, and arousal. A mean score is calculated for each item with a possible range of 1 to 7. Willingness to See a Counselor Scale (WSC; Gim, Atkinson, & Whiteley, 1990). The WSC is a 24-item attitudinal measure assessing one’s willingness to see a counselor for a list of problems. The total possible range of scores is from 1 (not willing) to 4 (willing), and an average score is calculated from the items. Counselor Favorability Questionnaire (CFQ; Want, 1995). The CFQ assesses a participant’s fondness for the counselor. The CFQ is a four-item measure that was modeled after questions used in Helms and Simons’ (1977) research. The four items are answered on a Likert scale from 1 (definitely not) to 5 (definitely). The four items are:

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1. Do you feel there are topics you could not discuss with this counselor? 2. Do you feel this counselor could understand your problem? 3. Would you feel uncomfortable talking with this counselor? 4. Would you prefer to see this counselor if you had a problem? The scale is scored such that a total score is calculated from 4 (least favorable) to 20 (most favorable). The Cronbach alpha for the CRF in this study was .92. Counselor Rating Form (CRF; Barak & LaCrosse, 1975; LaCrosse & Barak, 1976). The CRF measures perceptions of counselors along three dimensions: Expertness, Attractiveness, and Trustworthiness. The CRF consists of 36 seven-point bipolar items. Each dimension is assessed by 12 items. The score range for each scale is 12 to 84. The Cronbach alpha for the CRF in this study was .97.

Results and Discussion Four MANOVA analyses were conducted. The first MANOVA examined the differences between the experimental and control group on the SEQ variables. No differences were found between the two groups (Wilks Lambda = .91, F = .93, df = (11, 106), p = .52. The second MANOVA examined differences between the experimental and control group on the Counselor Rating Form. Significant differences were found between the two groups (Wilks Lambda = .52, F = 2.04, df = (35, 77), p = .05 (see Table 5.1). There were eight significant differences at or below the .05 significance level. Results suggest that the social class intervention group rated counselors higher on being Analytic, Experienced, Expert, Informed, Insightful, Logical, Prepared, and being Skillful (see Table 5.2 for Means and Standard Deviations). The third MANOVA was conducted on Willingness to See a Counselor. Results show there were no significant differences between the groups on any of the items (Wilks Lambda = .84, F = .79, df = (22, 90), p = .73. Finally, the fourth MANOVA was conducted on the Counselor Favorability Questionnaire and no differences were found between the groups (Wilks Lambda = .93, F = 2.32, df = (4, 116), p = .06. Overall, it seems that between the two groups, there were no statistical differences in the session evaluation, willingness to see a counselor, or attitudes favoring a counselor. There were differences in the participants’ perceptions of the expertness, attractiveness, and trustworthiness of the counselor. The differences on this last measure suggest that clients preferred counselors in the experimental condition (social class intervention) versus the control (general support) condition.

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Table 5.1

Social Class Interventions Using the Social Class Worldview Model

The social class interventions are targeted toward the client’s experiences of classism. Upward, downward, lateral, and internalized classisms are the focus of the therapist. Through collaboration, the client is helped to gain the following: • Insight about his or her experiences of classism, his or her worldview, and the pressures he or she experiences as a part of an economic culture • Empathy from the therapist toward the client’s classism experiences • Challenge from the therapist regarding irrational cognitions about social status and what he or she needs to do to maintain or achieve a social status • Help integrating his/her history with his/her current situation • Encouragement to develop self-efficacy in coping and managing his/her situation • Assistance in identifying situations in which certain feelings are tied to classism experiences Step 1—Help the client identify and understand his or her economic culture. Sample query: Tell me what kind of pressure you feel/experience as you try to keep up with your friends. Identify answers that touch on cultural, social, and human capital pressures/ expectations. Step 2—Help the client identify the social class messages he or she receive(d). Sample queries: What would your parent(s)/peers say about your current situation? How would your parent(s)/peers help you resolve your current situation? List the ways you are acting to live out messages given to you by your parent(s)/ peers. Tell me about your peer group. Your support network. Identify answers that focus on strong/salient cultural socialization messages still running in the client’s mind, which drive the client’s behavior and attitudes. Step 2a—Help the client identify social class behaviors, lifestyles, and material possessions that are salient to the client in his or her current situation. Sample queries: Tell me how you imagine your life. How would you ideally be spending your time? What do others have that you want? What do you notice about how other people act/behave that you like? Identify answers that pinpoint the client’s materialism values; how he/she has changed his/her lifestyle to fit into a new group, and how he/she has changed his/her behavior to belong in a new group. (Continued)

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(Continued)

Step 3—Identify the client’s experiences with classism and move toward developing an adaptive, realistic, and healthy expectation about him- or herself. Sample queries: Do people look down on you? Do you look down on others who are not like you? What do your peers expect from you to maintain your status with them? What does it feel like for you when you can’t keep up with your peers? What do you do? Identify answers that express high social class expectations and the negative consequences related to not meeting specific demands. Additionally, in what ways is the client participating in classism to maintain his/her social class standing? Step 4—Help the client integrate his or her experiences of classism. Sample queries: Now that we’ve started talking about all these aspects of your social class experience, tell me what it means to you. What are you aware of about yourself that you didn’t know before we started? Identify an ability to understand and integrate the social class discussions into other aspects of the client’s life. Step 4a—Help the client take action and make changes in his or her life. Sample query: What is the one thing you could do to change your awareness, situation, or perception? Identify an ability to make personal changes in the client’s life. Source: Liu, W. M. (in press). Developing a social class and classism consciousness: Implications for research and practice. In E. Altmaier and J. I. Hansen (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology. New York, NY: Oxford Press.

It appears from the results that the only significant differences between the control and experimental groups in this study were the perceptions of the participants about the counselor in the social class intervention counseling session. Specifically, the counselor who was using some social class questions and probes and helping the client discuss and understand social class was perceived to be more analytic, experienced, expert, informed, insightful, logical, prepared, and skillful. While the participants did prefer the social class interventions over the general support condition,

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Table 5.2

Means and Standard Deviations for the Counselor Rating Form

Counselor Ratings Alert Analytic Clear Confident Experienced Expert Informed Insightful Intelligent Logical Prepared Skillful Agreeable Appreciative Attractive Casual Sociable Warm Confidential Dependable Honest Open Reliable Respectful Selfless Sincere Straightforward Trustworthy Unbiased Cheerful Close Compatible Enthusiastic Friendly Likable

Control

Experimental

M

SD

M

SD

2.63 2.63 2.98 3.04 3.44 3.83 3.02 3.21 2.85 2.50 2.67 3.15 2.56 2.83 3.17 3.04 3.02 3.21 2.56 2.87 2.37 2.81 2.85 2.08 2.71 2.69 2.63 2.46 2.81 3.44 3.42 3.21 3.96 3.13 3.10

1.09 1.08 1.01 1.39 1.46 1.41 1.32 1.38 1.26 1.04 1.32 1.30 1.14 1.13 1.37 1.24 1.18 1.23 1.11 1.33 1.01 1.27 1.26 .93 1.07 1.25 1.07 1.00 1.33 1.15 1.14 1.19 1.39 1.19 1.30

3.05 3.05 3.49 3.33 4.46 4.70 3.79 4.30 3.23 3.11 3.52 3.90 2.39 3.03 2.92 2.84 3.13 3.18 2.72 3.03 2.72 3.13 2.93 2.18 2.84 3.02 2.84 2.69 2.52 3.56 3.66 3.52 4.28 2.92 2.93

1.43 1.43 1.45 1.46 1.77 1.45 1.37 1.75 1.26 1.43 1.62 1.54 1.07 1.21 1.38 1.42 1.26 1.18 1.23 1.24 1.05 1.36 1.30 1.01 1.21 1.28 1.16 1.12 1.11 1.25 1.40 1.36 1.62 1.17 1.33

F 2.93 4.57 .10 1.58 10.88 10.53 9.13 13.00 2.60 6.65 9.16 7.57 .62 .86 .96 .64 .24 .02 .55 .48 3.33 1.69 .13 .32 .33 1.84 .91 1.27 1.53 .26 .91 1.66 1.22 .96 .42

Sig .09 .04* .75 .28 .01* .02* .03* .00* .11 .01* .00* .01* .43 .35 .33 .42 .63 .89 .46 .49 .07 .20 .72 .57 .57 .18 .34 .26 .22 .61 .34 .20 .27 .33 .52

* p < .05. it is important to note that the mean differences between the two groups on these variables were small, so the preferences, although positive toward the experimental condition, were small. The results also suggest the possibility that the social class intervention may help the counselor develop a sense of credibility and trustworthiness

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with the client and that these facets contribute to a possible working alliance. The sessions were evaluated similarly and the counselors were also perceived favorably, but perhaps the specific use of social class language communicates specific content competency by the counselor, and the client appreciates direct questions, probes, and support around a distressing concern. It is important to note that the means between the groups were relatively small, so the conditions may have been perceived in similar ways. Future research may consider using different and more reliable measures and seeking out different participants with more diversity. Additionally, future research may need to develop social class interventions that are more pronounced and specific so respondents may react to these differences.

Implications for Practice The focus of this chapter has been to discuss ways in which social class and classism may be used to inform counseling and other work by the helping professional. I reviewed a number of theories and presented research to show the necessity of incorporating social class and classism. Here I also provide some more practical suggestions for helping professionals on how social class and classism may be used more effectively. 1. Social class and classism should be a part of the intake information for any client, regardless of social class status. Using the Social Class Worldview, helping professionals may want to avoid asking about specific objective indices such as income, education, and occupation because these may already be recorded on most forms. Instead, the helping professional should develop ways to probe and inquire about the subjective experiences and perceptions around social class. Asking about parent(s) and socialization messages about social class, experiences or marginalization related to classism, and pressures to keep up a social class provides relevant information that may be helpful for counseling. 2. Consider a wide range of issues that may exacerbate a client’s present feelings of crisis. Sometimes there may be financial and economic considerations that need to be identified and discussed as part of the counseling work. Losing a job, credit card debt, or not having the means to pay for tuition are real stressors and not just contextual or background concerns. As the research also suggests, helping the client talk about these issues also makes the helping professional seem more credible and trustworthy.

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3. Helping professionals need to consider ways in which counseling and therapy can be presented concretely. This may be especially true for those who are unfamiliar with counseling and those unaccustomed to the roles of the client and counselor. Much like other multicultural research has suggested, some clients may present with specific concerns that need to be addressed with concrete interventions (e.g., specific advice or advocacy on the part of the helping professional). 4. Helping professionals need to be aware of their own background, experiences, and history. Experiences that were traumatic and classist may still persist in the helping professional’s worldview. Understanding these perceptions and distortions will be important in developing a healthy and honest working relationship with clients. 5. In career or vocational counseling, helping professionals need to be sensitive to their own biases and expectations for clients. Developing a career is an admirable goal but should be approached with caution. For some people, a job will be a means to another end and will not be an integral part of their identity. In other words, what they do is not a part of how they see themselves. Those working with career-related issues should be sensitive to these differences in how vocations and occupations are perceived. 6. Helping professionals should be aware of their stimulus value across multiple settings, especially as it pertains to social class. Gathering this information across various settings is important information that may be used in counseling. Knowing how people across the social class spectrum react is useful self-awareness so that, in counseling, the helping professional has a better gauge on what are reasonable and unreasonable reactions. 7. Helping professionals should be involved in research on the social class and classism in counseling and other related work. This may be research on career and vocational issues, how to better use social class to inform counseling work, and developing better considerations on how to attract and retain more economically diverse clients.

Conclusion Using social class and classism to inform work with clients is an important way for helping professionals to understand clients and to develop effective interventions. Clients may come in to seek help but may be reticent for a number of reasons related to previous experiences in helping contexts. Helping professionals need to be aware of their perceived roles and the

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agencies within which they work and how these aspects may contribute to barriers. It is also important for helping professionals to be more involved in developing theories and conducting research on all facets of counseling and social class and classism. Much more needs to be done, not only in theory development and surveying attitudes and perceptions but also in investigating interventions and effective treatments. It will also be necessary to examine the communities and populations in the research so that helping professionals may develop a more comprehensive picture of between- and within-group variation. In all this research, quantitative and qualitative approaches should be explored and used. Because some of these areas for helping professionals may be relatively new, it may be necessary to approach the experience from multiple vantage points. In this way, helping professionals may use research science to investigate the experience and use the experience to further expand the ways we scientifically approach the phenomena.

Appendix A In this first part of the script, the helping professional and client are learning about each other and developing the working alliance. This first part is similar for both conditions. After the break, the interventions change. For the neutral condition, the intervention focuses on general support. Therapist: Last week we talked about the difficulties you were having with school work and balancing your jobs to allow you time to study. How did the past week go for you? Client:

Sigh. . . . I’m really tired today. I worked extra hours at the restaurant this weekend. I figured it’s money—might as well, y’know. But then my rhetoric professor had given us this assignment which was due today and I was up till 3 a.m. trying to finish it—plus my roommate had friends over in our room till 6 so I couldn’t sleep. They didn’t have class until the late afternoon so they had time to play around. Sorry, I’m only half here, it’s been tiring—plus I have to go work right after this.

T:

That’s frustrating, you had a tough night, huh. . . .

C:

Yeah, last night was bad but Friday night was worse. . . . sigh. . . . I think the worst part was when some of my friends showed up at the restaurant Friday night. They were all dressed up nice—ready to go clubbing downtown. I had to work till close so I couldn’t go, plus since I picked up extra shifts

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this weekend I had to open the next morning, and then the homework!—so yea, it sucked missing out on the fun . . . but at least I have some more money now for the iPod fund. T:

You were really pressed for time, I remember we talked about writing out a schedule of a typical day . . . were you able to bring that in today?

C:

[guilty giggle] oh yeah! Sorry, you know with all the homework piling up plus midterms coming up in 2 weeks, I just never got around to it. I was meaning to do it, I think it sounded like a good idea, but you know with the extra hours at work and all the homework—it was just too busy.

T:

Okay, so picking up extra hours this week got in the way of writing out a daily schedule. . . .

C:

Well, I have classes mostly during the daytime as I work evenings and nights . . . so the readings, and homework for class . . . plus I don’t have my own computer and my roommate doesn’t allow me to use his/hers—so I have to go to the 24-hour computer lab to write papers and use the internet—total pain in the ass. . . . and that’s usually busy as well . . . plus I wanted to attend Stereotypical Student Organization’s meeting as well—y’know, to meet more people I could relate to and get to know better since we have the same interests—and well—that didn’t happen ’cos I had to go into work that night, so I guess I will wait till the next meeting to go make some friends or something . . . umm sorry, what was your question again? I lost track . . . I guess I’m tired.

T:

That’s okay, I was just asking about the daily schedule. . . .

C:

Oh right. . . .

T:

Since you mentioned you feel like you have no time. . . .

C:

Yeah, it’s difficult y’know.

T:

So maybe trying to figure out how to schedule your day so you don’t feel like you have to be constantly on the go?

C:

Yeah—that sounds like something to try out. If I didn’t have the job I would have so much more time . . . work study is okay—but the restaurant gets too busy . . . sigh . . . if I had money like my roommate does it would have been so easy. [Division Point for Neutral–Supportive therapist and Social Class intervention therapist]

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Neutral Therapist With Client: Client:

I’m sad.

Therapist: Must be frustrating you see your friends go out, yet you don’t have the time to . . . tell me more about that. . . . Client:

Yeah, it’s pretty annoying. I don’t have enough money to have fun or the time to hang out with friends.

Therapist: How does that make you feel? Client:

Um, well, I guess sometimes I feel like it’s not fair.

Therapist: Uh huh . . . Client:

Well, sometimes it feels like I’m the only one who had to do homework and study hard. Everybody else is cool with Cs, but I have to maintain a 3.5 to keep my scholarship.

Therapist: You feel like others don’t really understand you . . . why you have to keep so busy . . . Client:

Yeah, I don’t think they understand that I have responsibilities to meet before I can have fun. They don’t have to worry about all the things I have to.

Therapist: Uh huh, so you feel like you are in a different position from other college students. Client:

Well sort of, plus my girlfriend/boyfriend is back home and I don’t get much of an opportunity to spend time with her/him, and it’s beginning to feel like I have a ton of weight on me.

Therapist: What do you mean “a ton of weight?” Client:

Good question.

Therapist: Can you describe that to me? Client:

It literally feels like I am bogged down, like I’m in slow motion or something.

Therapist: Like when they slow it down in the movies? but a lot is going on? Client:

Kinda. I just feel like I don’t have as much energy to do things anymore and everything is beginning to take a lot out of me.

Therapist: “Everything” meaning. . . . Client:

School, work, friends, being away from home all that stuff.

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Therapist: So there is a lot on your plate at the moment. . . . . Client:

Yeah.

Therapist: And juggling it all is taking a toll on you. . . . Client:

Yeah, ’cause I think it’s kinda of starting to fall apart because I can’t meet all my commitments anymore ’cause I’m just too worn out.

Therapist: You are unable to meet your responsibilities. . . . .and would it be accurate to say that is making you feel like you are falling apart? Client:

Well, kinda. Like I said before, I only talk to my girlfriend/ boyfriend like once or twice a week now because I am too tired or to busy to talk to her/him every other day and I know (s)he is starting to get bummed about it. And then at work because I’m a server I feel like I don’t always have the energy to put on that “happy face” all the time, so I make less in tips.

Client:

Like even now, I’m just thinking of all the things I still have to get done.

Therapist: Uh huh, so your mind is just running a mile a minute . . . huh. Client:

Yeah, totally, and I think it’s harder for me to get to sleep because of that also.

Therapist: How much sleep are you getting per night . . . what would be a good guess? Client:

Well I try to get at least 6 or 7 hours, but I usually wake up 2 or 3 times a night and I never feel refreshed.

Therapist: Pretty restless, huh. Client:

Well I don’t move around a whole lot, but I always have this feeling like I need to be doing something or forgot to do something.

Therapist: Just thinking about all that you need to do. Client:

Yeah. [phone rings] Oh, sorry about that, it’s my girlfriend/ boyfriend—I forgot to turn off my phone, sorry.

Therapist: That’s okay. How long have you been together? Seems like you have a good relationship with her/him. . . .

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Since our junior year of high school.

Therapist: And it is getting difficult to stay in touch now that you are in college. Client:

Yeah, it’s been good. I think (s)he is the only one who really knows me. Yeah, (s)he stayed home to help with her folks’ business.

Therapist: How is your relationship going now that you two don’t get to see each other much? Client:

Well, it’s getting strained, but we both know we still love each other, so hopefully things will ease up and things will get better.

Therapist: Must be difficult keeping a relationship going, as well as managing all your academic and work obligations. . . . Client:

Yeah, it’s crazy. I didn’t realize how much stuff I was doing until I started talking about it to you.

Therapist: Yeah, it seems like you are juggling many things, which is leading you to feel worn out. Client:

Yeah, sometimes it makes me wonder if college is the right thing for me now at this time.

Therapist: And worrying about whether you are getting everything done or not . . . you are questioning whether college is where you want to be. . . . Client:

Well, first off, my family doesn’t even want me to be here, and it seems like it hasn’t been all I thought it would be, so maybe I should go home and make some money for a few years and then try again.

Appendix B SCWM Therapist With Client SCWMAware Therapist:

Tell me more about your last statement . . . if you had money like your roommate, it would have been easy?

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Well, yeah. Money is always an issue. I have so much debt with school, credit cards, going out, and, well, it’s a lot.

Therapist: So is that why you are also working so many hours . . . financial concerns? Client:

Mainly.

Therapist: You mentioned debt with school . . . credit cards . . . going out . . . etc. Sounds like a lot of pressure. Client:

Yeah, it is definitely another thing I wish I didn’t have to worry about.

Therapist: What is . . . money? Client:

Yeah, money. It would be nice to be able to afford things. Like that iPod. My roommate has one that they got for their birthday. Must be nice.

Therapist: Wow! That must be difficult to see your roommate just get one . . . Client:

Well, I dunno, I don’t want to seem jealous or anything.

Therapist: It just sounds like from what you said earlier that you are trying to save up for one by yourself. . . . And to see someone you live with just get one handed to them. . . . how does that make you feel? Client:

Yeah, it kinda sucks. I mean, it is only an iPod, but my roommate really doesn’t have to pay for anything. Like, I have to buy my own clothes, books, and stuff and I don’t even have a car.

Therapist: So in many ways, your college experience is different from your roommate’s. . . . Client:

For sure. It seems like I’m always working and (s)he’s always having fun. But I have to work if I want to have fun.

Therapist: How would things be different for you if you didn’t have to work? Client:

Good question. It’s hard to imagine. But I think I would be a lot less stressed and have more time to enjoy myself. They say money doesn’t buy happiness, but I think it can sure help.

Therapist: How would it help?

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No bills, not having to work so many hours, I can buy things I want, like this pair of jeans I’ve been wanting.

Therapist: You want to do more things that for example your roommate can do? Client:

Yeah.

Therapist: So things like . . . buying a North Face jacket, owning an iPod . . . going out. . . . Client:

Yeah, pretty much.

Therapist: How does it make you feel when you can’t or don’t have those things or the time to go out clubbing . . . like the rest of your friends. . . . Client:

Well, mixed, I guess. Part of me feels kinda angry because they don’t have to worry about the same things I do and can go out. But then I also feel kinda lonely because they are all becoming good friends and always have awesome stories to share and I feel like I’m missing out.

Therapist: You are really missing out. . . . because you don’t have the money to spend like your friends do. . . . Client:

Yeah.

Therapist: But have to work for it? From what I am hearing, it sounds like some of the things your friends consider . . . to be things that everyone should be able to do is things like being able to go out regularly . . . maybe spending money on clothing, etc. . . . whereas for you, it sounds like there seem to be other things of more importance? Client:

Yeah, I suppose.

Therapist: So it sounds like your friends might be coming from a different culture, so to speak. . . . Client:

What do you mean culture?

Therapist: E.g., the attitudes and values and beliefs held by a group of people. . . . E.g., if we take your friends as an example, sounds like in their social class culture . . . money is just handed to them . . . right . . . and they are used to buying say certain brands of clothing . . . hanging out at certain places . . . maybe

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not valuing some of the advantages that they have—for instance your roommate who has their own computer. . . . Client:

Yeah, that sounds right.

Therapist: Does that make sense so far? Okay . . . well and with you it sounds . . . and correct me if I am wrong . . . it sounds like your culture . . . your values, beliefs, work ethic is somewhat different . . . than your friends at college currently. . . . does that sound somewhat accurate? Client:

Yeah, our work ethics are totally different. At home I used to get up at 5 a.m. to help around the house. I don’t think my roommate ever had to do anything.

Therapist: Uh huh . . . so you value working hard. Client:

Well I guess, I never really thought about it. It’s just something I always did. But yeah I guess so.

Therapist: So that is one of the differences you see between you and your roommate . . . and/or your friends. . . . How is it different for you now being in Iowa City and not in your small town? Client:

In terms of what?

Therapist: So if we are talking in terms of culture—for instance, the way you were raised . . . . you mentioned a little bit about living on a farm . . . waking up early and working . . . so those were some things part of that culture . . . that were expected of you at the farm . . . so what is different in terms of “culture” of what’s expected here. . . . Client:

Well, I think my family would still expect me to work hard even though I’m here. And not home.

Therapist: What about your friends here? What kind of expectations do you think they have for you? Client:

Uh. . . . I don’t think they expect anything. Well, wait . . .

Therapist: For example . . . they expect that no one has to work and that everyone should be able to go out . . . so there might be different ideas of how to spend your time . . . maybe going back to your cultural background . . . how you were raised, does that make sense to you? Client:

YEAH. Well my family definitely valued hard work and stressed being a good person.

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Therapist: Okay, so it sounds like the emphasis in your upbringing was to work hard to achieve your goals. Client:

Yeah, pretty much.

Therapist: What difference or differences do you see in your upbringing versus say your roommate’s? Client:

Well, my roommate grew up in a big city where things were pretty intense.

Therapist: Okay, so a fast-paced lifestyle. Client:

I know they had to worry about crime and stuff like that, but I remember them saying how difficult high school was because everyone expected you to act in a certain way.

Therapist: Tell me more about being “expected to act in a certain way” for your roommate? Client:

At home popularity wasn’t such a big thing ’cuz everybody knew each other since we were little kids and it just felt very welcoming . . . and for my roommate . . . well, I think they used to have people dress or act in certain ways and so they think I should be like that too.

Therapist: Uh huh, so there appears to be more of a pressure on your roommate to maybe buy that North Face jacket or have the iPod. Client:

Yeah.

Therapist: And what about your upbringing, what was different about school for you? Were you expected to act a certain way? or dress a certain way where you grew up? Client:

Yeah, it was different for me . . . I don’t think we had that kind of pressure at my school—we were fairly laid back.

Therapist: So it sounds like what you are experiencing may be related to what I would call social class status. . . . or rather something that is called classism—it’s sort of a type of discrimination . . . where people may treat you differently because the way you behave and/or act are not the same as their values and expectations. So, for example, in the group your roommate belongs to it is important to go out to the bars several times a week and to wear certain types of clothes, but for you those things aren’t as important? So how do you negotiate what you feel is important vs. what your friends feel is important?

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I’m not sure what you mean?

Therapist: Well, you talked about some of the differences you saw in the way your roommate grew up. Client:

Well, yeah, I don’t think I negotiate that very well. It can make me feel anxious at times because sometimes I feel at odds with myself.

Therapist: Uh-huh, so it makes you feel at odds with yourself. . . . Client:

Well like a North Face jacket was never important before, but now I really want one, but I can’t easily afford them or have my parents buy it for me like other people.

Therapist: You are beginning to feel some of the pressures on you by this new group of friends, who are from a different background than yours. Client:

Well, I don’t really feel like they’re pressuring me. They just think all people can afford things and go out all the time. They live in a different world.

Therapist: True, but it appears to have an effect on you as well. . . . if we just take the North Face jacket example . . . like you said, that was something that was not of importance to you before . . . but now it seems like it is something you would want. Client:

Yeah, but they don’t do it on purpose, so yeah, I think it’s more me than them.

Therapist: Is that because you would personally want it? Or is it because it would help you feel more at home, so to speak, with them? Client:

Both. I just never thought about a North Face jacket before, so I never really considered if I liked one or not, but now that I see them everywhere, I think it looks cool.

Therapist: And the difference between now and before is . . . that now you are surrounded by a group that has a different lifestyle than what you had before. Is that accurate? Client:

Yeah, I think so.

Therapist: So imagine if you were not at odds with yourself as you are currently. What would your life be like?

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Well, I . . . more money would be nice, but I’m not afraid to work hard for it. It would be awesome if I don’t have to worry about debt or buying the generic cereal.

Therapist: So how would this life without worry be? What would change for you? Client:

Less stressed and more relaxed to just enjoy things.

Therapist: Would your values of hard work change, would you change as a person—your personality, your values that you grew up with? Client:

No. If I just sat around all day I would get bored quickly and feel the need to do something.

Therapist: Okay—so it sounds like you would be the same person as you are right now—except with more money. Client:

Pretty much.

Therapist: So thinking ahead to next week’s session, how about between now and next week, write about what it feels like for you not to be able to afford the things that you seem to want. . . . sounds good?

6 The Impact of Social Class and Classism on Healthy Psychological Development What was once important to me just didn’t have the same meaning after I had my daughter. For instance, one thing that I used to pride myself on was having professional clothes and dressing the part of a young academic. I remember shopping for clothes seemed essential. Now my wife sometimes just says, “What happened to you?” as I wear the same shirt several days in a row. My wife doesn’t appreciate my response, “My shirt is comfortable, and it still smells ok.” I can honestly say that those externalities and material items I used to appreciate have just lost much of its meaning. I still walk through stores and see things I like, but my interest in buying things has dissipated. Instead, now I focus on what my wife and daughter need to keep them healthy and happy. Buying a shirt for myself used to bring individual happiness, but now, making sure they have the best food, transportation, and clothing is what brings me happiness. I recognize the change in myself and regard it as part of growing up and the social class transitions that come with life changes.

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hen I work with my trainees in supervision, often when we discuss a client’s dysfunctions and maladaptions, I ask about the developmental level of the client. I am not necessarily interested in the chronological age, although that is an important factor in understanding the developmental level of the client, but instead I want the trainee to consider levels of maturity, previous experiences, and how these are potentially connected to the client’s current and/or presenting problem. Struggles with an intimate relationship mean different things for a 19-year-old than they may mean for someone who is 45 years old. The existential issues (e.g., connecting with another person) may have similar emotional valence, but the ways the two approach and resolve relationship issues are likely different; that is, how people perceive, participate in, and develop relationships at these different stages of life is predicated on previous relationships but also on how these relationships may have formed and been impacted by contextual factors. A 6-year-old boy, for example, who grew up in a home where there was profound conflict around money learns something about relationships through these conflicts and internalizes these scripts for future relationships. And these contextual and developmental factors are important to consider, regardless of theoretical orientation (cognitive, humanistic, or dynamic) because these facets allow the helping professional some additional understanding of the client and may help shape and focus interventions. One dimension helping professionals should consider with clients is the impact of social class and classism on healthy psychological development. Considering the challenges and support a person has at each stage or place across the lifespan is important in potentially explaining attitudes and behaviors. I attempt to steer away from talking about developmental paradigms such as Erikson and Piaget, for instance, because there is a vast array of research on these developmental theories. And rather than reiterating these theories and discussing the impact of social class, I am interested in providing and discussing the scholarship around social class and classism that may inform whichever developmental perspective one takes. This chapter provides another layer of theory and research on social class and classism to integrate into developmental theories. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to discuss the research on social class and classism that may be relevant in looking at this dimension of a person’s life. Also, this chapter is meant as a starting point for discussing the relationship of social class and classism to healthy psychological development. In no way do I represent and review the entire literature base. And in fact, one of the problems with the current literature in this area is that there is not much to draw upon when it comes to social class and classism and lifespan considerations for helping professionals. Much of what helping professionals know about this intersection is discussed around health and social class. And the larger

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studies investigating social class with a psychological construct such as selfesteem (Twenge & Campbell, 2002), for example, is sparse. One other reason I find it necessary to discuss social class and classism across the lifespan or a person’s development is because traditional frameworks predicated on income, education, and occupation tend to marginalize the young and old. Among those who do not earn independent incomes, have an educational level that meaningfully distinguishes between individuals (e.g., college or professional degrees), and have a job or occupation, social class may seem irrelevant. Research on different age groups tends to use proxy variables such as parental education and income to assess children’s and adolescents’ social class situations, and previous occupation and income levels may be used to understand retirees or those out of the traditional job markets. However, one of the major problems with this particular approach (Liu, 2001, in press) is to imply, however subtly, that social class and classism are issues and problems for those of certain ages (usually during job entry and occupational maintenance years such as 15 to 65). But as I have suggested, classism does occur among and within groups that have no independent income, for instance. Children who are teased for wearing the wrong sneakers or using the free lunch are targets of classism by children who see themselves as more privileged or in higher social classes. And as I posit later in this chapter, for some children, these chronic experiences of teasing and bullying may also turn into classism traumas that have lifelong and enduring effects.

Social Class and Classism and Psychological Development If one were to start a literature search on social class, SES, and classism, the overwhelming research tends to focus on the impact of poverty and inequality on the health and well-being of children and adolescents. The result of this research tends to show the dramatic and significant cost from living in squalor, deprivation, and inequality to the psychological and physical wellbeing to infants, children, and adolescents (Malat, Oh, & Hamilton, 2005). Yet even with all that we know, it seems not much has really changed in decades when it comes to relieving this problem of poverty among the youngest in our society. Recent demographic reviews show the dramatic impact of poverty on the lives of the young and old, and estimates suggest that the numbers have increased (Census Bureau, 2010). Some of this increase in numbers is owed to the recession of 2008 and 2009, but job and housing losses are just one piece of that explanation. Accounting for some

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of these numbers is just the sheer chronicity of poverty and inequality that has endured and for the most part been accepted as relatively normal in our society. Enduring inequality and poverty are real concerns; the United States did not move from zero inequality to vast inequality because of the recession. One other interesting part of these new demographic numbers is the increase in the numbers of older Americans living in poverty, which is in part due to new calculations and estimates derived from the National Academy of Sciences (Census Bureau, 2009). These new estimates for older Americans now include health care costs, transportation, and other living expenses not included in the original definition and indices of poverty developed in the early 1960s, which only accounted for foodstuffs. Thus, in understanding the poor and those living in poverty, more refined estimates show that young and old are increasing in numbers (Census Bureau, 2009). The most vulnerable people in our communities are at the greatest risk for the deleterious effects of poverty and inequality, and this should be an incredible concern for helping professionals. Those individuals and families with the fewest resources and the most limited access to opportunities and options have been ever increasing in numbers. For helping professionals, it seems we will have greater numbers of people who are experiencing economic and financial distress with not just acute symptoms but problems that have lasted months, years, and for some, over generations. As helping professionals, the way to best understand and integrate the available research on development is to connect what is known about living and growing up in these environments with the client’s current and/or presenting issues. To do this, a thorough client history needs to be developed and questions surrounding the social class circumstances and situations for the client must be explored. Taking a bio-psycho-social perspective to integrating the research with the client’s issues allows the helping professional some opportunities to understand how some of these social class-related factors may have impacted their development. Throughout this first section, I present the research literature in various areas such as health, care giving, and even television viewing. There of course is no causal link, but the research does provide clues as to how certain social class experiences may be related to the client’s worldview. One place to start is an understanding that for children, every increase in social class or socioeconomic status has a health benefit (Chen, 2004). This is a monotonic health gradient that shows increases in social class are related to positive increases in well-being and health indices. But just as with any other form of inequality, even infants and babies do not start off as equals at life’s starting line. As I have discussed previously, the impact of social class on children starts well before they are born. Prenatal care, the

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mother’s work and living environments, and other factors such as available supermarkets and neighborhood violence all affect the mother and growing child. Consequently, even in utero, life chances and health are being prewired, and conversely, poor health and other triggers related to later poor development may be forming (Chen, 2004). For children at risk, it is never one single factor but the cumulative effect of chronic inequality. That is, among children in poor and low-income situations, the accumulation of risk factors (minority race, poverty, low parental education, early sexual behavior, and not living with biological parents) seems to be associated with poorer health (Bauman, Stein, & Silver, 2006; Berger, Paxson, & Waldfogel, 2009; Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Combs-Orme & Cain, 2006; Jordahl & Lohman, 2009; Kroenke, 2008). As Evans and his colleagues (Evans, 2004; Evans & English, 2002) have posited and discovered in their research, the socioemotional and psychological development of a healthy child is related to his or her physical environment (e.g., poor housing, noise, overcrowding) and to the psychosocial environment (e.g., family chaos and community violence). Furthermore, the deleterious impact of poverty and being poor may vary depending on the age the child experiences that poverty. Because children are physically and cognitively developing, the negative impact of poverty on children affects the propensity toward and elicitation of certain diseases as well as the overall socioemotional and cognitive developmental trajectories (Chen, 2004; Evans, 2006; Tanner & Finn-Stevenson, 2002). For lowincome children, the research generally shows that as they age, their health may become worse even though signs of ill health are not readily apparent at younger ages. The accumulated physical assaults related to poverty and inequality are likely to set in place particular problems for children so that as they age and meet developmental milestones, problems arise. Physical and hormonal changes that occur during puberty may be affected by problems encountered earlier as a child, but only because of physical maturation do these problems become manifest. For instance, breast development in boys has been linked to exposure to a common element in plastic toys (Dotinga, 2009). Thus, for many poor and low-income children, the problem they experience is exposure to toxins and other health assaults or “health shocks” (Currie & Stabile, 2003, p. 1823). It is a problem of access to health-related resources (e.g., regular and palliative medical care). In other words, as they age, they are likely vulnerable to and experience more health-related problems and disorders such as asthma, diabetes, and physical injuries (Case, Lubotsky, & Paxson, 2002). It is not necessarily that these health shocks occur, but these events do stress available resources and in some situations, some health shocks may go untreated because the family is too poor to take care of these health problems adequately.

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In this situation, there may be some element of the social selection theory at work because poor health in childhood may be related to limited social mobility, and in turn, there is a form of intergenerational transmission of the problems related to living in poverty (Case et al. 2002). Thus, the deleterious effects of poverty on children do not stay in childhood but do have long-term consequences into adulthood (Case, Fertig, & Paxson, 2005; Sapolsky, 2005; van de Mheen, Stronks, Looman, & Mackenbach, 1998). So once these children become adults, it is possible that they pass along their pathologies to their children and the cycle continues (Ramchandani & Psychogiou, 2009). With respect to intellectual development and cognition, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network (NICH/HDECCRN) produced a report (2005) that also supported the effects of timing and poverty on children’s development. The researchers divided children into four groups of never poor, poor only during the child’s infancy (0 to 3 years old), poor only after infancy (4 to 9 years old), and chronically poor. They found that the chronically poor children had lower cognitive performance than other children who never experienced being poor and that the chronically poor children were raised in lowerquality environments (NICH/HDECCRN, 2005). That is, deprivation, low income, and exposure to poverty (i.e., living in impoverished neighborhoods) are related to low IQ among children (Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1994; McLoyd, 1998). Part of the problem with poverty and low IQ may be also related to the lack of resources (e.g., books and computers), lack of opportunities (e.g., early education, preschool activities), and negative performance bias by teachers (Entwisle, Alexander, & Olson, 1997; McLoyd, 1998). Additionally, being poor later in the child’s development seemed to be more detrimental to the child’s performance than early poverty (NICH/HDECCRN, 2005). This last finding is in contrast to other research suggesting the opposite was true (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Duncan & Magnuson, 2003). But regardless of when the child experiences poverty in his or her life, overall the research strongly suggests that any exposure to poverty is detrimental to cognitive development and healthy growth.

Quality of Child Care Another factor related to the intellectual and social development of children is the quality of child care. Depending on the social class and monetary resources of the family (Duncan & Magnuson, 2003), child care varies tremendously in type and quality. I recall when we were looking for child

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care for our daughter that we were inundated with recommendations. The types of child care varied depending on the person offering the suggestion. Faculty and other university colleagues were more likely to suggest private, institutionally affiliated, and skill-specific child care (music-specialized child care, for instance). Some friends, based on their own experiences growing up, also thought a live-in nanny would be a good choice. Since we live in a mostly working-class neighborhood, recommendations tended to be public school-based child care and home daycare. After visiting many daycare settings, we saw how much variability there was in these settings; some were in poor condition or had large class sizes. We finally opted for a home daycare setting because of its closeness to our home, cleanliness, and its small size. For our infant daughter, we thought those features were most important at her age. But when we explain our choice to some colleagues, it sometimes feels that rather than a wholehearted recognition of our choice, there seems to be evaluation that home daycare would not set up our daughter for life (a feeling of lateral classism). Because child care is critically important for many working- and middleclass families, the availability of and access to high-quality child care may be related to readiness for school and academic and cognitive achievement (Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor, 2009). Thus, those child care settings that stimulate language development, have learning materials, have sensitive and responsive caregivers, and have an opportunity for children to explore their environments tend to be considered high-quality child care settings, and these characteristics seem to promote early child achievement (Dearing et al., 2009). Unfortunately, some of these child care settings are difficult to get a child into because of their popularity, and for many moderate-income families, these settings are far too expensive. In a best-case scenario where there are two parents for a child, one parent’s income may be completely dedicated to child care expenses. As a result, some parents may need to choose whether a parent working is the best choice because the income does not necessarily contribute to other family expenses such as food, housing, and transportation. But as Hopps and Liu (2006) have discussed, parent employment may often mean additional access to health care, and so the calculus of child care is not often simple or straightforward.

Sleep Habits Within the family system and home environment, there are also factors that may influence the lives of children who are poor or living in poverty. Sleep habits, for instance, especially poor sleep hygiene, leads to poorer

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sleep quality, duration, and timing, and has been “known to be associated with adverse behavioral, cognitive, and health outcomes” (Hale, Berger, LeBourgeois, & Brooks-Gunn, 2009, p. 394). Research also suggests that ethnic children in poverty tend to have poorer sleep habits such as regular sleep routines and consistent bedtimes (Hale et al., 2009). In their study of 3,217 3-year-old children (48% Black, 26% Hispanic, and 22% White), the researchers found Black and Hispanic children had later bedtimes and reduced odds of regular bedtimes. Some of the reasons attributed to poorer sleep hygiene are related to inconsistent or irregular work hours for parents, as well as later “returning to home” times. That means when children are with parents, there may be a tendency to keep children awake longer so that more time may be spent between child(ren) and parent(s). It seems then there is an unfortunate catch-22 for some working, moderate-income, and poor parents who want to spend time with their children—they want to have some quality time with their children, but this may impact the child’s sleep. Lack of sleep or poor sleep may reflect negatively in the child’s attention, energy, and attitudes at school. These behaviors may be misinterpreted by teachers as disorganization, disruption, and lack of effort (Liu & Hernandez, 2008).

Parent and Child Relationships The quality of the relationship between parents and children also has an impact on development. There is some research suggesting that children from lower-social-class contexts tend to experience more family conflict, less parental warmth, and fewer positive communications with parents (Chen, Matthews, & Boyce, 2002; Tulkin & Kagan, 1972). These findings may be accurate, but the results and conclusions drawn must be done with some caution and consideration for research perspectives and contextual pressures. For instance, some of these differences in communication may be related to social class differences and values between the researchers and those being studied and the preference and privileging of certain types and forms of communication over others (those forms of communication that tend to be congruent with working styles of middle and upper classes). Another factor that may influence the types of communication between parents and children is the type of parental job or occupation. Lower-social-class jobs, for example, may “require manipulating physical objects and are more standardized, less complex, and more supervised. Because of these differences, middle-class fathers would be expected to value self-direction and independence in their children, whereas lower-class

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fathers would value obedience and conformity” (L. W. Hoffman, p. 130, 2003). Consequently, lower-social-class parents may tend to use more corporal punishment while middle-class parents tend toward psychologically based punishment such as timeouts (L. W. Hoffman, 2003). Adding to some of the harsher forms of communication may be parent(s) who find themselves overwhelmed with their many responsibilities and have few if any appropriate coping mechanisms. This seems to be somewhat evident among mothers who are young when they have their first child and who have low family income who tend to use spanking and verbal punishments more frequently than older mothers and those mothers in homes with higher family income (Berlin et al., 2009). Attachment research also suggests that these forms of maltreatment tend to negatively impact the growing bond between parents and children and that pervasive aggression may be negatively related to developing healthy adult relationships (Aber & Allen, 1987). Others go further and suggest that evidence in adolescence shows that problematic relationships stemming from chaotic parental bonds may also be related to conduct disorders and substance use and abuse (Rosenstein & Horowitz, 1996). Certainly this is not true for every child and adolescent who experiences conflict with parents, and some researchers and scholars have argued the importance of looking at other important relationships in a child’s life beyond just the mother–child attachment bond and how these other relationships may serve to create nurturing connections (Birns, 1999; Franzblau, 1999). This may be especially true for racial minority children who may grow up in multigenerational families and extended networks as well as some children who live in poor situations but nonetheless have strong social networks of support. Hence, for helping professionals, it is important to not characterize all children in poor or poverty situations and who have experienced corporal punishment, for instance, as having poor attachment or problematic relationships.

Impact of Media and Television Another apparent problem that affects children is the amount of television they watch. Nationally, there are more television sets within a home than people in the home (USA Today, 2006). According to this report, the average home now has 2.73 televisions and only 2.55 persons within the home (USA Today, 2006). One group most at risk for extensive television viewing seems to be low-income children who, as a group, tend to have higher rates of watching television (Dennison, Erb, & Jenkins, 2002). It may be that,

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at times, television may serve as a proxy for child care among the poorest of families. But in other instances, television is a way families socialize and relax. In either case, the amount of meaningful oral communication between family members must decrease as television viewing increases. The increase in televisions within the home may also be related to more watching and sedentary lifestyles, which may be related to increased healthrelated risks and unhealthy behaviors. What will be interesting to monitor is how videogames, use of computers, and even cell phone use (talking and texting) are all related to children’s and adolescents’ development. At present, there does not seem to be any extant literature on this issue, but I believe in the near future, there will be more research on these other media sources. Generally, the research suggests that the proliferation and use of these multimedia sources among preteens and adolescents has increased dramatically in the past decade (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2010). Since collecting these data in 1999, the Kaiser Family Foundation’s (2010) report shows that young people have increased their use of media from 6.21 to 7.38 hours (a typical adult workday). And with the use of multiple media sources in any given hour, young adults actually end up spending almost 10 hours and 45 minutes with media content within that 7.38-hour time period, meaning that many young adults are saturated with media. All this media saturation means decreased grades and less personal contentment. On the positive side, it appears that parents have an incredibly important role and that those teens with less time on these media tended to have parents who made efforts to limit media exposure. Furthermore, with the proliferation and integration of technology, it seems that many families will have access to some form of videogaming, computing, and cell phones. And if the trends continue to hold as they have with television viewing, negative effects seem possible among the poorest of children and families. If this were the outcome, it may be related to time away from direct and meaningful verbal and nonverbal communication between parents and children as well as other nurturing gestures and behaviors. I would posit that this may be similarly found among the wealthy and affluent, but the negative outcomes may be less reported or identified. In general, though, there is another problem related to increased television watching: socialization into a consumer culture (Buijzen & Valkenburg, 2003). In a review of research, John (1999) found that between the ages of 3 and 7, children understand the differences between regular programs and advertising, begin to develop a positive attitude toward advertisements, can recognize brand names, and value possessions. Over time, it is possible that these children develop increasingly increasing materialistic value systems (Flouri, 2004). And low-income children who tend to spend the

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most time in front of televisions are likely to develop favorable attitudes toward advertised products as a result of watching commercials and other television programs (Buijzen & Valkenburg, 2003; Galst & White, 1976; Gorn & Goldberg, 1977; Mochis & Churchill, 1978). These materialistic attitudes may become ways of coping with life stressors and other emotional difficulties and challenges, regardless of social class level or ability to purchase these material objects. While there are a number of factors that affect the relationship between advertising and consumerism among children such as the child’s age and culture (Harmon, 2001), it is important to also look at the role of the entire family and the contexts within which the family resides. Advertising and marketing also affect parents and how they socialize children toward materialism. For instance, parents who focus on social relationships and link them with consumption may “explicitly encourage their children to evaluate their consumer behaviors on the basis of the perceived effects on others, resulting in the development of materialistic orientations” (Moore & Mochis, 1981, p. 50). Therefore, family socialization is just as important in orienting children toward materialism as television and other media outlets (Moore & Mochis, 1981). Starting as children who connect how they conceptualize themselves and others through materialism, this “lens” through which they view the world only becomes more pronounced as they age. For instance, in one study of 8- and 12-year-olds, Achenreiner and John (2003) presented shoes that were identical in appearance but differed in brand (either Kmart or Nike). The researchers found that by the time children reach 12 years of age, they are able to distinguish between statuses in relation to brand names and are highly brand conscious (Achenreiner & John, 2003). Children and adolescents learn early that having is better than not-having, and that having more expensive possessions is always better (Dittmar & Pepper, 1994). And as Piacentini and Mailer (2004) show in their research on teenagers and clothing choices, social status and what are considered “right” clothes are salient and relevant in the lives of adolescents. That is, “clothes choices made by young people are closely bound to their self-concept, and are used both as a means of self-expression and as a way of judging the people and situations they face . . . clothing can be viewed as an essential social tool in the lives of teenagers” (p. 251). Thus, research on children and adolescents points to the potential relationship between social class and classism and the related psychosocial problems. That is, for children and adolescents, social class and classism are all functional even though they are relatively absent of income, education, and occupation. In the case of materialism, poverty has an associated social cost. Attree (2006) shows in a qualitative study of children in poverty

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that these children understood at an early age that they were different. The children were not fashionable or trendy, and bullying and teasing were often described as experiences by children in poverty. These children felt embarrassed or ashamed about their circumstances and that poverty had an effect on their friendships and social inclusion. Consequently, for some of these children, there was a constant struggle to fit in and not be unlike everyone else (Attree, 2006). These experiences of teasing and bullying are forms of classism, and these experiences may set a precedent for the individual. Early acute experiences of classism, and other instances of adolescent and adult experiences of classism, may be conceptualized as types of psychological trauma. It is not necessarily “trauma” in the same sense as being diagnosed with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) but trauma in that the individual remembers these incidences vividly and these experiences seem to shape and affect later life. These early forms of classism traumas, in my experience, may have reverberations throughout one’s life.

Social Class and Classism Traumas One of my former clients was extremely shy and had a low, soft voice. This was evidently a problem in most social situations in which college students found themselves. She avoided many social situations for fear that having to speak meant revealing her Southern accent. She came to realize after relentless teasing by classmates in high school that having a Southern accent was similar to overtly saying she was poor. She had in fact grown up poor and lived in a trailer home, and avoiding social situations allowed her to protect herself from further teasing and bullying. Children and adolescents are teased and bullied, and there are a number of reasons for which teasing and bullying may occur. Being too short, too skinny, too fat, having red hair or freckles, or just walking to class may all be reasons for being bullied. In my clinical work with clients, many recall a traumatic history of bullying in school and other settings, which for some only exacerbated problems and chaos they experienced in their home lives. Over time, I started to find a theme among some adults that seemed to suggest that these significant experiences of bullying were not isolated to just their childhood or distant memories. For some, these experiences were discussed as emotionally laden, acute, and vividly remembered forms of trauma (there were dreams, recall of specific events, avoidance of situations or precursors to situations, and generalized sensitivity to anything that was even tangentially related to the significant event).

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In addition, some of these experiences were based on classism (eating the reduced lunch, having overly worn shoes, out-of-style clothing). For these clients who were sometimes already aware of their status of being poor or working class, being singled out and marginalized for their material deficiencies only compounded their feelings of not belonging. When I framed these experiences as classism traumas, many clients responded favorably and could understand their experiences better and conceptualize other decisions in their lives differently. Their choice of majors, jobs, internships, friends and other associates could be better understood within a framework of insulating themselves from other potential experiences of classism traumas. And in some situations, clients came to see some of their own behaviors against others as perpetuating classism traumas. Interestingly, I have also had some clients, who I would characterize as affluent, also report experiences of classism trauma. These experiences of classism trauma tended to fall into two categories. The first form of classism trauma among these clients was those experiences where people who were in a similar social class or even those who were considered more affluent than the client were derogatory or demeaning to the client. These affluent clients also experienced their own forms of downward and lateral classism, and over time, these experiences were internalized. The other form of classism trauma actually came from what could be conceptualized as upward classism. Having friends who were considered to be in lower social class groups or less affluent but were personally regarded as important and influential could also create a situation where the affluent client was derided for being too rich. Some of these experiences were reported by racial and ethnic clients who were characterized as “sell-outs” and “bougie” by others in their racial and ethnic communities, and these remarks were considered hurtful and forms of classism trauma. Some of these clients coped with these experiences by trying to distance themselves from aspects of wealth and affluence. Some clients became “trust-fund hippies” and others became angry at having to divulge anything about their background or history. What all this means is that helping professionals do need to holistically assess and understand the lives and background of children and adolescents. Knowing that children and adolescents come from poverty, for instance, allows the helping professional to make some educated suppositions about the history and lives of these children and adolescents. Along with these and many other issues and challenges facing children and adolescents from poor backgrounds is the potential for acute experiences with classism. Now before venturing too far, I also want to remind helping professionals that children and adolescents who come from wealthy and affluent backgrounds may also experience their own forms of classism-based traumas.

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Bullying, marginalization, and alienation related to classism are all destructive and harming for children and adolescents, regardless of the economic background or wherewithal of the child and adolescent. I would only posit that, for children and adolescents from poor and impoverished situations, their access to resources and privileges is somewhat more limited than that of children and adolescents from wealth and affluence. So rather than try to equivocate bullying and classism-based traumas among the poor and wealthy, I will discuss later the possible problems that wealthy and affluent children and adolescents may face. In describing classism experiences as traumas, I do not imply that these experiences are diagnosable as acute traumas or appear in similar intensity as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). I use the term trauma here to describe a singular event or a series of (chronic) events related to classism that the client may point to that are identified as significant and meaningful experiences that have (a) caused the client to avoid similar situations, (b) changed or impacted the individual’s self-concept, and (c) compelled the individual to insulate him- or herself from future traumas. On point c, insulating from future traumas may take the form of withdrawing from social contacts, for instance. But another form may be an individual becoming extremely successful in business, professional activities, or education such that the individual becomes the social class standard bearer and tries to become relatively untouchable by other acts of classism. I am sure that everyone knows of a person who presently is well educated, successful, and even affluent. In all intents and purposes, it would appear that the person comes from a wealthy background. But after some probing, it becomes evident that the person may have come from poverty or a poor background, and the individual discloses personal and traumatic classism histories that compelled him or her to seek distance from personal history. I suggest that individuals are able to point to some situation or experience that was so intense and acute that this classism trauma essentially changed their nascent self-concept and later adult decisions. These social class-based traumas are most likely early experiences in childhood, adolescence, or even young adulthood. However, it may even be possible that there are classism-based traumas that are forms of adult bullying or marginalization. These experiences may occur at work, in social settings, or even in one’s neighborhood. Essentially, these are events of classism that are so acute that the experience is traumatic. For adults, these classism traumas may be explicit remarks, covert comments, or even derogatory looks and gazes (classism behaviors that communicate marginalization). Helping professionals should query these possible experiences and help clients frame them as experiences with classism.

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Clients who come from affluence and wealth may also experience forms of classism traumas. In a similar vein, it is possible that unrecognized or undeciphered status distinctions in certain contexts may lead to some forms of marginalization and alienation against those who do not subscribe or adhere to these norms. Appropriate clothing, living in the “right” area, having a doorman at one’s building, one’s country club, the size of one’s home, the number of cars, the parents’ profession and occupation, or where people spend their vacations may all be forms of status distinctions. And all of these variables may be cause for some individuals to be identified and bullied for being “different” or insufficient in some way. Of course, these individuals have access to more wealth and privilege than those in poor and impoverished situations, so their ability to resolve some of these conflicts is different. However, for the helping professional, it is important to acknowledge that these subjective experiences and memories of classism traumas are no less salient or important for the wealthy and affluent than they are for those who are poor. It is important that helping professionals attempt to contain and shed the disdain for these accoutrements of wealth and focus on the subjective experience and impact of classism traumas even among the affluent.

Into Adulthood From about the ages of 18 to 35, most Americans are attempting to find ways of establishing themselves. During these years, some enter the workforce (i.e., jobs and military) and others may start and continue their education (i.e., community college, four-year college, or university). Forming an identity is supposed to be the primary concern during this period, and for some, this identity will be impacted by their work and/or educational attainment. In addition, most young adults will continue their understanding and integration of their social class world. Some of this self-awareness will come as a result of experiences of classism and discrimination, and for others, self-consciousness may evolve from their privilege. Some may experience dissonance from their family of origin to their current social class level, either higher or lower, and for still others, there may be no transition or interest in upward mobility and the status quo is adequate and acceptable. Beginning in adolescence, privilege and poverty begin to make their marks on people’s lives. Teacher preferences, tracking into future educational or vocational tracks, and access to opportunities such as advanced-placement classes or extracurricular activities begin to differentiate between those who

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potentially will be in different social classes (Arnold & Doctoroff, 2000; Duncan, Yeung, Brooks-Gunn, & Smith, 1998; Liu & Hernandez, 2008; McLoyd, 1998). Children who come to school dirty will likely be perceived negatively by teachers and sometimes be less well cared for and challenged by teachers (Liu & Hernandez, 2008; McLoyd, 1998). Conversely, children in privileged educational settings such as preparatory schools and other private institutions are intellectually challenged and supported and are encouraged to have longer time horizons that include college and potentially professional education (N. Hoffman, 2003). Another factor affecting young adults, especially those considering college, is the capacity to anticipate and overcome early barriers and limitations. I would posit that developing a sense of competency and mastery in understanding and navigating through these barriers and limitations will likely lead to self-efficacy and persistence later in life. Some of these early barriers and limitations are especially meaningful and important, for instance, among first-generation college students and racial and ethnic minority students (Choy, 2001; Gullatt & Jan, 2003; Nunez & Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998; Paulsen & St. John, 2002; St. John, Paulsen, & Carter, 2005). First-generation college students (parents who have not previously attended or completed postsecondary education) may have limited knowledge about how to anticipate and navigate the challenges and rigors of college unless there is a mentor or other person or program that helps in this capacity. First-generation college students may be of any race and ethnicity and be from rural and urban settings (Paulsen & St. John, 2002; St. John et al., 2005). Knowing how to enroll for courses, complete financial aid forms, and take full advantage of collegiate opportunities can seem foreign to an uninitiated student. Students who are unaware of the prerequisites for applying to professional and graduate schools may not be sensitive to the need to develop meaningful relationships with professors for letters of recommendation or obtain internships and co-op experiences. Unless there is a diligent mentor, faculty person, or other significant individual, firstgeneration college students may find themselves struggling toward the end of their college experience without much direction. Developmentally, they may find themselves in work and careers that do not fit their interests or occupational goals and may shift among careers and jobs, trying to find the best fit. During this period of their lives, many may be engaged in pursuits to establish at least a toe-hold, in certain social classes. Professional work and activities, as well as educational pursuits and training (residencies, fellowships, postdoctorate experiences), are all potentially relevant requisite experiences toward establishing a particular career path toward a social class group. Among those young adults who are motivated toward upward

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mobility, these experiences and opportunities will be important competitions in which to be engaged and critical markers of status and success. Still, there are others during this time period who are quite content with their lifestyle and may not be struggling for upward mobility. Instead, these individuals may be happy in the social class group that reflects the neighborhood within which they lived as a child (Ali & McWhirter, 2006; Ali, McWhirter, & Chronister, 2005). Being surrounded by family and a familiar friendship and peer network and having work that meets and generally but modestly exceeds income demands and expectations is sufficient. Those in this latter group who do not aspire to upward mobility may be in working- and middle-class environments, but these individuals may also be in wealth and affluence. Essentially, if the perception is that one is at the top of the economic hierarchy, what is the gain in working hard toward more? Overall, it seems that helping professionals may not know much about psychosocial development and its relationship to social class because there is not much available in the research. Much of the extant literature on social class and adults addresses the health and psychosocial issues (depression, anxiety, and other mental health concerns) of mostly those in middle adulthood (age 35 to 65 years). Thus, the research seems to address maladaptations and dysfunctions but not healthy development. Additionally, this research covers an incredibly long period within which men and women of various races experience significant factors that impact their health and well-being. For helping professionals, the one concern that may be relevant around social class and classism is the potential for individuals during this period to experience the development and ascendency of their careers as well as their decline and potential retirement. Given that career is intimately tied to one’s identity and social class status and position, descent and impending retirement may create anxiety and other intrapsychic conflicts. One result may be the “midlife crisis” some men and women experience. To salve some of this internal angst, some turn to material objects such as new and sportier cars, a change of clothing choices, or even some body modifications and changes (e.g., plastic surgery). It is important to note that not everyone experiences these problems or conflicts and that turning to material objects as a means of coping is not without precedent in this person’s life. Rather, materialistic attitudes persist over the lifespan (Roberts & Manolis, 2000), so helping professionals may be able to predict how individuals will cope. Although the popular image and mythology is that men and women experience some form of mid-life crisis and struggle into their older age, this is not the case. For some, moving into later life is expected and a gentle transition into other roles and responsibilities. I would suspect that the precursors of these midlife crises and difficult transitions into older ages are

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set well before a particular chronological age. In the case of social class and classism, some individuals may not feel they have accomplished enough or made enough money by some mark in their life, and the dissonance between their chronological age and their social class status may trigger anxiety and depressive feelings. Other men and women may feel they have accomplished their goals economically and are now at their zenith, so what else is left? Whichever the case, I would suggest that the focus on social class can be a positive motivating factor—but it certainly may also be debilitating if it is the sole focus. Again, as with much of what I have presented heretofore, many of these relationships between social class and older adults are speculative because there is not much research from which to draw. We may be able to assume that for some men and women at this age, there are shifts in social status that may be related to changes in job and occupation, a sudden loss of an occupation or retirement funds, marital status, and financial well-being. For some, there may be improvements, but for others, this period of life signals more life stress to come. For those without retirement funds, for example, and for those who may depend on Social Security and health care, there are substantial costs related to retirement. And for a growing number of older adults, retirement never comes. Consequently, for some, health and wellness may decrease once they reach about age 50 (Hemmingsson, Lundberg, & Diderichsen, 1999; Tiffin, Pearce, & Parker, 2005). Along with the number of variables that may impact health and wellbeing among older adults is the problem of being able to understand the primary influencing factors for this community. Thus, one problem may be that measurement of social class among the elderly is sometimes difficult (Grundy & Holt, 2001). For instance, depending on the individual’s age, income and occupation take on different meanings in comparison to someone of working age. Someone who is retired may still carry with him or her the prestige of an occupation from which he/she retired, although the individual may no longer be employed. What about income as well? For someone on Social Security, pension, or other fixed income, income is not necessarily earned but is an entitlement from earlier employment. If that is the case, what is the meaning of income for someone in retirement? Also, lifestyle considerations change. Time and effort usually employed at a job are now discretionary. How does a social class tied to income, education, and occupational level vary when one’s identity from a job and time spent at an occupation are no longer relevant? Some research suggests that increased social distress among low-income older adults is related to weaker social support systems than older adults in higher social class groups (Murrell & Norris, 1991). These changes in perceived social support or perceived

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control over one’s situation and environment also are related to one’s overall health and perceived social class position. Also, as older adults start to lose their peer group to death, there may be changes and shifts to their peer group. Given that many compare their social status to their peer group or cohort, and that the peer and cohort group give meaning to one’s relative social class position, the loss and significant changes that occur in social networks also represent a dissolution of their comparison group. If these older adults move into nursing homes or retirement communities or continue to live independently, how does their social class worldview change? Equally important would be the ways by which classism is experienced and performed. Are material objects still relevant for some? Perhaps lifestyle and freedom of travel become indicators of social status. Or, as I have seen in my own family, social class status is attached to the financial and economic well-being and social class status of children and grandchildren. It is difficult to state with any assurance how these social class changes are experienced among older adults because there is no extant research or theoretical literature. Finally, one other broad consideration is related to the demographic and cultural diversity of older adults (Laidlaw & Pachana, 2010). I believe it is important to remind us that all of these developmental concerns that may impact or be related to healthy psychological development are also related to race, gender, ability, religion, and sexual orientation, to name a few. These, for the sake of discussion, are other cultural identities that reflect forms of oppression and marginalization. I have already mentioned these in other chapters. For helping professionals, it is imperative to consider the consequence of being Black and poor and a man. Experiences with teachers, at school, joblessness (Linn, 2009), racism, and the police are all important factors in psychological health. And all of these are often exacerbated by the condition of poverty and inequality, as well as race and gender (Liu, Hernandez, Mahmood, & Stinson, 2006). The helping professional must create a composite profile of the client’s maladaptation or presenting issue(s) with respect to these other cultural concerns. The results of these aggregate pictures of the clients are very often complex, detail rich, and informative for interventions.

Implications for Practice For helping professionals, considering the relationship and potential impact of social class on the psychosocial development of the individual is important in developing a rich and complex picture of the client. Here I offer a few suggestions for helping professional practice.

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1. Helping professionals should always consider and question the developmental stage or status of the client. There are a number of theoretical frameworks from which to choose (e.g., Erikson, Chickering, Kohlberg, Vygotsky). The theoretical framework does not explain what might be the problem for the client, but instead these frameworks allow the helping professional to better understand how the individual may perceive and experience the current stressor or distress. These frameworks add to the helping professional’s ability to conceptualize the client’s problem or concern. 2. It is important to understand the client’s history and relationships with parents and try to understand the level of affection and nurturing for the client. Helping professionals should assess also for aspects that may affect development such as child care, television viewing, and sleep habits. All of these are potentially important factors in further understanding the client’s worldview and background but also the presenting concern. For instance, clients who have never had a regular sleep pattern or a routine for sleep may not be sensitive to how the lack of or poor sleep affects motivation and mood. 3. In assessing the developmental trajectory of the client, consider what are relevant and salient values and expectations for the client. Referring to the client’s economic culture as a way to better assess for the demands and expectations for the client is a reasonable way to conduct the assessment. Each client comes from different perceived economic cultures with an array of expectations. Some of these values and expectations may differ from the helping professional’s experiences and worldview, and the helping professional needs to be aware of how these differences may affect treatment and intervention (e.g., differences in the pressures for upward mobility). But just as important, the helping professional needs to better understand what might be compelling the client to act and see the world in certain ways. 4. Consider the cohort of the client. When the client was born and when the client came of age, what factors were important at that time? Helping professionals should consider what experiences were shared among this cohort that may be distinct for them. Mandatory education, the GI Bill, the availability of higher education, mass job losses due to recessions, wars and other conflicts, or the advent and pervasiveness of technology are all relevant to conceptualizing the client’s presenting issue or concern and how interventions may be developed. 5. Traumatic experiences with classism may shape the ways in which clients see themselves and others, especially their relationships. Asking a client about a salient memory or current trauma related to classism or social class is an important consideration in developing a profile of the client.

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An assessment of these traumatic experiences may help the helping professional better understand motivations, coping styles, and other attitudes and behaviors that may be problematic for the client.

Conclusion The focus of this chapter was to discuss the possible ways social class and classism are related to healthy psychological development. As the research and theoretical literature show, even infants start off life differently. Depending on prenatal care, the neighborhood and environment, and other life stressors such as job insecurity, infants are potentially exposed to an array of barriers and shocks. Overall, people can be resilient in the face of these barriers and shocks, but the cumulative effects and the chronicity of these problems eventually wear down even the heartiest of people and communities. Added to these problems are child care, overexposure to television, and parental conflicts and inexperience, and the developmental trajectory for some children and adolescents is likely different from the trajectory of those not exposed to these problems. Healthy psychological development is also potentially impacted by experiences in school, with teachers and peers, and especially by traumatic incidences of classism. For some individuals, these bullying and teasing experiences leverage their effects well into adulthood. As many transition into educational and occupational settings, social class and classism continue to make an impact. Readiness for educational challenges and social class transitions may strain some people’s capacity to healthily cope. As we move into older adulthood, the available literature around social class becomes sparse, so there is a need to evaluate current research methods and develop new ways to gather data to better understand this community. Overlaid on all this research is the complexity of cultural and demographic diversity, which moderates all of the outcomes and conclusions for healthy development. What can be assumed of one population often needs to be critically evaluated for another. For helping professionals, there is great opportunity for continued research and theory development in these areas as well as ways to improve service delivery and effectiveness.

7 Greed, Materialism, and Affluence and Mental Health The Rich Are Not Immune

In the fall on many college campuses, students are starting and returning to school. In between the tables of student organizations are a few tables where young men and women are handing out t-shirts, drink cups, and other free paraphernalia, all seemingly free. The only requirement is that students sign up and complete some credit card applications. The students provide some personal information and do not need to demonstrate any income or means of paying for their expenses. For many, in a few weeks time, a new credit card arrives ready to be used. I was one of those students, and as a freshman with little income or financial literacy, started a history of credit, but also a history of rotating credit with a balance that either increased or stayed at the same level but did not seem to ever decrease. When it was available, I enjoyed the credit and used the opportunities to purchase items that were only useful and important for that moment. However, I also had “buyer’s remorse” wherein after the purchase and the immediate gratification, I felt anxious or nothing at all. The credit card, as I remember, allowed me to navigate my social environment independent from my parents. That is, I was able to provide myself some autonomy away from my parents’

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awareness and knowledge. The credit card also provided me some opportunities to be social and create relationships with my peer groups. I imagine this is what some students believe the credit card will allow them as well.

B

ut one question I always came back to about this practice of giving credit cards to college students was, “Why was it so successful?” Even though the overwhelming evidence shows that people’s self-ratings of happiness (subjective well-being) are inversely or not strongly related to material objects or materialism (Csikszentmihalyi, 1999; Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smither, 1999), why was the compulsion to buy so meaningful for some people? In fact, it seems that the research tends to suggest that people who carry credit card debt are likely to report increased psychosocial stress (Brown, Taylor, & Price, 2005) and decreased self-rated health (Drentea & Lavrakas, 2000), yet the popularity of using credit cards has not decreased. Maybe the credit card companies knew something about college students that would potentially benefit the companies. Perhaps there was research suggesting that some college students were prone to misuse credit cards because they had personality traits of impulsiveness, emotional instability, introversion, materialism, and arousal seeking (Pirog & Roberts, 2007). Additionally, maybe knowing that college students see money as a way to gain power and prestige (Roberts & Jones, 2001) and having a credit card would allow them to fulfill this need was a natural connection that facilitated the increasing number of credit card applications. And even though research also suggest there is a potential paradox of focusing on money and increasing levels of interpersonal distrust and feelings of anxiety (Roberts & Jones, 2001; Vohs, Mead, & Goode, 2006), perhaps these noxious feelings could be trimmed through momentary excitement when acquiring new material goods. Of interest to me is that many of these interpersonal and intrapersonal concerns may be overlooked when using a traditional approach to understanding social class and classism where categorizing people is the most important goal. Instead, for me, greed, materialism, and a focus on affluence might be considered necessary aspects of upward mobility. For helping professionals, though, these aspects of social class and classism can be ways in which people dysfunctionally adapt and cope with pressures, stresses, expectations, and failures of living within their social class group. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to define and connect greed, materialism, and affluence to the work of helping professionals and how these issues are salient in the counseling context.

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Greed, Materialism, and Affluence In this chapter, I would consider greed an overarching attitude and behavior that is exemplified by materialistic attitudes and a focus or aspiration toward affluence. Greed may be the umbrella term under which materialism and excessive interest in upward mobility are located. In most Judeo-Christian teachings, greed (or avarice) is among the seven deadly sins along with lust, gluttony, sloth, wrath, envy, and pride (Robertson, 2001). Greed also has cross-cultural significance and has been used, for instance, in fables to teach children that being too greedy may lead to financial and personal failures (Doyle & Doyle, 2001). Additionally, greed as a term gained infamy in the film Wall Street (1987) when Michael Douglas’ character Gordon Gekko stated: The point is, ladies and gentleman, that greed—for lack of a better word—is good. Greed is right. Greed works. Greed clarifies, cuts through, and captures the essence of the evolutionary spirit. Greed, in all of its forms— greed for life, for money, for love, knowledge—has marked the upward surge of mankind.

And although this is an interesting place to start a definition of greed, I am less concerned about the mortal sin of greed or the cinematic rationalization for greed than I am the meaningfulness of greed to the individual as a mental health concern (Farrugia, 2002). For the purposes of this chapter, greed may be defined by a person’s attitude and behavior of acquisition as a primary need without meaningful regard and concerns for interpersonal or intrapersonal consequences. This definition has some similarities to Kaplan’s (1991) in that both definitions acknowledge a disregard for others, but in my definition, I also identify a disregard for the long-term intrapsychic life of the individual. Greed might be considered an extreme attitude and behavior that is dysfunctional and maladaptive because the individual demonstrates the same intense attitude and behavior regardless of the context and situation. Acquisition for the self is the key, and this need exists irrespective of situation or circumstance. The problem for the individual is whether the person recognizes the consequences; in many instances, interpersonal relationships are jeopardized and threatened (e.g., Yamagishi & Sato, 1986), and the conflict, stress, and strain may eventually exact a physical toll on the individual. Some empirical evidence suggests that attitudes toward seeking material gains and greed are high among people who are externally focused and care about what others think of them and how they look in front of others (Cozzolino, Staples, Meyers, & Samboceti, 2004). Other research has suggested that individuals who are prone to be narcissistic also exhibit greedy

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tendencies that may appear to be positive for the individual but are detrimental in interpersonal relationships (Campbell, Bush, Brunell, & Shelton, 2005). And in examples where an individual may be made to fear about his or her individual outcome in a situation, greed may manifest as a means of coping and as a strategy to acquire whatever is necessary to optimize an outcome (Bruins, Liebrand, & Wilke, 1989). Therefore, the concept of greed is interpersonally meaningful, and there may be aspects that are important for helping professionals to understand (Farrugia, 2002). Another concept in this chapter is materialism. Later in this chapter, I provide more detail about the psychosocial factors and costs associated with materialistic attitudes. But for now, materialism may be defined as a maladaptive overreliance on and overvaluing of material objects as a primary way to interact with others and to cope with psychological distress (Chang & Arkin, 2002). More simply, materialism becomes a problem when it becomes the primary way to interact with others and cope with problems. Finally, affluence may be considered an economic situation that is legitimately related to a person’s wealth (being affluent), but may also be considered an aspiration for others (wanting to be affluent) as well as a state of being and mind (self-perception of affluence). Similar to materialism, when the individual is solely focused on affluence and being affluent, then this singular purpose becomes a problem. For helping professionals, it may be necessary to consider the different aspects of affluence and how the individual conceptualizes him/herself as affluent. That is, the person may be economically affluent, may want and behave in ways to reflect affluence, or may believe him- or herself to be affluent in comparison to others.

Consumption and Being Healthy In the opening of Avner Offer’s (2006) book, The Challenge of Affluence, he writes “Affluence breeds impatience, and impatience undermines wellbeing. . . . The paradox of affluence and its challenge is that the flow of new rewards can undermine the capacity to enjoy them” (pp. 1, 2). I would read this statement to describe a situation where people are constantly presented with an unending series of things and acquisitions, each one tied to the goal of being happy. Therefore, for many people, acquiring and making money to acquire become the essential behaviors on which time is mostly spent. When not spending time on these behaviors, people may be comparing themselves and their possessions to those of others. In all, it seems a rather unfortunate and unhappy state of being.

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Recent research appears to support this supposition. The Pew Research Center (2008) found that many middle-class Americans had a sense of how much money it took to live as a middle-class person, but they tended to overestimate the amount and frequency of high-end goods and services owned and used by others. For instance, respondents believed that 63% of people in the middle class had a high-definition television when only 42% had one. There also is a graduated inflation of income needs as one’s income increases. As the Pew Research Center discovered, “People’s estimates of the price of admission to a middle class lifestyle rises with their own income levels and with the cost of living in their own communities” (p. 15). Interestingly as well, another Pew Research Center (2006) study surveyed people’s happiness and asked about money and income. The report showed that income was positively related to happiness, but the findings were qualified. Happiness and income were moderated by the individual’s sense of “whether you have more (or less) at any given time than everyone else” (p. 4). Thus, we seem to identify people about whom we make personal evaluations and judgments, and these groups or individuals helps us determine what our own happiness set point may be. Even though it may be that striving for or having money is related to poorer well-being and mental health (Kasser & Ryan, 1993), other research on subjective happiness found that people who strove highly for financial success did have some negative impact on their satisfaction in general, but their sense of life satisfaction was not too different from that of people with lower strivings for financial success (Nickerson, Schwarz, Diener, & Kahneman, 2003). Other research shows that there is some evidence to suggest that income is related to happiness, but those relationships are relatively small to medium (i.e., correlations between .17 and .21) (Lucas & Schimmack, 2009). Thus, there may be other factors related to income that contribute to people’s happiness. One reason for the seeming discrepancy between income, financial aspirations, and happiness may be related to how happiness is measured. Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, and Stone (2006) suggest that the research on subjective happiness and wellbeing in relation to income has been prone to error due to the focusing illusion. The specific problem is the ordering of the income question in relation to the well-being and happiness questions. For instance, Strack, Martin, and Schwarz (1988) found evidence of the focusing illusion when they asked students two questions. In the first order, students were asked how happy they were with their lives and then asked about the number of dates they had. Strack et al. found no statistical relationship between these items. In the second order, another group of students was asked the questions in the opposite order, and the correlation increased to .66. Kahneman et al. (2006) suggest that a similar problem arises when asking people about

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income first. Asking individuals this question draws “people’s attention to their relative standing in the distribution of material well-being and other circumstances” (p. 1908). Therefore, when individuals are asked about increased income and their well-being, the individuals may be imagining leisure pursuits when in reality increased income also means increased work. As Kahneman et al. suggest, income increases should be related to time shifts toward positive affect-related activities, but people may instead be considering increases in work. What the research generally suggests is that more work needs to be done to better understand the relationship between subjective happiness and income and the pressure or drive toward having more income. There seems to be evidence on both sides that suggests that focusing on financial success is “very” negative or “not as negative” to subjective happiness. “Very negative” effects are different than “not as negative” effects because these imply potentially different coping styles. I would argue that many of us are engaged in jobs that allow us financial stability and success and that we may regard as “not as negative.” That is, these are not ideal jobs, but we cope easily with the pressures and demands. Very negative effects may suggest other behaviors and compensatory acts to offset the noxiousness of the jobs in which people are employed. In all, it appears that additional research is needed to further explicate these relationships. Now, returning to my earlier discussion of credit cards and college students and how money and consumption may be related to health and happiness, I suppose one could argue from a developmental perspective that credit cards are just a way for college students to explore and develop competency with their burgeoning independence and autonomy. Instead of relying on only parents for money, having some discretionary money allows students to develop their own preferences and choices. In effect, the money may allow them some semblance of independence and autonomy. I suspect that the credit card companies were exploiting this need among some students, but also capitalizing on their limited financial literacy and hoping that students would not understand what a 25% interest rate would mean to even a small balance of $100. There also seems to be some evidence to support this perspective toward developing independence. For instance, Vohs et al. (2006) found in their experiments that priming people to think about money tended to increase their feelings of self-sufficiency and therefore made them less likely to give or ask for help from others. Similarly, they did not find that thinking about money was related to self-esteem or a desire for money. It then becomes an interesting paradox for some students where they want to use money to join others, but in getting credit-based money, they are less likely to present themselves as vulnerable and ask others for

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help. Thus, it would appear that the relationships they potentially develop are based on individual self-sufficiency rather than interdependence. Even though these relationships may not be ideal, the overriding factor for college students may be that having this extra resource is a way these students manage, negotiate, and cope with potential social exclusion. This may be especially true for students who are new or may not have established social networks on campus (new incoming students, transfer students, commuters, and nontraditional students). Some evidence suggests this relationship. In one experimental study, children were divided into two groups (Chaplin & John, 2007). The first group was the experimental condition, and these children received positive feedback and comments. The control group did not receive positive feedback. Both groups of children were asked to create a collage of things that make them happy. The researchers found that children in the experimental condition used more nonmaterialistic images such as being with friends while those in the control condition used more materialistic images such as money (Chaplin & John, 2007). In another similar study, Twenge, Baumeister, DeWall, Ciarocco, and Bartels (2007) found that participants in an experiment who experienced social exclusion donated significantly less money than those who did not experience social exclusion. Thus, money may be perceived of as a type of optimizing resource variable in social interactions, and having and keeping money may be perceived as allowing the individual to internally cope with inter- and intrapersonal distress. There may be some research evidence supporting these relationships in studies examining the relationships among social distress, physical pain, and the symbolic power of money (Zhou, Vohs, & Baumeister, 2009). The premise of these studies was that physical pain and social exclusion are psychologically experienced in similar cognitive, physical, and attitudinal ways (Zhou & Gao, 2008). That is, theoretically, “social pain, monetaryloss pain, and physical pain [are regarded] as overlapping pain systems” (Zhou & Gao, 2008, p. 127), and essentially the person experiencing social exclusion feels it as a form of physical pain (MacDonald & Leary, 2005). Social pain may come from experiences of social exclusion because being rejected or fearing rejection means personal distance from others (i.e., social support). As a result, individuals then seek ways to retain or preserve that social support (Zhou et al., 2009; Zhou & Gao, 2008). From the empirical evidence, social support becomes one kind of buffer that may act in ways to ameliorate perceptions of physical pain, so individuals are motivated to find and keep social support (Zhou & Gao, 2008). So, what is the relationship of money to social and physical pain? To begin, being socially excluded may decrease physical pain sensitivity (DeWall & Baumeister, 2006). It may be that over time, one becomes

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habituated to the pain and so the initial distress of that pain decreases over time. Additionally, social exclusion increases the tendency for participants to spend money (Baumeister, DeWall, Mead, & Vohs, 2008). One interpretation is that these rejected individuals may have problems in self-regulation or impulse control (Baumeister, DeWall, Ciarocco, & Twenge, 2005; Rose, 2007). Another explanation comes from an unpublished study reported in Baumeister et al. (2008) and conducted by Mead, Baumeister, Vohs, and Stillman (2008) where social exclusion led to spending on items that increased their appeal and attractiveness to others. It turns out that Zhou et al. (2009) also demonstrated that individuals experiencing social and physical pain increased their drive for money and their relationship with money. Conversely, the participants’ perceptions of social and physical pain decreased when they handled money (i.e., counted money). Thus, experiencing money as a physical resource (actually handling money) served as an intrapsychic palliative for their distress. Another interesting finding was that, when participants thought about the money they spent, participants were “more vulnerable to distress in response to social exclusion and physical pain” (Zhou et al., 2009, p. 705). The authors suggest that money is a social resource that “confers a broad, strong feeling of being able to cope with problems and satisfy one’s needs. Resources are valued more in times of threat” (p. 705). Specifically, “one of the driving forces behind the pursuit of money may be the motivation to deny the feelings of insecurity” (Zhou & Gao, 2008, p. 131). Thus, spending money necessarily may mean losing a needed resource that may reduce the individual’s capacity to weather other distresses and personal challenges. There is a paradox though, of having money and using money as part of social intercourse. While certainly money may be considered a resource on which a person may draw to bring in social support, the use of money instrumentally in relationships may also be interpersonally distancing. In some research with prostitutes (Prasad, 1999) and topless dancers (Thompson, Harred, & Burks, 2003), money was a way for the women in these situations to distance themselves from what they were doing. For these women, monetary transactions allowed them to manage the stigma of their work (Zhou & Gao, 2008), and to potentially compartmentalize their work behavior from other aspects of their identity. Money then became the bulwark that helped them potentially maintain and manage the dissonance between who they perceived themselves to be and what they did and the other people involved in that work. But money as a way of interpersonal distancing, in these examples, is extreme given the nature of the work (e.g., prostitution). Could this interpersonal distancing also occur in nonexploitative relationships?

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The short answer seems to be a plausible yes. Experiments by Vohs et al. (2006) found people were likely more self-sufficient when primed to consider money, and these same individuals also were more socially insensitive, tended to offer less help to others, wanted to work and play by themselves, and wanted more physical distance from others. Vohs et al.’s (2006) study also illustrates a larger problem and cost of American capitalism, which places value and emphasis on individual pursuits above the concern for others and the “broader world” (Kasser, Cohn, Kanner, & Ryan, 2007, p. 1). That is, focusing on extrinsic goals of financial success and personal popularity, for instance, is related to shorter relationships and more conflictinflected relationships (Kasser & Ryan, 2001; Richins & Dawson, 1992). Other research also suggests that when an individual feels wronged, the person may have a sense of entitlement and this feeling of entitlement may lead to selfish behavior (Zitek, Jordan, Monin, & Leach, 2010). Specifically, feelings of entitlement in these experimental studies were focused on the “wronged individual” believing he or she has the right to avoid further personal injury and to find ways to maximize positive outcomes for himor herself. Through three experimental studies where the individual was asked to “recall a time when their lives were unfair” (Zitek et al., 2010, p. 245), the experimenters found that individuals who recalled these feelings of being wronged tended to have increased feelings of entitlement. These feelings of entitlement led to the participants’ selfish behaviors such as not providing extra assistance to others, decreased likelihood of inconveniencing themselves for another person, engaging in more selfish behavior such as leaving trash around or taking a pen without asking, and a tendency to ask for more money as compensation for feeling wronged. In all, it seems possible that when individuals experience personal hurts and injuries, especially in instances when the individual does not believe the wrong was justified, the individual is likely to feel more entitled to be selfish. With respect to social class and classism, and especially greed and materialism, helping professionals have some research evidence to suggest that experiences of marginalization (past and present) may lead to self-aggrandizing and selfprotective behaviors that are meant to buffer against future assaults. Now, it should be noted that not everyone who is wealthy and affluent is selfish, greedy, and unhappy. Another key to understanding income, wealth, and happiness in relationships may be what people choose to do with the money they have or acquire. Wealth may not be bad for everyone. For some individuals, being wealthy may be related to giving and a sense of care for others—service and philanthropy (Schervish & O’Herlihy, 2002). Research supports this notion as well. Dunn, Aknin, and Norton (2008) found that in experimental studies, participants who spent money on others “experienced greater happiness than those assigned to spend money on themselves”

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(p. 1687). Additionally, it seems that helping people to be more thankful and grateful may also reduce materialistic values and tendencies (Polak & McCullough, 2006). Thus, spending money on others (i.e., generosity) is a prosocial activity and thus may be perceived by participants as a means to draw others toward oneself and create a better social support network. The questions for helping professionals are, Are these people predisposed to spend money on others? and Is there a way to help people become more prosocial in the ways they spend money? The difficult negotiation and potential irony for many people coming from impoverished backgrounds may be that, even though they were socialized to consider others and seek out social support within their community (cf. Stephens, Markus, & Townsend, 2007), because of their experiences with financial insecurity, these individuals may be also preoccupied with or sensitive to money in their lives. It is also likely, as much of the research shows, that individuals coming from disadvantaged backgrounds and experiences of financial insecurity may seek out material objects (Flouri, 2004; Kasser, Ryan, Zax, & Sameroff, 1995). Thus, these individuals may be primed to consider the importance and primacy of money and may potentially find themselves in conflicting situations of wanting to seek others out but simultaneously seeking more social distance. Finally, let us turn our attention to the problem of “snobbishness.” When people believe that others are like them but more successful, this peer comparison is related to increased expectations of their own wealth and an increased desire to purchase luxury items (Mandel, Petrova, & Cialdini, 2006). Typically, economic models suggest that demand for a product is related to price. But as the Veblen Effect (VE) (Veblen, 1912) suggests, consumers are willing to pay for a product as the price increases if the product has a “signaling” value. That is, if the material object tells others around the person that he/she is wealthy or privileged based on the assumed high cost of the product, then the individual is willing to pay (Corneo & Jeanne, 1997). Additionally, individuals were likely to pay for a possession if it were considered luxurious and an object of desire and therefore a need (Kemp, 1998). This in effect is a form of snobbishness that occurs around certain material objects and allows the individual to discriminate between products based on how others may regard these objects. These material possessions may be considered “positional goods” (Corneo & Jeanne, 1997, p. 56) because these objects signal a supposed social class position. The desire for these positional goods and distinctiveness may be so immense (Tian & McKenzie, 2001) that even when someone cannot afford the real product, the individual may opt for “fake” objects or counterfeits (Dizikes, 2009). Related to snobbishness is also the “bandwagon effect” (BE) wherein one purchases goods because others are doing the same. “Jumping on the

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bandwagon” or buying and having things similar to others in a perceived social class group is not necessarily a new phenomenon. Seeing another who has a particular car or suit may prompt others to buy similar positional goods. Regardless of social class, the BE may occur among the rich and poor. That is, the BE seems apparent among the wealthy, but as Stephens et al. (2007) suggest, this BE may be related to the social class of the individual such that the BE may be just as pronounced among lowersocial-class individuals.

Materialism and Consumerism These considerations for why people buy and prefer certain objects are important for helping professionals. I do not mean to imply that shopping is bad for the person, but in the context of counseling and the helping professional, “retail therapy” is not innocuous. Buying a reward for a job well done, for instance, is different than always turning to shopping as a source of pleasure and comfort. Psychologists and philosophers have long understood people’s tendencies toward materialism and the impact possessions have on people’s lives. Eric Fromm’s (1976) book To Have or to Be? examined the struggles people have as they navigate materialistic pressures in their lives while focusing on the importance of human experiences. And Fromm’s conclusion that experiences are important for human happiness is supported by empirical evidence (Carter & Gilovich, 2010; Van Boven & Gilovich, 2003). For example, in one research study, the authors found that people find it easier to spend on experiences than on material possessions, that these experiences tend to be linked to well-being, and that satisfaction with experiential purchases increases over time, whereas satisfaction with material possessions decreases over time (Carter & Gilovich, 2010). And whereas material possessions tend to be appreciated for filling a specific and concrete need or interest, experiences tend to be integrated into a person’s identity and inter- and intrapersonal processes and connected to positive self-appraisals and evaluations (Carter & Gilovich, 2010). Additionally, Thorstein Veblen (1912) reacted to the burgeoning consumerism of people at the turn of the 20th century and coined the phrase “conspicuous consumption” to identify a specific public display of using possessions. A comic illustrating this form of consumption comes from a New Yorker cartoon by Kim Warp (May, 2009) showing a man driving a small, fuel-efficient car, with the caption “Conspicuous Nonconsumption.” This is essentially the VE in operation, but in this case, rather than exuberant luxury, the individual in the small, fuel-efficient car is still demonstrating

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distinctiveness and a regard for positional objects. That is, Veblen’s theory suggests and the cartoon illustrates that people do not randomly seek out material objects but instead choose to purchase items that are closely related to how they view themselves (Dittmar, 2007; Griskevicius, Tybur, & Van den Bergh, 2010). Now, it is important to be careful because it is easy to simply demonize materialism and material objects as all bad and unhealthy for the individual. Material objects or particular possessions are not necessarily bad for the individual, and some of these items can be significant representations of oneself, identity, history, or culture (Belk, 1988; Dittmar, 2007). For instance, Richins (1994) found that among persons rated as low in materialism, special possessions were seen as symbolic of the individual, whereas those high in materialism tended to see possessions for their utilitarian and appearance values. Among those low in materialism, these special possessions or objects could be family heirlooms, cars, homes, or any specific object with personal relevance. Perhaps, though, the significant difference between these personal objects and other material objects is the value of the object over time—that these special and personally relevant objects have been held in regard for a long time and the individual has been socialized by family or friends to value the object as well. The issue of materialism and consumerism is not focused specifically on those few possessions that are selected and identified as personal and important, but instead, materialism and consumerism are focused on the negative aspects of valuing only what one may purchase and own as not only representative of oneself but as a central and primary means to alleviate intrapsychic problems (e.g., anxiety) and to interact with others and the world (Black, 2001; Dittmar, 2005; Richins, 2004). Materialism is also focused on the relationship the individual has with money and how the individual may use money as a means to cope with feelings of inadequacy and uncertainty through material possessions (Chang & Arkin, 2002; Christopher, Marek, & Carroll, 2004). For example, children and adolescents who come from divorced families tend to have more positive attitudes toward materialism than those who have not experienced divorce (Roberts, Manolis, & Tanner, 2006). It may be the chaos that sometimes ensues as a part of divorce is assuaged by money or material objects (Roberts, Tanner, & Manolis, 2005). So helping professionals need to be sensitive to the ways in which clients may talk about materialism in their lives, when and how material objects are important in their lives, and the degree of value and interest the clients have in material objects. As an in-class exercise, I have students pair up into dyads. The exercise is about personal values and meaningful communication. I have each student spend about 10 minutes talking only about how much they value money,

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material objects, and social class status. After about 3 minutes, most students start to protest and remark about how uninteresting the other person is and how disinterested they are in continuing the conversation. My interest is in having students talk about what they look for or expect in “real” or “meaningful” conversation. Invariably, the students also talk about acquaintances, other friends, and family who tend to also carry on similar materialistic conversations. I frame the exercise as a way to understand helping professional biases and worldviews and how client materialistic values may sometimes trigger negative emotions and attributions by the helping professional onto the client. I would add that, in my theory of the Social Class Worldview Model, materialism also becomes a rather rigid way in which the individual engages the world and those all around. Materialism becomes dysfunctional and maladaptive because the individual only has that portal or aperture through which others are related and engaged. This myopic lens becomes a primary and automatic (reflexive) way in which the person perceives, evaluates, and negotiates relationships, and it is the main avenue by which the individual also perceives, evaluates, and receives caring, nurturing, and support. As I further discuss the research around materialism, the ways in which materialism develops and becomes a favored, reflexive, and automatic lens will become clearer. The psychological, inter- and intrapersonal problems associated with consuming and buying have been identified by psychologists and other helping professionals. Emil Kraepelin is credited with coining the term “oniomania” (buying mania) as early as 1924 (Black, 2001; Dittmar, 2005). And as Dittmar (2005) points out, compulsive buying is currently considered an impulse control problem in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Essentially, individuals diagnosed with compulsive buying usually have problems around buying impulses that lead to financial, interpersonal, and potentially legal difficulties. The focus is not specifically about the behaviors but identifies the consequences of problematic behavior for the individual. The prevalence of compulsive buying is estimated to affect between 2 to 8% of the adult population, of which most are women (Black, 2001). It is also possible, as the research suggests, that those who are most prone toward consumerism or compulsive buying are likely to be self-medicating through their purchasing behaviors (Faber & Christenson, 1996). That is, individuals reported experiencing negative mood states (sad, depressed, angry, irritable, anxious, and bored) before their compulsive buying and were more likely to report experiencing extreme positive and negative moods in comparison to noncompulsive buyers (Faber & Christenson, 1996). Therefore, it may be possible to detect and predict compulsive

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buying among some individuals who may experience negative moods but have poor coping and self-soothing mechanisms (e.g., Faber & O’Guinn, 1992), and turn to externalities as a means to alleviate internal distress. Watson (2003) also found that people who scored high on a materialism measure were likely to regard themselves as spenders and be favorable to borrowing. In particular, these individuals tended to have favorable attitudes toward spending on nonessential items (e.g., home furnishing, optional corrective surgery, recreational vehicle, vacation trip, swimming pool, expensive sporting equipment, and furs and jewelry), which in the long run had an impact on the individual’s debt and overall financial picture (Watson, 2003). Additionally, those who valued materialism tended to want to avoid presenting themselves as weak and vulnerable (personal insecurity) (Christopher, Morgan, Marek, Keller, & Drummond, 2005), perhaps because these individuals tended to have low self-esteem (O’Guinn & Faber, 1989). In one interesting study of dreams, Kasser and Kasser (2001) found that people who tended to be high on materialism experienced dreams that had more themes of insecurity (falling and death), issues of self-esteem, and interpersonal conflicts. In contrast, those who were low in materialism tended to have dreams of greater interpersonal intimacy and an ability to overcome danger (Kasser & Kasser, 2001). Moreover, most research seems to show that materialistic values and worldviews are generally associated with decreased life satisfaction and happiness (Chang & Arkin, 2002; Kasser, Ryan, Couchman, & Sheldon, 2004; Kottler, 1999). Furthermore, the research seems to show that materialistic values are strongly tied to a person’s negative feelings and not positive feelings (Christopher, Kuo, Abraham, Noel, & Linz, 2004). That is, materialism may stem more from a matter of coping with negative internal affect than from feeling positive about oneself. This individual described in the research may also be prone to high selfmonitoring (constantly being aware of how he or she is being seen), rigid with regard to how the individual describes him- or herself, and less willing to divulge personal information that may make him or her vulnerable. Unfortunately for helping professionals, all of these characteristics tend to be barriers to successful therapy and a strong working relationship. It may mean that the helping professional will need to spend more time on developing the working relationship and creating a safe therapeutic environment by acknowledging and embracing the client’s worldview; connecting to the client’s experiences and needs for materialism may allow the helping professional some understanding of why and how the client seeks to protect himor herself. It will be important for the helping professional to be aware of his or her own biases and reactions to a client who prefers superficial and disconnected interpersonal discussions.

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Other Forms of Commodification and Consumerism So far in this discussion, readers may be thinking of materialism as focused only on real and tangible objects. But I would argue that it is not just material objects and possessions that may be regarded under materialism. In today’s culture, even some experiences may be commodified and used as a form of materialism or positional good. For instance, have you ever come across a person who, upon the first meeting, starts to talk about a trip, travel, or other experience? It is a way to demonstrate wealth, education, or lifestyle of a particular social class without necessarily talking about income. The individual is sure to also add information about the brands of hotels, airline, cruise ship, or other features that would imply cost and therefore the individual’s supposed wealth. The story about the experience is less about the individual’s emotional, intellectual, or spiritual growth but instead is inflected throughout with commodities, objects, price, cost, and how these facets are related to the storyteller’s social class position. Furthermore, another way to commodify is the overfocus on body image concerns and the need to represent oneself as not only having a good lifestyle through our bodies (Dittmar, 2007; Offer, 2006). Offer (2006) argues that as incomes have increased for many individuals, the purchases have shifted away from necessities and toward positional and aspirational goods (Offer, 2006). For instance, plastic surgery may allow an individual to reflect body ideals in contemporary society and thus remove fat and recontour his or her body (Dittmar, 2007). Another disturbing trend for plastic surgery is parents buying their daughters breast enhancements as graduation gifts (Stossel, 2007). Whether the plastic surgery is paid for by oneself, a parent, or through installment plans, plastic and cosmetic surgery may suggest a need for an individual to reflect the aesthetic standards of a particular social class group. As I noted in the Social Class Worldview, these human capital pressures and expectations are one way in which people may feel a demand by their social class group to maintain a particular physical feature(s). Perhaps another social class representation (or what I would consider social class theater) is one’s affinity toward tanning. Disregarding the significant health risks related to tanning via artificial light (i.e., tanning beds) (New York Times, 2009) and the actual impossibility that tanning is healthy, tanning is still sought after. But why might that be the case for some individuals? I would suggest that tanning is a form of social class representation. Voluntary tanning (either in a tanning booth or by chemical and skin-coloring means) disrupts the context of tanning as being either for the wealthy and affluent or among the working class. In effect, tanning or

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being tanned confers a person’s social class. On one end, tanning or carrying an all-year tan may have been the province of the rich, wealthy, and elite who were able to chase the sun around the world. Lying on the beach while others are snowbound is a sign of luxury and wealth few could afford. On the other end is the stereotype of people who have “red necks” (i.e., White trash and/or those who must work outside), and their suntanned necks are representative of their manual-work status. Similarly, those who work outside and have a “farmer’s tan” (i.e., dark arms and neck) have a tan representative of those working in fields and manual labor. But what might an all-body tan, not demarcated by short sleeves or an open-neck collar, represent? I would argue that an all-body tan is akin to stating to others that one has luxury time to spend and discretionary money to use. In effect, an all-body tan is a social class marker for the individual—a possession—that represents and symbolizes one’s social class standing as well as, incidentally or ironically, a symbol of supposed health. And just like materialism and an overfocus on materialism, there are even anecdotes about people so consumed with maintaining an all-year sun tan that they either stain their skin with sunless tanning products or destroy their skin in high-pressure tanning beds. These individuals have become known as the tanorexics (Flahive, 2008); the term being an amalgam of tanning and anorexia or body-image distortion and fear of gaining weight—but in this case, of losing one’s tan. Overall, though, the main consideration for helping professionals is that tanning becomes another venue for performing and demonstrating social class.

Consumerism Buying, using, and displaying products are all aspects of consumerism. At one level, consumerism is simply about consuming, but at another level, consumerism also reflects one’s perception of a lifestyle that is congruent with a perceived social class. Consumerism, or the compulsion to buy, works in part by socializing people to feel bad about themselves and exploiting the dissonance between the current state and their ideal state (Dittmar, 2007), and then providing ways for the individual to close that gap and “move closer to an ‘ideal self’ through material goods” (Dittmar, 2005, p. 832). For example, in one study of people who tended to be selfdoubters, Chang and Arkin (2002) found that priming these individuals who were already prone toward self-doubt to memorize words about selfdoubt (e.g., insecure, doubtful) increased their materialistic values. And consumerism and materialism work in concert because for consumerism to

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operate efficiently, there has to be a never-ending need to consume; that one object cannot exist in perpetuity but instead needs to be constantly replaced by newer and more advanced versions, or at the very least in the latest and newest color. As several authors have shown (Bulow, 1986; Leonard, 2009; Waldman, 1993), material objects are created with a planned shelf life or use (planned obsolescence) or are phased out so that the material object is no longer perceived to be needed or useful (perceived obsolescence). Think about the frustration you had when you finally purchased a great computer, for instance, only to find that a newer model had just appeared. You may not be sure about the differences in features between the old and new machines, but just the implication that you have the “older” model may compel you to feel bad about the current model and begin considering purchasing the new. Thus, a person is constantly bombarded by the need to consume, to buy, and to feel good about oneself, but only until the next version arrives at the store. But to be most effective, socialization has to start early, and some research has suggested that even among young children, possessing, accumulating, and being rich are found to be important behaviors and aspirations (Schor, 2000, 2004). Dittmar (2007) continues by stating, Materialism has become a significant aspect in children’s lives, because they believe that in order to be popular among their peer group—to be “cool”— they have to have the right games, clothes, shoes, and a host of other material objects. (p. 27).

So very early in a child’s life, material objects and material attitudes may become meaningful ways by which they interact with other children and how they see themselves. As Zhou and Gao (2008) present, children who grow up in environments where materialism is valued and come to believe that money is equated with happiness are likely to subscribe to materialistic values. They state, “exposure to social models that encourage materialistic values tends to cause children to internalize materialistic values and equalize money to social support” (p. 137). The problem, however, for some of these children is that popularity is less likely about what one has but what one does. That is, these children’s beliefs stand in contrast to the evidence, which suggests children’s popularity is more likely tied to prosocial behaviors than to material possessions (Gifford-Smith & Brownell, 2003). Among helping professionals working with some children, but even with adolescent and adults, helping the client understand that having the “latest” or “best” products is not necessarily conducive to meaningful or lasting relationships; that the new gadget may attract people initially, but after this initial attraction, interpersonal skills are necessary to maintain the relationship.

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Besides being constantly exposed to advertising and peer and family promaterialistic attitudes, there are other factors that may also leave individuals vulnerable to materialism. Kasser et al. (1995) found mothers who were not perceived to be nurturing tended to have adolescents who valued money and materialism. It may be that poor early family relationships may leave the individual with poor coping skills and thus seeking external stimulation or distraction is a form of mood regulation (Dittmar, Long, & Meek, 2004). Chaotic families may also create emotionally vulnerable individuals who seek security in money and other material symbols of stability (Hanley & Wilhelm, 1992). Therefore, tangible objects may also be perceived by the child and adolescent as proxies for affection, and so rather than the individual focusing on the nebulousness and abstractness of “caring,” an object concretizes the relationship. It makes sense for the client; why would the individual invest in relationships that may disappoint him or her when a material object is static, tangible, and explicitly represents a relationship? What this typically means for me is that when I see a client who comes in with expensive material adornments, I am usually correct in assuming that there is some history of personal and/or family chaos and that these material objects serve as important intrapsychic and intrapersonal mood regulators. In other words, it may be possible that individuals within chaotic environments learn to eschew the unpredictability of emotions and affect and prefer the consistency and tangibility of money and materials. Certainly it seems that intrafamily chaos and perhaps parental mental health may be related to materialistic attitudes. But context plays a role as well. For instance, living in poverty or experiencing poverty (i.e., economic deprivation) may lead to feelings of economic insecurity and make an individual prone toward adult materialism (Ahuvia & Wong, 2002). Similar to the experience of food deprivation, individuals experiencing economic deprivation may seek out monetary (Zhou & Gao, 2008) or material opportunities to maximize what they spend (i.e., buying many cheap things) and invest in material objects because they may be unsure if the money they have at the moment will exist in the future. But people do not always just respond to their environment. People tend to have a strategy and a rationale for their behaviors and attitudes. Over time, these consumer attitudes and behaviors may be adaptive and helpful in some situations when consumerism is balanced, moderated, and does not interfere with other life tasks and challenges. In situations where consumerism and materialism become problematic for the individual, it may be that personality characteristics may facilitate consumerist and materialist behaviors, which may lead to problems and conflicts for the individual. Research on personality factors, to illustrate, has found relationships between narcissism, materialism, and compulsive buying (Rose, 2007). Hence, narcissism,

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or the focus on oneself as the center of attention by others and the perception of oneself as practically infallible, is also related to buying. Among college students in this study, poor impulse control was positively associated with narcissism, materialism, and compulsive buying (Rose, 2007). Thus, the combination of buying before really considering a purchase and seeing oneself as deserving of attention and infallible may be a toxic combination leading to problem behaviors. There is also a possibility of an adaptive or protective mechanism that may be related to materialism. For instance, a parent may focus on dressing a child in certain clothes as a means to protect the child from bullying or teasing. The same parent may also view the child’s clothes as a means of gaining access to other social networks of a particular social class level or group. Clothing in this instance may be seen as an instrumental key for access and potential upward mobility. Perhaps it is possible that at a certain moderated level, this focus on clothing (i.e., materialism) could be functional and protective if engaging in these behaviors were recognized and acknowledged for what it is: a way to protect and/or gain access. Communicating this perspective would also be important for the child. But the problem still existing is the privileging of materialism in one’s life over other potentially adaptive behaviors. And I mention this potential positive instrumental use of materialism so that helping professionals do not automatically conceptualize a parent’s materialism as completely negative and harmful.

Affluence and Mental Health Who would not want to be wealthy and affluent, or at least be considered affluent? Not only is one likely to receive better mental health treatment and services, but people even tend to like you better and have positive ascriptions to you such as thinking you’re intelligent, disciplined, cultured, successful, and sophisticated (Christopher & Jones, 2004; Christopher & Schlenker, 2000). And the evidence on the mental health gradient is not just anecdotal; there are clear differences between the rich and poor: Those with more wealth tend to stand a better chance of having better mental health. It is not just money that may be related to better mental health, but just like the problems of the poor, being affluent and wealthy means that one accumulates predictors of health over a lifetime. Thus, it is not just better health care, for instance, but better nutritional advice and opportunities, less community violence, and more access to multiple layers of social support, to name a few factors.

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Moreover, affluence and wealth tend to provide some prophylactic effect on the consequences of poor behaviors, even among the rich. In effect, the children and adolescents of affluence are not always considered at risk by traditional notions and definitions (Bogard, 2005; Luthar, 2003). For helping professionals, it is necessary to understand the mental health problems and concerns among the affluent and wealthy. Those in the highest tiers of social class in society do not represent the models of mental health; instead, it is likely that they represent a population of whom we know very little. Therefore, this lack of understanding may lead helping professionals to perceive the affluent and wealthy to be relatively free from mental health concerns (Hopps & Liu, 2006). But the reality is that they are not necessarily free from mental health concerns, and helping professionals need to be on guard for these overly positive characterizations of those in wealth. Some research suggests that growing up and being affluent has risks as well (Bogard, 2005; Sherman, 2006). The research on affluent adolescents may point to some adult-level mental health concerns among the wealthy that have not been well studied and examined. In Madeline Levine’s (2006) book The Price of Privilege, the author interviews affluent adolescents and shows that these adolescents experience tremendous pressure toward perfectionism, which sometimes leaves them with limited coping styles to effectively respond to criticism and negative feedback. In part, their limited ability to cope with criticism and negative feedback is due to the dearth of this feedback by teachers and other adults in their lives (Levine, 2006), and it is also in part related to having affluent parents who are focused on the “outstandingness” of their children and are focused on their children’s competitiveness and achievement (Luthar, Shoum, & Brown, 2006; Pittman, 1985). Consequently, some of these children may internalize the belief that their worth is based on their performance (Luthar, 2003; Luthar & Sexton, 2005). These adolescents also expect to achieve and aspire toward maintaining or surpassing their current social class. At times, they have unrealistic beliefs about their access to power and resources. That is, for some of these wealthy adolescents, it may be that no one has challenged their sense of privilege, so they have untested and therefore unrealistic expectations for their own agency, efficacy, and access to power and resources. Although many of these affluent adolescents have the trappings of wealth and privilege, one of the problems that Levine (2006) shows is that many of these adolescents are left on their own, so they seek out peer interactions and support. Parents were sometimes unavailable, physically and emotionally, because of their own overcommitment to work and extrafamilial obligations. This finding by Levine was also found in research by Luthar and Becker (2002), who also found pressure to achieve alongside isolation from parents. Interestingly, Hothschild (1997) found that affluent parents

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often believed that isolation from parents was a means of promoting selfsufficiency among adolescents. Some of these wealthy parents may be recreating the parenting models under which they grew up. Thus, instead of parent-based modeling, affluent children and adolescents may find their care relegated to housekeepers or nannies. Relying on housekeepers and nannies for rearing children may lead to unpredictable and inconsistent care and attention (e.g., keeping the same nanny, for instance; Shafran, 1992). Consequently, the proxy for parents’ care-giving and affection may be the things that are given to the child and adolescent. Thus, these adolescents may have an ambivalent perception of material values in their lives: at once comforting but also disconnecting. There are also data that suggest some problems and concerns for adolescents growing up in affluence. Luthar (2003) presents some research suggesting that affluent adolescents may have concerns around anxiety, depression, and substance use that are marked and need attention from helping professionals. In one study of suburban and urban adolescents, Luthar and D’Avanzo (1999) found that the suburban youth in the study had maladjustment scores in anxiety, depression, and substance use (cigarettes, alcohol, marijuana, and other illicit drugs) that were significantly higher than the urban and inner-city adolescents in the study. The study also showed connections between substance use and mental health concerns and may reflect the suburban adolescents’ attempts to cope via self-medication (Luthar, 2003; Luthar & Sexton, 2005). High substance use was also connected to the adolescent’s sense of popularity among his/her peers (Bogard, 2005; Luthar & Becker, 2002; Luthar & D’Avanzo, 1999; Luthar & Sexton, 2005). Some of these internalizing problems (e.g., depression) were related to strong perfectionistic pressures and strivings from the adolescents and feelings of isolation from parents, in particular the adolescents’ mothers (Luthar & Becker, 2002). Thus, coming from affluence does come with significant challenges that are unlike those of growing up poor but are nonetheless important for consideration. As Luthar and Latendresse (2005) state, Family wealth does not automatically confer either wisdom in parenting or equanimity of spirit; whereas children rendered atypical by virtue of their parents’ wealth are undoubtedly privileged in many respects, there is also, clearly, the potential for some nontrivial threats to their psychological wellbeing. (p. 49)

While there are some data and research on wealth and affluence, and although the research presented here generally suggests some negative outcomes related to growing up in certain affluent and wealthy households, these results do not suggest a pervasive problem or trend. Helping professionals

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should know that there is not much research on the mental health issues and problems of the wealthy and affluent and that more is needed. But the burgeoning research does suggest that children and adolescents, and potentially adults of affluence and wealth, also experience tremendous pressures and have maladaptations and distorted self-images. It may be they have more access to help and services that has truncated some of the possible research and theory, but their experiences are important for helping professionals to understand.

Implications for Practice When helping professionals think about social class and classism, it is imperative to move away from just categories and social class groups. Instead, as this chapter identifies, it is important to consider not only the wide-ranging ways in which social class and classism are made meaningful for the individual but also the diverse ways in which people demonstrate social class in their lives. Greed, materialism, consumerism, and aspirations toward affluence are all potential problem areas for a client that need to be identified, addressed, and integrated into counseling. Here I provide some suggestions for helping professionals. 1. Helping professionals need to be sensitive to the ways in which clients discuss and describe the meaningfulness of money or material objects in their lives. A constant and stable focus on obtaining money or buying material objects tends to suggest some chronicity and potential maladaptation. That is, if the client focuses on these aspects regardless of context and without regard or concern for consequences, it is unlikely that the client’s interest in money or material objects is healthy or functional. 2. Helping professionals may work to connect intrapsychic and negative interpersonal interactions with somatic pains. Often when a client feels rejected or marginalized by others, working with him or her to understand and recognize the physical representation of pain will allow the client another framework to connect their mind and body. Knowing specifically the ways in which the client may try to avoid or salve that pain then is equally necessary. Talking with the client about how, perhaps, buying a material object seems to ease the physical pain and how this becomes positively reinforcing (increasing buying behavior for future incidents) is important insight for the client. Cognitively and behaviorally, the helping professional should work with clients to find alternative and more healthful ways to cope with interpersonal conflict and rejection.

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3. Children and adults of affluence may avoid being characterized or described as having mental health concerns, and helping professionals need to be acutely aware of this problem. The problems that rich, affluent, and wealthy children and adults face vary in form and type but may be similar in emotional weight. That is, the presenting issues may be different (anxiety versus adjustment disorder), but the emotional pain and weight may still be similar across the two groups. Helping professionals need to be aware of their own biases and expectations and look for ways to emotionally join both the rich and poor client and empathically view the world through their eyes. 4. Helping professionals should be ready to assess for the economic life and viability of the client. Pushing through these taboo topics of asking for credit card debt, how much one spends, and the client’s materialistic values will allow the client and helping professional to discover language to describe these additional pressures for the client. Helping the client understand how he or she spends money is just as important and just as meaningful as asking the client how he or she values relationships. Money is not frequently spent randomly, but rather, clients tend to be deliberate. Understanding if buying or spending is on others, oneself, or the future will provide the helping professional useful information on how the client sees others and him- or herself.

Conclusion The chapter addressed other components of social class and classism not often discussed in the helping profession literature. Greed, materialism, and affluence are not well understood, in part because these attitudes and behaviors are not well understood within traditional frameworks of social class and classism. Helping professionals need to better understand the impact of greedy attitudes and behaviors, materialistic values, and the pressures of affluence. The literature presented here generally suggests that without moderation, these attitudes and behaviors are often tied to other mental health problems and dysfunctions. What is interesting and useful for helping professionals is to comprehend this scholarship as a means to expand our conceptualization of clients. The questions and research in this chapter should be used by helping professionals to develop richer client histories and a better perspective on the constellation of variables causing distress and reinforcing problem behaviors and attitudes.

8 Classism, Inequalities, and Poverty If you have an opportunity to read through the New York Times wedding and engagement section, I would encourage you to compare this section with your local newspaper’s wedding and engagement announcements. I believe you will see the disparities in these two sections and begin to see the process of intergenerational transmission of wealth and social class status. The couples in the New York Times typically come from prestigious private and public institutions, many with graduate-level educations, and have parents who are usually in the upper echelons of major companies and firms. The couples in my hometown newspaper in Iowa reflect the norms and expectations of their communities—mostly middle-class, whitecollar work and college educations.

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n discussing social class, other facets that come to mind may be classism, inequality, and poverty. Social class and classism are coconstructs and interdependent, so it is not surprising to me that discussions often weave together these two areas. It has been my position that social class cannot exist without classism and vice versa, and classism is both cause and consequence of social class. As I have presented, social classes can only be formed through the requisite classist attitudes and behaviors from individuals, institutions, and society; they all work in concert to create situations where people are stratified into social class groupings and categories within which there are real

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privileges but also limitations to resources and access to power. To a social justice-minded helping professional, this notion that social class and classism are intertwined is important. In part, this interconnection allows people to talk about social class as something more than discrete categories in which people have a particular income, education, or occupation. The purpose of this chapter is to connect social class and classism and provide a means for helping professionals to address the impact of classism. It is also to assist helping professionals in understanding how these experiences, past and present, have affected an individual’s current sense of self as well as his or her worldview. Linking classism to the discussion of social class also allows the helping professional and the client to discuss concerns around inequality, poverty, economic discrimination, and other forms of “isms” that may be difficult to conceptualize (e.g., White trashism). Finally, discussing the interconnection of these two constructs also allows the helping professional to understand his or her own experiences of discrimination and how these experiences may affect his or her role as a helping professional. In my Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM), it is my supposition that classism is a behavior acted on others, an experience of discrimination to the self, and an internalized dissonance that occurs when an individual perceives him- or herself to be out of accord with others. For me, classism and the ways in which people distinguish between social class groups may occur in many different settings and across many different variables, not just income. Just as important, classism may occur across the lifespan of the individual, so classism is not just an adult experience. Classism may occur because a child does not have the right kinds of shoes or clothing or an adolescent has to go to a public swimming pool instead of a private or “club-managed” pool, or an adult may not live in the right neighborhood. It is even possible that there are social class distinctions and classism perpetrated as a result of the social networking site one chooses (e.g., Facebook versus MySpace; Hare, 2009). For example, in one news item reporting on a study conducted by an advertising company, respondents who used Facebook tended to have higher incomes than those on MySpace and even regarded MySpace as “ghetto”—a classist and racist description (Hare, 2009). Thus, when I discuss classism, it is important for helping professionals to consider all the forms of marginalization perpetrated and experienced, and not just focus exclusively on income. In the SCWM, helping professionals are provided a framework from which to understand experiences of classism and how these perceptions and experiences are related to the person’s social class worldview and behaviors. It is my belief that understanding the function of social class and classism at the individual level will allow one to better understand how these microaggressive classisms can come together to create larger and macro-societal-level

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discrimination and inequalities. By microaggressions, I mean subtle and not necessarily explicitly classist comments, remarks, or behaviors (Sue et al., 2007). For instance, using a racist example, when someone remarks that I speak English well, as an Asian American man, I regard this comment as microaggressive. Similarly, when someone says something like, “Funny, you don’t look like you grew up poor” or “You’re not like other poor people,” these are subtle classist remarks that may be considered microaggressions. And while these are not explicitly classist remarks, the comments and behaviors by others still injure and marginalize nonetheless. But more specifically, the focus of this chapter will be to better understand the interpersonal and intrapersonal aspects of classism and how these perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors also contribute to sociostructural inequalities (i.e., legal, educational, and economic) and marginalizations of others. I focus on the person level since this is the level at which helping professionals may intervene and work with individuals. Additionally, this person-level understanding will allow helping professionals to better advocate for clients and patients who are relatively powerless within these social structures (Liu & Hernandez, 2010).

How People Make Meaning of Poverty and Inequality In starting this section on classism, inequality, and poverty, it is necessary to establish some definitions and conceptual clarity and to try to distinguish between the two concepts. Usually when people talk about poverty, they describe people in poverty, in an impoverished situation, or near poverty. In these cases, the term poverty is a noun and adjective and refers to a situation or condition. The situation of poverty implies a particular level at which people are experiencing deficiencies of some sort, lacking resources, and usually experiencing a dire crisis. Poverty is sometimes described as a discrete condition that occurs at a certain point along the economic hierarchy. For instance, the U.S. Census Bureau uses certain calculations each year to determine the poverty line—the threshold at which people are in, below, or near poverty. Developed in 1963 and 1964 by Mollie Orshansky, the Census Bureau and the Department of Commerce defined poverty as a certain amount of pretax income for an individual or family; the line is graduated based on the number of individuals in the family (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003, 2004, 2005; Fisher, 1992, 1993; Orshansky, 1988). This amount per individual or family was related to the cost of buying food, multiplied by three (Fisher, 1992). This amount was originally based on a 1955 Department of Agriculture Household Food

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Consumption Survey that found families would use about one third of their household budgets (after-tax income) on food (Fisher, 1992). So, for example, in 2002 the poverty threshold for a family of four (two parents and two children) was $18,244. This works out to be about $380 per week just to supply food to this family. There are other categories of “poverty” such as below, near, and severe poverty (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). To find out where a family is with respect to the poverty threshold, the Census Bureau calculates an incometo-poverty ratio. Using a family’s income (e.g., $25,000) and the poverty threshold for that year (e.g., $22,509), this family would have a ratio of 1.14, which is above the 1.0 poverty threshold, but below 1.25, which is considered near poor (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Families who fall below 1.0 or .50 for instance, are considered at poverty or in severe poverty, respectively (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Of course there are a number of problems in trying to understand the causes and consequences of inequality by focusing on a singular numerical threshold based on income. For instance, the threshold does not account for the family’s consumption (Short & Garner, 2002), and does not adequately account for other important expenditures such as fuel, childcare, technology, health care, housing, and transportation, to name a few. The poverty threshold also does not account for geographic variation, so having the same national threshold may ill serve some people who live in areas with a higher cost of living or limited access to resources. Thus, while the poverty threshold is useful in understanding the number of people who may fall below a certain income range, it is more difficult to determine the meaningfulness of that threshold. In other words, what is the usefulness of knowing that a certain percentage of the population (graduated for family size) makes less than a certain income? If we do not couple the discussion of the poverty threshold with an understanding of inequality, the poverty threshold seems to be just a number along a distribution of income. The disparity within our current economic system between the haves and the have-nots is discouraging for anyone, especially those interested in social justice and advocacy. For example, during the economic downturn in late 2008 and 2009, the most recent U.S. Census reports on income (September 2009) showed that real median income for many Americans had dropped between 2007 and 2008, and during that same period, the number of Americans in poverty increased. Data suggest that the median household income decreased 3.6% between 2007 and 2008 from $52,163 to $50,303. And in 2008, the poverty rate increased from 12.5% to 13.2% or from 37.3 million to 39.8 million individuals. These are sobering numbers, and they are only likely to increase during the slow thaw of the economic recovery. Additionally, these numbers only describe a section of

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Americans living at or below poverty. Now add on top of these numbers the Americans who are near poverty or just “skimming by.” Poverty then, as a single indicator, only points to those in the dire situations and not to all those who may be orbiting close to the crisis threshold. An extreme illustration for poverty comes from a recent article about those living on a particular Native American reservation. In a recent report on members of the Lakota tribe living on a reservation, almost 56% of those on the reservation lived below the official poverty line (King, 2009). In one case, one resident lives on $17 a week from a tribal-based welfare fund. Imagine that for many current readers, if one were to spend $3 a day on Starbucks coffee, you would have already spent $15 just between Monday and Friday. Therefore, focusing only on poverty or the poverty threshold suggests the level of inequality in a society. I say “suggests” to imply that poverty thresholds set the floor by which we can start to see the very poor, but the poverty threshold does not necessarily illuminate the incredible variability in wealth and affluence. This variability—this inequality—is really the driving force of poverty. Rather than examine the sociostructural causes of inequality and poverty, some may be interested in focusing on poverty as a consequence of individual behavior and attitudes (Black, 2003). One could argue that poverty exists because there are different levels of effort and work associated with success and upward mobility, and to a minor extent that may be true in some situations and contexts. But this is an unfair characterization for people within a subordinating system that allows few channels for success and upward mobility. Focusing only on a person’s motivation and ambition for upward mobility does not reveal the struggles individuals encounter as they work, when available, minimum-wage jobs (which are not even livingwage jobs in many instances). Additionally, motivation and hard work do not account for the drag that comes with living in poverty. Being in or near poverty, for instance, usually implies shallower resources such that any crisis (e.g., economic or health) could simply deplete these resources, put one in debt, and create such a drag that no amount of effort or hard work can overcome the centripetal force of poverty. A similar argument could be made about the value of effort and hard work among the affluent. One could also argue that compensating individual workers, CEOs, or heads of companies 100 to 300 times (and sometimes more) more than the lowest-paid worker is not anywhere tied to the level of effort or hard work on a particular task. It seems possible, then, that the metrics used to measure effort and task change along the social class hierarchy so that those who are likely to benefit from this disparate compensation also are the ones determining who and what gets measured. Moreover, it is not uncommon that lower-social-class workers and employees

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are economically punished for poor company performance (e.g., loss or reduction in wages, loss of bonuses), but for those in upper echelons, poor company performance still produces higher salaries and bonuses (Brush, 2009). Quite simply, in the upper echelons of our economic hierarchy, the physical rules that typically apply to the lower social classes (and are heavily weighted against them) are irrelevant. Inequality is a larger issue relating to the unequal distribution of resources and power within a society. Because it is much more difficult to quantify resources and power, one simple measure of the ever-expanding inequality in the United States comes from income data. Using tax return data, Saez (2009) has shown that in 2007 (due to a two-year lag, this is the most recent tax data available at the time of this writing), there was a real income growth for most Americans of 3.7%. The inequality comes in when we review the fact that the top income earners’ income grew by 6.8%. The top 1% of Americans, or approximately 15,000 families making at least $11.5 million in 2007, saw their income share increase from 5.46% in 2006 to 6.04% in 2007. That means that the top 1% of these Americans took home almost 6% of all income in the United States. In other words, between 2002 and 2007, the top 1% reaped two thirds of all income gains during the last economic expansion (Feller & Stone, 2009). The top 10% of all Americans took home 49.7% of all income. In 2007, the bottom 99% of all Americans also saw their incomes grow by 2.8%, but this growth was only 1.3% between 2002 and 2007. During this same time period, the top 1% received two thirds of the income growth. And while there is argument that these top earners do have larger tax burdens, this is true by total dollar amount, but in relative comparison with regard to percentage of income, the tax burden for these top earners has decreased from 44.4% in 1980 to 20.4% in 2004 (Piketty & Saez, 2006). This is another good example of the Matthew effect on income such that even though incomes may have grown, those in the top tiers of society benefited extremely well. And, even though it is arguable that there are income gains for Americans, the gains are disproportionately higher for those in the top 1% and 10%; that is, 3% growth when one is making $50,000 is much different than a 3% growth when someone is making $10 million. There are reports that people in affluence struggle, even on $300,000 a year (Hull, 2009). In one story about an affluent family, the reporter describes the parents as feeling in crisis and struggling to make ends meet. In this case, the struggle was over how to afford their lifestyle on $300,000. The monthly after-tax income is approximately $15,000 to $17,000, or roughly $4,200 per week. Yet to this one family, the $40,000 a year for a nanny and the $500 per month for a gardener were necessities (Hull, 2009). This family’s “needs” or “necessities” seem to suggest the plausibility that

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as incomes increase, people’s levels of satisfaction and status consciousness are also graduated upward. In this case, would it not be fair to describe these internal dispositional characteristics of trying to maintain this lifestyle as faulty as those levied against those who are poor? That is, if internal dispositional attributions of “laziness” are directed to those who are poor, is it fair to characterize greed and hedonism in the same vein? As Binswanger (2006) suggests, there are a number of treadmills on which people find themselves that keep them pursuing status and possessions. For instance, there is the positional treadmill (Frank, 1985) on which people are in constant pursuit of new goods and possessions to maintain their social status. There is the hedonic treadmill (Brickman & Campbell, 1971) such that when an individual adapts to each new level of status attainment, that level becomes the new neutral level. Binswanger (2006) adds that there is also a multioption treadmill such that with each new increase in status, there are new multiple ways in which the individual can spend money and time. It is possible that these treadmills that consume people’s lives with respect to increasing incomes become ways in which people justify their own lifestyles but also deny or minimize the problem of inequality. It may be that people find themselves busily consumed with activities to support their lifestyles and denigrate others who are “not working hard enough” to be successful. These ways of negatively portraying others are just another form of interpersonal distancing (Lott, 2002; Vohs, Mead, & Goode, 2006). As I had mentioned earlier, another reason inequality persists is that there are sociostructural inequities that disadvantage those who are poor. It is not just internal dispositions and attitudes that are related to why people have difficulty extracting themselves from being poor. For instance, even for those who are low wage and poor and are working diligently, there are no guarantees that they are equally or even fully paid for their work. In other situations, their wages are garnished because of other outstanding debts (Rudolf, 2010). This and other problems are part of the drag that comes from being in lower social classes. Imagine the difficultly of trying to live on minimum wage, and then the added economic and psychological stress that comes from losing even a few dollars from that income or not being sure of being fully paid. This was the result in one nationwide study of 4,387 lowwage workers employed in various industries such as childcare, textiles, and discount retail stores. Researchers found that on average, these workers lost $51 through various wage violations. That means if the worker only made $339, this loss constituted a 15% loss of pay (Bernhardt et al., 2009). The authors found that the loss of wages came from not being paid or being underpaid for overtime, meal break violations such as shortened or no meal time, stolen tips, and pay deductions for damage to materials. All of these forms of lost wages are illegal (Bernhardt et al., 2009), yet the violations

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continue mostly unabated. Punishment of the perpetrators, or even knowing about this stealing, gives some indication about the relative lack of social power that minimum-wage workers have in America. Starting with the idea that there is incredible economic inequality in the United States is important because research has already shown that this macro-level inequality is related to mental health and physical health problems (Babones, 2008). This larger macro-level inequality is related to the unequal distribution of resources, limited access to adequate and effective health care (psychological and physical), limited health literacy, discrimination, poor working conditions, and a number of other problems that stem from inequality and all of which contribute to the aggregate problem of poor and deleterious health. Given the enormous impact that inequality has on people’s daily lives, what may contribute to the perpetuation of inequality? At the macro or social level, one may point out the unequal tax codes (Saez, 2009) or even the unequal access to power and privilege (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003a; Lott, 2002). These are reasonable points to begin a critique. In addition to these concerns are the personal and intrapsychic contributions to perpetuating inequality. How do people come to justify inequality in our society? Is it because those advocating for this justification are selfish, uneducated, or benefitting from the inequality? If we know that there is an unequal distribution of income and wealth, that the wealthiest nation on earth has children starving and living in poverty, and some families lack basic access to clean water and a telephone, why would individuals who are the least likely to benefit from the status quo choose the status quo? That is, why would someone who might be poor be willing to justify inequality? To frame this discussion, it is necessary to ask if there may be a larger belief system that contributes to the belief that the status quo is good and natural. Moore (1903) argued that the naturalistic fallacy is a belief by some individuals that if something is found in nature or occurs in nature, it must be good and desired. It is the assumption that “the way things should be [is] derived from merely observing the way things are” (Kay et al., 2009, p. 431). This naturalistic fallacy may help explain how people may come to believe that being rich and poor, or even inequality, is natural and is a result of an individual’s hard work; that there should be a natural and inevitable normal distribution of wealth because it seems rich and poor have always been a part of our society. Furthermore, in a contemporary context, people live in situations and contexts that may be inherently unfair, but because they do not believe they have the agency to change or escape the situation, they are likely to endorse and support the system as it is currently (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Kay et al., 2009). To endorse the status quo allows the individual to reduce and possibly avoid the anxiety that would be produced if the individual were

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to believe that the system within which he or she lives is unjust, unfair, and unequal (Jost & Hunyady, 2002). Therefore, people are motivated to defend the status quo or to engage in injunctification or the “motivated tendency to construe the current status quo as the most desirable and reasonable state of affairs” (Kay et al., 2009, p. 421). In a series of experimental studies, Kay and his colleagues found evidence to strongly support these suppositions and discovered that people are indeed motivated to support inequality and the status quo. It seems possible that people who find themselves in continuous situations where they perceive no personal agency to change a situation may begin to see themselves as relatively helpless. Contributing to this sense of helplessness (not learned helplessness; the authors are clear to steer away from this conclusion) may be the perception that the routes of success and upward mobility are barrier filled and complex, and the individual lacks the framework to fully comprehend it. It may be that, their internalization of this helplessness becomes self-blame for not being successful, and because others are being successful, it must be the person’s deficiency that is causing the nonsuccess. The discrepancy may assist the individual in supporting the status quo—the inequality—even though these individuals are least likely to benefit from supporting this inequality. It would also make some sense that cultural change may be perceived as a threat to their internal working model of the world and their already rationalized place in that model and that holding culturally conservative views supports the status quo and their sense that working hard is still a means of upward mobility (ter Bogt, Raaijmakers, & van Wel, 2005).

Racism In any discussion about inequality, racism and other forms of “isms” and marginalizations need to be considered. There is a vast array of ways in which people are diverse (e.g., age, gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and ability, to name a few), and discussing all the possible intersections of these diversities and inequality would be far beyond the scope of this book. My colleagues and I have addressed the intersection of poverty, racism, and classism elsewhere (e.g., Liu, Hernandez, Mahmood, & Stinson, 2006). But it is important to highlight how these diversities may influence economic inequalities and classism and to understand racism’s long-lasting effects. For instance, in one longitudinal study of social class mobility among White and Black women who were born poor, the results showed that

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upward mobility improved birth outcomes for infants born to these White mothers, but the same was not true for Black mothers (Colen, Geronimus, Bound, & James, 2006). Birth weight is an important initial indicator of infant health, so the authors concluded that there were racial inequalities that persisted among Black women unaccounted for by upward social mobility. Therefore, the health drag associated with being born into poverty and being poor leverages health consequences long after the mothers leave poverty. This is just one example of how race, gender, and social class and classism intersect. It is potentially possible to extrapolate this kind of finding to other forms of marginalizations. But to illustrate the way isms and marginalization impact individuals and communities, I will discuss one specific intersection: racism. I believe that using this example, readers will be able to glimpse the ways in which other isms for some social classes complicate how classism and inequality occur. For racial and ethnic minority individuals, living in lower and working social class contexts is difficult simply because of the limited resources. Living and working on low incomes has its own difficulties such as finding adequate childcare, nutritious groceries, and reliable transportation. There is already abundant research that describes the difficulty for many of these individuals who struggle daily and from paycheck to paycheck (Newman, 1999). What is interesting for helping professionals is the literature that describes the psychological and interpersonal impact from living within these contexts. Using some of this empirical literature, helping professionals may be able to develop a more complex impression when working in and with this community. The research literature generally suggests, for instance, that some racial ethnic minority groups’ frequent experience with unemployment or work interruptions is associated with parental depression, marital conflict, and physical punishment (Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994; McLoyd, Jayaratne, Ceballo, & Borquez, 1994; Waters & Moore, 2001). Thus, compounding the stress and struggle related to working low-wage jobs is the constant psychological stress of not having or losing one’s job. As might be expected then, a parent in this situation will be experiencing chronic stress and its psychological and health consequences. For the parent(s), one potential problem is that unemployment may increase the odds and risk for social isolation and exclusion (Kieselbach, 2003). Hence, rather than relying on social support during times of stress, an unemployed person may be more likely to withdraw from social situations. For children and adolescents experiencing familial financial distress and hardship, anxiety, depression, and feelings of stress may be exacerbated by family conflict; mood problems, changes, and disorders; and corporal forms of punishment (Berlin et al., 2009). Research evidence seems to support this notion of

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family generalization of economic distress. In a study of 2,468 impoverished African American inner-city adolescents, almost 50% reported feelings of hopelessness, and these feelings of hopelessness were tied to aggression, substance use, sexual behavior, and other risk-taking behaviors (Bolland, 2003). There is also variability in the ways in which poverty, for instance, is interpreted based on one’s racial and ethnic group. On the one end, there are individualistic or dispositional (personal) attributions as to why people are poor such as lack of effort or ability. On the other end of the explanations for poverty are structuralist and societal interpretations such as poor schools, lack of jobs, and discrimination (Hunt, 2004). Then there are fatalistic beliefs such as bad luck (Hunt, 2004). Hunt found that among Whites, Blacks, and Latinos, all racial groups favored individualistic reasons for wealth and structuralist reasons for poverty and that fatalistic beliefs were least favorable as a means to understand wealth and poverty. And although all groups favored individualistic reasons for wealth, Blacks and Latinos were higher in structuralist beliefs than Whites (Hunt, 2004). With regard to poverty, Blacks and Latinos were higher on structuralist and individualistic beliefs than Whites. Thus, the research suggests that in interpreting and understanding the reasons for wealth and poverty, Whites, Blacks, and Latinos understand the role of individual effort and hard work, but for Blacks and Latinos, there were also structural (sociostructural) reasons for being and not being successful. White individuals may also have a belief about how success is achieved. It seems that in one study of upward mobility among White and Latino adolescents, White adolescent girls were encouraged by their parents to segregate themselves from Latinos (Bettie, 2002). Results suggest that, among the White adolescents, associating with Latinos was not considered a sign of upward mobility or status, so separating oneself from non-Whites was an important hallmark in social class ascension. Conversely, Latino adolescent girls were given a double message to achieve via sacrificing their Latino identity but simultaneously “not to act white” (p. 419). Thus, what was important for Latino girls as they moved upward was maintaining cultural affiliation and not taking on the worldview or value system of Whites. The parallel may be that for White adolescent girls, because there was no real fear or pressure to accommodate Latino cultural ways, physically maintaining alliance with “being White” was important, and for Latino adolescent girls, because there is always pressure to accommodate the dominant cultural values, being in the same physical space was acceptable, but maintaining internal psychological distance was important. Cultural values and ways of being were also the theme in Carter’s (2003) interview of African American boys in a preparatory school. Specifically,

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African American boys felt the dual pressure to achieve but not to become “too White.” One issue they struggled to negotiate was their own cultural capital or “Blackness” because they were in predominantly White environments; it was a fear of being considered a sell-out (Kuriloff & Reichert, 2003). Essentially, for some racial ethnic individuals, the hidden cost for upward mobility is being considered a sell-out (Cole & Omari, 2003). In food vernacular, a sell-out was an “Oreo” (Black on the outside but White on the inside). But the research also suggests that individuals may in some circumstances find themselves trying to “pass” within a cultural group. Passing suggests an attempt to take on the cultural accoutrements that allow an individual to exist within a group without notice. Rather than assimilating or selling out, acting White was a strategy and not necessarily an identity. So, in these cases of Latino and Black children, assimilating may imply some aspect of passing as a means to success, but the same is not true for White children because they are the dominant group, and they set the standards to which others subscribe. Interestingly, one way this form of passing may manifest is through materialism. Although racial features may be permanent, one may take on the vestiges of a particular social class group to be as much like the group as possible. Korean immigrants, for instance, may cope with changes to social class position (from native country to host country) and immigration status through materialism. Among first-generation immigrants such as Korean Americans, Cleveland and Chang (2009) found that they tended to be more materialistic as a means of physically demonstrating their social status. Another reason for this behavior may not necessarily be attaining status but dealing with acculturative stress. That is, the research is clear that materialism is a means to cope with psychological stressors, so materialism among first-generation immigrants may be a means of coping with acculturative stress, especially since these material objects may serve the dual purpose of easing anxiety and establishing social class status. But there seems to be a paradox about valuing materialism among some racial and ethnic cultural groups because some of these groups may value collectivism. In theory, materialism focuses on highlighting the individual (Burroughs & Rindfleisch, 2002) and therefore, having materialistic values may be in conflict with collectivistic cultures. However, it may be possible that individual materialistic pursuits and possessions may be incorporated by racial ethnic cultures as a way to demonstrate social mobility for the entire group (Schaefer, Hermans, & Parker, 2004). Although materialism may function positively for a racial ethnic minority group, having strong material values may also be related to prejudice and discrimination among Whites. In one study on the relationship between authoritarian attitudes, dominating attitudes, and materialistic values and racism, researchers found that materialistic values accounted for significant

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variance on racism (Roets, Van Hiel, & Cornelis, 2006). That is, endorsing materialistic attitudes was a significant predictor of racist attitudes even after dominance and authoritarian attitudes were accounted for in the regression models. The authors suggest that materialism is related to poor self-concept and selfishness and a tendency to focus on one’s own happiness versus the condition of others (Roets et al., 2006). Thus, materialism as a means to focus on oneself (e.g., Burroughs & Rindfleisch, 2002) and salve internal conflicts and problems may also be related to not caring about others and potentially a form of passive racism where the individual just does not care about what happens to others, especially racial ethnic minority individuals. Thus, race and ethnicity of the individual are important facets because classism impacts groups differently, and the ways in which groups cope and thrive in these environments differ. For some racial ethnic minority groups or people of color, one way to thrive in certain contexts may be to take on the accoutrements of the dominant group as a form of economic passing. The struggle for these individuals is the fear of being labeled sell-outs or being seen as assimilationist and culturally distancing themselves from their community. For Whites, being in the dominant position culturally and economically means being able to set the cultural standards of success and achievement and not necessarily having the worries of being considered assimilationist or a sell-out. Being White does not mean being wealthy, but being White does confer upon the individual some cultural currency to which non-Whites have no access (Harris, 1995). Being White and in certain social class groups also means the potential access to resources by which social class positions are solidified.

Economic Resources, Economic Privilege, Economic Entitlement Inequality and poverty are about limiting, limited, and unavailable resources. It is not just about one type of deficiency such as income, education, or having a job but rather, inequality is a function of a constellation of factors in interaction. Inequality therefore is the drag or weight on the backs of the poor that makes it difficult, if not impossible, to get up after being knocked down. As Gallo and Matthews (1999, 2003) have identified, one aspect of being impoverished is that the individual has fewer and shallower resources such that when this person is under stress, there are fewer resources on which to rely and the resources that the individual does have are more quickly depleted (Gallo, Bogart, Vranceanu, & Matthews, 2005). But inequality and being impoverished may also mean something besides limited resources.

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I would suggest that people in these settings also experience a limitation on the ways they can use the resources they have, and these limited ways in which resources may be used contribute to their economic instability and depletion of resources. In discussing how resources are identified and used, I will also discuss the ways in which affluent and wealthy individuals benefit from using resources in multiple ways that allow them to strengthen their social class position and withstand personal and economic shocks (problems and crises that cause a draw on a person’s resources). For an individual, I define resources as indispensable elemental or foundational components that are necessary to support and sustain life. I mean indispensible, elemental, and foundational components in the same way we refer to natural resources such as timber and oil as principal components that are configured into usable lumber, paper, and oil-based products such as gasoline and plastic. Similarly, there are resources in an individual’s life that are raw and unformed and only become usable once they are reconfigured and made meaningful. Making these resources meaningful depends on the situation, context, and other demands the individual experiences (e.g., job, neighborhood, family). Heuristically, these resources also fall into three general categories: extra-, intra-, and interpersonal. Extra-personal resources are based in food and shelter, time, schools, and law, for instance. Interpersonal resources are based in family relationships and social status or social position. Intrapersonal resources are based on one’s resiliency and sense of efficacy. Everyone experiences resource demands (e.g., rent, mortgage, food, health care, transportation, job and family stress), and to meet these demands, individuals configure their raw resources (e.g., income) accordingly. Resources are meant to be used by the individual in idiosyncratically meaningful ways; that is, in accessing and using a resource, the individual transforms the resource into a construct that is usable, meaningful, and salient for the individual. Thus, at an objective level, resources start off as raw material, but the person’s perception of that raw material and its usefulness transforms it into a perceived resource to be employed (to use) or deployed (to get ready to use) when needed. So when I discuss limited resources, I am also talking about a person’s more limited usability of a resource across multiple domains. For instance, when people are experiencing foreclosures and other dramatic economic problems, they have a more limited capacity to use resources across multiple domains. In this case, as Pollack and Lynch (2009) have shown in their study of depression among people facing foreclosures, these individuals focus their monetary resources on paying for their housing and may forgo medications and food. The raw resource is money, and it is used instrumentally (directly) toward shelter. I posit that as an individual increases in wealth, the distributability (the capacity and ability to use one’s resource across multiple domains) of

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one’s resources increases such that those who may be wealthy may overlap resources to create more reserves by which to withstand hardships and economic assaults. Increases in wealth also imply that the boundaries between resource categories are more diffuse and permeable and therefore, resources are more portable across domains. Essentially, the higher one is, the more likely there is stability due to multiple resource allocation. At the lower levels or lower social classes, resources are more difficult to obtain, less available, and less frequent. What resources are accrued tend to have more contingencies (strings attached) built into them, and at these lower levels, resource use is more explicit and direct. Minimum-wage and hourly workers’ income is unstable, unpredictable, and for the most part, already committed each week or month to certain expenditures and bills (food, mortgage, car, insurance, childcare). For many of these workers, there is less “distributability” of their income to other things and interests (e.g., vacation or education) because there are direct and explicit demands for their income, and forgoing these expenses has specific and explicit consequences (not eating, losing one’s home or apartment). Take, for instance, the advertisements to help people get out of debt. The key phrase often used is “financial freedom.” Financial freedom implies not having debt but having the capacity to use money for other interests and opportunities; this is the distributability of income. Another example is that, at these lower levels and lower social class levels, time flexibility is limited, so time as a resource must meet explicit demands such as moving between jobs, childcare, and running errands. At higher levels and social class levels, there may be more time flexibility, so time may be not only used in meeting the explicit demands but also distributed across other domains and categories such as improving interpersonal relationships, investing in education, or even leisure. The use of time across domains is socialized and learned, and for some it is a privilege (they can use time a certain way) and an entitlement (expect to use time a certain way). Using time across categories, for instance, increases the potential for developing other resources and strengthens resources. So if someone in an upper social class group experienced a hardship, he or she might be able to draw upon interpersonal connections to help him or her through the situation and establish a sense of equilibrium more quickly than someone at a lower level who has fewer and shallower resources. Hence, being able to have a sense of stability or reacquire equilibrium, even in the face of a hardship, may contribute to easing psychological distress in times of duress. The types of resources to which I am referring are for descriptive and heuristic purposes, and I allude to these resources as discrete. I understand that there are no clear-cut distinctions, and the definitions I provide for these resource categories are merely for discussion. The larger point I am driving toward is that the use of resources across domains is a principal feature of privilege and

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entitlement among the wealthy. This distribution across categories reinforces privilege but also serves to help secure one’s social class position. The types of resources I allude to are presented in Figure 8.1. Along the horizontal axis are the following: Material Resources (i.e., money, car, home); Positional Resources (i.e., status in work, home, community); Structural Resources (i.e., access to legal, educational, monetary institutions); Relational Resources (i.e., friends, family, peers); Temporal Resources (i.e., use of time and flexibility in time); Internal Resources (i.e., personal characteristics such as diligence, responsibility, resilience); and Human Resources (i.e., educational level, training, expertise). On the vertical axis is the continuum of wealth. I speculate that there is a line for everyone at which, because of social class, poverty, or level of being poor, these resources are more difficult to obtain and the use of these resources is much more direct and instrumental to sustain basic human life (e.g., survival). For instance, someone who may live at or below this line of “instrumental use” is someone who must commit all his/her material resources to buying food, basic shelter, and transportation. The positional resources are all local or limited to family and friends; structural resources are limited to some access or involuntary use (e.g., the individual has legal problems or needs a loan); relational resources are localized to smaller networks; temporal

Increasing Transferability of Resources Across Domains

Human

Internal

Temporal

Relational

Structural

Positional

Line of Instrumental Use

Material

Affluence and Wealth

Barriers Between Resources Which Decrease as Affluence Increases

Types of Resources

Figure 8.1

Resource Allocation and the Portability of Resources in Relation to Affluence

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Human

Internal

Temporal

Relational

Structural

Positional

Material

Affluence and Wealth

resources are limited and the individual has very little free time and limited discretionary time or little choice as to how to spend his/her time; internal resources are focused mainly on withstanding external and environmental assaults and crises with little devoted to self-actualization; and human resources are limited and tied directly to specific work demands. In contrast to these lower social class positions, affluence and wealth affords privileges and opportunities. For example, someone who may be affluent and wealthy may find that material resources may be used across domains such that a home or car may also be used as a positional resource. Temporal resources are much more flexible and abundant, so the individual has the opportunity and ability to use time for recreation (thereby regenerating internal resources) and improving human resources such as education or further personal improvements. Finally, relational resources are not isolated to family networks but extend to other personal associations in important social structures such as legal, medical, financial, and educational arenas. Therefore, not only do these individuals have more resources to use to withstand crises and other assaults, but the interconnections between resources also mean that these resources are much more interdependent.

Types of Resources

Figure 8.2

Representation of a “Ladder of Success” in Comparison to the “Scaffolding of Privilege”

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To illustrate these differences, I point to the difference in stability one may feel between a ladder and a scaffold (see Figure 8.2). Those who have had to do any construction-related activities will likely understand the feeling of security derived from standing on an interlaced scaffold versus a ladder you tilt against a wall. Imagine painting that wall from floor to ceiling and how easy it is to accomplish this task when you can walk up and down and back and forth across a scaffold. You cover much more ground more quickly, and you are likely to feel more comfortable maneuvering across the scaffold. Now imagine the same task with a ladder. Your reach is limited, the ladder is a little shakier, and it takes time to maneuver the ladder to different wall positions. Try reaching out from the ladder and you start to feel the ladder lose its stability. As a metaphor for social mobility, those who are poorer rely on a ladder and believe there is a ladder to success that is straightforward and direct. But the problem with the ladder for upward mobility is that it can be unstable to virtually any pressure, tremor, or lateral pushing. The ladder may exist within any specific type of resource; it is used here to illustrate both the way in which people in lower social classes typically perceive upward mobility and the potential way upward mobility is structured (e.g., increasing income). The problem, however, is that the loss of a single resource typically means the demise of or a substantial setback in upward social mobility. Compare this ladder to the scaffold in which there are multiple routes upward, and instead of two legs on which to stand, the scaffold has multiple legs as well as lateral and horizontal interconnections for strength. I would suggest that those who are privileged, wealthy, and affluent have been born into a world where they have access to and expect a “scaffolded” world. By this, I mean that wealthy individuals anticipate and expect their ability to use resources across different domains and will exercise power to maintain this privilege and entitlement.

The Psychology of Privilege and Entitlement So how does privilege and entitlement function within this resource heuristic? For the sake of clarity and discussion, I think it is important that when I discuss privilege and entitlement, I limit the discussion to social class privilege and social class entitlement. As my colleagues and I have discussed elsewhere (Liu, Pickett, & Ivey, 2007), there are a number of different forms of privilege (religious, racial, gender), some of which converge and intersect with each other. The general implication of all privilege is that (a) the person is afforded some opportunities and access just because he or she was born into it, and (b) it allows a person not to have to consider how other

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people may have to contend with that particular issue. So, for instance, if a wealthy politician who grew up in wealth and privilege castigates and describes people who have to use welfare benefits as “lazy” or “unmotivated,” the politician is likely living out his or her economic privileges. Also, privileges are constantly negotiated and are somewhat dependent on the context (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003a). This is especially true for individuals who are racial and ethnic minorities, women, gays and lesbians, and disabled, to name a few. What privilege that is gained from high income, for instance, is often ameliorated by one’s race, gender, or sexual orientation. For example, as Cornell West, a Princeton professor, has described in his efforts to get a taxi in New York City, his privilege works in some contexts but not in all situations. Real privilege allows a person to act entitled and to obtain a particular goal; imagined entitlement is acting in entitled ways but with no real source of privilege. So, when I refer to privilege, I understand that these special rights and advantages assumed by people are fragile for some individuals (e.g., racial and ethnic minorities) and an expectation for others (e.g., affluent White men). Privilege can be defined in broad terms as a special right, benefit, or advantage given to a person simply due to his or her race, religion, or social class. Privileges are invisible and are usually exercised unknowingly and assumed to be natural (Liu et al., 2007). These are the typical definitions that encompass all privileges (White, male, middle class). Entitlement is similar to privilege in many ways, but I consider it generally overt and conscious rather than invisible and unconscious. Thus, entitlement is an attitude and behavior wherein the individual consciously claims and seeks an advantage, right, or benefit. Entitlement is acting on these unearned rights and benefits and the expectation of being rewarded and accommodated in pursuit of these rights and benefits. That is, if we believe (cognitive) we have a right, and we invest ourselves in actions to receive that right (affective), these actions and emotional investment in these privileges become entitlements (we have an inherent right to them and “I have to have it”). There are some commonalities among all the privileges, and it may be necessary to discuss aspects related to specific privileges and entitlements. In this case, I discuss economic privilege, which is similar to social class privilege as defined by Lapour and Heppner (2009). Lapour and Heppner define social class privilege as “[opportunities, emotional and material resources, and values] that have been internalized and normalized by their peers and families and that exists as a result of their economic wealth and their perceived social class background” (p. 478). I would add that in my definition of economic privilege, these rights and expectations of opportunities and resources vary across the lifespan and have varying salience depending on the time in one’s life and the context demands. That is, these

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economic privileges express themselves differently across the lifespan and the situation, and because situations present different demand characteristics on the individual, the person must access and draw on different privileges. For instance, since becoming a father, I have felt more inclined to use my position and privilege as a male full professor; I feel and behave in entitled ways to secure advantages for my daughter such as access to certain childcare opportunities. In those contexts where my gender and status are meaningful, I intentionally use my privileges. Another dimension about these privileges is that there are potentially positive aspects to privilege and that economic privilege is not necessarily all bad. This is an important point because there is a tendency to regard or discuss a person’s economic privilege as a negative attribute, characteristic, possession, or opportunity. Instead, as I have noted (Liu, Pickett, et al., 2007; Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003a), privileges are constantly negotiated, and at any moment in one’s life, there are positive and negative aspects related to privilege (gains and losses). I would also posit that there is a difference between privilege and entitlement. Privilege may be the unearned right or benefit or the opportunities and gifts that occur simply because of some individual characteristic. The problem of privileges is that they cannot be forfeited or given up. It is possible that a personal privilege is not used. But one cannot forfeit the privilege because this unearned advantage or opportunity is given (or afforded to the individual) by society. In other words, as a man I am given privileges that other men are afforded within a society that tends to favor men and masculinity. I cannot forfeit masculine privilege; I can only be sensitive to how I use masculine privilege. As another example, racial privilege is given to Whites as a part of the sociohistorical and sociostructural systems that have historical, structural, and legal precedents that favor Whiteness. It is important that White individuals be aware that there is White privilege, but one cannot give up being White. The ascription of privilege is given to the individual. The White individual may choose not to exercise or employ his/her White privilege, but the reality is that the privileged space is already provided, and the White individual needs only to fulfill that role. But in considering privilege as sometimes a positive power, White individuals may choose to exercise their privilege in conscious and social justiceoriented ways. For example, a White person may assert his/her privilege to say that he or she does not appreciate a racist joke. In an all-White setting, this assertion and social justice-focused use of privilege may have positive results. The problem though, as Liu and Pope-Davis have addressed in discussing power and advocacy, is that privilege and power are constantly negotiated, so even though the individual may act in a socially just manner, using White privilege also furthers White privilege.

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The feature role of classism in entitlement is for the individual to act in marginalizing ways against others as a means to secure a particular privilege. Similarly, racism, sexism, ageism, and homophobia are other forms of isms and marginalizations that allow the individual to exercise power to secure and use a privilege. For example, one of the privileges of being heterosexual in a heterosexist society is the ability to feel entitled to and enact entitlements or to speak, behave, and believe in the “normality” of heterosexism. Using the ideas presented earlier about wealth and scaffolding, we may safely assume that the wealthy and affluent have privileges, but what might those be? One way to interpret privilege is that being born into a scaffolded system where limitation of resources is virtually unknown is in itself a kind of privilege. Additionally, the individual has the privilege of using resources widely and feels entitled to use his/her resources in whatever fashion is interesting to him or her. Structural classism and interpersonal classism also work in conjunction to reinforce and perpetuate privileges for these few affluent and wealthy individuals. Structural classism is those environmental or societal barriers (real and perceived) that limit access and opportunities to only those who are supposed to have these privileges. So for instance, one form of real structural classism may be gated neighborhoods. Usually these neighborhoods require that one have a certain income, wealth, and social connection to be accepted and eligible to live there. Perceived structural classism may be similar to walking into a store or series of stores that sell goods that are completely out of one’s price range. For instance, perceived structural classism may be akin to walking around Rodeo Drive in Beverly Hills without the requisite display of expensive clothing, jewelry, or car. In this case, one may be able to enter the stores, but because of the setting, one feels unwanted or excluded because of what is sold and because of the treatment one may receive for not being seen as belonging. Interpersonal classism is essentially the interpersonal prejudice that individuals may hold of other people based on what is perceived to be social class distinctions. Interpersonal classism is prejudices (attitudes) and discriminations (behaviors) that communicate and reaffirm these differences between groups and social classes. And economic privilege and economic entitlement may be communicated via these interpersonal classisms. Imagine the different types of interactions that occur in any restaurant where some patrons appreciate the service and others expect the service. For one person, others in the restaurant are there only as service people. Privilege and entitlement vis-à-vis interpersonal classism, in this instance, may come from explicit (speaking “down”) and implicit (not making eye contact) reminders of differences in social class.

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Classisms For me, classism really represents the core problem that faces society. Seeing social class differences is relatively innocuous until these perceptions are linked to prejudices such as classism. To better understand classism, it is important to consider the array of classisms that constitute networks or webs of discriminations that have to be addressed if marginalization and oppression based on social class are to be diminished. At an explicit level, classism is direct and overt prejudice against people perceived to be of a different social class. Yet classism may also function in covert ways such as inattention or not noticing differences between groups. That is, not recognizing that there are social class differences is classism because the individual does not acknowledge the host of problems creating this inequality. Not recognizing differences is akin to color blindness where some individuals do not acknowledge racial differences. As Helen Neville and her colleagues discovered (2005), admitting to being color blind is similar to admitting that one has not thought about race and racism. It is my contention, moreover, that it is insufficient to only target the most explicit forms of classism, which I define as “downward” classism or discrimination by those in higher social classes against those in lower social classes. Focusing on downward classism addresses only one aspect of this network of classism. As a quick aside, I should also clarify that it is not my belief that all forms of classism are alike, and I do not believe that the impact or power of downward classism is anywhere similar to, let us say, upward classism or prejudice and discrimination against those perceived to be in higher social classes (e.g., calling or believing someone a snob or elitist). Instead, my position is that as helping professionals, we need to be aware of and work against all these forms of aggression, marginalization, and prejudice. As helping professionals, it is important that we examine both perception and experience of classism as well as the act of classism. I describe three forms of classisms and one form of internalized classism here. As I describe the first three forms of classism, it is important to remember that these classisms are both how the individual may experience and perceive them, but also these are forms of classism that may be enacted (perpetrated by the client or patient). The first form of classism is what is usually considered to be classism: those in power or higher social classes marginalizing and discriminating against those in lower social classes. This is what I would call downward classism or classism prejudice and discrimination targeted against those who are perceived to be in a lower social class position. I specifically say

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“perceived” because it is my belief that people, depending on the context and situation, will find various criteria to determine if someone is “below” them in some fashion. In some instances it may be income, but it also may be material goods such as a car, computer, or clothing, or it could be someone’s lifestyle or how they choose to spend time (e.g., exercising versus watching television). Downward classism may be an act of purposeful discrimination toward another person or group. Downward classism may also be perceived by someone. In this case, the individual may feel slighted, ignored, or marginalized by someone (e.g., looked down on). For instance, anyone who has walked into a high-priced department store or boutique store and who is not dressed appropriately (e.g., dressed in plain sweats) or perceived to be well groomed may have experienced no greeting, no help, or poor help. In this situation, it does not matter that the salesperson is objectively in a lower social class position and the customer is a surgeon; downward classism is still acted on and perceived. The next form of classism is what I would consider to be “upward” classism. Upward classism is the prejudice and discrimination that occurs against those who are perceived to be in a higher social class. For example, perceiving or labeling someone as elitist, a snob, or bougie (slang for bourgeois) is a form of upward classism. Interpersonally, upward classism may also manifest as jealousy or envy. One does not have to be in a lower social class but only to perceive the other person to be in a higher social class than oneself. Acting in an upwardly classist way may come in the form of reticence to interact with others, providing poor service, or even demeaning another person’s accomplishments. The third form of classism is called “lateral” classism. Lateral classism is essentially a form of “keeping up with the Joneses,” but in lateral classism, one keeps up with the Joneses because one is constantly reminded of personal deficiencies that are not congruent with being in a certain social class group. Lateral classism essentially happens among those one perceives to be in a similar social class. Reminding others that they are not adequate or need to keep up may come in the form of explicit displays of wealth or materialism, bragging about one’s accomplishments, vacations, or promotions, and explicitly identifying how “old” or “behind” others are with regard to wealth, materialism, vacations, and other visible emblems of social class. Lateral classism functions well because most people want to be perceived as average or normal within their peer or comparison group, so they may become activated to consume, purchase, or change lifestyle choices as a way to mimic, approximate, or even outdo others in their peer group. Internalized classism is the feeling of frustration, dissonance, and anxiety that comes from not feeling adequate within one’s own social class. This noxious feeling coming from internalized classism compels many people

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to strive harder to reach equilibrium within their perceived social class group. Research supports this notion that classism may be internalized. A series of experimental studies (Croizet & Claire, 1998) and a review of the empirical literature (Croizet, Desert, Dutrevis, & Leyens, 2001) showed that academic performance can be depressed when social class stereotypes are elicited. Basing their research on the idea of the stereotype threat, wherein performance on an outcome measure (e.g., math ability) is affected when negative stereotypes about the individual are elicited (Leyens, Desert, Croizet, & Darcis, 2000; Steele, 1997), Croizet and Claire (1998) found that a similar effect occurs when asking individuals about income. In this case, asking an individual from a lower-social-class background about income elicits the stereotype that lower-social-class individuals are not smart, and consequently the research shows a depression on their performance when compared to a similar group who had not been primed with the income question. It is possible, as I have posited, that internalized classism may also turn self-destructive (Liu, 2002) when an individual comes to feel and believe there are no other options for recovery and that the failure being experienced is a hopeless situation. In these situations, I would suggest that this internalized classism may become self-injurious behavior such as suicide (Aleccia, 2009) or other self-destructive behaviors such as substance use or even homicide (Liu, 2002). Of course, not everyone experiencing internalized classism becomes self-destructive or self-injurious. But I would suggest that it is possible for some people that internalized classism exploits an underlying maladaptation or mental health concern such as depression. In these cases, internalized classism may be experienced as more acute and lead to feelings of hopelessness. For others, internalized classism may be a constant anxiety or frustration that compels a person to purchase items or engage in other activities to maintain his or her social class position. This may mean purchasing newer and newer electronics, for instance, if this material object was an important indicator of social class. Internalized classism, for these individuals, is triggered when they feel that they need to have the latest and greatest car to feel they are like others. Of course, the only way to really resolve these inadequate feelings is to buy the new car (or to completely shift peer contexts). At one end of internalized classism may be these mild feelings that compel people to consume and buy. I would also argue that at the extreme end of these feelings and cognitions of worthlessness is a form of debilitation, anger, and rage at not being able to fulfill one’s roles and expectations (Liu, 2002). Consequently, I posit that people at this extremity may feel hopelessness and despair that is linked to falling far behind those in the social class and believing one can never be a part of the social class

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again. In these instances, it may be important for helping professionals to frame their experience and to help them transition into other social class comparison groups.

White Trashism During a national conference meeting I was casually speaking to a prominent racial minority executive member of an organization. We were engaged in conversation about prejudice when the individual casually offered that “poor White trash” often contributes to racism. There was no time to respond because the ease with which this was offered and the quickness of the conversation seemed to imply that no response was necessary. It seemed to me that saying “poor White trash” had no more emotional valence of cognitive dissonance than saying “it’s raining outside.” It seemed apparent to me that talking about poor White people in this fashion was probably acceptable if not normal for many people. What struck me was the potential pervasiveness of White trashism and the relative ease with which poor Whites are classified as such (Amato & Zuo, 1992; Chaisson, 1998; Comer, 1969; Weinger, 1998). White trashism, calling others rednecks—or, equally bad, “wiggers” (White niggers)—may be considered by some as not really constituting racism or prejudice (Wilson, 2002; Wray & Newitz, 1997). In class discussions, I have found that practically everyone has used the poor White prejudicial terms or have heard them used; no matter the social class, race, ethnicity, or other forms of cultural diversity, individuals across the spectrum seemed to be aware of the terms and have used them. As we continue our discussion, some describe the socialization messages they received from family, friends, peers, media, and teachers about poor Whites. In class, some begin to express shame and guilt because it never occurred to them to critique their own socialization and what it means to employ such terms. There is also another group of students who grew up poor and White and have for the most part attempted to hide their upbringing. For these students, the use of the poor White prejudicial terms in class often causes palpable discomfort. A small minority of these students will then discuss their own upbringing and their experiences as targets of White trashism. It seems that these students’ shame and guilt are grounded in both their own experiences of discrimination and the extent to which they have worked to hide their past and “pass” as members of another social class group. The reason I mention these experiences is that the current ways helping professionals understand social class and classism cannot frame or explore

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these experiences. Strictly classifying people into social class groups or knowing someone’s income, for instance, falls far short of interpreting and exploring the experiences and forms of coping people have developed around White trashism. Additionally, if we are to move to develop multicultural competencies for helping professionals around social class and classism, there is a need to transition from examining only a few indices and to explore the worldviews and personal experiences and perceptions of social class and classism. Additionally, I talk about White trashism in education and training because, when it comes to appreciating the cultures and diversity of people who are poor and White, it may require more diligence to persist. All of us need to be constantly vigilant against socialization messages from the media, family, and friends about White people who are poor. Along with these attitudinal, cognitive, and worldview elements of understanding poor White culture, the helping professional would also need to identify cultural aspects that may be appreciated. In my experience with teaching a multicultural counseling course and leading a discussion on this issue, I have found that there is a great deal of shame and guilt that needs to be addressed by those who use this prejudice but also among those who have internalized this prejudice. For instance, when looking for ways to appreciate poor Whites, one could turn to the various cultural customs and values that manifest among poor Whites such as hospitality, generosity, and spirituality (Comer, 1969; Wilson, 2002). These cultural customs certainly vary by geography, but these customs, values, and ways of being should be identified and appreciated much like those of any other cultural group.

Implications for Practice Given all that I have presented on these issues of poverty, inequality, classism, privilege, and entitlement, how might helping professionals use this knowledge in their practices? Below, I provide some considerations for helping professionals around these concerns. 1. One of the first places to begin understanding these issues is to be aware of and sensitive to one’s own worldview, reactions, biases, and perceptions. For some helping professionals who may have experienced poverty, it is important that these experiences be understood and used in ways that will help forge a better relationship with the client or patient. Empathy can easily be distorted to become overidentification with a client’s or patient’s experiences, and over time, this overidentification with client

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concerns may lead to professional burnout or fatigue. Some modicum of therapist–client relationship is always important. Other helping professionals who may not have had experiences with poverty may find themselves overwhelmed by the issues and concerns brought to them by clients in poverty. Overidentification is one concern, but interpersonal distancing (Lott, 2002) is another. Working closely with supervisors and other colleagues, helping professionals should seek honest and open dialogue about their experiences and worldviews as they become more accustomed to working with clients in poverty. 2. Another issue I raised in this chapter is working with clients of affluence and wealth. Similar issues are pertinent here. Affluence and wealth may stir extreme emotions and reactions, so helping professionals need to be sensitive to the ways they may distance themselves from the client. One way may be to regard these clients as elitists or snobs—this is a form of upward classism that only increases interpersonal distance. It is also possible that helping professionals experience a form of lateral classism and may feel, internally and intrapsychically, a need to behave in a way that will be congruent with the social class of the client. The helping professional may find him- or herself dressing differently (more fashionably and with more expensive items of clothing or jewelry), changing behaviors such as trying to speak more formally, or trying to bond with the client by describing experiences such as travelling or shopping that are attempts to establish the helping professional’s social class. All of these behaviors and attitudes work against a strong working alliance and further understanding the issues and worldview of the client. 3. In working with clients in poverty, who are poor, or who are in impoverished situations, it is important to consider the person’s internal resources, including resiliency, interpersonal and social support, as well as access to objective resources such as money. All of these are important considerations when developing interventions or goals for counseling-related work. In understanding the client’s experiences, it may be important to assess for monetary resources and how these are used and allocated. Is all of the money spent at the beginning or end of the month? Is it completely used every week? What are the typical cycles in which they expect money and when is it used? These concerns impact the counseling work because, if all of the money is depleted by the end of the month and there are sessions toward the end of the month, the helping professional should expect some added expressions of distress. This distress may be specific about money, or the lack of monetary resources may exacerbate an existing condition or concern such as anxiety or depression. Additionally, the helping

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professional should constantly check in on the client about social support and internal resources. This may be especially pertinent when the client or patient experiences a crisis. Because we know that interpersonal and intrapersonal resources are likely shallow and thus depleted easily and that these resources are more difficult to build back, the helping professional should, at the very least, give plenty of flexibility and time for the client to recover. The loss of a father, for instance, may mean not only the death of a loved one but also the loss of income—a dual shock for families who are in poverty. Understanding these overlapping concerns will be a key facet for the effective helping professional.

Conclusion The focus of this chapter was to discuss the connections between inequality, poverty, and classism. In this chapter, I posited that the important issue facing helping professionals and society is inequality; that while poverty is always an important reminder of the problems of an entire population in America, it is imperative that we also address the inequality in our society that feeds and sustains this poverty. To support this position, I present data based on recent income tax returns that showed the increasing income disparities between the rich and poor in our society. Additionally, data suggest that as one moves down the social class hierarchy, there is an everincreasing drag such that individuals who are poor are faced not just with a lack of income but also with problems in getting adequately and fully paid. Exacerbating the conditions of inequality and poverty are the other forms of “isms.” In particular, I discussed the compounding affect of racism on inequality and poverty and how there are intrapsychic effects of poverty that have both physical (increased chances of heart disease) and psychological consequences (stress, depression, anxiety). In this chapter, I also presented a heuristic to understand the different ways in which resources are accessed and used depending on one’s place in the economic hierarchy of society. Those at the bottom tiers of society use resources much more instrumentally than those at the upper tiers do. Additionally, for those in the upper tiers of society, the capacity to which they may use resources across life domains only reinforces their social class position in society. Finally, I end the chapter with a presentation on different types of social class bias and classism. I present my ideas on the upward mobility bias and how helping professionals may be predisposed to prefer those who have similar upwardly mobile tendencies. I also present my

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theories on the different types of classisms that people use and experience, as well as the importance of internalized classism. One particular form of classism I focus on in this chapter is the perniciousness of White trashism and the impact of this classism on people of color as well as on White individuals. In all, the intent of this chapter was to provide helping professionals with a foundation on which to understand classism’s functions and how to better comprehend its effects on the lives of clients.

9 Integrating Social Class and Classism Into Training, Education, and Supervision The only problem with social class and classism is that, unlike other cultural groups like African Americans, women, or gays and lesbians, there isn’t one specific cultural group. So how would you go about encouraging people to “appreciate” a social class group? During a presentation at a national multicultural conference, a participant in my workshop remarked that social class and classism should not be considered a cultural group. This comment was a good and interesting challenge because the participant was partly correct. Unlike Asian Americans, who tend to have physical features that are characteristic of the group, there is no specific “social class” characteristic. I suggested to the attendee that appreciating a social class group was akin to appreciating and understanding the struggle that certain groups have undergone to survive and thrive within an unequal society. Additionally, similar to understanding Whites, social class also implies that helping professionals need to develop competency in working with affluent and wealthy individuals and groups. I also posited that my focus on social class and classism was to provide helping professionals an avenue to conceptualize the impact of economic discrimination and inequality (classism) much like the role racism has in

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Asian American communities and individuals. This did not seem remarkably insightful to me, but what I came to see was that there was a general lack of discussing and understanding social class and classism issues in many training programs. By framing social class and classism within an existing dominant framework of multicultural competencies, most people seem to understand the importance of social class and classism.

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or many helping professionals, the content and discussions I have presented thus far may be interesting and challenging for self-awareness and use in counseling settings. However, to be the most beneficial, the resources, information, and educational materials should be integrated into training and education. Infusing social class and classism into education and training will likely mean coursework, practice opportunities, and working with supervisors who will challenge and support further development around social class and classism in research and practice. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to discuss the ways in which theory and research on social class and classism may be integrated into educating and training helping professionals. I present some materials that may be used and integrated into training, education, and supervision. The reader should note that rather than ending the chapter with practice implications, throughout this chapter I provide practical implications for training and education.

Training and Education Students and professionals who are generally interested in social class and classism issues typically approach this area with a sincere interest in better understanding themselves and their clients. Often, helping professionals are involved in community and social justice and advocacy work to help underserved, minority, and impoverished persons and communities. If they are not already involved, many are deeply interested in becoming engaged in community work. Helping professionals are commended for doing work that is difficult, challenging, rewarding, and often unrecognized. My course discussions are frequently infused with discourse around the self-learning and experiences from this work and related client issues. In the classroom, usually I start discussions with provocative topics gleaned from the research and invite participation. My intention is to demonstrate the broadness of the topic and move the discussion away from categories and categorization. I usually start discussions with innocuous

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behaviors such as shopping and link these behaviors to other client issues and concerns. For instance, in classes I may describe someone who has a problem organizing his/her life and does not work efficiently to be prone to compulsive buying (Mowen & Spears, 1999), then invite discussion about how might this appear in session. I might ask about the correlates to these behaviors and how these may be expressed in counseling. My purpose is to help students to be more expansive in their conceptualization and assessment of client concerns. I am interested in helping them understand all of the various ways that clients may reinforce problem behaviors and cognitions and the potential different avenues helping professionals may pursue to develop creative interventions. Similarly, I may suggest that research also shows that people who may be high on measures of religiosity are not likely to endorse materialistic values and are not likely to relate well-being and happiness to material success (La Barbera & Gurhan, 1997). With this discussion, I am interested in helping students connect social class and classism with other spheres of life, such as religious or spiritual commitment. My interest is in connecting social class with other aspects of a person’s worldview such as his or her endorsement of the Protestant work ethic (i.e., working hard, delaying gratification). Again, linking social class worldviews with religious tenets and doctrine helps trainees understand the interconnections of social class socialization; that socialization of a person’s social class worldview may come from friends, peers, family, and religious leaders. Essentially, I am constantly vigilant to multiple sources (e.g., television, magazines, and the Internet) and various research bases (e.g., counseling, clinical, social psychology) as a way to prompt and engage students in discussion. I also use some questions I developed to help initiate discussions. In Exercises 1 and 2 (at the end of this chapter), I ask students to consider memories of social class and classism, what they may have been told by parents and friends about social class and classism, and their most powerful memories. Depending on the time in class or in a workshop, I ask them to write and respond to the items with which they most resonate. In no particular order, I will ask students to present what they wrote down and then invite participation on each answer from others in the classroom. For me, these first two exercises and general discussion of the research are a means to start the difficult dialogue and help them become comfortable with articulating social class and classism and with hearing themselves talking about these topics. Having some comfort in talking about social class and classism is just the foundation for becoming competent in social class and classism issues. Being able to talk about social class and classism, to articulate clearly and cogently about these issues, is the next step. As I mentioned in Chapter 1, there seems to be a general taboo and reticence

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about talking about social class and classism, so the helping professional must be able to understand and overcome this taboo. This self-awareness work is imperative for multicultural competency because focusing on our clients is only a small piece of training and education around social class and classism. The real work for helping professionals is coming to an understanding of our own biases and worldviews around social class and classism. For the client, having a helping professional who is comfortable and articulate about social class and classism will serve as an important model for how to become self-aware about the personal impact of social class and classism. Listening closely to the reporting of helping professionals, instructors may become aware of the biases, perspectives, expectations, and assumptions carried into work with clients. These become pronounced sometimes when working with clients who may trigger deep emotional responses, our countertransference. In other theoretical frameworks, we might also consider the ways in which the helping professional may have barriers to being empathic to the client (humanistic) or the ways in which the helping professional’s own irrational cognitions or belief systems are activated by client material (cognitive). Regardless of the theoretical foundation from which helping professionals practice, instructors and supervisors should be listening for the ways in which helping professional trainees may be leveling distortions onto clients. For instance, one type of distortion may be to confer deviance or deficiency to those who are poor but to reserve positive descriptions for the rich (Woods, Kurtz-Costes, & Rowley, 2005; Zagorsky, 2007). In contrast, overidentification and sympathy for those who are poor may be another example of countertransference (Shpungin & Lyubansky, 2006). In this case, the helping professional trainee is not just empathic but overly invested in the client to such a degree that the trainee may not be open to supervisory challenges and critiques; the trainee becomes defensive and begins to see the supervisor’s critiques as disinterest or insensitivity to the poor client. It has been my experience that helping professionals in either situation often are expressing personal experiences and traumas that have been denied or suppressed and that the client’s concerns or presentation in session have triggered a resurfacing of these personal issues. Another concern for supervisors and educators is the stereotypes or inappropriate attributions levied on clients from various social class groups. Sometimes these are learned responses, ways of interacting with social classed people we have been explicitly taught or have learned through watching others. The helping professional’s personal history of socialization is often the source of these perceptions of others. The helping professional may come from a low-, working-, middle-, or upper-class group, but regardless of the social class of origin, each group has a particular

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way it perceives and communicates “in-groupness” and “out-groupness.” Socialization messages often privilege those of the in-group and discriminate against those perceived to be out-group members. These scripts are difficult to transform and erase since they provide a road map for people to understand and navigate shame, doubt, and anxiety around sensitive issues such as poverty, inequality, and even wealth. The problem with these road maps is that they tend to be overly simplistic ways to understand self and others, so the responsibility of the instructor and the trainee is to integrate and use more complex information about self and others and to have the curiosity and interest to use more rich information as a means to build stronger relationships and effective interventions. Educators, trainers, and supervisors know that people have deep emotional investments in ways of seeing the world and interacting with others that tend to have roots in family dynamics, interpersonal relationships, and personal history. Connected to these scripts and schemas are thinly veiled emotions, often reflecting hurt, frustration, and anger. The classroom is seldom the place to plumb these feelings, but sometimes supervision is an appropriate place. What often does help is the capacity of the instructor to frame and articulate how and why people develop these scripts and emotions. I often use the tactic of helping people talk about their classism traumas (framed broadly to include people across the social class spectrum). Normalizing them and providing a feeling of connectedness to others (often everyone has a story) is often a helpful salve for these injuries and hurts the students have tried to cover up. One caution that I have for educators and trainers is to be sensitive to and aware of the level of shame. Shame may arise from where the person grew up, previous experiences with poverty or impoverishment, having parents who worked blue-collar or other manual work, or even the previous jobs they held. This list is not exhaustive; it is only meant to direct attention to the various sources of shame people may have that are related to social class and classism. I would likely conceptualize these forms of shame as a kind of internalized classism. That is, for some of these individuals, revealing or discussing a past or current situation (i.e., that they grew up poor or work at a fast food restaurant) that is not necessarily congruent with the way they are presenting themselves (i.e., a typical college student) may cause them to feel vulnerable and not congruent with the social class group to which they belong. What may seem to be an innocuous question such as “Tell the class about where you grew up” may generate intense anxiety from some students. It may mean that the student will have to reveal shameful experiences he or she has tried to cover up or gloss over, and it may entail making himor herself vulnerable in a situation (in the classroom) in which the student is unprepared to cope. Being aware of and sensitive to these various sources

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of shame will help the educator and trainer better frame these exercises and allow students different avenues to talk about themselves. This issue of shame arose during a conversation I had with my wife, who teaches at a local community college. Her beginning writing class is mostly attended by lower-social-class White and Black students. She noted the resistance many students had when she innocently asked students to talk about why they are in school and where they work. Many of the students were vague about their jobs and talked very generally about their work. Other students looked at the ground when they said they worked as janitors, in housekeeping, or in fast food. As we discussed what happened in class, we talked about the privilege that is assumed around asking seemingly innocuous questions that generally cause no distress among middle- and upperclass and upwardly mobile individuals. But this discussion also reminded me that many people may carry around shameful social class experiences they are not ready to share or reveal, and as educators and trainers, we need to be careful about what we ask and how people respond. Finally, another way to help people explore these scripts and schemas around social class and classism is to understand the socialization messages we often receive. People in U.S. society are socialized about social class and classism through these adages and personal and familial messages as well as through the popular media and news. The issue related to these socialization messages is that people are inundated with these ideas and are expected to live up to them. Much like gender role conflict for men where men are presented with masculinity norms and ideals and expected to endorse these norms (O’Neil, 2008), psychological distress and interpersonal conflict may arise as people attempt to live up to, succeed in, and/or fail at these different notions. And much like with any other socialization message people receive, there are often conflicts and double-messages. That is, there are sometimes contradictory messages for the same goal and there is no real way to succeed. In the case of social class and classism, these are behaviors, attitudes, and schemas we may have about how social class operates and self-perceptions about being social class individuals. Helping trainees and clients better understand these contradictions may help them understand their own internal conflicts. Below are some examples of conflicting social class socialization messages: • Be an independent person and don’t rely on anyone, but you may have to work with others to succeed. • Saving is important, but you have to spend to succeed. • Don’t be gaudy (flashy is trashy), but flaunt it if you got it. • You should always strive for upward mobility, but you should also be happy with what you’ve got.

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• Pull yourself up by your bootstraps, but look for ways to exploit the system. • If you fail, it’s because you are lazy, but if I fail, it’s because the system is unfair. • Only spend what you have, but sometimes you have to invest a little more to get a lot back. • Good things in life come to those who wait, but you should take what you can now because who knows if it will come back. • Money is no object, but it is. For classroom discussion and other training experiences, the intent of this discussion is to help trainees understand the potential internal conflict with which clients may struggle. How might some of these contradictory messages be expressed by clients? Just as important, how has the helping professional managed these conflicts? I would also encourage the educator in this situation to enliven the discussion by generating other possible ideas for conflicting messages, trying to identify the source, and determining the purpose of any particular message and how these issues might arise in counseling.

Upward Mobility Bias The notion of the upward mobility bias initially arose during a course conversation. When I was asking about the social groups in which many of the doctoral students were engaged, most of the individuals in these groups, as well as the organizations, tended to be middleand upper-class groups. After asking these students why they did not approach other individuals or groups, the students described some general discomfort when interacting with lower- or working-class individuals. So, in a contrived workshop, I asked the students to pretend mingling or socializing with each other, but I indicated to them what were to be their professions. Some were professionals, some were doctoral students, and some were maids, janitors, truck drivers, or mechanics, to name a few. I tried for a good distribution of individuals and their professions. After the exercise, I asked for their reactions, and many started to describe their initial judgments and evaluations of people who were not in a professional class. Then the conversation switched to their own personal experiences in mixed groups and how they often felt at a loss in conversation when another person did not endorse the need for additional levels of education or upward mobility in jobs. For many of these individuals, their typical script in social situations focused around discovering a person’s profession,

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educational level, and occupation. When they encountered someone who did not discuss these aspects of him- or herself, the students described ways in which they ended conversations and moved away from further socializing with that person. What occurred to me was that this was a bias that some helping professionals may have and may inflict on clients, and therefore, this was an incredibly important concern of which helping professionals need to be aware. The upward mobility bias is the perception and belief that individuals should always be striving for upward social mobility and that having more education, a better job, or a better home is a natural way of being (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003a). Conversely, then, when people do not adhere or subscribe to the belief that upward social mobility is good and natural, some helping professionals may perceive these individuals as deviant or deficient. Helping professionals need to be aware of how to work with social class and classism issues in counseling, therapy, and other venues (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003a; Smith, Foley, & Chaney, 2008). Much like teachers who tend to evaluate and ascribe lower academic proficiencies and competencies to lower-social-class children (Hauser-Cram, Sirin, & Stipek, 2003; Madon, Jussim, Keiper, Eccles, Smith, & Palumbo, 1998), clinicians may fall into a similar stereotyping problem with clients (Garb, 1997). Additional support comes from previous research suggesting that helping professionals may have a negative view of those in lower social classes and may be reluctant to work with these clients, may provide poorer prognoses, and may be more directive versus insight oriented (Sutton & Kessler, 1986). I would suggest that perhaps the bias against those who are not well achieved or upwardly mobile permeates other “isms” and consequently, those who are older, racial ethnic minorities, low income and/or in poverty, and uninsured tend to have poorer prognoses and are poorly treated or untreated (Wang, Lane, Olfson, Pincus, Wells, & Kessler, 2005). The upward mobility bias may be a product of our training and educational experiences as helping professionals as well. As individuals who have advanced degrees, training, and certifications, we may come to the belief that striving for more education and a better job is a natural expectation. I mean “natural” here to be the belief that it is an inherent way of being and that individuals always should be striving for “more.” The bias may become pronounced, for instance, when we interact with individuals who are satisfied with occupations and work that simply fulfill their daily needs. These individuals who do not want extra responsibility or do not strive for more education or higher-status jobs are considered people who are not “fully self-actualizing” or optimizing their potential. They may be perceived as individuals who are not exploiting or using all of their opportunities and

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resources. In effect, these individuals are perceived and conceptualized to be deficient, deviant, or unaccomplished. As my students premised, one way these biases may surface is when we find ourselves in social settings where there is a mix of people from different social classes. For those from highly educated backgrounds, the first few questions are about establishing social class and status. Where one goes to school, what one does, and where one lives are perceived to be legitimate and innocuous questions that establish one’s social class position. I would also argue that given mixed social class groups, people tend to gravitate and organize in social class similar groups, in part because of familiarity, but also because these social class similarities facilitate conversations. It is of course much more difficult for some to have a discussion and conversation across social classes that do not come across as naïve, patronizing, or dismissing. I would suggest that these upward mobility biases are one filter by which people discriminate and decide to which social class group to belong. To help bring some of these biases and perceptions to light, one exercise I do at the start of the academic session is to put students into a pseudosocial setting. As an icebreaker, I ask them to pretend to be in a social setting where their goal is to learn about each other. The only rule is that they cannot ask about education, schooling, or jobs and occupations. At first, many of the students struggle with how to engage each other. Then an interesting change occurs in the group. Many find unique ways to ask about social class and social class information without directly querying about jobs, income, and education. What do they ask? Students start to probe about how they spend summers, where they vacation, have they ever been to Europe or out of the country, and where do they like to shop and for what do they shop? All of it is social class information. When we return to discuss the exercise, it still is amazing the accuracy with which they can place people in social class hierarchies given the information they gathered, sans direct information about income, education, and occupation. In our helping work, it is incredibly important that we be aware of these upward mobility biases and our expectations for clients and patients. We need to be especially careful and sensitive to the ways we communicate, either explicitly or implicitly, that we “want” or “hope” people will subscribe to upward social mobility and that they would want “more” for themselves. We should also be careful of the ways we tend to compensate for our own upward mobility bias through patronizing comments (e.g., “That is so interesting”), dismissing comments (e.g., “What else are you interested in?”), or overaccommodating comments (e.g., “Wow, you speak so well!”).

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Becoming Social Class and Classism Competent The intent of developing self-awareness, knowledge, and skills in working with clients is to become a multiculturally competent or culturally competent helping professional (Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992). Much has already been written on cultural competency around issues of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation, for instance, but not much has been articulated for social class and classism. There is burgeoning scholarship that has attempted to describe and frame what a culturally competent helping professional should demonstrate with respect to social class and classism (Liu et al., 2010; Liu & Hernandez, 2010; Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003a). The most elaborated framework for cultural competency around social class was from Liu et al. (2010). In the chapter titled Developing Competency with Social Class and Classism, we worked to articulate the necessary awareness, skills, and knowledge for helping professionals along three training dimensions: starting a practicum, readiness for internship, and entering professional practice. Written from the perspective of psychology (American Psychological Association Work Group on Assessment of Competency Benchmarks, 2007), the guidelines still have significant applicability for other helping professionals. The competencies are divided into training and professional levels. To be ready for starting clinical work, for example, we suggested some of the following skills, awarenesses, and attitudes. The helping professional should be: 1. Interested and engaged in exploring the impact of social class on his/ her worldview and identity 2. Aware of the social class demographics of communities to be served 3. Aware of social class biases 4. Aware of social class as an identity and culture 5. Integrating his/her social class worldview At this level of beginning their initial clinical work with clients, helping professionals are expected to have had some exposure to theory and research literature around social class and classism. Trainees should understand the type of client usually seen in a clinical or professional setting, and the trainee should have some conceptualization of how social class issues impact these clients. For instance, among college students, there are social class expectations such as possession of computers, clothing, cars, and leisure time. In community settings, there may be similar social class expectations around homes, where children attend school, and clothing. Trainees should educate themselves about the social class issues pertinent for their clients. Classroom discussions should help the trainee begin to

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explore his or her social class experiences and history and begin to link these experiences with his or her present worldview. This discussion should also address biases, distortions, and negative attributions as well as ways the helping professional may overidentify with clients. To be ready for internship (which is typically a capstone clinical experience where the trainee is employed as a full-time clinician under supervision), the trainee should be: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Aware that social class is one of many cultural identities Aware of the mental health gradient Aware of the limits to empirical research in the helping professions Working to counter negative stereotypes around social class groups Considering how financial resources affect availability and access to services

During internship, many helping professionals may be in settings where they are expected to perform as relatively independent clinicians. Although they received one-to-one supervision and still work collaboratively with other colleagues, the expectations are higher with respect to the helping professionals’ capacity to conceptualize and implement interventions. Around multicultural competency and social class and classism, the helping professional is expected to have basic skills and self-awareness. When the helping professional moves to a new practice site, the helping professional is already expected to understand the demographics of the clientele at that location. Additionally, the helping professional should be sensitive to his or her own social class worldview. To this are added levels of responsibility. Helping professionals in this context should be reviewing the research literature and applying and evolving social class-informed interventions. The helping professional is also expected to actively counter negative stereotypes and distortions that may arise in personal practice, in supervision, as a supervisor, and in work with other colleagues. Finally, the helping professional should be aware of and sensitive to the financial considerations among clients. Looking for ways to promote organizational change in order to make counseling more accessible and affordable is a reasonable skill for interns. Finally, readiness for independent professional practice includes: 1. Being aware of social class as an identity that intersects with other identities 2. Being aware of the health gradient, social causation, and social selection 3. Being aware of self-presentation and how this reflects social class 4. Being aware of constantly negotiating between privileges

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5. Being able to consult about social class and classism-related issues 6. Being sensitive to how social class impacts the helping professional research At this level, the helping professional is at the precipice of independent practice. After having completed coursework, intensive practicum, and possibly an internship, the helping professional should have built a solid foundation on which social class and classism issues may inform his or her work. Not that social class and classism are always explicitly relevant for every client in every context, but for the helping professional who is ready for independent practice, knowing how and when to use social class in counseling is an important skill. Finally, this helping professional has internalized an interest in continuing to learn and develop his or her skills, knowledge, and awareness around social class and classism. The end of formal training does not mean the end of learning or education, and the hope is that this helping professional has come to see social class and classism as meaningful and important areas in which to continue pursuing professional growth.

Using the Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM) as a Training Tool The SCWM can provide a means for instructors to assist helping professionals in becoming more aware of their own experiences and how their history may impact their current worldview and relationship with clients. Exercises 1 and 2 at the end of this chapter may be used to initiate discussion and engage people in meaningful and personal dialogue. Exercise 3 is a way to help direct the discussion further to issues relevant for helping professionals. In this exercise, trainees are asked to think more specifically about social class and counseling and how they may address and approach different issues. In Exercise 3, there are no correct answers; rather, this is another way to help trainees consider the role of social class in counseling. In all three exercises, as trainees talk about their experiences and perspectives, the instructor may start to develop a sense of the different levels of consciousness and awareness of social class. Some may be completely unaware and inarticulate and others may discuss classism traumas and personal experiences. One is not better than the other because many people’s awareness and consciousness are likely ill formed and unshaped. Therefore, it is imperative that the instructor not privilege certain stories and experiences over others, because both aspects are personal but not

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likely well thought out and developed. After this beginning, the instructor may want to elaborate on the SCWM theory and its implications for helping professionals. In my use of the SCWM as an instructional tool, I start by framing the SCWM as a five-part model: Context (the Economic Cultures); Socialization Messages (which includes what we have been told and taught); Social Class and Classism Consciousness; the Worldview (including behaviors, materialism, and lifestyle); and Classism (upward, downward, lateral, and internalized). Of course, the instructor needs to be familiar with the theory and the components to be able to discuss them. I encourage the instructor to invite discussion and also to consider personal experiences and other examples to illustrate components of the model. Teaching about economic cultures is a relatively simple and nonintrusive way to help people start to see the variability in what we call social class. Given a large group like the middle class, students from different communities may describe what was considered middle class and how they identified other social classes. This is an important step toward understanding the contexts of multiple economic cultures. It becomes an interesting part of class when multiple people talk about being middle class but describe a wide array of values, expectations, and ways in which middle classhood is determined. For some, it may be the size of the home, type of car, where one vacations, or even the supposed income level of the individual or family. The purpose here is to disrupt the notion that there is a unitary middle class and to explain that there are multiple economic cultures where there are some overlaps in values and expectations, but each economic culture reflects the context (economic, geographic, racial, etc.). As trainees describe what it meant or means to be of a particular social class group, instructors may take note of the ways in which these expectations fit within the various capitals (human, social, and aesthetic). These are not discrete capitals, so there is some overlap, but this will start the framing of their experiences and perspectives within the language of the SCWM. Thus, when people discuss the expectations and demands for people in certain economic cultures, I try to label these expectations and demands. For instance, I provide a personal example in which I learned quickly that being within one economic culture, I needed to develop a knowledge base and awareness of aesthetics. That knowledge of aesthetics was a kind of resource that was used to develop relationships. I remember being asked to attend a showing of Picasso’s early watercolors. I thought it would be interesting because I knew of Picasso’s work, but because it was never important for me to fully understand or remember artwork, this would be an interesting opportunity. One person in the group mentioned that a favorite Picasso work was Les Demoiselles d’Avignon. While others

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Economic Culture (Context)

Prioritize the most important to least important capital (e.g., 1, 2, 3)

What is the penalty?

What is expected and demanded of you?

Social capital (e.g., people networks, associations)

Cultural capital (e.g., tastes, aesthetics)

Human capital (e.g., education level, physical ability)

The social class in which I identify myself as: ______________________ (e.g., middle class, working class)

My Economic Culture is: _________________ (e.g., neighborhood, job, social/professional group)

Defined: Environment in which human, social, and cultural capital are valued, nurtured and developed, and used

I. Economic Culture (Context)

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Salience/ consciousness Prioritize the most important to the least important (e.g., 1, 2, 3)

Examples of these domains in my life

Think of your economic culture and answer the following:

Behavior (i.e., learned and socialized, purposeful and instrumental social class actions)

Lifestyle (i.e., how we choose to organize our time and resources, within a socially classed context, to remain congruent with our economic culture) (E.g., What is your most important possession(s)?)

Materialism (i.e., relationship of material objects to people and their use as external representations of an individual’s social class worldview) (E.g., Identify a significant person in this group and consider what he/ she may say about social class & classism.)

Group of origin (i.e., family, environment and the significant persons within that environment)

Aspirational group (i.e., community to which the individual wants to belong)

(E.g., Identify a significant person in this group and consider what he/she may say about social class & classism.)

Peer group (i.e., community that is similar to the individual)

(E.g., Identify a significant person in this group and consider what he/ she may say about social class & classism.)

Defined: Framework you use to make sense of social class perceptions, feelings, economic environments and cultures

II. Social Class Worldview (Intrapsychic)

SCWM Model II

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SCWM Model III

IIIa. Classism (External) Defined: Prejudice and discrimination based on social class resulting from individuals from different perceived social classes Upward (e.g., prejudice and discrimination directed toward individuals who are perceived to be of a higher social class)

Lateral (e.g., classist attitudes and behaviors among people perceived to be of a similar social class group)

Downward (e.g., prejudicial attitudes and discriminatory behavior against people and groups that are perceived to be below the perceiver)

I have felt/ experienced this classism when . . .

I have used this classism when . . .

IIIb. Internalized Classism Finish this statement: Sometimes when I am not living up to the social class expectations of those around me, I feel/experience. . . .

Because of these feelings, I feel compelled to. . . .

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responded in kind about the importance of this work, I was silent. I was not in any distress about not knowing of this work. However, that all changed when I said, “Oh, what’s that?” When everyone’s eyes turned to me with quizzical and shocked gazes, and when one person said, “You don’t know of that?” I knew that this was an expectation for me to know. I knew that if this group was important to me, developing cultural capital would be a requirement. Another example of a capital to develop and grow in order to be within an economic culture is social capital. When undergraduate students come to me with an interest in going on to graduate school, I suggest to them some areas to develop to be competitive in admissions. Having research experiences and some clinical or counseling experiences are important. I also suggest that they need to develop strong and meaningful relationships with faculty members who will then likely write strong letters of recommendations for them. Developing relationships is a form of social capital, and in this case, social capital is a necessary resource to be used to gain access to another economic culture or social class group. The advice I provide to them is that, if they are interested in shifting their economic culture to that of professionals in psychology, they will need to develop social resources that are pertinent and meaningful for that group. In this situation, it is other psychology professors. Once they develop some familiarity and comfort with this form of capital acquisition, they will likely become much more facile with it in the future. The next step is to transition and talk about the various socialization messages people received from friends, family, peers, and other mentors or role models. I have already discussed and elaborated on many types of socialization people experience. These messages may have been direct communications (specifically told), indirect (watching a behavior), or even from media sources (television, the Internet). Instructors should be open to the entire array of socialization forms that impact the trainee. The question I usually ask is, “Who told you how to be in your social class?” and “How do you know the ways to maintain or be in your social class position?” The direction to consider specific people (real or imagined) starts people considering the socialization messages that were salient to them throughout their lives. In transitioning to step three and the Social Class and Classism Consciousness model (SCCC), I usually link consciousness and awareness to social taboos as well as the ways families have talked about social class and classism. Most often, social class and classism are not well-regarded topics in conversation, so to develop consciousness and awareness around social class within an environment that usually discourages this conversation can be difficult if not impossible. People are aware of differences, but linking

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this perception to cultural and systemic inequality, capitalism, classism, and economics is not within the purview of many helping professionals. I also invite trainees to talk about the ways in which their families may have talked about social class, classism, and especially money, jobs/careers, and education. Some will say that these discussions never occurred, so they do not know how to talk about these concepts. Others will say that these issues, especially money, were often conflict ridden and contentious, so they tend to avoid these topics because deep feelings of hurt and sadness are often attached. These are important data because people may respond across the gamut of the SCCC spectrum. At this point, I usually present the levels and domains with their respective definitions. Before I move to discuss the specifics of the model, I frame the model by saying that all of these domains are with us and have some utility. We sometimes operate from one of these domains more often than others, but depending on the situation and triggers, we may move around the different domains in nonlinear ways. All of these domains are important because they serve to explain a situation and also to help us cope. For example, it is possible that most of the time I operate from a worldview that understands oppression, inequality, and economic discrimination. But it is also possible that when I experience forms of classism, my worldview may become truncated and I may regress to other ways to explain my experiences. This may mean, for example, that I may express my own classism toward another person either in behavior or attitude. However, since I have some facility with my own worldview and understand what may be occurring for me, I may be able to cycle out of this worldview more quickly. That is, we may even come back to a situation and revisit it from another domain that helps us to explain it better and grow from the situation. The next step is to discuss the various ways we may perceive and interact with the world through our social class lenses, namely the ways we act and behave, our perspectives on materialism, and the ways we value and spend time. These three constructs or lenses were derived from the vast social class literature (Liu, 2001) in that most of the social class literature and research tended to fall into these three domains of behaviors, materialism, and lifestyle considerations. These lenses or apertures also vary because each of these is somewhat idiosyncratic and depends on what the individual believes is important and valuable to his or her economic culture. Additionally, peer and family influences and social class consciousness are all related to how each of these lenses is represented in priority, or what I would consider “openings” in the aperture. I typically invite students to think about their own lives and their own values and beliefs around social class. Most often, students are able to talk about how, for

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instance, materialism was and is important in their lives and how they might see and evaluate people through that lens as well. It is important to remind trainees that while one aperture is prominent in a given context, the others are also represented and serve an auxiliary function. Finally, in my work with trainees, we move to one of the most important considerations: classism. I use Exercise 4 as a way to help students think about classism. I give a brief description of the different types of classism represented on the sheet. Downward classism is the traditional notion of classism; upward classism is against those who are regarded in upper-social-class groups and characterized as snobbish or elitist; lateral classism is “keeping up with the Joneses”; and internalized classism is feelings of anxiety, depression, and frustration related to not being able to maintain one’s social class standing. After they write down comments, I facilitate a discussion and have them share experiences. I help them connect and frame their emotions and feelings about previous classism experiences and allow them to talk about how they have been the targets of classism. But just as important is helping them also talk about the ways in which they have been perpetrators of classism, both explicitly and implicitly (subtly). My interest in this discussion is to move away from binary paradigms of only “oppressor and oppressed” and to talk about how we all negotiate power and privilege (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003b). Additionally, I try to impress upon the trainees that we need to investigate and dismantle networks of power and privilege that sustain inequality and that we are sometimes targets and sometimes beneficiaries of oppression. Often this is a difficult framework to initially understand, but as we talk about their roles in classism, they begin to see the networks of power and their role in these relationships and how even subtle classism perpetuates larger forms of inequality. The three Exercise Sheets are ways in which trainees can specifically detail and explore their economic cultures (Form I), their worldviews (Form II), and the different forms of classism (Form III). I often provide these worksheets as homework. I have found that trainees often appreciate having some time to digest what occurred in class and to complete the final worksheets with a different perspective. It has also been my experience that some trainees discuss what occurred in class with partners and significant others and then complete these worksheets. At the next class, I open the discussion on how people completed the worksheets and also on other outside discussions that may have ensued. Again, these personal reflections, personal insights, and added discourse on social class and classism make the discussions rich.

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Training Experiences and Supervision One of the most important ways helping professionals can develop their social class competency is through integrated and coherent training experiences such as direct clinical work with people from varied social class backgrounds. These training experiences, of course, have to be tied to competent supervision where the supervisor also is social class competent. Having a supervisor who has also explored and understood his or her own social class worldview, social class biases, and classism experiences is necessary when mentoring and teaching students to do the same around social class and classism. Unfortunately, there is no easy way to become social class competent in the absence of a qualified supervisor. I would encourage study groups and other learning groups in which professionals may establish reading lists and regular meetings to discuss social class and classism and their relationship to counseling and other helping professional work. These groups may also serve as supervision of supervisors such that, when working with trainees around social class, supervisors may obtain a semblance of social class-informed supervision and guidance. Like me, the supervisor develops basic competencies that are refined over time. For many trainees, these training experiences may begin with a review of the readings, extant literature, and research and theory. There are two reasons to start with book-related materials. I have found that many helping professionals in training already are reluctant to read the research (McMinn, Tabor, Trihub, Taylor, & Dominguez, 2009) for an array of reasons (already too much work, other responsibilities, and disinterest). The problem with not being aware of the literature is that many scholars have thoughtfully provided research and theory to help guide practice, and helping professionals can apply some of these treatment and therapy models without needing to develop their own. I have found that some trainees spontaneously arrive at conclusions about treatment or interventions and believe them to be novel or unique until I direct them to the literature that has already developed on that treatment. For instance, in discussing compulsive disorders such as compulsive shopping, my trainees are sometimes surprised that there are actually clinical guidelines. I present Donald Black’s (2001) work, where he suggests some general questions that may help a helping professional understand the extent to which compulsive buying is a problem for the individual. He suggests asking if the individual feels preoccupied with shopping or spending; feels that his/her buying behaviors are “excessive, inappropriate or uncontrolled” (p. 19); and if the individual’s “shopping desires, urges, fantasies or behaviours have ever been overly time consuming, caused you to feel upset or guilty, or led to serious problems in your life (e.g., financial or legal problems, relationship loss)?” (p. 19). Also, in assessing for compulsive buying,

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the helping professional should be aware of a family history of mental illness such as depression, anxiety, and substance abuse, and comorbid problems such as mood (i.e., depression), anxiety, or substance abuse issues, along with other possible Axis I and II problems (Black, 2001). Turning helping professionals to the literature also allows them opportunities to consider their own research by exploring the available theories and writings. The other benefit is related to what I mentioned earlier in course discussions. Reading the literature is important in helping them start to articulate their own perspectives and attitudes, but it is also related to helping them talk about social class and classism. Just having an opportunity to hear the words come out of their mouths allows them to develop some competency and comfort with saying what they are thinking. I liken it to clinical practice. Often in working with clients, we think of elegant interventions and comments but struggle to say them correctly or efficiently. Time and experience allow a clinician greater facility with these clinical interventions, but time and experience also mean more opportunities to speak their interventions. So the beginning work with developing competencies is the classroom work that provides them facts, theories, and research, but it also provides them opportunities to talk about sometimes difficult topics. The next step is to start contact with clients from varied social class backgrounds. I mean varied to suggest that working with clients around social class and classism does not necessarily mean only working with those who are poor. Instead, helping professionals may also develop competencies in working with the affluent and wealthy. But more important in these first few clinical encounters is the opportunity to self-reflect on one’s own social class worldview, experiences, and background. In that way, almost any client population is appropriate because everyone comes from a social class background that is likely to elicit some internal reaction. In providing practice opportunities, it will be necessary to find a placement where the trainee has consistent access to a particular client population and can be immersed in a particular environment. For example, for some trainees in my doctoral counseling psychology program, one placement is at a local transitional shelter for the homeless. Trainees work with clients in short-term therapy, but trainees also meet with clients for brief periods of time and provide supportive counseling. These brief periods of time may be a few minutes or up to 50 minutes but without any expectation for continued counseling. Additionally, trainees may work with clients in open spaces or common areas where confidentiality is not assured. Trainees in these settings work closely with me in supervision to understand the professional and ethical issues related to working in the transitional shelter and ways to negotiate and transform our therapy modalities to be most effective with the shelter residents. In these settings, trainees are invested in learning about

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the clients and how to provide the best service, but much of their learning is about themselves in that setting. Trainees become sensitive to their own stimulus value, how they present themselves (dress, hair, hygiene), how they speak, and their own expectations about their clients. All of these tools of introspection are important not only in continued work with those who are homeless but also in working with any other client group. In working with clients from varied social class backgrounds, one issue that may arise is the client’s own expressed classism in the therapy dyad. Similar to clients being racist in therapy with the helping professional, clients may also express demeaning and disparaging classist remarks and sentiments in the therapy relationship. Clients may express downward classism and demean those who may be perceived as being in lower social classes (e.g., White trashism), and they may exhibit upward classism and consider those in perceived higher social classes as elitists and snobs. These forms of classism may certainly be explicit and vitriolic, but they may also come across as subtle and implied. In either form, these are aspects of classism that have an impact on therapy and the therapy relationship. And helping professionals need to know how to cope and work with clients who may voice and exhibit classism in the counseling work and session. For instance, using a parallel to racism, Bartoli and Pyati (2009) explored this concern with helping professionals and provided five steps. They suggest helping professionals first conceptualize the client’s racism as an extension of cultural racism and socialization; second, explore the relationship of the racism with the client’s presenting concern; third, explore the racism within the therapeutic relationship (especially if the therapy dyad is racially dissimilar); fourth, make sure to clarify with the client why this exploration is occurring; and fifth, assess for the best time to provide an intervention in the course of treatment. These seem to be excellent guidelines for involving the client in a discussion about classism in therapy and for doing it in such a way that it does not make the client defensive. The helping professional exhibits empathy and regard for the client while probing and understanding the client’s perspective. Working together, the client and helping professional develop ways to see how these forms of classism may impact the therapy relationship as well as the client’s other important relationships.

Privilege and Power No training and educational endeavor on social class can be complete without some discussion about privilege and power. In earlier chapters, I provided a definition of economic privilege and entitlement behavior. From these perspectives, I try to provide students with some basic readings that tend to be canonical

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around privilege and discussions of power such as McIntosh’s article on White privilege, Schlosser’s work on Christian privilege, and gender privilege (Black & Stone, 2005; McIntosh, 1995; Schlosser, 2003). There is also excellent work on privilege identity development by Watt (2007) wherein she maps the evolution of a person’s privileged identity. My interest in privilege and power is to move the discussion away from strict binaries of “have” and “have-not” and provide a framework for more complex discussions. So, with power, I refer to the notion of “networks of power” relationships (Liu & Pope-Davis, 2003b). I discuss how people are constantly negotiating power and privilege, and depending on the context or situation, there are ways of exerting power and privilege while simultaneously defending against or experiencing oppression. For instance, I talk about my experience as an Asian American man and how there are many kinds of privileges and power I have access to as a highly educated man, but being Asian American moderates that power. Being Asian American means negotiating the potential racism because of my race. As for privilege, I support the literature that generally describes privilege as unearned rights and access to resources to which others have no or restricted access. I suggest to students that there may be different theoretical approaches to understanding privilege. Watt’s work on privilege identity and how this is related to interpersonal interactions is an excellent example of the interpersonal and intrapsychic framework of privilege. That is, in this framework, the focus is on the impact and effects of interpersonal relationships and the ways in which privilege is a part of these relationships. I also present to them a structural and instrumentalist approach to understanding privilege. In this framework, I also shift away from the dichotomy of those in privilege and those without privilege. I argue that everyone has access to privilege and can exercise privilege, but the magnitude of that privilege and the potential effects of those actions vary considerably. Therefore, it is the inequality of privilege that is important. That is, those in the highest tiers of society have access to more broad-based privilege that has more distributive effects on others, and those toward the bottom have more truncated privilege with fewer effects on others. My belief is that the negative effects of privilege are downward and never upward. In this framework for privilege, my supposition is that there is an unequal distribution of people along the continuum of privilege such that there are a few people with access to broad distributive privilege while most others are clustered toward the bottom. The reason for this clustering toward the bottom is related to structural and societal discrimination that limits upward access to privilege. This structural and societal discrimination is predicated on a person’s gender (female), race and ethnicity (minority or person of color), and other demographic features and cultural identities (e.g., being gay or differently abled)

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Privilege

Barriers to Access Distribution of People to Privilege

Figure 9.1

The Inverse Relationship Between Affluence and Privilege

Note: The distribution of people to privilege represents the economic inequality in our society and how the structural barriers impede potential upward mobility.

not valued by the upper tiers of society. I present the illustration (Figure 9.1) to represent people in power and privilege as a discussion point. My purpose in presenting and discussing privilege and entitlement is to work with helping professionals to better understand themselves and their implicit and/or subtle biases and expectations for clients. Assuming that a client who is poor and depressed should just find an opportunity to exercise, eat better, and control stress is not a culturally competent intervention. The assumptions about this client’s capacity are privileged and inflected with middle-class values and expectations. Thus, helping professionals need to be aware of how they practice so they may develop more effective tools and skills for working with clients—and understanding the impact of privilege and entitlement in counseling is a necessary skill.

Conclusion The focus of this chapter was to provide some general framework on how to discuss and teach social class in the classroom or in a workshop. Throughout

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the chapter, I have also provided specific ways in which trainees, supervisors, and educators may incorporate social class and classism theory and research into practice. The clinical work with self-awareness experiences and scholarship is important in developing cultural competency around social class. Classroom and other academic exercises are important, but equally if not more important is the need for qualified supervision. Guiding and mentoring students on how to work effectively and meaningfully with clients around social class and classism is the province of the supervisor; the supervisor must challenge and support the client to be self-aware as well as sensitive to the client’s issues and worldview. And any coursework would be incomplete without some focus on power and privilege. These are essential components to self- and other-awareness. Comprehending the relationships of power and access to privilege and resources is imperative if one is to be culturally congruent and competent.

EXERCISE 1 Initial Exploration of Social Class in My Life Form My first memory of social class in my life:

My most powerful experience with classism:

My family always said this of social class and/or classism:

How do I “pass” in my social class group (i.e., What would I be ashamed of others finding out)?

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Social class is most relevant to my life in the following way:

The one thing I do that maintains my sense of social class:

When I do not belong because of my social class, I feel:

When I think of white trash, I think of:

My mother and/or father’s motto about social class and classism would be (e.g., When the going gets tough, the tough get going):

EXERCISE 2 My Most Powerful Experience With Classism My most powerful experience with classism has been:

Please keep this example in mind throughout the workshop as a potential example of the theory and concepts presented.

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EXERCISE 3 Social Class in Counseling When I think of social class, what comes to mind is:

I would be aware that social class is salient in my client’s life if he/she mentioned the following key words:

I would be aware that classism is salient in my client’s life if he/she mentioned the following key words:

I would assess someone’s social class by asking the following:

I would assess someone’s experiences with classism by asking the following:

When I talk about social class and classism, I use these key words:

In order to understand a client’s feelings about social class and/or classism, I would:

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When I think of classism, what comes to mind is:

If my client were of a “higher” social class than me, I would try to develop rapport by:

If my client were of a “lower” social class than me, I would try to develop rapport by:

If my client were of the “same/similar” social class as me, I would try to develop rapport by:

EXERCISE 4 Exploring Classism in My Life One way upward classism operates in my life:

One way lateral classism operates in my life:

One way downward classism operates in my life:

One way internalized classism operates in my life:

10 Social Class, Classism, Advocacy, and Social Justice When I first started working with clients at our transitional shelter, the sight of children at the shelter was shocking. Intellectually, I could comprehend the struggles of adults as they cope and struggle with homelessness. But with the children, especially those of school age, I couldn’t fully fathom all the different challenges they faced. They didn’t have a regular home and probably hadn’t had one for quite some time. There was no place to study, no place to invite friends over, and no place to play freely. They didn’t have any personal space and probably had limited personal property. As I struggled to grasp their lives, I began to interact with a middle-school child. He was the oldest of three boys, and they all had been staying in a small room. My first glimpse of him was when I saw him coloring a child’s coloring book. The sight was startling. Here was a middle-school child coloring because there was nothing else for him to do. After getting to know him, I thought I should buy him some school supplies since it didn’t appear he had any. My thought was that if I equipped him with new and clean school supplies, this child would feel more comfortable in the school environment. After buying a backpack full of materials, I presented the stuffed backpack to him in front of his family. The instant I handed the backpack over, I realized all the problems I had just created. The other boys were not presented with anything because they were not in school, but that didn’t

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matter; all they knew was that they didn’t get anything. As the other boys looked to the ground, I knew I had lost their confidence and trust. I never regained that from them. Then they started to fight, and from the look of the mother, I also knew I just added a burden to her. Without the wherewithal to provide for her other boys, how was she now to negotiate this huge gift to one of her sons, even though they were all in a similar place? I lost her trust as well. Soon after, the family left the shelter and moved to another city because the mother had found work.

A

dvocacy and a commitment to social justice are integral to many helping professionals’ identities. I provide the example above to illustrate how even the best intentions may go awry, especially if we focus too much on alleviating one problem without recognizing the multiple contexts in which clients reside. In this case, the young boy’s contexts were poverty, the shelter, and most importantly, his family unit. Although I attempted to address the first two issues, I failed to recognize the impact of my choices on his family unit, and as a consequence, I lost their trust and my credibility with them. I certainly had the best of intentions, but rather than be aware of my own intrapsychic process and overconcern for the young boy (my countertransference), and instead of consulting with shelter staff, I believed my own choices were best. In retrospect, my professional misjudgments and hubris led me to a poor conclusion. Personally, this is an incredibly important chapter. I know that many students and colleagues have deep emotional, personal, and spiritual connections to making our world better. They are all committed to different areas of social justice and advocacy for clients such as work against racism, sexism, domestic violence, and homophobia/heterosexism, to name a few. And all of their work is infused with social class and classism concerns. Even though many are committed to social class and classism issues in social justice, my colleagues often had difficulty clearly and explicitly identifying social class and classism in their social justice work. This is not to say my colleagues were unaware of its impact but to say that these issues had not been fully framed. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to provide helping professionals with some definitions of social justice, advocacy, and empowerment. Moreover, I will discuss specific ways helping professionals may be involved in these various aspects vis-à-vis direct intervention on specific social class and classism concerns.

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Definitions and Contexts of Social Justice, Advocacy, and Empowerment Work Helping professionals are already involved in many aspects of clients’ lives, and framing our work in terms of advocacy, empowerment, and social justice illuminates the various ways that helping professionals work with clients. Finding multiple ways to work with a client allows helping professionals more flexibility and varied approaches and also an opportunity to integrate context and situation into the work. The pressures, conflicts, and demands some clients may experience because of their social class status need to be recognized and infused throughout the work with clients. Simply suggesting a better diet and more exercise as ways to cope with daily stressors may not account for the client’s poverty-stricken and violence-prone neighborhood where there is no safe place to exercise or buy adequate food. And even a simple change in diet potentially means shifting scarce monetary resources, which may only cause added stress. These suggestions are typical of helping clients manage their depression but are sometimes provided without considerations for the vast impact and restrictions on a person’s life. The only way the helping professional may provide the most effective treatment suggestions is to know what resources are available. That will likely mean touring a neighborhood and investigating available resources to provide to a client. Additionally, identifying nontraditional ways to work with clients challenges the traditional modality in which many helping professionals find themselves. For many helping professionals, work with clients involves activities that are not usually connected to traditional counseling. Traditional counseling is bound by time (50 minutes) and location (helping professional’s office) and works well with some clients. But for those clients who do not fit the traditional profile of a White middle-class person or the young, articulate, verbal, intelligent, and successful (YAVIS), these services have limitations and restrictions. Essentially, for clients who cannot attend counseling services during working hours, who have transportation troubles, have childcare responsibilities, or who may not be able to commit to a regular time every week, traditional counseling and its approaches have limitations. These issues with regard to the limitations of traditional counseling, cultural competency, and social justice have been well documented and discussed elsewhere (Ali, Liu, Mahmood, & Arguello, 2008; Hopps & Liu, 2006; Liu & Hernandez, 2010; Liu & Toporek, 2004; Lott, 2002; Smith, 2005, 2006; Smith, Foley, & Chaney, 2008; Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992; Sue & Sue, 2007; Toporek & Liu, 2001), so I am not reiterating all of these issues in this chapter.

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With these issues in mind, I will describe a social justice intervention in which I was involved that challenged me to reconsider my traditional helping professional training (science and practice). And in this example, there was a successful and positive outcome. When I lived in Maryland, I was approached by the District of Columbia’s (DC) office in charge of Asian American affairs. The public schools were seeing an influx of Asian migrants into the public schools and there were growing tensions between the African, Latino, and Asian American schoolchildren. Furthermore, there were problems and conflicts between the Asian American children and the teachers and between the teachers and the Asian American parents. What the DC liaison wanted was a sense of the problem and some of the issues related to it. My first thought was to send out a survey, of course written in English. After discovering that many of these families were firstgeneration Chinese immigrants whose first language was not English, I had to rethink the way I could collect these data. This new community was also poor and largely worked in the restaurant business as cooks, dishwashers, and waiters. The neighborhoods they lived in were in the less-safe sectors of DC, and there was also overcrowding in the apartments. In order to gather that needed information, I initiated a series of large-group discussions that happened after school and later in the evening. I negotiated with the liaison to provide food, beverages, and some small monies to accommodate the parents’ time. I visited some community centers and churches to become more visible and I ingratiated myself to the community elders and leaders and asked them to encourage participation. The outcome of these meetings was positive and the attendance was successful. The data suggested that the children in schools lacked trust in the teachers because the teachers did not effectively intervene when the Chinese children were bullied. The children had a tendency to acquiesce and defer to the teachers, so their teachers perceived them as passive and happy. Many spoke of going to the bathrooms in groups and eating lunch with their backs against the wall so they would not be attacked from behind. The children and parents also spoke of frequent harassment as well as assaults on the street. The children became so anxious about these assaults and worried about their parents that they would not sleep until the parents arrived home from work, which was often in the early morning (e.g., 2 a.m.). Consequently, the children came to school lethargic, sleepy, and inattentive. The result of some of the data I collected was the inclusion of a diversity/ multicultural training module for teachers that addressed the specific cultural similarities and differences across African, Asian, and Latino children and families. The other significant gain was the implementation of small police posts in areas where there were high concentrations of Chinese.

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A few years after these posts were established, they were staffed by Chinesespeaking officers. (Initially there were not enough of these language-proficient officers, and retasking them to these field offices was not feasible.) In all, the data I was able to collect became useful in changing some aspects of the environment. But just as important for me was the experience of having to transform my traditional scientific methods to be more accommodating and sensitive to the cultural needs of the community. I also learned that I could work simultaneously on different levels of change, advocacy, and empowerment.

Definitions Social justice, advocacy, and empowerment all serve a similar outcome—to ultimately help make society more just and equal (Liu & Ali, 2008). And although these terms may be used interchangeably, my colleagues and I have worked toward some definitions of social justice, advocacy, and empowerment. While these definitions come from counseling and psychology, I believe these are applicable across multiple helping professions. To begin, we need to understand the concept of social justice. Social justice is not only about distributing advantages but also social disadvantages (Fouad, Gerstein, & Toporek, 2006); everyone should be sharing in the accomplishments but also in the costs and burdens. It is not socially just when only the rich in society benefit from economic gains, but when it comes time to rescue these financial titans, the rest of America are the ones who forfeit their money. While this notion of social justice is about critiquing the macro-level inequalities in society, at the individual level, social justice may be defined as: A concept that advocates engaging individuals as coparticipants in decisions which directly affect their lives; it involves taking some action, and educating individuals in order to open possibilities, and to act with value and respect for individuals and their group identities, considering power differentials in all areas of counseling practice and research. (Blustein, Elman, & Gerstein, 2001, p. 9)

Thus, social justice is not done “to” or “for” someone else but is an action that is accomplished “with” the other person or community members as equal partners. It also means that the goals of the intervention or action are developed collaboratively and people’s talents, strengths, and privileges are recognized and used appropriately. This notion of social justice may be conceptualized as an umbrella term that may encapsulate

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advocacy and empowerment work. But overall, the essence of social justice work is to help clients recognize inequalities in their lives and to find ways to help them overcome these barriers and limitations. The hope is that the client learns about him- or herself and others and is able to generalize these activities to larger social injustices as well. These are small slivers of a person’s life in which the client works against injustices (e.g., against sexism, homophobia, classism). Over time, the client may learn to find the interconnections between these injustices and continue doing social justice work. Advocacy may be defined as Action a mental health professional, counselor, or psychologist takes in assisting clients and client groups to achieve therapy goals through participating in the clients’ environments. Advocacy may be seen as an array of roles that counseling professionals adopt in the interest of clients, including empowerment, advocacy, and social justice. (Toporek & Liu, 2001, p. 387)

Advocacy may be on behalf of a client, but it must be done such that the client knows and understands what advocacy is occurring and why. Finally, there is empowerment. Empowerment may be conceptualized as working with a client to help the client develop or increase his or her ability to act in positive ways, even in the face of oppression (Toporek & Liu, 2001). The key difference between empowerment, advocacy, and social justice is that social justice is largely focused on working on the external aspects or the environmental and situational facets within which clients live (Toporek & Williams, 2006), and empowerment is helping the client develop the confidence, competency, and efficacy to take action on his or her own behalf. One aspect consistent in all the definitions and a primary focus of social justice, advocacy, and empowerment is action on the context, situation, and environment. Focusing on social systems reflects Bronfenbrenner’s focus and approach. Bronfenbrenner (1979, 1986, 1989) implored psychologists to consider the multilayered systems that affect the individual. Imagine these systems are concentric rings, and at the center is the individual. While the individual at the center is affected by what occurs around him or her, Bronfenbrenner also suggests that the individual affects those around him or her. That is, there is bidirectionality, so the individual is not just a pawn or passive actor but instead may also take actions that create ripples of change outward. Toward the center of the ring and most proximal to the individual is the microsystem that consists of mainly family and peers. Family and close peers are those with whom one has the most contact and who are in the immediate environment. The next layer to the microsystem is the mesosystem. The mesosystem represents the interaction and relationships

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the individual has with other people and systems such as schools and churches. The exosystem might be the place where workplaces are located and is considered the place where larger social systems exist. Finally, the macrosystem is a more nebulous arena wherein society’s laws, norms, customs, and values are represented. The reason for presenting this theory of systems is to suggest that social change is difficult but not impossible and that there are different levels within any society that reinforce the status quo. Therefore, working for social change and equality necessarily means finding ways of making individual work (empowerment, for instance) have effects outside the microsystem. Given all the possible ways in which people may be involved in social justice, it would be outside the scope of this chapter to enumerate them all. Instead, I will focus on one example within social justice, advocacy, and empowerment. Hence, given these definitions, the focus of this chapter will be to discuss ways in which helping professionals may be active in social justice, advocate for and with clients, and empower clients to make positive changes in their lives.

Social Justice and Social Class and Classism With the focus of social justice on the external contexts of the clients, most helping professionals should be able to identify many ways in which economic inequality and social injustice are active. For example, the most pernicious problem, as I am writing this book, is the current economic crisis for 90 to 99% of the American population, or those people not in the top 1% or 10% of the economic hierarchy. It should cause everyone consternation that many people are losing their jobs and homes during this economic downturn, but a select group, the richest 1% of Americans, still will see their net worth continue to grow (Drucker, 2008). For many of the individuals experiencing unemployment, underemployment (part-time work or work far below the person’s competencies), bankruptcies, and homelessness, these are tantamount to experiences of economic traumas (Luo & Thee-Brenan, 2009), and for many, this is a repeated experience or a series of economic traumas. It is important for helping professionals to understand that inequality did not occur with the 2008–2009 recession; there has been growing inequality for a very long time. The recession only exploited the inequality and made the disparities more glaring. And for the individual, the loss of work, home, or family is the culmination of a series of losses and economic traumas that may have lasted for months and even years. Further elaborating on these long-term economic problems, Ferguson (2008) shows that in 2007 when American incomes increased by 5 percent,

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the cost of living also increased by 4.1 percent and so American income really only increased by .9 percent. Once inflation is calculated into the income increases, Ferguson suggests that “median household income in the United States has in fact scarcely changed since 1990, increasing by just 7 percent in eighteen years” (p. 1). Between 2004 and 2007, the Federal Reserve (2009) reports that household incomes had not changed much and in fact, with the increased debt loads among consumers, consumers were likely to feel fewer real gains. One way to illustrate this growing inequality is via the Gini Coefficient. This most common and popular measure of inequality is used by the United States Census (Offer, 2006), and helping professionals may see it referred to. The Gini Coefficient is defined as “the average, relative to mean income, over all pairs of people in society of the absolute value of their difference in income” (p. 271) and measures deviation from a perfectly equal distribution of income within the U.S. population. A zero (0) coefficient implies a perfect distribution and a coefficient of one (1) means that only “one person has everything, and everyone else has nothing. A higher figure indicates more inequality” (p. 271). Historically, the U.S. has shown a “Great U-Turn” from a low coefficient after World War II to a steadily increasing coefficient—between 1968 to 1992 it rose to .43 (p. 271). But in August 28, 2008, the United States Census Bureau reported that inequality according to the Gini Coefficient had declined from .470 to .463. This represents a very small reduction but overall, there is still great inequality in the United States. This growing inequality is critical in understanding other disparities and problems in society. As I have presented and posited in previous chapters, it is the amount of inequality in society that is important and not necessarily objective thresholds such as poverty that demarcate those living under certain deplorable situations. Living in poverty is terrible and deleterious. But helping professionals need to conceptualize the gap between the rich and everyone else, not just the threshold for being poor. In understanding inequality, Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) ecological approach provides us with a lens through which inequality may be deciphered. Along with the social policies that disadvantage the poor and impoverished and the relative lack of material and food resources that diminishes good health, there is also the lack of monetary resources in the form of adequate credit and livable loans. This lack of banking resources is especially problematic for the future prospects of people who are poor. For example, research does suggest that parents who are able to borrow and invest optimally in their children’s academics (investing in the child’s human capital) are more likely to see positive upward changes in social mobility than parents who experience borrowing constraints (Gaviria, 2002). Thus, poverty may be linked

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to “the lack of financial institutions, with the absence of banks, not their presence” (Ferguson, 2008, p. 13). Certainly it may be easy to demonize the banks and banking industries for the rapacious approach to hoarding wealth at the expense and marginalization of the poor, but banks also serve a necessary and important function: the provision of credit and money at reasonable and livable interest rates. Unfortunately, in many poor neighborhoods and cities, large and small banks are not to be found (Ferguson, 2008; Patel, Araya, de Lima, Ludermir, & Todd, 1999). Instead, what usually serve as the major loan providers in these communities are businesses like payday loans. Payday loan organizations are not banks or banking institutions. Instead, they are businesses that grant people loans based on their reported earnings from a paycheck. Payday loans make money by taking a percentage of the person’s paycheck as a fee as well as charging the individual interest on the monies paid. Payday loans have been established since the 1990s, have more than 22,000 locations, and generate around $27 billion in annual loan volume (Parrish & King, 2009). The major problem with payday loans is that consumers, often the poor or working class, are often “locked into a cycle of debt” (p. 2). Consumers may be short on money in one month and so they take out a payday loan. The interest rates are exorbitantly high—as high as a 400% annual percentage rate (p. 2)—and with a balloon payment, the consumers find themselves without enough money for the next pay period. Many of these same consumers must take another payday loan to bridge their monetary shortfall and as a result are trapped in a cycle (Parrish & King, 2009). Therefore, it has been suggested that lawmakers need to cap the APR at 36%. Because upward of 80% of those who use payday loans are likely to “take out more than one payday loan a year . . . with 87 percent of all new loans to these borrowers occurring during the very next pay period” (p. 2), many are locked into a long-term problem. In their report, Parrish and King (2009) show that three fourths of all the loans are accounted for by these same borrowers using payday loans every two weeks. At a systems level, for instance at the exosystems level, what is the responsibility and focus of helping professionals? Helping professionals in mental health are not bankers, so opening a bank or lending institution is likely not a viable option. Yet there are multiple ways in which helping professionals may work for social justice at a systems level that may impact the financial lives of many people, not just clients. 1. Helping professionals may become involved in municipal and civic governance. Being active, vocal, and visible as an advocate for better banking procedures is one important way to be social justice active. For some helping professionals, being appointed to or running for a local office may

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provide opportunities to evaluate, rescind, or employ new rules and regulations that limit the proliferation of payday loan offices, for instance. 2. Encourage banking institutions to consider microloans, which typically are small loans. Rather than large loans and grants, banks may help individuals and small businesses or community resources in developing innovative programs and services. Helping professionals may take on the role of collecting data such as by conducting a needs survey and linking that data with research that demonstrates positive outcomes for communities and individuals. Helping professionals trained in the social sciences have a unique role in bridging different sources of empirical data. Additionally, many helping professionals are well integrated into the community and can work across professions and disciplines to create incentives and leverage on lending institutions. 3. Helping professionals may look for ways to have lending institutions involved in more community activities, especially those that are focused on economic development. Lending institutions and their agents, with the help and mentoring of helping professionals, may work in concert to develop workshops and other community outreach activities that will increase economic development. It is my belief and my experience that bankers and their agents may approach these workshops with positive and good intentions, but because their focus is not usually human services, the ways in which they present, discuss, and frame economic issues may need some shaping. Helping professionals are in a unique position to work collaboratively with banking agents and other resource agents to better shape and develop their message. The outcome is usually a better workshop and outreach activity and a stronger relationship between the bank and the community. Social justice action around social class and classism and economic injustice demands that the helping professional understand some of the causes of that inequality. Certainly joblessness, homelessness, and other forms of exploitation are concrete examples of economic injustice. But, as I have argued here, there are equally pernicious forms of inequality that result from innocuous businesses. In this case, a client’s access to and use of payday loans should be monitored since frequent use may signal financial distress. Asking clients to stop or reduce frequency of using payday loans is one action by helping professionals, but the larger structural problem needs to be addressed. In that issue, helping professionals will need to engage in social systems that may have a direct impact on these businesses and the surrounding community. Helping professionals will also need to invest in understanding the economic problems relevant for their community and investigate ways social justice action may take place.

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Advocacy In advocacy, the helping professional is interested in looking at ways a client may achieve therapy goals vis-à-vis participating in his or her environment. Certainly, one of the most prominent and common ways a helping professional may be an advocate for his or her client is when the client is poor or homeless (Ali et al., 2008). People who are homeless are a vulnerable population, visible, and worthy of attention. In this situation, advocacy would likely focus on working on behalf of and with the client to better navigate administrative and health care systems, working collaboratively with the client to access services and develop resources (Hopps & Liu, 2006), and even sometimes speaking for the client. For instance, in my counseling work at our local temporary shelter, one way I worked as an advocate for clients was to call hospitals on their behalf and to use my professional rank, degree, and knowledge to navigate the systems. Therapeutically, I believe this helped me to develop trustworthiness and credibility with my clients (Sue & Zane, 1987), but also this activity served as a way to role model an interaction. Given the research that suggests that lower-social-class individuals sometimes perceive ambiguous interactions negatively or anticipate negative interactions (Gallo & Matthews, 2003), I believe it is important to work with clients to help them develop better ways to interact with agents of any particular system (health care, department of motor vehicles, veterans’ administration). Knowing what to ask, how to ask, and how to assert oneself in these situations are difficult and subtle behaviors that are difficult no matter one’s social class. Understanding their own stimulus value (how they are perceived and how to monitor their self-presentation) is incredibly important. I often frame these exercises as a way to “maximize our ability to match the situation.” In this way, advocacy falls within the traditional terrain for helping professionals and is likely easily accomplished. While many may want to be engaged in advocacy for vulnerable clients, I also understand the professional and personal time and resource limitations. But I also believe there are equally important ways we may advocate for clients that are not always focused on the most vulnerable in our community. One way we may also advocate for our clients is to help them better understand and moderate their materialistic tendencies. As I have already presented, materialism and materialistic attitudes and behaviors tend to be largely associated with poor emotional coping skills, anxiety, depression, and an array of other psychological maladaptations such as compulsive disorders (Black, 2001; Black, Monahan, Schlosser, & Repertinger, 2001). Clients may often present with overt psychological symptoms of depression, anxiety, or compulsions, and the helping professional needs to understand

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how situations and the environment may perpetuate and exacerbate the presenting problem. Helping professionals need to take note of the items with which clients choose to present themselves. For instance, when I work with a client, I quickly assess the client’s presentation. I will often wonder, is this item(s) appropriate within the context and situation of the client? That is, if a college student comes into session with a Louis Vuitton bag, I watch for the ways in which the client “uses” it in session. Is it just tossed on the floor, set aside, or held in the lap? All of these behaviors lead me to think about how the individual may be using materialism in his or her life. I also wonder if the client can afford the bag and if a parent or the client purchased it. Regardless of being rich or poor, I think carrying and displaying an expensive bag, within the context of some college campus cultures, does reflect some subscription to materialism. In a traditional helping professional role, then, these issues of materialism may be used in counseling. But with respect to advocacy, the ways a helping professional may be involved may vary. In the case of materialism and its potentially negative impact on clients’ lives, the helping professional should be aware of the opportunities and venues the client may use to gratify needs and deter or undermine therapy goals. Advocacy in this situation may take the form of: 1. Being aware of shopping malls, plazas, and other retail store concentrations. Walking these malls and plazas is a way to better understand the social environment within which clients may find themselves. What are the stimuli that may trigger a buying compulsion, for instance? Becoming familiar with these contexts also provides an opportunity for the helping professional to even develop relationships with store owners. This may be important in the event the helping professional works with a client outside the therapy office. 2. Being sensitive to and aware of commercials, advertisements, and various media sources and how these stimuli may trigger emotions and maladaptive coping styles for the client. The helping professional needs to be aware of popular culture and how the client responds to these demands and expectations. In essence, helping professionals should feel permitted to watch and survey the popular media, movies, television shows, and the Internet. Also being aware of how consumerism is driven on the Internet will be important. Clients are bombarded with media everywhere, and embedded in the media are commercials. 3. Working with the client to limit his or her access to money and other credit that may facilitate materialism. This may mean working with the client and credit card companies and other banking institutions to develop limits and measures to stop spending at a certain amount.

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As I have pointed out earlier, and as the research has demonstrated, materialism is a behavior and attitude that often signals some deeper psychological and relational distress. This distress may be situational and acute or part of a long pattern of dysfunctional behavior to cope with noxious feelings. Helping professionals need to look for ways to advocate for clients that have direct impact on injustice and exploitation, but they also need to explore the behaviors and attitudes that may exacerbate and at times obfuscate other deep-seated problems. In this case, materialism is the tip of the iceberg, and advocacy means that the helping professional becomes aware of contextual and environmental triggers. Helping professionals need to come out of their offices and explore their economic environments with an eye toward how the passive environment takes a toll on the client. Being aware of and informed about these environmental factors will likely make the helping professional more effective.

Empowerment When helping professionals speak of empowerment, there is some recognition that the client develops a sense of efficacy or agency within his or her life and environment. This may be real or perceived, but often this sense of efficacy and agency is born from some success, however small. These small competencies that are graduated to larger skills may be cognitions, attitudes, behaviors, and language. I mean language to mean that clients may be helped to be comfortable in articulating and talking about themselves in different situations, but also being comfortable in navigating various settings and agencies. What often seems simple to us as helping professionals is most likely an entirely new language set for clients. These small successes are foundational and the helping professional works with clients to expand and generalize these feelings and beliefs of efficacy and agency. Empowerment is usually reserved to describe relationships where someone who is relatively poor, marginalized, or alienated is helped to become more agentic within his or her environment or situation. Educating and showing parents how to save and manage their money, and showing how these behaviors may improve educational chances for their children, can be a form of empowerment (Kaushal & Nepomnyaschy, 2009). Additionally, research on people who are in lower social classes generally suggests that they see themselves in lower positions relative to others and they even perceive themselves as having fewer resources. These individuals are likely to report having a “reduced sense of personal control and that this association would explain why lower class individuals favor contextual over dispositional

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explanations for social events” (Kraus, Piff, & Keltner, 2009, p. 992). In their research, Kraus et al. (2009) found support for their hypotheses that lower social class individuals have a lowered sense of control. Interestingly, when these same individuals were put into a situation that elevated their sense of control, their tendency to use contextual explanations decreased and they were similar to those individuals in higher social classes. Therefore, sense of control was a mediating variable between lower social class and context-based explanations. Extending these findings means that people in lower social classes may be helped to feel less helpless in some situations. That is, context-based explanations (only talking about the situation or environment) may lead to feeling discouraged about social mobility. But increasing personal self-control and decreasing context-based explanations may increase a sense of social mobility. In effect, increasing self-control may be related to feeling more empowered (Kraus et al., 2009). One explicit way people may develop empowerment and feel more in control of their situation is through financial literacy (Ferguson, 2008). Financial documents, similar to health care forms and documents, often are daunting and difficult to understand and decipher even for highly educated individuals (Weiss, Reed, & Kligman, 1995). Not understanding well and endorsing forms with little comprehension of what is on the forms often results in health care and financial disasters. For instance, in a series of research surveys, the National Foundation for Credit Counseling (NFCC, 2007, 2009) found that consumers regularly did not understand how to calculate interest rates, have savings, understand the terms of use for their credit cards, understand the need for credit histories and ratings, and would likely give themselves a C, D, or F for understanding their own finances. Helping professionals working collaboratively with bankers and other institutional agents may develop more effective ways of educating people on financial forms and documents. Moreover, helping professionals should work with clients to better understand the financial documents as well. This may mean that the helping professional develops strong relationships with accountants, lawyers, and other professionals with expertise in financial language. Another form of empowerment is to work with people who are relatively privileged and wealthy. Social change and social justice is working with those who are the least powerful, but it also means collaborating with those who are the most powerful as well. As my colleagues and I have argued previously (Liu, Pickett, & Ivey, 2007), working with those who have privileges, wealth, and affluence to feel more empowered toward social justice is an important activity and goal. These individuals already have privilege and are empowered within a social system from which they benefit. Helping these clients understand that their privilege is often predicated

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on extending and maintaining a status quo that exploits people is one way to work toward empowerment. Helping professional can also reshape this discourse. Rather than focusing on individuals who are unjust, helping professionals may identify ways in which individuals from wealth and affluence can work to make an impact on this inequality. Thus, empowerment of those with privilege may encompass: 1. Helping individuals understand and work through the development of their Social Class and Classism Consciousness. Using this model, the helping professional may work with these individuals to guide and shape their evolving consciousness about inequality, injustice, and their role and responsibility. For the helping professional, empowerment is helping the individual process feelings of shame and guilt and even anger and frustration. But it is equally important that the helping professional refrain from targeting these individuals as “bad” or the cause of problems. Binary approaches to power and privilege such that some have all of it while others have none are not healthy or effective approaches to disentangling the interconnections of power. Helping professionals need to work with these individuals to find actionable ways to feel empowered within their social systems. 2. Helping professionals may find venues and opportunities where privileged individuals may see direct impacts of their positive actions. It is not just about charity work or handing out food at a local pantry. Instead, the helping professional counsels the individual and engages in discourse about the experience that is exploratory and positively developmental. Many people may participate in these outreach activities, but the difference in this empowerment situation is the role of the helping professional in guiding the individual’s experience and helping him or her explore and understand privilege, power, wealth, affluence, and poverty, exploitation, and inequality. 3. The helping professional engages the individual in discourse that explores other facets of privilege and power (race, gender, age) and how all of these form interconnections that perpetuate certain forms of exploitation and marginalization. These interconnections also provide other ways in which the individual may become aware of power and privilege and other opportunities and avenues within which the person may act in socially just ways. Being a wealthy, White man of a certain age confers power and affords privilege. Helping this individual to be aware of these interconnecting and different roles and responsibilities may allow the person to feel empowered in multiple situations and contexts. Thus, it is not just working in a soup kitchen that helps this person feel empowered; in the business context and other formal interactions, this person may act in socially just ways that may cascade across other sectors in his life.

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Shaping and appropriately using people’s privilege can be beneficial in dismantling economic inequality and injustice. I do understand that the paradox of people with privilege using that privilege in affluent contexts sometimes may only perpetuate the inequality. But I believe the benefits of working with people in privilege are more important. I also feel that as people engage these systems with an empowered and social class-conscious mindset, these systems can slowly change. Empowering the privileged person to use his or her agency does change the affluent person’s context and environment. People who are invested in and see a role for themselves in dismantling economic injustice may be more likely to continue their actions. A helping professional that can identify ways in which people in power and privilege can use their affordances in a positive social-justice way may help clients reframe and understand differently privilege and power.

Conclusion The focus of this chapter was to define social justice, advocacy, and empowerment for helping professionals. Although these terms are often used interchangeably and have some construct similarities, it still is useful to conceptualize these as multitiered approaches to making positive changes and making society more economically just. In this chapter, I have attempted to address ways in which helping professionals can be social justice active but in ways that are not typically identified. For instance, in this chapter, I encouraged helping professionals to be engaged in civic governance to challenge the preponderance of payday loans and their exploitative lending. Additionally, I suggested helping professionals be aware of their economic environments and the ways in which clients may be tempted to overextend their finances to feed their materialistic desires. Materialism, as I have argued, in and of itself is not necessarily bad, but when materialism is a part of dysfunctional coping and avoidance of feelings, then materialism tends to be a problem for the individual. Finally, I reinterpret privilege to be a factor that could be used for social action. Combining privilege with social awareness and class consciousness can be a powerful combination that can make an impact on social systems. In all, the purpose of this chapter was to provide helping professionals with ways to understand how social classconscious social justice action may take place.

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Index Abagnale, Frank, Jr., 49-50 Abuse, child, 142 Achenreiner, G. B., 144 Adiposity, social class and, 31 Adler, N. E., 27, 32 Adolescents: advertising and, 144 affluence, mental health and, 174 awareness of class differences, 15 divorce, materialism and, 166 female, careers, classism and, 112-113 female, race, upward mobility and, 188 health of, economic inequality and, 27 materialism and, 172 poverty and, 187-188 proxy parenting and, 175 self-medication and, 175 SES impact on development of, 148-150 socializing, 11 trauma, social class/classism and, 145-148 Adults: bullying and, 147 materialism, 172 SES impact on development of, 148-152 SES indices, 64 social class, support systems and, 151-152 Advertisements: child development and, 144 classism and, 86 “financial freedom,” 192

Advocacy: defined, 240 in helping professions, 245-247 Aesthetics, cultural capital and, 82, 219 Affluence: challenge of affluence, 158-159 mental health and, 173-176 struggle of wealthy, 183-184 value of work and, 182-183 African Americans: cultural capital of, 189 middle class and, 13-14 poverty and, 187-188 See also Race Age: careers, social class and, 150-151 classism and, 64 income perception and, 56-57 Ahuvia, A. C., 79 Air pollution, 33 Aknin, L.B., 163-164 Alcohol: abuse of, mental health and, 40 access in low-income neighborhoods to, 38 Alper, C.M., 32 American Psychological Association Journal (1999), 76 American Psychological Association, Stress in America report, 26 Angold, A., 41 Anorexia, 170 Arkin, R.M., 170-171 Asian Americans, social justice intervention program for, 238-239 Aspirational goods, 169 285

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Assessment. See Measurement Attree, P., 144-145 Babones, S.J., 27 Bandwagon effect, 164-165 Banking resources, poor people and, 242-243 Barling, J., 31 Bartels, J.M., 161 Bartoli, E., 228 Baumeister, R. F., 161, 162 Beauty, as human capital form, 82 Behaviors: distressed children, 33 domains of, 224-225 racists, 64 social-class based, 83-84 unhealthy, 36, 42 Bias: awareness of, in helping professions, 210 psychological, 62 training and education about, 213-215 understanding, 109-111 upward mobility and, 58 Binswanger, M., 184 Bio-psycho-social perspective, 137 Bio-social model, 43, 108 Birth outcomes, upward mobility and, 186-187 Birth weight, 187 “Blackness,” cultural capital of, 189 Bluestein, D.L., 58, 112 BMI (body mass index): adolescent, 27 girls, social class and, 31-32 obesity and, 35, 36, 38 poor neighborhoods and, 29 “Bobos,” 65-66 Body fat, psychological stress and, 37-38 Body-image distortion, 170 Bohemian bourgeoisie, 65 Bougie, 146 Brand names, status relationships with, 144 Breasts: development of, in boys, 138 enhancement, 169

Bronfenbrenner, U., 240, 242 Bullying: as classism form, 145 Chinese school children and, 238 Buying mania, 167 internalized classism and, 201 Capital, types of, 219 Capital acquisition, 223 Career counseling, 111-113, 150 Carter, P. J., 188-189 Catch Me If You Can (movie), 49-50 Categorizing: individuals, 50-51 methods of, 53-54 social class, 52-53 Cell phone, impact of use on development, 143 Challenge of Affluence, The (Offer), 158 Chang, L., 170-171, 189 CHD. See Coronary heart disease Chen, E., 27 Childcare, quality of, 139-140 Children: abuse of, development and, 142 awareness of class differences, 15 divorce, materialism and, 166 environmental toxins’ effect on, 33 exposure to toxins, 138 feedback studies and, 161 health shocks and, 138 impact of media/technology on, 142-145 impact of poverty on development of, 138-139 intellectual development of, 139-140 materialism and, 171-173 parent relationships, development and, 141-142 perfectionism and, 174 poor diets, SES and, 34-39 proxy parents and, 175 quality of childcare and, 139-140 race, passing and, 189 sleep habits, development and, 140-141 social class, related effects and, 6-7 social class increase and, 137-139 social development of, childcare and, 139-140

Index socializing, 11 stereotyping poor, by helping professionals, 214 toxins, exposure/effect on, 32-34 trauma, social class/classism and, 145-148 Christie, A. M., 31 Ciarocco, N. J., 161 Claire, T., 201 Class: defined, 18-19 See also Social class Classification, issues with objective, 65-66 Classism: as social-based economic term, 18-20 bullying and, 145-148 consciousness and, 87-94 context, societal systems and, 26-27 counseling and psychotherapy and, 102-108 downward, 199-200 economic context and, 86-87 entitlement and, 198 external, SCWM model and (exercise), 222 impact on racial/ethnic groups, 190 inequality, poverty and, 178-205 internalized, 200-201 multicultural competencies and, 20-22 poverty and prejudice, 199-202 psychological development and, 135-154 social justice and, 241-250 training and education, 208-213, 216-225 trauma and, 145-148 upward, 200 See also Social class Class practice, cultural capital and, 83 Classroom discussions, for helping profession trainees, 217 Cleveland, M., 189 Clothing: classism and, 179 materialism and, 173

287

Cohen, D. A., 32 Color blind, race and racism, 199 Comments, patronizing, 215 Committee on Health Literacy (CHL), 42 Commodification, materialism and, 169-170 Communication, differences in, SES and, 141-142 Competencies, social class/classism, developing, 216-225 Compulsive buying, 167-168, 170-171, 226-227 Computers, impact on development, 143 Consciousness, social class and classism, 87-94 “Conspicuous Nonconsumption” cartoon, 165-166 Consumerism: commodification and, 169-170 impact on child development, 144 implications for practice, 176-177 internalized classism and, 201 levels of, 170-173 materialism and, 165-168 Consumption: conspicuous nonconsumption, 165-166 poverty threshold and, 181 See also Buying mania; Compulsive buying Control: health, social class and, 30-32 heath habits and self-, 36 low sense of, social class and, 248 workers’ self-, 31 Coronary heart disease (Whitehall study), 30-31 Corporal punishment, SES and, 142 Costello, E.J., 41 Cost-per-serving, malnutrition and, 37 Counseling: bias, understanding, 109-111 career, 111-113 implications for practice, 121-122 informing clients through, 101-108 social class and classism, to inform clients, 102-108

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social class-based interventions in, 113-121 stigma of, 103 validated and supported treatments, 108-109 Counselor Favorability Questionnaire (CFQ), 116-117 Counselor Rating Form (CRF), 117 means and standards for (table), 120 Countertransference, unconscious reactions, 23-24 Cox, C., 105 Credit cards, college students and, 156, 160-162 Crisis counseling, 102 Croizet, J. C., 201 Cues, verbal and nonverbal, 106 Cultural capital: “Blackness” as, 189 economic context and, 82-83 Cultural diversity: adults and, 152 helping professions and, 109 Cultural values, inequality and, 188-189 Culture: education and, 60 multicultural competencies and, 21 obesity and, 35 poor White, 203 Data: collection and analysis of, SES and, 47-48, 238-239 education, 59-60 income, 54-57 occupation, 57-59 D’Avanzo, K., 175 Debt-to-income ratio, for middle class, 26 Demographic diversity, adults and, 152 Demographic questions, in research, 115 Department of Agriculture Household Food Consumption Survey, 180-181 Depression, in adults, SES and, 40 Deviance, conference of on poor, 210 DeWall, C.N., 161 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 167 DiCaprio, Leonardo, 49-50

Diet. See Food Discrimination: as downward classism, 199-200 structural and societal, 229-230 Disequilibrium, class consciousness and, 95 Dismissing comments, 215 Dittmar, H., 167, 171 Diversity, inequality and, 186-190 Divorce, children, materialism and, 166 Douglas, Michael, 157 Down-shifting, 26 Downward classism, 86, 199, 222 (exercise), 225, 228 Doyle, K. O., 32 Dreams, materialism and, 168 Drentea, P., 14 Duncan’s Socioeconomic Index (SEI), 50 Dunn, E. W., 163-164 Economic crisis, 241-242 Economic cultures, 79-81 classism and, 86-87 cultural capital, 82-83 human capital, 81-82 SCWM model I (exercise), 220 social capital, 82 teaching about, 219 worldview, 83-85 Economic decline, in United States, 25-26 Economic privilege, intentional use of, 196-197 Economic resources, 10. See also Resources Economic stress, family generalization of, 187-188 Economic system, disparity in, 181 Economic terms, social-based, 17-20 Education: as client empowerment, 247-248 as form of human capital, 81 as indicator of SES, 59-60 barriers and limitations of, SES impact and, 148-152 career counseling and, 111-113 health habits and, 36

Index measurement of, 51 Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM) as tool for, 218-225 training experiences and supervision, 226-228 Empathy, 203-204 Empirically validated and supported treatments, 108-109 Empowerment: defined, 240 in helping professions, 247-250 Entitlement: defined, 196 privilege and, 195-198 selfish behaviors and, 163 Environment: making sense of, 76 materialism and, 172 social class and, 5-6 Environmental inequality, 28 Environmental toxicity, in neighborhoods, 32-34 Equilibrium, class consciousness and, 95 Ethnic minorities: first-generation college students and, 149 healthy foods, access to and, 37-39 obesity and, 35 socializing children of, 11 trauma and, 146 unemployment stresses and, 187 See also Race Exosystem, of social justice, 241 Exploring Classism in My Life, 234 Extra-personal resources, 191 Facebook, 179 Family, historical experiences, health and, 42-43 Farmer’s tan, 170 Feedback, studies, children and, 161, 174 Ferguson, N., 241-242 “Financial freedom,” 192 Financial literacy, as empowerment, 248 Fletcher, J., 61

289

Food: access to quality, in low-income areas, 38-39 diet and nutrition, 237 malnutrition and, 37 SES, health and, 34-39 Food insecurity, 37 Food stamps, 34-35 Fromm, Eric, 165 Gallo, L. C., 105, 108, 190 Gao, D. G., 171 Gender: career trajectory and, 59 role conflict, 212 young women, careers, classism and, 112 General mental ability (GMA), 60 Generosity, social support and, 164 Gini Coefficient, 242 Glass ceiling, 10, 59 Greed, mental health and, 156-157 Happiness, affluence and, 159 Health: consumption and, 158-159 IQ and poor habits, 36 malnutrition, obesity, social class and, 34-39 services, access to, 29-30 SES increase and, benefits to children of, 137-139 sleep habits, development and, 140-141 societal-level inequality and, 27-28 See also Mental health; Physical health Health gradient, social class, 29-30 Health literacy, 42 Hedonic treadmill hypothesis, 87-88, 184 Heflin, C. M., 13 Helping professions: advocacy, 245-247 bias, understanding, 109-111 burnout/fatigue, 203-204 client distrust of, 105 competencies, social class/classism and, 216-225

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counseling and psychotherapy to inform, 101-108 counseling stigma, 103 economic crisis/recession and, 241-242 empowerment of clients and, 249-250 health, implications for practice, 43-44 lending institutions for poor, 243-244 materialism, assessing client, 245-247 measurement and research, of social class, 46-68 multicultural competencies and, 20-22 privilege and power, 228-231 research, social class and, 7-9 research, trainee reluctance to read, 226 social class importance in, 5-7 sociology’s impact on, 16-17 training and education, social class and, 208-234 training exercises, 231-234 training experiences and supervision, 226-228 understanding, social class and classism, 9-15 validated and supported treatments, 108-109 Heppner, M.J., 112, 196 “Hidden America, A: Children of the Mountains” (ABC News), 24 Hierarchy, social class and, 20 High-calorie foods, 37, 39 Hollingshead Four Factor Index of Social Status, 49 Hollingshead Index of Social Position, 49 Homicide, internalized classism and, 201 Housekeepers. See Proxy parenting Housing, environmental toxins in low-income, 33-34. See also Neighborhood Human capital: economic context and, 81-82, 219

intelligence as form of, 81 pressures, 169 Human resources (tables), 193-195 Hunger: malnutrition and, 37 SES and, 35-37 Idio class, social class and, 19 Impoverished lifestyle, 65 Impulse control, 162, 173 Income: disparities in, 10 economic crisis and, 241-242 economic stress and, 27 Gini Coefficient measure, 242 growth, inequality and, 183 happiness and, 159 meaning to the individual, 14-15 median household, poverty and, 181-182 minimum wage, 192 poverty threshold and, 181 prestige and, 58 social class and, 54-57 Individuals: assessing working and middle-class, 65-66 beliefs about success, 188 categorizing into social class, 50-51 classifying, 64 economic resources and, 191-195 health literacy of, 42 materialism and, 171-172 personal assessment of social class, 62 privilege context and, 196 self-actualizing, 214-215 Inequality: classism, poverty and, 178-205 dismantling, 63 economic, 185-186 economic crisis and, 241-242 economic resources/privilege/ entitlement and, 190-195 effects of chronic on children, 138 environmental toxins and, 33-34 Gini Coefficient measure of, 242 health and, 27-28 implications for practice, 203-205

Index interpersonal consequences of, 28 justification, 185 lifestyles and, 184 naturalistic fallacy and, 185-186 racism and, 186-190 social justice as critiquing, 239-240 sociostructural causes of, 182-203 wealth and, 26-27 white trashism and, 202-203 “In-groupness,” 211 “Instrumental use” of resources, 193 Integration perspective, 41 Intellectual development of children: quality of childcare and, 139-140 sleep habits and, 140-141 Intelligence, as form of human capital, 81 Intelligence quotient. See IQ Internal disposition, 103, 184 Internalization, of helplessness, status quo and, 186 Internalized classism, 86, 200-201, 222 (exercise), 225 Internal resources (tables), 193-195 Internship, readiness for, 217-218 Interpersonal classism, 198 Interpersonal interactions: privilege identity and, 229 social class and, 105-106 Interpersonal intimacy, 168 Interpersonal resources, 191 Intrafamily chaos, materialism and, 172 Intrapersonal resources, 191 Intrapsychic, social class worldview (exercise), 221 IQ: health habits and, 36 impact of poverty on, 139 John, D. R., 142, 144 Journal of Counseling and Development, 69-74 Journal of Counseling Psychology, 69-74 Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 69-74 Kahneman, D., 159-160 Kaiser Family Foundation, 143

291

Kasser, T., 168 Kasser, V. G., 168 Keeler, G., 41 “Keeping up with the Joneses,” 200, 225 Keltner, D., 106 Korean Americans, materialism and, 189 Kraepelin, Emil, 167 Kraus, M. W., 106, 248 Krueger, P. M., 159-160 Lachman, M. E., 31 Lakota tribe, poverty and, 182 Language, social class consciousness and, 10-11 Lapour, A. S., 112, 196 Latendresse, S. J., 175-176 Lateral classism, 86, 112-113, 200, 222 (exercise), 225 Latinos. See Ethnic minorities; Race Lavraka, P. J., 14 Lead poisoning, 33 Les Demoiselles d’Avignon, 223 Levine, Madeline, 174 Life expectancy, economic stress, disparities and, 27 Lifestyle considerations, of social class, 84 Literature: health, 42 measurement, 46-48 social class in, 24-25 Loans, payday, 243 Luthar, S. S., 175-176 Lynch, J. W., 41, 191 Macrosystem, of social justice, 241 Mailer, G., 144 Malnutrition: hunger and, 37 obesity, social class and, 34-39 social class and health, 34-39 MANOVA analysis, of social class intervention, 117-121 Manual labor, prestige and, 57 Marginalization: classism-based trauma, 147, 187 forms of, 198

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Markus, H. R., 64 Marmot, M. G., 30-31, 42 Martin, C. A., 159 Masculine privilege, 197 Masculinity norms, 212 Materialism, 84-87, 96-97 as domain of behavior, 224 assessing client, 245-247 attitudes, 172 commodification and, 169-170 consumerism and, 165-168 defined, 158 factors of vulnerability to, 172 impact of on child development, 144 implications for practice, 176-177 internalized classism and, 201 mental health and, 157-177 money and, 164 passing and, 189 race and, 189 Social Class Worldview Model and, 167 social cost of, 144-145 Materialist approach, 41 Material resources (tables), 193-195 Matthew Effect, 27 Matthews, K. A., 108, 190 McDonalds, 23-24 McEwen, B. S., 28 Mead, N. L., 162 Measurement: Counselor Favorability Questionnaire (CFQ), 116-117 Counselor Rating Form (CRF), 117, 120 (table) demographic questions, 115-116 Duncan’s Socioeconomic Index (SEI), 50 Hollingshead Four Factor Index of Social Status, 49-50 Hollingshead Index of Social Position, 49-50 issues in social class, research and, 49 occupation, status levels, 57-58 of education, 59-60 of wealth, 60-61 Session Evaluation Questionnaire– Form 5, in research, 116

Willingness to See a Counselor Scale (WSC), in research, 116 Media/technology, impact on child development, 142-144 Mental health: affluence and, 173-176 economic inequality and, 185-186 food insecurity and, 37 greed, materialism, affluence and, 157-177 literature, social class and, 24-25 services, access to, 29-30 social class and, 5-6, 11-12, 39-43 trainee awareness of history of, 227 Meritocracy, myth of, 9-10, 52, 88 Me-search, ix-x Mesosystem, of social justice, 240-241 Messages, socialization, 83-85 Microaggressions, 63, 179-180 Microsystem, of social justice, 240 Middle class: defined, 8 economic culture and, 79-80 political appeal to, 12-13 Midlife crisis, 150-151 Minimum wage: unpredictability of, 192 violations, 184-185 See also Income Monetary-loss pain, 161 Money: as physical resource, 162-163 materialism and, 164, 166 relationship to pain systems, 161-162 Monotonic health gradient, 137-138 Moods: compulsive buying and, 167-168 material adornments and, 172 Mountain Dew mouth, 24 MTV, Cribs (television show), 46 Multicultural competencies, social class, classism and, 20-22 Multioption treadmill, 184 Munley, P. H., 76 MySpace, 179 Nannies. See Proxy parenting National Academy of Sciences, 137 National Foundation for Credit

Index Counseling (NFCC), 248 National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network, 139 Native American(s): children, psychiatric issues and, 41 culture, 21 obesity and, 35 poverty among, 182 Naturalistic fallacy, 185-186 Neighborhood(s): access to quality food in low-income, 38 environmental toxicity in, 32-34 fast-food in, 38 health and, 27-28 lack of banking resources in poor, 242-243 liquor stores in, 38 physical activities, access to in low-income, 39 poverty, health issues and, 29-30 Neomaterialist hypotheses, 40, 41 Networks: power, 229 social, 82, 106 Neurological issues, finances, credit card use and, 40 Neutral-supportive condition script, 114, 123-133 Neville, Helen, 199 New Yorker, 165-166 Nonverbal cues, 106 Norton, M. I., 163-164 Nutrition. See Food; Malnutrition Obesity: Americans and, 35-36 epidemic of, 35-36 social class and health, 34-39 Occupation: career counseling and, 111-113 data collection on, 57-59 determine social class by, 12-13 education and, 60 prestige and, 50-51, 57-58 status levels within, 58 See also Work Offer, Avner, 54, 55, 158-159, 169

293

Oniomania, 167 Operationalization: of social-based economic terms, 18-20 poor, of social class constructs, 48 “Oreo,” 189 Out-group, social class and, 18-20 “Out-groupness,” 211 Overaccomodating comments, 215 Overidentification, helping professionals and, 210 Pain, systems of, 161 Parenting: child/parent relationship, development and, 141-142 education, health habits and, 36 mental health, materialism and, 172 obesity and, 35 proxy, 175 unemployment stresses and, 187 work, sleep habits of children and, 140-141 Pascoe, E. A., 28 “Passing,” race and, 189 Paterson, L. Q., 27 Pattillo, M., 13 Payday loan organizations, 243 Peer(s): income evaluation and, 15 loss of adult to death, 152 Perceived similarity, counseling, psychotherapy and, 107 Perceived structural classism, 198 Perfectionism, 174 Personal control, 31 Personal insecurity, compulsive buying and, 168 Person-level experience, 63 Pew Research Center, 7-8, 26, 159 Physical activity, access to, in low-income areas, 39 Physical health: economic inequality and, 185-186 literature, social class and, 24-25 social class and, 5-6 Physical pain, 161 Piacentini, M., 144 Picasso, 219, 223

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Planned obsolescence, 171 Plastic surgery, as aspirational good, 169 Politics, appeal to middle class, 12-13 Pollack, C. E., 191 Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, 33 “Poor white trash,” 202 Pope-Davis, 63, 197 Position, social class and, 20 Positional goods, 164-165, 169 Positional resources (tables), 193-195 Positional treadmill, 184 Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 145, 147 Poverty: as behavioral consequence, 182 banking resources and, 242-243 classism, inequality and, 178-205 defined, 180 hazardous work and, 29-30 helping professions and, 204-205 inequality, meaning and, 180interpretations of causes of, 187-188 Native Americans and, 182 physical assaults related to, 138 threshold, 181 white trashism, inequality and, 202-203 See also Social class; Socioeconomic status Power: empowerment, social change and, 248-249 privilege and, training and education, 228-231 Prejudice: interpersonal, 198 social class differences and, 199-202 white trash and, 202-203 Prenatal exposure to toxins, 34 Prestige: measurements of, 50-51 occupations and, 57-58 Price of Privilege, The (Levine), 174 Privilege: empowerment and, 248-250 identity, interpersonal interactions

and, 229 power and, training and education, 228-231 psychology of, entitlement and, 195-198 Protestant work ethic, 209 Proxy parenting, 175 Psychological construct, social class and, 17 Psychological development: about, 135-137 adults, 148-152 childcare, quality of, 139-140 children, poverty and, 137-139 implications for practice, 152-154 media/technology, impact of on, 142-145 parent-child relationships and, 141-142 sleep habits, 140-141 traumas of, 145-148 Psychological distress: economic decline and, 26 social class and, 13-14 Psychological equilibrium, 86 Psychological stress, body fat and, 37-38 Psychological variables, in measures, 53-54 Psychotherapy: bias, understanding, 109-111 helping professionals, stigma of and, 103 implications for practice, 121-122 informing clients via, 101-108 social class-based interventions in, 113-121 validated and supported treatments, 108-109 Puberty, child development and, 128 Punishment, of child, SES and, 142 Pyati, A., 228 Race: beliefs about poverty and, 188 classifying, 48-49 economic inequality, health and, 27 first-generation college students and, 149

Index healthy food access and, 37-39 income demographics and, 57 materialism and, 189-190 microaggressions and, 180 multicultural competencies and, 21 obesity and, 35 occupation and, 59 sleep habits and, 141 trauma and, 146 unemployment, parenting and, 187 white. See Whites See also Ethnic minorities; Racial minorities; Racism Racial minorities: helping professionals and, 17 socializing children, 11 See also Race; Ethnic minorities Racial privilege, 197 Racism: inequality and, 186-190 materialism and, 189-190 white trash and, 202-203 Racist attitudes, materialism and, 190 Reality, distorted, 3 Recession, economic distress and, 26 Red-lining, 10 Relational resources (tables), 193-195 Relationships: as social capital, 223 inequality and, 28 money, materialism and, 166 self-sufficiency and, 160-161 use of money and, 162-163 Religiosity, materialism and, 209 Research: behavior domains, on, 224-225 helping professions, social class and, 7-8 on psychological stress, economics and, 26 social class intervention, 115-121 trainee reluctance to read, 226 Resources: allocation and portability of, affluence and (figure), 193 defined, 191 economic, poverty and, 190-195 Ladder of Success v. Scaffolding of

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Privilege (table), 194 money as physical, 162 social, 82 Retail therapy, 165-166 Richins, M. L., 166 Richman, L. S., 28 Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s Commission to Build a Healthier America, 36 Sawyer, Diane, 24 Scaffolding, of privilege, 194-195 SCCC. See Social Class and Classism Consciousness Model Schkade, D., 159-160 Schwarz, N., 159-160 Script, neutral-supportive condition, in research, 114, 123-133 SCWM. See Social Class Worldview Model Self-consciousness: defined, 88 occupations and, 113 social class and, 87-88, 94 Self-control, health habits and, 36 Self-destruction, internalized classism and, 201 Self-medication, adolescents and, 175 Self-monitoring, materialism and, 168 Self-regulation, 162 Sell-outs, 146, 189 SES. See Socioeconomic status Session Evaluation Questionnaire-Form 5, 116 Sexual orientation, marginalization and, 198 Shame, sensitivity to level of, 211-212 Shopping. See Buying; Consumerism Silver-spoon hippies, 65-66 Singh-Manoux, A., 42 Sleep, habits, SES and, 140-141 Smith, H. L., 108 Smith, T. W., 105 Snobbishness, 164 Social capital: economic context and, 82, 219 relationships as, 223 Social causation, 40 Social class:

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as construct, 16-17 as demographic variable, 109 as multicultural construct, 3-4 as social-based economic term, 18-20 as taboo, 9 BMI and, 31-32 classism, inequality, poverty and, 178-205 clothing and, 173 consciousness, and, 87-94 context, societal systems and, 26-27 corporal punishment and, 142 counseling and psychotherapy and, 102-108 data collection and analysis, 47-68 defining term usage, 4-22 environmental toxins and, 32-34 expectations, 84 health gradient and, 29-30 helping professions and, 5-7, 9-17 indicators of, 54-62 literature to understand, 24-25 malnutrition, obesity, health and, 34-39 mental health and, 39-43 multicultural competencies and, 20-22 psychological development and, 135-154 related effects, 6 representations of, tanning as, 169-170 shame awareness and, 211-212 social justice and, 241-250 subjectivity and, 62-66 training and education on, 208-213, 216-225 worldview model, 75-99 Social Class and Classism Consciousness Model (SCCC), 11, 87-99 table, 88-93 Social class-based behaviors, 84-85 Social class-based interventions, in counseling, 113-121 using worldview model (table), 118-119 Social Class Consciousness, 83, 87, 88 (table), 94

Social Class theater, 169-170 Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM–R), 76-99, 114, 169 as training tool, 218-225 class consciousness, 87-94 classism, and, 179-180 classism, external (exercise), 222 economic cultures, context of, 79-87. See also Economic cultures example, 95-97 figure, 81 implications for practice, 97-98 internalized classism (exercise), 222 interventions based on (table), 118-119 intrapsychic (exercise), 221 materialism and, 167 operation of, 95 Social development of children, childcare quality and, 139-140 Social exclusion, money and, 162 Social interactions, diverse, substance abuse and, 38 Social interpretations, poverty and, 188 Socialization messages, 83-85, 96 conflicting, 212-213 consumerism and, 171 in/out group, 211 Social justice: about, 236 advocacy and, 240, 245-247 banking resources for poor, 243-244 defined, 239-240 empowerment and, 240-241, 247-250 intervention program, Asian Americans and, 238-239 social class and classism, 241-250 Socially conscious and upwardly mobile (S.C.U.M.), 76 Social mobility, 189, 195 Social networking, 179 Social pain, 161 Social position. See Social class Social Security, 151 Social selection, 40 Social status: as social-based economic term, 18-20

Index See also Social class Social support, of adults, class and, 151-152 Social systems, 240-241 Societal aggressions, 63 Societal discrimination, 229-230 Socioeconomic status (SES): adults, impact on development of, 148-152 as social-based economic term, 18-20 childcare, quality of and, 139-140 environmental toxins and, 33 impact of poverty on children, 138-139 inconsistent use of term, 16 malnutrition and, 37 media/technology, impact of and, 142-145 parent/child relationships, development and, 141-142 sleep habits and, 140-141 social cost of materialism, 144-145 trauma and, 145-148 See also Social class Sociology, impact of on helping professions, 16-17 Sociostructural causes, of inequality, 182 Spanking. See Corporal punishment Standard Occupational Classification Manual, 115 Status, social class and, 20. See also Social status Status Position Saliency, 96 Status quo, inequality and, 185-186 Stephens, N. M., 64, 165 Stereotyping clients, helping professionals and, 214-215 Stillman, T. F., 162 Stone, D., 159-160 Strack, F., 159-160 Stress: body fat and, 37-38 chronic, effects on body, 28 control and, 30-31 economic decline and, 26 economic of parents, health and, 29 Stress in America (American

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Psychological Association), 26 Structural causation, 103 of poverty, race and, 188 Structural classism, 198 Structural discrimination, 229-230 Structural resources (table), 193-195 Subich, L. M., 113 Subjective approach, 62 Substance abuse: alcoholism, mental health and, 40 internalized classism and, 201 Suicide, internalized classism and, 201 Supermarkets, access to, in low-income areas, 38-39 Taboo, social class as a, 9-10 Tanning, as social class representation, 169-170 Tanorexics, 170 Teasing, as form of classism, 145-148 Technology, impact of on child development, 143 Television. See Media Temporal resources (tables), 193-195 Theoretical foundations, for training and education, 210 Thompson, M. N., 113 Time flexibility, social class and, 192 Tobacco use, social interactions and, 38 To Have or to Be? (Fromm), 165 Townsend, S. S. M., 64 Toxins, environmental, 32-34 Training for helping professionals: becoming social class/classism competent, 216-218 exercises, 231-234 experiences and supervision, 226-228 practice opportunities, 227-228 privilege and power, 228-231 social class/classism and, 208-213 Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM) as tool, 218-225 upward mobility, 213-215 Transportation, problems in low-income areas, 38 Trauma, social class/classism and, 145-148, 211 Treadmills, 184 Treanor, J. J., 32

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Treatments, validated and supported, 108-109 Tripartite model, 43 Trust-fund hippie, 82-83, 146 Turner, R. B., 32 Twenge, J.M., 161 United States Census Bureau, 180-181, 242 Upward classism: about 86, 200, exercise, 222 discussion, 225 Upward mobility: birth outcomes and, 186-187 greed, materialism and, 157 hidden costs of, 189 Upward mobility bias, 58 training and education in, 213-215 Variable, objective (example), 77-78 VE. See Veblen Effect Veblen, Thorstein, 164-165 Veblen Effect, 164-166 Verbal cues, 106 Verbal punishment, 142 Video games, impact on development, 143 Vohs, K.D., 160, 162, 163 Wage violations, 184-185 Wall Street, 157 Warp, Kim, 165-166 Watson, J. J., 168 Wealth: access to health care and, 30 as indicator of SES, 60-61 defined, 9, 60 empowerment and, 248-249 See also Affluence, mental health and

Weaver, S. L., 31 West, Cornell, 196 Whites: cultural currency of, 190 health of, 30 privilege, 197 White-collar work, prestige and, 57 Whitehall study, of British Civil Servants (CHD), 30-31 White trashism, poverty and, 202-203 “Wiggers,” 202 Willingness to See a Counselor Scale (WSC), 116 Women: compulsive buying and, 167 money, relationships and, 162 Work: experiences, social class and, 106 parents’ hours, sleep habits of children and, 140-141 poverty and, 182-183 psychology of, 5-7 social class, health issues and, 29 wage violations, 184-185 Workers, self-control among, 31 Working poor, 184 Worldview: economic context and, 83-85 operation of, 95 social class, 18-19 See also Social Class Worldview Model (SCWM–R) World War II, 242 YAVIS (young, articulate, verbal, intelligent, successful), 237 Zhou, X., 162, 171

About the Author William Ming Liu is Professor and Program Coordinator of Counseling Psychology at The University of Iowa. His research interests are in social class and classism, men and masculinity, and multicultural competencies. His numerous awards include the Collegiate Teaching Award, Emerging Leader Award from the Committee on Socioeconomic Status, Emerging Young Professional Award, and the Researcher of the Year Award. Other books he has edited are the Handbook of Multicultural Competencies in Counseling and Psychology, Culturally Responsive Counseling with Asian American Men, and the forthcoming Handbook of Social Class in Counseling Psychology. He is also a licensed psychologist in Iowa, and his present clinical work is with the clients at a transitional shelter, where he supervises counseling practicum students, and the life-skills and self-development curriculum for shelter residents and clients. He lives in Iowa with his wife and daughter.

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