Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary:Philippians & Philemon 1573128252, 9781573128254

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Philippians & Philemon

Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary: Philippians & Philemon Publication Staff President & CEO Cecil P. Staton Publisher & Executive Vice President Lex Horton Vice President, Production Keith Gammons Book Editor Leslie Andres Graphic Designers Daniel Emerson Dave Jones Assistant Editors Rachel Stancil Greco Kelley F. Land

Smyth & Helwys Publishing, Inc. 6316 Peake Road Macon, Georgia 31210-3960 1-800-747-3016 © 2011 by Smyth & Helwys Publishing All rights reserved. ISBN 978-1-57312-825-4

SMYTH & HELWYS BIBLE COMMENTARY

Philippians & Philemon Todd D. Still

PROJECT EDITOR R. SCOTT NASH Mercer University Macon, Georgia

OLD TESTAMENT GENERAL EDITOR SAMUEL E. BALENTINE Union Presbyterian Seminary Richmond, Virginia AREA OLD TESTAMENT EDITORS MARK E. BIDDLE Baptist Theological Seminary at Richmond, Virginia KANDY QUEEN-SUTHERLAND Stetson University Deland, Florida PAUL REDDITT Georgetown College Georgetown, Kentucky Baptist Seminary of Kentucky Lexington, Kentucky

NEW TESTAMENT GENERAL EDITOR R. ALAN CULPEPPER McAfee School of Theology Mercer University Atlanta, Georgia AREA NEW TESTAMENT EDITORS R. SCOTT NASH Mercer University Macon, Georgia RICHARD B. VINSON Salem College Winston-Salem, North Carolina

advance praise Todd Still’s careful and thoughtful engagement with these two important Pauline letters results in clear prose, informed discussion, and insightful interpretation. He provides for his readers an accessible and valuable commentary from which all readers will benefit. Warren Carter Professor of New Testament Brite Divinity School at TCU

Todd Still has labored long and fruitfully in the Pauline vineyard, and this commentary reflects the work of a seasoned scholar who not only knows the terrain, but knows how to map it, and indeed how to harvest from Philippians its largesse. Setting Philippians in its proper historical, social, theological, and ethical contexts, Dr. Still adds a fresh and current voice to the Philippian conversation. This commentary is highly recommended, especially for pastors, lay persons, and those who wish to take the next step beyond initial Bible studies into a contextual study of this gem from the Apostle to the Gentiles. Ben Witherington, III Amos Professor of New Testament for Doctoral Studies Asbury Theological Seminary Wilmore, Kentucky Doctoral Faculty St. Mary's College, St. Andrews University, Scotland

In this satisfying commentary on Philippians and Philemon, Todd Still demonstrates his proficiency as a seasoned practitioner in the art of Pauline interpretation. This commentary is for those wanting to access these Pauline texts to maximal effect. Bruce W. Longenecker W. W. Melton Chair of Religion Department of Religion, Baylor University

Rare is the commentator who combines informed, up-to-date scholarship with pastoral sensitivity; rarer still the one who writes in a style that is both crystal clear and engaging. Todd Still's commentaries on Philippians and Philemon demonstrate each of these virtues to such a degree that they serve equally well the needs of scholars, ministers, and lay readers of Scripture. This is first-rate work, both faithful to the text and illuminating of it. Stephen Westerholm Professor of Early Christianity McMaster University

Contents AUTHOR’S PREFACE

xiii xv

SERIES PREFACE

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HOW TO USE THIS COMMENTARY

Philippians 3

INTRODUCTION TO PHILIPPIANS

21

OUTLINE OF PHILIPPIANS

1

The Progress of the Gospel

Philippians 1

25

2

The Mind of Christ

Philippians 2

61

3

Onward and Upward

Philippians 3

97

4

The Lord Is Near

Philippians 4

121 139

BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR PHILIPPIANS

Philemon INTRODUCTION

151

OUTLINE OF PHILEMON

161

Philemon

163

BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR PHILEMON

195

INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS FOR PHILIPPIANS

201

INDEX OF SIDEBARS FOR PHILIPPIANS

205

INDEX OF SCRIPTURES FOR PHILIPPIANS

207

INDEX OF TOPICS FOR PHILIPPIANS

213

INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS FOR PHILEMON

217

INDEX OF SIDEBARS FOR PHILEMON

219

INDEX OF SCRIPTURES FOR PHILEMON

221

INDEX OF TOPICS FOR PHILEMON

223

Dedication

amore Pauli (“for the love of Paul”) and with deep gratitude for three professors who taught me to be fascinated by the Apostle Paul and to linger over his letters, namely, John M. G. Barclay R. Bruce Corley and E. Earle Ellis (†)




ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS COMMENTARY Books of the Old Testament, Apocrypha, and New Testament are generally abbreviated in the sidebars, parenthetical references, and notes according to the following system. The Old Testament Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Ruth 1–2 Samuel 1–2 Kings 1–2 Chronicles Ezra Nehemiah Esther Job Psalm (Psalms) Proverbs Ecclesiastes or Qoheleth Song of Solomon or Song of Songs or Canticles Isaiah Jeremiah Lamentations Ezekiel Daniel Hosea Joel Amos Obadiah Jonah Micah

Gen Exod Lev Num Deut Josh Judg Ruth 1–2 Sam 1–2 Kgs 1–2 Chr Ezra Neh Esth Job Ps (Pss) Prov Eccl Qoh Song Song Cant Isa Jer Lam Ezek Dan Hos Joel Amos Obad Jonah Mic

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Abbreviations Nahum Habakkuk Zephaniah Haggai Zechariah Malachi

Nah Hab Zeph Hag Zech Mal

The Apocrypha 1–2 Esdras Tobit Judith Additions to Esther Wisdom of Solomon Ecclesiasticus or the Wisdom of Jesus Son of Sirach Baruch Epistle (or Letter) of Jeremiah Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Daniel and Susanna Daniel, Bel, and the Dragon Prayer of Manasseh 1–4 Maccabees

1–2 Esdr Tob Jdt Add Esth Wis Sir Bar Ep Jer Pr Azar Sus Bel Pr Man 1–4 Macc

The New Testament Matthew Mark Luke John Acts Romans 1–2 Corinthians Galatians Ephesians Philippians Colossians 1–2 Thessalonians 1–2 Timothy Titus Philemon Hebrews James 1–2 Peter 1–2–3 John Jude Revelation

Matt Mark Luke John Acts Rom 1–2 Cor Gal Eph Phil Col 1–2 Thess 1–2 Tim Titus Phlm Heb Jas 1–2 Pet 1–2–3 John Jude Rev

Abbreviations Other commonly used abbreviations include: AD

BC

C. c. cf. ch. chs. d. ed. eds. e.g. et al. f./ff. gen. ed. Gk. Heb. ibid. i.e. LCL lit. n.d. rev. and exp. ed. sg. trans. vol(s). v. vv.

Anno Domini (“in the year of the Lord”) (also commonly referred to as CE = the Common Era) Before Christ (also commonly referred to as BCE = Before the Common Era) century circa (around “that time”) confer (compare) chapter chapters died edition or edited by or editor editors exempli gratia (for example) et alii (and others) and the following one(s) general editor Greek Hebrew ibidem (in the same place) id est (that is) Loeb Classical Library literally no date revised and expanded edition singular translated by or translator(s) volume(s) verse verses

Selected additional written works cited by abbreviations include the following. A complete listing of abbreviations can be referenced in The SBL Handbook of Style (Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1999): AB ABD ACCS ANF ANTC BA BAR CBQ HTR

Anchor Bible Anchor Bible Dictionary Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture Ante-Nicene Fathers Abingdon New Testament Commentaries Biblical Archaeologist Biblical Archaeology Review Catholic Biblical Quarterly Harvard Theological Review

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Abbreviations HUCA ICC IDB JBL JSJ JSNT JSOT KJV LXX MDB MT NASB NEB NICNT NIV NovT NRSV NTS OGIS OTL PRSt RevExp RSV SBLSP SP TDNT TEV WBC

Hebrew Union College Annual International Critical Commentary Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible Journal of Biblical Literature Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods Journal for the Study of the New Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament King James Version Septuagint = Greek Translation of Hebrew Bible Mercer Dictionary of the Bible Masoretic Text New American Standard Bible New English Bible New International Commentary on the New Testament New International Version Novum Testamentum New Revised Standard Version New Testament Studies Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae Old Testament Library Perspectives in Religious Studies Review and Expositor Revised Standard Version Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers Sacra pagina Theological Dictionary of the New Testament Today’s English Version Word Biblical Commentary

Author’s Preface It has been an honor, pleasure, and challenge for me to examine Philippians and Philemon, seeking to think Paul’s thoughts after him. I am truly grateful to Dr. R. Alan Culpepper for inviting me to offer commentary on these remarkable letters and to Drs. David E. Garland and Gerald Keown for recommending me for this project. Even as Paul regarded himself as “a debtor to both Greeks and to barbarians, both to the wise and the foolish” (Rom 1:14), I too have accrued a number of debts during the writing of this commentary. Perhaps my ongoing gratitude will serve as a partial payment of the debt I owe. First of all, I would like to express my appreciation to Baylor University, where I serve on faculty at the George W. Truett Theological Seminary, for granting me research leaves in the fall of 2006 and the spring of 2010 so that I might commence and complete this work. I am also thankful for family and colleagues who support and encourage me as I seek to find and fulfill my calling. In addition, I am grateful to both ecclesial and academic audiences who received and responded to what was (and in some ways remains!) a work in progress. A special word of thanks is due to Benjamin Mangrum for proofing the manuscript and preparing the indexes, to Natilie Webb for reading the galleys, and to Leslie Andres for exemplary editorial work. I have chosen to dedicate this volume to three of my professors— John M. G. Barclay, R. Bruce Corley, and E. Earle Ellis. These exemplary scholars taught me not only to admire Paul but also to puzzle over the apostle and his epistles. How can I say thanks? It is my hope that my writing and teaching on Paul will do for others something akin to what their instruction and publications on the apostle have done for me. Todd D. Still Advent 2010

SERIES PREFACE The Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary is a visually stimulating and user-friendly series that is as close to multimedia in print as possible. Written by accomplished scholars with all students of Scripture in mind, the primary goal of the Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary is to make available serious, credible biblical scholarship in an accessible and less intimidating format. Far too many Bible commentaries fall short of bridging the gap between the insights of biblical scholars and the needs of students of God’s written word. In an unprecedented way, the Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary brings insightful commentary to bear on the lives of contemporary Christians. Using a multimedia format, the volumes employ a stunning array of art, photographs, maps, and drawings to illustrate the truths of the Bible for a visual generation of believers. The Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary is built upon the idea that meaningful Bible study can occur when the insights of contemporary biblical scholars blend with sensitivity to the needs of lifelong students of Scripture. Some persons within local faith communities, however, struggle with potentially informative biblical scholarship for several reasons. Oftentimes, such scholarship is cast in technical language easily grasped by other scholars, but not by the general reader. For example, lengthy, technical discussions on every detail of a particular scriptural text can hinder the quest for a clear grasp of the whole. Also, the format for presenting scholarly insights has often been confusing to the general reader, rendering the work less than helpful. Unfortunately, responses to the hurdles of reading extensive commentaries have led some publishers to produce works for a general readership that merely skim the surface of the rich resources of biblical scholarship. This commentary series incorporates works of fine art in an accurate and scholarly manner, yet the format remains “user-friendly.” An important facet is the presentation and explanation of images of art, which interpret the biblical material or illustrate how the biblical material has been understood and interpreted in the past. A visual generation of believers deserves a commentary series that contains not only the all-important textual commentary on Scripture, but images, photographs, maps, works of fine art, and drawings that bring the text to life.

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The Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary makes serious, credible biblical scholarship more accessible to a wider audience. Writers and editors alike present information in ways that encourage readers to gain a better understanding of the Bible. The editorial board has worked to develop a format that is useful and usable, informative and pleasing to the eye. Our writers are reputable scholars who participate in the community of faith and sense a calling to communicate the results of their scholarship to their faith community. The Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary addresses Christians and the larger church. While both respect for and sensitivity to the needs and contributions of other faith communities are reflected in the work of the series authors, the authors speak primarily to Christians. Thus the reader can note a confessional tone throughout the volumes. No particular “confession of faith” guides the authors, and diverse perspectives are observed in the various volumes. Each writer, though, brings to the biblical text the best scholarly tools available and expresses the results of their studies in commentary and visuals that assist readers seeking a word from the Lord for the church. To accomplish this goal, writers in this series have drawn from numerous streams in the rich tradition of biblical interpretation. The basic focus is the biblical text itself, and considerable attention is given to the wording and structure of texts. Each particular text, however, is also considered in the light of the entire canon of Christian Scriptures. Beyond this, attention is given to the cultural context of the biblical writings. Information from archaeology, ancient history, geography, comparative literature, history of religions, politics, sociology, and even economics is used to illuminate the culture of the people who produced the Bible. In addition, the writers have drawn from the history of interpretation, not only as it is found in traditional commentary on the Bible but also in literature, theater, church history, and the visual arts. Finally, the Commentary on Scripture is joined with Connections to the world of the contemporary church. Here again, the writers draw on scholarship in many fields as well as relevant issues in the popular culture. This wealth of information might easily overwhelm a reader if not presented in a “user-friendly” format. Thus the heavier discussions of detail and the treatments of other helpful topics are presented in special-interest boxes, or Sidebars, clearly connected to the passages under discussion so as not to interrupt the flow of the basic interpretation. The result is a commentary on Scripture that

Series Preface

focuses on the theological significance of a text while also offering the reader a rich array of additional information related to the text and its interpretation. An accompanying CD-ROM offers powerful searching and research tools. The commentary text, Sidebars, and visuals are all reproduced on a CD that is fully indexed and searchable. Pairing a text version with a digital resource is a distinctive feature of the Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary. Combining credible biblical scholarship, user-friendly study features, and sensitivity to the needs of a visually oriented generation of believers creates a unique and unprecedented type of commentary series. With insight from many of today’s finest biblical scholars and a stunning visual format, it is our hope that the Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary will be a welcome addition to the personal libraries of all students of Scripture. The Editors

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HOW TO USE THIS COMMENTARY The Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary is written by accomplished biblical scholars with a wide array of readers in mind. Whether engaged in the study of Scripture in a church setting or in a college or seminary classroom, all students of the Bible will find a number of useful features throughout the commentary that are helpful for interpreting the Bible. Basic Design of the Volumes

Each volume features an Introduction to a particular book of the Bible, providing a brief guide to information that is necessary for reading and interpreting the text: the historical setting, literary design, and theological significance. Each Introduction also includes a comprehensive outline of the particular book under study. Each chapter of the commentary investigates the text according to logical divisions in a particular book of the Bible. Sometimes these divisions follow the traditional chapter segmentation, while at other times the textual units consist of sections of chapters or portions of more than one chapter. The divisions reflect the literary structure of a book and offer a guide for selecting passages that are useful in preaching and teaching. An accompanying CD-ROM offers powerful searching and research tools. The commentary text, Sidebars, and visuals are all reproduced on a CD that is fully indexed and searchable. Pairing a text version with a digital resource also allows unprecedented flexibility and freedom for the reader. Carry the text version to locations you most enjoy doing research while knowing that the CD offers a portable alternative for travel from the office, church, classroom, and your home. Commentary and Connections

As each chapter explores a textual unit, the discussion centers around two basic sections: Commentary and Connections. The analysis of a passage, including the details of its language, the history reflected in the text, and the literary forms found in the text, are the main focus

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of the Commentary section. The primary concern of the Commentary section is to explore the theological issues presented by the Scripture passage. Connections presents potential applications of the insights provided in the Commentary section. The Connections portion of each chapter considers what issues are relevant for teaching and suggests useful methods and resources. Connections also identifies themes suitable for sermon planning and suggests helpful approaches for preaching on the Scripture text. Sidebars

The Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary provides a unique hyperlink format that quickly guides the reader to additional insights. Since other more technical or supplementary information is vital for understanding a text and its implications, the volumes feature distinctive Sidebars, or special-interest boxes, that provide a wealth of information on such matters as: • Historical information (such as chronological charts, lists of kings or rulers, maps, descriptions of monetary systems, descriptions of special groups, descriptions of archaeological sites or geographical settings). • Graphic outlines of literary structure (including such items as poetry, chiasm, repetition, epistolary form). • Definition or brief discussions of technical or theological terms and issues. • Insightful quotations that are not integrated into the running text but are relevant to the passage under discussion. • Notes on the history of interpretation (Augustine on the Good Samaritan, Luther on James, Stendahl on Romans, etc.). • Line drawings, photographs, and other illustrations relevant for understanding the historical context or interpretive significance of the text. • Presentation and discussion of works of fine art that have interpreted a Scripture passage.

How to Use This Commentary

Each Sidebar is printed in color and is referenced at the appropriate place in the Commentary or Connections section with a color-coded title that directs the reader to the relevant Sidebar. In addition, helpful icons appear in the Sidebars, which provide the reader with visual cues to the type of material that is explained in each Sidebar. Throughout the commentary, these four distinct hyperlinks provide useful links in an easily recognizable design.

Alpha & Omega Language

This icon identifies the information as a language-based tool that offers further exploration of the Scripture selection. This could include syntactical information, word studies, popular or additional uses of the word(s) in question, additional contexts in which the term appears, and the history of the term’s translation. All nonEnglish terms are transliterated into the appropriate English characters.

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Interpretation

Sidebars that appear under this icon serve a general interpretive function in terms of both historical and contemporary renderings. Under this heading, the reader might find a selection from classic or contemporary literature that illuminates the Scripture text or a significant quotation from a famous sermon that addresses the passage. Insights are drawn from various sources, including literature, worship, theater, church history, and sociology.

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Additional Resources Study

Here, the reader finds a convenient list of useful resources for further investigation of the selected Scripture text, including books, journals, websites, special collections, organizations, and societies. Specialized discussions of works not often associated with biblical studies may also appear here. Additional Features

Each volume also includes a basic Bibliography on the biblical book under study. Other bibliographies on selected issues are often included that point the reader to other helpful resources. Notes at the end of each chapter provide full documentation of sources used and contain additional discussions of related matters. Abbreviations used in each volume are explained in a list of abbreviations found after the Table of Contents. Readers of the Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary can regularly visit the Internet support site for news, information, updates, and enhancements to the series at www.helwys.com/commentary. Several thorough indexes enable the reader to locate information quickly. These indexes include: • An Index of Sidebars groups content from the special-interest boxes by category (maps, fine art, photographs, drawings, etc.). • An Index of Scriptures lists citations to particular biblical texts. • An Index of Topics lists alphabetically the major subjects, names, topics, and locations referenced or discussed in the volume. • An Index of Modern Authors organizes contemporary authors whose works are cited in the volume.

Philippians

Introduction to Philippians Most people who are familiar with Paul’s letter to the Philippians tend to view it favorably.1 It is considered more accessible than Romans, less assertive than 1–2 Corinthians, more positive than Galatians . . . or so the thinking goes.2 Philippians woos and warms (Christian) readers with its winsome piety, christological profundity, uncommon magnanimity, and memorable phraseology. In his inimitable Victorian prose, J. B. Lightfoot writes, The Epistle to the Philippians is not only the noblest reflexion of St Paul’s personal character and spiritual illumination, his large sympathies, his womanly tenderness, his delicate courtesy, his frank independence, his entire devotion to the Master’s service; but as a monument of the power of the Gospel it yields in importance to none of the apostolic writings.3

Whatever reaction one might have to Lightfoot’s encomium of Philippians, one can hardly doubt his admiration for the letter. I trust that those who read my commentary on Philippians will also detect my appreciation for it. In writing this volume, I have sought to be critically sympathetic toward both the writer and the letter.4 Those who use this work will have to determine whether or not I have accomplished this goal. Before turning our attention to a careful reading of Philippians, however, in keeping with the scholarly commentary tradition we will first consider several introductory issues that bear upon the interpretation of the letter.5 The City of Philippi

The Foundation and Location of the City In chronicling his account of the conflict at Philippi between the Liberators Brutus and Cassius and the Triumvirs Octavian and Mark Antony, the second-century AD lawyer-historian Appian offers this description of the city: “Philippi is a city that was formerly called Datus, and before that Crenides, because there are many springs

4

Introduction to Philippians The Obverse of a Philippeioi Diodorus of Sicily reports, “And because from these [gold] mines [Philip] had soon amassed a fortune, with the abundance of money he raised the Macedonian kingdom higher and higher to a greatly superior position, for with the gold coins which he struck, which came to be known from his name as Philippeioi, he organized a large force of mercenaries, and by using these coins for bribes induced many Greeks to become betrayers of their native lands” (Biblioth∑k∑ 16.8.7, LCL, trans. Charles L. Sherman).

Philip II Gold Stater with Head Of Apollo. (Credit: PHGCOM / Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA-4.0)

Kavala

bubbling around a hill there. Philip [II of Macedon] fortified it because he considered it an excellent stronghold against the Thracians, and named it for himself, Philippi.”6 Once the city came under Philip’s control in 356 BC, there was a significant influx of inhabitants. Furthermore, Philip increased the output of surrounding gold mines so that he became exceedingly wealthy. With the extracted gold, Philip minted money that became known as the Philippeioi, and through mercenaries he used these gold coins to “win friends and influence people” (see Diodorus Siculus 16.8.7; cf. Strabo, Geogr. 7.34). “However, the gold did not last long and the population, and consequently the importance, of the town seems to have declined . . . .”7 Philippi, which now lay in ruins, was situated in northern Greece near the border of eastern Macedonia and southern Thrace. [Panoramic Photograph of the Archeological Remains of Ancient Philippi] The seaport city of Neapolis (contemporary Kavala) was located some ten miles to the southeast of Philippi on the Aegean coast. Writing near the middle of the second century AD, Appian provides the following geographical depiction of Philippi:

This picture of modern Kavala was taken from its acropolis. (Credit: Rufus210 / Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA-3.0-migrated-with-disclaimers)

It is situated on a precipitous hill and its size is exactly that of the summit of the hill. There are woods on the north. . . . On the south is a marsh extending to the sea. On the east are the gorges of the Sapaeans and Corpileans, and on the west a very fertile and beautiful plain extending to the

Introduction to Philippians Panoramic Photograph of the Archeological Remains of Ancient Philippi Although Philippi was an important Roman colony at the time of Paul and became a city to which early Christians would journey, over time it was reduced to ruins. Charalambos Bakirtzis explains, “In the early seventh century CE, Philippi declined; its monumental buildings, including the Octagon [that is, Philippi’s cathedral church], collapsed; its population diminished, and the once flourishing center of pilgrimage became no more than a farming settlement.” Charalambos Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi: The Archaeological Evidence,” in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death (ed. Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester; Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) 37–48 (on 48).

(Credit: Peter Nelson / Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA-3.0-migrated)

town of Mercinus and Drabiscus and the river Strymon. . . . The plain slopes downward so that movement is easy to those descending from Philippi, but toilsome to those going up to Amphipolis.8

Subsequent Historical Developments Little is known about Philippi’s history from the time the city came under Philip’s authority until roughly the middle of the second century BC when Roman rule began. Situated on the Via Egnatia (originally constructed in the second half of the second century BC) and located near the Aegean Sea, the city was a strategically placed outpost for the Romans. Following the defeat of Caesar’s assassins Brutus and Cassius by Octavian (later Augustus) and Antony at the Via Egnatia The Via Egnatia, which stretched from Dyrrachium in the west to Byzantium in the east, ran through Philippi. This Roman road, begun in 146 BC and completed in 120 BC, bore the name of the Roman proconsul of Macedonia who commissioned its construction, one Gnaios Egnatios. Originally running some 500 English miles, it would eventually reach roughly 700 English miles in length.

(Credit: Dr. Carl Rasmussen, holylandphotos.org)

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Introduction to Philippians Caesar’s Death This painting by the Italian artist Vincenzo Camuccini depicts the assassination of Julius Caesar on the Ides of March (March 15) in 44 BC. Vincenzo Camuccini (1771–1884). La Morte de Cesare (Death of Caesar). c.1804-1805. Oil on Canvas. [Credit: Ribberlin / Wikimedia Commons, PD-Art (PD-old-100)]

battles waged near Philippi in October of 42 BC, the city became a Roman colony (cf. Acts 16:12). Not a few war veterans were settled in Philippi after these notorious battles. The same was true in 31 BC following the battle of Actium, where Antony met his Waterloo at the hands of Augustus’s forces.9 When Paul and his companions The Second Triumvirate arrived in Colonia Iulia Augusta Philippensis near the middle of the first century AD,10 they would Image Not Available have found a developing, if not yet due to lack of digital rights. flourishing, Roman city. While Please view the published the “building boom” in Philippi commentary or perform an Internet search using the appears to have occurred under credit below. the Antonines in the second century AD, apparently both Augustus and Claudius initiated Gold aureus of Octavian. Roman, 28 BC. Probably minted in Asia Minor (modern Turkey). British Museum, London, Great Britain. (Credit: © The Trustees of the British some new building in the city.11 Museum/Art Resource, NY) “The population of Philippi in the Before becoming mortal enemies, Antony and Octavian, along with Julio-Claudian period was a Marcus Lepidus, formed what historians refer to as the Second mixture of Greeks, Romans, Triumvirate. The coins that appear above bear the images of Antony native Thracians, and foreigners,” and Octavian respectively. They were issued in 41 BC to celebrate including at least a few Jews (cf. the establishment of the Triumvirate. Acts 16:13).12 Recent research estimates the population of the town of Philippi in the time of Paul to be nearly 15,000 inhabitants.13 There was also a smorgasbord of religious options on offer in Philippi when Paul arrived on the scene.14 In addition to an apparently negligible Jewish presence, archaeological remains indicate

Introduction to Philippians

that Philippian inhabitants worshiped all sorts of deities, including the Greek Olympians, uniquely Roman gods, local gods, gods from Asia Minor and Egypt, and the Kabiroi from the nearby Aegean island of Samothrace. Furthermore, it appears that the Imperial cult occupied a prominent place on the religious landscape of Philippi in Paul’s day. Like other residents of and visitors to the city, Paul would have been inundated with Imperial ideology “on coins, in statues, in processions, games and feasts, in pictures and in inscriptions.”15

Augustus

The Church at Philippi

Inception Although many contemporary New Testament scholars are highly skeptical of the historical Bronze statue of the emperor Augustus, from Herculaneum. veracity of certain aspects of Acts, we are wholly (Credit: Urban / Wikimedia Commons, PD-self) dependent upon it for particular details regarding the origin of the Philippian church. Statues of Augustus like the one here were frequently and strategically displayed in Roman Interpreters of the letter must of course decide towns and cities in Paul’s day. for themselves to what extent they will seek to integrate particular details from Acts into their exegetical work. Be that as it may, Luke’s account of Paul’s founding mission in Philippi as recorded in Acts 16:11-40 is of inherent interest and arguable import to scholars and students of Philippians.16 Accordingly, an overview is in order.17 On the heels of Paul’s Macedonian vision (Acts 16:9-10), Paul and unnamed others, referred to in the Acts narrative as “we,”18 set sail from Troas to Macedonia. Having stopped on the Aegean island of Samothrace, the seafaring missionaries trimmed their sails for the seaport city of Neapolis. Upon arrival, they made the roughly ten-mile trek northwestwardly to Philippi, which Luke describes as a “leading city” of Macedonia and a Roman colony (16:11-12; cf. 1 Thess 2:2).19 Once in Philippi, Acts reports, Paul and his companions met with certain women “outside the gate by the river” at a “place of prayer,” be it a synagogue or an informal place of worship (16:13). There, they met a Gentile worshiper of Israel’s God by the name of

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8 Acts Locales

Introduction to Philippians

Lydia. Acts describes her as a dealer in purple cloth (a luxury good of the day) from Thyatira (16:14). Through the witness of Paul, Lydia and her household were baptized (16:15). In Acts this episode marks the expansion of the Pauline mission into Europe, with Lydia being singled out as the first convert in Greece (cf. Rom 16:5, where Paul depicts Epaenetus as the first convert in Asia). Subsequently, Acts 16 indicates that Paul and Silas came into conflict with the owners of a certain “slave girl” (paidisk∑) when Paul exorcised from her a “spirit of divination” (pneuma pythøna). With prospects of profiting from her soothsaying gone, the girl’s owners dragged Paul and Silas before the chief civil magistrates (strat∑goi ) and accused them of

Pictures from Philippi A modern Greek Orthodox church that commemorates the conversion and baptism of Lydia. (Credit: Jim Pitts)

A modern-era baptistery built on the traditional site of Paul’s baptism of Lydia. (Credit: Jim Pitts)

Ruins of an early Christian Basilica at Philippi (Basilica B; 6th C.), built over the site of a Roman gymnasium. (Credit: Jim Pitts)

Introduction to Philippians

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Priestess of Delphi advocating (Jewish) customs unlawful Acts refers to the “spirit of for Romans (vv. 16-21). Thereafter, divination” that possessed this the missioners were beaten with rods unnamed slave girl as a “spirit of (cf. 2 Cor 11:25) and thrown into [the] Python.” The Python spoken of here is associated with a prison. Despite such developments, widely known oracle at Delphi. Luke narrates a miraculous turn of events, including a timely, though not John Collier (1850–1934). Priestess of Delphi (1891). Oil on canvas. Art Gallery of deadly, earthquake around midnight South Austrailia. (Credit: Wikimedia that led to the conversion of the Commons, PD 1923) Philippian jailer and his family (16:25-34). Finally, Acts reports that Paul and Silas were released from prison at daybreak by the very authorities that had beaten and imprisoned them. When the magistrates learned that they were Roman citizens, they not only apologized to Paul and Silas but they also requested that they leave “St. Paul’s Prison” the city. After seeing and The photograph below is the traditional location of Paul and Silas’s imprisseeking to encourage Lydia onment in Philippi. and other believers, they departed from Philippi and traveled to Thessalonica via Amphipolis and Apollonia (16:35–17:1; cf. 1 Thess 2:2).

Continued Contact with Paul After Paul left Philippi, where he “suffered” and was “insulted” (1 Thess 2:2), the apostle was able to stay in contact with the assembly through messengers, visits, (Credit: Jim Pitts) and letters. In addition to news that the church in Philippi may have received from believers in other locales regarding Paul (see 1 Thess 1:8-9a; 1 Cor 1:11; Rom 16:1-16), it appears that over the years there was a steady stream of Philippian Christians who made their way to Paul in various places. Upon leaving Philippi in c. AD 49, Paul traveled to Thessalonica, situated some one hundred miles southwest along the Via Egnatia.

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Introduction to Philippians

Even then and there, Paul recalls, the Philippians sent “unto his need” (i.e., offered him tangible support) on at least two occasions (hapax kai dis) (Phil 4:16). Furthermore, Paul indicates that when he was in Corinth (c. AD 50–52; cf. Acts 18:1-17), he received aid from believers in Macedonia, which would have involved certain Philippian Christians (2 Cor 11:9). Lastly, Philippians indicates that the church in Philippi sent a gift to Paul in his captivity through Epaphroditus (2:25-30; 4:18). Given the Philippians’ protracted support of and ongoing generosity toward Paul, there is little wonder why he was so appreciative of and affectionate toward them (see esp. Phil 1:3-11; 4:1). In addition to the church in Philippi sending messengers bearing gifts to Paul in sundry times and places, Paul was also able, we gather, to return to Philippi subsequent to his founding visit. In 2 Corinthians Paul indicates that he traveled from Troas to Macedonia in search of Titus (note 2:12-13; 7:5-7; cf. 1 Cor 16:5; 2 Cor 1:16). Moreover, Paul informs the Corinthians that he had been boasting of them to the Macedonians and that certain Macedonian believers might well accompany him to Achaia in conjunction with the “Jerusalem collection” (2 Cor 9:1-4; cf. 8:1-6; Rom 15:25-27). Given Philippi’s location in Macedonia and the rich, reciprocal relationship that the apostle appears to have shared with the Philippian church, it strains against credulity to think that Paul would have returned to the region without visiting the congregation. In fact, Acts reports that Paul passed through Macedonia encouraging disciples en route to Greece and that he returned to Macedonia before departing for Troas (on his way to Jerusalem) from Philippi (see 20:1-6; cf. 19:21-22). Paul was also able to maintain contact with the Philippians through written communication. It is possible that Paul wrote to the congregation on more than one occasion. Polycarp, who served as Bishop of Smyrna in the first half of the second century AD (died AD 155), comments in his letter to the Philippians that when Paul was not with the church, he wrote letters to the church (Pol. Phil. 3.2). Although it is possible that Polycarp may have been referring only to the letter we now know as Philippians when stating that Paul wrote letters to them,20 some scholars are convinced that canonical Philippians is composed of at least three letters (see further below). It may also be that the Philippians, like the

Introduction to Philippians

Corinthians, wrote to Paul (cf. 1 Cor 7:1), even though we (currently) have no trace of such correspondence.21 The Congregation in and beyond Philippians As it happens, the only extant piece of written communication between Paul and the church in Philippi is the letter known to us as Philippians. This fact notwithstanding, we can learn a fair amount about the church through the letter. First and foremost, we discover Paul’s care for and commitment to the congregation. He describes the Philippians as partners in the gospel (1:15; 4:15), partakers of grace (1:7), the focus of his affection (1:8), fellow strugglers and sufferers in the faith (1:30; cf. 2 Cor 8:1-2), his eschatological hope (2:16), and finally, in a flourish of fondness, his brothers and sisters, beloved and longed for, his joy and crown (4:1). From all epistolary appearances, Paul and the Philippians experienced an ongoing, mutually encouraging relationship (see esp. 1:3-11, 24-26; 2:17-30; 4:11-20). That being said, Paul did play a leading spiritual role in the church’s life (note 1:27; 2:12; 3:17; 4:9).22 Furthermore, Philippians reveals external opposition to the assembly (see 1:27-30; 3:2, 18) and internal tension within the congregation (1:27; 2:1-4, 14).23 Internal congregational discord is most evident at that point in the letter where Paul implores Euodia and Syntyche “to think the same thing in the Lord” (4:2). Beyond Philippians, as mentioned above, we know that Polycarp wrote to the church in Philippi. Polycarp’s To the Philippians, which appears to be a composite document, was seemingly written in two stages in the first third of the second century AD.24 Over time, Philippi became “an episcopal and ecclesiastical center and perhaps also . . . an important object of Christian pilgrimage.”25 Inscriptional evidence indicates that “Philippi’s first public Christian assembly hall” was built in the first half of the fourth century AD and dedicated to the memory of Paul. [Inscription on the Mosaic Floor of the “Basilica of Paul”] This may well have been the first such building erected in the Balkans.26 Seeking to solidify further the connection between Paul and Philippi, Helmut Koester and Allen Dwight Callahan have provocatively proposed that the apostle was martyred and buried in that city as opposed to Rome.27 To support this claim, Callahan appeals to an inscription discovered in Crypt G of the Philippian

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Extra Muros Basilica that reads, “The burial place of Paul, elder of the holy church of the Philippians. Whoever puts another corpse herein after my See further Valerie Abrahamsen, “Bishop Porphyrios and the City of Philippi in the Early Fourth remains shall give an account Century,” VC 43 (1989): 80–85. to God, for it is a tomb to be used only once for a premier elder.”28 While I find this proposal more tantalizing than convincing, especially given the weight of church tradition that places the apostle’s martyrdom in (Credit: Marsyas / Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA-3.0-migrated) Rome, Paul’s letter to the Philippians, to which we Philippi, inscription of the bishop Porphyrios on the floor of Paul’s Basilica. It dates the church c. 343, which Porphyrios attended to. now turn, is a living testament of the appreciation and admiration that Paul and the Philippian church had one for another. Inscription on the Mosaic Floor of the “Basilica of Paul” When reconstructed, the inscription found on the mosaic floor of the assembly hall dedicated to Paul reads, “Bishop Porphyrios made the embroidery of the basilica of Paul in Christ” (Po[rphy]rios episkopos t∑[n k]ent∑sin t∑s basilik∑s Paulo[u ep]oiesen en Ch[ist]ø). Records indicate that Porphyrios served as bishop of Philippi when the Council of Serdica was held (c. AD 343).

Paul’s Letter to the Philippians

A Unified or Composite Document? As with 2 Corinthians, a number of Pauline scholars have argued that canonical Philippians is actually made up of two or three letters.29 Interpreters who think that Philippians is a combination of two letters posit that Paul wrote 3:1b–4:20 first and then composed 1:1–3:1a + 4:21-23. Meanwhile, exegetes who propose that Philippians is a compilation of three letters sent by Paul to the church at Philippi proffer the following epistolary progression: 4:10-20; 1:1–3:1a + 4:4-7, 21-23; and 3:1b–4:3 + 4:8-9. Both the former and the latter reconstructions require at least some later editorial work. While such proposals are conceivable, they are not verifiable. This is due in no small part to the fact that we presently possess Philippians in but one form. In any event, the preponderance of contemporary commentators is convinced that Philippians is a literary unity, and a carefully crafted one at that.30 Not only do a

Introduction to Philippians

number of themes and terms range across the whole of Philippians, but the less than smooth transitions within the letter, not least of which the one between 3:1a and 3:1b, are best explained not as the fingerprints of a maladroit editor but as abrupt shifts in topic and tone. This commentary presupposes the integrity of the letter and would contend that the burden of proof falls squarely upon the shoulders of those who would suggest otherwise. The Reasons for Philippians A few New Testament documents reveal why they were written (e.g., John 20:31; Phlm 10; Jude 3). More often than not, however, interpreters are left to infer an author’s purpose(s) for writing. This is the case with Philippians. In recent years, scholars have employed literary and rhetorical categories (such as “letter of consolation,” “letter of friendship,” and “deliberative rhetoric”) in classifying and interpreting the letter, and such studies have aided our understanding of Philippians.31 This fact notwithstanding, in my estimation no single reason or classification sufficiently explains the letter that Paul wrote to the church in Philippi. Strictly speaking, it appears that Philippians was occasioned by the gift the church sent to Paul via Epaphroditus, and latterly, by Epaphroditus’s return to Philippi. In sending Epaphroditus back to Philippi, Paul also sends a letter that, among other things, lauds Epaphroditus for his sacrificial service and thanks God for the Philippians’ protracted (financial) partnership in the gospel (note esp. 1:3-8; 2:25-30; 4:10-20). The letter also affords Paul the opportunity to inform the assembly of his present circumstances and future desires. In doing so, he seeks to assuage the church’s growing concern about his well-being and the gospel’s progress. Despite his ongoing captivity and uncertain future, Paul insists there is reason to rejoice, for Christ is being proclaimed in unexpected places by unanticipated people (1:12-18). Moreover, Paul indicates that his confinement has not eroded his confidence nor compromised his contentment. He is, in fact, convinced that he will (eventually) be released from his fetters and reunited with the Philippians. Meanwhile, Paul plans to send his “son” Timothy to Philippi as his surrogate just as soon as his own future becomes clearer (see 1:19-26; 2:19-24; 4:10-13). If Paul composed Philippians in order to express his gratitude and hope for the church’s ongoing fellowship with him in the gospel, he also wrote, it appears, to call the assembly to fidelity and

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unity. Given the external, non-Christian opposition that the congregation was experiencing (1:27-30) and the ever-present risk of rival missioners dogging Paul’s trail and altering his teaching (3:2; cf. 3:18-19), Paul thought it necessary to encourage the Philippians to steadfastness and vigilance in Christ (1:27-28; 2:12-18; 3:15-17; 4:1, 9). He does so in large measure by placing before them models to emulate on the one hand, including Christ, Timothy, Epaphroditus, and himself (2:5-11; 2:19-30; 3:7-14), and examples to reject on the other hand, especially their “opponents” (1:28), “the dogs, evil workers, and mutilators” (3:2), and the “enemies of the cross” (3:18). The letter also reveals that Paul is aware of certain fissures in the fellowship. In particular, he has learned of a disharmonious relationship between Euodia and Syntyche (4:2-3). In addition to entreating these two women “to think the same thing in the Lord,” he admonishes the assembly to oneness and otherregard in Christ (2:1-4, 14).32 Date and Place of Writing While no contemporary scholar of whom I am aware denies that Paul wrote Philippians,33 Pauline interpreters continue to debate when and from where he composed the letter. Internal evidence indicates that Paul was in bonds or chains (desmoi ) at the time of writing (1:7, 13, 14, 17).34 But where and when was he in captivity? In writing to the Philippians, Paul refers to the praitørion (Latin praetorium) on the one hand (1:13) and “the household of Caesar” on the other (4:22). These two pieces of textual evidence have most often led commentators to conclude that Paul wrote the letter from Rome.35 In addition, Pauline interpreters have frequently followed Acts in explaining the reasons for and the conditions of Paul’s Roman detainment (see esp. Acts 28:16-22, 30). Over the course of interpretive history, then, a (sizeable) majority of scholars have maintained that Paul wrote Philippians from Rome in the early 60s AD while awaiting trial before Caesar (cf. Phil 1:19-20; 2:23-24).36 Although a few commentators have contended that Paul composed Philippians while detained in Caesarea in the late 50s-early 60s AD (see Acts 23:33–27:2),37 the other location and date most widely espoused by interpreters for the writing of the letter is Ephesus in the mid 50s AD.38 Explicit evidence notwithstanding, scholars who hold this view contend that it is reasonable to infer an Ephesian confinement for the apostle predicated upon statements

Introduction to Philippians

he makes in 1–2 Corinthians (see, e.g., 1 Cor 15:32; 16:9; 2 Cor 1:8-9; 11:23; cf. Acts 19:1-41; 1 Clem. 5.8). In addition, advocates of an Ephesian origin for Philippians contend that the praetorium and “the emperor’s household” (1:13; 4:22) need not refer to Rome, given that Ephesus was a densely populated, influential, provincial capital of Rome that bore the title “First and Greatest Metropolis of Asia.”39 Furthermore, those who argue that Paul wrote the letter from Ephesus point out that Philippians indicates a fair amount of travel between the church and the apostle. This would be more plausible, it is held, were Paul in Ephesus (some 250 miles from Philippi) rather than in Rome (some 800 miles away).40 Proponents of an Ephesian provenance for Philippians also seek to support their position by noting that the itinerary Paul anticipates for himself in the letter (returning to Philippi upon his release [note Phil 1:26; 2:24]) conflicts with the travel plans he sets forth in Romans (journeying from Corinth to Jerusalem to Rome to Spain [see Rom 15:22-33; 16:23]). These scholars propound that the westward mission Paul outlines in Romans is subsequent to Philippians and precludes a return trip to Philippi, not least of all from Rome. Some Bible readers (and more than a few students I have taught!) regard scholarly attempts to pinpoint the date and place of Paul’s letters to be (unnecessary) exercises in tedium. If such considerations fail to captivate the interest of all, it should at least be acknowledged that such details do shape and can sharpen interpretation. While mindful of the relative advantages and disadvantages of the various positions regarding the origin of Philippians, I am presently inclined to think that Paul wrote Philippians from Rome in the early 60s AD.41 That being said, little of what is espoused in this commentary is predicated upon this view, and not a great amount would be lost, I reckon, if we were to leave open where and when Paul composed Philippians.42 Three Recurring Themes within Philippians

Although much of what follows in this section has been touched upon in the introduction above and will be expounded upon more fully in the commentary below, at this point I would like to highlight three themes or threads that are woven into the fabric of Philippians. A succinct consideration of these major motifs will help to orient readers to the letter as a whole.

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Christian Confidence A decidedly confident and “upbeat” tone permeates Philippians. Time and again, the apostle expresses joyful confidence and prayerful contentment (see, e.g., 1:4, 18, 25; 2:2, 17-19, 28-29; 3:1; 4:1, 4-6, 10-13, 19). He is convinced that God will work in and through people and the gospel to accomplish the Lord’s salvific purposes in Christ (note esp. 1:6, 12-14, 19, 25, 27-30; 2:12-13, 23; 3:20-21). Christian Communion and Moral Insight Commitments to and concerns about Christian communion and moral insight are also evident throughout the letter. Paul iterates communion among believers as well as with the Lord. Paul is grateful to God for the Philippians’ ongoing partnership in the gospel (1:5, 7, 30; 2:25; 4:10, 13, 15-18) and expresses his desire to know Christ more fully in life and in death (1:21-24; 3:7-14). Intimate, transformative communion is enabled, Paul maintains, through a mindset or attitude that is focused upon Christ and others, especially other brothers and sisters in Christ (so 1:7; 2:2, 5; 3:15; 4:2, 10). Interpreters of Paul’s ethics have duly and rightly noted that “being” precedes “doing” in the apostle’s moral teaching. Having said that, Pauline scholars have not always sufficiently emphasized the rational-practical (Gk., phron∑sis) component of Paul’s ethical thought.43 In Philippians, Paul is concerned that the church think and act in ways consonant with “the mind of Christ” (2:5). Christian Imitation Despite the insistence of Ernst Käsemann to the contrary,44 it does appear, at least in Philippians 2:5-11, that Paul regarded Jesus as, among other things, an ethical model or exemplar for believers.45 To be sure, Paul thought of Jesus as much more than a moral paradigm. It does not follow, however, that Paul could not have regarded him as such. Additionally, the apostle believed that mortal models were necessary for the Philippian assembly. As a result, he calls the congregation to imitate him and to pay careful attention to other believers (like Timothy [2:19-24] and Epaphroditus [2:25-30]) who live according to his example (3:17; cf. 4:9). On the contrary, he seeks to predispose the church against those who “set their minds on earthly things” (3:19; cf. 1:15, 17, 28; 3:2).

Introduction to Philippians

Taken together, then, Paul pens Philippians to encourage the fellowship to stand firm in the gospel (1:27; cf. 3:16) and to call them to embrace and exhibit a Christ-like habit of mind (2:5). The church’s commitment to such aims is to be evinced by its continued fidelity, congregational unity, ethical excellence, and heavenly hope (see esp. 2:1-4, 12-15; 3:7-16; 3:20-21; 4:8-9, 13, 19).

Notes 1. See otherwise, Robert T. Fortna, “Philippians: Paul’s Most Egocentric Letter,” in The Conversation Continues, Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J. Louis Martyn (ed. Robert T. Fortna and Beverly R. Gaventa; Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990) 220–34. 2. H. C. G. Moule (Philippian Studies [6th ed.; London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1908] 4–5) remarks, “Amongst the Epistles of St Paul Philippians shines out with singular light and beauty.” Putting aside arguably incongruent comparisons between Philippians and Romans–2 Corinthians, Moule maintains, “[W]e find Philippians more peaceful than Galatians, more personal and affectionate than Ephesians, less anxiously controversial than Colossians, more deliberate and symmetrical than Thessalonians, and of course larger in its applications than the personal messages to Timothy, Titus, and Philemon.” 3. J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (1868; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995) 72. 4. Cf. J. Louis Martyn, Galatians (AB 33A; New York: Doubleday, 1997) 42, who seeks to write a commentary that is “both scientific and empathetic.” 5. Space constraints preclude a review of secondary literature on Philippians. For a survey of academic publications regarding the letter from roughly 1990 to 2008, see Todd D. Still, “An Overview of Recent Scholarly Literature on Philippians,” ExpT 119 (2008): 422–28. 6. Bell. civ. 4.105, LCL, trans. Horace White; cf. Diodorus Siculus 16.3.7; Strabo, Geogr. 7.41. 7. So Craig S. de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts: The Relationships of the Thessalonian, Corinthian, and Philippian Churches with Their Wider Civic Communities (SBLDS 168; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999) 235. 8. Bell. civ. 4.105, LCL, trans. Horace White. 9. On the presence of veteran soldiers in Philippi, see further Peter Oakes, Philippians: From People to Letter (SNTSMS 110; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 50–54. 10. For scholarly support of this chronological claim, see esp. Rainer Riesner, Paul’s Early Period: Chronology, Missionary Strategy, Theology (trans. Doug Stott; Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1998). 11. So Chaido Koukouli-Chrysantaki, “Colonia Iulia Augusta Philippensis,” in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death (ed. Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester; Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) 5–35 (on 14–15).

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Introduction to Philippians 12. Koukouli-Chrysantaki, “Philippensis,” 22. Epigraphical evidence indicates the presence of a Jewish synagogue in Philippi in the late third century AD (so KoukouliChrysantaki, “Philippensis,” 28–35). 13. See esp. Oakes, Philippians, 47. De Vos (Church and Community Conflicts, 239) suggests 9,000–11,500. 14. See more fully, e.g., Koukouli-Chrysantaki, “Philippensis,” 22–27; de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts, 247–50; and Valerie A. Abrahamsen, Women and Worship at Philippi: Diana/Artemis and Other Cults in the Early Christian Era (Portland ME: Astarte Shell Press, 1995) esp. 15–20. 15. Oakes, Philippians, 174. 16. See more fully, e.g., Markus Bockmuehl, The Epistle to the Philippians (BNTC 11; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1998) 10–17. Bockmuehl’s “cautiously sympathetic” approach relative to the value of Acts as a historical source characterizes my own interpretive tact. Cf. Todd D. Still, Conflict at Thessalonica: A Pauline Church and Its Neighbours (JSNTSup 183; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 61–82. 17. I recognize that many of the details of Luke’s account of Paul’s ministry in Philippi are open to scholarly debate. This is not the place for me to throw my academic hat into the ring. For succinct, insightful commentary upon this passage that takes into account literary, theological, and historical concerns, see Beverly Roberts Gaventa, Acts (ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 2003) 234–42. Cf. now also Mikeal C. Parsons, Acts (Paideia; Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2008) 229–35. 18. Acts 16:10-17 marks the first “we section” in Acts. Other “we sections” in Acts include 20:5-15; 21:1-18; 27:1–28:16. For a brief scholarly treatment of these passages in Acts, see, among many others, Joseph A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles (AB 31; New York: Doubleday, 1998) 98–103. 19. Scholars differ on how best to read Acts’ depiction of Philippi as a “main” or “leading” (or, less likely, “first”) city of Macedonia. See further Bruce M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (2d ed.; New York: United Bible Societies, 1994) 393–95. 20. See Lightfoot, Philippians, 140–42, who demonstrates that the plural epistolai was sometimes employed to refer to a single letter. 21. Polycarp (Pol. Phil. 13.1) reports that the church in Philippi wrote to him. 22. See, e.g., Cynthia Briggs Kittredge, Community and Authority: The Rhetoric of Obedience in the Pauline Tradition (HTS 45; Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International) esp. 53–110. 23. See esp. Davorin Peterlin, Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Light of Disunity in the Church (NovTSup79; Leiden: Brill, 1995). 24. So Clayton N. Jefford, Reading the Apostolic Fathers: An Introduction (Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1996) 76. 25. Holland L. Hendrix, “Philippi,” ABD 5:313–17 (on 314). 26. So Charalambos Bakirtzis, “Paul and Philippi: The Archaeological Evidence,” in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death (ed. Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester; Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) 37–48 (on 42). The city of Philippi became increasingly depopulated between the 5th–7th centuries AD as a result of catastrophic earthquakes. Although Philippi now lies in ruins, its remains are of abiding interest to historians and pilgrims.

Introduction to Philippians 27. See Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester, ed., Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death (Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) esp. 49–84. 28. Allen Dwight Callahan, “Dead Paul: The Apostle as a Martyr in Philippi,” in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death (Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) 67–84 (on 82). 29. For relevant, representative bibliography, see James P. Ware, The Mission of the Church in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Context of Ancient Judaism (NovTSup 120; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2005) 163–64 n. 3. 30. For a number of recent studies maintaining the literary integrity of Philippians, see Ware, Mission of the Church, 164 n. 4. Note, however, John Reumann, Philippians (AB 33B; New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2008) esp. 13–15. He argues that canonical Philippians is a composite of three letters written by Paul to the church in Philippi from Ephesus c. AD 53–55. Reumann imagines that Philippian Christians combined these three letters in the last decade of the first century AD. 31. For a succinct discussion of proposed literary and rhetorical classifications for Philippians, along with pertinent bibliography, see Moisés Silva, Philippians (2d ed.; BECNT; Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005) 18–20. 32. On the term “other-regard,” that is, relinquishing ostensible rights for the good of the other (believer), see David G. Horrell, Solidarity and Difference: A Contemporary Reading of Paul’s Ethics (New York: T &T Clark, 2005) esp. 241–45. 33. F. C. Baur expressed doubts regarding the letter’s genuineness in the middle of the nineteenth century. See F. C. Baur, Paul the Apostle of Jesus Christ: His Life and Works, His Epistles and Teachings (2 vols. in 1; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2003 [German org. 1845]) 2:45–79. Darrell J. Doughty (“Citizens of Heaven: Philippians 3.2-21,” NTS 41 [1995]: 102–22) argues that Phil 3:2-21 is an inauthentic, deuteroPauline insertion. 34. Resultantly, along with Philemon, Colossians, and Ephesians, Philippians is frequently described and classified as a Captivity or Prison Epistle of Paul. 35. Gordon D. Fee (Paul’s Letter to the Philippians [NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995] 34) maintains, “Against many who protest to the contrary, the natural reading of these texts implies a Roman provenance to [sic] the letter, in both cases.” So, too, David E. Garland, “Philippians,” in The Expositor’s Bible Commentary (13 vols.; rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2006) 12:178–79. 36. Bockmuehl (Philippians, 30) notes, “[T]he traditional view since antiquity has been that Philippians was composed in Rome.” 37. So, e.g., Gerald F. Hawthorne, Philippians (WBC 43; Waco TX: Word, 1983) xl–xliv. 38. According to John Reumann (Philippians, 14), there appears to be “increasing support for Ephesus” in the academy. Occasionally, scholars have suggested that Paul wrote the letter from Corinth c. 50 AD. See, e.g., S. Dockx, “Lieu et date de l’épître aux Philippiens,” RB 80 (1973): 230–46. 39. See further Richard E. Oster, “Ephesus,” ABD 2:542–49. 40. Jean-François Collange (The Epistle of Saint Paul to the Philippians [trans. A. W. Heathcote; London: Epworth, 1979] 16) regards the distance between Philippi and Rome to be the strongest objection against a Roman origin for the letter.

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Introduction to Philippians 41. Recent commentators who also maintain that Paul wrote Philippians from Rome include Peter T. O’Brien, The Epistle to the Philippians (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster, 1991) 25; Fee, Philippians, 34; Bockmuehl, Philippians, 32; Morna D. Hooker, “Philippians,” in The New Interpreter’s Bible (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 11:475; Garland, “Philippians,” 12:180. 42. So similarly, Ronald F. Hock, “Philippians: Introduction,” in The HarperCollins Study Bible (New York: HarperCollins, 1993) 2202. 43. One notable exception is Wayne A. Meeks, “The Man from Heaven in Philippians,” in The Future of Early Christianity (ed. Birger A. Pearson; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) 329–36. Cf. Troels Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and the Stoics (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000) 113–14, and Peter Doble, “‘Vile Bodies’ or Transformed Persons? Philippians 3.21 in Context,” JSNT 86 (2003): 3–27 (esp. 5–9, 25–27). 44. See Ernst Käsemann, “A Critical Analysis of Philippians 2:5-11,” JTC 5 (1968): 45–88. Käsemann’s view that Christ “is Urbild, not Vorbild; archetype, not model” (72) has received fresh support from Charles B. Cousar, Philippians and Philemon: A Commentary (NTL; Louisville KY: Westminster John Knox, 2009) 56–58. 45. The so-called function of Phil 2:5-11 will be treated in the commentary below.

Outline of Philippians Address and Greeting, 1:1-2 Senders, 1:1a Recipients, 1:1b “Grace and Peace,” 1:2 Thanksgiving and Prayer, 1:3-11 Thankful Recollection and Joyful Intercession, 1:3-4 Grounds for Thanksgiving: Protracted Partnership in the Gospel, 1:5 Paul’s Confidence in God Regarding the Philippians, 1:6 Paul’s Expressed Affection for the Philippians, 1:7-8 Paul’s Prayer on Behalf of the Philippians, 1:9-11 Paul’s Imprisonment and the Gospel’s Advancement, 1:12-18a The Progress of the Gospel, 1:12-14 Imprisoned in Christ, 1:12-13 Emboldened in the Lord, 1:14 The Preaching of Christ, 1:15-18a Different Motivations, 1:15-17 Singular Proclamation, 1:18a Paul’s Deliverance and Departure, 1:18b-26 Confidence in Deliverance, 1:18b-20 “To Live Is Christ, to Die Is Gain,” 1:21-22 Desire to Depart, 1:23 Remaining and Continuing, 1:24-26 Life as Christian Citizens, 1:27-30 Living, Standing, and Striving for the Gospel, 1:27 Not Being Frightened by Opponents, 1:28 Suffering for the Sake of Christ, 1:29-30 Unity through Humility, 2:1-11 A Call to Loving Accord, 2:1-2 Admonitions against Selfish Ambition and for Other-regard, 2:3-4 Hymnic Instruction to Emulate a Self-emptying Christ, 2:5-11 Mirroring the Mindset of Christ, 2:5 The Humiliation and Exaltation of Christ, 2:6-11 “The Form of God,” 2:6

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Outline of Philippians

“The Form of a Slave,” 2:7-8 Creaturely Confession of the Exalted Christ as Lord, 2:9-11 Pauline Exhortations in Light of Christ’s Lordship, 2:12-18 “Work Out Your Salvation,” 2:12-13 Human Effort, 2:12 Divine Enablement, 2:13 “Do All Things Without Murmuring and Arguing,” 2:14-18 Purity Amidst Perversion, 2:14-15 “Holding Fast,” 2:16 Paul as a Libation, 2:17a Mutual Rejoicing, 2:17b-18 Timothy and Epaphroditus: Models of the Gospel, 2:19-30 Timothy, 2:19-24 A Messenger for Paul, 2:19 A Helper Like No Other, 2:20-21 A Coworker of Great Worth, 2:22 A Messenger Sent Ahead of Paul, 2:23-24 Epaphroditus, 2:25-30 His Return to Philippi, 2:25-26 His Serious Illness, 2:27 His Reception upon Return, 2:28-30 Transition and Reiteration, 3:1 Paul’s Opponents and Past, 3:2-6 A Call to Be on Guard Against Interlopers, 3:2 Circumcision Redefined, 3:3 Paul’s “Fleshly” Confidence, 3:4-6 A New Orientation, 3:7-16 Gaining Through Losing, 3:7-11 Pressing on by Forgetting the Past and Leaning into the Future, 3:12-14 Maturity and Fidelity, 3:15-16 Type and Antitype, 3:17–4:1 Examples in Christ, 3:17 Enemies of the Cross and Their Earthly Mindset, 3:18-19 A Heavenly Citizenship and Body, 3:20-21 An Affectionate Admonition for Continuation in Christ, 4:1 Miscellaneous Exhortations, 4:2-9 A Call for Concord in Christ, 4:2-3

Outline of Philippians

Rejoicing, Enduring, and Praying, 4:4-7 Thinking and Doing, 4:8-9 Renewed Concern and Contentment beyond Circumstances, 4:10-20 A Generous Congregation and an Empowered Paul, 4:10-14 Concrete Koinønia, 4:14-18 A Generous God Worthy of Glory, 4:19-20 Concluding Comments, 4:21-23 Threefold Greetings, 4:21-22 The Grace, 4:23

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The PRogress of the Gospel Philippians 1

COMMENTARY Address and Greeting, 1:1-2

Paul begins his highly lauded letter to believers in Philippi by identifying himself and Timothy. Whereas Paul is the letter’s author, Timothy’s role is that of a co-sender. Timothy might also have served as the amanuensis (or secretary) of the letter (cf. Rom 16:22; 1 Pet 5:12). From beginning to end, Philippians is imbued with a personal, pastoral tone. It is also replete with autobiographical materials. Throughout the letter Paul reflects upon his own circumstances and desires as well as upon his ongoing relationship with the Philippian church. In doing so he reveals his deep affection and expresses his high aspirations for the fellowship. Furthermore, in writing to his beloved fellow believers in Philippi, Paul sets himself forth as a model they can emulate (3:17; 4:9). In the John Chrysostom’s Comments on “Slaves of course of the letter Paul will also Christ Jesus” commend Timothy, his consistent As Paul commences Philippians, he “calls himself a ‘servant,’ and not an Apostle. For companion and trusted coworker great truly is this rank too, and the sum of all good who was already known by the things, to be a servant of Christ, and not merely to be Philippian assembly, as a person called so. ‘The servant of Christ,’ this is truly a free man worthy of imitation (2:19-24).1 in respect to sin, and being a genuine servant, he is not a servant to any other, since he would not be Christ’s At the outset of his friendly, perservant, but by halves.” sonable letter of instruction and admonition to the Philippians, Paul John Chrysostom, “Homilies on Philippians,” NPNF 13:184. simply and humbly describes himself and Timothy as “slaves (douloi ) of Christ Jesus” (1:1). [John Chrysostom’s Comments on “Slaves of Christ Jesus”] When compared to Romans–Galatians (the so-called Hauptbriefe or “Capital Letters” of Paul), Paul’s self-introduction in Philippians is succinct. This may

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signal that Paul perceived the ongoing relationship between himself and the congregation to be in good repair (cf. 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1). Additionally, the initial words of the letter intimate and the balance of the letter indicates that there were no congregational matters so pressing that Paul thought it necessary to dispense with gracious greetings and generous thanksgiving. By referring to himself and Timothy as “slaves of Christ Jesus,” Paul indicates their belief in and commitment to Jesus Christ as Lord (see Phil 2:9, 22; 3:8-11).2 Additionally, by employing this epithet Paul correlates leading with serving.3 Like his Lord, the apostle equated spiritual greatness with sacrificial service (Mark 10:42-45; Matt 20:25-28; Luke 22:24-27; cf. Rom 1:1). Paul flexed his leadership muscles by enslaving himself to all people (1 Cor 9:19). As Philippians unfolds, Paul will enjoin the assembly to have a mindset of humility (2:3). Additionally, he will place before them the exemplar of humble service—the Lord Jesus Christ (2:6-8). Paul regarded “taking the form of a slave” (2:7) to be the divine pattern for Christian life and ministry (cf. 2:22). Paul continues his salutation in 1:1b by addressing the congregation. Specifically, he directs his letter “to all the holy ones in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi.” Paul did not write to a cross-section of Christians in Philippi; rather, he addressed his letter to all believers who dwelt in that Roman colony in northeastern Macedonia. It may be that Paul included the word “all” as a subtle call to congregational unity. It is of interest, if not import, to note that various forms of pas (“all”) appear six times in the thanksgiving and prayer that immediately follow the greeting (1:3, 4, 7 [twice], 8, 9). Moreover, the letter evinces that disunity had begun to rear its ugly head in the life of the Philippian assembly (see esp. 2:1-4; 4:1-2).4 The apostle utilized a similar rhetorical strategy at the outset of 1 Corinthians in an effort to address the acute disunity that characterized the Corinthian church (note esp. 1 Cor 1:2, 5, 10-13). In his letters Paul frequently refers to Christ followers as “holy ones” or “saints.”5 By doing so, he is not ascribing to them elite spiritual status or attributing to them inherent moral purity. Rather, he employs the word hagios to refer to their commitment to Christ, the Holy One of God, and to remind them of their calling to be holy (i.e., set apart to God for service). Like the people of Israel, Christians of every generation are to be attuned to and marked by God’s holiness.6

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On the Interpretation of “Bishops and Deacons” Although Paul addresses his letter to Pauline scholars have expended much energy and every Philippian believer, he singles out have demonstrated great ingenuity in commenting certain “overseers” (episkopoi) and upon the meaning and significance of the opaque phrase “deacons” (diakonoi) in Philippi.7 While “bishops and deacons.” One of the foremost contemporary interpreters of Philippians, John H. P. Reumann, offers the it is clear that the aforementioned were following interpretive suggestions for those who are people of standing in the congregation, seeking to gain a fuller and firmer understanding of this oftwe are left to wonder about their precise debated expression (italics original): 1. “Exercise care not to identities and responsibilities.8 [On the read in evidence from later sources or theories.” 2. Be careful “not to read in earlier backgrounds without good eviInterpretation of “Bishops and Deacons”] In both dence or contrary to likely historical probabilities.” 3. Classical and Septuagintal Greek Consider “texts in their own right, in their historical, social episkopos is employed to describe those setting . . . .” 4. When studying the words themselves, “be who were supervisors or leaders.9 The aware of the complexity of issues, as well as methodological problems long discussed [with respect to the term episkopos also appears in 1 Timothy semantics of biblical languages].” 5. In attempting to under3:2 and Titus 1:7. The broader literary stand the development of church offices in general, make context of each of these verses suggests sure that any given reconstruction coheres with “a picture that the ministerial duties of an overseer of development likely for the document in its context” 6. Only after these preliminary and precautionary interpretive entailed the teaching and nurturing of measures have been taken should one seek to draw lines believers (cf. Acts 20:28). Be that as it between Philippi in the time of Paul and subsequent develmay, one should not facilely assume that opments. For his part, Reumann understands the “bishops” the episkopoi referred to in Philippians of whom Paul speaks in Philippians 1:1 to be local church leaders, likely “house-church supervisors” (including and the Pastoral Epistles were carbon women), and the “deacons” to be congregational agents copies of one another. One obvious and who “helped with various tasks.” perhaps significant difference between John H. P. Reumann, “Church Office in Paul, Especially in Philippians,” in the two texts is that whereas Philippians Origins and Method: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity (ed. Bradley H. McLean; JSNTSup 86; Sheffield: JSOT Press, refers to overseers, the Pastorals speak of 1993) 82–91. an overseer. If the episkopoi were responsible for the spiritual supervision and oversight of the various Christian meetings in Philippi (assuming that there were multiple gatherings), the diakonoi addressed by Paul may well have been those charged with coordinating and administrating the various and sundry service ministries of these groups.10 In his letters Paul employs diakonos to describe an individual engaged in spiritual service. Specifically, he speaks of Christ, Phoebe, Apollos, Epaphras, Tychicus, and himself as “servants” (see Rom 15:8; 16:1; 1 Cor 3:5; Col 1:7; 4:7 respectively; cf. 1 Tim 4:6). First Timothy 3:8-13 enumerates desired character qualities of those who would serve as deacons. While the primary ministerial remit of episkopoi may well have been supervision and the central concern of the diakonoi may well have been service, it is neither necessary nor wise to draw hard and fast lines of demarcation

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between the two (cf. Acts 6:1-6). Episkopoi would not be above serving, and diakonoi would not be below leading. Neither group, however, would be spiritually superior to “the saints,” for all believers have but one Lord and Master (cf. Matt 23:8-12), and every saint in Christ is to serve as a slave of Christ (Rom 6:16-18; 1 Cor 7:22b; Gal 5:13; cf. Eph 4:12). Paul continues his salutation in v. 2 by extending “grace” and “peace” to the Philippians. More than a stereotypical “well-wish,” Paul composes a greeting laced with grace and punctuated by peace. Grace and peace feature at the Pax Romana beginning of this and other Pauline Seneca, a Roman rhetor and philosopher who lived letters.11 Believers should not regard or from c. 4 BC–AD 65, was seemingly the first to speak of the Pax Romana or “Roman peace” (see Clem. employ “grace” and “peace” as theological 1.4.1; cf. Polyb. 15.1; note also Pliny the Elder, Nat., 28.3). buzzwords and liturgical “filler”; rather, Along with other Roman aristocrats, Seneca correlated they are to embrace and express the grace Roman peace with Roman power, particularly that of the and peace that flow from “God our Caesar and the military. Christians who pledged allegiance to another Lord and anticipated another commonwealth Father” and “the Lord Jesus Christ.” would have been viewed by self-respecting, law-abiding In the thanksgiving that follows, Roman citizens as strange if not subversive. This would Paul links his affection for the arguably have been the case in Roman-dominated Philippi. Philippians with their shared reception of See esp. Klaus Wengst, Pax Romana and the Peace of Jesus Christ (trans. and participation in “grace,” that is, the John Bowden; London: SCM, 1987), and Peter Oakes, Philippians: From demonstration of God’s mercy and People to Letter (SNTSMS 110; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). compassion in the person of Jesus Christ (1:7; cf. 4:23). Paul also speaks of the “peace of God” and “the God of peace” near the end of the letter (4:7, 9). For a congregation located in a Roman colony where the message and media of the Pax Romana were omnipresent and imperial prerogatives and propaganda were widely disseminated and readily embraced, a word from Paul regarding an everlasting, mind-bending peace would arguably Altar of Augustan Peace built around 10 B.C. in its new museum. Ara Pacis, Rome, Italy. (Credit: teldridge+keldridge / Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-2.0) have been both welcome and necessary. The Altar of Peace was dedicated to pietas and the Pax Romana of Augustus on July 4, 13 BC, near Campus Martius on the Via Flaminia. Replacing a temporary structure of wood and paintings, this beautiful altar was later rebuilt in Luna marble (covering a tufa and travertine base). It has been reconstructed near its original site on the Tiber in Rome.

[Pax Romana]

Thanksgiving and Prayer, 1:3-11 [Outline of 1:3-11]

Following an address and greeting (1:1-2), Paul enters into a period of

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thanksgiving (1:3-8) and prayer (1:9-11) for the Philippians. Paul employs the same epistolary pattern at the outset of Philemon and Colossians (cf. Romans). Near the outset of a letter, Paul typically offers God thanksgiving for those to whom he is writing.12 Outline of 1:3-11 Thanksgiving and Prayer, 1:3-11 By doing so Paul is not only able Thankful Recollection and Joyful Intercession, 1:3-4 to express his genuine gratitude Grounds for Thanksgiving: Protracted Partnership in the Gospel, 1:5 to God for a given letter’s recipiPaul’s Confidence in God Regarding the Philippians, 1:6 Paul’s Expressed Affection for the Philippians, 1:7-8 ents, which in turn would likely Paul’s Prayer on Behalf of the Philippians, 1:9-11 incline the addressees to be more positively predisposed toward what he has to say, but Paul also utilizes the thanksgiving period of his letters to touch upon or “telegraph” various topics or themes that he will take up during the course of the writing. In addition to the mention of God (twenty-three times overall) and Christ (thirtyseven times total), whose names naturally recur throughout the letter, “joy/rejoice” (a total of sixteen times in various forms), “gospel” (nine times altogether), “thinking” and related terms (see 1:7, 9-10, and passim), Paul’s partnership with and affection for the Philippians (note esp. 1:5, 7-8; 2:12-30; 3:17-4:20), and Paul’s present circumstances and future desires (cf. 1:7 with 1:12-26 and 4:10-20) all feature in this letter. Congregational unity (note “you all” in the thanksgiving; cf. 2:1-4, 14; 4:2-3) and the culmination of all things in Christ (1:6, 10; cf. 1:28; 2:16; 3:11, 19-21) also appear to be weighing on Paul’s mind as he is writing to the Philippian church.13 Paul commences his thanksgiving by expressing his gratitude to God for every remembrance he has of the Philippian congregation, especially the memories that flood his mind as he prays with joy for them (1:3-4; cf. 1 Thess 1:2; Phlm 4).14 Prayer marked Paul’s life and ministry, and he calls the Philippians and other Christians to devote themselves to prayer as well (Phil 4:6; Rom 12:12; Col 4:2; 1 Thess 5:17). Occasionally, Paul asks recipients of his letters to pray for him (Rom 15:30; 2 Cor 1:11; 1 Thess 5:25; 2 Thess 3:1). In Philippians 1:19 and Philemon 22, the apostle presupposes that those to whom he is writing are praying for him. Moreover, he is confident that their prayers will have beneficial effects. Even as prayer punctuated Paul’s life and ministry, joy (chara), which first appears in the epistle at 1:4, permeates Philippians. Joy, rejoice (chairein), and rejoice with (synchairein) occur a total of

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A Joyful Epistle Paul A. Holloway considers joy to be “the dominant motif of the letter [to the Philippians].” He does so with good reason. Paul makes copious use of the noun “joy” (chara) and related verbs (chairein, synchairein) throughout the letter. Chara appears in 1:4, 25; 2:2, 29; 4:1; chairein occurs at 1:18 (twice); 2:17, 18, 28; 3:1; 4:1 (twice), 10; and synchairein is found in 2:17, 18. While certain commentators have overplayed this theme within the letter, interpreters do well not to overlook chara and related terms.

sixteen times in the letter. [A Joyful Epistle] Beyond sheer statistics, the overall tenor of the letter is that of joy.15 Although physically in chains, Paul was not in spiritual shackles. Rather, he rejoices in the progress of the gospel in the midst of his confinement (1:18-19) and enjoins the Philippians to join him in rejoicing (2:17-18; 3:1; 4:4). For Paul, joy is a spiritual fruit (Gal 5:22; Paul A. Holloway, Consolation in Philippians: Philosophical Sources and cf. Rom 14:17). It is confidence in the Rhetorical Strategy (SNTSMS 112; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 89. So also Bonnie B. Thurston, “Philippians,” in Philippians Lord that transcends circumstances and and Philemon (SP 10; Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 2005) 49. provides the necessary spiritual strength for the arduous and at times ignominious road to glory (Phil 4:4-5, 10-13; note Rom 5:2-5). In v. 5 Paul shares with the Philippians a foundational reason for his thankful, joyful prayer to God on their behalf—the assembly’s protracted partnership in the gospel. From the church’s inception to Paul’s present communication, the Philippians had been deeply interested in and actively involved with the apostle in gospel work and witness. Furthermore, the fellowship’s commitment to the gospel and to Paul did not come in fits and spurts; rather, the congregation was steady in its support of him and steadfast in their commitment to the message and ministry of the gospel. One tangible way that the Philippians partnered with Paul was by supporting him financially. In fact, he had recently been the beneficiary of their generosity, for the assembly had sent him a gift through Epaphroditus (see 2:25; 4:18). As Paul concludes his letter to the church, he affirms their most recent concrete expression of concern and recalls their consistent koinønia over many years and miles (4:14-16). One lexical link between 1:5 and 4:14-15 is the noun koinønia (“partnership,” “fellowship,” “close relationship”; 1:5; cf. 2:1; 3:10) and the related verbs synkoinønein (4:14; cf. synkoinønos in 1:7) and koinønein (4:15). Paul did not perceive the Philippians’ partnership along philanthropic or even altruistic lines; instead, he considered their koinønia to be a tangible expression of their shared commitment to and common concern for the expansion of the gospel. It is surely not coincidental that the word euangelion (“gospel,” “good news”) appears in conjunction with koinønia (and related forms) in 1:5, 1:7, and 4:15. That Paul grounds his thanksgiving for the believers in Philippi upon the

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church’s participation with him in the gospel has led one recent interpreter to identify “the Philippians’ partnership for the spread of the gospel as the central theme of the epistle.”16 [Gospel in Philippians]

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Gospel in Philippians Even as joy and rejoicing recur in Philippians, so, too, does the term euangelion (“gospel,” “good news”). Paul employs the word nine times in the letter, six times in the first chapter alone (1:5, 7, 12, 16, 27 [twice]; 2:22; 4:3, 15). For many contemporary Christians, the term “gospel” carries a decidedly “spiritual” connotation. In Paul’s day, euangelion in its plural form (euangelia) would have carried markedly political overtones in places such as Philippi. In population centers throughout the eastern Mediterranean, euangelia (“glad tidings”) were closely correlated with the Roman emperor, particularly at the time of his ascendancy. To illustrate, an inscription discovered in the marketplace in Priene, a town located roughly twenty-two miles south of Ephesus in ancient Asia Minor (modern-day western Turkey), and dated to 9 BC celebrates the epiphany of Augustus as “the birthday of god” and “savior” who brought to the world “good messages [euangelia].” For Paul, whose understanding of “good news” was shaped by OT texts such as Isa 40:9 and 52:7 (cf. Pss. Sol. 11), the gospel focused upon the proclamation of and commitment to the once crucified, now risen Lord Jesus Christ.

Not only was Paul grateful to God for the Philippians’ continual koinønia in the gospel, but he was also confident that God would continue unto completion the good work the Lord had begun in and among the congregation (1:6). Expressions of confidence are common in Philippians. Paul is convinced that both the Lord and he would remain actively at work among the Philippian assembly (1:6, 25; 2:24). Additionally, Paul maintains in the course of the For a discussion of the background (including the aforementioned Priene letter that believers are not to place their inscription) and contents of “gospel” in Paul, see, e.g., N. T. Wright, “Gospel and Theology in Galatians,” in Gospel in Paul: Studies on Corinthians, Galatians trust “in the flesh” (or the sphere of and Romans for Richard N. Longenecker (ed. L. Ann Jervis and Peter unregenerate or disobedient humanity Richardson; JSNTSup 108; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994) 222–39, and Graham N. Stanton, “Paul’s Gospel,” in The Cambridge Companion to St [see 3:3, 4]). On the contrary, they are Paul (ed. James D. G. Dunn; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 173–84. to depend upon the Lord (1:14). Paul may be implying in 1:6 that there is no good reason for the Philippians to lose their spiritual nerve or verve (note 1:14, 27-28; 4:1), for the God who was and is at work in their midst will remain at work until “the day of Jesus Christ” (cf. 2:12).17 [“The Day of Jesus Christ”] What is more, until that climactic, transformative moment (cf. 3:20-21; 1 Cor 15:51-52), (the Philippian) believers are to “The Day of Jesus Christ” be at work for Christ, On three occasions in Philippians, Paul speaks of “the day of [Jesus] Christ” (1:6, 10; 2:16; cf. 3:20-21). Elsewhere in his letters Paul bearing spiritual fruit (1:11, refers to “the day of the Lord” (1 Thess 5:2; 2 Thess 2:2), “the day of the 20; 2:12, 30). Lord Jesus” (1 Cor 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14), and “the day of our Lord Jesus Christ” Paul continues his expan(1 Cor 1:8). He also refers to “the day” and to those who belong to it (Rom sive thanksgiving for the 13:12, 13; 1 Cor 3:13; 1 Thess 5:5, 8). Prophetic texts within the OT portray “the day of the Lord” as a day of divine judgment (Isa 13:6, 9; Jer 46:10; Philippians in v. 7 by mainEzek 13:5; 30:3; Joel 1:15; 2:1, 11; 3:14; Amos 5:20; Obad 1:15; Zeph 1:7, taining that it is fair and 14) to which the nations, if not Israel herself, would be subject. According to fitting (dikaios) that he Paul, a person’s fate on “that day” will be based upon and determined would think (phronein) this through Jesus Christ (Rom 2:16). For those who belong to Christ, it will be a day of salvation and redemption (2 Cor 6:2; Eph 4:30; 1 Thess 1:9-10); for way about them. In speaking the rest, Paul maintains, it will a “day of wrath” (1 Thess 5:9; cf. Rom 2:5).

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of his high regard and hopes for the Philippians, Paul employs the term phronein. This word, which concerns cognition in conjunction with attitudes and actions, suffuses Philippians.18 In addition to 1:7, phronein appears in 2:2 (twice), 2:5, 3:15 (twice), 3:19, 4:2, and 4:10 (twice). As noted in the introduction above, Paul may well have had a number of reasons for writing to the Philippians. That being said, given the recurrence of phronein throughout the letter as well as the concentration of other terms related to thinking and perceiving in connection with Christian living,19 “[W]e may say with some cogency that this letter’s most comprehensive purpose is the shaping of a Christian phron∑sis, a practical moral reasoning that is ‘conformed to [Christ’s] death’ in hope of his resurrection.”20 Paul can joyfully thank God for the Philippians and frequently and fondly think of all the assembly “because (dia) he has [them] in [his] heart.”21 Furthermore, he regards them to be partners and participants (synkoinønoi, cf. 1:5) with him in grace (charis).22 Given that Paul mentions his chains in 1:7 and employs the verb charizesthai in 1:29 (cf. charis) when referring to non-Christian opposition of the Philippians, it is possible that the partnership of grace of which the apostle speaks here includes shared suffering for the sake of the gospel. It is both interesting and instructive to note that in 2 Corinthians 8:1-2 Paul speaks of the grace of God shown to the Macedonian churches (which would have included the Philippian congregation) in the face of a “great test of affliction.”23 He also conjoins divine grace with his own trials and tumults in 2 Corinthians 12:6-10. Even though Paul had experienced and continued to encounter opposition and affliction (see 1:30), he construed such suffering to be a grace (cf. Col 1:24). Be that as it may, Paul’s focus was upon “the defense and confirmation of the gospel,” not the vicissitudes of the apostle. In the verses that immediately follow, it is clear that Paul is only concerned with his personal circumstances to the extent that they relate to and have direct bearing upon the progress of the gospel and of the Philippians in the faith (note 1:12-26, esp. vv. 12-14, 25-26). Before turning to the gospel’s advancement in the midst of his confinement, however, Paul underscores his affection for the Philippians (1:8) and offers a prayer on their behalf (1:9-11).

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In v. 8 Paul expresses his care for and commitment to the Philippians in a manner unparalleled in any other surviving Pauline letter. Calling upon God as his witness (cf. Rom 1:9; 2 Cor 1:23; 1 Thess 2:5; note also Rom 9:1; 2 Cor 11:31; Gal 1:20), Paul shares with the congregation how he yearns and longs for all of them (so also 4:1; cf. 2:26). Albeit infrequently, Paul does occasionally express in his letters his desire to see others (Rom 1:11; 15:23; 1 Thess 3:6; cf. 2 Tim 1:4). What is unique in 1:8 is Paul’s declaration to the Philippians that he yearns for them with “the love or affection [splanchnon, lit., “entrails, bowels, or heart”] of Christ.” This suggests that the apostle considered his affection toward them to be an extension of Christ’s compassion. The Synoptic Evangelists sometimes employ the verb splanchnizesthai to depict Jesus’ compassion toward certain crowds and various individuals in need.24 Paul understood his reconciliatory ministry and message as motivated and directed by Christ’s love (2 Cor 5:14, 18-19), a love to which Paul calls the Philippians and of which he reminds them in 2:1-11. Such love, Paul propounds, abides with Christians (so Rom 8:35-39) and is to abound in Christian congregations (Phil 1:9; cf. 1 Cor 12:31b–13:13; Gal 5:22). At v. 9 Paul transitions to pray for the Philippian fellowship. Although Paul often reports in his writings about his prayers for others (so, e.g., Rom 1:9; 2 Cor 13:7, 9; 1 Thess 1:2; 3:10; 2 Thess 1:11; Phlm 4), it is atypical for the apostle to offer a prayer in the course of a letter (cf. Phlm 6; Eph 1:17; 3:13, 16, 18). Here, it appears that Paul is continually (cf. 1 Thess 5:17), and even presently, praying for the Philippians. For what is he praying? Paul’s prayer is that the assembly’s love might super-abound (cf. 1 Thess 4:10), even as God’s love in Christ has abundantly abounded (see Rom 5:15-21). Elsewhere in Philippians the apostle commends agap∑ to the congregation (1:16; 2:1, 2), even as he places before the fellowship the most remarkable demonstration of love imaginable (2:5-8; cf. Rom 5:8). Paul prays that the church’s love will be marked by knowledge (epignøsis) and all discernment (aisth∑sis). Both terms, the second of which appears only here in the Greek New Testament, denote a moral reasoning coupled with intellectual understanding.25 Why is Paul praying that the Philippians will be full to overflowing with a love teeming with wisdom and perception? Paul

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indicates in v. 10 that he is praying along these lines so that the fellowship might ascertain and approve “the things that really matter.” It is not clear whether Paul is asking God to grant the Philippians loving insight so that they might discern what is truly excellent, so that they might differentiate between degrees of goodness, or so that they might detect what really matters and in so doing neglect or even reject the things that are comparatively unimportant.26 Whatever the case, Paul is imploring God to enable the Philippians to have a discerning love so that they might identify and embrace what is excellent and in turn might be sincere (or free from deleterious, diluting influences) and blameless (or free from fault or offense) for or unto the day of Christ. The aim of Paul’s prayer, then, is decidedly moral. It merits noting, however, that his ethical aspirations for the Philippians are grounded in christological convictions. The assembly is to be marked by purity as they await and anticipate the Parousia (on “day of Christ,” see v. 6 above; cf. 2:15 below). To be sure, this level of moral excellence requires diligence and vigilance on the part of believers. In their spiritual striving, however, they are to be mindful that the fruit of righteousness they seek is made available in and is attainable “through Jesus Christ” (cf. 2:12-13). In fact, they have been filled, presumably by God (the participle pepl∑rømenoi is perfect passive; cf. 4:19, where God is the subject and the verb pl∑roun occurs in the future), with the fruit of righteousness that results from knowing and from seeking to know Christ (cf. 3:8, 10). For Paul, right standing with God and right living before God is predicated upon and empowered by Christ (see esp. 3:6, 9). Lives that revolve around and reflect Christ’s righteousness redound to God’s glory and praise (cf. 2:11; 4:19-20).27 Paul’s Imprisonment and the Gospel’s Advancement, 1:12-18a [Outline of 1:12-18a] Outline of 1:12-18a Paul’s Imprisonment and the Gospel’s Advancement, 1:12-18a The Progress of the Gospel, 1:12-14 Imprisoned in Christ, 1:12-13 Emboldened in the Lord, 1:14 The Preaching of Christ, 1:15-18a Different Motivations, 1:15-17 Singular Proclamation, 1:18a

Having prayed that the Philippians would abound even more in a knowledgeable, discerning love (1:9), Paul turns in 1:12 to inform the church that his confinement has resulted, if paradoxically and unexpectedly, in the advancement of the gospel. The apostle shows no interest in chronicling or focusing upon “the things that have happened to him.” Rather, he wants his fellow believers (lit., “brothers”

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“Fictive Kinship Language” in Philippians [adelphoi]) to know (cf. ginøskein in 1:12 Terms of endearment permeate Philippians. with epignøsis in 1:9) that he views his capOne way that Paul conveys his care for and tivity as a victory for the gospel. [“Fictive commitment to the church in Philippi is by referring to Kinship Language” in Philippians] Reading between them as “brothers” (adelphoi). He speaks of Philippian believers in this manner for the first time in 1:12 and the lines, it may be that Paul is seeking to then again in 3:1, 13, 17; 4:1, 8 (cf. 1:14; 2:25; 4:21). buoy the sagging spirits of the Philippian “Fictive kinship language” features in the Pauline letters saints by stressing the progress, not the (e.g., adelphos [“brother”] appears 133 times in the regress, of the gospel in spite of (and even Pauline corpus) and is typically used by Paul to speak of and to fellow believers, be they male or female. because of!) his present plight.28 By seeking See esp. Reider Aasgaard, “My Beloved Brothers and Sisters!” Christian to encourage the assailed assembly in the Siblingship in Paul (JSNTSup 265/ECC; London/New York: T&T Clark International, 2004). throes of his own affliction, Paul is clearly looking out for their concerns (see 1:27-30; 2:4). The preeminent concern of the shackled apostle at this point in the letter is to convince his partners in the gospel (cf. 1:5) of the priority and progress of the unfettered gospel (cf. 2 Tim 2:9). To support the counterintuitive The Praetorium claim (note “rather” [mallon] New Testament writers can employ the term praetorium to refer to a Roman governor’s official residence within a given province in v. 12) that his imprison(so Matt 27:27; Mark 15:16; John 18:28; 19:9; Acts 23:35). A number of ment has resulted in the interpreters who think that Paul wrote Philippians from Ephesus or gospel’s advancement, Paul Caesarea tend to understand the phrase en holø tø praitøriø (lit., “in all the cites two important developpraetorium”) in Phil 1:13 in this manner. However, given that en holø tø praitøriø is followed by kai tois loipois pasin (lit., “and all the other ones”), ments. First of all, Paul claims whoever these others might be, it seems likely that Paul employs praitørion that it has become known to refer to a particular group of people, arguably the imperial guard. “throughout the whole praeAlthough this military unit could conceivably serve outside of Rome, the torium [or praetorian or praetorian guard made its home in Rome. On balance, then, Rome is where both the regiment and the apostle were most likely located when imperial guard] and to all the Paul composed Philippians. others” that his “bonds” are On the phrase en holø tø praitøriø, the learned notes of J. B. Lightfoot, “in Christ” (1:13). [The St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (1868; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, Praetorium] Stated differently, 1995) 99–104, and Marvin R. Vincent, The Paul has been made aware Epistles to the Philippians that a goodly number of and to Philemon (ICC; Image Not people (including well-posiEdinburgh: T&T Clark, Available tioned people like those who 1897) 51–52, remain due to lack of digital indispensable. are part of the imperial guard, rights. Please view the with whom the apostle seems published commentary to have had at least some or perform an Internet Soldiers and Roman officers of search using the the Praetorian Guard. Roman contact and to whom he marble relief, early 2d C. Louvre, credit below. almost certainly preached the Paris, France. (Credit: Réunion des Musées Nationaux/Art gospel) recognize that his Resource, NY) incarceration is because of

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and for Christ. In Paul’s spiritual perception, seeds of the gospel were being sown in and through informal and even non-Christian news networks when his imprisonment “in Christ” was the subject of conversation. Lest the Philippians erroneously conclude that the apostle’s captivity was detrimental to the gospel’s progress, Paul also reports that his imprisonment had (somehow) caused a majority “of the brothers” (i.e., fellow believers or perhaps Christian missioners) to become more confident in the Lord so as to proclaim “the word” without fear (of [governmental and/or societal] reprisal?) (1:14). Irrespective of the letter’s provenance, the precise identity of the “brothers” of whom Paul speaks is now lost in the mist of history. Be that as it may, we can learn from Paul’s comments regarding these “preachers” that he does not regard them to be opponents, even if some of them are opposing him (note 1:15a, 17). This fact renders tenuous the equation of these people with those whom the apostle mentions in 3:2 and 3:18-19 respectively (cf. 2:21). Additionally, a comparison of Paul’s measured remarks and restrained tone in 1:14-18a (cf. 3:2!) with his excoriation of the “agitators” in Galatians and the “superlative apostles” in 2 Corinthians should dissuade interpreters from lumping all the apostle’s rivals together and facilely affixing the “Judaizing” label upon them.29 As it happens, given that Paul enjoins the Philippians in 1:28 not to be frightened by their opponents, those believers who are proclaiming the word without fear (1:14) function as models for the congregation. Although the “brothers” of whom Paul speaks in 1:14 are facilitating the advancement of the gospel by proclaiming Christ, vv. 15-17 indicate that these messengers are not of the same mind regarding Paul. In v. 15 Paul sets up a contrast between certain “brothers” who preach Christ “out of envy and rivalry” (dia phthonon kai erin) and other believers who proclaim Christ “from good will” (di’ eudokian). Regarding the latter, Paul reports in 1:16 that their proclamation springs from love (agap∑). They know why Paul had been placed in prison—for the defense (apologia) of the gospel (cf. 1:9).30 With respect to the former, Paul contends in 1:17 that they preach Christ out of selfish ambition and insincerity (eritheias…ouch hagnøs), not to mention their desire to heighten the imprisoned apostle’s affliction. [The Structure of 1:15-17]

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Although Paul displays a magnanimous spirit The Structure of 1:15-17 A chiastic (or a-b-b-a) structure is in 1:18 by valuing Christ’s proclamation over detectable is 1:15-17. Having spoken of these preachers’ motivations and his own aposthose who preach Christ out of envy and rivalry in tolic reputation, he does nevertheless v. 15a (a), Paul refers to those who preach out of differentiate between the loving, truthful atti- good will in v. 15b (b). He then asserts in v. 16 tudes of some and the partisan, pretentious that the latter do so out of love (b) before claiming motives of others. While Paul can rejoice in the in v. 17 that the former proclaim Christ out of selfish ambition (a). fact that Christ is being preached, he stops For a study of this literary pattern in Paul, see, e.g., Ian H. short of saying that the message is the only Thomson, Chiasmus in the Pauline Letters (JSNTSup 111; thing that matters.31 The apostle addresses the Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995). character, commitments, and conduct of believers, preachers notwithstanding, throughout his letters (see esp. 1 Thess 2:3-7). In Philippians, for example, Paul enjoins the congregation not to be selfish and disputatious (2:3 [eritheia]); on the contrary, he calls them to love (2:1, 2 [agap∑ ]) and truth (4:8 [al∑th∑s]). In other letters, Paul elevates love (e.g., 1 Cor 13:13; Gal 5:22), good will (e.g., Rom 10:1; cf. Phil 2:13), and sincerity (2 Cor 1:12; 2:17; 8:8) even as he denounces envy (Rom 1:29; Gal 5:21), rivalry (Rom 1:29; 13:13; 1 Cor 1:11; 3:3; 2 Cor 12:20; Gal 5:20), selfish ambition (2 Cor 12:20; Gal 5:20), and pretense (1 Thess 2:5). Therefore, even if Paul celebrates the proclamation of Christ by various, now anonymous “brothers,” he differentiates between their motivations and perceptions. Those who preach Christ out of love know that Paul is imprisoned for the defense of the gospel; those who proclaim the word out of selfish ambition suppose that they can exacerbate Paul’s affliction. So, while Paul is grateful that the gospel is advancing, he refuses to hold up as models those people who preach the self-giving Christ with self-serving motives, for they fail to incarnate the word they proclaim (cf. Phil 2:3-8; 3:17; 4:9). To be consumed with self-preservation and self-promotion belies a misapprehension of what it means to be a Christian (minister) (note 2:21). Paul’s Deliverance and Departure, 1:18b-26 [Outline of 1:18b-26]

Although the imprisoned apostle is aware of rivals who are seeking to afflict him even as they spread the gospel, he is grateful that Christ is being proclaimed, even if it is by

Outline of 1:18b-26 Paul’s Deliverance and Departure, 1:18b-26 Confidence in Deliverance, 1:18b-20 “To Live Is Christ, To Die is Gain,” 1:21-22 Desire to Depart, 1:23 Remaining and Continuing, 1:24-26

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people who oppose him. Not only does Paul rejoice in the advancement of the gospel in the midst of his detainment (v. 18a), but he also exclaims that he will continue to rejoice (v. 18b). This commitment stems from the apostle’s conviction that his present plight will result in his “salvation” or “deliverance” (søt∑ria) (v. 19). What Paul intends by søt∑ria is not immediately clear, and commentators are divided as to its meaning here. Interpretations range from Paul’s release from detention to his vindication in court to his deliverance from cowardice to his final salvation.32 Interpretive ambiguity notwithstanding, Paul confidently asserts in 1:25 that he will keep on living so that he might continue to guide the Philippians as they joyfully progress in the faith. His return to Philippi (1:26) would, of course, be predicated upon his acquittal and release. Paul anticipates that he will not be shamed in that which awaits him; on the contrary, he is expectant and hopeful that he will speak boldly (parr∑sia) with respect to Christ so that regardless of his eventual mortal outcome he might magnify Christ as usual (1:20). While Paul clearly expects that he will be set free from physical captivity (cf. 2:24) and eagerly hopes that he will not be shamed or scared into silence as he responds to his accusers as Christ’s prisoner, there are at least three factors that suggest Paul (also) employs søt∑ria in v. 19 to mean “something more transcendent, such as ultimate vindication or salvation.”33 First of all, elsewhere in Philippians (cf. 1:28; 2:12), not to mention other Pauline letters, søt∑ria refers to (believers’ hope in) God’s ultimate saving activity.34 Additionally, as commentators frequently note, the phrase “this will turn out for my salvation” (touto moi apob∑setai eis søt∑rian, v. 19) mirrors Job 13:16 (LXX). In Job, this comment occurs in the midst of a passage where the “righteous sufferer” is confidently declaring that he will be vindicated before and by God. Arguably, Paul was knowledgeable of the original literary context and regarded Job’s situation and statement as analogous to and apropos for his own tenuous circumstances.35 Furthermore and finally, in the verses immediately following 1:19 Paul speaks in ultimate terms—life and death, remaining and departing (note esp. 1:20-21, 22-23). He also juxtaposes life “in the flesh” (vv. 22, 24) with the gain of dying and being with Christ (vv. 21, 23). Taken together, these three observations lend support to a transcendent meaning for søt∑ria in 1:19.36 Be that as it may,

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in the more immediate future Paul is confident that he will speak boldly before his interrogators and will be released by his captors. What enabled the apostle to “know” (i.e., be convinced) that his present circumstances (= “this”) would result in his future salvation? Paul offers two reasons for this conviction: the Philippians’ intercession for him and the support or supply of the “Spirit of Jesus Christ.” Paul’s awareness of the community’s prayers and the Spirit’s provision strengthens him in the present and emboldens him for the future. Additionally, Paul’s eschatological confidence, expressed in 1:20 in terms of his “eager expectation and hope” (cf. Rom 8:19-21), causes him to declare his desire not to be ashamed in anything. Paul might have in mind his impending trial where he would have the opportunity and responsibility to speak boldly.37 He might also be thinking, however, of his spiritual longing not to be found wanting before God (i.e., “shamed”) at “the judgment seat of Christ” (2 Cor 5:10).38 Regardless, Paul’s ongoing (“now as always”) commitment “whether by life or by death” was to magnify courageously Christ “in his body” (cf. 2 Cor 4:10; 5:9). Along with certain psalmists who stood as his spiritual predecessors and served as his spiritual mentors, Paul sought to eschew being shamed by seeking help from and ascribing glory to the Lord (see, e.g., Ps 31).39 Paul’s desire to honor Christ was not a newfound commitment spawned by pressing circumstances; rather, from the time of his conversion/call, Paul’s consuming passion was to pursue and proclaim Christ (see Phil 3:7-14; cf. also 1 Cor 15:8-10; Gal 1:11-24). Indeed, it was Paul’s steadfast, sacrificial devotion to Christ Jesus that allowed him to (ex)claim, “For to me to live is Christ and to die is gain” (1:21). This now famous phrase is so aptly, succinctly, and rhythmically put (esp. to z∑n Christos kai to apothanein kerdos ; lit. “to live Christ and to die gain”), one wonders whether these words were consistently on his mind and frequently on his lips. Certain theological convictions give rise to and provide reasons for Paul’s memorable remark in 1:21. In Pauline thought, the believer dies with and lives in Christ (so, e.g., Rom 6:6, 8, 11; 8:10-11). So vivid and vital was Paul’s union with Christ that he maintained elsewhere: “For through the law I died to the law that I might live to God. I have been crucified with Christ; now I am no longer living, but Christ is living in me” (Gal 2:19-20a). As Paul viewed it, believers’ lives “have been hidden with God in Christ” to

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Did Paul’s View of the Resurrection Undergo Development? In an effort to gain a fuller understanding of Paul’s thinking regarding resurrection, scholars ponder four primary passages in his letters, namely, 1 Thess 4:13-18; 1 Cor 15:1-58; 2 Cor 4:16–5:10; and Phil 1:18b26. Some Pauline interpreters posit that Paul changed his perspective with respect to resurrection over time. They note that whereas Paul links resurrection with Christ’s return and places himself among the Christians living at the time of the Parousia in 1 Thessalonians and 1 Corinthians, in 2 Corinthians and Philippians he entertains the notion of dying before Christ’s coming and of being at “home with the Lord” (2 Cor 5:8-9). In Philippians, as we have seen, the apostle speaks of death as gain and of departing to be with Christ. Whether or not Paul’s understanding of the resurrection developed over

time is a complex question that may be best left open. It does in fact appear, however, that by the time Paul wrote Philippians (in the early 60s AD), he held the following convictions regarding resurrection. On the one hand he thought that those (like himself) who died in Christ would “be with Christ,” though he does not indicate what this might mean (1:23); on the other hand he spoke of the bodily transformation of believers (as well as the destruction of unbelievers [3:19]?) at the time of Christ’s coming from heaven (3:20-21). For further reading see, e.g., Ben E. Meyer, “Did Paul’s View of the Resurrection of the Dead Undergo Development?” TS 47 (1986): 363–87; Richard N. Longenecker, “Is There Development in Paul’s Resurrection Thought?” in Life in the Face of Death (ed. Richard N. Longenecker; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998) 171–202; and Jerry L. Sumney, “Post-Mortem Existence and Resurrection of the Body in Paul,” HBT 31 (2009): 12–26.

the extent that Christ may be said to be their life (Col 3:3-4). Furthermore, even as death was defeated by means of Christ’s resurrection, Paul anticipates that God will raise and transform those who are in Christ.40 This is why Paul can confidently claim “to die is gain.”41 [Did Paul’s View of the Resurrection Undergo Development?] In his letter to Roman believers, Paul expresses ideas similar to those articulated in 1:21. He writes, “For we do not live to ourselves, and we do not die to ourselves. For if we live, we live to the Lord, and if we die, we die to the Lord. Therefore, whether we live or whether we die, we are of the Lord” (Rom 14:7-8). In vv. 20-21 Paul speaks of life/death and living/dying respectively (a-b-a-b). He repeats this pairing in vv. 22-23 by referring to “life in the flesh” on the one hand and his desire “to depart and be with Christ” on the other hand. Before concluding in 1:24-26 that he will continue to live and will be able to return to Philippi, Paul considers the relative merits of both life and death. In fact, he suggests that he is “being hard pressed between the two (alternatives)” (1:23a). [Did Paul Contemplate Suicide?] If he were “to remain in the flesh,” then the result would be “fruitful labor” for him (1:22). Even though Paul contemplated the unpleasant prospects of having run or labored in vain (2:16; cf. 1 Thess 3:5; Gal 2:2; 4:11), he was more wont to see his life as an opportunity to dispense faithfully the ministry unto which God had called him (see esp. 1 Cor 3:5-9; 9:15-18, 24-27; Rom 15:14-21). Nevertheless, Paul’s desire (epthymia) is “to depart and be with Christ,” for “to be away from

Philippians 1 Did Paul Contemplate Suicide? According to Arthur J. Droge, Paul, like Ignatius after him, was obsessed with suffering and death. Moreover, based upon his reading of Phil 1:21-26 (esp. vv. 22b-23), alongside other Greco-Roman texts regarding suicide, Droge contends that “Paul’s yearning for death . . . is best explained as his reflection on the possibility—indeed, the desirability—of suicide.” While it would be wrong-headed both to think that one can know Paul’s private thoughts and to dismiss out of hand Droge’s contention that Paul did in fact contemplate suicide, it is fair to note that while Phil 1:21-26 may allow for Droge’s interpretation, there is little textual evidence to support his conclusion. Although one can appeal to the verb airein (“to choose”) in v. 22 to buttress Droge’s theory, Paul’s statement “and what I will choose I do not know” need not be taken—indeed, is

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best not taken—as an indication that Paul was thinking about killing himself. Furthermore, the overall tenor of the letter calls Droge’s suggestion into question. As it happens, joy not only typifies Philippians, but it also frames the very passage under discussion (see vv. 18, 25). Droge’s claims notwithstanding, Paul was not so much preoccupied with death as he was consumed with Christ. It is this communion, and not some pathological fascination with suffering and/or fixation upon death, that drives Paul’s “desire to depart and be with Christ.” See Arthur J. Droge, “Mori Lucrum: Paul and Ancient Theories of Suicide,” NovT 30 (1988): 263–86. Cf. Rodney R. Reeves, “To Be or Not to Be? That Is Not the Question: Paul’s Choice in Philippians 1:22,” PRSt 19 (1992): 273–89. Contrast N. Clayton Croy, “‘To Die Is Gain’ (Philippians 1:19-26): Does Paul Contemplate Suicide?” JBL 122 (2003): 517–31, and Nijay K. Gupta, “‘I Will Not Be Put to Shame’: Paul, the Philippians, and the Honourable Wish for Death,” Neot 42 (2008): 253–67.

the body” is “to be at home with the Lord” (2 Cor 5:8). This, Paul propounds, is “far better” (pollø mallon kreisson; lit., “much more better”). Even though Paul’s personal preference is clear, he is not necessarily eager to hasten his departure. Indeed, he equivocates between living and dying. Whereas dying is preferable for him, living is “necessary” for them (1:24). Persuaded of this, Paul concludes that “he will remain and continue” with all of the Philippians for their progress (cf. 1:12) and joy in the faith (cf. 2:24). What is more, Paul’s “coming again” (parousias palin) to them will give the congregation concrete grounds to abound in boasting in Christ Jesus (cf. 1:11; 2:16; 3:3). The occasional nature of Philippians is particularly pronounced in 1:18b-26 as Paul contemplates his present circumstances and future desires. Oblique, staccato-like statements punctuate this portion of the letter as Paul ponders his plight and preferences. Given that Paul had seemingly concluded that he would continue to live and to minister by the time he wrote Philippians, N. Clayton Croy contends that the dilemma that Paul presents is best explained along literary lines.42 Succinctly, Croy maintains that 1:18b-26 is an example of an ancient rhetorical trope known as “feigned perplexity,” wherein an author interjects uncertainty in order to strengthen and/or dramatize an argument. Although Paul may be exaggerating his indecisiveness for rhetorical effect, we do well to remember that the apostle was Rome’s prisoner and he did

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not possess the “casting vote” regarding his perceived guilt or innocence. Moreover, the shackles in which the apostle wrote the epistle strongly suggest that his perplexity was more than literary. From all appearances, when Paul wrote Philippians, his life or death was not a foregone conclusion. Paul was convinced that he would continue on in the flesh, but such faith had not yet become sight (note esp. 2:23-24). Although Paul believed he would “remain,” this conviction conflicted was his “desire to depart and be with Christ.”43 Setting self-preference to one side, Paul opts for forbearance and deference (4:5; cf. 1 Cor 6:7; 8:13). By discerning the needs of others and looking out for their interests (see 1:9; 2:4) while in the throes of tumultuous circumstances (1:30), the apostle becomes a model of the very gospel that he lived, and was willing to die, to proclaim (cf. 3:17; 4:9).44 Living as Christian Citizens, 1:27-30 [Outline of 1:27-30]

When Paul wrote Philippians, he was confident that he would be released from captivity and would be reunited with his beloved and longed-for brothers and sisters in Philippi (so 1:25-26; 2:24; 4:2). It is possible that Paul’s hopes came to pass, but we cannot be certain of this.45 Be that as it may, Paul wanted the Philippians to flourish in the faith whether he was with them or not.46 Paul’s preeminent concern was not his presence or absence relative to the Philippians, nor was his chief focus upon his own life or death. Rather, as the adverb with which 1:27 begins indicates (i.e., monon, “only”), Paul’s ultimate concern was the church’s ongoing, unified commitment to Christ (see 2 Cor 11:28). As the apostle commences what some interpreters regard to be the “thesis” of the letter (i.e., 1:27-30),47 he enjoins the Philippians to “live worthily of the gospel of Christ.” The verb that I have provisionally and blandly rendered “live” (politeuesthai) appears only twice in the New Testament (cf. Acts 23:1). Lexical studies of politeuesthai indicate that the term, which Paul employs in Philippians 1:27 as an imperative and which may be rendered “to live as a citizen” or even more narrowly “to discharge your obligations as citizens,” frequently carries political and civic connotations.48 Given

Outline of 1:27-30 Life as Christian Citizens, 1:27-30 Living, Standing, and Striving for the Gospel, 1:27 Not Being Frightened by Opponents, 1:28 Suffering for the Sake of Christ, 1:29-30

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that Philippi was a Roman colony and that this is the only time in his extant letters that Paul employs politeuesthai, it seems altogether likely that the apostle intentionally chose this word, which would have been known by at least some of the letter’s recipients, in order to impress upon the congregation the importance of living “in a manner worthy of the gospel of Christ.”49 Later in the letter the apostle will remind the assembly that their citizenship (politeuma) is in heaven, not (merely or primarily) in Philippi (3:20). If Philippi constituted a miniature Rome in Macedonia, the Philippian church was to be, as it were, a heavenly colony on earth. Christ, not Caesar, was to serve as the congregation’s Lord and “Commander.” Moreover, their marching orders were to keep in step with the gospel of Christ whether or not their “general,” Paul, was with them. When absent, Paul had to depend on “fellow soldiers” like Epaphroditus (note 2:25) to bring to him a “report from the field.” All of those enlisted in the Lord’s “ranks” were to anticipate their Savior’s return (3:20).50 If the Philippians were to live worthily as citizens of the gospel of Christ, then they would need to “stand firm in one spirit.” Arguably, it is the Holy Spirit, not the human spirit, whom Paul has in mind here (cf. 1 Cor 12:9, 13; Eph 2:18),51 even if interpreters have tended to regard en heni pneumati (“in one spirit”) as parallel to and roughly synonymous with the phrase mia psych∑ (“with one soul”) that immediately follows.52 Either way, Paul desires to see or to hear that the assembly is standing firm. Near the conclusion of the letter, the apostle calls the congregation to “stand firm in the Lord” (4:1). In the face of opposition and pressure (note 1:28), Paul calls the Philippians to hold their ground like embattled soldiers and not to beat a retreat.53 Whether present or absent, Paul also desires for the church to stand firm by “struggling with one soul for the faith of the gospel” (1:27). The participle translated here “struggling” (synathlountes) would be equally appropriate on the battlefield or in the athletic arena. The only other time the word synathlein occurs in the New Testament is in Philippians 4:3, where Paul indicates that Euodia and Synthyche had struggled with him in the gospel. The faith that is the gospel is precisely that for which Paul wants the Philippians to contend as a unified fellowship. To stand firm in the one Spirit, the church would not only need to struggle with, not against, one another, but they would also have

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to combat fears aroused by their opponents. The source and nature of the Philippians’ opposition does not deter Paul here. [The Philippians’ Opponents] He does contend, however, that the congregation’s courageous response to their opponents functions as a sign or omen to the opposition of their destruction (cf. 2 Thess 1:5). Contrariwise, not being frightened by their foes signals, Paul suggests, the See especially the studies of Craig S. de Vos, Church and Community Conflicts: Philippians’ salvation from God.54 The Relationships of the Thessalonian, Corinthian, and Philippian Churches with Their Wider Civic Communities (SBLDS 168; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999) Although it is difficult to envision how 261–75; Peter Oakes, Philippians: From People to Letter (SNTSMS 110; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 77–102; and Mikael Tellbe, Paul the church’s fearless reaction to opposibetween Synagogue and State: Christians, Jews, and Civic Authorities in 1 tion could simultaneously signify Thessalonians, Romans, and Philippians (ConBNT 34; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2001) 231–59. salvation to the Philippians and destruction to their opponents, Paul may be suggesting that the assembly’s steadfastness in the throes of affliction stems from and is supported by their eschatological conviction that God would ultimately turn the tables and settle the score (cf. 3:19-20). Furthermore, 1:28 may intimate that the Philippians’ winsome witness in the face of distress could cause their oppressors to wonder if they were “fighting against God” (cf. Acts 5:39), and, if so, to wonder what their future might hold. When speaking of those who “live as enemies of the cross” later in the letter (3:18), Paul again employs the word “destruction” (apøleia), a term that occurs on only three other occasions in the Pauline letter collection (Rom 9:22; 2 Thess 2:3; 1 Tim 6:9). He also speaks in 3:20-21 of the Lord Jesus Christ as the Savior and Transformer of believers and as the one who has the power to subject all things to himself (3:20-21).55 While it would be both understandable and natural for the Philippians to view the opposition they were experiencing as menacing, if not meaningless, Paul calls them to perceive their present plight as a divine privilege. Albeit a costly grace, 1:29 indicates that the apostle nonetheless thinks it a divine gift that he and the Philippians can believe in Christ and suffer for his sake. For Paul, suffering for Christ was not a randomly consigned fate; rather, it was a divinely guided course. To regard suffering as a grace, however, is not a semantic game for the apostle whereby he The Philippians’ Opponents Although Paul does not identify the Philippians’ opponents or indicate how or why they were opposed, careful exegesis of 1:27-30 (cf. 1:7; 2:15; 2 Cor 8:1-2; Acts 16:19-40) alongside painstaking socio-historical analysis of Philippi at the time of Paul has enabled a number of contemporary interpreters to posit with good reason that the congregation’s conflict was with non-Christians and revolved around civic commitments and concerns. In short, it is altogether plausible that Paul’s converts in Philippi had to endure social ostracism, economic deprivation, and even physical suffering at the hands of unbelieving outsiders as a result of their commitment to Christ and fellow Christians.

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labels good what is otherwise evil. Rather, to see ultimate meaning in suffering on behalf of Christ emanates from Paul’s belief that God is able to cause all things to work together for good for “those who love God and are called according to his purpose” (Rom 8:28). Furthermore, in Pauline thought, to suffer with Christ is part and parcel of being Christian (Rom 8:17). Certainly Jesus was no stranger to suffering, as the next chapter of our letter eloquently attests (see 2:8; cf. 1 Thess 1:6). Paul was also a frequent target of enmity and hostility (note esp. 2 Cor 11:23-29). Indeed, non-Christian outsiders opposed the apostle during his initial ministry in Philippi (see 1 Thess 2:2; Acts 16:22-24). In addition, when writing to the Philippians, Paul was in the throes of conflict. In 1:30 the apostle seizes the opportunity to forge a further connection between himself and the assembly by equating his past and present “agony” (ton auton agøna) with theirs. Even as the Philippians knew of Paul’s troubles first- and secondhand (they “saw” and “were hearing” about them), the apostle assures them that their ongoing suffering was neither lost on him nor on God. Paul had experienced God’s comfort in affliction and was seeking in 1:27-30 to extend to the Philippians divine consolation and hope (cf. 2 Cor 1:3-7). The apostle had placed suffering in its proper frame and was eager for them to do the same.

CONNECTIONS Address and Greeting, 1:1-2

Scholarly studies regarding first-century Philippi have shown that those who lived there “felt strongly compelled to proclaim publicly the honors they had received and their social location in the pecking order of this highly stratified Roman colony.” Moreover, “Christians in the colony would hardly have been immune to these social pressures.”56 What was true in Roman Philippi and for believers living there is no less true today. People the world over succumb to the temptation of seeking after status and its accompanying symbols, and regrettably, Christian congregations and persons are all too susceptible to this lure and all too willing to join the throng.

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The way so many (American) churches and believers expend their energies and monies is a living, if chilling, testament that they have been, wittingly or not, “squeezed into the world’s mold” (Rom 12:2). Projecting and protecting the right image occupies time and captures affections; self-preservation and promotion eclipse more significant concerns and cloud spiritual perception. What is more, “clergy” are at least as culpable as “laity” along these lines. Philippians 1:1 addresses the human tendency to seek honor and status in the context of Christian community. Lest the church mimic and mirror society, all the saints, be they overseers, deacons, or otherwise, are to view themselves as “slaves of Christ” and busy themselves in the service of others. If we will follow Christ, we will increasingly deny self and sacrificially serve (note Phil 2:6-8; cf. Mark 8:34; 10:45). For the Christian, selfless, sacrificial service signifies both status and success. Indeed, “The essence of the gospel is seen in service, not in the exercise of authority.”57 Thanksgiving and Prayer, 1:3-11

Even as there are multiple connections between the thanksgiving and the letter body of Philippians, there are also numerous lines one can draw between Philippians 1:3-11 and contemporary Christian life. 1. It is striking how frequently Paul refers to God in the opening lines of the letter. In v. 3, he thanks his God as he prays; in v. 6, he expresses his conviction that God has been and will be faithful to the Philippians; in v. 8, the apostle speaks of God as his witness; and in v. 11, Paul refers to God’s activity and glory. Karl Barth rightly notes that Paul places his confidence in the One “who does not tire of giving, nor become incapable of it, who does not abandon the work of his hands. . . .” Barth continues by noting that neither Paul nor the Philippians began the good work of salvation; rather, God did. This fact, he suggests, both prohibits them from receiving the glory and requires them to trust in God’s fidelity. At issue, then, is “God’s earnestness, God’s good faith, God’s way.” In Barth’s perception, whatever questions remain for Paul, “there is certainly no question about [the character and care of God].”58 Is the same true for us? [Karl Barth]

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2. Paul regarded God’s grace to be Karl Barth Famed Swiss Reformed theologian Karl Barth the ground of the Christian life (1886–1968) is most widely known for his thirteen(note, e.g., Rom 3:23; 5:2, 21; 6:14; volume theological work Church Dogmatics and his commentary 11:5-6; Gal 1:6; 2:21; Eph 2:8). In on Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. As it happens, Philippians is the Philippians 1:7 he refers to the only other biblical book that Barth treated in its entirety that was church in Philippi as his partners or subsequently published. fellow partakers in grace (1:7). If we Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics (ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley and Thomas F. Torrance; 13 vols.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1936-1977); The Epistle to the Romans (trans. Edwyn C. were to place grace at the center of Hoskyns; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933); and The Epistle to the Philippians: Anniversary Edition (trans. James W. Leitch; Louisville/London: Westminster our theologies and communities, 40th John Knox, 2002). what changes might occur in our congregational and personal lives? 3. In Pauline thought, there is close correlation between divine grace and human gratitude. According to Paul, people who cease to be thankful to God become futile in their thoughts and darkened in their minds (Rom 1:21). In writing to the Thessalonians, Paul admonished the congregation to “give (Credit: Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA-3.0-DE) thanks in everything, for this is God’s will for you in Christ Jesus” (1 Thess 5:18); in writing to the Philippians, he was practicing his pastoral prescription. Giving thanks to God for others even as he was a Roman prisoner would have been a tall order! Because Paul was embracing grace and cultivating gratitude, he was able to exhibit contentment and exude joy irrespective of his personal circumstances (cf. 4:10-13). Believers who live in contexts and conditions ranging from bad to worse who remain graceful, thankful, and joyful shame those of us who live in comparatively “cushy” environs and still find reasons to grumble and be ungrateful as we yearn for the ephemeral and feed our greed. 4. As it happens, grace, thanksgiving, and joy share a common Greek root (char). In truth, many of our lives would be immeasurably richer if we would exhibit these Christian qualities more frequently. The same is true with respect to love, the gift and grace for which Paul prayed on behalf of the Philippians (1:9). Paul regarded love to be the greatest spiritual fruit and viewed it as integral to the gospel (Rom 5:5; 13:10; 14:15; 1 Cor 13:13; 2 Cor 5:14; Gal 5:6, 13, 22; Eph 5:2; Col 3:14; Phlm 9). A primary

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reason love matters most is that, when coupled with discernment, it enables people to discover “the things that really matter” (Phil 1:9-10). It seems likely that Paul would concur with the maxim now most often attributed to Rupertus Meldenius: “In essentials, unity; in non-essentials, liberty; in all things, charity.” 5. For Paul, all else paled in comparison to the proclamation and incarnation of the gospel (e.g., Rom 1:16; 1 Cor 1:17; 9:16, 23; Gal 1:6-12; 1 Thess 2:8-9), so much so that he could even conceive of his captivity along such lines and in such light (note esp. Phil 1:7, 12-13, 16; cf. Phlm 1, 9).59 More than a proclamation, Paul’s gospel centered upon the Person of Jesus Christ. Christ Jesus was the one in whom Paul placed his faith and upon whom he fixed his focus (note Phil 3:7-15). If Paul’s gospel is simple in principle, it has proven complex in practice. Leaving the Corinthian congregation to one side (1 Cor 1:10; 3:3; cf. Rom 15:5-6; Gal 5:15), it appears that even the Philippians had a difficult time remaining unified in the gospel (see, e.g., 2:1-4; 4:2-3). What was seemingly true of them has been all too true for subsequent generations of Christians. To take but one example, certain Baptist groups in the (southern) United States with which I am familiar are at least as well known for their battles as they are for their “defense and confirmation of the gospel.” 6. From the opening lines of Philippians, Paul’s affection for the congregation is apparent (esp. 1:3-8; cf. 4:1, 14-16). The apostle’s care for the churches that he founded and nurtured is often overlooked (e.g., 1 Thess 2:7-12, 20; 3:1, 6-10; 1 Cor 4:14-15; 2 Cor 6:11-13; 7:2-4; 11:28-29; Gal 4:19). In fact, Paul’s contemporary critics often pillory him as authoritarian and egoistic. While there may be strains of such in Paul, he tended to take a different pastoral tact and to play a different pastoral tune. From all appearances, Paul and the Philippian church shared a warm, mutually edifying relationship in Christ. As a Baptist minister and seminary professor, I frequently hear of troubled, tense relations between pastors and people. In most instances there seems to be plenty of blame to go around! Fortunately, I also observe and am told of congregations where the church staff and the church members live in harmony. This heartens me and convinces me that meaningful, reciprocal relationships between clergy and laity remain possible, if fragile, and that the example of Paul and the Philippians is still alive and well.

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7. According to the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus regarded loving God with every fiber of one’s being to be the greatest commandment. Furthermore, he viewed loving one’s neighbor as oneself to be of similar, if not equal, importance (Mark 12:28-31; Matt 22:37-40; Luke 10:25-28). Love also features in Paul’s thanksgiving and prayer for the Philippians. The apostle calls upon God as a witness of his Christ-like affection and compassion for the Philippians, a love he thinks is altogether fitting and appropriate. Additionally, Paul prays to God that the congregation’s love would flourish so that they might discern what matters most and might live blameless, righteous lives. Unlike so many in contemporary (Christian) society, Jesus and Paul conjoined loving with thinking, heart with head, emotion with cognition. Although one or the other is often looked upon askance and balancing the two can be like walking a tightrope, if we would be whole, we must grow increasingly adept in wedding our musings with our yearnings, our thoughts with our affections, and our beliefs with our behaviors. While it is common for some believers to dismiss the “life of the mind,” it is equally tempting for “cerebral” Christians to discount and disparage the experiential and existential aspects of the faith. Even if I have spent much of my Christian life gravitating toward one extreme or the other, I have become increasingly convinced that the higher ground is the middle way. Paul’s Imprisonment and the Gospel’s Advancement, 1:12-18a

A former seminary professor of mine sometimes quipped, “God can hit a good lick with a crooked stick.” By this he meant that God is able to use imperfect human vessels to accomplish divine purposes. [“Light Shining out of Darkness”] The checkered pattern of and personalities within salvation history lend “Light Shining out of Darkness” support to this statement. The pre-Christian The opening lines of William Cowper’s Paul was anything but a “straight arrow”; in fact, hymn “Light Shining out of Darkness” his persecution of the church led him to believe allow for the mystery of God using flawed that he was not qualified to be an apostle (see humanity to effect divine purposes. 1 Cor 15:9). God moves in a mysterious way, Given the fact that Paul “lowers the boom” on His wonders to perform; his Galatian and Corinthian opponents, wishing He plants his footsteps in the sea, that they would castrate themselves on the one And rides upon the storm.

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hand (Gal 5:12) and castigating them as servants of Satan on the other (2 Cor 11:15), the apostle’s tempered response to his Christian rivals in Philippians 1 comes as something of a surprise to students of his letters. It is worth noting, however, that Paul’s rhetoric is most forceful and polemical when he is convinced that his competitors are altering, distorting, or opposing the gospel (see 2 Cor 11:4; Gal 1:6-9; 1 Thess 2:15-16; cf. Phil 3:2, 18-19).60 Paul’s rhetorical restraint in speaking about his rivals in Philippians 1:15-18 is attributable to his belief that they are preaching the right message, even if they are out to “get his goat.” Although the message and the messenger tend to meld into one, the former is greater than the latter! In response to divisions among the Corinthians, who were transforming spiritual leaders, including Paul and Apollos, into cult-like figures, Paul writes, “Therefore, what is Apollos? And what is Paul? Servants through whom you believed and to each of us as the Lord gave. I myself planted, Apollos watered, but God gave the growth. So neither the one who plants nor the one who waters is anything, but the one who gives the growth—God” (1 Cor 3:6-8). Even as Paul called into question why some believers were preaching Christ, it is likely that we, too, have wondered and even worried about the motives of some ministers, especially the highly visible and extremely wealthy ones! Perhaps we lament the fact that ministerial scruples seem to be in such short supply and ask why scoundrels are so successful. When we reach this jaundiced juncture, we would do well to consider Paul’s response to his rivals in this letter. As Morna D. Hooker writes, “If the message of the cross is being effectively proclaimed, though from the wrong motives, we find that even here, the ‘weakness of God,’ displayed in the cross, is stronger than the ‘human strength’ of those who proclaim it.”61 Regarding the gospel message and those who proclaim it, two additional comments are in order. For Paul, the gospel revolves around Christ and his cross (note Phil 1:15, 17, 18; 2:8; 3:18; cf. 1 Cor 1:17; 2:2). If we would preach like Paul, we will preach “Jesus Christ and him crucified.”62 Secondly, we should be exceedingly wary of judging the motives of other believers. (Presumably, Paul had strong evidence to support the accusations he makes against the “brothers” in Phil 1:15, 17.) Truth be told, most believers, including ministers, operate with mixed motives. But even if we should fancy our motives pure, we are wise to realize that

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“It is the Lord who judges [us]” (1 Cor 4:4; cf. 2 Cor 5:10), and it is before the Master that we will stand or fall (Rom 14:4). Paul’s Deliverance and Departure, 1:18b-26

It is possible that the Philippians were discouraged about, if not despairing over, Paul’s imprisonment and impending trial.63 They might well have wondered what would happen to their apostle and if his detainment and possible death might impede the progress of the gospel. The Philippians might also have contemplated whether the ultimate price for the faith might be required of them. Instead of focusing upon his perilous circumstances, Paul rejoices. He also expresses his confidence in his assembly’s prayers and the Spirit’s empowerment. Even as Paul walks in the valley of the shadow of death, he is not fearful. On the contrary, he is hopeful with respect to his future in Christ come what may.64 Elsewhere Paul testifies, “Therefore, we do not lose heart, for even if our outer self is wasting away, our inner self is being renewed day by day; for momentary, light affliction is producing in us an eternal weight of glory beyond all comparison” (2 Cor 4:16-17). Paul’s buoyant, even defiant attitude toward death stands in stark contrast to ancient and contemporary anxieties about passing beyond the veil. Although life is a sacred gift that is to be received with gratitude and treated with care, preoccupation with prolonging or preserving one’s own life at all costs may well keep a person from truly living. Because Paul lived in and for Christ, he was able to face death with “calm assurance.” Furthermore, since Paul lived for Christ’s glory, the gospel’s progress, and others’ good, his life was full of purpose and meaning. Paul’s radical allegiance to Christ and his deferential service for others remain a model for believers far removed from first-century Philippi. Living as Christian Citizens, 1:27-30

1. In 1:27 Paul challenges the Philippians and subsequent recipients of the letter to lead lives worthy of the gospel. Over the course of Christian history, believers have all too frequently, if unwittingly, undermined the very faith they embrace and extol by the way they have conducted their individual, familial, and congregational affairs. The incongruity between the beliefs to which many

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Christians ascribe and the behaviors in which they engage is troubling and even alarming. Our lives can cheapen our words; our ways can cast aspersions upon the gospel. We would do well, as the saying goes, to “Preach the gospel always, and when necessary use words.” Paul would applaud the integration of gospel proclamation and Christlike action. 2. On occasion I will see a person wearing a t-shirt with “No Fear” printed on it. When I do, I often think to myself that there are a number of things of which I am afraid. While some fears are healthy and even necessary, other fears are detrimental and potentially debilitating. Scripture speaks of both productive and destructive fear. In general, the Bible applauds and enjoins reverential respect of God (cf. Phil 2:12) even as it cautions and dissuades cowering and cow-towing to mere mortals (cf. Phil 1:14), including those who occupy powerful positions. Martin Luther’s “A Mighty Fortress Is While emperors, princes, and potentates may be Our God” worthy of honor and even submission (note Rom Even as Martin Luther is widely 13:1-7; 1 Pet 2:17), the witness woven through regarded as the “Father of the Scripture is that there is only one who is worthy of Reformation,” his hymn “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God” is frequently referred to as the worship marked by “fear and trembling.” According “Battle Hymn of the Reformation.” In the to Matthew, Jesus’ instruction to the Twelve as he fourth stanza of this hymn, Luther, who was sent them out on mission included the following no stranger to opposition, writes, “Let admonition: “Do not fear those who kill the body goods and kindred go, This mortal life also; The body they may kill: God’s truth abideth but are not able to kill the soul; rather, fear the one still, His kingdom is forever” (trans. who is able to destroy (apolesai) both soul and body Frederick H. Hedge). These lyrics echo in Gehenna (geenn∑ )” (10:28). Paul may have been Jesus’ words in Matthew and are in thinking along similar lines when he enjoined the keeping with Paul’s instruction to the Philippians not to be frightened or intimiPhilippians not to be intimidated or frightened by dated by their opponents. their opposition, realizing that such a reaction would serve as an omen of destruction (apøleia) to outsiders and as a sign of salvation (søt∑ria) to believers (cf. Phil 3:19-20). [Martin Luther’s “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God”]

Lucas Cranach the Elder. Martin Luther. c. 1529. [Credit: Wikimedia Commons, PD-Art (PD-old-100)]

3. It would cause not a few contemporary Christians disquiet to speak of the destruction of unbelieving opponents, as Paul does in Philippians 1:28 (cf. 3:19; 1 Thess 5:3; 2 Thess 1:9). While the following observations will not necessarily cause one to be more comfortable with Paul’s seemingly pessimistic perspective toward those who stand in opposition to the gospel message and messengers (cf.

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however Rom 11:25-36), they will, I hope, make such a remark more intelligible. First of all, it is helpful to note that even though Paul embraced the theological notion of divine vindication, he gained no personal satisfaction in doing so. In fact, as Philippians 3:18 indicates, those who lived in enmity with and in hostility toward “the cross of Christ” greatly and perpetually grieved Paul (cf. Rom 9:1-5). Such talk, then, is more than Paul “cashing in” on some sort of personal vendetta. Additionally, it merits mentioning that one will search Paul’s letters in vain for an admonition to retaliate (see otherwise Rom 12:14-21). Correlatively, Paul believed both salvation and wrath were ultimate realities that belonged ultimately to the Lord (cf. Rom 1:18; 5:9; 1 Thess 1:9-10; 2:16; 5:9). Also, as consultation of an exhaustive concordance indicates, Paul is by no means the only biblical author who speaks in binary terms with respect to salvation and destruction. Finally, it should be observed that Paul tended to speak circumspectly regarding the plight of God’s enemies. What is more, the apostle viewed outsiders as potential insiders and spent his life proclaiming the gospel so that people might have “peace with God through the Lord Jesus Christ” (Rom 5:1). 4. Along with Paul and the Philippians, over the course of Christian history significant numbers of believers have suffered for their faith. Their steadfastness and sacrifice is laudable; they serve as our examples. With respect to suffering for one’s commitment to Christ and the gospel, two extremes are to be avoided. On the one hand, we should not provoke persecution or confuse disagreement or inconvenience with suffering. On the other hand, believers are to “be prepared to make a defense (apologia) to any one who calls [them] to account for the hope that is in [them] . . . with gentleness and reverence” (1 Pet 3:15), even if such an apology may incite hostility. Paul did not regard suffering as inherently good. He did, however, view suffering for Christ as a privilege of and as a profit to believers. Paul’s experience and perspective serve as a challenge for those, like me, who sacrifice little and suffer even less for the good and growth of the gospel.

Notes 1. On Timothy, see also, e.g., Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Col 1:1; 1 Thess 1:1; 3:2, 6; 2 Thess 1:1; 1 Tim 1:2; 2 Tim 1:2; Phlm 1; Heb 13:23; Acts 16:1-3;

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Philippians 1 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4. For a study on this beloved Pauline coworker, see Bruce J. Malina, Timothy: Paul’s Closest Associate (Paul’s Social Network: Brothers and Sisters in Faith; Collegeville MN: Liturgical 2008). 2. Interpreters frequently observe that a number of OT figures are depicted in the LXX as douloi (e.g., Abraham [Ps 105:42]; Moses [Neh 10:29]; Joshua [Josh 24:29]; David [Ps 89:20; LXX 88:21]). Furthermore, some commentators contend that Paul, like his Hebraic predecessors, is better construed as a “servant” than a “slave.” While Paul (and other early Christian leaders [cf. Jas 1:1; 2 Pet 1:1; Jude 1; Rev 1:1; 2:20; 19:5; 22:6]) may be tapping into this biblical tradition, it is likely that the Philippians “would more readily have taken him to mean that he was the ‘slave’ of Christ in the humble sense that the word normally had among them” (so F. F. Bruce, Philippians [NIBC 11; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1989] 26). Interestingly, the slave girl possessed by the Phythic spirit identifies Paul and Silas as “slaves (douloi) of the Most High God” (Acts 16:17). 3. For the argument that Paul employs “slave of Christ” as a leadership title in Phil 1:1 and Rom 1:1, see Dale B. Martin, Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1990) 51–60. Karl Barth (The Epistle to the Philippians: 40th Anniversary Edition [trans. James W. Leitch; Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox, 2002] 10) maintains that even though Paul does not explicitly speak of his apostolic status at the outset of Philippians, “That he nonetheless intends to claim his authority here [i.e., in Phil 1:1] also in all its fullness goes without saying.” Barth continues by adding, “The very designation ‘slaves of Christ Jesus’ is a reminder of that authority. It points away from the person of the speaker to the Person of his Lord, in its very sharpness even more explicitly if anything than does the world ‘apostle’” (italics original). 4. For a scholarly study of the theme of (dis)unity in Philippians, see Davorin Peterlin, Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Light of Disunity in the Church (NovTSup 79; Leiden: Brill, 1995). 5. In addition to Phil 1:1, see, e.g., Rom 1:7; 12:13; 15:25, 26, 31; 16:2, 15; 1 Cor 1:2; 6:1, 2; 14:33; 16:1, 15; 2 Cor 1:1; 8:4, 9:1, 12; 1 Thess 5:26; Phlm 5, 7; cf. Eph 1:1, 18; 2:19; 3:8, 18; 4:12; 5:3; 6:18; Col 1:2, 4, 12, 26. 6. Note, e.g., Exod 19:5-6; Lev 11:43-45; 19:2; Deut 7:6; 14:2; Rom 1:7; 12:1; 1 Cor 1:1; Col 3:12; cf. 1 Pet 1:14-16; 2:9. 7. Morna D. Hooker (“The Letter to the Philippians,” in The New Interpreter’s Bible [12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000] 11:469–549 [on 481]) notes three common explanations given for Paul’s inclusion of the phrase “bishops and deacons” in 1:1b: (1) It was they who organized the most recent gift to Paul from the Philippians; (2) These leaders stood in special need of encouragement or reprimand and are thus singled out at the beginning of the letter; (3) Paul specifies these people for no other reason than this was how the church, in keeping with its broader cultural milieu, had organized itself. For additional reasons as to why Paul specifically addresses the “bishops and deacons” at the outset of Philippians, including his own proposal that Paul is merely mimicking (and subtly deriding) a phrase from a letter that the Philippian church had written to him, see Ernest Best, “Bishops and Deacons: Philippians 1,1,” SE 4 (1968): 371–76. Some ancient manuscripts read “fellow-overseers” instead of “overseers.” This alternative reading is almost certainly secondary. For a discussion of Phil 1:1 with special reference to the Chester Beatty papyrus codex known as P46, see T. C. Skeat,

Philippians 1 “Did Paul Write to ‘Bishops and Deacons’ at Philippi? A Note on Philippians 1:1,” NovT 37 (1995): 12–15. 8. Some scholars suggest that Paul is referring to a single group of people when addressing “bishops and deacons” (so, e.g., John Chrysostom, “Homilies on Philippians,” NPNF 13:184; Jean-François Collange, The Epistle of Saint Paul to the Philippians [trans. A. W. Heathcote; London: Epworth, 1979] 39]; and Ralph P. Martin and Gerald F. Hawthorne, Philippians [rev. and enl. ed.; WBC 43; Nashville: Nelson, 2004] 11). While deacons may be read as further describing overseers, the Greek expression syn episkopois kai diakonois is more often read as referring to distinct, albeit related, groups. For the argument that episkopos is synonymous with presbyteros, see esp. J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (1868; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995) 95–99. It is sometimes suggested that Euodia and Syntyche, who are explicitly addressed by Paul in Phil 4:2, were among the Philippian episkopoi and/or diakonoi as well as among Paul’s synergoi (i.e., “coworkers” [see Phil 4:3]). So, e.g., Carolyn Osiek, Philippians, Philemon (ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 110–12. While plausible, such a proposal is not verifiable. 9. For a lucid, thorough discussion on overseers in the ancient world and early church, replete with references to primary texts, see I. Howard Marshall, The Pastoral Epistles (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999) 170–81. 10. So also Gordon D. Fee, Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995) 69. For an expanded, learned note on “overseers” and “deacons” in Phil 1:1b, see Marvin R. Vincent, Philippians and Philemon (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897) 36–51. 11. See further Rom 1:7; 1 Cor 1:2; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2; Col 1:2; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:2; Titus 1:4; Phlm 3. 12. Cf., e.g., Rom 1:8; 1 Cor 1:4-9; Col 1:3-7; 1 Thess 1:2-3; 2 Thess 1:3; 2 Tim 1:3; Phlm 4-5. 13. On Phil 1:3-11, in addition to other commentaries on the letter, see Robert Jewett, “The Epistolary Thanksgiving and the Integrity of Philippians,” NovT 12 (1970): 40–53, and David E. Garland, “Philippians 1:1-26: The Defense and Confirmation of the Gospel,” RevExp 77 (1980): 327–36, esp. 328–31. Note also Paul A. Holloway, “Thanks for the Memories: On the Translation of Phil 1:3,” NTS 52 (2006): 419–32. 14. Although scholars typically render epi pas∑ t∑ mneia hymøn “whenever I remember you” and occasionally translate the phrase “for your every remembrance of me,” it seems best read as “for every remembrance of you.” So, too, Chrysostom, “Homilies on Philippians,” 13:184-85; Hooker, “Philippians,” 482-83; and esp. Holloway, “Phil 1.3.” 15. So also Morna D. Hooker, “Philippians: Phantom Opponents and the Real Source of Conflict,” in Fair Play: Diversity and Conflicts in Early Christianity: Essays in Honour of Heikki Räisänen (ed. Ismo Dunderberg, Christopher Tuckett, and Kari Syreeni; NovTSup 103; Leiden: Brill, 2002) 377–95, who remarks, “The characteristic note of the epistle is joy. . . .” 16. So James P. Ware, The Mission of the Church in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Context of Ancient Judaism (NovTSup 120; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2005) 168. Cf. Fee, Philippians, 14: “Paul’s overarching concern is with the gospel, a word that occurs more often in this letter than in any of the others.”

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Philippians 1 17. See the remarks of Paul A. Holloway, Consolation in Philippians: Philosophical Sources and Rhetorical Strategy (SNTSMS 112; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 45, 89. 18. Hooker (“Philippians,” 484) suggests that the “meaning [of phronein] is less cerebral than ‘think’ but more deliberate than ‘feel’; we lack an appropriate English verb that combines the activity of heart and head.” 19. H∑geisthai (“to consider, regard, or think”) occurs six times (2:3, 6, 25; 3:7, 8 [twice]); eidenai (“to know”) six times (1:16, 19, 25; 4:12, 15); ginøskein (“to know”) five times (1:12; 2:19, 22; 3:10; 4:5); logizethai (“to consider or think”) twice (3:13; 4:8); and dokein (“to think”) once (3:4). The words tapeinophrosyn∑ (“humility of mind”; 2:3) and no∑ma (“mind”; 4:7) also appear. What is more, related terms such as mathein (“to learn”; 4:9, 11), paralabein (“to receive”; 4:9), akouein (“to hear”; 1:27, 30; 2:26; 4:9), and idein (“to see”; 1:27, 30; 2:28; 4:9) also appear in the letter. 20. So Wayne A. Meeks, “The Man from Heaven in Philippians,” in The Future of Early Christianity (ed. Birger A. Pearson; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) 329–36 (on 333). 21. Although the Greek phrase dia to echein me en t∑ kardia hymas can be rendered “because you have me in your heart” (so NRSV, NEB), the Greek sentence structure suggests, the immediate literary context commends, and the majority of translators support the reading “because I have you in my heart” (see RSV, [T]NIV, NASB, [N]KJV). Having said that, there is every reason to think that the Philippians were equally fond of and committed to Paul. See further, Jerry L. Sumney, Philippians: A Greek Student’s Intermediate Reader (Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2007) 11–12. 22. Brent Nongbri (“Two Neglected Textual Variants in Philippians 1,” JBL 128 [2009]: 803–808) posits that it is possible according to ancient manuscripts and preferable given the connections to the ancient institutions of friendship and patronage in Philippians to place the first person personal pronoun mou (“my”) after charitos (“grace”) and to read synkoinønous t∑s charitos mou as “partakers of my grace.” Although Paul speaks of the grace given to him by God (as Nongbri rightly notes on pp. 806–807 n. 17), he does not regard himself as the one who possesses or dispenses grace. Indeed, one will search Paul’s letters in vain for the phrase t∑s charitos mou (cf. 2 Cor 12:9). It is best, therefore, to read synkoinønous mou t∑s charitos (“partakers with me of grace” or “fellow partners in grace”) along with Nestle-Aland 27th ed., UBS 4th ed., and the vast majority of commentators. 23. It may also be worth noting that both Philippians and 2 Cor 8:1-2 refer to the suffering and the giving of the church(es). Given that Paul regards suffering and giving to be essential components of the gospel (note esp. Phil 1:29; 2 Cor 9:6-7), it is no wonder that he views the Philippians to be his partners in grace. 24. See, e.g., Matt 9:36; 14:14; 15:32; 20:34; Mark 1:41; 6:34; 8:2; Luke 7:13. 25. Lightfoot (Philippians, 86) suggests, “While epignøsis deals with general principles, aisth∑sis is concerned with practical applications.” 26. See further and more fully the consideration of such options in David E. Garland, “Philippians,” in The Expositor’s Bible Commentary (13 vols.; rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2006) 12:175–261 (on 195–96). 27. Nongbri (“Philippians 1,” 807–808) notes that a few ancient manuscripts and commentators read “for the glory and praise for me” (eis dozan kai epainon moi) as opposed to “for the glory and praise of God” (eis dozan kai epainon theou) in Phil 1:11. Not only is this a weakly attested reading, but it also has no true parallel in Paul, despite Nongbri’s claim to the contrary (so p. 808 n. 23 with reference to Phil 2:15-16 and

Philippians 1 1 Thess 2:19). Therefore, the former reading is preferable and almost certainly original. So also Bruce M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (2d ed.; New York: United Bible Society, 1994) 544. 28. See esp. Holloway, Consolation in Philippians, 101. 29. As does, e.g., Lightfoot, Philippians, 88–89. See further the measured remarks of Hooker, “Phantom Opponents,” 378–79. 30. According to Richard J. Cassidy (Paul in Chains: Roman Imprisonment and the Letters of Paul [New York: Crossroad, 2001] 55), treason (maiestas) “was almost certainly the principal charge that Paul faced in Nero’s Rome.” Cf. Harry W. Tajra, The Trial of St. Paul: A Juridical Exegesis of the Second Half of the Acts of the Apostles (WUNT 35; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1989). 31. As Fred B. Craddock (Philippians [Interpretation; Atlanta: John Knox, 1985] 26) notes, “That [Paul] refused to permit attitudes toward himself as the canon for assessing the validity of another’s ministry is not to be taken as approval of motives inappropriate to the message.” 32. Cf. Garland, “Philippians,” 202. 33. So N. Clayton Croy, “‘To Die Is Gain’ (Philippians 1:19-26): Does Paul Contemplate Suicide?” JBL 122 (2003): 517–31 (on 519). 34. As noted by Hooker, “Philippians,” 490. For other occurrences of the preposition eis with the noun søt∑ria in Paul, see Rom 1:16; 10:1; 2 Cor 7:10; 1 Thess 5:9; 2 Thess 2:13; 2 Tim 3:15. 35. Richard B. Hays (Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989] 22) suggests, “By echoing Job’s words, Paul the prisoner tacitly assumes the role of righteous sufferer, as paradigmatically figured by Job. Awaiting trial, he speaks with Job’s voice to affirm confidence in the favorable outcome of his afflictions; thereby, he implicitly transfers to himself some of the significations that traditionally cluster about the figure of Job.” 36. See more fully Moisés Silva, Philippians (BECNT; 2d ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005) 69–72. 37. See the insightful commentary on 1:20 by Holloway, Consolation in Philippians, 108–11. 38. Cf. Garland, “Philippians,” 203. 39. Paul shows himself conversant with (at least portions of) the Psalter in his letters. See further the still valuable study of E. Earle Ellis, Paul’s Use of the Old Testament (1957; repr., Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981). 40. See further Phil 3:11, 20-21. Cf. 1 Thess 4:14; 5:10; 1 Cor 15:51-52; Rom 14:9. 41. According to D. W. Palmer (“‘To Die Is Gain’ (Philippians 1:21),” NovT 17 [1975]: 203–18), Paul, like non-Christian Greek authors, viewed death as gain because it promised freedom from the burdens and vicissitudes of earthly existence. As it happens, Paul’s thinking regarding suffering and death stands more in contrast to than in congruence with the impressive array of Greek literary parallels that Palmer cites. Far from viewing life as a blight from which one is removed at death, Paul considered “life in the flesh,” replete with its concomitant challenges and acute conflicts, as something to be joyfully embraced rather than sullenly eschewed. What is more, he speaks of death as “gain” and as “better by far” principally because it will allow him to be “with Christ” (note 1:23). For additional responses to and critiques of Palmer’s seminal article,

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Philippians 1 see Peter T. O’Brien, The Epistle to the Philippians (NIGNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991) 122–23, and Croy, “‘To Die Is Gain,’” 522–23. Cf. also C. J. de Vogel, “Reflexions on Philipp. 1:23-24,” NovT 19 (1977): 262–74 (on 269), and Thomas F. Dailey, “To Live or Die: Paul’s Eschatological Dilemma in Philippians 1:19-26,” Int 44 (1990): 18–28 (on 23–24). 42. See Croy, “‘To Die Is Gain,’” esp. 525–30. 43. Jerry L. Sumney (“Post-Mortem Existence and Resurrection of the Body in Paul,” HBT 31 [2009]: 12–26) suggests that Paul is contemplating death as a martyr in Philippians 1 and that he (along with certain other early Christians) viewed being with Christ at the time of death (as opposed to the time of Christ’s Parousia) as a reward for martyrdom. It is worth asking, however, whether Paul regarded cognizance of Christ’s presence at the time of death and resurrection from the dead at the time of Christ’s return as mutually exclusive. Furthermore, it seems unlikely that an apostle who labored tirelessly for equality and unity in Christ during the course of his ministry would envision preferential treatment for the martyred dead. 44. So similarly Markus Bockmuehl, The Epistle to the Philippians (BNTC 11; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1998) 90, and Croy, “‘To Die Is Gain,’” 531. Craig Wansink (Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonments [JSNTSup 130; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996] 117) maintains, “In setting the stage for the admonitions and rhetoric of 1.27–2.11, Paul presents the pattern of his own behavior in 1.18b-26 as a model for the Philippians.” 45. On the possibility that Paul returned to and was martyred in Philippi subsequent to the writing of Philippians, see Helmut Koester, “Paul and Philippi: The Evidence of Early Christian Literature,” in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death (ed. Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester; Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 1998) 49–65. 46. In addition to Phil 1:26-27 and 2:12, 24, other Pauline texts that address the apostle’s physical presence with or absence from his churches include 1 Cor 5:3; 2 Cor 10:1, 11; 13:2, 10; Gal 4:18-20; 1 Thess 2:8; 3:4; 2 Thess 2:5; 3:7, 10. 47. On 1:27-30 as the “central proposition” of Philippians, see esp. Duane F. Watson, “A Rhetorical Analysis of Philippians and Its Implications for the Unity Questions,” NovT 30 (1988): 57–88. Cf. Timothy C. Geoffrion, The Rhetorical Purpose and the Political and Military Character of Philippians: A Call to Stand Firm (Lewiston NY: Mellen, 1993) 29, and Garland, “Philippians,” 207. 48. See, e.g., R. R. Brewer, “The Meaning of politeuvesqe in Phil 1:27,” JBL 73 (1954): 76–83. Cf. Ernest C. Miller, “politeuvesqe in Phil. 1.27: Some Philological and Thematic Observations,” JSNT 15 (1982): 86–96. 49. As Garland (“Philippians,” 208) notes, peripatein is the verb that Paul typically employed to call his converts to spiritual and moral excellence. 50. Edgar M. Krentz (“Military Language and Metaphors in Philippians,” in Origins and Methods: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity” [ed. Bradley H. McLean; JSNTSup 86; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993] 106–27) notes the concentration of military language in Philippians in general and in 1:27-30 in particular. Drawing upon “ancient writers of military tactics,” Krentz likens Paul to a general preparing his troops for and encouraging his soldiers in spiritual battle. 51. See esp. Fee, Philippians, 163–66, who is followed by Garland, “Philippians,” 209, and G. Walter Hansen, The Letter to the Philippians (PNTC; Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2009) 96–97. So similarly, Bockmuehl, Philippians, 99;

Philippians 1 Hooker, “Philippians,” 496; and Charles B. Cousar, Reading Galatians, Philippians, and 1 Thessalonians (Macon GA: Smyth & Helwys, 2001) 146–47. 52. So, e.g., Bruce, Philippians, 59; Hawthorne and Martin, Philippians, 70–71; and Thurston, “Philippians,” 69. 53. See further Geoffrion, Philippians, 54–55. 54. The phrase with which 1:28 concludes, kai touto apo theou (“and this [is] from God”), may refer to the opponents’ destruction as well as the Philippians’ salvation. So, e.g., O’Brien, Philippians, 157. 55. For additional examples where Paul pits “salvation” against “destruction,” see 1 Cor 1:18 and 2 Cor 2:15. Cf. 2 Cor 4:3. 56. See Joseph H. Hellerman, Reconstructing Honor in Roman Philippi: Carmen Christi as Cursus Pudorum (SNTSMS 132; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) 109. 57. Hooker, “Philippians,” 482. 58. See Barth, Philippians, 17. 59. For a scholarly study of Philippians and Philemon in light of prisons and prisoners in the Greco-Roman world, see Wansink, Chained in Christ. See also Cassidy, Paul in Chains. 60. See further Carol J. Schlueter, Filling up the Measure: Polemical Hyperbole in 1 Thessalonians 2.14-16 (JSNTSup 98; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994). 61. Hooker, “Phantom Opponents,” 386. 62. See, e.g., Brad R. Braxton, Preaching Paul (Nashville: Abingdon, 2004). 63. This view is developed with skill and care by Holloway, Consolation in Philippians, esp. 45–51. 64. Nijay K. Gupta (“‘I Will Not Be Put to Shame’: Paul, the Philippians, and the Honourable Wish for Death,” Neot 42 [2008]: 253–67) suggests that Phil 1:18b-26 is best read alongside the “honourable wish for death” found in the Jewish literature of the time. For his part, Gupta argues, Paul valued the crucified life over an honorable death (cf. Phil 3:10-11).

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The mind of Christ Philippians 2

COMMENTARY Unity through Humility, 2:1-11 [Outline of 2:1-11]

In 1:27 Paul expresses his desire that the Philippian assembly be unified whether or not he was physically present. His pastoral hope is that the fellowship will stand firm “in one spirit” and will strive “with one soul” for the “faith of the gospel.” At the outset of chapter 2, Paul returns to address this congregaOutline of 2:1-11 Unity through Humility, 2:1-11 tional issue (cf. 4:1-3). He commences A Call to Loving Accord, 2:1-2 his instruction regarding unity in the Admonitions against Selfish Ambition and for church in 2:1 by setting forth four conOther-regard, 2:3-4 ditional clauses, each of which begins Hymnic Instruction to Emulate a Self-emptying Christ, 2:5-11 with the words “if any” (ei ti[s]). These Mirroring the Mindset of Christ, 2:5 succinct statements serve as the grounds The Humiliation and Exaltation of Christ, for Paul’s call to the congregation to 2:6-11 “complete [his] joy” in 2:2. “The Form of God,” 2:6 “The Form of a Slave,” 2:7-8 With rhetorical skill and pastoral Creaturely Confession of the Exalted wisdom, Paul prompts the Philippians to Christ as Lord, 2:9-11 consider anew whether or not they actually believe there is “any encouragement [parakl∑sis] in Christ,” “any consolation [paramythion] in love [agap∑s],” “any fellowship [koinønia] of/in the Spirit” (cf. Phil 1:5; 3:10), and/or “any affection [splanchna, cf. Phil 1:8] and compassion [oiktirmoi]” (2:1).1 Christian encouragement, loving consolation, spiritual fellowship/partnership, and affection and compassion were meant to typify and demarcate the “saints” in Philippi (and, for that matter, groups of believers everywhere). Although stated hypothetically and conditionally (note the four-fold use of “if ” in 2:1), Paul clearly espoused and enthusiastically embraced these christological, pneumatological, ecclesiological, and ethical commitments. Furthermore, the letter’s thanksgiving signals that the apostle’s special relationship with

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the Philippians was based in no small measure upon convictions akin to those articulated in 2:1 (see esp. 1:5-7). Given their shared understanding of the Christian orientation set forth in 2:1, Paul is able to admonish the church in v. 2 to “complete [his] joy” by putting such precepts into practice. How is it that the assembly can incarnate the commitments mentioned in v. 1 and consequently complete the apostle’s joy? On the heels of his request at the outset of 2:2, Paul identifies four specific ways. The Philippian church can make the apostle’s joy full, v. 2 continues, by: (1) “thinking the same thing” (see esp. 4:2; cf. Rom 12:16; 15:5; 2 Cor 13:11; Gal 5:10); (2) “having the same love”; (3) “being harmonious” (lit., “united in spirit”); and (4) “thinking the one thing” (cf. 1:27; 3:13). Here, Paul (re-)iterates his desire for the assembly to be a like-minded Christian community characterized by loving unity (cf. 1:27). If vv. 1-2 call the Philippians to loving unity, vv. 3-4 admonish the assembly to selfless humility. Verses 3a and 4a instruct the congregation what not to do, whereas vv. 3b and 4b direct the recipients to embrace a pattern of thinking and acting that values and privileges others. Unlike those who preach out of envy, rivalry, and strife (eritheia) (1:15, 17), Paul enjoins the fellowship to do nothing arising from “strife/selfishness” (eritheia) or “empty conceit” (lit., “vain glory” [kenodoxia]). Neither are they to pay (undue) attention to their personal conObsessed with Honor Ancient historians have drawn our attention to cerns. On the contrary, with a mentality of the fact Greco-Roman culture was marked by humility (tapeinophrosyn∑ ) they are to an obsession with honor. To illustrate, the renowned regard (h∑geisthai ) others as better than Roman orator and statesman Cicero (106–43 BC) once themselves. The embrace of such counsel suggested, “By nature we yearn and hunger for honor, and once we have glimpsed, as it were, some part of its would have required self-denial from the radiance, there is nothing we are not prepared to bear Philippian believers, which would have and suffer in order to secure it” (Tusc. 2.24.58). seemed radical, if not ridiculous, in a Meanwhile, Dio Chrysostom, a first-century AD Greek culture preoccupied with status and honor. philosopher and orator, remarked to the residents of Rhodes, “For you will find that there is nothing [besides honor], at least in the case of the great majority, that incites every man to despise danger, to endure toils, and to scorn the life of pleasure and ease” (Orations Rhod. 31.17). For these quotations and others similar to them, see Joseph H. Hellerman, Reconstructing Honor in Roman Philippi: Carmen Christi as Cursus Pudourm (SNTSMS 132; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) esp. 34–63. In addition, see Jon E. Lendon, Empire of Honour: The Art of Government in the Roman World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997); and Carlin A. Barton, Roman Honor: The Fire in the Bones (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).

[Obsessed with Honor]

In the poetic description of Christ Jesus’ condescension that follows in 2:6-8, it is said that he did not regard (h∑geisthai) equality with God a thing to be grasped (2:6) and that he humbled himself (2:8). In addressing the Ephesian elders, the Lukan Paul maintains that he served the Lord in

Philippians 2

Ephesus with all humility (tapeinophrosyn∑) (Acts 20:19). Furthermore, Paul insists in 2:4 that Philippian believers concern themselves with one another’s needs as opposed to their own.2 Later in the letter he will applaud Timothy for doing precisely that, even as he chides unnamed others for their failure to do the same (2:21). Before proceeding to consider the much celebrated, frequently treated, and oft-debated “hymn to Christ” (2:5-11), it is worth noting that 2:1-4 is also a carefully constructed epistolary unit. The four conditional statements of 2:1 are followed by four ways that the Philippians can make Paul’s joy complete (2:2). In considering 2:3-4, one may observe that both verses commence with a negative particle (m∑den and m∑ respectively) and that both verses utilize the adversative conjunction alla (“but”). Moreover, vv. 3-4 evince an a-b-a-b pattern with the “as” warning against self-absorption and the “bs” advocating self-sacrifice. While not wanting to make much ado about nothing, it also merits mention that a four-fold pattern appears not only in v. 1 and v. 2 respectively but also in vv. 3-4. Taken together, then, there are three sets of four, not to mention Paul’s single admonition at the start of 2:2, in the well-crafted thought unit we know as Philippians 2:1-4.3 In 2:5 the apostle continues to instruct the Philippians regarding their communal life by admonishing them to “think (phroneite) this in/among yourselves which also in Christ Jesus.” This woodenly literal, fragment-preserving rendering of 2:5 highlights the lexical connection between v. 2 and v. 5. In both verses Paul employs phronein (lit., “to think”). As noted earlier in our commentary upon 1:7, this term recurs in Philippians. Overall, the word appears twenty-three times in Paul; it occurs ten times in Philippians.4 In v. 5 in particular, phronein connotes an attitude or disposition based upon careful, continual thought. Here, Paul connects the habit of mind to which he is calling the community to “Christ Jesus.” The question arising, however, is what Paul had in mind when forging this connection. In a passage fraught with interpretive challenges, the first exegetical hurdle one encounters is the fact that there is no verb present in the dependent clause that commences with the relative pronoun “that/which” (ho) and concludes with the masculine noun “Jesus” (I∑sous). In order to translate 2:5 into readable English, one must supply a verb for the pronoun “that/which.” But which verb should

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a translator add, and in what tense should it be? Here scholars tend to be of two minds. This academic division is illustrated by the translation of Philippians 2:5 in the RSV and NRSV respectively. In the former, the translating team rendered the verse as follows: “Have this mind among yourselves, which is yours in Christ Jesus . . . .” In the latter, 2:5 reads, “Let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus . . . ,” with a marginal note offering the alternative “that you have” instead of “that was in.” Although at first glance this matter might appear to be a scholastic splitting of hairs, the interpretive implications of how v. 5 is translated are significant. Those who follow the RSV, which supplies a present form of the verb “to be,” will likely read 2:6-11 as a hymnic rehearsal of the story of Christ that his followers embrace and exclaim. This interpretation of 2:6-11 is known in academic circles as the soteriological or kerygmatic reading of the passage.5 Alternatively, readers of the NRSV (cf. KJV and NIV) are led to understand 2:6-11 along “ethical” lines. That is, Paul is enjoining believers in this passage to emulate Jesus’ way of thinking and acting.6 Arguably, either construal of 2:5-11 makes eminently good exegetical and theological sense. Furthermore, given the ambiguity of 2:5, it is certainly possible to understand the verse as a call both to think as Jesus thought (the “ethical” reading) and to think as those who are in Christ ought to think (the “soteriological” reading). Even if Paul tends to emphasize in his letters believers’ corporate life in Christ instead of the life of Christ per se, here he appears to conjoin the two as he places before the Philippians the model of a humble, self-sacrificial Lord (cf. Rom 15:1-3, 7; 2 Cor 8:9). To be sure, Paul does not reduce Jesus Christ to an ethical ideal one should imitate; nevertheless, he does gain certain moral moorings and behavioral bearings from the earthly example of Christ Jesus. Indeed, as 2:6-8 strongly suggests, Christ’s renunciation of his inherent rights and his demonstration of humble obedience, both of which are central to the gospel the apostle proclaims, serve a paradigmatic function for Paul and the Philippians.7 Following his admonition in 2:5, Paul further elaborates on “Christ Jesus” in 2:6-11. Not a few commentators contend that these verses—the so-called “Christ-hymn”—constitute “the centerpiece for the letter.”8 Even as interpreters have pondered the purpose of this passage, they have also examined its origin, back-

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On the Interpretation of Philippians 2:6-11 ground, and structure. In addition, scholars Few, if any, NT texts have received the acahave scrutinized particular terms in the text demic attention of Phil 2:6-11. Interpreters (esp. morph∑ [2:6, 7]; harpagmos [2:6]; kenoun have examined this programmatic Pauline passage [2:7]; homoiøma [2:7]; sch∑ma [2:7]). It will time and again from a variety of angles, including theological, historical, lexical, literary, ethical, social, not be possible here to treat 2:6-11 in fine political, and pastoral ones. English readers who detail, much less to interact with the volumiwant to study these verses seriously should nous secondary literature on this passage.9 [On acquaint themselves with the work of the British the Interpretation of Philippians 2:6-11] Our necessarily Baptist scholar Ralph P. Martin and the extensive bibliography that he provides with respect to this modest goal in this commentary is to offer passage. some elucidation of the text in its present episSee especially Ralph P. Martin, A Hymn of Christ: Philippians 2:5-11 tolary context. in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship (Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1997). Consider also the collection Before seeking to interpret the passage before of essays on Philippians 2 that appears in Ralph P. Martin and Brian J. Dodd, eds., Where Christology Began: Essays on Philippians 2 us, however, we should devote at least some (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1998). Note, too, Ralph P. space to three preliminary questions: (1) Is Martin and Gerald F. Hawthorne, Philippians (rev. ed; WBC 43; Nashville: Nelson, 2004) 90–135. Philippians 2:6-11 authentically Pauline?; (2) Against what religious backdrop is this passage best read?; and (3) What is the literary pattern of vv. 6-11? Let us consider these questions in turn. Regarding the origins of 2:6-11, there are at least three possible options: (1) Paul authored the passage, even if he composed it at an earlier time and tapped into ideas and terminology circulating in the broader Christian, if not Mediterranean, milieu. (2) Verses 6-11 did not originate with Paul; rather, 2:6-11 constitutes a (Christian) hymn that was in circulation before Paul penned Philippians. Be that as it may, scholars suggest that Paul may have made some (minor) modifications to the hymn (e.g., the words “even death on a cross” [thanatou de staurou], 2:8) in writing to the Philippians, who may have been familiar with (an earlier version of ) the hymn. (3) Paul neither created nor incorporated the hymn. Instead, a later editor of Paul’s letter to the Philippians skillfully inserted the passage where it presently stands. Although, as noted in the introduction, a number of learned commentators consider Philippians to be a composite document,10 I am not aware of a proposal that posits that 2:6-11 was added to the letter at a later time. Even if such a hypothesis does exist and has escaped my attention, there is little to commend it. To be sure, there is a concentration of atypical Pauline, and even New Testament, vocabulary in vv. 6-11.11 There are also, however, numerous lexical connections between 2:6-11 and the rest of Philippians. One should note the especially close correlation in vocabulary between 2:6-8 and 3:21.12 Moreover, vv. 6-11 do not

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seem extraneous to the literary context in which they appear. On the contrary, they appear to be a part of the letter’s warp and woof and not some liturgical filler inserted by a later, clever redactor. If vv. 6-11 are not a post-Pauline insertion, are they lines authored by (an)other early Christian believer(s) that the apostle later embraced and laced into his letter to the Philippians? A majority of contemporary New Testament scholars would answer this query in the affirmative.13 In fact, it is commonplace for commentators to identify and label 2:6-11 as a “hymn” and for translations to present this passage as such on the printed page. To substantiate the claim that vv. 6-11 comprise an early Christian hymn, interpreters not only appeal to the “un-Pauline” vocabulary of the text (see the previous paragraph), but they also point to the rhythmic character of the passage, even if they cannot reach a consensus regarding its structure, the language in which the piece was originally written (Greek? Aramaic?), its precise origins, or the extent to which Paul might have altered the hymn.14 The fact that v. 6 commences with the relative pronoun hos (“who”) is also said to signal the beginning of a “creedal” statement or “hymnic” meditation. While concurring with New Testament scholarship regarding the solemnity and poetic quality of the passage, I am reticent to speculate about, much less to speak with confidence regarding, a text’s pre-history. Furthermore, I fail to see the pressing need, be it theological, stylistic, or lexical, to identify the author(s) of this passage as one(s) other than Paul, especially given the apostle’s proven ability to write with poetic profundity on any number of matters relative to the gospel. As it happens, the “hymn” only survives in Philippians. Regardless of where the “hymn” originated, then (be it with Paul or [a] now anonymous Christian[s]), the primary task of the commentator, as I see it, is to seek to make sense of the text as it now stands. As Morna D. Hooker rightly notes, “Whether Paul actually composed these lines . . . he has used them, and by using them he has made them his own.”15 With respect to the religious background of or sources for 2:6-11, there is no shortage of suggestions. A recent commentary on Philippians marshals no less than seven options: (1) “heterodox Judaism”; (2) “the Iranian myth of the Heavenly Redeemer”; (3) “Hellenistic Gnosticism”; (4) “Jewish Gnosticism”; (5) “the OT servant passages”; (6) “the OT story of Adam”; and (7) “speculation

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about Hellenistic Jewish Wisdom.” Having done so, the authors arrive at this negative conclusion: “These [multiple] proposals only serve to send one off in pursuit of a question impossible to answer.”16 That being said, at least three salient points are worth considering here. (1) Given that “Christianity” began as a reform movement within Judaism and that Paul himself was a Jew, it stands to reason that an interpreter would pay careful attention to Jewish texts and traditions in the explication of 2:6-11 (or any other Pauline or NT text for that matter). (2) Neither Paul’s churches nor the apostle himself lived in a “Jewish vacuum.” Indeed, Paul’s missionary ministry was conducted primarily in “Gentile territories,” and a goodly majority of Paul’s converts in Philippi (and elsewhere) appear to have been non-Jews. Therefore, extra-Jewish texts, as well as the broader Mediterranean context in which Paul and his converts lived and moved and had their being, should not be regarded as irrelevant. (3) The reflections and devotion of Paul and other early believers to “the things accomplished among [them]” (Luke 1:1) through Jesus Christ—his life, death, burial, resurrection, and anticipated return (cf. 1 Cor 15:3-4; 1 Thess 1:9-10)—should also be brought to bear upon the reading and interpreting of Paul, including Philippians 2:6-11. For all the diversity one finds in Paul and elsewhere in the New Testament, Jesus Christ, if variously perceived and presented, stands at the center and colors what is written. Academic proposals proliferate regarding the precise literary structure of vv. 6-11.17 For our purposes it will suffice to note the movement of this poetic passage. It begins with a depiction of Christ Jesus as existing in the “form of God” (2:6). The text proceeds by speaking of his “emptying,” “taking,” “humbling,” and “dying” (2:7-8). Lastly, this passage of exalted prose refers to Jesus’ exaltation by God. In his exalted state he receives the name above every name at which every knee will bow even as every tongue confesses Jesus Christ as Lord “to the glory of God the Father” (2:9-11). Whatever the intended or detected literary rhythm or pattern of the passage may be, the text itself speaks of Jesus’ being in the form of God (2:6), of his obedience to God via incarnation and crucifixion (2:7-8), and of his exaltation by God (2:9-11).18 All the while, Paul’s apparent purpose in writing (or quoting) 2:6-11 is to

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set before the Philippians the model of an exalted Lord who lowered himself. In his letter to the Philippians Paul places before the church a number of people whom they would do well to imitate, including the apostle himself, Timothy, and Epaphroditus (see esp. 2:19-30; 3:7-17). Nevertheless, all mortal models pale in comparison to the exemplar—the Lord Jesus Christ. As one who in obedience to God took the form of a slave and was crucified like a criminal subsequent to his exaltation and enthronement, Jesus serves not only as the object/subject of faith but also as the prime example of faithfulness. Having dealt with various issues arising from the scholarly study of 2:6-11, we may now turn to examine the text itself. As noted above, 2:6 commences with the relative pronoun “who” (hos). Its antecedent, “Christ Jesus” (Christos I∑sous), appears at the end of 2:5. Verse 6 makes two claims regarding Christ. First, 2:6 contends that he existed or was “in [the] form of God” (en morph∑ theou) (cf. 2 Cor 4:4 and Col 1:15, where Christ is depicted as the “image or likeness of God” [eikøn tou theou]). This complex expression appears to be used in reference to Jesus’ pre-existence.19 No divine afterthought was he; rather, not wholly unlike Wisdom (see Wis 7:22-26; Sir 24:1-17; cf. Prov 8:22-31), he was part and parcel of the divine nature and plan even before time began. Verse 6 continues by asserting that Jesus, “being in the form of God, did not count equality with God harpagmon.” The Greek term harpagmos appears only here in the New Testament. Moreover, it is not used in the Septuagint and occurs infrequently in extra-biblical Greek literature. The word may be rendered “robbery, plundering” or “a thing to be grasped, gripped.”20 If the latter, the idea communicated in 2:6 would be that Jesus did not regard his equality with God as something that he had to hold on to for dear life and at all costs; if the former, the thought expressed would be that Jesus did not think being equal with God entitled him to exploit his position for his own personal advantage at others’ expense. Either way, Paul appears to suggest in v. 6 that Jesus did not view his divine status as something to be protected or preserved. In contradistinction to self-consumed rulers and despots, he did not regard his lofty state as a perch from which to look down upon others as he “ruled the roost” and did whatever he willy-nilly well pleased. Both readings of harpagmos, then, accord

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with Paul’s admonitions to the Philippians in 2:1-5 and are in keeping with what is stated in 2:7. Far from tenaciously grasping or indiscriminately exercising his divine privileges and prerogatives, Jesus divested himself (lit., “he emptied himself ” [heauton ekenøsen]) of his divine position (not nature), prestige, and “perks.”21 He who was “in the form of God” (en morph∑ theou) took on “the form of a slave” (morph∑n doulou). Christ’s self-demoting self-divestiture—of which Paul also speaks elegantly elsewhere (see esp. 2 Cor 8:9)—is precisely the mindset Paul commends to the Philippian assembly. Later in the letter he will single out Timothy as one who “served as a slave” (douleuein) with him in the gospel. What Paul wrote to the Galatians he could just as well have written to the Philippians: “For you have been called to freedom, brothers [and sisters]; only [do] not [use] freedom as an opportunity for the flesh, rather through love serve one another as slaves [douleuete]” (5:13; cf. Phil 3:3-4). In further depicting Jesus’ condescension, v. 7 states that he became or was born “in human likeness” (en homoiømati anthrøpøn). In a parallel passage in Romans 8:3, Paul writes, “For what was impossible for the law, in that it is made weak through the flesh, God [did] by the sending of his own On the Doctrine of the Incarnation Although the term “incarnation” (lit., son in the likeness of sinful flesh [en homoiømati “embodied in flesh”) does not appear in sarkos hamartias] and for sin . . . .” Although the the “Christ-hymn” (also known as the “kenosis text we are treating does not speculate con[(self-)emptying] hymn”), or anywhere else in cerning the nature of Jesus’ human likeness, Scripture for that matter, the description of Christ Jesus in Phil 2:6-11 as one who bore the divine interpreters have.22 Was he precisely like image and was born in human likeness became a humanity, or was he similar to humankind yet pivotal (and controversial) passage in early not entirely the same? [On the Doctrine of the Christianity as believers grappled with and sought Incarnation] While Paul saw Jesus Christ as the Son to articulate their conviction that Jesus was both human and divine. of God “who was descended from David For relevant, representative remarks from ancient interpreters according the flesh” (Rom 1:3) and who was on Phil 2:6-11 regarding the character and nature of Christ, see “born of a woman, born under the law” (Gal esp. Mark J. Edwards, ed., Galatians, Ephesians, and Philippians (ACCS, NT 8; Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1999) 236–56. 4:4), he also viewed him as one who was sent by God to redeem humanity for God and reconcile humanity to God (note, e.g., Rom 3:21-26; 1 Cor 1:30; 2 Cor 5:21; Gal 3:13; 4:5). Paul regarded Jesus as one with, yet categorically different from, rank-and-file humanity. In the apostle’s estimation, Christ was/is the “last Adam,” “the man from heaven” (1 Cor 15:45, 47-49; cf. Rom 5:12-21).23 Furthermore, Paul and the Philippians awaited a

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Savior from heaven—the Lord Jesus Christ (3:20). [Adam and Christ in Philippians 2:6-11?] The final phrase in 2:7 in the Greek New Testament (“and being found in the form [sch∑mati] of a man”) is (roughly) synonymous with the penultimate statement in v. 7 (“being born in human likeness” [en omoiømati anthrøpøn genomenos]) and is best read with v. 8.24 The one who did not regard equality with God to be harpagmos (2:6) not only “emptied himself ” (heauton ekenøsen, 2:7) but he also “humbled himself ” (etapeinøsen heauton, 2:8). Verse 8 continues by linking Jesus’ self-humiliation to his crucifixion. Specifically, 2:8 states that “he humbled himself [by] becoming obedient [hyp∑koos] to the point of death—even death on a cross.” Jesus Christ exhibited the humility to which Paul calls the Philippians (2:3). Although Jesus, and to a lesser extent Paul (4:12; cf. 2 Cor 11:7; 12:21), experienced humiliation, this is not a path that many are prepared to trod. Jesus’ humility is seen in his fidelity to God; he was obedient in life even unto death. For Paul, it was “through the obedience [hypako∑s] of the one [i.e., Jesus Christ] [that] the many will be made righteous” (Rom 5:19). The epistle to the Hebrews maintains that even though Jesus was a Son, “he learned obedience [hypako∑n] through what he suffered” (5:8). The price Jesus paid for obedience to God was death. His death, however, was not just any death. Rather, he suffered one of the most ignoble deaths then imaginable—death on a cross.25 Jesus’ death on a cross became for Paul the word of the cross, even though the crucified Christ that he preached was “a stumbling block to Jews and folly to Gentiles” (1 Cor 1:23; cf. Gal 5:11; 6:12, 14). Jews (including Paul before he became a Christ follower) regarded everyone hung on a tree to be accursed (Deut 27:26; cf. Gal 3:13), and non-Jews would have joined them in viewing the cross as a source of shame (see Heb 12:2). In the learned estimation of Martin Hengel, “It is cer-

Adam and Christ in Philippians 2:6-11? Interpreters of Philippians have suggested that the Adam/Christ contrast that Paul uses elsewhere in his letters also stands behind 2:6-11, most notably in vv. 6-8. In summary, the argument runs that the “first man Adam,” albeit made in “the image of God,” acted in disobedience to God by seeking to be God’s equal. As a result, he was consigned to death and driven from Eden (see esp. Gen 1:26-27; 3:1-24). Contrariwise, “the last Adam,” albeit “in the form of God,” did not seek to preserve his divine status. Instead, he jettisoned his heavenly position and privilege and in humble obedience to God condescended by “taking the form of a slave,” “being born in human likeness,” and dying on a cross. Jesus’ humiliation in life and death is not to be viewed as a sign of divine rejection, however. This much is evidenced by the Father’s subsequent exaltation of Jesus as Lord. While some scholars would question the pertinence of the proposed parallel given that Adam is not mentioned by name in 2:6-11 and that the passage does not contain quotations from Gen 1–3, Rom 5 and 1 Cor 15 indicate that the Adam/Christ typology can play a central role in Paul’s theologizing. Therefore, although we cannot possibly know Paul’s unexpressed thoughts (much less those of [an] anonymous writer[s]!), we do know that Paul utilized the Adam/Christ paradigm to “think with” and that the contrast between the two figures offers an intriguing angle for reading the passage before us. The same may be said of the Isaianic Servant, especially as portrayed in Isa 52:13–53:12 (cf. 42:1-4; 49:1-6; and 50:4-11).

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Crucifixion: Punishment for Slaves tainly the case that the Roman world [of which Roman writers, including Valerius Jesus and Paul, if at times removed, were neverMaximus (2.7.12), Tacitus (Hist. 4.11), theless a part] was largely unanimous that and Livy (29.18.14), depict crucifixion as “slaves’ crucifixion was a horrific, disgusting busipunishment” (servile supplicium). This description of what the Roman statesman Cicero referred to ness.”26 [Crucifixion: Punishment for Slaves] For the as “the most cruel and abominable form of punlikes of Cicero, “the very word ‘cross’ should be ishment” (Verrine Orations Verr. 5.64) and the foreign not only to the body of a Roman citizen, Jewish historian Josephus spoke of as “the most but to his thoughts, his eyes, his ears” (Rab. wretched of deaths” (thanatøn ton oiktiston, J.W. 7.203) illumines the phrase “taking the form of a Perd. 16). slave” (morph∑n doulou labøn). Jesus’ “slavery” If vv. 6-8 trace Jesus’ descent to the darkness was never more pronounced or pathetic than at of death on a cross, vv. 9-11 highlight what God Calvary. has done with respect to the crucified Christ. In See Martin Hengel, Crucifixion (trans. John Bowden; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) esp. 51–63. response to the Lord’s obedient death (“Therefore” [dio])—not to mention his selfless, sinless life (note 2 Cor 5:21)—God “highly exalted him” (2:9). Whereas Paul uses the related term “exalt” (hypsoun) in 2 Corinthians 11:7, this is the only occasion that he (or any other New Testament writer for that matter) employs the verb hyperypsoun (“to raise to a high point of honor”). The one who did not count equality with God harpagmon, but emptied and humbled himself to the extent that he was crucified like a slave or common criminal, was “super-exalted” by God to a status and station that he did not seek.27 So highly exalted is he, 2:9 continues, that God gave (charizesthai, related to the noun charis, typically rendered “grace”) the one who gave his life on a tree “the name which is above every name.” The one highly exalted (hyperypsoun) by God is also given by God the highest name (to onoma to hyper pan onoma). In response to this startling statement, a question immediately arises, namely, what is the name that God gave Jesus? Although 2:10 refers to “the name of Jesus,” it seems unlikely that Jesus is “name above every name.”28 Not only was I∑sous a (relatively) common Jewish name at the time (cf. Col 4:11), but Jesus was also the name the Lord bore throughout his earthly life and ministry. If identifiable (cf. Rev 19:12), then it is more probable that the matchless name of which v. 9 speaks, but does not specify, is the name LORD (note 2:11). The Septuagint frequently utilizes LORD to translate the divine name (YHWH). While 2:6 notes that Jesus did not think it necessary to preserve or to perpetuate his equality with God, in 2:9 God graces Jesus with the most superlative name. If

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the name above all names is GOD,29 then the implication of this passage is akin to Thomas’s exclamation upon seeing the resurrected Jesus: “My Lord and my God!” (ho kyrios mou kai ho theos mou, John 20:28). It is no small irony that the one who set aside status and privilege to become a slave is honored and lauded as Lord. Such paradox is part and parcel of “the folly of [gospel] proclamation” (1 Cor 1:21). The passage we are interpreting moves toward a close in vv. 10-11 by alluding to Isaiah 45:23. There, God declares, “To me every knee shall bow, every tongue shall swear.” In the verses directly preceding 45:23, the Lord contends, “There is no other god besides me, a righteous God and a Savior; there is no one besides me” (45:21). Similarly, 45:22 instructs, “For I am God, and there is no other.” The honor and homage due God in Isaiah are accorded to Jesus in Philippians.30 At the name of Jesus, it is said, “every knee should bend” and “every tongue should confess” (2:10-11). Because God gave to Jesus the name above every name, every person and principality in every place (“in heaven and on earth and under the earth”) will pay deference and offer reverence to him.31 In addition, v. 11 contends and concludes that every tongue will make the confession that is foundational to those who are in Christ—kyrios I∑sous Christos (“Jesus Christ is Lord”). Even as this basic confession was spiritually defining (cf. Rom 10:9; 1 Cor 12:3; Col 2:6), it was potentially provocative politically. By declaring, “Jesus is Lord,” the Philippians and other early believers were in effect denying the ubiquitous Roman contention “Caesar is lord.”32 (It is, in fact, striking how frequently kyrios appears in Philippians. Paul employs the term with respect to Jesus Christ fifteen times in the letter.33) Given Philippi’s status as a Roman colony and its anxiety to preserve favorable relations with the political establishment in Rome, it is likely that the congregation’s counter-cultural claim that one other than Caesar was kyrios (and a Galilean whom the Roman state crucified on charges of political rebellion at that!) created conflict between the Philippian Christians and those inhabitants of the city who were selfrespecting Roman citizens or subjects (cf. Phil 1:28, 30; Acts 16:21, 35-39). The cosmic veneration and confession of Jesus as Lord, v. 11 concludes, will bring honor to God the Father. This statement

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comes as no surprise. In Philippians, as elsewhere in his letters, Paul views God and Jesus as integrally related and simultaneously at work (see, e.g., 1 Cor 8:6). Both the humble service and exalted status of the Lord Jesus Christ redound to the glory of God (cf. Phil 1:11). Pauline Exhortations in Light of Christ’s Exaltation, 2:12-18 [Outline of 2:12-18]

In placing Christ Jesus before the Philippians as Outline of 2:12-18 Pauline Exhortations in Light of Christ’s a model to emulate (2:5-11), Paul emphasizes Exaltation, 2:12-18 the Lord’s humility and fidelity (esp. 2:8). “Work out Your Salvation,” 2:12-13 Interestingly, in the verses preceding the Human Effort, 2:12 “Christ-hymn,” Paul calls the assembly to unity Divine Enablement, 2:13 “Do All Things Without Murmuring and through humility (2:1-4), whereas in the verses Arguing,” 2:14-18 following the “hymn to Christ,” the apostle Purity Amid Perversion, 2:14-15 admonishes the fellowship to fidelity (2:12-13) “Holding Fast,” 2:16 marked by unity, purity, perseverance, and Paul as a Libation, 2:17a Mutual Rejoicing, 2:17b-18 joy (2:14-18). The exhortations Paul issues in 2:12-18 (note vv. 12, 14, 18) follow on after and are an appropriate extension of the exclamation of Christ as Lord in 2:11. (The inferential, coordinating conjunction høste, with which 2:12 begins, signals the connection between v. 11 and v. 12.) Christians are to extol Jesus as Lord in their worship and their walk, with their lips and their lives. The confession “Jesus Christ is Lord,” though cosmic in scope, is to serve as a concrete guide for the church. Behavior is to mirror belief (cf. Col 2:6: “Therefore as you received [parelabete] Christ Jesus the Lord, [so] walk [peripateite] in him.”) For Paul, doctrine and ethics commingle and cohere. Before beginning his admonitions, Paul reminds the Philippians of his affection for them by referring to them as his beloved ones (agap∑toi). He repeats this term of endearment near the end of the letter as he offers the fellowship his final exhortations (4:1). One should not, in my view, construe Paul’s modus operandi in these instances as “basting before roasting”; rather, his instructions to his congregants in Philippi spring from and are grounded in his care for them. The apostle’s initial appeal to the church in this section (i.e., 2:12-18) is to “work out [their] own salvation with fear and trembling” (2:12). As Paul saw it, “salvation” is a progressive experience

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that commences with one’s confession of Jesus as Lord (see Rom 10:9; 1 Cor 12:3) and culminates with the coming of the Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ (cf. 1:19, 28; 3:20; Rom 13:11). Until the Savior appears, believers are to conduct themselves and their affairs with an attitude of “fear and trembling” (phobou kai tromou). Reverential respect is due the one before whom every knee will bend in homage and every tongue will speak in praise (contrast Phil 1:28). Awe is an appropriate response for those seeking to practice and to enter into the presence of God. If humility before other believers is advisable, humility before the one in whom a person places ultimate trust is essential (note Jas 4:10; 1 Pet 5:6). In Philippians, Christ is lauded as the one “who will transform the body of our humiliation to be like the body of his glory, according to the power which enables him to subject all things into himself ” (3:21). As elsewhere in Paul (cf. 2 Cor 7:15; Eph 6:5), the phrase “fear and trembling” appears in conjunction with obedience. Prior to and in preparation for his admonition to the church to “work out [their] salvation with fear and trembling,” Paul maintains that the Philippians “have always obeyed.” While he does not specify whom they have obeyed, he continues by contending that they have obeyed not only as in his presence (parousia) but now much more so in his absence (apousia). This statement, coupled with the ambiguity resulting from Paul’s failure to specify the object of the church’s obedience, prompts the translators of the NRSV to insert “me” (i.e., Paul) after “obeyed.” I think it unlikely, however, that Paul (only) has obedience to himself in mind here.34 Even as Jesus’ “obedience unto death” was obedience to God (2:8), so also Christ followers are to be obedient to God through Christ. Additionally, there is no clear-cut case in Paul’s letters where the apostle enjoins or envisions Christian obedience (solely) to him (note, though, 2 Cor 2:9; 7:15; 10:6; Phlm 21). With that being said, as Christ’s apostle Paul did anticipate that the Philippians would follow his instruction and imitate his example (see esp. 3:17; 4:9; cf. 1 Cor 11:1; 1 Thess 1:6).35 Although Paul’s critics tend to regard such a perspective as egocentric, if not narcissistic, excess, Paul would have viewed calling his churches to adhere to his teaching and to emulate his living as integral to his apostolic remit and responsibility. Though distinguishable (cf. 1:15-18a), Paul viewed the gospel message and messenger as “two peas in a pod.”

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In v. 13 Paul balances his admonition to the Philippians to “work out (katergazesthe) [their] own salvation with fear and trembling” with the necessary and hopeful reminder “for God is working (energøn) in/among you all both to will and to work (energein) for the good pleasure” (cf. 1:6). While the Philippians are meant to work out their salvation, they are not to work for it. Indeed, the congregation’s “outworking” of salvation is predicated upon and enabled by divine “in-working.” God, Paul maintains, grants them both the motivation and the empowerment to live obediently. Unto what end, one might ask? The answered offered in 2:13 is, literally rendered, “for the good will or pleasure.” One might ask further, for the good will or pleasure of whom? There are two plausible answers. Paul may be suggesting that God’s work in and among the Philippians will result in the congregation having good will toward one another.36 In support of this interpretation, one may point out that Paul employs the term eudokia in Philippians 1:15 to mean “good will.” Additionally, to posit that Paul is thinking of God working to foster harmony in the assembly accords well with the admonition that follows in 2:14 (“Do all things without murmuring and arguing . . .”). Furthermore, this reading suggests that God, too, is working in and among the church to affect unified fellowship. As with salvation, “the communion of saints” requires divine enablement and empowerment as well as receptive and responsive human participants. It may be, however, that the “good pleasure” of which Paul speaks at the end of 2:13 is “God’s good pleasure.”37 The fact that God is the subject of the clause commencing with the postpositive conjunction “for” (gar) strengthens this reading. While the thought of God working for God’s own good pleasure might be theologically objectionable to some, such a statement need not be taken to suggest that God is a self-absorbed being. Rather, “since God is wholly good, his doing what pleases him is not capricious, but what is wholly good for those he loves.”38 Moreover, God’s “good pleasure is bound up with his fatherly love and benevolence which find their satisfaction in his children’s accomplished salvation.”39 Paul’s second admonition to the assembly in 2:12-18 appears in v. 14. In this verse he enjoins the Philippians to “do all things without murmuring and arguing.” While interpreters should not facilely assume that a congregational problem lies behind every Pauline exhortation, there is ample textual evidence in Philippians

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to suggest that the church was not a harmonious whole (see, e.g., 1:27; 2:1-4; 4:2). Seemingly, one of the symptoms of their fractured fellowship was “murmuring and arguing,” presumably against and with one another, though perhaps with outsiders as well. If the onomatopoetic noun gongysmos signals behind-thescenes grumbling and gossiping in hushed tones, the Greek compound word dialogismos (lit., “talking through”) connotes being disputatious or argumentative.40 While Paul was anything but a wallflower and could at times be confrontational, if not combative, he recognized that bickering and infighting compromised koinønia. In setting forth this exhortation, Paul may well be alluding to biblical accounts where the people of Israel murmured against Moses and Aaron in the course of their exit from Egypt (Exod 14:10; 15:24; 16:2; 17:2; Num 11:1, 4; 14:1; 16:41; 20:3; 21:4; cf. 1 Cor 10:10).41 The apostle would have also been mindful of Scriptures that spoke of such complaining, particularly over foodstuffs, as sinful craving and rebellion against God.42 Furthermore, Paul would have recalled that the Israelites’ complaints were met with God’s judgment (see esp. Ps 78:15-31). In light of the fact Paul was convinced that “whatever was written [in Scripture] in earlier times was written for [Christian] instruction” (Rom 15:4; cf. 1 Cor 9:10; 10:11) and that he taught the Philippians in various and sundry ways (Phil 4:9), it is likely that Paul had this scriptural story in view in 2:14 and that certain astute auditors of the letter were able to connect the dots.43 The biblical allusions that follow in v. 15 lend further support to this line of interpretation.44 At the outset of 2:15 Paul sets forth a reason for the exhortation of 2:14. The Philippians are to “do all things without murmuring or arguing,” he maintains, “so that they might be faultless (amemptoi) and pure (akeraioi), children of God without blame (amøma) in the midst of a crooked and perverted generation. . . .” To describe what the Philippians are to be as the “children of God” (cf. Rom 8:16), Paul employs three adjectives, each of which begin with the Greek letter alpha.45 These terms, which are roughly synonymous, emphasize the moral purity and relational integrity meant to characterize the assembly.46 Paul continues in 2:15 by pitting the church (here “children of God”) and the upright conduct to which it is called over against the moral commitments of its contemporary ambient culture (here

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“generation”) (cf. 3:19-21). Drawing upon “the song of Moses” recorded in Deuteronomy 32 (LXX)—wherein God is described as a faithful, just, and upright father without deceit and the people of Israel as “blemished or blameworthy children” (tekna møm∑ta), a “crooked and perverse generation” (genea skolia kai diestrammen∑ ) (vv. 4-6)—Paul pictures the Philippians as those who, “in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation” (meson geneas skolias kai diestrammen∑s), “shine as lights in the world” (phainesthe øs phøst∑res in kosmø) (cf. Dan 12:3; Matt 5:14-16). Paul’s optimistic outlook with respect to the Philippians’ moral performance is attributable in no small part to his belief that God was at work in and among them (2:13; cf. 1:6). Contrariwise, the apostle’s pessimistic depiction of the “world” as a “crooked and perverse generation” is predicated upon his conviction that those who “suppress the truth” of God and the gospel are given over “to a base mind and to improper conduct” (note Rom 1:18, 28). Such polarities feature in Paul’s apocalyptic theology and are sprinkled throughout Philippians (note 1:28; 2:15; 3:2-3, 18-21). Having drawn upon Daniel 12:3 (LXX) in depicting the Philippians as “lights in the world,”47 Paul proceeds in 2:16 to indicate how they will illumine the darkened world in which they live. They are to do so, Paul contends, by epechontes the word of life. The meaning of the participle employed in 2:16 (from the verb epechein) is a matter of debate, as a comparison of different English translations will indicate (cf., e.g., the NRSV’s “hold fast” with the NIV’s “hold out”). Is epechontes best read as “holding fast” to the word of life, a phrase roughly analogous to the term “gospel” (cf. 1:14; Rom 9:6; 10:8, 17; Gal 6:6; Col 1:5, 25; 4:3; 1 Thess 1:6, 8; 2:13; 2 Thess 3:1)? Or, is it best construed as “holding forth/out” the word of life? Were one to read logon zø∑s epechontes as “holding forth the word of life,” then one could conclude that Paul was imploring the Philippians to light their world through intentional mission and evangelism. Should one take logon zø∑s epechontes as “holding firm the word of life,” then one could understand Paul as calling the Philippians to illumine their world by remaining in and living out the gospel. Whereas the former reading emphasizes the Philippians’ role as torchbearers, the latter understanding stresses the assembly’s perseverance in and performance of the gospel they have received from Paul. Their mission, though no less real, would stress con-

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trastive living among outsiders more than active converting of outsiders. Their function would be more like a beacon than a flashlight. In interpreting the initial phrase of 2:16, I would recommend acknowledging its ambiguity and avoiding a forced interpretive dichotomy. Even if one could definitely establish that epechein means “to hold forth” as opposed to “to hold fast,” Paul does not spell out here what “holding forth the word of life” entails. Arguably, it would mean to bear witness Did Paul Expect His Converts to Evangelize? to the gospel through word and way, One question raised by interpreters is whether or talking and living, active influence and not Paul is admonishing the Philippians to engage in observable difference. In 2:14-15 Paul evangelization/mission in 2:16. Although one will search Paul’s letters in vain for explicit instructions for congregacalls the community to unity and purity. tions to evangelize, James P. Ware has argued that Phil Whatever else “holding forth/holding 2:16—if not the whole of 2:12-18—indicates that the fast the word of life” might require of apostle anticipated (the Philippian) Christians would share the Philippians, then, it would demand the gospel with unbelievers. Indeed, Ware maintains that the mission of the church (in Philippians) is a central, if previof them an ongoing, corporate commitously neglected, feature of the letter. Moreover, he ment to be unified in and faithful to contends, “there is striking evidence in Paul’s letters indithe gospel they had “learned and cating he expects his churches will have a missionizing received and heard and seen in [Paul]” impact on outsiders.” In addition to Phil 2:12-18, see also 1 Cor 10:31–11:1; 11:26; 14:20-25; 1 Thess 1:5-8. (4:9). [Did Paul Expect His Converts to Evangelize?] Meanwhile, Brian K. Peterson has posited that Paul neither Paul continues in 2:16 by expressing calls nor expects “his churches” to engage in “active, verbal, his hope that the Philippians would new-member-oriented evangelism.” According to Peterson, persist in their longstanding commit“In Paul’s letters, the church’s primary mission is to BE [a] new creation. . . .” It is difficult to imagine, however, how ment to and partnership in the gospel Pauline congregations could fully incarnate the gospel if they (note 1:5; 4:15) so that he might be able could not clearly articulate it. to boast on the day of Christ that he did See further James P. Ware, The Mission of the Church in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Context of Ancient Judaism (NovTSup 120; Leiden/Boston: “not run in vain or labor in vain.” Paul’s Brill, 2005). The quote appears on p. 7. Note also Brian K. Peterson, “Being pastoral concern about the church was the Church in Philippi,” HBT 30 (2008): 163–78 (quotes on pp. 165 and 175 respectively). so acute and his personal investment in the church was so great that he linked his eschatological boast and the effectualness of his apostolic ministry to the church’s faithful continuation in/proclamation of the gospel. Later in the letter Paul speaks of the Philippians as his beloved and longed-for “brothers and sisters” and refers to them as his “joy and crown,” even as he calls them to “stand firm in the Lord” (4:1; cf. 1:27). Similarly, in writing to the Thessalonians, another Macedonian church, Paul asks, “For what is our hope or joy or crown of boasting before our Lord Jesus at his coming? Is it

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not you?” He declares, “For you are our glory and joy” (1 Thess 2:19-20). Far from resting upon his apostolic laurels, Paul continued to work out his salvation and vocation with “fear and trembling” before the Lord (2:12). He did not presume upon God; rather, he pressed on “toward the goal of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus” (3:14), buffeting his body and enslaving The Futility of Ministry? On a number of occasions in his letters himself, lest “having preached to others [he Paul expresses his concern that his himself ] might be disqualified” (1 Cor 9:27). “running” or “laboring” for Christ might be “in Paul sought to model the gospel he held forth vain” (eis kenos). In addition to Phil 2:16, see also (2:16; 3:17). The Philippians’ protracted com1 Thess 3:5; Gal 2:2; 4:11. While Paul, like exiled Israel, sometimes thought his labor might be for mitment to do the same would ultimately naught (see Isa 49:4; cf. Hab 2:13), his eschatoenable the apostle to proclaim on the “day of logical and pastoral hope was that his apostolic Christ” (cf. 2:10) that he “did not run in vain or ministry would not be in vain (cf. Isa 65:23). labor in vain.” [The Futility of Ministry?] Paul’s commitment to the gospel was anything but theoretical or hypothetical. Indeed, as we have seen, the apostle authored the letter we are reading while detained in chains (1:7; cf. 1:19, 25; 2:24; 4:14). In 2:17 the suffering apostle envisions his life as being poured out as a libation (i.e., a drink offering) upon the “sacrifice and service of [the Philippians’] faith.” Stated otherwise, Paul ponders his possible execution as a sacrificial sign of his affection for and dedication to the Philippians and to their progress in the faith, of which he also speaks in v. 17 in sacerdotal terms. They, too, were suffering as a result of their commitment to Christ (note 1:28-30). In so doing they entered into a fellowship of suffering with one another and with the Lord, who suffered the agony of crucifixion (see 2:8; 3:10; cf. 1 Thess 1:6). It may be that the reality of suffering was paralyzing and even compromising the Philippians’ faith. Be that as it may, Paul informs the church in 2:17b that he is rejoicing apart from and with them (lit., “I am rejoicing and rejoicing with you all”). What is more (“And in the same way also”), Paul admonishes the assembly in 2:18 to rejoice apart from and with him (lit., “You rejoice and rejoice with me”; cf. 1:18; 3:1; 4:4). For Paul, joy (“gladness in God/Christ”) is not contingent upon circumstances (see 4:10-13). It should not be determined or diminished by the temporal and ephemeral, given that joy is a hopeful frame of mind grounded in the conviction that “God is working all things for the good, for those who love God and

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are called according to [God’s] purpose” (Rom 8:28; cf. 2 Cor 4:16-18). Timothy and Epaphroditus: Models of the Gospel (2:19-30) [Outline of 2:19-30]

Paul’s mention of his own precarious circumstances in 2:17 appears to have prompted the apostle to return to the subject of his hoped-for contact with the Philippians in the not too distant future in 2:19-30 (cf. 1:25-26).48 In the more immediate future, however, his contact with the church would be through Timothy, a trusted confidant of Paul’s, and Epaphroditus, a courageous Philippian Christian. More than a hum-ho rehearsal of anticipate “to-ings and froings” of two “minor” Pauline characters, this section of the letter places before the congregation two additional noteworthy examples of the gospel.49 Furthermore, these verses demonstrate to the assembly how believers can work together for the common and greater good. No unnecessary aside, then, 2:19-30 reinforces concerns of the apostle that are evident throughout the epistle. As Paul shifts subjects in 2:19 (marked by the conjunction de, which is usually left un-translated), he expresses his hope that he will be able to send Timothy to them soon (tacheøs).50 He holds to such a hope “in the Lord Jesus.”51 In 2:23-24 Paul reiterates his hope that he will be able to send Timothy to them soon. As elsewhere in his letters, Paul employs the word “hope” in 2:21, 23 (in both instances the verb elpizein; cf. the noun form elpis in 1:20) to mean something more than wishful thinking or personal preference with respect to the future. For Paul, hope is a present confidence of a future outcome based upon a personal and communal relationship with God. It is not unusual for Paul to speak of his travel plans in terms of what he hopes might (soon) transpire (see Rom 15:24). When laying plans, he depends upon a willing Lord (1 Cor 4:19; 16:7), an empowering Spirit (Phil 1:19), and a praying people (Phil 1:19; Phlm 22). By placing his hope in the Lord, Paul expresses his desire to pursue “the things of Jesus Christ” (2:22; cf. 3:14). In 2:19 Paul indicates why he hopes he might soon be able to send Timothy to Philippi—so that he might “be heartened, made glad, or given courage” (eupsychein [lit., “good-souled”]). Paul

Outline of 2:19-30 Timothy and Epaphroditus: Models of the Gospel, 2:19-30 Timothy, 2:19-24 A Messenger for Paul, 2:19 A Helper Like No Other, 2:20-21 A Coworker of Great Worth, 2:22 A Messenger Sent Ahead of Paul, 2:23-24 Epaphroditus, 2:25-30 His Return to Philippi, 2:25-26 His Serious Illness, 2:27 His Reception upon Return, 2:28-30

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believes he will be buoyed by knowing/learning (through Timothy’s reporting?) the (presumably good) things concerning them (2:19). He remains persuaded that God is at work in their midst (1:6; 2:13). The affection Paul has for the Philippian church, which he clearly expresses near the beginning and the ending of the letter, is also evident here (cf. 1:7; 4:1, 14-16). His eschatological boast (2:16) and present well-being are bound up with the Philippian believers. If this is true of Paul, vv. 20-22 indicate that it is no less true of Timothy. Whereas the “gladness of Paul’s soul” (eupsychein) is linked to his “knowing (gnous) the [hoped-for good] things concerning [them]” (v. 19), Paul maintains in 2:20 that he has no one save Timothy who is “like-souled” (isopsychos) and is genuinely concerned for the Philippians and their progress in the gospel. Paul’s gladness of soul is at least partly attributable to his “soul-mate” Timothy. Together they share a commitment to ministry and a pastoral anxiety for the spiritual well-being of the Philippian assembly (cf. 2 Cor 11:28). At an earlier point in their shared ministry, Paul and Timothy joined hearts and hands to ensure that the Thessalonian congregation, their “glory and joy” (1 Thess 2:20), stood fast in the Lord in the face of considerable external opposition (3:1-10). When Satan somehow precluded Paul from returning to Thessalonica (2:18), Timothy went in his stead (3:2). Timothy’s ministry among the assembly and his subsequent report of “the glad tidings of [the Thessalonians’] faith and love” (3:6) brought consolation to the apostle and his coworkers in the midst of their “distress and affliction” (3:7). Additionally, at the time Paul was writing what we now know as 1 Corinthians, he was preparing to dispatch Timothy to the church in Corinth to remind them of the apostle’s ways in Christ (1 Cor 4:17).52 Furthermore, two of the three so-called Pastoral Letters bear Timothy’s name. In 1–2 Timothy, Paul’s erstwhile, junior associate is depicted as the apostle’s true and beloved child in the faith (e.g., 1 Tim 1:2; 2 Tim 1:2). Here it is instructive to note that through their shared ministry in the gospel (see 2:22), Paul and Timothy model the oneness of soul to which the apostle calls the Philippians (cf. sympsychos in 2:2 with isopsychos in 2:20). Moreover, by being genuinely interested in and attentive to the congregation and its well-being, Timothy exemplifies Christ and incarnates Paul’s counsel to the church in

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2:4-8. By looking out for and being genuinely anxious about “the things” that concern the assembly, Timothy stands in stark contrast to a group of ill-defined others whom Paul decries in 2:21 for “seeking their own interests [lit., “things”; cf. 2:4, 20]), not ‘the things’ of Jesus Christ.” Although it is now impossible to identify positively the people Paul has in view in v. 21, they are akin, if not identical, to the individuals Paul describes in 1:15, 17. While they may proclaim Christ, Paul perceives and presents their concerns and conduct as self-serving. Timothy: An Invaluable Pauline Coworker In v. 22 Paul contrasts Timothy with those Although Timothy features in Paul’s letters as a highly valued companion and colleague of who “seek their own interests, not those of the apostle, we know little about his personal life. Jesus Christ.” In contradistinction to those According to Acts 16:1-3, Timothy—whose mother unnamed others, the Philippians knew of was a Jewish Christian and whose father was a Timothy’s proven character (dokim∑ ) and Greek—was a believer who lived in Lystra. Timothy and Paul met when Paul visited the city near the how he had been immensely valuable to the outset of his so-called Second Missionary Journey. apostle and to the gospel (cf. Acts 16:1-12). Acts reports that other Christ followers in Lystra and [Timothy: An Invaluable Pauline Coworker] To describe Iconium spoke well of Timothy and that Paul wanted his worth, Paul employs a father-child Timothy to accompany him on his missionary travels. Before leaving Lystra, however, Acts indicates that metaphor (cf. 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tim 1:2; 2 Tim Paul had Timothy circumcised so that they might not 1:2). While Timothy is presented as the encounter conflict with other Jews in the region. We younger inferior in this pairing, Paul’s are also informed in 2 Tim 1:5 that Timothy’s grandpurpose is not to subordinate him or relegate mother was named Lois and his mother was named Eunice. him to the role of an underling apprentice On Timothy, see Bruce J. Malina, Timothy: Paul’s Closest Associate serving a superior master. Rather, Paul main(Paul’s Social Network: Brothers and Sisters in Faith; Collegeville MN: tains that his “child” Timothy has served Liturgical, 2008). Regarding Acts 16:1-3, see further Shaye J. D. Cohen, “Was Timothy Jewish (Acts 16:1-3): Patristic Exegesis, (douleuein) with him in the gospel. The Rabbinic Law, and Matrilineal Descent,” JBL 105 (1986): 251–68. emerging image is that of a father and son serving together as slaves of the one upon whom the gospel centers. Paul begins the letter with the same word picture (1:1: “Paul and Timothy, slaves of Christ Jesus”). Additionally, if ironically, the one whom they served became a slave himself (2:7). Paul aspired for the Philippians also to become slaves of Christ (note Phil 2:5; cf. Rom 12:11; Col 3:24). If Timothy’s proven character and value as a servant in the gospel were sufficient grounds for Paul to send him in the Philippians’ direction, Timothy’s comradeship and capabilities in Christ led Paul not to dispatch him straightway. Before sending Timothy their way, Paul wanted to allot enough time for his own future to become clearer. As noted earlier in our treatment of chapter 1, Paul was in a tenuous situation when writing to the Philippians. He was in (Roman) captivity (1:7, 13-14, 17), where he was seemingly

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awaiting a trial (1:19-26).53 In 2:24, Paul once again expresses confidence in his deliverance (cf. 1:25). Not only does he hope to send Timothy to them soon, but he is “convinced in the Lord” that he will also be reunited with the Philippians before too long a passage of time. Whereas Paul hoped to send Timothy to Philippi soon and to visit himself before too long, he considered it necessary (anankaion) to send Epaphroditus there immediately (2:25). “Epaphroditus,” meaning “lovely” and derived from Aphrodite (cf. Epaphras in Phlm 23; Col 1:7; 4:12), was a common personal name in Paul’s day. In fact, a patron of the Jewish historian Josephus was thus named (see Ant. 1.8; Life 430; Ag. Ap. 1.1; 2.1, 296). Moreover, the name appears in a number of ancient inscriptions. Our knowledge of the Epaphroditus of whom Paul speaks in Philippians, however, is limited to the letter itself, as he is spoken of nowhere else in our sources.54 Near the conclusion of the letter, Paul identifies Epaphroditus as the one through whom the Philippians sent gifts to him (4:18). In 2:25 the apostle offers a five-fold description of this otherwise unknown Philippian. The first three epithets with which Paul adorns Epaphroditus emanate from the apostle’s relationship to him. He is, Paul states, “my brother and coworker and fellow soldier.” The label “brother” (adelphos) marks out Epaphroditus as a fellow believer. This term of endearment and fictive kinship may also suggest his role as a fellow missioner and laborer in Christ, as the two descriptors that follow clearly do. Like Timothy who “slaved with [Paul]” (syn emoi edouleusen, 2:22), Paul regards Epaphroditus as one who works with him (synergos) in the gospel. Metaphorically speaking, he is Paul’s fellow soldier or comrade in arms (systratiøt∑s). Given the rarity of this term in Paul (used only here and in Phlm 2), it may be that the apostle employed it as an honorific title that would “strike a chord” in Philippi, a Roman military colony.55 Paul continues his affirmation of Epaphroditus in v. 25 by noting two of his roles relative to the Philippian fellowship. In the first instance Paul speaks of him as their apostolos. Although Paul tends to employ apostolos to refer to a commission that God/Christ had given him (and certain others) to herald the gospel and to found and nurture churches,56 here the term means “messenger” (cf. 2 Cor 8:23). Intriguingly, this is the only time apostolos occurs in Philippians.

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Whatever else Epaphroditus might have been or done as an apostolos of the assembly in Philippi, he served as a “minister (leitourgos) to [Paul’s] need.” This description is a clear allusion to the indispensable part Epaphroditus played in delivering the Philippians’ gifts to the shackled apostle. Earlier in the chapter, Paul speaks of the “sacrifice” (thysia) and “offering” (leitourgia) of the church’s faith (2:17). In 2:30, he employs the term leitourgia to refer to their “offering” to him. Paul regards Epaphroditus as the leitourgos of the congregation’s leitourgia. In concluding the letter, Paul returns to the topic of the Philippians’ gift to him (4:10-20). When doing so, he once again utilizes the language of sacrifice and offering to depict their spiritual service (4:18; cf. Rom 15:16). There he also describes God as the one who will fill their every need (4:19), even as they, through Epaphroditus and unto God, had filled his need (2:25; 4:16, 18).57 Why did Paul think it necessary to send Epaphroditus from his side back to Philippi? According to 2:26, his dispatch was due to the fact that he had been continually longing for his fellow believers in Philippi and was particularly troubled by the fact that they had heard of his debilitating illness. Paul could readily relate to Epaphroditus’s yearning for the Philippian congregation. Indeed, Paul employs the same word (epipothein) to describe his desire to be with the church in 1:8. The severity of Epaphroditus’s distress is underscored by Paul’s use of the term ad∑monein. The only other time ad∑monein (“to be anxious, distressed, troubled”) appears in the Greek New Testament is to depict the state of Jesus’ soul in the Garden of Gethsemane (see Mark 14:33; Matt 26:37). This commentator is not interested in hypothesizing about how the church learned Epaphroditus was sick or when they heard this news relative to Paul’s writing of the letter. While such speculation may be interesting, it does not further our understanding of this passage. What does strike me as significant in 2:26 is the stated cause of Epaphroditus’s distress. According to this verse, he was not troubled by his own trouble. Rather, he was disturbed by the fact that the Philippian congregation had learned of his illness. His physical malady was seemingly exacerbated by his anxiety that the church was concerned about him. Put otherwise, he was worried sick that they were worried sick about his sickness! Paul deems this kind of selfless regard for other believers to be noble, laudable, and imitable (2:3-4, 20-21). Such a mindset enables congregational

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A Vulnerable Apostle Paul’s remark at the conclusion of 2:27 is particularly revealing. First of all it implodes the myth that Paul was a saint cast in cold marble and an always abrasive apostle. On the contrary, such a comment signals that he had the ability to care deeply about people and to forge profoundly meaningful relationships (see also Phil 1:7-8; 2:17; 4:1; cf. 1 Thess 2:8; Phlm 10, 12, 16). It is this kind of concern for and bond with other believers that Paul has in mind in his exhortations to the congregation in 2:1-4. In Philippians we find an apostle who is able to abide by his own counsel “to rejoice with those who rejoice and to weep with those who weep” (Rom 15:15). Furthermore, by acknowledging that the death of Epaphroditus would have brought to him “sorrow upon sorrow,” Paul places his “apostolic imprimatur” upon “godly grief.” It does not appear that Paul thought or taught that grief could or even should be avoided; instead, he maintained that grief over death should be permeated with hope (1 Thess 4:13) and that grief over sin should give rise to repentance leading to salvation (see 2 Cor 2:1-4; 7:8-10).

Image Not Available

Paul was a frequent subject of the famed Dutch artist Rembrandt van Rijn (1606–1669). This painting captures Paul’s capacity to care and complements Phil 2:27-28 remarkably well. A print of this painting, given to me by my Truett Seminary colleague Dr. R. Robert Creech, has been a source of inspiration as I have reflected and written on Philippians and Philemon.

due to lack of digital rights. Please view the published commentary or perform an Internet search using the credit below.

Rembrandt Harmensz van Rijn (1606–1669). Saint Paul in the Prison. 1630. Germanisches Nationalmuseum. (Credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY)

unity, which was one of Paul’s chief concerns when writing the letter (note again 1:27; 2:1-8; 4:2-3). At the outset of 2:27 Paul verifies what the Philippians had heard regarding Epaphroditus—he had indeed been ill. So sick, in fact, that death was knocking on the door of his life (∑sthen∑sen parapl∑sion thanatø, “so ill that he nearly died”). Nevertheless, Paul writes, “God showed mercy to him” by extending his life. For Paul, such divine displays of mercy demonstrate God’s sovereignty and showcase the Lord’s generosity (cf. Rom 9:15, 18; 11:30, 31, 32; see also Exod 33:19). It was not only upon Epaphroditus, however, that God had showered mercy. Paul indicates that the Lord had also demonstrated mercy toward him by extending Epaphroditus’s life. According to 2:27, the prolonging of his life spared the apostle from having “grief upon grief ” (lyp∑n epi lyp∑n). [A Vulnerable Apostle] Given that God had restored Epaphroditus to health and that he longed to return to Philippi (2:26-27), the apostle was “especially eager” (spoudaioterøs) to send him (2:28). In v. 28 Paul offers two further reasons in support of his decision to speed Epaphroditus on

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his way. First, he notes the joy that seeing Epaphroditus will bring to the Philippians. Paul figures that the return of a “brother, messenger, and minister” who has recovered from a severe illness will offer the fellowship an occasion to rejoice in the midst of their affliction (cf. 1:25-26; 2:18; 3:1; 4:4, 10). Another reason Paul gives for being particularly eager to send Epaphroditus home is so he might be “less anxious” or “more free from grief ” (alypoteros). Nevertheless, the apostle was not wholly free of grief and anxiety. Even as Paul had become well acquainted with grief throughout his ministry (Rom 9:2; 2 Cor 2:1), he would have continued to experience at least some sorrow in his captivity (see 1:17). Additionally, the apostle was never free from anxiety for “all the churches” (2 Cor 11:28). In the midst of such “fears within” (2 Cor 7:5), however, Paul was not without reason to rejoice.58 One such reason would be the reunion of Epaphroditus with the Philippian congregation. In this instance, Paul made the choice “to rejoice with those rejoicing” (Rom 12:15). Paul concludes his commendation of Epaphroditus by enjoining the Philippians “to receive [or welcome] him in the Lord with all joy” (2:29). One need not imagine that a falling out between Epaphroditus and Philippians lay behind this injunction any more than one should speculate that Paul sent Epaphroditus packing because he was proving to be more of a burden than a blessing. Instead, this admonition is best read as Paul proactively paving the way or greasing the skids for what he hopes will be a warm, welcome return. The apostle employs the same verb (prosdechesthai, “to receive or welcome”) when commending Phoebe to the Roman Christians (Rom 16:2). It appears that Epaphroditus and Phoebe served as the couriers of Philippians and Romans respectively. Paul also calls the church in Philippi in 2:29 to esteem or to hold in high honor people of Epaphroditus’s ilk (cf. 1 Cor 16:14). He then turns in v. 30 to offer a reason for this admonition— Epaphroditus’s sacrificial, Christian service. Paul construed Epaphroditus’s near-death experience, whatever its nature and origin, as gambling or being careless with (paraboleuesthai) his very own life (lit., “soul” [psych∑]) for the sake of the work of Christ. Elsewhere, Paul enjoins the Thessalonians to esteem their leaders highly and lovingly because of their work (1 Thess 5:13). He also instructs the Corinthians to make sure that Timothy is not ill at ease among them given that he, along with Paul, “is working the work of the Lord” (1 Cor 16:10). The specific “work of Christ” in

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view in 2:30 is, of course, Epaphroditus’s delivery of the Philippians’ gift to the shackled apostle. By referring to their gift as a “filling up of that which was lacking in [their] service to [him],” Paul frames their material offering as a spiritual act and links their “liturgy” to their “liturgist” (cf. leitourgia in 2:30 with leitourgos in 2:25; recall also Paul’s use of leitourgia in 2:17). There are two other connections between 2:30 and other verses in chapter 2 that merit our attention as we draw our commentary on this portion of Philippians to a close. First, it is fascinating to note that when Paul depicts Epaphroditus’s brush with death in v. 30, he does so by saying that “he was near unto death (mechri thanatou).” The only other time the phrase mechri thanatou appears in the Pauline letter corpus is in Philippians 2:8, where it states that Christ Jesus “humbled himself [by] becoming obedient mechri thanatou, even death (thanatou) on a cross.” I think it likely that Paul employed mechri thanatou in 2:30 to echo 2:8. This lexical link invites auditors of the letter to perceive Epaphroditus as an obedient, humble servant like Christ, even as it presents this otherwise unknown Philippian to be a model of Christ. Psych∑ is another term that ties 2:30 to other verses in the letter. Paul remarks in v. 30 that Epaphroditus took no concern for his own psych∑ in carrying out “the work of Christ.” It is precisely this kind of other-regard and Christ-devotion to which Paul calls the Philippians. Oneness, unity, and likeness in soul (note mia psych∑ in 1:27, sympsychoi in 2:2, and isopsychon in 2:20 respectively) require an uncommon, radical commitment to Christ and to other believers. Philippians 2:19-30, then, presents Timothy and Epaphroditus as examples of the Exemplar. In the decidedly autobiographical chapter 3 that follows, the apostle will, among other things, offer himself, an individual who passionately pursues Christ, as a spiritual model for the Philippian fellowship.

CONNECTIONS Unity through Humility, 2:1-11

Little could I have known when I committed Philippians 2:1-11 to memory in the mid-1980s at the encouragement of a youth minister that I would one day have the opportunity to offer

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commentary on this prized Pauline passage. In fact, the beauty and profundity of these verses, not to mention the mountain of learned literature already available, are reasons to let well enough alone. Over time, however, my appreciation of this text has grown, even if my comprehension of it is still far from complete. Yet, attempting to get one’s mind around this passage is like trying to get one’s arms around the Alps! Be that as it may, the one of whom these lines speak is more important than our exegetical prowess and intellectual capacities. Whatever our sophistry, “we see through a glass enigmatically” (1 Cor 13:12). I continue to ponder two principle matters relative to 2:1-11: the grounds for Christian unity (2:1-4) and the attitude of Christ (2:5-11). With respect to the former, while it is true that Paul calls the assembly to unity through altruistic humility in vv. 2-4, he does so predicated upon a number of common commitments or core convictions that he expresses in v. 1. The communal values and character qualities Paul enumerates in 2:1 are illustrative, not exhaustive. Additionally, they are “organic, experiential, and eventual” as opposed to “synthetic, merely cerebral, and automatic.” The items mentioned in v. 1 are not “simplistic steps” to Christian unity; rather, they are some of the necessary ingredients involved in forging a bona fide community in Christ. While many Christians long for unity in principle, Paul offers certain specifics that support and sustain accord in Christ. Christian unity through Christ-like humility is more than do-goodery. It is grounded in and flows from the parakl∑sis (“encouragement, comfort”) that exists in Christ, the paramythion (“consolation, solace”) arising from and afforded by love (agap∑), and the koinønia (“fellowship, partnership”) the Spirit provides and enables. Furthermore, Christian community is founded upon and marked by genuine “affection and compassion.” When taken together and taken seriously, Christian ideals (and realities?) like those Paul articulates in 2:1 serve as the building blocks upon which oneness in Christ may be built, or, to shift metaphors, the fertile soil from which a harvest of like-minded humility may spring. Stated otherwise, the Christian community Paul envisioned was inextricably linked to the theological and ethical commitments he embraced. While Paul regarded Jesus Christ as unique and in no way reduced him solely to a moral example, I find the “ethical reading” of Philippians 2:5-11 to be compelling. The primary purpose of

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the passage, it appears, is to set forth Christ as a model for the church to emulate in its life together. That Paul would set forth Jesus as both Master and Model does not prove problematic; on the contrary, the gospel is made more credible by virtue of the fact that believers venerate the very one they seek to emulate. In essence, Paul calls upon the assembly in these verses to think as Jesus thought. It is not uncommon to hear contemporary Western Christians raise the question, “What would Jesus do?” An equally pressing and arguably prior question that Christ followers might profitably ask, however, is, “What would Jesus think?” Or, perhaps better put, “What attitudes undergirded and guided Jesus’ actions? What beliefs buttressed his behavior?” Verses 6-8 aid us in responding to these questions. The attitudinal quality most clearly highlighted in 2:6-8 is Jesus’ humility. The depiction of Jesus as a humble servant in vv. 7-8 is in concert with Matthew 11:29, where Jesus describes himself as “gentle and humble in heart” (praus eimi kai tapeinos; cf. Matt 5:5), and with Mark 10:45, where Jesus remarks that “the Son of Man did not come to be served but to serve and to give his life [as] a ransom for many” (cf. Rom 15:7). Paul indicates in Philippians and elsewhere that he was also well acquainted with abasement (4:12; 2 Cor 11:7). Moreover, the apostle speaks of himself as humble when with the Corinthians (2 Cor 10:1; cf. Acts 20:19), instructs the Romans to associate with the lowly (12:16), and calls the Colossians to humility (3:12). Although Jesus and Paul valued humility, it was clearly not a desired character trait in Greco-Roman antiquity. Indeed, “In Greco-Roman literature, humility as a social virtue is in fact conspicuous in its absence.”59 Seemingly humility, that is, “any lowering of oneself before equals (or lesser),” “was not regarded as morally advisable or sound” “because of the word’s strong associations in the Greek world with powerlessness, debasement and slavery.”60 It is striking that servility and humility are conjoined in 2:7-8. A dogged commitment to obey and please God also marked the “mind of Christ” (1 Cor 2:16). Fidelity to God was costly for Jesus; in fact, his obedience led to and is linked with his death in Philippians 2:8. Hebrews 5:7-8 also speaks of Jesus’ obedience to God with reference to his death. Recent New Testament scholar-

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Eugene Delacroix’s Christ on the Cross

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Eugene Delacroix (1798–1863). Christ on the Cross. 1853. Oil on canvas. National Gallery, London, Great Britain. (Credit: © National Gallery, London/Art Resource, NY)

Artists have frequently and variously portrayed the crucifixion of Christ. One rendition of Christ’s crucifixion that I find particularly riveting is the 1845 oil painting by the French Romanticist Eugene Delacroix (1798–1863), titled Christ on the Cross. As in Paul’s theology, the crucified Christ is prominent in this painting. Indeed, all else is overshadowed by Christ crucified.

ship has drawn our attention to the longneglected faith dimension of Jesus’ life.61 The humility of Jesus before God and others and the fidelity of Jesus to God and others coalesce in the cross. Put negatively, the defining characteristic of Christ’s life and ministry was that he “did not please himself ” (Rom 15:3). As his followers we are “not to please ourselves”; rather, we are to please our neighbors for their good and edification (Rom 15:2-3). In the midst of his mission, it was Paul’s ambition “to please [i.e., to serve] all people in everything [he did], not seeking [his] own advantage, but that of the many, that they may be saved” (1 Cor 10:33; cf. 1 Cor 9:19-23). In seeking to serve and please God (1 Thess 1:9; 4:1; cf. 1 Cor 7:32) by seeking to serve and please others, we imitate Christ (1 Cor 11:1), incarnate the gospel, and live in keeping with the Great Commandment (note Mark 12:28-34; Matt 22:35-40; Luke 10:25-28). Pauline Exhortations in Light of Christ’s Exaltation, 2:12-18

1. Those inclined to think that Paul necessarily juxtaposes “faith” and “works” may find the apostle’s admonition in Philippians 2:12 to “work out your [plural] own salvation with fear and trembling” to be puzzling if not disturbing. [C. S. Lewis on Faith and Works] Despite the claims of some of Paul’s most ardent (Protestant) supporters, the apostle did have a place in his theological and ethical understanding for “good works” in the lives of believers. Having said that, Paul regarded such deeds to be a testament of divine indwelling and enabling and saw “the church” as the context in and from which such works were to occur. 2. A former colleague of mine would sometimes quip, “Whining is not a spiritual gift.” This humorous though serious statement is akin to Paul’s call to the Philippians “to do all things without grumbling or arguing” (2:14). How is it that so many believers are cantankerous, contrary sorts? Our malcontent mindsets deter con-

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gregational unity and growth. C. S. Lewis on Faith and Works In response to a question put to him regarding the tension Furthermore, a negative, combative between divine enablement and human effort, C. S. Lewis spirit impedes our relationships offered the following response: with other believers and stunts our spiritual growth. While the last The controversy about faith and works is one that has gone on for a very long time, and it is a highly technical matter. I personally rely on thing we need is a “pie in the sky,” the paradoxical text: “Work out your own salvation . . . for it is God “Pollyanna” approach to life and that worketh in you” [Phil 2:12]. It looks as if in one sense we do faith, not a few of us, I suspect, have nothing, and in another case we do a damned lot. “Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling” [Phil 2:12], but you must ample room to grow in becoming have it in you before you can work it out. less critical and more mindful of others. C. S. Lewis, “Answers to Questions on Christianity,” in God in the Dock: Essays on and Ethics (ed. Walter Hooper; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970) 48–62 (quo3. Serious Christian thinkers have Theology tation appears on p. 55). often contemplated and frequently debated how believers may best relate to the world around them.62 Some have advocated withdrawing from the world; others have advised an antagonistic, if not angry, attitude toward the world. In Philippians 2:15-16, Paul does not promote either withdrawal from or hatred of the world. Rather, he implores the Philippians to be agents of change in the darkened world by living uprightly and shining brightly. To be sure, Paul’s view of sin and the human depravity prevented him from (Credit: Barclay Burns) painting too rosy a picture of the present age. He does not, however, instruct believers to “beat a retreat” from the world or “to wash their hands” of the world. On the contrary, he enjoins them to light their world with a winsome, wholesome witness. Timothy and Epaphroditus: Models of the Gospel, 2:19-30

In response to his parents’ assurance that he need not be afraid of the dark because the Lord was with him, a six-year old boy reportedly said, “I know God is with me, but sometimes I need Jesus with skin on him.” It is not only fearful children who need to sense

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and see Jesus. All who are Christ followers (should) want to sense the Lord’s presence and to see the Lord’s character. In Philippians, Paul places before the congregation people who model (or fail to model) the humble, faithful, loving Lord Jesus Christ. Timothy and Epaphroditus feature in chapter 2 as “Jesus with skin on them,” that is, as believers who live sacrificial lives for the sake of Christ and other believers. Even as we are grateful for those who have modeled the gospel before us, we should seek “to let [our] light so shine before others that they may see [our] good works and give glory to [our] Father in heaven” (Matt 5:16). Epaphroditus, an otherwise unknown Philippian Christian, is known to us as a result of his sacrificial Christian service. The same may be said of the Bethanian woman who poured costly ointment on Jesus’ head (Mark 14:3-9; cf. Matt 26:6-13; Luke 7:36-50; John 12:1-8). These examples notwithstanding, posterity will neither know nor remember the vast majority of contemporary believers and their respective lives of service. This fact is not troubling; rather, it is fitting, for it is the Lord whom we serve (see Col 3:23-24).

Notes 1. In 1 Cor 14:3 Paul pairs parakl∑sis with paramythia; in 2 Cor 1:3 parakl∑sis appears with oiktirmos; in Phlm 6-7 koinønia, parakl∑sis, and splanchnon are present; and in Col 3:12 splanchnon and oiktirmos occur together. 2. For a study suggesting that Paul is seeking to inculcate in the Philippians a “we” as opposed to a “me” mentality and morality, see Troels Engberg-Pedersen, “Radical Altruism in Philippians 2:4,” in Early Christianity and Classical Culture: Comparative Studies in Honor of Abraham J. Malherbe (ed. John T. Fitzgerald, Thomas H. Olbricht, and L. Michael White; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2003) 197–214. 3. On the literary character of 2:1-4, see further David Alan Black, “Paul and Christian Unity: A Formal Analysis of Philippians 2:1-4,” JETS 28 (1985): 299–308. 4. Phronein also appears with some frequency in Romans (nine times; specifically, in 8:5; 11:20; 12:3 [twice]; 12:16 [twice]; 14:6 [twice]; 15:5). Romans, however, is more than four times longer than Philippians (432 verses as opposed to 104 verses). 5. This view is associated with Ernst Käsemann, “A Critical Analysis of Philippians 2:5-11,” JTC 5 (1968): 45–88; and Ralph P. Martin, A Hymn of Christ: Philippians 2:5-11 in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship (Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1997). 6. For a recent discussion in support of the ethical interpretation of Phil 2:6-11, see, e.g., David G. Horrell, Solidarity and Difference: A Contemporary Reading of Paul’s Ethics (London/New York: T&T Clark, 2005) 206–14. See more fully Stephen E. Fowl,

Philippians 2 The Story of Christ in the Ethics of Paul: An Analysis of the Function of the Hymnic Material in the Pauline Corpus (JSNTSup 36; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990) 77–101. 7. See similarly Markus Bockmuehl, The Epistle to the Philippians (BNTC 11; Peabody MA: Hendrikson, 1998) 123. 8. So, e.g., Charles B. Cousar, Reading Galatians, Philippians, and 1 Thessalonians (Macon GA: Smyth & Helwys, 2001) 150; and Michael J. Gorman, Apostle of the Crucified Lord: A Theological Introduction to Paul and His Letters (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004) 419. 9. With good reason, Gorman suggests that “No passage in Paul, and perhaps no passage in the entire Bible, has received more scholarly attention than Philippians 2:6-11” (Apostle of the Crucified Lord, 434). 10. See now also Angela Standhartinger, “‘Join in imitating me’ (Philippians 3.17): Towards an Interpretation of Philippians 3,” NTS 54 (2008): 417–35. 11. E.g., morph∑ (2:6, 7; cf. Mark 16:12); harpagmos (only in 2:6 in the NT); isos (2:6; cf. Matt 20:12; Mark 14:56, 59; Luke 6:34; John 5:18; Acts 11:17; Rev 21:16); kenoun (2:7; cf. Rom 4:14; 1 Cor 1:17; 9:15; 2 Cor 9:3); homoiøma (2:7; cf. Rom 1:23; 5:14; 6:5; 8:3; Rev 9:7); sch∑ma (2:7; 1 Cor 7:31); tapeinoun (2:8; 4:12; cf. 2 Cor 11:7; 12:21); hyp∑koos (2:8; cf. 2 Cor 2:9); hyperypsoun (only in 2:10 in the NT); katachthonios (only in 2:10 in the NT); and epigeios (2:10; 3:19; cf. 1 Cor 15:40; 2 Cor 5:1). 12. Cf. sch∑ma, tapeinoein, and morph∑ in 2:6-8 with metasch∑matizein (see, too, 1 Cor 4:6; 2 Cor 11:13, 14, 15), tapeinøsis (note also Luke 1:48; Acts 8:33; Jas 1:10), and symmorphos (consider Rom 8:29 as well; symmorphizein, a NT hapax legomenon, appears in Phil 3:10) in 3:21. 13. Ralph P. Martin and Gerald F. Hawthorne, Philippians (rev. ed; WBC 43; Nashville: Nelson, 2004) 99–100, claim, “[T]here is at least one thing that calls forth almost universal agreement [among interpreters of Phil 2:6-11]. It is that Phil 2:6-11 constitutes a signal example of a very early ‘hymn’ of the Christian church.” See also, e.g., Robert J. Karris, A Symphony of New Testament Hymns (Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 1996) esp. 42–62. 14. See further the erudite work of Joseph A. Fitzmyer (“The Aramaic Background of Philippians 2:6-11,” CBQ 50 [1988]: 470–83). 15. Morna D. Hooker, “The Letter to the Philippians,” in The New Interpreter’s Bible (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 11:467–549 (here 501). Cf. Morna D. Hooker, “Philippians 2:6-11,” in Jesus und Paulus (ed. E. Earle Ellis and Erich Gräser; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1975) 151–64. 16. Martin and Hawthorne, Philippians, 104. 17. See, e.g., Charles H. Talbert, “The Problem of Pre-existence in Philippians 2:6-11,” JBL 86 (1967): 141–53; C. J. Robbins, “Rhetorical Structure of Philippians 2:6-11,” CBQ 42 (1980): 73–82; Gordon D. Fee, “Philippians 2:5-11: Hymn or Exalted Prose?” BBR 2 (1992): 29–46; and Robert H. Gundry, “Style and Substance in ‘The Myth of God Incarnate’ according to Philippians 2:6-11,” in Crossing the Boundaries: Essays in Biblical Interpretation (ed. Stanley Porter, Paul Joyce, and David E. Orton; BIS 8; Leiden: Brill, 1994) 271–93. 18. Joseph H. Hellerman (Reconstructing Honor in Roman Philippi: Carmen Christi as Cursus Pudorum [SNTSMS 132; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005] 1–2) has proposed that Phil 2:6-11 be read as an intentional subversion of the Roman cursus honorum (“course of honor”) ideology, with 2:6-8 serving as the cursus pudorum

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Philippians 2 (“course of ignominies”) and 2:9-11 functioning as the divine vindication and legitimation of Christ and “his anti-Roman approach to honor and status.” 19. Among others, see Fred B. Craddock, The Pre-existence of Christ in the New Testament (Nashville: Abingdon, 1968) 100, and Markus Bockmuehl, “‘The Form of God’ (Phil 2:6): Variations on a Theme of Jewish Mysticism,” JTS 48 (1997): 1–23. 20. On this term and its meaning, see Roy W. Hoover, “The HARPOGMOS Enigma: A Philological Solution,” HTR 64 (1971): 95–119, and N. T. Wright, “aJrpagmo~ and the Meaning of Philippians 2:5-11,” JTS 37 (1980): 321–52. 21. So also J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (1868; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995) 112. 22. Bonnie B. Thurston, “Philippians,” in Philippians and Philemon (SP 10; Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 2005) 79, suggests that Phil 2:6-11 is best read with hymnody, not systematic Christology, in view. So also Paul S. Minear, “Singing and Suffering in Philippi,” in The Conversation Continues (ed. Robert Fortna and Beverly Roberts Gaventa; Nashville: Abingdon, 1990) 202–19. 23. See further Wayne A. Meeks, “The Man from Heaven in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians,” in The Future of Early Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester (ed. Birger A. Pearson; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991) 329–36. 24. Carolyn Osiek (Philippians, Philemon [ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000] 62) maintains, “To try to make distinctions among [homoiøsis (“likeness”), sch∑ma (“form”), and morph∑ (“form”) in 2:7-8] is a fruitless exercise in hair-splitting. Homoiøsis perhaps carries a bit more connotation of external resemblance or likeness, sch∑ma of bearing or comportment, but all three have little difference in their meaning.” 25. Interpreters who think Paul is quoting a pre-formed piece in Phil 2:6-11 sometimes suggest that the apostle himself appended the final phrase of 2:8, i.e., “even death on a cross.” Whatever the origin of the words, they are consonant with Paul’s commitment to proclaim “Jesus Christ and him crucified” (1 Cor 2:2). In Phil 3:18 the apostle refers to a group of now ill-defined people who “live as enemies of the cross of Christ.” Bockmuehl (Philippians, 139) maintains that the phrase “even death on a cross” “is not extraneous to the passage but is singled out as the deliberate climax at least of verses 6-8.” 26. Martin Hengel, Crucifixion (trans. John Bowden; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 37. 27. Marvin R. Vincent (Philippians and Philemon [ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897] 61) remarks that the force of the verb hyperypsoun “is not ‘more than before,’ nor ‘above his previous state of humiliation,’ but ‘in superlative measure.’” 28. Contrast C. F. D. Moule, “Further Reflexions on Philippians 2:5-11,” in Apostolic History and the Gospel: Biblical and Historical Essays Presented to F. F. Bruce (Exeter: Paternoster, 1970) 264–76. 29. So Hooker, “Philippians,” 510. Furthermore, Hooker speculates it might be intentional that a name is not specified in 2:9 given that “By tradition, the name of God could not be spoken or written.” Others who construe the “name above every name” to be the name YHWH include H. C. G. Moule, Philippian Studies (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1908), 95; Lightfoot, Philippians, 113; and Bockmuehl, Philippians, 143. 30. Rom 14:11 is another place where Paul appeals to Isa 45:23. In that instance, however, Paul concludes by stating in 14:12, “So each of us will give an account of himself to God.” As it happens, the prepositional phrase “to God” may be a scribal

Philippians 2 emendation. In Rom 2:16 Paul speaks of “that day when, according to [his] gospel, God judges human secrets by Christ Jesus” (cf. 1 Cor 4:1-5). 31. The phrase “in heaven and on earth and under the earth” may be a poetic way to say “all creation, all things whatsoever and wheresoever they be. The whole universe, whether animate or inanimate, bends the knee in homage and raises the voice in praise” (so Lightfoot, Philippians, 115). It may also suggest “those alive, those deceased, and all superhuman spirits” (so Osiek, Philippians, Philemon, 65; cf. Vincent, Philippians and Philemon, 62–63). 32. It has become increasingly common for Pauline interpreters to read the apostle’s letters against the backdrop of Roman imperial ideology. See, e.g., Richard A. Horsley, ed., Paul and Politics (Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 2000). For scholarly studies that seek to read (portions of) Phil 2:6-11 in this fashion, see esp. Peter Oakes, Philippians: From People to Letter (SNTSMS 110; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 147–74; and Hellerman, Reconstructing Honor in Roman Philippi. Note, however, Seyoon Kim, Christ and Caesar: The Gospel and the Roman Empire in the Writings of Paul and Luke (Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 2008). 33. See Phil 1:2, 14; 2:11, 19, 24, 29; 3:1, 8, 20; 4:1, 2, 4, 5, 10, 23. 34. Hooker (“Philippians,” 511) observes, “Ultimately . . . it is God to whom [the Philippians] owe obedience, and Paul is simply the one through whom God’s commands are channeled.” 35. For commentary that also seeks to balance between obedience to Christ and the gospel on the one hand and obedience to the apostle on the other hand, see, e.g., Bockmuehl, Philippians, 150–51, and Gordon D. Fee, Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995) 233–34. 36. John Reumann (Philippians [AB 33B; New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2008] 410) maintains, “At 2:13 the case is strong . . . to take eudokia as goodwill by and among human beings . . . activated by God, expressed in communal relationships in church and polis.” 37. So, e.g., Peter T. O’Brien, The Epistle to the Philippians (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster, 1991) 288–89. 38. Fee, Philippians, 240. 39. Vincent, Philippians and Philemon, 67. 40. So also G. Walter Hansen, The Letter to the Philippians (PNTC; Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans; Nottingham: Apollos, 2009) 179; and Charles B. Cousar, Philippians and Philemon (NTL; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2009) 61. 41. This is commonly noted by commentators, including, e.g., F. F. Bruce, Philippians (NIBC 11; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1989) 84. 42. See further, e.g., Bockmuehl, Philippians, 155. 43. Osiek (Philippians, Philemon, 71) doubts that “the Gentile Philippians would recognize [Paul’s] allusion” to the Israelites in the desert. Whether they would or not would be contingent upon their exposure to and recollection of the Exodus traditions as well as certain biblical texts, especially Deuteronomy 32. 44. So, too, Lightfoot, Philippians, 117. 45. The alpha with which each of these three adjectives begin, referred to by linguists as an alpha privative, “is a prefix that negates the root word: no blame, no flaw, and no fault” (so Hansen, Philippians, 181).

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Philippians 2 46. In Phil 3:6 Paul describes his past performance in Judaism with respect to “righteousness according to the law” as “blameless” (amemptos). 47. For the Septuagintal influence upon Phil 2:14-15, see more fully James P. Ware, The Mission of the Church in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Context of Ancient Judaism (NovTSup 120; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2005) 253–56. 48. So similarly, Paul A. Holloway, “Alius Paulus: Paul’s Promise to Send Timothy at Phil 2.19-24,” NTS 54 (2008): 542–56 (esp. 553), who regards 2:17-18 as “a kind of ‘transition’ . . . back to the topics of 1:12-26.” 49. So rightly R. Alan Culpepper, “Co-Workers in Suffering: Philippians 2:19-30,” RevExp 77 (1980): 349–58. 50. On Timothy as Paul’s replacement, see the insightful article by Holloway, “Alius Paulus.” 51. This is the only time in Philippians where Paul uses the expression “in the Lord Jesus.” In fact, the precise phrase (en kyriø I∑sou) occurs only three other times in the Pauline corpus (Rom 14:14; 1 Thess 4:1; 2 Thess 3:12). In Philippians, Paul tends to employ either “in the Lord” (1:14; 2:24, 29; 3:1; 4:1, 2, 4, 10) or “in Christ Jesus” (1:26; 2:5; 3:14; 4:7; 4:19; 4:21). Cf. “in Christ” (1:13, 21) and “in him” (3:9). 52. On Timothy (and Titus) as Pauline envoys, see esp. Margaret M. Mitchell, “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions: The Example of Timothy and Titus,” JBL 111 (1992): 641–62. 53. Holloway (“Alius Paulus,” 550) maintains, “Paul is in prison awaiting trial on capital charges.” 54. Cf. Reumann, Philippians, 424. 55. So Edgar M. Krentz, “Military Language and Metaphors in Philippians,” in Origins and Methods: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity (ed. Bradley H. McLean; JSNTSup 86; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993) 106–27 (on 109–10). 56. See, e.g., Rom 1:1; 11:13; 16:7; 1 Cor 1:1; 4:9; 9:1, 2, 5; 12:29; 15: 7, 9 [twice]; 2 Cor 1:1; Gal 1:1, 17, 19; 1 Thess 2:7. 57. Chreia (“need”) appears in 2:25 and 4:19 (and perhaps in 4:16 as well). 58. Paul’s joy is attributable to the presence of God, not the absence of suffering. 59. So John P. Dickson and Brian S. Rosner, “Humility as a Social Virtue in the Hebrew Bible?” VT 54 (2004): 459–79 (here 459 n. 3). 60. Ibid., 459. 61. See esp. Richard B. Hays, The Faith of Jesus Christ: The Narrative Substructure of Galatians 3:1–4:11 (2d ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002), and Ian G. Wallis, The Faith of Jesus Christ in Early Christian Traditions (SNTSMS 84; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Note also Todd D. Still, “Christos as Pistos: The Faith(fulness) of Jesus in the Epistle to the Hebrews,” CBQ 69 (2007): 746–55. 62. On how Christians across the centuries have negotiated this nettle, see the classic volume of H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York: Harper & Row, 1956).

Onward and Upward Philippians 3

COMMENTARY Transition and Reiteration, 3:1

At the outset of chapter 3, Paul again enjoins his “brothers and sisters” (lit., “brothers” [adelphoi]) in Philippi to rejoice (2:18). In this instance, he instructs his spiritual siblings to “rejoice in the Lord” (cf. 4:4, 10). This admonition not only reiterates what Paul has already written to the Philippians, but it also marks a turning point in the letter. Indeed, the expression with which 3:1 commences (to loipon; cf. 4:8) signals an epistolary shift. Although interpreters typically render to loipon as “finally” (cf. 1 Thess 4:1; 2 Thess 3:1; 2 Cor 13:11), at this point the letter is far from over. It would appear that Paul employs the formulaic expression Translating to loipon to loipon in 3:1 to transition to a new It is possible to translate the phrase to topic even as he calls his converts to loipon (lit., “the rest” or “the other”) not only as “finally” but also as “henceforth,” “for the rejoice, which, as we have seen, is a leitrest,” “besides,” “as to what remains.” In Phil 3:1, motif in the letter. [Translating to loipon] Paul employs this idiomatic, formulaic expression That 3:1 serves as a bridge between to signal a shift in subject matter (cf. 1 Thess 2:30 and 3:2 becomes even clearer when 4:1). He has a good bit more to say to his beloved brothers and sisters in Philippi, but he is ready to Paul writes in the latter part of v. 1, transition from commending Timothy and “To write the same things to you is not Epaphroditus to warning the church of possible troublesome to me and is safe for you.” external threats. It is not immediately clear, however, what Paul means by this remark. Is Paul indicating that it is not onerous for him to enjoin them time and again to rejoice? Is he now turning to write to the Philippians about matters he has previously addressed only verbally with them (cf. 3:18; 4:9)? Might it be that he has written to them at an earlier time regarding such things in (a) letter(s) no longer extant and is now doing so again (cf. 1 Cor 5:9)? Could it be that he has written to other believers along the same

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How Many Letters Did Paul Write to the Philippians? A succinct answer to this question would be “at least one.” A fuller response would need to take into account, as we have done in the introduction, whether or not the letter known to us as Philippians is a composite document. Even if one is inclined to regard Philippians as a literary unity, this does not eliminate the possibility that Paul wrote to the church in Philippi on more than one occasion. Interestingly, in the course of his epistle to the Philippian church, Polycarp, the Bishop of Smyrna in the first half of the second century AD, refers to letters (epistolas) that Paul had written to the assembly when he was away from them (Pol. Phil. 3.2). While it is possible that Polycarp employs the “generalizing plural” here, it is equally plausible, and perhaps preferable, to imagine that Paul wrote (an)other letter(s) to the Philippians that were/was for whatever reason(s) not preserved.

lines? Other interpretive questions arise regarding the nebulous phrase “the same things” (ta auta). Do “the same things” refer to the joy of which Paul has just written and to which he repeatedly calls the Philippians? Or, by “the same things,” does Paul have in mind that which he is about to write? On balance I think it more likely that 3:1b refers primarily to the issue that Paul will take up in 3:2.1 Whether or not he had previously written to the Philippians regarding such matters, 3:1b seems to suggest that Paul had previously turned his authorial hand (or at least his mind and mouth) to the topic now at hand.2 [How Many Letters Did Paul Write to the Philippians?]

Paul does not regard a return to a subject he has raised before as irksome or troublesome. On the contrary, he considers writing to the church about “the same things” as a safe course for them. It is not bothersome to him and is beneficial for them. By writing to the Philippians regarding such matters, Paul is modeling that to which he calls the church earlier in the letter. He is looking out for their interests (2:4). Paul’s other-regard serves as the Philippians’ safeguard. By forewarning them, he is forearming them.

Paul’s Opponents and Past, 3:2-6 [Outline of 3:2-6]

In 3:2 Paul sets forth a three-fold warning against his opponents. He calls his converts to “look out for” or “beware of ” (blepein) those whom he polemically and pejoratively describes as “the dogs” (tous kynas), “the evil workers” (tous kakous ergatas), Outline of 3:2-6 and “the mutilation” (t∑n katatom∑n). The presence Paul’s Opponents and Past, 3:2-6 A Call to Be on Guard against of definite articles (“the”) may suggest that the Interlopers, 3:2 apostle has particular people in view in 3:2. The Circumcision Redefined, 3:3 interpretive question is, of course, who. A significant Paul’s “Fleshly” Confidence, 3:4-6 majority of commentators maintain, rightly to my mind, that Paul is targeting these verbal missiles toward his JewishChristian adversaries, with whom he has frequently come into contact and conflict over the course of his ministry.3 From all appearances, these interlopers had yet to infiltrate the Philippian

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fellowship. Given their track record in Galatia and Corinth, however, Paul thought it prudent to impress upon the assembly the importance of being vigilant in this regard. His less than flattering description of what appears to be competing Jewish-Christian missioners would have arrested his auditors’ attention, even as it does ours. To begin, Paul deprecates his opponents by calling them “dogs.” Today, dogs are often domesticated and treated with love and care. In stark contrast, ancients tended to look upon dogs with disgust, if not disdain. They were seen as scavengers who could turn savage. This is clearly the picture that emerges in Scripture.4 Ironically, “dog” was a term of derision that Jews used to slander Gentiles (note Mark 7:27). In Philippians 3:2 Paul hurls this derogatory epithet at his JewishChristian competitors. For Paul, the activity of these missionaries among his converts was tantamount to that of a pack of dogs. He considered them to be dangerous and wanted to warn the Philippians in advance of these “ravenous wolves” (see Matt 7:15; Acts 20:29). To add insult to injury, Paul proceeds in 3:2 by enjoining the Philippians to be wary of “the evil workers.” As with the following and final defamatory description (i.e., “the mutilation”), Paul still has those he dubs “the dogs” in view. While those against whom Paul rails would have thought themselves up to much good, Paul clearly thought that they were up to no good. Far from “dogooders,” according to Paul they were “good for nothings.” In fact, the apostle labels their missionary enterprise and ministerial efforts “evil.” Elsewhere, Paul describes his Jewish-Christian opponents as “deceitful workers” (2 Cor 11:13). In concert with certain psalmists, Paul would have viewed these enemies as “workers of iniquity” (see, e.g., Pss 92:7, 9; 94:4, 16), despite the fact that they would have seen themselves as teachers and doers of righteousness. Finally, Paul castigates these foes as “the concision” or “the mutilation.” Whereas the term “circumcision” (peritom∑ ) means “to cut around” (note Phil 3:3, 5), the word employed here, katatom∑ (lit., “to cut down or against”), appears nowhere else in Scripture. This “cutting” remark regarding circumcision is akin to Galatians 5:12, where the apostle wishes that the Jewish-Christian interlopers who were troubling the Galatian churches would be cut off, perhaps by making eunuchs of themselves. According to Deuteronomy 23:1,

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“No one whose testicles are crushed or whose penis is cut off shall be admitted to the assembly of the LORD” (cf. Lev 21:20). Arguably, Paul succumbs to the temptation of employing caustic, crude polemic in both Philippians 3:2 and Galatians 5:12. That being said, his “low blows” pack a tremendous punch. Whereas Paul’s Jewish opponents would insist that Gentile converts were to be circumcised in order to be obedient to God and incorporated into the people of Israel, the apostle forcefully, if immodestly, maintained that the clipping of a foreskin should not demarcate insiders and outsiders or be determinative of who constituted the “Israel of God” (Gal 6:16). Rather, Paul propounded, “For neither circumcision nor uncircumcision is anything, but a new creation (is everything)” (Gal 6:15; cf. 1 Cor 7:19). Paul, himself a circumcised Jew (Phil 3:5), came to view circumcision as an external ritual and to reject the notion that this Jewish custom had any spiritual significance for the person in Christ, whether Jew or Greek (see Rom 2:25-29). Moreover, his ire was raised when his Jewish-Christian competitors persuaded Gentile believers to undergo the knife. On this point, Paul, who could be a flexible apostle (cf. 1 Cor 9:19-23), was resolute, and he regarded any (Christian) variation from his position on circumcision (and, for that matter, table fellowship between Jews and Gentiles) to be gravely mistaken and dangerous (see esp. Gal 2:1-14). Sincere conviction and concern on Paul’s part for the Philippian fellowship explains his three-fold warning against and castigation of his Jewish-Christian opponents in 3:2. Even though there is no indication that these rival teachers were on the ground in Philippi, Paul viewed them as persistent foes to be feared and thought it necessary to warn his converts yet again of these insidious interlopers (cf. 3:18). In 3:3 Paul continues to push against linguistic and religious conventions and expectations. Picking up his play on peritom∑ in 3:2, he now speaks of himself in conjunction with the Philippian congregation (and by way of extension other [Pauline] believers) as “the circumcision.” Passionate objections notwithstanding, Paul deracinates and redefines circumcision with but a few strokes of a stylus. If previously in the sweep of Hebrew history circumcision was an external sign of an eternal covenant between God and Israel as evidenced by the clipping of a male’s foreskin, Paul came to construe “circumcision” and those who constituted the same in a decidedly different manner.5

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Having claimed the label h∑ peritom∑ for his converts and himself, Paul continues in 3:3 to offer a three-fold depiction of those he conceptualizes and describes as “the circumcision.” To begin, Paul characterizes circumcised ones as those “who worship [or ‘serve, minister’] by [or ‘in’] the Spirit of God.” Elsewhere, Paul speaks of serving God with his own spirit in the gospel of God’s Son (Rom 1:9; cf. 2 Tim 1:3). Earlier in Philippians, Paul speaks of the church’s sacrificial service in general (2:17) and of their ministry through Epaphroditus to him in particular (2:25, 30). While the Holy Spirit does not feature in this letter (see 1:19; cf. 1:27; 2:1), the Spirit of God is not given short shrift in Paul.6 For the apostle, the Spirit, who especially features in the first five letters of the Pauline corpus (i.e., Romans–Ephesians), indwells and enables Christ’s people both collectively and individually. Additionally, Paul describes the Philippians and himself as those who “boast in Christ Jesus.” In Philippians 1:25-26, Paul expresses his expectation of being reunited with the assembly so that the congregation’s boasting in Christ Jesus might abound as a result of his coming to them again. Moreover, the apostle calls the church in 2:16 to hold fast or to hold forth the “word of life” so that he might be able to boast “on the day of Christ” Boast/Boasting in Paul that he did not run or labor in vain. These two One might summarize Pauline passages examples drawn from Philippians are among that employ “boast/ boasting” in the folnumerous Pauline texts where the terms “boast” lowing manner: Whereas Paul looked askance upon, even if he sometimes participated in, or “boasting” occur (see esp. 2 Cor 10–13).7 [Boast/Boasting in Paul]

“human boasting,” the apostle seems to have relished the opportunity and the prospects of boasting in the Lord and in that which the Lord (might) wrought through him. Stated otherwise, while Paul denounced “fleshly” boasting, he encouraged and engaged in “spiritual” boasting. In short, Paul concurred with Jeremiah: “Let the one who boasts, boast in the LORD” (cf. Jer 9:22-23 [LXX] with 1 Cor 1:31; 2 Cor 10:17).

Lastly and antithetically, Paul depicts “the circumcision” as those who “place no confidence in the flesh” (3:3). “Flesh” (sarx) can carry both a neutral and a negative valance in Paul. In Philippians 1:22, 24, Paul employs sarx to describe his bodily existence. Meanwhile, in See further, Duane F. Watson, “Paul and Boasting,” in Paul in the 3:3-4 sarx carries an extra-physical, undesirable Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; connotation. As it happens, Paul describes those Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 2003) 77–100. who constitute “the circumcision” apart from external considerations. In fact, Paul insists that he and his do not live life “according to the flesh” (kata sarka) but “according to the Spirit” (kata pneuma) (see esp. Rom 8:1-17 and Gal 5:16-26). This was not always the case with Paul. There was a time, Paul attests in 2 Corinthians 5:16, when he evaluated individuals,

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including Christ, “according to the flesh” (kata sarka). Even though Paul underwent a christological revolution that had tremendous cognitive and practical repercussions, his decidedly autobiographical remarks, begun in Philippians 3:4 and continuing more or less through 3:18, reveal that he still had plenty to brag about “in the flesh” (en sarka). In fact, Paul is not content with contending in 3:4 that he had reason for having confidence “in the flesh”; rather, he goes so far as to assert that whoever else might have had grounds to be confident “in the flesh,” he himself had greater grounds still (egø mallon)! Paul then proceeds in 3:5-6 to offer no less than seven reasons why he, were he to choose to do so, could more convincingly than anyone else place confidence in the flesh.8 His decidedly Jewish list commences with four items he received and concludes with three things he achieved. We will treat each of these seven badges of Jewish pride singly, if briefly. Although Paul could unleash vitriol upon his Jewish-Christian compatriots who sought to persuade his Gentile converts to be circumcised, it is precisely with circumcision that Paul begins to construct his case that he Circumcision Gen 17 presents God instructing Abraham has compelling evidence for having confidence in the following manner: in the flesh.9 If Paul came to view circumcision as a decidedly Jewish custom that had no This is my covenant, which you shall keep, bearing upon one’s standing before God,10 this between me and you and your offspring after you: Every male among you shall be circumcised. You would certainly have not been the view of his shall circumcise the flesh of your foreskins, and it parents who presented him to be circumcised shall be a sign of covenant between me and you. Throughout your generations every male among when he was eight days old. Saul/Paul of you shall be circumcised when he is eight days old. Tarsus, like John the Baptist and Jesus of . . . Any uncircumcised male who is not circumNazareth (see Luke 1:59; 2:21), was marked cised in the flesh of his foreskin shall be cut off from his people; he has broken my covenant (vv. out as a son of the covenant by the rite of cir10-12, 14, NRSV). cumcision as set forth in the Scripture. According to Shaye J. D. Cohen, with the exception of Genesis 17 and a few other biblical texts (particularly, Gen 34; Exod 4:24-26; 12:43-49; Josh 5:2-11), “the Bible as a whole generally ignores [circumcision] and nowhere regards it as the essential mark of Jewish identity or as the sine qua non for membership in the Jewish polity. It attained this status only in Maccabean times.” Cohen continues by noting, “For Paul circumcision represents subjugation to the demands of Torah.” Shaye J. D. Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah (LEC 10; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987) 52–53.

[Circumcision]

Paul continues to set forth his grounds for boasting in the flesh in 3:5 by maintaining that he was “out of the people of Israel,” “of the tribe of Benjamin,” and “a Hebrew of Hebrews.” Each of these items adds further detail and luster to Paul’s Jewish pedigree. Far from a proselyte, he was an “Israelite, out of the seed of Abraham” (Rom 11:1; cf. 2 Cor 11:22). Beyond that, Paul claims to be of “the tribe of

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The Tribe of Benjamin Benjamin.” We do not know Paul’s family tree Marvin R. Vincent writes the following with or precisely how he could lay claim to such an respect to Paul’s expression “of the tribe of ancestry and identity.11 It is clear from the Benjamin” in Phil 3:5 (cf. Rom 11:1): Old Testament, however, that Benjamin and Benjamin was the son of the beloved wife of Jacob his tribe were held in high esteem. [The Tribe of (Gen. xxxv.17, 18). The tribe of Benjamin gave Israel Benjamin] Moreover, Paul maintains that he was its first king (I Sam. ix. 1, 2). The tribe was alone faithful to Judah at the separation under Rehoboam “a Hebrew of Hebrews.” Although we cannot (1 K. xii.21). After the return from exile, it formed be certain, not a few commentators suggest with Judah the kernel of the new colony in Palestine that this expression indicates that Paul could (Ezra iv.1). The tribe always held the post of honor in the army. Hence the battle-cry “After thee Benjamin!” speak and read Hebrew (and/or perhaps (Jud.v.14; Hos. v.8). Of the twelve patriarchs, 12 Aramaic). Additionally, as fourth in a list of Benjamin only was born in the Land of Promise. The seven, this boast stands in the center and great national deliverance commemorated in the feast of Purim was due to Mordecai, a Benjamite. thereby functions as the “‘swing’ term, Paul’s own name, Saul, was probably from the son of summing up the preceding three, and setting Kish, the Benjamite king. the stage for the final three.”13 As Paul continues to catalog reasons he has Marvin R. Vincent, The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897) 96. to be confident in the flesh, he transitions from what he received to what he achieved in Judaism. Each of the three accomplishments he mentions is introduced by the preposition kata (generally meaning “according to” when followed by nominatives in the accusative case), resulting in syntactical parallelism. One might also note that Paul begins and ends his truncated list of personal achievements in Judaism with reference to the law (nomos).14 In beginning to note his commitment relative to the law, Paul self-describes as a Pharisee (cf. Acts 23:6; 26:5). Although the term Pharisaios (probably meaning “separate one”) appears ninety-eight times in the Greek New Testament, this is the only place it occurs outside of the Gospels and Acts. As it turns out, Paul is one of three Pharisees named in the New Testament (the other two are Nicodemus [John 3:1] and Gamaliel [Acts 5:34; 22:34]). Along with the scribes, the Synoptic Gospel writers depict the Pharisees as righteous, fastidious, and at times duplicitous.15 The Gospels also portray the Pharisees—sometimes in cooperation with scribes, Sadducees, Herodians, and/or chief priests—as antagonistic to Jesus and his disciples.16 Despite repeated mention of the Pharisees in the first five New Testament books, it is only in Acts, as Paul is seeking to defend himself before a Jewish council in Jerusalem, that we learn anything about their ostensible beliefs. Acts reports that in contradistinction to the Sadducees, who believed in “no resurrec-

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tion, or angel, or spirit,” the Pharisees affirmed all three (23:8). Even though Pharisaism was well known and widespread among Jews in Paul’s day, our knowledge about and understanding of this ancient Jewish group are rather limited. The Pharisees simplify their standard of living, making no concession to luxury. They follow the guidance of that which their [Josephus on the Pharisees] In short, it doctrine has selected and transmitted as good, attaching the chief appears that the Pharisees, who importance to the observance of those commandments which it Josephus suggests numbered roughly has seen fit to dictate to them. They show respect and deference to their elders, nor do they rashly presume to contradict their pro6,000, were a reform movement with posals. Though they postulate that everything is brought about by Judaism. Begun in the second century fate, still they do not deprive the human will of the pursuit of what BC , Pharisaism continued well into is in a person’s power, since it was God’s good pleasure that there should be a fusion and that the will of a person with both virtue the second century AD, at which time and vice should be admitted to the council-chamber of fate. They it became indistinguishable from rabbelieve that souls have power to survive death and that there are binic Judaism. In short, “They were a rewards and punishments under the earth for those who have led lives of virtue or vice: eternal imprisonment is the lot of evil souls, popular conservative movement while the good souls receive an easy passage to a new life. focused on a keen interest in the Because of these views they are, as a matter of fact, extremely influential among the townsfolk; and all the prayers and sacred study of the Torah and in guarding rites of divine worship are performed according to their exposition. the national traditions against pagan This is the great tribute that the inhabitants of the cities, by pracand secular trends.”17 ticing the highest ideals both in their way of living and in their discourse, have paid to the excellence of the Pharisees. This foregoing description of Pharisaism sheds light on the final two items in Paul’s sevenfold “catalog of boasting.” Not unlike many of his Jewish contemporaries (note, e.g., Acts 21:20; 22:3; Rom 10:2), the pre-Christian Paul was animated by a zeal for Yahweh and Torah.18 In Paul’s own estimation, it was his extreme zeal that enabled him to advance in Judaism What Prompted Paul to Persecute the Church? beyond his peers (Gal 1:14). So great was his It is not entirely clear why the prezeal, Paul indicates in Philippians 3:6, that he Christian Paul zealously opposed Christ persecuted the church.19 It appears that Saul of followers. It is possible that he regarded the Tarsus regarded the “church” to be within the Christ they lauded as Lord to be accursed by God on account of his crucifixion (see Gal 3:10-14). Jewish pale and thought it a cancer requiring Paul might also have perceived the nascent mesremoval. [What Prompted Paul to Persecute the Church?] sianic movement to be lax toward Jewish Paul concludes the seven-item catalog of his religious practices such as circumcision and credentials and accomplishments in Judaism dietary laws (note Gal 2:12; 4:29; 5:11; 6:12). Whatever incited Paul’s ire against these with yet another mention of the law (cf. 3:5c). believers, by indicating it was zeal that propelled At the close of v. 6, he contends that he was him to persecute the church, he places himself in blameless (amemptos) with respect to “righteousa long line of Jewish zealots who were willing to ness under the law.” For those who have grown take extreme action in order to express their supreme devotion to Yahweh and Torah. accustomed to reading the spiritual struggles of

Josephus on the Pharisees The Jewish writer Flavius Josephus (AD 37–c. 100) indicates that at the age of nineteen he embraced life as a Pharisee (Life 2). In his longest, extant work, The Antiquities of the Jews, Josephus offers a summation of Pharisaic belief and practice. The following excerpt is taken from Josephus’s Jewish Antiquities 18.3 (LCL, trans. Louis H. Feldman).

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Augustine and Luther onto Paul, this statement might come as something of a surprise, if not a shock. Despite a venerable tradition of biblical interpretation, it does not appear that the pre-Damascus Paul found the law to be an unbearable burden by which it was impossible to live.20 Rather than decry the law or despair over its impossible demands, Paul reports that he thought of himself as blameless or faultless relative to the law. While he does not claim to have been sinless under the law, he does maintain that he obeyed the precepts and procedures set forth in the law without blame or blemish. A New Orientation, 3:7-16 [Outline of 3:7-16]

Paul’s fine pedigree and superlative performance in Judaism notwithstanding, he came to regard that which he had previously counted as gain (kerdos) to be loss (z∑mia). This re-evaluation, which may be rightly described as a conversion,21 occurred “for the sake of Christ” (3:7). Paul further unpacks his “spiritual paradigm shift” in 3:8. Not only did Paul continue to count22 whatever he had gained as loss because of Christ, he also continually regarded23 all things (panta) to be loss (z∑mia). Were one to Outline of 3:7-16 ask why, Paul offers this explanation: “Because A New Orientation, 3:7-16 Gaining Through Losing, 3:7-11 of the surpassing (hyperechon) [value] of the Pressing on by Forgetting the Past and Leaning knowing Christ Jesus my Lord.” In Philippians into the Future, 3:12-14 2:9 Paul describes Jesus as “super exalted” (hyperMaturity and Fidelity, 3:15-16 ypsoun). Here, he maintains that a personal, experiential knowledge of Christ is of surpassing gain (cf. 1:9; 3:10).24 Later in the letter he will depict the peace of God as that which surpasses (hyperechein) all understanding (4:7). According to the apostle, Jesus Christ, the highly exalted one, offers a life of surpassing worth and peace. Resultantly, he regarded no cost too great and no price too high for the sake of Christ. Having stated that he counted whatever gains were his in Judaism as loss because of Christ and that he continued to count all things as loss because of the surpassing worth of knowing Christ (3:7-8a), Paul indicates in 3:8 that because of Christ Jesus his Lord he had lost (ez∑miøth∑n) all things (ta panta). He does not specify what these things were, but at the very least he would have lost his standing in Judaism upon his conversion. The apostle might also have suffered relational and financial losses.25 Far from regretting

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or pining over his losses, however, he scorns them, regarding them as skybala—“undesirable material that is subject to disposal: refuse, garbage, excrement, crud.”26 If we think this assessment is extreme, Paul would have thought that a wholesale, radical response was part and parcel of gaining Christ (cf. Phil 1:21; 1 Cor 9:26-27). To rehearse 3:7-8, then, Paul states that he regards any previous gains and all present things as loss, indeed dung, because of Christ Jesus his Lord and the surpassing value of knowing and gaining him. Verse 9 is a continuation of vv. 7-8. Paul regards Caravaggio’s The Conversion of Saint all things as loss not only so that he might gain Paul Christ but also in order that he might be found in him. “Just as Christ was ‘found’ as a man in 2.7, so Paul wants to share both his suffering and his resurrection in being ‘found in him’ (cf. 3.10).”27 Paul offers an abbreviated explanation on what being found in Christ entails in 3:9. Negatively, it required Paul to reject the pursuit of righteousness (dikaiosyn∑) based upon the law—“whether the individual righteousness of fulfilling the law or the corporate righteousness of being a member of the Jewish people.”28 Although Paul had, at least by his own assessment, excelled in living life according to the law, his apocalyptic encounter with the risen Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610). The Christ en route to Damascus altered his perceptions, Conversion of Saint Paul. Odescalchi Balbi Collection, Rome, Italy. [Credit: Wikimedia Commons, PD-Art (PDaffections, and allegiances.29 For Paul, to revert to old-100)] his former pattern of life under the law would be tantamount to transgression (see esp. Gal 2:15-21). Although Paul does not explicitly refer to his conversion/call in Phil 3:7-11, these verses In order to gain Christ and be found in him, then, are best read in light of the apostle’s Paul categorically rejects (the pursuit of ) righteousDamascus road experience. Artists have ness based on the law, even as he wholeheartedly paid more attention to Paul’s conversion embraces (the pursuit of ) righteousness that comes than they have to any other event in his eventful life. The painting reproduced here dia pisteøs Christou. by the Italian master Caravaggio In recent years, exegetes have expended prodigious (1571–1610) is probably the most readily amounts of time and energy in an effort to ascertain recognized artistic rendering of the converhow best to construe the phrase pistis Christou in sion of Paul. Paul.30 The debate centers upon the rendering of Christou (genitive case of Christos [“Christ”]). If Christ is to be viewed as the object of human faith, then the genitive is objective, and the phrase pistis Christou would be translated “faith in Christ.” However, if the faith of which Paul speaks in Phil 3:9 (and, perhaps, the parallel Pauline passages) is Christ’s faith (the so-called

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subjective genitive), then pistis Christou would rendered “the faith(fulness) of Christ.” While the objective genitive reading of pistis Christou (“faith in Christ”) has long held sway,31 “winds of change are a’blowin” in critical Pauline studies. In fact, in recent years not a few prominent Pauline specialists have forcefully argued and strongly advocated for a subjective genitive interpretation of the phrase.32 To be sure, Paul thought that Jesus was obedient to God unto death and that his exemplary life of self-emptying service was paradigmatic for believers (note Phil 2:8-9). That being said, it is far from clear to me that Paul regarded Jesus’ faith(fulness) as that which rectifies people before God. Rather, the preponderance of evidence suggests33 that Paul was convinced that people are made “right-wise” before God through faith or trust in Christ.34 The explanatory phrase that follows the expression dia pisteøs Christou in 3:9 arguably confirms the objective genitive reading of pistis Christou.35 Paul did not seek to gain and to be found in Christ through the law but through faith in Christ, whom he regarded as the “righteousness of God” for those who believe (see 1 Cor 1:30; cf. 2 Cor 5:21). Paul depicts “the righteousness from God,” then, as that which comes through and by faith, whose object is Christ. In 3:10-11, Paul continues and concludes the line of thought begun in 3:8. At the outset of 3:8, he remarks that he considers all things as loss for the surpassing gain of knowing Christ Jesus. He begins 3:10 by reiterating his commitment and desire to know Christ. For Paul, such knowledge centers upon the resurrection and the crucifixion of Christ (cf. Rom 14:9; 1 Cor 15:3-4; 1 Thess 4:14). He yearns to know Christ in the power of his resurrection (3:10a [A]; 3:11 [A']). Paul links resurrection power and hope, however, to the fellowship of Christ’s sufferings (3:10b [B]) and conformity to his death (3:10c [B']). Paul believed that Christ was to be known in agony and glory, in suffering and triumph, in grisly crucifixion and glorious resurrection. Paul sought to mirror the pattern of his Lord’s life in his own (cf. Phil 2:6-11). He sought to be conformed to his death even as he longed to be transformed by his life (cf. 2:21; Gal 2:20). Earlier in Philippians Paul conjoins believing in Christ with suffering for Christ (1:27). The same pairing appears in 3:9-10. Then, in 3:10-11, he links life with death, even as he does in 1:19-26 and

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2:8-11, 16-17, 27-30. Paul regarded believers as crucified with Christ even as they continued to suffer for Christ. Far from leading to death, however, it offered them present life and future hope (note further Rom 6:1-11; 8:9-17; 2 Cor 5:14-15; Gal 2:20; 6:14). In the midst of his own ministry, Paul was “always carrying in the body the death of Jesus, so that the life of Jesus might be manifested in our bodies” (2 Cor 4:10). If the resurrection power of the “Spirit of Jesus Christ” (Phil 1:19) was present with Paul and made manifest through his ministry, 3:11 indicates that he was not presumptuous about his Christian future (note “if somehow” [ei pøs] with which the verse begins). To be sure, Paul was confident that death would not spell defeat for him (see again 1:19-23). Such confidence, however, did not devolve into arrogant certitude or spiritual entitlement. Paul was convinced that God’s good and glorious future in Christ had yet to unfold fully. Resultantly, to claim and/or to live as if though it had would be both premature and pretentious.36 Paul’s letters reveal his view that the time between the resurrection of Christ and the resurrection of Christians should be marked by tempered anticipation, not unbridled enthusiasm as if the consummation had already happened.37 Because Paul had not been resurrected or perfected (3:12a; cf. 2 Tim 2:17-18), he continued to pursue (diøkein) Christ (3:12b), even as he had previously persecuted (diøkein) Christians (3:6). The apostle longed and yearned to take hold of God’s future in Christ in the present (katalabø ) even as Christ had taken hold of him (katel∑mphth∑n) in the past. To reiterate v. 12, Paul tells his brothers and sisters in Philippi in v. 13a that he did not think that he had currently taken hold of (kateil∑phenai) perfection or completion in Christ. This sobering reality, however, did not prompt Paul to admit defeat or to throw in the spiritual towel. On the contrary, his present state of affairs spurred him to press on (diøkein; cf. 3:5, 12) more fully and resolutely “toward the goal (skopos) for the prize (brabeion) of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus” (3:14). In order to “seek the things above” (Col 3:1) with a singularity of focus and an intensity of purpose, Paul determined to forget the things behind him—be they good, bad, or indifferent—and to stretch toward the things in front of him, like a runner striving for the finish line (cf. 1 Cor 9:24, 26).

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Having marked out his spiritual course in the preceding verses, Paul calls whoever is teleios (“mature, complete, perfect”) to think (phronein) likewise, that is, to join him in his arduous, relentless pursuit of conformity to Christlikeness. Playing upon the term teleios (cf. 3:12, 19), the apostle enjoins the assembly to demonstrate spiritual maturity precisely by recognizing and acknowledging that they were not yet what they would be in Christ (cf. 1 Cor 2:9; 13:8-13; 1 John 3:2-3).38 It may be that there were some in the Philippian fellowship who thought they were further down the spiritual track than they actual were.39 Whatever the case, in 3:15b Paul displays a literary magnanimity akin to 1:18. Rather than berate or lambaste those in the assembly who might think differently than he relative to Christian maturity, Paul expresses his belief that God will guide them as they move forward in the faith (cf. 1:6; 2:13). In particular, the apostle is confident that God will reveal to them that they are progressing pilgrims, not laurel-donned athletes, even as the Lord had shown this to Paul and to other more mature believers in Philippi (cf. Gal 6:1). Meanwhile, Paul wanted all Christ followers (himself included) to continue to walk in ways consonant and congruent with what they had already received and achieved in Christ (cf. Gal 5:25; Col 2:6). If they were to run and win the race, they could ill afford to lose ground (note 1 Cor 9:24). Type and Antitype, 3:17–4:1 [Outline of 3:17–4:1]

Paul’s concern that the church maintain and increase (or, “hold true to what [they had] attained”) prompted him to enjoin his spiritual siblings in Philippi to be joint imitators of him (3:17). Throughout Philippians, Paul places before the assembly worthy models, most notably, Jesus, Timothy, and Epaphroditus (note again 2:5-11, 19-30; cf. 1:15b-16). Furthermore, he seeks to dissuade them from following negative examples (see 1:15a, 17, 28; 2:21; 3:2, 18-19), his “fleshly” self included (3:4-7). All the while, Paul iterates his steadfast, whole-hearted comOutline of 3:17–4:1 Type and Antitype, 3:17–4:1 mitment to Christ and the congregation.60 It is Examples in Christ, 3:17 not until 3:17, however, that Paul explicitly calls Enemies of the Cross and Their Earthly the Philippians to join hearts and hands in emuMindset, 3:18-19 lating him. A Heavenly Citizenship and Body, 3:20-21 An Affectionate Admonition for Continuation in Christ, 4:1

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While such an exhortation can be and has been construed by a number of (post-)modern readers and interpreters as indefensibly arrogant, such anxiety about (and hostility toward!) Paul’s perceived egocentrism can be assuaged to a considerable extent by recalling that he was far from the only ancient writer who encouraged his “pupils” to follow his example.61 Moreover, as 1 Corinthians 11:1 makes clear, Paul’s admonition for his churches to imitate him is predicated upon the apostle’s imitation of Christ.62 He would have the believers to whom he ministered model him to the extent that he “walk[ed] in the same way in which [Jesus] walked” (1 John 2:6; cf. 1 Cor 4:16; 1 Thess 1:6). Paul follows his call for the Philippians to be joint imitators of him with another exhortation, namely, that the assembly mark, observe, or pay careful attention to (skopein; cf. skopos in 3:14) those who walk (i.e., “live” [peripatein]) in keeping with the example of the apostle and other more mature believers. Such people are to serve as spiritual models (or typoi, “types”). While Paul regarded himself as an example for other believers, he did not think of himself as the only individual who could model Christ to the church (note “us” in 3:17b). Even though Paul was far more than a bit player in the formation and maturation of the Philippian fellowship, he did not presume or pretend to play solo. One reason Paul sought to impress upon his sisters and brothers in Christ the importance of spiritual role models was his ongoing concern, arising from experience, that deleterious influences on their faith were always waiting in the proverbial wings. Along with those who lived exemplary lives in Christ were those who lived (peripatein) as “enemies of the cross of Christ” (3:18). Paul notes in v. 18 that he had spoken often to the Philippians about such people and states that doing so again caused him to weep (cf. Rom 9:2). Unfortunately, we are not privy to Paul’s earlier remarks to the church regarding this group, and vv. 18-19 offer but a few tantalizing clues as to their identity. Paul depicts and defames these people as (1) “enemies of the cross of Christ”; (2) “whose end is destruction”; (3) “whose god is the belly”; (4) who “glory in their shame”; and (5) who “set their minds on earthly things.” In examining this polemical list, the second, fourth, and fifth items are probably too general to be of much value in creating a profile of these individuals. These condescending comments do make it clear, however, that Paul regards these people as outsiders

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whose commitments and cognitions stand in stark contrast to those he and the Philippians hold. Whereas Paul and the church in Philippi “glory in Christ” (3:2), “place no confidence in the flesh” (3:3), and have a heavenly habit of mind (1:23; 2:5; 3:14, 20) as they await and anticipate salvation (1:19, 28; 2:12; 3:20), Paul describes those whom he fashions into a faithless foil as glorying in their shame and fixing their gaze upon earthly things, even as they head to their destructive end (høn to telos apøleia) (3:19; cf. 1:27). Paul also characterizes those about whom he has frequently spoken to the Philippians (cf. 3:1) as “enemies of the cross of Christ . . . whose god is the belly” (3:19). Although Paul does not employ these precise words to describe his opponents anywhere else in his surviving letters, there are close parallels to these phrases in Romans. In Romans 11:28 Paul speaks of Israel as enemies of the gospel for the sake of the Gentiles. Then, in 16:17-18, Paul enjoins the Roman churches “to take note of those who cause dissensions and scandals” and “to avoid” such people, for such persons, Paul propounds, “do not serve our Lord Christ but their own belly.” If non-Christian Jews are clearly in view in Romans 11:28, it is less than clear to whom the apostle is referring in Romans 16:17-18, though some stripe of “Christian” teachers seems most likely. The identity of those against whom Paul rails in Philippians 3:17-18 is also ill defined. If one may equate the people Paul opposes in 3:2 with those the apostle castigates in 3:18-19, as not a few interpreters do,63 then it is probable that Paul has certain Jewish-Christian adversaries in view.64 We do know that Paul came into contact and conflict with Jewish-Christian missioners elsewhere (see esp. 2 Cor 11:22-23; Gal 1:7; 5:11; 6:12), and it could be that they were never too far away from the apostle’s mind and ministry. The ambiguity that surrounds the identity of the “enemies of the cross of Christ” strongly suggests that it was not Paul’s intent to offer a full, objective portrait of his opponents. Rather, he is at pains to impress upon the Philippians the necessity of choosing their models wisely (cf. 1 Cor 15:33-34). Furthermore, he wants to remind them of their identity and destiny as followers of the Lord Jesus Christ. In contrast to those who are denounced in 3:18-19 (cf. 1:27-28), Paul contends that the citizenship or commonwealth (politeuma) of believers is in heaven (3:20).65 Although Paul regards believers as sojourners on earth en route to a Christ-filled

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eternity, they need not, indeed they ought not, be disengaged on earth (cf. 1:22; 2:15; 4:8, 11-12, 19). Nevertheless, they must learn to discern between the temporal and the eternal (note 1:9-11). Earthly life is valuable, but Paul insists that it pales in comparison to the Christian hope, which is inextricably linked to the “man from heaven,”66 depicted here as “Savior” (søt∑r). [“Savior” (søt∑r)] In Philippians Paul contemplates departing to be with Christ (1:23). His desire to depart, however, did not alter his conviction that Christ would return to earth from heaven to offer salvation and to effect transformation.67 In fact, in 3:21 “Savior” (søt∑r) Paul links the Lord’s coming from heaven with NT writers seldom employ the word “Savior” (søt∑r). In fact, the term occurs the transformation (metasch∑matizein) of “the but twenty-four times in the whole of the NT. The body of our humiliation (tapeinøseøs) to the likeonly time the word occurs in the undisputed ness (symmorphon) of the body of his glory.” Pauline Letters is in Phil 3:20 (cf. Eph 5:23; 1 Tim Philippians instructs that the one who took the 1:1; 2:3; 4:10; 2 Tim 1:10; Titus 1:4; 2:10, 13; 3:4, 6). Perhaps Paul employed søt∑r in this verse form (morph∑ ) of a slave and humbled (tapeito juxtapose the Lord Jesus Christ and his heavnoun) himself by becoming obedient unto death enly state to Caesar and the Roman Empire, the on a cross was subsequently super-exalted by signs of which would be ever-present in Roman God. Moreover, Paul holds that this heavenly Philippi (cf. John 18:36-38). Lord,68 by means of the power that enables him See further Peter Oakes, Philippians: From People to Letter (SNTMS 110; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) to subject all things to himself (cf. 1 Cor 138–47. John Reumann (“Philippians 3.20-21—A Hymnic Fragment,” NTS 30 [1984]: 593–609) suggests that the un15:28),69 would change believers’ humble Pauline term søt∑r originates from an early Christian hymn, a bodies to glorious ones (cf. 1 Cor 15:42-50).70 portion of which Paul cites in vv. 20-21. Were we to press Paul for greater specificity, he might well speak of mystery (1 Cor 15:51) as well as the power of God to “give life to the dead and call into existence the things that do not exist” (Rom 4:17). Given the external opposition the Philippians were experiencing and the negative examples to which they were (and might yet be) exposed, Paul turns again to call them to “stand firm in the Lord.”71 He is understandably concerned that they remain strong in the faith they received from and have shared with their apostle over the years (roughly a decade). In 4:1, Paul’s affection for and commitment to the congregation is evident. He refers to them as his “brothers [and sisters]” (adelphoi), his beloved ones (agap∑toi [twice]), and his “longed-for ones” (epipoth∑toi ). Furthermore, he calls the church his “joy and crown.” The Thessalonians are the only other assembly to whom Paul speaks so warmly in his surviving letters (cf. 1 Thess 2:19; cf. 1 Cor 8:1-2).72

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CONNECTIONS Transition and Reiteration, 3:1

While Christians should avoid being meddlesome and mind their own affairs (see 1 Thess 4:11), keeping a respectable, reasonable distance from people should not be used as a smokescreen to cloak a lack of concern about or care for others and their spiritual wellbeing. If the truth were told, we all too frequently simply “can’t be bothered” by the burdens and needs of others, even fellow believers. Paul did not view his written communication to the Philippians concerning “the same things” to be an onerous obligation; rather, he regarded his words to them as a necessary pastoral warning in light of potentially harmful influences. We should strive to avoid prideful, presumptuous pontificating; we should also seek to avoid nagging and needling. That being said, to sit idly by and watch fellow believers struggle so as to stumble is as cowardly as it is calloused. As a friend of mine once put it, “Sometimes silence is golden, and sometimes it is just plain yellow!” 3:2–4:1

1. Although Paul’s letters to his churches may rightly be described as personal, they do not, taken together, offer readers a great deal of biographical information about the apostle. Along with Galatians 1–2 and certain portions of 2 Corinthians (esp. chs. 10–13), Philippians 3 serves as an exception. Indeed, it includes a number of particulars about Paul’s life and provides something of a “window into his soul.” For some readers, this chapter might only confirm what they already suspect about Paul—he was (extremely) prideful in spirit and polemical in speech. Those who feel (a degree of ) disquiet with Paul along these lines might point to his call for the church in Philippi to imitate him (3:17; cf. 4:9) as evidence that he continued to place far too much confidence in his flesh (3:3-4). In addition, people with ambivalent attitudes toward the apostle might take issue with the unsalutory rhetoric he employs in Philippians 3, labeling his opponents “dogs,” “evil-workers,” and “mutilators,” who as “enemies of the cross” are destined for destruction. To add insult to injury, the apostle asserts that they make the

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belly their god and “glory in their shame, with [their] minds set on earthly things” (note 3:2, 18-19). While a knowledge of ancient rhetorical conventions and patterns of interaction may help to assuage the angst that some (Christian) people feel toward the apostle, they may well continue to view him as overly prideful in attitude and unnecessarily hostile in speech. If Paul fails to measure up to contemporary ideals of humility and civility, not a few modern-day Christians are still inclined to see as praiseworthy, if not exemplary, the commitment to Christ and the care for the church he articulates in Philippians 3. The Christocentrism that characterized Paul’s life and animated his ministry continues to inspire believers the world over. Furthermore, the depth of Paul’s devotion to the church in Philippi is instructive to present-day congregations and to those who seek to minister to and alongside them. Paul’s affection for the Philippian fellowship is suggested, but not exhausted, by the terms of endearment scattered throughout the letter, a concentration of which occurs in 4:1. Paul is especially concerned that the church develop the mind of Christ and continue to make strides and stand firm in the gospel. Such fellowship and focus might be the precise cure for which many contemporary churches and ministers are searching. 2. In reading Philippians 3, one may also see certain “isms” against which Paul warns the church in Philippi and by way of extension Christian fellowships today. These three “isms” may function in conjunction with or independent of one another. One “ism” Paul seeks to combat is nomism, that is, living life according to law. (This term is more precise than legalism. While some ancient Jews [perhaps even Saul of Tarsus] seemingly believed that it was possible to merit God’s mercy through what they did and did not do, it is both inaccurate and unfair to maintain that this was true of Judaism in general. As it happens, Christian denominations and congregations continue to have legalists in their midst!) If the pre-Christian Paul regarded the law as the be all and end all, as a result of his conversion/call he came to view Christ as the telos (“goal, end, completion”) of the law (note Rom 10:4). Subsequently, the apostle would struggle to impress upon his predominantly Gentile churches the sufficiency of Christ and the Spirit apart from the law and its regulations.73 Indeed, he juxtaposed life ek nomou (“under the law”) and life epi t∑ pistei (“by

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faith”). Paul’s letters (especially Galatians and Romans) reveal that as a follower of Christ he viewed the (works of the) law as passé, impotent, and divisive in light of the new day that had dawned in Christ and the divine commission he had received from Christ to take the gospel to the Gentiles. Churches (and their ministers) that erect unnecessary barriers and advocate certain strictures may be living nomistically. It appears that Paul would view anything and everything that distracts and diverts from the one thing to be skybala. He would call Christians and their congregations to have the mind of Christ and to stand firm in him. Two other “isms” to which Paul ostensibly responds in Philippians 3, albeit less explicitly, are perfectionism and libertinism. It appears that some believers in Philippi may have regarded themselves as finished spiritual products (see Phil 3:12, 15). Perhaps the pre-Christian Paul thought of himself similarly (note Phil 3:6). In writing to the Philippians, however, Paul does not espouse or support the notion of perfectionism. In fact, he flatly denies that he has been made complete or perfect, his mono-focused pursuit of Christ notwithstanding (3:12-13). Earlier in the letter, the apostle admonishes the Philippians not to think more highly of themselves than they ought (2:3). Elsewhere, he scorns certain Corinthians for overestimating their spiritual success and standing (so, e.g., 1 Cor 4:8; 8:1-2; 13:8-10). Paul believed in and worked toward the day when Christians would be complete, as Philippians 1:6, 10, 21, 23; 2:16; 3:20-21, among other Pauline passages, indicate (cf. Col 1:27; 2 Tim 4:8). To claim spiritual completion before the consummation of all things in Christ, however, is as presumptuous as it is dangerous (cf., e.g., 1 Thess 2:1-4). Those in our day who think they have broken the spiritual tape and crossed the finish line, so to speak, would do well to linger longer over Philippians 3, especially vv. 12-16, and consider the apostle’s example. Paul’s eschatological reservation and spiritual discipline are instructive for any and all generations of Christians “until he comes” (1 Cor 11:26; cf. Phil 3:20-21). If believers have sometimes succumbed to the lie of perfectionism (cf. 1 Tim 2:17; 1 John 1:8; 2:4), they have also been lured by libertinism. Paul may have had this snare in sight in Philippians 3:19. The apostle clearly had to combat a libertine misapprehension and misappropriation of his gospel elsewhere. Romans 3:8 reveals as much: “And why not do evil that good may come?—as some

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people slanderously charge us with saying.” While Paul valued life in the flesh (Phil 1:22), he regarded it a serious spiritual misstep for believers to place confidence in the flesh or to live according to the flesh (Phil 3:3-4; Gal 5:16, 24; Rom 8:1-8). To pursue earthly pleasures and to follow fleshly impulses is to lose sight of the one who is above and beyond (Phil 2:9; 3:15; cf. Col 3:1-4). It is no exaggeration to suggest that Western Christians in general and American believers in particular (this writer included) have drunk freely and frequently from the well of libertinism and its “kissin’ cousin” materialism. This toxic tonic has weakened our witness and darkened our way.

Notes 1. See also, e.g., Paul A. Holloway, Consolation in Philippians (SNTSMS 112; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 131; and Charles B. Cousar, Philippians and Philemon (NTL; Louisville KY: Westminster John Knox, 2009) 68. 2. So also, e.g., Morna D. Hooker, “Philippians,” in The New Interpreter’s Bible (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 11:524; and Gordon D. Fee, Paul’s Letter to the Philippians (NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995) 293. Cf. Markus Bockmuehl, The Epistle to the Philippians (BNTC; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1998) 177–80. 3. See, e.g., Mikael Tellbe, “The Sociological Factors behind Philippians 3.1-11 and the Conflict at Philippi,” JSNT 55 (1994): 97–121; John Reumann, Philippians (AB 33B; New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2008) 470; and Love L. Sechrest, A Former Jew: Paul and the Dialectics of Race (LNTS 410; London/New York: T&T Clark, 2009) 146. Cousar (Philippians, 16) identifies these “opponents” as Jews whom Paul is setting forth as a “negative model for his readers.” 4. See, e.g., Exod 22:31; 1 Sam 17:43; 2 Sam 3:8; 9:8; 19:9; 1 Kgs 16:4; 22:28; 2 Kgs 8:13; 9:10, 36; Job 30:1; Pss 22:20; 59:6; 68:23; Prov 26:11; Eccl 9:4; Isa 56:11; Matt 7:6; Luke 16:21; 2 Pet 2:22; Rev 22:15. 5. On circumcision as a point of contention between Paul and his fellow Jews, see my Conflict at Thessalonica: A Pauline Church and Its Neighbours (JSNTSup 183; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 175–82. 6. See esp. Gordon D. Fee, God’s Empowering Presence: The Holy Spirit in the Letters of Paul (Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1994). 7. The verb kauchasthai appears thirty-five times in the Pauline letters; the related nouns kauch∑ma and kauch∑sis are found ten times each. 8. I suspect that Paul purposefully composed a list of seven items so as to suggest completion or perfection. 9. Chrysostom (Homily on Philippians 2.3.5) posited that Paul mentioned circumcision at the outset of his catalog of Jewish credentials because this was the chief boast of his opponents. 10. So Rom 2:29; 1 Cor 7:19; Gal 5:6; 6:15; cf. Acts 16:3; 1 Cor 9:20-23.

Philippians 3 11. Jerome (Epistle to Philemon 23-24) reports that Paul’s family was rumored to be from the village of Gischala in northern Galilee. 12. Among a number of others, see Bockmuehl, Philippians, 196–97. Love (A Former Jew, 147) suggests that by employing the phrase “Hebrew of Hebrews,” Paul is seeking to emphasize “the antiquity of his lineage.” 13. Fee, Philippians, 307. 14. “[A]s to the law a Pharisee” (3:5e); “[A]s to righteousness under the law blameless” (3:6b). 15. See, e.g., Matt 5:20; 9:14; 23:23; Mark 2:16; Luke 6:7; cf. John 8:3. 16. Note, e.g., Matt 16:1; Mark 3:6; 12:13; Luke 11:53; John 11:57; 18:3. 17. So Bockmuehl, Philippians, 197. 18. On zealotism in ancient Judaism, see Still, Conflict at Thessalonica, 166–70. 19. Cf. Gal 1:13, 23; note also 1 Cor 15:9; 1 Tim 1:13; Acts 8:3; 9:1, 21; 22:4, 19; 26:10. 20. Peter T. O’Brien (The Epistle to the Philippians [NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster, 1991] 379) remarks, “Clearly this is no pessimistic selfportrait or recollection of one tortured by an unattainable ideal, a conclusion that has often been drawn from Rom. 7. Here is a man well satisfied, reminiscent of the rich young ruler in the Gospel story . . . who claims to have kept all the commandments from his youth.” 21. So also, e.g., Alan F. Segal, Paul the Convert: The Apostolate and Apostasy of Saul the Pharisee (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1990). James D. G. Dunn (“Philippians 3.2-14 and the New Perspective on Paul,” in The New Perspective on Paul [rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008] 469–90 [on 481]) remarks, “Verse 7 marks the volte-face, the conversion of Saul the Pharisee to become Paul the Christian.” Cf. similarly Klaus Haacker, “Paul’s Life,” in The Cambridge Companion to St Paul (ed. James D. G. Dunn; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 19–33 (on 24). Contrast Krister Stendahl, Paul among Jews and Gentiles (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976) esp. 7–23, who propounds that Paul was called, not converted. For additional scholarly studies on the conversion/call of Paul, see Larry W. Hurtado, “Convert, Apostate, or Apostle to the Nations: The ‘Conversion’ of Paul in Recent Scholarship,” SR (1993): 273–84. 22. h∑geisthai appears in the perfect tense in 3:7. 23. h∑geisthai appears in the present tense in 3:8. 24. Hooker (“Philippians,” 11:527) perceptively remarks, “For Paul . . . to know Christ as Lord means to acknowledge his actions as the self-revelation of God and to recognize Christ’s claims by adopting the same pattern for his own life” (italics original). 25. Cf. Bockmuehl, Philippians, 207. 26. Cousar, Philippians and Philemon, 72. 27. Bockmuehl, Philippians, 208. 28. So Ronald F. Hock, “Philippians: Notes,” in The HarperCollins Study Bible (New York: HarperCollins, 1993) 2207. 29. Note Gal 1:12, 16; 1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; 2 Cor 4:6; cf. Acts 9:1-29; 22:3-21; 22:9-20.

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Philippians 3 30. This phrase appears, with some variation, in Gal 2:16, 20; 3:22; Rom 3:22, 26; Phil 3:9; cf. Eph 3:12. For an introduction to this debate with ample bibliography, see, e.g., R. Barry Matlock, “The Rhetoric of pivsti~ in Paul: Galatians 2.16, 3.22, Romans 3.22, and Philippians 3.9,” JSNT 30 (2007): 173–203. See now also Michael F. Bird and Preston M. Sprinkle, eds., The Faith of Jesus Christ: Exegetical, Biblical, and Theological Studies (Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2010). 31. Cousar (Philippians and Philemon, 73) comments: “From the time of the Reformation, stress has been placed on how God’s grace is received by humans—that is, by faith and not by works. The Reformation position has exercised a strong influence on English translations of the phrase pistis Christou. . . .” 32. See esp. Richard B. Hays, The Faith of Jesus Christ: An Investigation into the Narrative Substructure of Galatians 3:1–4:11 (2d ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002). Cf. Morna D. Hooker, “PISTIS CRISTOU,” NTS 35 (1989): 321–42. 33. Moisés Silva (Philippians [2d ed.; BECNT; Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005] 161) remarks that the subjective genitive reading of pistis Christou in Phil 3:9 (and elsewhere in Paul) “faces the insuperable linguistic objection that Paul never speaks unambiguously of Jesus as faithful (i.e., I∑sous pistos estin) or believing (episteusen I∑sous), while he certainly speaks of individuals as believing in Christ.” 34. Reumann (Philippians, 496) asks with good reason, “If believing in Jesus is set aside, what sort of ‘response’ do supporters of the subj[ective] gen[itive] assume? Ethical (imp[erati]v[e]s from Jesus’ teaching)? Sacramental (baptism)? Is salvation ex opere operato, i.e., efficacious in that Jesus does the believing, trusting, and being faithful for us?” 35. So, too e.g., Ralph P. Martin and Gerald F. Hawthorne, Philippians (rev. ed.; WBC 43; Nashville: Nelson, 2004) 195; David E. Garland, “Philippians,” in The Expositor’s Bible Commentary (rev. ed.; 13 vols.; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2005) 12:242; and Fee, Philippians, 326. 36. Rightly recognized by Garland, “Philippians,” 12:243. 37. Cf. Phil 3:20-21. See also Rom 8:18-25; 1 Cor 4:8-13; 9:27; 15:51-58; 2 Thess 2:1-2. 38. John B. Polhill (“Twin Obstacles in the Christian Path: Philippians 3,” RevExp 77 [1980]: 359-73 [on 368]) remarks, “Perhaps there is a mild irony [in 3:15a] aimed at those claiming perfection. True perfection in the Lord is to acknowledge that one is indeed not yet perfect but ever striving on the path to realizing the full potential of one’s Christian calling.” 39. So Martin and Hawthorne, Philippians, 212. This was clearly the case in Corinth. See, e.g., 1 Cor 2:6–3:4; 3:18-23; 4:6-13; 8:2; 14:20. 60. So, e.g., Phil 1:7-8, 12-13, 19-30; 2:16-17, 24; 3:1, 7-14; 4:1. 61. See further, Benjamin Fiore, “Paul, Exemplification, and Imitation,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 2003) 228–57. Cf. Casey Wayne Davis, Oral Biblical Criticism: The Influence of the Principles of Orality on the Literary Structure of Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (JSNTSup 172; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 66–67. 62. On imitatio Pauli as imitatio Christi, see Todd D. Still, “Paul: An Appealing and/or Appalling Apostle?” ExpT 114 (2003): 111–18. 63. Among many others, see Jeremy Moiser, “The Meaning of koilia in Philippians 3:19,” ExpT 108 (1997): 365–66.

Philippians 3 64. See now Demetrius K. Williams, Enemies of the Cross of Christ: The Terminology of the Cross and Conflict in Philippians (JSNTSup 223; London/New York: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002). Against the scholarly majority, David E. Fredrickson (“Envious Enemies of the Cross of Christ (Philippians 3:18),” WW 28 [2008]: 22–28) has posited that the opponents of Phil 3:18 are best equated with those of whom Paul speak in 1:15. 65. Wendy Cotter (“Our Politeuma Is in Heaven: The Meaning of Philippians 3.17-21,” in Origins and Method: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity: Essays in Honour of John C. Hurd [ed. Bradley H. McLean; JSNTSup 86; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993] 92–104) proposes that the opponents Paul has in view in 3:18-19 are best identified as “members of the most prominent and popular clubs in Philippi” (p. 101) and that he iterates to the Philippians in 3:20 that believers have a heavenly home to dissuade them from seeking honor by advancement in political and civic associations. 66. See 1 Cor 15:47-48. Cf. Rom 8:19, 23, 25; 1 Cor 1:7; Gal 5:5; 1 Thess 4:13-18. 67. Cf., e.g., 1 Thess 1:10; 5:9; 1 Cor 15:51-53; Rom 13:11-12. 68. That Paul has Christ himself in view here is clear to most commentators, including myself. 69. In 3:8 Paul speaks of counting all things as loss for the surpassing value of knowing Christ and of having all things in order that he might gain Christ. Having spoken of his pursuit of the prize of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus as the “one thing” he does (3:14-15), he turns in 3:21 to speak of the Savior’s power to subject all things to himself. 70. Peter Doble (“‘Vile Bodies’ or Transformed Persons? Philippians 3.21 in Context,” JSNT 86 [2002]: 3–27) contends that the phrase “the body of our humility or lowliness” is best construed as “our body characterized by humility.” If Doble is correct, then this statement is not focused upon human mortality but upon Christian morality. 71. Note also Phil 1:27. Cf. 1 Cor 16:13; Gal 5:1; 1 Thess 3:8; 2 Thess 2:15. 72. As to why this might have been the case, see Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, “Paul and Macedonia: The Connection Between 2 Corinthians 2.13 and 2.14,” JSNT 25 (1985): 99–103. 73. See, e.g., Phil 3:9; Rom 7:5; 8:1-7; Gal 2:16; 3:10-14; Col 2:20-23.

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COMMENTARY Miscellaneous Exhortations, 4:2-9 [Outline of 4:2-9]

In Philippians 4:2-3, the apostle addresses yet another “ism” threatening the congregation—factionalism.1 Arguably, Paul has been subtly addressing and combating this Outline of 4:2-9 Miscellaneous Exhortations, 4:2-9 congregational disease throughout the A Call for Concord in Christ, 4:2-3 letter by stressing unity, humility, and Rejoicing, Enduring, and Praying, 4:4-7 2 shared ministry. In vv. 2-3, however, Thinking and Doing, 4:8-9 Paul clearly and directly appeals to (parakaloun) two Philippian women, namely, Euodia (lit., “good journey”) and Syntyche (lit., “good luck”). The apostle entreats or urges them “to think (phronein) the same thing in the Lord” (4:2; cf. 2:2, 5; 3:15). Unfortunately, we know nothing about these women apart from what little we learn of them here.3 It is possible that they were numbered among the “overseers and deacons” (1:1) and that they played pivotal roles in the founding and/or functioning of the fellowship.4 That Paul addresses them by name in the letter body strongly suggests their importance to and influence within the assembly.5 Although Paul does not offer belated readers any details regarding their dispute,6 v. 3 intimates that their conflict could well have been acute, and perhaps protracted. In 4:3 the apostle asks a “genuine coworker” or “loyal yokefellow” to “help these women,” that is, to function as a mediator. Even though a few interpreters have thought sygygos to be a proper noun,7 it is, on balance, more likely that Paul is appealing to an unnamed (and now unknown) associate to aide Euodia and Syntyche in sorting through their strife. [On the Identity of syzygos]

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Far more than congregational “wallflowers,” Paul notes that they—not unlike Phoebe (Rom 16:1-2), Prisca (Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19), and Junia (Rom 16:7)—“struggled (syn∑thl∑san) beside [him as fellow athletes] in the gospel” (4:3).8 We cannot say for sure what such labor might have entailed, but there is good reason to think they would have done what other Pauline coworkers did, that is, minister by word and deed to those inside and outside of the church. In v. 3 Paul also refers to an otherwise Marvin R. Vincent, The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897) 131. unknown Clement and to “the rest of [his] coworkers whose names are written in the book of life.” The so-called “book of life” is a (symbolic) “heavenly registry” where the names of the faithful are inscribed (cf. Exod 32:32; Ps 69:28; Dan 12:1; Luke 10:20). Although I think it unlikely that Paul intends to leave open “the possibility that the names of Euodia and Syntyche might be blotted out from the book of life unless they heed correction and get back on the right track” (cf. 1 Cor 3:15),9 the apostle may have wanted to remind these two women (and others who had struggled with him in the gospel) to embrace an eternal perspective in the midst of temporal battles (cf. Phil 1:21, 23; 3:20-21). Having directly, deftly, and economically addressed the discord between Euodia and Syntyche, Paul returns in 4:4 to a leading, if not the leading, theme in the letter. In v. 4 the apostle calls the Philippians time and again to rejoice (cf. 2:18; 3:1). Their rejoicing is to be christological (“in the Lord”)10 and continual (“always”). Paul would have concurred with the psalmist who testified, “I will bless the LORD at all times; his praise shall continually be in my mouth” (Ps 34:1). Psalm 34 might also have informed Paul’s admonition to the Philippians to let all people (pasin anthrøpois) know their epieik∑s, that is, their forbearance, gentleness, moderation, or reasonableness. They are to be gentle to all people (or to allow their forbearance to be evident to all people), even those who oppose them (cf. 1:28), because “the Lord [Jesus Christ] is near.” Interestingly, Psalm 34:18 assures, “The LORD is near to the brokenhearted and saves the crushed in spirit.” While Paul thought that the Lord was near temporally (note Rom 13:11; 1 Cor 7:29; 1 Thess 4:17; cf. Phil 3:20-21), it is not clear to me that he is referOn the Identity of syzygos “The attempts to identify the person referred to [as syzygos] are numerous, and the best are only guesses. Clem[ent of] Alex[andria], Paul’s own wife; Chr[ysostom], the husband or brother of Euodia or Syntyche; Lightf[oot], Epaphroditus . . . . Others, Timothy or Silas; Ellic[ott] and De W[ette], the chief bishop at Philippi. Wisel[er], Christ; [with] nai introducing a prayer.”

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ring (exclusively) to the proximity of the parousia in 4:5 (cf. Rom 10:8; Eph 2:13).11 The apostle might (also) be seeking to convey that “the nearness of God is my good” (Ps 73:28) and that “the LORD is near those who call upon him” (Ps 145:18; cf. Jas 4:8; 5:8).12 Regardless, Paul instructs the assembly in 4:6 to be anxious for nothing (cf. Matt 6:25-34; 1 Cor 7:32-34). On the contrary, he calls the congregation “in everything by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving [to] let [their] requests be made known to God.” The apostle’s theological and pastoral logic is clear and compelling: the Philippians can let their gentleness/forbearance be made known to all people and be anxious for nothing, because in everything they can, with thanksgiving, offer prayers and supplications to a personal, present God.13 Returning to Psalm 34, v. 15 states, “The eyes of the LORD are on the righteous, and his ears are open to their cry.” Paul viewed the Philippians’ prayers as an integral part of his deliverance (1:19). To Paul’s mind, persistent prayer was also vital to their forbearance (4:5; cf. 1:9-11). Paul continues and concludes this train of thought in 4:7. As the Philippians make known their requests to God, God’s peace, which surpasses all understanding, will guard or garrison their hearts and minds in Christ Jesus. The peace of God enables wholeness and well-being and is to envelop and safeguard their entire beings in Christ. For Paul, peace is more than the absence of conflict; it is also presence of Christ (Rom 5:1; cf. Eph 2:14-18). Furthermore, the apostle regarded peace to be a “fruit of the Spirit” (Gal 5:22). Were the peace of God to be present among the Philippians, not only would they be free from debilitating anxiety, but they would also experience harmonious community. Paul draws his admonitions to a close in 4:8-9 (note to loipon; cf. 3:1) by reiterating his desire for the fellowship to think and act in ways consonant with the gospel.14 In 4:8 in particular, the apostle appeals to his siblings in Christ to think about, consider, or ponder eight virtuous things. In an effort to help the Philippians combat anxiety and to cultivate more fully “the mind of Christ,” Paul calls the assembly to detect and to reflect upon whatsoever (hosa) is true (al∑th∑), honorable (semna), just (dikaia), pure (hagna), pleasing or lovely (prosphil∑ ), and commendable or gracious (euph∑ma). Taken together, these six adjectives constitute a list of virtues that should typify Christian thinking.15

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Paul rounds out his eightfold catalog of virtues by shifting from “whatsoever” to “if anything.” (While hosa [“whatsoever”] appears before the first six adjectives, ei tis [“if anything”] precedes the final two nouns.) “If,” Paul writes, “there is any virtue (aret∑ ) and if there is anything praiseworthy (epainos), think about these things.” Even as Paul would have regarded Christ as the incarnation of these virtues (cf. 1 Cor 13:4-7; Gal 5:22-23; Col 3:12-15), he urges the Philippians to think Christianly as they struggle with hostility from without and disunity from within (note esp. 1:27-30; 4:2-3). Additionally, the apostle challenges the church to put into practice (prassein) the things they learned (mathanein), received (paralambanein), heard (akouein), and saw (blepein) in Paul (cf. 3:17). Over time, the apostle had instructed the Philippians through what he said and did, his words and his ways (cf. 1:30; 2:12). The assembly began and grew through the teaching they heard and the example they observed (cf. 1 Cor 4:14-17; Gal 3:1-5; 1 Thess 2:1-12). Past instruction (“learn,” receive,” “heard,” and “see” are all in the aorist tense in 4:9) was to inform and to enable present practice (“do” is a present imperative in v. 9). As they live out what they have learned, Paul assures them that the “God of peace” will be with them (cf. Rom 15:33; 1 Thess 5:23; 2 Thess 3:16). Even as they can know the peace of God in prayer, they can know the God of peace in practice. What is more, they would not be left to their own devices, for the God who began a good work among them (1:6) and continued to work in them (2:14) would be with them until the day of Christ. Renewed Concern and Contentment Beyond Circumstances, 4:10-20 [Outline of 4:10-20]

Although Paul has already alluded to the gift the Philippians had sent to him through Epaphroditus (so 1:5; 2:25), he does not explicitly address the subject until this point in Outline of 4:10-20 the letter. A number of interpreters have Renewed Concern and Contentment beyond Circumstances, 4:10-20 thought it odd that Paul waited so long to take A Generous Congregation and an Empowered up the topic only to offer up what has been Paul, 4:10-14 described as a “thankless thanks.”16 As learned Concrete Koinønia, 4:14-18 scholars have sought to explain the placement A Generous God Worthy of Glory, 4:19-20 and contents of the passage, curious readers cannot help but wonder why Paul appears (so) reticent to say “thank you” to a congregation that had supported him time and

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“Thank You,” I Think again through thick and thin. [“Thank You,” I Think] Commentators have offered the following In the commentary that follows we will see that reasons for Paul’s “veiled appreciation” Paul is seeking to walk a fine line between partfor the Philippians’ gift: (1) cultural contrasts nership and patronage, dependence on God and between antiquity and (post-)modernity; (2) Paul’s embarrassment about the gift; (3) Paul’s disapappreciation for the Philippians, gratitude and pointment in the church for having sent gifts ingratiation. against his stated missionary principle of indeHaving enjoined the fellowship to think and pendence; (4) Paul focuses upon the assembly’s to act in certain ways in 4:8-9, Paul turns in involvement in the gospel, not their gift; (5) Paul had sent an earlier (now lost) letter of thanks; (6) 4:10 to rejoice in the Lord greatly (megaløs) Paul does express thanks in so many words and regarding the assembly’s most recent thoughts waits until the end to do so in order to highlight and actions toward him.17 He is grateful that his gratitude; (7) Paul had entered into a business their care and concern for him has “bloomed relationship with (some of) the Philippians; therefore, no statement of thanks was necessary; and again” (anathallein).18 Reading between the (8) Paul and the Philippians were friends, and in a lines, one gathers that Epaphroditus’s arrival was Greco-Roman milieu friends did not expect a none too soon for the apostle. Perhaps in his “thank you.” shackled state Paul was experiencing a particuFor these eight proposals and a brief explanation and evaluation of each, see John Reumann, Philippians (AB 33B; New larly strong yearning for some kind of contact Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2008) 685–88. with his beloved brothers and sisters in Philippi and was wondering if they were informed about and mindful of his struggles (cf. 1:8).19 It appears that the coming of the gift-bearing Epaphroditus confirmed what Paul had hoped all along, namely, that the Philippians were aware of and would (eventually) be attentive to his needs.20 That they would continue to look out for his interests in a tangible, concrete manner served as a living testament of their care for their apostle and their commitment to the gospel (see Phil 2:4; 4:15-16). If Paul expresses joy and relief for the Philippians’ aid in 4:10, he turns straightway in 4:11-13 to place their most recent gift in a larger frame. He wants the assembly to realize that he is not speaking out of want or referring to being in need (ouch hoti kath< hyster∑sin legø ).21 Rather, Paul contends that he has learned (manthanein) to be content (autark∑s) whatever his circumstances (4:11; cf. 1 Tim 6:6). The Stoics also aspired to be content in all things.22 Paul and the Stoics, however, viewed contentment differently.23 For the Stoic, contentment was tantamount to self-sufficiency and cultivated by detachment from and resignation to one’s circumstances. For the apostle, contentment was based upon and enabled by an ongoing commitment to the all-sufficient, ever-present Christ whatever one’s lot as well as from sharing one’s

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suffering and rejoicing with fellow believers (note 1:29-30; 2:17-18; cf. 1 Cor 12:25).24 In 4:12 Paul elaborates further on how he had been schooled in contentment. The apostle indicates that he had “learned the secret of ” or had “been initiated into” contentment irrespective of circumstances. Decided differences in applied meaning notwithstanding, the verb Paul employs to depict his entry into this “school of hard knocks” (myesthai ) was also used by various mystery cults to bespeak of a person’s initiation into their secret rites and revelations. Arguably, the perfect tense and the passive voice of the verb signal that Paul’s embrace of contentment “in any and all circumstances” was divinely superintended and sustained. The apostle makes this point explicit in 4:13, where he testifies that he is made strong in all things by the one (God? Christ?) who continues to strengthen him (the participle endynamounti is present [continuous]). If apart from Jesus one can do nothing (John 15:5), Paul discovered that through Christ he could do everything necessary to carry out faithfully his life and calling in Christ (see 2:12-13; cf. 2 Cor 12:7b-10; 2 Tim 4:17). At the time Paul wrote to the Philippians, he was “abounding” and “full” as a result of their gifts (4:12, 18).25 This was not always the case, however. Paul was no stranger to humiliation/abasement (cf. 2:8), hunger (cf. 2 Cor 11:27), and want (cf. 2 Cor 11:9) and may have been in need before Epaphroditus arrived. Whether living “high on the hog” or facing rations or even starvation, Paul claims to have learned contentment in Christ. To sharpen this contention, in 4:12 he juxtaposes being abased (A) and abounding (B), plenty (B) and hunger (A), and abundance (B) and want (A).26 For Paul it appears that all else paled in comparison to the incomparable Christ (note 1:21; 3:7-14). It was the apostle’s dogged commitment to Christ come what may that encouraged and enabled him to live above and beyond the material, temporal fray. He did not speak from want (kath< hyster∑sin, 4:11a) even when he was without (hystereisthai, 4:12) because he had learned to find strength and sustenance from another, higher Source (cf. John 4:32; 6:27). Be that as it may, Paul was nonetheless appreciative of and grateful for the Philippians’ most recent expression of koinønia (4:14; cf. 1:5, 7). Indeed, he commends the congregation (lit., “you did well” [kaløs epoi∑sate]) for “taking part (synkoinøn∑santes ) in

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[his] suffering (thlipsei)” (cf. 1:17, 30).27 By partnering with Paul in his hardship and distress, the church was putting a foundational Pauline principle into practice—they were caring for and sharing with a fellow believer who was suffering, yet rejoicing (see esp. 2:3-4; cf. 1 Cor 11:26; 2 Cor 1:7). Concern about and care for their apostle was not unusual for the Philippian fellowship. In 4:15 Paul draws attention to (“You, Philippians, indeed know . . .” [cf. 2:22]) an earlier outpouring of support from them. “In the beginning of the gospel [at least in Philippi and its environs],” Paul recalls, “when I left Macedonia, no church shared (ekoinøn∑sen) with me in the matter of giving and receiving except you.”28 Subsequent to Paul’s Macedonian ministry (c. AD 50), the church in Philippi was the only assembly who supported Paul financially (2 Cor 11:8-9).29 It may be that this continued to be the case over the course of his apostolic career (cf. Rom 15:24). Even before Paul left Macedonia for Achaia (note 1 Thess 1:7; 3:1; Acts 18:1), the Philippians “sent help for [his] needs more than once” (4:16). After having “suffered and been shamefully treated in Philippi” (1 Thess 2:2; cf. Acts 16:19-39), Paul made his way to Thessalonica, some 100 miles to the southwest. During his sojourn in the capital city of the province of Macedonia, the Philippians offered Paul material support. Their generosity was not lost on Paul; nor did he presume upon it. That being said, Paul does not focus upon or seek after their gifts (cf. 1 Thess 2:9; 2 Thess 3:7-9); rather, he concerns himself with the spiritual and eschatological fruit that abounds to their credit through the offering of their resources to him, and by way of connection and extension, to God and the gospel (4:17; cf. 1:9-11). Beginning in 4:10 and continuing through 4:17, Paul rather obliquely and somewhat awkwardly addresses the subject of the Philippians’ most recent gift to him. Greco-Roman patron-client relations and gift conventions explain, at least in part, his reluctance to “pour it on thick.”30 Paul is grateful, but he does not think it necessary or fitting to grovel.31 Furthermore, the apostle views the Philippians “as his partners in the gospel, and not as his paymasters.”32 He wants to express his heartfelt appreciation to the church while simultaneously holding to the conviction that he can be content in any and all circumstances through divine empowerment.

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If Paul has been “beating around the thanksgiving bush,” hemming here and hedging there, he puts his “gratitude cards on the table” in 4:18. He remarks that at the present time he is “receiving all things in full (apechø de panta)” (cf. Phlm 15)33 and is “abounding (perisseuø )” (cf. 4:12; note also 1:9, 26). That the Apostle Paul would know abundance materially was due in no small measure to the Philippians’ generosity. He assures the assembly that he has received “the things” they had sent to him through Epaphroditus (cf. 2:25-30) and that as a result of their gifts has “been made full (pepl∑rømai )” (cf. 1:11; 2:2). Paul continues in v. 18 by describing the church’s offering to him as a “fragrant aroma” to God (cf. 2:17; 2 Cor 2:14-16; Gen 8:21; Exod 29:18) and as “an acceptable sacrifice, pleasing to God” (cf. Rom 12:1-2; Isa 56:7).34 By giving to Paul, who made it his aim to live and to die for Christ (1:20-21; 2 Cor 5:9), the Philippians were, the apostle suggests, offering gifts to God. Even as the church in Philippi gave to Paul in response to his needs, so also, the apostle maintains, that his God (cf. 3:8: “Christ Jesus my Lord”) “will fulfill (pl∑røsei ) [their] every need” (4:19). Along with other Macedonian believers, especially the Thessalonian congregation, the Philippians contributed liberally to the “Jerusalem Collection” (2 Cor 8:1-5). In writing to the Corinthians to encourage their generous participation in this offering for impoverished believers in Jerusalem, Paul makes a statement akin to Philippians 4:19. He remarks in 2 Corinthians 9:8, “God is able to provide you with every blessing in abundance, so that you may always have enough of everything and may provide in abundance for every good work.” The Philippians knew in practice what most Christians have only known in theory—God’s abundant gifts are to be shared, not stockpiled (cf. Jas 2:15-16; 1 John 3:16; cf. Luke 12:13-21). Paul instructs the assembly that God will meet their needs “according to [God’s] riches in glory in Christ Jesus.” Human wealth and resource, however great, pale in comparison to the riches of God. The connection between God’s glorious riches and Christ also appears in Colossians (1:27; 2:2) and Ephesians (1:7, 18; 3:16). In Paul’s theological vision, there is no shortage of divine supply (note Rom 11:33; Col 1:16; cf. Ps 50:10). Far from creating or cultivating an attitude of entitlement and presumption, however, divine beneficence toward humans should stimulate and

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inculcate humility and gratitude (see Rom 2:4; 1 Cor 4:7). Indeed, reflection upon divine benefaction should lead to human benediction, as it does for Paul in Philippians 4:20: “To our God and Father be glory forever and ever. Amen” (cf. Rom 16:27). The glorious riches of God in Christ should prompt believers to offer glory to God through Christ. Concluding Comments, 4:21-23 [Outline of 4:21-23]

Paul concludes his letter to the Philippians by extending greetings and grace. To begin, he enjoins the assembly to “Greet [second person plural imperative] every saint [lit., “holy Outline of 4:21-23 Concluding Comments, 4:21-23 one”] in Christ Jesus” (4:21). Although Paul freThreefold Greetings, 4:21-22 quently addresses believers as saints (i.e., “holy The Grace, 4:23 ones”) collectively (cf., e.g., Phil 1:1; 4:22), here he speaks of every believer as a saint.35 By doing so, he did not mean to imply that each of them were wholly complete and pure (cf. Phil 1:10; 2:14-16; 3:12, 21; 4:9). Much less did Paul regard any of them (including himself!) to be worthy of veneration as certain believers would be thought of in subsequent Christian tradition. Rather, it appears that Paul employs saint in the singular here to refer to any person within the Philippian congregation who joins him in trusting and seeking the crucified and resurrected Christ (see 3:7-16). Behind the apostle’s admonition to “greet every saint in Christ Jesus” may also lay an ongoing concern of his throughout the letter, namely, the unity of the assembly (cf. esp. 2:1-4; 4:2-3). Each and every believer matters and is to be regarded and treated as an integral part of the church’s life together (cf. 1 Cor 12:12-26). Even as Paul desired every saint in Philippi to be greeted, “the brothers” (i.e., fellow believers or perhaps Pauline coworkers) with Paul (in his [Roman] detainment) also offered their greetings to the Philippian believers (4:21b).36 What is more, “all the holy ones [or saints]” (in Rome) were extending well-wishes in Christ to the church through Paul, especially, the apostle adds, the “saints of Caesar’s [or the emperor’s] household” (4:22). Can we know more precisely the identity of “those of Caesar’s household”? Unfortunately, no.37 We can observe, however, that the emperor’s household was much larger than the contemporary nuclear family! His household would have consisted not only of parents and chil-

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dren but also of all sorts and sundry of relatives, slaves, freedmen, and soldiers who were in one way or another connected with and dependent upon the emperor, who at the time when Paul wrote Philippians was Nero (ruled AD 54–68).38 It is also worth noting here that the greetings from believers in Caesar’s household (strongly) suggest that Paul composed Philippians from captivity in Rome (cf. 1:13, where the apostle mentions the praetorian guard).39 To be sure, Caesar’s household was dispersed throughout the far reaches of the Roman Empire. Be that as it may, there would have been a concentration of imperial administration in the capital city, where the emperor typically resided. Paul concludes his letter to his beloved church in Philippi with this wish-prayer: “The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your [plural] spirit” (cf. Phlm 25; Gal 6:18). Even as Paul mentions grace at the beginning (1:2, 7) and end of Philippians, so also the Christian existence and experience commences and concludes with grace. Furthermore, believers are sustained by grace at every twist and turn along the way in their pursuit “toward the goal for the prize of the upward call of God in Christ Jesus.”

CONNECTIONS Miscellaneous Exhortations, 4:2-9

1. If no small number of people has regarded the apostle as arrogant, abrasive, and authoritarian, his perceived patriarchal perspective toward and chauvinistic treatment of women has caused the ranks of his critics to swell all the more. Indeed, George Bernard Shaw would not be alone in viewing Paul as the “eternal enemy of Woman.”40 It is worth asking, however, if this description is wholly accurate. Without question, Paul places limitations upon certain Corinthian women prophets due to cultural conventions and ecclesial disruptions (note 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:33b-36 [the authenticity of which is debated]). One finds similar instruction in 1 Timothy 2:8-15, ostensibly written by Paul. Additionally, one encounters admonitions for wives to submit to their husbands in Colossians 3:18 and Ephesians 5:22 (cf. Titus 2:5). Even if the majority of contempo-

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rary Pauline scholars are correct in concluding that Paul did not write Colossians, Ephesians, or the Pastorals (1, 2 Timothy and Titus), it takes time for academic conclusions to shape common perceptions. Functionally, therefore, the apostle is typically held responsible for the whole epistolary kit and caboodle. If one were to focus exclusively upon the aforementioned instruction to women and wives in the thirteen-letter Pauline corpus, then one might be inclined to concur with Shaw. Before concluding that Paul opposed and oppressed women as a matter of principle, however, it is worth noting his practice. Philippians 4:2-3 serves as a useful point of entry. As indicated in the commentary above, Paul regarded Euodia and Syntyche as coworkers who had struggled by his side in the gospel. Their gender did not exclude them from this labor any more than Clement’s qualified him for it. In fact, upon launching out into this investigative sea, one discovers that a number of Pauline coworkers were women. In addition to Euodia, Syntyche, Phoebe, Prisca, and Junia mentioned above, one may also note Chloe (1 Cor 1:11), Apphia (Phlm 2), Nympha (Col 4:15), and Lydia (Acts 16:14, 40). The apostle also mentions in Romans 16 the labors of Mary (v. 6) as well as Tryphaena and Tryphosa (v. 12). Another female Paul greets in this extensive list is Julia, perhaps the wife of Philologus (16:15; cf. 16:7). One could wish for even more names of Paul’s (female) coworkers. However, based on the extant evidence, it would not be an exaggeration to posit that women played vital, integral roles in the Pauline mission and congregations.41 Taken together, while it is inaccurate to paint Paul as a (post-) modern male promoting an egalitarian agenda, it is no more accurate to portray him as a Neanderthalic monster, as Shaw and others have. Paul regarded men and women as equal in Christ (Gal 3:28) and eagerly and energetically joined hands with all people, be they male or female, who were willing and able to share and to serve. Although complex questions remain regarding the precise roles Paul envisioned for women and wives in his day (not to mention our own!), the preponderance of evidence strongly suggests that he held them and their work in high esteem. Far from being a foe of women, then, Paul may rightly be regarded as a friend to women in general and to women devoted to Christian ministry and service in particular.

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2. Those who read Philippians carefully might think it incongruous, if not duplicitous, for Paul to call the assembly to be anxious for nothing on the one hand (4:6) while acknowledging his own anxiety on the other (2:28; cf. 2 Cor 11:28; 1 Thess 3:5, 7). Is this a case of apostolic double-speak, of talking out of either side of his mouth, of urging others to do one thing while he does another? Perhaps. It seems more likely to me, however, that Paul’s admonition not to worry is directed against self-absorption and “practical atheism.” That being said, believers are to hold one another in high regard (1 Cor 12:25), even as they are to hold each other up in prayer. 3. In the second of his four books collectively titled On Christian Doctrine, Augustine writes, “Let every good and true Christian understand that wherever truth may be found, it belongs to his [or her] Master.” He continues by adding, “[W]hile [the Christian] recognizes and acknowledges the truth, even in [the ‘heathens’’] religious literature, let him [or her] reject the figments of superstition, and let him [or her] grieve over and avoid those [who are vain in imagination and darkened in heart] [so Rom 1:21-23]” (2.18.28). Paul’s perspective regarding what the Philippians ought to ponder is not dissimilar. He calls the assembly to let the true and the beautiful, the honorable and the commendable, the righteous and the virtuous—wherever it may be found—shape its cognitions and affections. It appears that Paul regarded the formation of a Christian mind to be a divine-human endeavor enabled by both divine empowerment and human effort (cf. Phil 2:12-13). Over time, in both trial and tumult, the apostle had found what Isaiah once said to Judah to be true: “Those of steadfast mind you [i.e., God] keep in peace—in peace because they trust in you” (Isa 26:3). Paul wanted nothing less for the Philippians; we may hope and pray the same for ourselves. 4:10-23

1. As Paul attempts to express his appreciation to the Philippians for their generosity without reducing their partnership in the gospel to mere utility or shear sympathy, he claims that he has learned to be content or “self-sufficient” (autark∑s). Although autark∑s was a frequent topic of contemplation and conversation in

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ancient philosophic circles, people struggled with finding and cultivating contentment then as most individuals do today. Beholden to material possessions and imprisoned by the tyranny of comparison, contentment typically proves to be allusive, albeit alluring. If some seek contentment through acquisition or accomplishment or recreation (or whatever), others have denounced culture and its accoutrements in their quest for a simple, unshackled life. According to Paul, contentment is possible as one learns to depend on Christ and to become indifferent to external vicissitudes and material trappings. First Timothy 6:6-8 sets forth a view congruent with that of Philippians 4:11-13 regarding contentment that we would be wise to embrace: “There is great gain in godliness with contentment; for we brought nothing into the world, and we cannot take anything out of the world; but if we have food and clothing, with these we shall be content.” 2. It is probable that those readers of Philippians who are accustomed to making much ado over what others give to them will be taken aback by Paul’s response to the Philippians’ gift, viewing it as far too guarded and muted. Differences in cultural conventions and scripts notwithstanding, it is worth considering how believers can cultivate a genuine sense of gratitude. Arguably, one can begin to develop an “attitude of gratitude” by not taking God and the good for granted and by learning to be thankful and to “count one’s blessings” (note Phil 1:3; 4:6). Gratitude is in fact a gift that we can offer to God and others. We should strive to be more like that Samaritan leper, who unlike his nine companions, returned to Jesus to express his thanks for being made clean (Luke 17:11-19). 3. The temptation to engage in ministry for the sake of money is nothing new, and not a few have fallen prey to this snare. It may be that Paul’s Corinthian opponents, the so-called “super apostles,” succumbed to such a lure (see 2 Cor 11:1-15). Regardless, the history of Christian ministry is littered with examples of those who were in it for the money, despite the fact that ministers have not typically been liberally remunerated. As it happens, Paul did not usually receive material support from “his” churches. Even if “those who proclaim the gospel should get their living by the gospel” (1 Cor 9:14; cf. 1 Tim 5:17-18; Gal 6:6), as a matter of principle, Paul forwent such support (note esp. 1 Cor 9:15-18). Instead, he supported himself by plying his trade of tent-making or leather-

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working (see, e.g., 1 Thess 2:9; 2 Thess 3:7-10; cf. Acts 18:1-3).42 His relationship of “giving and receiving” with the church in Philippi was seemingly the exception to the rule (Phil 4:15). Being able to preach the “gospel free of charge” was part and parcel of Paul’s apostolic commission (1 Cor 9:18). This fact may partially explain the “walking on eggshells” tone of Philippians 4:10-20. Indeed, congregational support of ministerial staff can be a “sticky wicket.” What can a church reasonably expect from her ministers and vice versa? How can churches and clergy avoid unrealistic expectations and exploitation? There is, of course, no “one size fits all” solution. However, all involved in negotiating this nettle would do well to have frank, forthright conversations and to seek God-given wisdom. Not a few ministers have sought to avoid this delicate issue altogether by supporting themselves. Regardless of how one tackles the ticklish topic of money and ministry, there will likely be detractors and critics waiting in the wings. Cultivating contentment, combating greed, and concentrating on ministry will aid and guide churches and their ministers in this delicate dance.

Notes 1. Scholars differ in their understanding of the nature and severity of the conflict between Euodia and Syntyche and its impact on the church in Philippi. Whereas Morna D. Hooker (“Philippians: Phantom Opponents and the Real Source of Conflict,” in Fair Play: Diversity and Conflicts in Early Christianity: Essays in Honour of Heikki Räisänen [ed. Ismo Dunderberg, Christopher Tuckett, and Kari Syreeni; NovTSup 103; Leiden: Brill, 2002] 377–95 [on 381]) regards the “dispute” between the two women “not to have been a major problem,” David E. Garland (“Philippians,” in The Expositor’s Bible Commentary [rev. ed.; 13 vols.; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2005] 12:250–51) describes it as “open warfare” and posits that the “crux of Paul’s concern in this letter centers on his attempt to defuse the dissension generated by their dispute.” Cf. Davorin Peterlin, Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Light of Disunity in the Church (NovTSup 79; Leiden: Brill, 1995); and Nils A. Dahl, “Euodia and Syntyche and Paul’s Letter to the Philippians,” in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks (ed. L. Michael White and O. Larry Yarbrough; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995) 3–15. 2. See, e.g., Phil 1:3-11 1:25–2:5; 2:12-18, 25, 29; 3:15-17; 4:1. 3. Dahl (“Euodia and Syntyche,” 4) notes, “As Euodia and Syntyche are Greek names, the two women would have belonged . . . to the local Macedonian population or, perhaps more likely, have been Greek immigrants from Asia Minor, like Lydia from Thyatira, the dealer in purple cloth. . . .”

Philippians 4 4. Carolyn Osiek (Philippians, Philemon [ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000] 111–12) posits that Euodia and Syntyche were “episkopoi, that is, heads of local housechurches and thus strategic members of the church.” 5. Wendy Cotter (“Women’s Authority Roles in Paul’s Churches: Countercultural or Conventional?” NovT 36 [1994]: 350–72 [on 353]) contends, “The respect Paul exhibits toward each woman’s position, and the level of concern he shows in making a public appeal to them suggests that both Euodia and Syntyche hold some office of distinction in the Philippian community.” 6. Dahl (“Euodia and Syntyche,” 7) maintains, “The conflict between Euodia and Syntyche was not merely a personal quarrel but was related to their work and trials for the sake of the gospel. . . . Consideration of the immediate context and the broader setting in Philippians makes me think of the disagreement as a conflict between two rivals.” 7. So, e.g, Marvin R. Vincent, The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897) 131. 8. On women leaders in Paul’s letters, see Cotter, “Women’s Authority Roles.” 9. So Dahl, “Euodia and Syntyche,” 7. 10. It is highly probable that “the Lord” refers to “Jesus Christ” here, as it has in 3:20–4:2 and arguably does in 4:5. Cf. esp. Phil 1:2; 2:11, 19; 3:8, 20; 4:23. 11. So similarly Morna D. Hooker, “Philippians,” in The New Interpreter’s Bible (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 11:541. Cf. Garland, “Philippians,” 252. 12. Gordon D. Fee (Paul’s Letter to the Philippians [NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995] 407) inclines to reading ho kurios engus (“the Lord is near”) in 4:5 along spatial and temporal lines, “as close to intentional double entendre as one finds in the apostle.” 13. J. B. Lightfoot (St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians [1868; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995] 160) differentiates “prayer” (proseuch∑) and “supplication” (de∑sis) in the following way: “While proseuch∑ is the general offering up of the wishes and desires to God, de∑sis implies special petition for the supply of wants. Thus proseuch∑ points to the frame of mind in the petitioner, de∑sis to the act of solicitation.” 14. Paul A. Holloway (“Bona Cogitare: An Epicurean Consolation in Phil 4:8-9,” HTR 91 [1998]: 89–96) proposes that Philippians 4:8-9 be read as an effort on Paul’s part to console the congregation by turning their minds away from what is painful to what is pleasant. This avocatio-revocatio technique was common among Epicurean moralists. 15. This is not to suggest, of course, that it is only Paul and other Christian teachers who would commend this mindset. Holloway (“Bona Cogitare”) argues that Paul may have taken a page out of the Epicurean playbook in comprising this list. This might partially explain, Holloway suggests, the concentration of un-Pauline terminology in 4:8. 16. Apparently, the oxymoronic phrase “thankless thanks” (danklose Danke) originated with C. Holsten in 1876. So John Reumann, Philippians (AB33B; New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2008) 685 n. 31. Cf. Charles B. Cousar, Philippians and Philemon (NTL; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2009) 87. 17. In 4:10, Paul employs yet again the verbs chairein (“to rejoice”; cf. 1:18 [2x]; 2:17; 2:18; 2:28; 3:1; 4:1 [2x]; 4:10) and phronein (2x) (“to think”; cf. 1:7; 2:2 [2x]; 2:5; 3:15 [2x]; 3:19; 4:2).

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Philippians 4 18. Fee (Philippians, 429) notes that the verb anathallein “is a botanical metaphor, meaning to ‘blossom again’—like perennials or the Spring shoots of deciduous trees and bushes.” 19. Brian J. Capper (“Paul’s Dispute with Philippi: Understanding Paul’s Argument in Phil 1–2 from his Thanks in 4.10-20,” TZ 49 ([1993]: 193–214) contends that Paul was “put out” with the Philippians for the delay in the support he felt they owed him and is unable to veil his disappointment at this point in the epistle. In my view, Capper’s proposal fails, among other things, to explain adequately Paul’s positive, appreciative comments about the assembly found throughout the letter (note esp. 1:7-8; 4:1). 20. It is possible that some time had past since the Philippians had last shared with the apostle in a time of trouble (see further Phil 4:14, 18). 21. The only other time the term hyster∑sis (“need, lack, poverty”) occurs in the NT is in Mark 12:44, where the Evangelist employs the word to describe the impoverished state of a widow who sacrificially gave all she had (two copper coins = a penny = one sixty-fourth of a laborer’s daily wage) to the temple treasury. Cf. the related word hyster∑ma (“need, want, deficiency”) that Paul uses in 2 Cor 8:14; 9:12; 11:9. 22. For example, the Roman Stoic philosopher Seneca (c. 4 BC–AD 65), who was roughly contemporaneous with Paul, contended that “the happy man is content with his present lot, no matter what it is, and is reconciled to his circumstances” (Vit. beat. 6.2). 23. Gerald F. Hawthorne and Ralph P. Martin (Philippians [rev. ed; WBC 43; Nashville: Nelson, 2004] 264) suggest that Paul probably borrowed the term autark∑s, which appears only here in the NT, from the Stoics. That being said, they maintain that “the difference between Paul, the self-sufficient Christian, and the self-sufficient Stoic, is vast.” 24. On the similarities and differences between Paul and the Stoics regarding autark∑s, replete with the citation and discussion of primary texts and secondary sources, see, e.g., G. W. Peterman, Paul’s Gift from Philippi: Conventions of GiftExchange and Christian Giving (SNTSMS 92; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 134–42; Stephen Fowl, “Know Your Context: Giving and Receiving Money in Philippi,” Int 56 (2006): 45–58 (esp. 51–53); and Reumann, Philippians, 651–54. 25. Paul employs the verb perisseuein (“to abound”) twice in 4:12 and again in 4:18. To depict himself as filled, he utilizes the verbs chortazein (4:12) and pl∑roun (4:18). 26. Scholars have identified Phil 4:12(-13) as a peristasis (Gk. for “circumstance, hardship, difficulty, or danger”) catalog. Cf. 1 Cor 4:11-13; 2 Cor 4:8-9; 6:4-5; 11:23-29; 12:10; Rom 8:35. See further, e.g., Reumann, Philippians, 689–90. 27. On the term thlipsis (in Paul), see Todd D. Still, Conflict in Thessalonica: A Pauline Church and its Neighbours (JSNTSup 183; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 209. 28. Interpreters have noted that “giving and receiving” is commercial language that could be employed to describe reciprocity and mutuality between friends. See esp. Peterman, Paul’s Gift from Philippi, 53–65. On friendship language in Philippians, particularly 4:10-20, see, among others, John T. Fitzgerald, “Christian Friendship: John, Paul, and the Philippians,” Int 61 (2007): 284–96. 29. Hooker (“Philippians,” 11:544) suggests, “The fact that the Philippians were the only Christians who supported Paul is significant, since it suggests that the bond between him and them was particularly strong.” She continues, “At least a part of the

Philippians 4 explanation as to why other churches did not contribute to his expenses seems to lie in Paul’s own fierce independence and his refusal to depend on others for support (see 1 Cor 9:1-18; 1 Thess 2:9).” 30. For example, P.Mert. 12, written by Chairas to Dionysius on 29 August AD 58, states, “I was as much delighted at receiving a letter from you. . . . I may dispense with writing to you with a great show of thanks; for it is those who are not friends that we must give thanks in words.” Text and translation may be found in H. Idris Bell and C. H. Roberts, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the Collection of Wilfred Merton, F.S.A. (London: Emery Walker, 1948) 50–52. 31. See further Bockmuehl, Philippians, 255–58. 32. Hooker, “Philippians,” 543. 33. J. B. Lightfoot (Philippians, 166) observes, “Like autarkeia, [apechein] appears to have been a favourite Stoic word.” “Just as the ‘wise man’ is ‘self-sufficient (contended),’ so he also ‘has all things’ in this philosophical sense” (so Fee, Philippians, 450 n. 7). 34. The pairing euødia (“fragrant aroma”) and thysia (“sacrifice”) is also found in Eph 5:2. 35. This is the only time Paul does so in his surviving letters. 36. “You” in 4:21b is plural. 37. Lightfoot (Philippians, 177) maintains, “[A]mong the salutations in the Epistle to the Romans some members at least of the imperial household are included.” 38. Hooker (“Philippians,” 546) likens Caesar’s household to “civil servants.” Garland (“Philippians,” 261) imagines that these believers “could be members of the palace guard who have become Christians (1:13), Caesar’s slaves, freemen, or close associates.” He continues, “If they were imperial slaves or freedmen, they may have become known to the Philippians when they passed through the city as imperial couriers.” 39. See also Fee, Philippians, 459. 40. See Wayne A. Meeks and John T. Fitzgerald, eds., The Writings of St. Paul (2d ed.; New York: Norton, 2007) 417. 41. This may have been particularly true in Philippi, where “women appear to have enjoyed considerable social and religious prominence . . .” (so Markus Bockmuehl, The Epistle to the Philippians [BNTC 11; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1998] 238). For fulllength studies exploring the role of women in Philippian religious life, see esp. Valerie A. Abrahamsen, Women and Worship at Philippi: Diana/Artemis and Other Cults in the Early Christian Era (Portland ME: Astarte Shell, 1995); and Lillian Portefaix, Sisters Rejoice: Paul’s Letter to the Philippians and Luke-Acts as Seen by First-Century Philippian Women (ConBNT 20; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1988). 42. See further Todd D. Still, “Did Paul Loathe Manual Labor? Revisiting the Work of Ronald F. Hock on the Apostle’s Tentmaking and Social Class,” JBL 125 (2006): 781–95.

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Bibliography for Philippians Aasgaard, Reider. “My Beloved Brothers and Sisters!” Christian Siblingship in Paul. Early Christianity in Context/Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 265. London/New York: T&T Clark, 2004. Abrahamsen, Valerie A. “Bishop Porphyrios and the City of Philippi in the Early Fourth Century.” Vigiliae christianae 43 (1989): 80–85. ———. Women and Worship at Philippi: Diana/Artemis and Other Cults in the Early Christian Era. Portland ME: Astarte Shell, 1995. Bakirtzis, Charalambos. “Paul and Philippi: The Archaeological Evidence.” Pages 37–48 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death, edited by Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester. Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998. Bakirtzis, Charalambos, and Helmut Koester, editors. Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998. Barth, Karl. The Epistle to the Romans. Translated by Edwyn C. Hoskyns. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933. ———. Church Dogmatics. Edited by Geoffrey W. Bromiley and Thomas F. Torrance. 13 vols. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1936–1977. ———. The Epistle to the Philippians: 40th Anniversary Edition. Translated by James W. Leitch. Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox, 2002. Barton, Carlin A. Roman Honor: The Fire in the Bones. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001. Baur, F. C. Paul the Apostle of Jesus Christ: His Life and Works, His Epistles and Teachings. 1845. 2 Vols in 1. Reprint, Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2003. Bell, H. Idris and C. H. Roberts, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the Collection of Wilfred Merton, F.S.A. London: Emery Walker, 1948. Best, Ernest. “Bishops and Deacons: Philippians 1,1.” Studia evangelica 4 (1968): 371–76. Bird, Michael F. and Preston M. Sprinkle, editors. The Faith of Jesus Christ: Exegetical, Biblical, and Theological Studies. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2010. Black, David Alan. “Paul and Christian Unity: A Formal Analysis of Philippians 2:1-4.” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 28 (1985): 299–308. Bockmuehl, Markus. “‘The Form of God’ (Phil 2:6): Variations on a Theme of Jewish Mysticism.” Journal of Theological Studies 48 (1997): 1–23. ———. The Epistle to the Philippians. Black’s New Testament Commentary 11. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1998. Braxton, Brad R. Preaching Paul. Nashville: Abingdon, 2004. Brewer, R. R. “The Meaning of politeuvesqe in Phil 1:27.” Journal of Biblical Literature 73 (1954): 76–83.

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Bibliography for Philippians Bruce, F. F. Philippians. New International Biblical Commentary 11. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1989. Callahan, Allen Dwight. “Dead Paul: The Apostle as a Martyr in Philippi.” Pages 67–84 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Edited by Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester. Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998. Capper, Brian J. “Paul’s Dispute with Philippi: Understanding Paul’s Argument in Phil 1–2 from His Thanks in 4.10-20.” Theologische Zeitschrift 49 (1993): 193–214. Cassidy, Richard J. Paul in Chains: Roman Imprisonment and the Letters of Paul. New York: Crossroad, 2001. Chrysostom, John. “Homilies on Philippians.” Pages 184–255 in vol. 13 of The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Philip Schaff. 1889. Reprint, Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1999. Cohen, Shaye J. D. “Was Timothy Jewish (Acts 16:1-3): Patristic Exegesis, Rabbinic Law, and Matrilineal Descent.” Journal of Biblical Literature 105 (1986): 251–68. ———. From the Maccabees to the Mishnah. Library of Early Christianity 10. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987. Collange, Jean-François. The Epistle of Saint Paul to the Philippians. Translated by A. W. Heathcote. London: Epworth, 1979. Cotter, Wendy. “Women’s Authority Roles in Paul’s Churches: Countercultural or Conventional?” Novum Testamentum 36 (1994): 350–72. ———. “Our Politeuma Is in Heaven: The Meaning of Philippians 3.17-21.” Pages 92–104 in Origins and Method: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity: Essays in Honour of John C. Hurd. Edited by Bradley H. McLean. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 86. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993. Cousar, Charles B. Reading Galatians, Philippians, and 1 Thessalonians. Macon GA: Smyth & Helwys, 2001. ———. Philippians and Philemon: A Commentary. New Testament Library. Louisville KY: Westminster John Knox, 2009. Craddock, Fred B. The Pre-existence of Christ in the New Testament. Nashville: Abingdon, 1968. ———. Philippians. Interpretation. Atlanta: John Knox, 1985. Croy, N. Clayton. “‘To Die Is Gain’ (Philippians 1:19-26): Does Paul Contemplate Suicide?” JBL 122 (2003): 517–31. Culpepper, R. Alan. “Co-Workers in Suffering: Philippians 2:19-30,” Review and Expositor 77 (1980): 349–58. Dahl, Nils A. “Euodia and Syntyche and Paul’s Letter to the Philippians.” Pages 3–15 in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks. Edited by L. Michael White and O. Larry Yarbrough. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995. Dailey, Thomas F. “To Live or Die: Paul’s Eschatological Dilemma in Philippians 1:19-26.” Interpretation 44 (1990): 18–28. Davis, Casey Wayne. Oral Biblical Criticism: The Influence of the Principles of Orality on the Literary Structure of Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 172; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999.

Bibliography for Philippians de Vogel, C. J. “Reflexions on Philipp. 1:23-24.” Novum Testamentum 19 (1977): 262–74. de Vos, Craig S. Church and Community Conflicts: The Relationships of the Thessalonian, Corinthian, and Philippian Churches with Their Wider Civic Communities Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 168. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999. Dickson, John P. and Brian S. Rosner. “Humility as a Social Virtue in the Hebrew Bible?” Vetus Testamentum 54 (2004): 459–79. Doble, Peter. “‘Vile Bodies’ or Transformed Persons? Philippians 3.21 in Context.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 86 (2003): 3–27. Dockx, S. “Lieu et date de l’épître aux Philippiens.” Revue Biblique 80 (1973): 230–46. Doughty, Darrell J. “Citizens of Heaven: Philippians 3.2-21.” New Testament Studies 41 (1995): 102–22. Droge, Arthur J. “Mori Lucrum: Paul and Ancient Theories of Suicide.” Novum Testamentum 30 (1988): 263–86. Dunn, James D. G. “Philippians 3.2-14 and the New Perspective on Paul.” Pages 469–90 in The New Perspective on Paul. Rev. ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008. Edwards, Mark J., editor. Galatians, Ephesians, and Philippians. Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, New Testament 8. Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1999. Engberg-Pedersen, Troels. Paul and the Stoics. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000. ———. “Radical Altruism in Philippians 2:4.” Pages 197–214 in Early Christianity and Classical Culture: Comparative Studies in Honor of Abraham J. Malherbe. Edited by John T. Fitzgerald, Thomas H. Olbricht, and L. Michael White. Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2003. Ellis, E. Earle. Paul’s Use of the Old Testament. 1957. Reprint, Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981. Fee, Gordon D. “Philippians 2:5-11: Hymn or Exalted Prose?” Bulletin of Biblical Research 2 (1992): 29–46. ———. God’s Empowering Presence: The Holy Spirit in the Letters of Paul. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1994. ———. Paul’s Letter to the Philippians. The New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995. Fiore, Benjamin. “Paul, Exemplification, and Imitation.” Pages 228–57 in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook. Edited by J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 2003. Fitzgerald, John T. “Christian Friendship: John, Paul, and the Philippians.” Interpretation 61 (2007): 284–96. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. “The Aramaic Background of Philippians 2:6-11.” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 50 (1988): 470–83. Fortna, Robert T. “Philippians: Paul’s Most Egocentric Letter.” Pages 220–34 in The Conversation Continues, Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J. Louis Martyn. Edited by Robert T. Fortna and Beverly R. Gaventa. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990.

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Bibliography for Philippians Fowl, Stephen E. The Story of Christ in the Ethics of Paul: An Analysis of the Function of the Hymnic Material in the Pauline Corpus. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 36. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990. _____. “Know Your Context: Giving and Receiving Money in Philippi.” Interpretation 56 (2006): 45–58. Fredrickson, David E. “Envious Enemies of the Cross of Christ (Philippians 3:18).” Word and World 28 (2008): 22–28. Garland, David E. “Philippians 1:1-26: The Defense and Confirmation of the Gospel.” Review and Expositor 77 (1980): 327–36. ———. “Philippians.” Pages 175–261 in vol. 12 of The Expositor’s Bible Commentary. 13 vols. Revised edition. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2006. Gaventa, Beverly Roberts. Acts. Abingdon New Testament Commentaries. Nashville: Abingdon, 2003. Geoffrion, Timothy C. The Rhetorical Purpose and the Political and Military Character of Philippians: A Call to Stand Firm. Lewiston NY: Mellen, 1993. Gorman, Michael J. Apostle of the Crucified Lord: A Theological Introduction to Paul and His Letters. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004. Gundry, Robert H. “Style and Substance in ‘The Myth of God Incarnate’ according to Philippians 2:6-11.” Pages 271–93 in Crossing the Boundaries: Essays in Biblical Interpretation. Edited by Stanley Porter, Paul Joyce, and David E. Orton. Biblical Interpretation Series 8. Leiden: Brill, 1994. Gupta, Nijay K. “‘I Will Not Be Put to Shame’: Paul, the Philippians, and the Honourable Wish for Death.” Neotestimentica 42 (2008): 253–67. Haacker, Klaus. “Paul’s Life.” Pages 19–33 in The Cambridge Companion to St Paul. Edited by James D. G. Dunn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Hansen, G. Walter. The Letter to the Philippians. The Pillar New Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2009. Hays, Richard B. The Faith of Jesus Christ: The Narrative Substructure of Galatians 3:1–4:11. 2d ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002. Hellerman, Joseph H. Reconstructing Honor in Roman Philippi: Carmen Christi as Cursus Pudorum. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 132. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Hengel, Martin. Crucifixion. Translated by John Bowden; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977. Hock, Ronald F. “Philippians: Introduction.” Pages 2202–203 in The HarperCollins Study Bible. New York: HarperCollins, 1993. ———. “Philippians: Notes.” Pages 2204–209 in The HarperCollins Study Bible. New York: HarperCollins, 1993. Holloway, Paul A. “Bona Cogitare: An Epicurean Consolation in Phil 4:8-9.” Harvard Theological Review 91 (1998): 89–96. ———. Consolation in Philippians: Philosophical Sources and Rhetorical Strategy. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 112. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. ———. “Thanks for the Memories: On the Translation of Phil 1:3.” New Testament Studies 52 (2006): 419–32.

Bibliography for Philippians ———. “Alius Paulus: Paul’s Promise to Send Timothy at Phil 2.19-24.” New Testament Studies 54 (2008): 542–56. Hooker, Morna D. “Philippians 2:6-11.” Pages 151–64 in Jesus und Paulus. Edited by E. Earle Ellis and Erich Gräser. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1975. ———. “PISTIS CRISTOU.” New Testament Studies 35 (1989): 321–42. ———. “Philippians.” Pages 497–549 in vol. 11 of The New Interpreter’s Bible. 12 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 2000. ———. “Philippians: Phantom Opponents and the Real Source of Conflict.” Pages 377–95 in Fair Play: Diversity and Conflicts in Early Christianity: Essays in Honour of Heikki Räisänen. Edited by Ismo Dunderberg, Christopher Tuckett, and Kari Syreeni. Novum Testamentum Supplements 103. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Hoover, Roy W. “The HARPAGMOS Enigma: A Philological Solution.” Harvard Theological Review 64 (1971): 95–119. Horrell, David G. Solidarity and Difference: A Contemporary Reading of Paul’s Ethics. London/New York: T&T Clark, 2005. Horsley, Richard A., editor. Paul and Politics. Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 2000. Hurtado, Larry W. “Convert, Apostate, or Apostle to the Nations: The ‘Conversion’ of Paul in Recent Scholarship.” Studies in Religion (1993): 273–84. Jefford, Clayton N. Reading the Apostolic Fathers: An Introduction. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1996. Jewett, Robert. “The Epistolary Thanksgiving and the Integrity of Philippians.” Novum Testamentum 12 (1970): 40–53. Karris, Robert J. A Symphony of New Testament Hymns. Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 1996. Käsemann, Ernst. “A Critical Analysis of Philippians 2:5-11.” Journal for Theology and the Church 5 (1968): 45–88. Kittredge, Cynthia Briggs. Community and Authority: The Rhetoric of Obedience in the Pauline Tradition. Harvard Theological Studies 45. Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 1998. Koester, Helmut. “Paul and Philippi: The Evidence of Early Christian Literature.” Pages 49–65 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Edited by Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester. Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 1998. Koukouli-Chrysantaki, Chaido. “Colonia Iulia Augusta Philippensis.” Pages 5–35 in Philippi at the Time of Paul and after His Death. Edited by Charalambos Bakirtzis and Helmut Koester. Harrisburg PA: Trinity Press International, 1998. Krentz, Edgar M. “Military Language and Metaphors in Philippians.” Pages 106–27 in Origins and Methods: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity.” Edited by Bradley H. McLean. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 86. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993. Lendon, Jon E. Empire of Honour: The Art of Government in the Roman World. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. Lewis, C. S. God in the Dock: Essays on Theology and Ethics. Edited by Walter Hooper. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970.

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Bibliography for Philippians Lightfoot, J. B. St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians. 1868. Reprint, Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995. Longenecker, Richard N. “Is There Development in Paul’s Resurrection Thought?” Pages 171–202 in Life in the Face of Death. Edited by Richard N. Longenecker. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998. Malina, Bruce J. Timothy: Paul’s Closest Associate. Paul’s Social Network: Brothers and Sisters in Faith. Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 2008. Marshall, I. Howard. The Pastoral Epistles. International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999. Martin, Dale B. Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1990. Martin, Ralph P. A Hymn of Christ: Philippians 2:5-11 in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship. Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1997. Martin, Ralph P., and Gerald F. Hawthorne. Philippians. Revised and enlarged edition. Word Biblical Commentary 43. Nashville: Nelson, 2004. Martin, Ralph P., and Brian J. Dodd, editors. Where Christology Began: Essays on Philippians 2. Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1998. Martyn, J. Louis. Galatians. Anchor Bible 33A. New York: Doubleday, 1997. Matlock, R. Barry. “The Rhetoric of pivsti~ in Paul: Galatians 2.16, 3.22, Romans 3.22, and Philippians 3.9.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 30 (2007): 173–203. Meeks, Wayne A. “The Man from Heaven in Philippians.” Pages 329–36 in The Future of Early Christianity. Edited by Birger A. Pearson. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991. Meeks, Wayne A., and John T. Fitzgerald, editors. The Writings of St. Paul. 2d edition. New York: Norton, 2007. Metzger, Bruce M. A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament. 2d edition. New York: United Bible Society, 1994. Meyer, Ben E. “Did Paul’s View of the Resurrection of the Dead Undergo Development?” Theological Studies 47 (1986): 363–87. Miller, Ernest C. “politeuvesqe in Phil. 1.27: Some Philological and Thematic Observations.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 15 (1982): 86–96. Minear, Paul S. “Singing and Suffering in Philippi.” Pages 202–19 in The Conversation Continues. Edited by Robert Fortna and Beverly Roberts Gaventa. Nashville: Abingdon, 1990. Mitchell, Margaret M. “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions: The Example of Timothy and Titus.” Journal of Biblical Literature 111 (1992): 641–62. Moiser, Jeremy. “The Meaning of koilia in Philippians 3:19.” Expository Times 108 (1997): 365–66. Moule, C. F. D. “Further Reflexions on Philippians 2:5-11.” Pages 264–76 in Apostolic History and the Gospel: Biblical and Historical Essays Presented to F. F. Bruce. Exeter: Paternoster, 1970. Moule, H. C. G. Philippian Studies. 6th edition. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1908.

Bibliography for Philippians Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. “Paul and Macedonia: The Connection Between 2 Corinthians 2.13 and 2.14.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 25 (1985): 99–103. Niebuhr, H. Richard. Christ and Culture. New York: Harper & Row, 1956. Nongbri, Brent. “Two Neglected Textual Variants in Philippians 1.” Journal of Biblical Literature 128 (2009): 803–808. O’Brien, Peter T. The Epistle to the Philippians. The New International Greek Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; Carlisle: Paternoster, 1991. Oakes, Peter. Philippians: From People to Letter. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 110. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Osiek, Carolyn. Philippians, Philemon. Abingdon New Testament Commentaries. Nashville: Abingdon, 2000. Oster, Richard E. “Ephesus.” Anchor Bible Dictionary 2:542–49. Palmer, D. W. “‘To Die Is Gain’ (Philippians 1:21).” Novum Testamentum 17 (1975): 203–18. Parsons, Mikeal C. Acts. Paideia; Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2008. Pehkonen, Nina. “Rejoicing in the Judaisers’ Work? The Question of Paul’s Opponents in Phil. 1.15-18a.” Pages 156–71 in The Nordic Paul: Finnish Approaches to Pauline Theology. Edited by Lars Eejmelaeus and Antti Mustakallio. Library of New Testament Studies 374. London/New York: T&T Clark, 2008. Peterlin, Davorin. Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Light of Disunity in the Church. Novum Testamentum Supplements 79. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Peterman, G. W. Paul’s Gift from Philippi: Conventions of Gift-Exchange and Christian Giving. Society of New Testament Studies Monograph Series 92. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Peterson, Brian K. “Being the Church in Philippi.” Horizons in Biblical Theology 30 (2008): 163–78. Polhill, John B. “Twin Obstacles in the Christian Path: Philippians 3.” Review and Expositor 77 (1980): 359–73. Portefaix, Lillian. Sisters Rejoice: Paul’s Letter to the Philippians and Luke-Acts as Seen by First-Century Philippian Women. Coniectanea biblica: New Testament Series 20. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1988. Reeves, Rodney R. “To Be or Not to Be? That is Not the Question: Paul’s Choice in Philippians 1:22.” Perspectives in Religious Studies 19 (1992): 273–89. Reumann, John H. P. “Philippians 3.20-21—A Hymnic Fragment.” New Testament Studies 30 (1984): 593–609. ———. “Church Office in Paul, Especially in Philippians.” Pages 82–91 in Origins and Method: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity. Edited by Bradley H. McLean. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 86. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993. ———. Philippians. Anchor Bible 33B. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2008. Riesner, Rainer. Paul’s Early Period: Chronology, Missionary Strategy, Theology. Translated by Doug Stott. Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1998. Robbins, C. J. “Rhetorical Structure of Philippians 2:6-11.” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 42 (1980): 73–82.

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Bibliography for Philippians Schlueter, Carol J. Filling up the Measure: Polemical Hyperbole in 1 Thessalonians 2.14-16. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 98. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994. Sechrest, Love L. A Former Jew: Paul and the Dialectics of Race. Library of New Testament Studies 410. London/New York: T&T Clark, 2009. Segal, Alan F. Paul the Convert: The Apostolate and Apostasy of Saul the Pharisee. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1990. Silva, Moisés. Philippians. 2d edition. Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005. Skeat, T. C. “Did Paul Write to ‘Bishops and Deacons’ at Philippi? A Note on Philippians 1:1.” Novum Testamentum 37 (1995): 12–15. Standhartinger, Angela. “‘Join in imitating me’ (Philippians 3.17): Towards an Interpretation of Philippians 3.” New Testament Studies 54 (2008): 417–35. Stanton, Graham N. “Paul’s Gospel.” Pages 173–84 in The Cambridge Companion to St Paul. Edited by James D. G. Dunn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Stendahl, Krister. Paul among Jews and Gentiles. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976. Still, Todd D. Conflict at Thessalonica: A Pauline Church and its Neighbours. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 183. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999. ———. “Paul: An Appealing and/or Appalling Apostle?” Expository Times 114 (2003): 111–18. ———. “Did Paul Loathe Manual Labor? Revisiting the Work of Ronald F. Hock on the Apostle’s Tentmaking and Social Class.” Journal of Biblical Literature 125 (2006): 781–95. ———. “Christos as Pistos: The Faith(fulness) of Jesus in the Epistle to the Hebrews.” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 69 (2007): 746–55. ———. “An Overview of Recent Scholarly Literature on Philippians.” Expository Times 119 (2008): 422–28. Sumney, Jerry L. Philippians: A Greek Student’s Intermediate Reader. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2007. ———. “Post-Mortem Existence and Resurrection of the Body in Paul.” Horizons in Biblical Theology 31 (2009): 12–26. Tajra, Harry W. The Trial of St. Paul: A Juridical Exegesis of the Second Half of the Acts of the Apostles. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 35. Tübingen: Mohr (Siebeck), 1989. Talbert, Charles H. “The Problem of Pre-existence in Philippians 2:6-11.” Journal of Biblical Literature 86 (1967): 141–53. Tellbe, Mikael. “The Sociological Factors behind Philippians 3.1-11 and the Conflict at Philippi.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 55 (1994): 97–121. ———. Paul between Synagogue and State: Christians, Jews, and Civic Authorities in 1 Thessalonians, Romans, and Philippians. Coniectanea biblica: New Testament Series 34. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2001. Thomson, Ian H. Chiasmus in the Pauline Letters. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 111. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995.

Bibliography for Philippians Thurston, Bonnie B. “Philippians.” Pages 1–163 in Philippians and Philemon. Sacra Pagina 10. Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 2005. Vincent, Marvin R. The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon. International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897. Wallis, Ian G. The Faith of Jesus Christ in Early Christian Traditions. Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 84. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Wansink, Craig S. Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonments. Journal of the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 130. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996. Ware, James P. The Mission of the Church in Paul’s Letter to the Philippians in the Context of Ancient Judaism. Novum Testamentum Supplements 120. Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2005. Watson, Duane F. “Paul and Boasting.” Pages 77–100 in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook. Edited by J. Paul Sampley. Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 2003. Wengst, Klaus. Pax Romana and the Peace of Jesus Christ. Translated by John Bowden. London: SCM, 1987. Williams, Demetrius K. Enemies of the Cross of Christ: The Terminology of the Cross and Conflict in Philippians. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 223. London/New York: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002. Wright, N. T. “aJrpagmo~ and the Meaning of Philippians 2:5-11.” Journal of Theological Studies 37 (1980): 321–52. ———. “Gospel and Theology in Galatians.” Pages 222–39 in Gospel in Paul: Studies on Corinthians, Galatians and Romans for Richard N. Longenecker. Edited by L. Ann Jervis and Peter Richardson. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 108. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994.

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Philemon

Introduction to Philemon Of the thirteen New Testament documents that bear Paul’s name, Philemon is the shortest. Consisting of only 335 Greek words and placed at the end of the Pauline canon, The Canonical Order of Paul’s Letters this letter has often escaped the attenThe thirteen letters attributed to Paul do tion of churchgoers and Bible readers. not appear in our Bibles in the order in [The

Canonical

Order

of

Paul’s

Letters]

which they were written. Rather, they are arranged according to length and type. The first nine letters in the Pauline corpus are addressed to congregations. Romans, the longest of Paul’s (congregational) letters, appears first, and 2 Thessalonians, the shortest Pauline letter addressed to a church, is last. The single exception to this rule is Galatians; it appears prior to Ephesians, despite being some two hundred words shorter. The final four Pauline letters are addressed to individuals. These, too, are arranged from longest to shortest. Although Philemon, which is more than three hundred words shorter than Titus, is a brief letter by Pauline standards, it exceeds the customary length of personal correspondence in Paul’s day. Hebrews, the letter that appears after Philemon, seems to have come into the canon on Pauline coattails.

Furthermore, its brevity and subject matter have not always commended the letter to ministers and scholars. In fact, as early as AD 387, Jerome (c. 340–420) found himself defending the inspiration of Philemon against critics, who viewed the letter as unedifying due to its focus upon everyday affairs. To Jerome’s mind, however, for a letter of such brevity to contain so much of the gospel’s beauty was a telltale sign of its apostolic authenticity and dignity. John Chrysostom (AD 347–407) and Theodore of Mopsuestia (AD 350–428) David Trobisch, Paul’s Letter Collection: Tracing the Origins joined Jerome in countering criticism of (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994); Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, Paul the Letter-Writer: His World, His Options, His Skills (GNS 41; the letter by advocating for its inherent Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 1995); Stanley E. Porter, ed., The Pauline Canon (Pauline Studies 1; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2004); E. value.1 [John Chrysostom on Philemon] Randolph Richards, Paul and First-Century Letter Writing: If Philemon has had its detractors Secretaries, Composition and Collection (Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 2004). across the Christian centuries, it has had many more admirers. Indeed, if letters could blush, then Philemon would be flush. Having duly noted the praise piled upon the letter by the likes of Luther, Calvin, Renan, and Sabatier, J. B. Lightfoot, an immensely learned New Testament scholar of nineteenth-century England, remarked, “As an expression of simple dignity, or refined courtesy, of large sympathy, and of warm personal affection, the Epistle of Philemon stands unrivalled.”2 Even though contemporary interpreters tend to be more circumspect in

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John Chrysostom on Philemon In defense of Philemon’s inclusion in the New Testament canon alongside other letters of Paul, John Chrysostom, bishop of Constantinople as well as a famed speaker and biblical interpreter in the early church, wrote the following: But because some say, that it was superfluous that this Epistle should be annexed, since he is making a request about a small matter in behalf of one man, let them learn who make these objections, that they are themselves deserving of very many censures. For it was not only proper that these small Epistles, in behalf of things so necessary, should have been inscribed, but I wish that it were possible to meet with one who could deliver to us the history of the Apostles, not only all they wrote and spoke of, but of the rest of their conversation, even what they ate, and when they ate, when they walked, and where they sat, what they did every day, in what parts they were, into what house they entered, and where they lodged—to relate everything with minute exactness, so replete with advantage is all that was done by them. But the greater part, not knowing the benefit that would result thence, proceed to censure it. John Chrysostom, “Homilies on Philemon,” NPNF 13:545; Margaret M. Mitchell, “John Chrysostom on Philemon: A Second Look,” HTR 88 (1995): 135–48.

John Chrysostom, Constantinople, early or middle 11th century. Soapstone and highlights of gold. Louvre Museum, Paris, France. (Credit: Jastrow / Wikimedia Commons, PD-self)

lauding the letter, it still manages to garner its fair share of positive press. For example, J. M. G. Barclay, presently the Lightfoot Professor of Divinity at the University of Durham, England, writes, “The letter of Philemon is to my mind the most intriguing and beguiling of all Paul’s letters, with its teasing historical allusions and its special rhetorical charms.”3 What appears to be true with other portions of Scripture also seems to be the case with Philemon—interest in the writing has tended to wax and to wane. Nevertheless, if increased scholarly inquiry into the letter is any indication, then over the last quarter of a century, interest in Philemon has been waxing full.4 In fact, one contemporary commentator on the letter contends that it “is receiving more attention today than at any other time in the history of biblical interpretation, with the possible exception of the antebellum abolitionist era in the United States.”5 It is hoped that this commentary will kindle additional intrigue in and appreciation for a letter whose value far outstrips its size. To enable a fuller understanding of and appreciation for Philemon, we will begin by considering a number of introductory matters that bear upon its interpretation.

Introduction to Philemon Authorship, Date, and Place of Writing

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P87 The earliest copy of Philemon, referred to by textual critics as P87 (P = papyrus; 87 = the number scholars have assigned to identify it), is fragmentary (containing only parts of vv. 13-15, 24-25) and is typically dated to the third century AD.

Although scholars have questioned the authenticity of a number of Pauline letters, Philemon has seldom come under suspicion.6 From at least the time of “Marcion’s canon” near the middle of the second century AD, Papyrus 87. The earliest known fragment of the Epistle to interpreters of Paul have typically Philemon, believed to date to the viewed Philemon as authentic and late 2nd or early 3rd century. (Credit: Christian bitencourt / have included it in their canonical lists Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA-3.0-migrated) (see, e.g., Tertullian, Marc. 5.21; Origen, Hom. Jer. 19; Comm. Matt. 33-34).7 Subsequent to Marcion, Philemon appears in the Muratorian Fragment. [What Is the Muratorian Fragment?] Additionally, Eusebius placed it among those writings recognized by the church as authoritative (Hist. eccl. 3.25). James D. G. Dunn expresses the view of the vast majority of contemporary comWhat Is the Muratorian Fragment? mentators on the letter when he suggests that it The so-called Muratorian Fragment or Canon is an ancient, incomplete listing of is with good reason that “In the history of New Testament books. This document, which Christianity there have been no serious considbegins in mid-sentence, was discovered by erations brought against the letter’s assertion Lodovico Antonio Muratori (1672–1750) in 1740 that it was written by Paul.” Dunn not only corin a seventh- or eighth-century AD codex housed in the Ambrosian Library in Milan, Italy. The fragrectly observes that the style and vocabulary of ment survives only in Latin, although some Philemon are thoroughly Pauline, but he also scholars contend that it was translated from a rightly notes the considerable difficulty of enviGreek original that they date as early as the late sioning a plausible historical and theological second century or early third century AD. No less than twenty-two of the twenty-seven books that context in which a later imitator would seek to now make up our New Testament appear in this write such a letter in Paul’s name.8 list. (The five not included are Hebrews, James, While there is little question that Paul wrote 1 and 2 Peter, and 3 John. Even though the Philemon, there is some debate as to when and Gospels of Matthew and Mark are not explicitly 9 named, it is presumed that they were mentioned where he did so. As with Philippians, in the now lost lines of the document.) According Colossians, and Ephesians, Philemon indicates to the Muratorian Canon, Paul wrote to Philemon that Paul was a “prisoner” at the time he wrote “out of affection and love,” and the letter was the letter (see vv. 1, 8, 10, 13, 22, 23). As with held in esteem by the church “for its regulation of ecclesiastical discipline.” the other Captivity Letters, Philemon does not This document may be found in English translation in Bruce specify the place of Paul’s imprisonment. In M. Metzger, The Canon of the New Testament (Oxford: 2 Corinthians 11:23, Paul indicates that he was Clarendon, 1987) 305–307. An accessible introduction to the document is that of Gregory Allen Robbins, “Muratorian no stranger to imprisonment, but he does not Fragment,” ABD 4:928–29. offer further details. According to Acts, Paul was

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incarcerated in Philippi, Caesarea, and Rome (see 16:23; 24:27; 28:16 respectively). Although I am unaware of any interpreter who thinks that Paul wrote to Philemon from Philippi, a few have suggested Caesarea as the place of writing, and not a few have regarded Rome as the most likely location. Indeed, it has traditionally been thought that Philemon, along with the other Prison Epistles, originated in Rome. At the present time, however, a number of Pauline scholars are convinced that Ephesus is where Paul composed the letter. Although neither Paul’s letters nor Acts explicitly indicate his imprisonment there, interpreters infer as much from comments Paul makes in Rembrandt Harmensz van Rijn (1606–1669). St. Paul in Prison. 1627. Oil 1–2 Corinthians (e.g., 1 Cor 15:32; 16:7; on panel. Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart, Germany. [Credit: Wikimedia Commons, PD-Art (PD-old-100)] 2 Cor 1:8-9; 6:5; 11:23-24). Space constraints preclude a protracted Paul was a frequent subject of the famed Dutch artist treatment of when and from where Paul Rembrandt van Rijn. This painting of the imprisoned wrote Philemon. Nonetheless, a few addiapostle is among the most readily recognized artistic portrayals of Paul. tional remarks are in order. When weighing the relative merits of the proposed locations for the writing of Philemon, commentators tend to consider the following factors: (1) the place where Paul might have been imprisoned; (2) the distance between the presumed place of Paul’s imprisonment and Colossae, ostensibly the city where Philemon lived; (3) the relationship between Philemon, Philippians, Colossians, and in some instances, Ephesians; (4) Paul’s request that Philemon prepare accommodations for him in light of his desired visit (v. 22); and (5) the (in)applicability of Acts and the Pastoral Epistles. As indicated above, most scholars currently incline to either an Ephesian or Roman provenance for the letter. Those who embrace the former position maintain that Ephesus is more plausible than Rome because it lay in closer proximity to Colossae and coincides with Paul’s anticipated itinerary at the time he wrote to the Romans c. AD 57. (After having visited Jerusalem and Rome, Paul was planning to travel westward toward Spain not eastward toward Rembrandt’s Paul in Prison

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Colossae [see Rom 15:22-24].) These interpreters, who tend to date Philemon to the mid-50s AD, are also wont to think that Paul wrote Philippians from Ephesus, that Colossians and Ephesians are deutero-Pauline, and that Paul died in Rome in the early 60s AD. Interpreters who view Rome as a more likely place of composition than Ephesus point out that Paul’s Ephesian imprisonment is hypothetical. They also suggest that while the distance between Rome and Colossae is considerable, it is not an insurmountable geographical hurdle. Additionally, scholars who are inclined to think that Paul wrote Philemon from Rome usually date the letter to the early 60s AD. They are also prone to think that Paul wrote Philippians and Colossians (and Ephesians?) from Roman detainment and that he may well have anticipated returning to Macedonia and Asia in the east upon his release from captivity, as the Pastorals, be they authentic or not, indicate. Although these foregoing comments as to when and where the letter was written might strike some readers of this commentary as an unnecessary exercise in tedium, such remarks reflect the current scholarly discussion surrounding Philemon’s provenance. I am presently inclined to think that Paul was in captivity in Rome when he wrote to Philemon for the following reasons: (1) I have yet to be convinced that Paul did not write Colossians, and a Roman provenance seems most likely for that letter. If that is true, then the considerable connections between Colossians and Philemon are real and not contrived, and it stands to reason that these letters were written near the same time. (2) Whereas an Ephesian imprisonment for Paul is hypothetical, Roman detainment is verifiable. (3) Philemon has traditionally been assigned to Rome, and there have yet to appear compelling reasons, at least to my mind, to overturn this longstanding tradition. [Ancient Greek Ancient Greek Manuscript Subscriptions Manuscript Subscriptions]

After the conclusion of the letter, a number of ancient copyists indicate that Philemon originated from Rome. As it happens, no provenance other than Rome is found in these subscriptions.

With this being said, let me be quick to add that my interpretation of Philemon is not predicated upon Paul having written to Philemon from Rome in the early 60s AD. Dunn is right to note the difficulty inherent to a decision regarding Philemon’s provenance and to suggest that “the exposition of the letter depends only marginally on the conclusion regarding its place [and date] of writing, so that to that extent the issue can be left open.”10

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The storm center of current academic debate over Philemon revolves around neither the authorship nor provenance of the letter; rather, contemporary interpretive dialogue has focused largely upon the circumstances that gave rise to the writing as well as its intended outcome. Traditionally, the letter has been read in the following manner.11 Onesimus, the slave of Philemon, stole from his master (note v. 18) and fled to Rome. Once there, he happened upon an imprisoned Paul and became a Christian. Some time thereafter, Paul wrote a letter to his master (i.e., Philemon) in an effort to assuage his anger and to effect reconciliation, if not request emancipation.12 At least since the publication of John Knox’s University of Chicago doctoral dissertation in the 1930s, interpretive hegemony has given way to interpretive diversity with respect to Philemon.13 In his groundbreaking study, Knox, among other things, entertained the notion that Onesimus had not run away from his master but had been sent to Paul by his owner.14 Although others have embraced and expanded upon Knox’s tentative proposal,15 most interpreters would concur with Peter Arzt-Grabner, who writes “that it does not seem logical, that [Paul] should have pleaded for a slave who had been trustworthy enough to be sent to him . . . .”16 Fifty years after Knox’s seminal publication, Peter Lampe added an additional wrinkle to the interpretation of Philemon. He suggested that Onesimus was neither a runaway slave (fugitivus) nor a dispatched messenger, but a slave who was intentionally seeking out Paul as an amicus domini (“friend of the master”) to advocate on his behalf.17 Lampe’s explanation for the occasion of the letter has been widely embraced even as it has been further clarified and expanded.18 Setting aside Allen Dwight Callahan’s novel, though unsustainable, argument that Philemon and Onesimus were biological and Christian brothers who were estranged one from another,19 the recent work of Arzt-Grabner merits mention here. In published articles as well as in his commentary on the letter, ArztGrabner maintains that Onesimus is best viewed as a roaming slave (erro) as opposed to a runaway slave (fugitivus). Moreover, he contends that viewing Onesimus as an erro squares better with the contents of the letter than Lampe’s amicus domini proposal.20 [How Did Onesimus Come to Be with Paul?]

Introduction to Philemon

Seeking to ascertain the prehistory of and occasion for Philemon is like attempting to put together a jigsaw puzzle with missing pieces!21 Regardless of the label one affixes to Onesimus from Roman legal annals, the following story behind the letter seems most plausible.

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How Did Onesimus Come to Be with Paul? At present there are no less than five proposals that seek to explain the circumstances surrounding Onesimus’s initial contact with Paul in prison: (1) the runaway slave hypothesis; (2) the commissioned slave hypothesis; (3) the aggrieved slave hypothesis; (4) the wandering slave hypothesis; and (5) the estranged brother hypothesis. J. Albert Harrill, Slaves in the New Testament: Literary, Social, and Moral Dimensions (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2006) 6–16.

1. For some now unknown reason, Onesimus had gotten sideways with Philemon (note vv. 18-19). 2. It may well be that this was not the first time that conflict had occurred between the two (see v. 11). 3. For whatever combination of reasons, Onesimus left Philemon’s household under a cloud and as a non-Christian (so vv. 10, 15). 4. He most likely came to Paul intentionally instead of inadvertently. 5. Onesimus’s contact with Paul led to his conversion (v. 10). 6. Subsequent to his conversion, Onesimus and Paul formed a meaningful, mutually beneficial relationship (vv. 12-13). 7. Despite his druthers, Paul encouraged Onesimus to return to Philemon. In an effort to ease what is expected to be a tense, if not volatile return, Paul writes a letter to Philemon, who is not only the master of Onesimus but is also a person Paul regards as a fellow believer, coworker, and partner (vv. 1, 7, 16, 17, 20). Moreover, it appears that Paul was also Philemon’s “father in the faith” (v. 19). Precisely what Paul wants Philemon to do with respect to Onesimus is not immediately clear. Paul’s deferential, subtle rhetoric may make for interesting reading, but it also results in acute interpretive challenges!22 At the least Paul writes with the hope that Philemon will “receive [Onesimus] as [Philemon] would receive [Paul]” (v. 17b). The letter indicates that this would entail Philemon welcoming Onesimus as a beloved brother and partner in Christ (vv. 16-17a). At the most Paul anticipates that Philemon will go beyond warmly receiving Onesimus and will grant him permission (via manumission?) to return to Paul in prison (vv. 13-14, 20-21).23 [Manumission from Slavery] Although I have become increasingly convinced that

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Manumission from Slavery During the Roman period, slaves were manumitted, not emancipated. Manumission, which could be both formal and informal, was a legal process whereby a master freed a slave. At such a time, the ex-slave would become a client of the former master. While manumission was far from automatic, it did happen with some degree of regularity, and the hope of such motivated many slaves to obey their masters. Upon manumission, some slaves became Roman citizens and in at least a few instances experienced occupational and financial success. Against the background of manumission, 1 Cor 7:21 and Ignatius, Polycarp 4.3, come into clearer focus.

Paul desires Onesimus’s ongoing presence and assistance in his captivity,24 I readily acknowledge that inferences drawn from innuendo do not allow for the construction of an unassailable interpretive position.25 Slavery in Greco-Roman Antiquity

A thoroughgoing study of slavery in Greco-Roman antiquity is well beyond J. Albert Harrill, The Manumission of Slaves in Early Christianity (HUT 32; the purview of this commentary.26 Mohr [Siebeck]: Tübingen, 1995). However, even if it were possible for us to enter into a detailed treatment of slavery in its ancient Mediterranean milieu, it would arguably not be wholly Image Not necessary for the interpretation of Available Philemon, for as Cain Hope Felder due to lack of digital notes, “[C]lose study of the text makes rights. Please view the clear that Paul’s primary focus is not on published commentary or perform an Internet the institution of slavery . . . .”27 Be that search using the as it may, given that the letter revolves credit below. around a slave who has seemingly fallen out of favor with his master, at least a few general remarks regarding slavery in Paul’s day are in order. Remains of the slaves from the House of Menander. They died while attempting to get out of the house together with their leader and his bronze To begin, it is important to differenlantern. Pompeii, Italy. (Credit: Werner Forman/Art Resource, NY) tiate between slavery in the Roman Empire and slavery in America in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Whereas in the latter case slavery was based on race, this was not true in the first century AD. Additionally, when Paul lived, slaves could hold responsible positions within a household, could own property (even other slaves!), could look forward to manumission at a relatively young age with a legally recognized status, and could receive continued support from their former masters as patrons. (I have utilized and italicized the word “could” in the previous sentence to stress the possibility as opposed to the certainty of such.) [Duties Performed by Roman Slaves] These considerations notwithstanding, as with their later American counterparts ancient slaves were commonly regarded as less than human, were consistently subjected to cruel treatment

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and extreme punishment, and lived life under the Duties Performed by Roman Slaves Paul does not inform us regarding the pall of their masters’ (or patrons’) beck and call. type of work Onesimus did for [How Ancient Slaves Were Perceived and Treated] To Philemon. In Roman times, slaves served their suggest, therefore, that ancient Greco-Roman masters in a variety of ways. Besides farming, slavery was “kinder and gentler” than American mining, and milling, slaves were physicians, slavery in the antebellum South may be akin engineers, artisans, shopkeepers, architects, to comparing reported prison conditions artists, thespians, magicians, prophets, teachers, professional poets, philosophers, in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, with those in the Abu bath-attendants, masseurs, hairdressers, Ghraib prison in Baghdad, Iraq. One is dealing barbers, announcers of guests, waiters, tasters, here with different shades of the bleak and the choristers, cooks, child minders, secretaries, and business managers. bad. Albert Harrill, “Paul and Slavery,” in Paul in the GrecoJ. Albert Harrill, a New Testament scholar who J.Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg is thoroughly apprised of and fully conversant PN: Trinity Press International, 2003) 575–607 (on 583–84). with the ancient evidence, offers the following assessment of slavery in the Greco-Roman world: “Although there were some opportunities for high status or resistance for a select group of the most resourceful How Ancient Slaves Were Perceived and Treated and fortunate slaves, most slaves Although Stoic philosophers such as Seneca (c. 4 BC–AD 65) and Epictetus (c. AD 60–140) denounced slaves’ maltreatment lived and died under a brutal and some masters and slaves did in fact develop affectionate relations, system that never questioned the slaves were popularly regarded and treated as property, tools, animals, morality of enslaving fellow or worse. Indeed, not a few ancients would have agreed with humans and had no abolitionist Aristotle’s view that a slave was a “living tool” (empsychon organon, 28 Eth. Nic. 8.11). Not infrequently slaves were subjected to “cruel and movement.” In the words of unusual punishment,” including whipping, imprisonment, deployment to one freedman who lived in fields and mines, branding, burning, racking, breaking of bones, Rome in the first century BC, “It drowning, crucifixion, and being fed to wild beasts and flesh-eating fish. is beautiful to die instead of Masters who could not be bothered with punishing their slaves could hire such “services” to be done. being degraded as a slave” Marvin R. Vincent, The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, (Publilius Syrus, Sententiae 489). 1897) 162–65; Brian M. Rapske, “The Prisoner Paul in the Eyes of Onesimus,” NTS 37 (1991): 187–203; J. Albert Harrill, “Paul and Slavery,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 2003) 575–607.

Overview of the Letter

Before commencing with the commentary proper, an overview and outline of Philemon are in order. The letter commences with an address and greeting (vv. 1-3), wherein Paul identifies himself as a prisoner and Timothy as a co-sender (v. 1a), specifies the recipients (vv. 1b-2), and extends grace and peace to those to whom he is writing, chiefly Philemon (v. 3). Thereafter, Paul turns to offer God thanksgiving for Philemon (vv. 4-7). He mentions in particular that he has heard of Philemon’s faith in and love for the Lord Jesus and fellow believers (v. 5). He also indicates that he is prayerful for

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as well as encouraged by Philemon’s loving participation in the faith (vv. 4, 6-7). In transitioning to the body of the letter (vv. 8-18), Paul indicates that he has ample confidence in Christ to command Philemon what he ought to do with respect to Onesimus, the name of whom Paul has wittingly withheld up until this point. Be that as it may, as an aged prisoner of Christ Paul has opted to appeal lovingly to his “brother,” Philemon, on behalf of his “child,” Onesimus (vv. 8-10). Although Onesimus, whose name means “useful,” had been regarded as “useless” by Philemon, he was not so viewed by Paul. Indeed, Onesimus had endeared himself to Paul and had proven invaluable during Paul’s imprisonment for the gospel. So helpful was he that, even though Paul was sending him Philemon’s way, he very much wanted him to stay. Paul did not think it appropriate, however, to detain Philemon’s slave without his express permission. In vv. 15-17 Paul speculates about the reason for Onesimus’s separation from Philemon, seeks to redefine the nature of the relationship between Philemon and Onesimus, and appeals to his “partner” Philemon to receive Onesimus as he would receive Paul himself. What is more, Paul indicates that he is willing to pay Philemon for any wrong that Onesimus had done or for any debt that Onesimus had accrued (v. 18). As Paul picks up the pen to conclude the letter, he reiterates that he will settle Onesimus’s accounts payable with Philemon. Simultaneously, Paul none too subtly reminds Philemon of his own indebtedness to him (v. 19). In addition, Paul asks Philemon for benefit and refreshment in Christ (v. 20; vv. 7, 12). Does this amount to a veiled request for Philemon to send Onesimus back to Paul in prison (cf. vv. 12-14)? Before extending final greetings and offering “the grace” (vv. 23-25), Paul expresses his confidence in Philemon’s response to his letter and requests that Philemon ready accommodations for him in preparation for a visit for which he was hoping and Philemon and others were praying (vv. 21-22).

Outline of Philemon Address and Greeting, vv. 1-3 Senders, v. 1a Recipients, vv. 1b-2 Grace and Peace, v. 3 Thanksgiving and Appreciation for Philemon, vv. 4-7 Thanks to God for Philemon’s Faith and Love, vv. 4-6 Paul’s Joy and Comfort Arising from Philemon’s Love, v. 7 Paul’s Appeal to Philemon for Onesimus, vv. 8-18 Appeal Announced, vv. 8-11 From Paul, vv. 8-9 Confident in Christ to Command, v. 8 Preference to Appeal as an Aged Prisoner on the Basis of Love, v. 9 For Onesimus, vv. 10-11 Paul’s Child, v. 10 Formerly “Useless,” Now “Useful,” v. 11 Onesimus’s Separation, vv. 12-16 From Paul, vv. 12-14 Paul’s Action: The Sending of Onesimus, v. 12 Paul’s Wish: The Keeping of Onesimus, v. 13 Paul’s Preference: The Consent of Philemon, v. 14 From Philemon, vv. 15-16 Potential Purpose of Separation, v. 15 Transformation of Onesimus’s Relationship with Philemon, v. 16 Appealing and Accounting, vv. 17-18 On Receiving Onesimus as a Partner, v. 17 On Paying for Onesimus’s Debts, v. 18 Closing the Letter, vv. 19-25 Paul’s Promissory Note, v. 19 Paul’s Expressed Wish, v. 20 Paul’s Great Expectations of Philemon, v. 21 Paul’s Anticipated Reunion with Philemon, v. 22 Greetings from Paul’s Ministerial Colleagues, vv. 23-24 “The Grace,” v. 25

Philemon

COMMENTARY Address and Greeting, vv. 1-3 [Outline of vv. 1-3]

Philemon, Paul’s shortest surviving letter, Outline of vv. 1-3 begins in an inconspicuous manner. As in all of Address and Greeting, vv. 1-3 Senders, v. 1a his preserved letters, Paul begins by identifying Recipients, vv. 1b-2 himself. The self-description that follows, Grace and Peace, v. 3 however, is unparalleled among the Pauline letter openings. At the outset of his letter to Philemon, Paul depicts himself as a “prisoner of Christ Jesus.”29 Even though the term “prisoner” (desmios) appears infrequently in the Pauline letters (see also Eph 3:1; 4:1; 1 Tim 1:8), Paul employs this word again in v. 9 and reiterates or alludes to his imprisoned 1 Clement 5.6 state in vv. 10, 13, 22, and 23 respecAccording to 1 Clem. 5.6, Paul was tively (cf. Phil 1:7, 13, 14, 17; Col placed in bonds no less than seven times. The writer of 1 Clem. regarded Paul’s 4:18; 2 Tim 2:9). [1 Clement 5.6] steadfast endurance in the face of such affliction While Paul’s repeated mention of his to be exemplary and worthy of imitation. imprisonment might well predispose Jerome D. Quinn, “‘Seven Times He Wore Chains’ (1 Clem. Philemon to be more sympathetic and 5.6),” JBL 97 (1978): 574–76. pliant toward him and his plea on behalf of Onesimus,30 his depiction of himself as a “prisoner of Christ Jesus” is not merely rhetorical. For Paul to call himself “Christ Jesus’ prisoner” suggests that he viewed his captivity as inextricably connected to his relationship with and commitment to Christ.31 As history would have it, belated readers of Philemon are left to wonder about the particulars of Paul’s imprisonment. That Paul was able to write to Philemon and to be in personal contact with others (note vv. 1, 10-14, 23-24) does indicate, however, that he was afforded some degree of freedom in the midst of his confinement.32 Timothy was present with Paul when he wrote to Philemon and served as the letter’s co-sender (v. 1; cf. Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1). The ostensible recipient of two Pauline letters (1 Tim 1:2; 2 Tim 1:2), Timothy was from all appearances a trusted and true

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colleague of Paul’s (see esp. Phil 2:19-24; cf. 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thess 3:1-10). Here, Paul simply and succinctly refers to Timothy as “the brother.” This label bespeaks of Timothy’s status as a fellow believer; it may also indicate his involvement as a Pauline coworker.33 Fictive kinship terminology of this kind permeates Paul’s letters and recurs throughout Philemon (see vv. 1-2, 7, 16, 20).34 Having introduced himself and Timothy as the letter’s senders, Paul turns to name the letter’s recipients. Although a few scholars have identified Archippus (cf. Col 4:17) as Paul’s primary addressee, this is not likely for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is that Philemon is the first person mentioned.35 Since this is the only time Philemon is named in the Pauline letter collection, our knowledge of him is limited to the document that bears his name. As noted in the introduction, Tell of Colossae however, since Onesimus (presumably Colossae, the place where Philemon is typically the same person referred to in thought to have lived, has yet to be excavated. The Philemon 10) is described as “one of picture below features the tell of Colossae. On ancient Colossae see, e.g., Todd D. Still, “Colossians,” in The Expositor’s yourselves” in Colossians 4:9, interBible Commentary (13 vols.; rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2006) preters have almost always concluded 12:264–360 (on 266). that Philemon lived in Colossae.36 [Tell of Colossae] Within the letter we learn the following about Philemon: he hosted a Christian assembly in his home (v. 2); he was a source of encouragement to the “saints” (vv. 5-7); he was Onesimus’s master (v. 16); he was somehow indebted to Paul (v. 19); and he had adequate room in his home to house (a) guest(s) (v. 22). In v. 1 Paul addresses Philemon as (Credit: Todd Bolen/BiblePlaces.com) “beloved” and as a “fellow worker” of himself and Timothy. Later in this letter Paul will recast the relationship between Philemon and Onesimus by inviting the former to regard the latter as a “beloved brother” (v. 16). Elsewhere Paul refers to a number of persons37 and congregations38 as “beloved” (agap∑tos). The related noun agap∑ features in Philemon (vv. 5, 7, 9). According to Paul, “love” is to mark the Christian life and to typify Christian interaction (1 Cor 12:31b–13:13; 1 Thess 4:10; cf. John 13:34; 1 John 3:11). Paul also refers to Philemon as a

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coworker (synergos). Not only does Paul regard Philemon as a “beloved” believer, but he also considers him, along with Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke, to be a partner in ministry (note further vv. 5-7, 17, 24; cf. Col 4:10-11). [Other Pauline Coworkers]

Other Pauline Coworkers Additional men and women to whom Paul refers as “fellow workers” include Prisca and Aquila (Rom 16:3), Urbanus (Rom 16:9), Titus (2 Cor 8:23), Epaphroditus (Phil 2:25), Euodia, Syntyche, and Clement (Phil 4:2-3), Jesus Justus (Col 4:11), and Timothy (cf. 1 Thess 3:2).

Although Philemon is the letter’s primary recipient and is the one addressed in vv. 4-20, it is inaccurate to describe Philemon as a purely private letter.39 In addition to Philemon, Paul addresses Apphia, Archippus, and the church E. E. Ellis, “Paul and His Co-workers,” in Prophecy and Hermeneutic in Early Christianity (WUNT 18; Tübingen: Mohr that gathers in Philemon’s home (v. 2). [Siebeck], 1978) 3–22. Furthermore, Paul employs a plural “you” in vv. 22b, 25. While we know little about Philemon, we know even less about Apphia and Archippus. In v. 2 Paul refers to Apphia as “the sister.” As with Timothy “the brother,” this descriptor marks Apphia as a fellow believer. She, too, may have been a Pauline coworker. The only other time Paul employs the epithet “sister” (adelph∑ ), he does so with respect to Phoebe, whom he further describes as a “deacon” (diakonos) of the church in Cenchreae and a “patron” (prostatis) of many, including himself (Rom 16:1-2). It is frequently assumed that Apphia was Philemon’s wife.40 This may well have been the case, but it is worth noting that she receives an appellation apart from Philemon, and there is no good reason to dismiss out of hand the possibility that Apphia held a leadership role in the assembly independent of Philemon.41 The final person named by Paul in the salutation is Archippus, seemingly the same individual addressed in Colossians 4:17. In Philemon 2, Paul metaphorically describes him as a “fellow soldier” of himself and Timothy. Paul employs the term “fellow soldier” (systratiøt∑s) on only one other occasion in his surviving letters, namely, when he commends Epaphroditus to the Philippians for his courageous, sacrificial service (Phil 2:25). It seems likely that Paul uses this metaphor in v. 2 to affirm Archippus for faithfully sharing in the work of the gospel (cf. 2 Tim 2:3-4). In addition to being a believer and a Pauline coworker, it is frequently suggested that Archippus was the son of Philemon and Apphia.42 Interpreters of the letter can no more establish this to be a fact, however, than they can the supposed marriage of Philemon and Apphia. Lastly, Paul addresses the assembly or church (ekkl∑sia) that gathered in Philemon’s home. Although his house served as a place for

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believers to gather and seemingly had room enough to accommodate (a) guest(s) (v. 22), we should not facilely assume that Philemon was a well-heeled Christian patron who lived in a sprawling villa. Moreover, the fact that he was Hosts of Pauline Churches the owner of at least one slave would not in and In addition to Philemon, we know that of itself classify him as a person of wealth.43 Aquila and Prisca offered hospitality to What we can note at this point is that Philemon Pauline assemblies in Ephesus and Rome (1 Cor 16:19; Rom 16:5) as did Lydia in Philippi (Acts belonged to that circle of Pauline associates who 16:15, 40), Jason in Thessalonica (Acts 17:5-9), hosted church gatherings in their homes, Gaius (and Stephanus?) in Corinth (Rom 16:23; however modest or posh these residences might 1 Cor 16:15), and Nympha in Colossae (Col 4:15). have been. [Hosts of Pauline Churches] Would that we Robert Banks, Paul’s Idea of Community (rev. ed.; Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1994). knew more about these Pauline house churches than we presently do. One is left to wonder, for example, how typical Corinthian congregational practices, about which we learn a fair amount in 1 Corinthians 11–12, 14, would have been among other Pauline churches (see 1 Cor 11:16). Following his address in vv. 1-2, Paul extends a greeting to those named (v. 3). [“Grace to You and Peace . . .”] In lieu of the common Greek greeting chairein (cf. Jas 1:1; Acts 15:23), Paul “Grace to You and Peace . . .” The greeting found in Philemon appears proffers grace (charis) to the letter’s recipients. in six other Pauline letters (Rom 1:7; More than a clever word play and a tidy way to 1 Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2; Phil 1:2). commence and conclude correspondence (note As for the six other Pauline letter greetings, Col v. 25), Paul regarded grace as a divine demon1:2 omits “and the Lord Jesus Christ”; 1 Thess 1:1 omits “from God our Father and the Lord stration of mercy upon wayward humanity (see, Jesus Christ”; 2 Thess 1:2 reads “God the Father” e.g., Rom 3:21-25a; 5:20-21). Moreover, those instead of “God our Father”; 1 Tim 1:2 and 2 Tim who embrace God’s grace in Christ are to live in 1:2 run, “Grace, mercy, and peace from God the it (so Gal 1:6; 2:21; 5:4) and are to be gracious Father and Christ Jesus our Lord”; and Titus 1:4 states, “Grace and peace from God the Father and in their dealings with others (cf. 2 Cor 8:5-6; Christ Jesus our Savior.” Col 4:6). For Paul, peace flows from grace. More than the absence of conflict (cf. similarly the Hebrew shalom), peace (eir∑n∑ ) connotes the spiritual state and disposition of persons who are related to God through the grace of Jesus Christ (note Rom 5:1-2; Phil 4:7, 9). Peace is a spiritual fruit that is to characterize Christian persons and to typify their interaction (Gal 5:22; Rom 14:19). The Pauline greeting of grace and peace, which may “echo the priestly blessing of the sons of Aaron (Num 6:24-26),”44 not only serves an introductory epistolary function but it also conveys core components of the gospel Paul embraced and proclaimed.

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The grace and peace that Paul pronounces upon the letter’s addressees come “from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.” Although this is the only time God is depicted as “Father” in Philemon, this description is found no less than thirty-seven times in the Pauline letters. Such language is not meant to serve as commentary on God’s sexuality, for the Bible consistently instructs that God is a spiritual Being who is beyond gender. Rather, such imagery bespeaks of God’s parental, providential care. Jesus is remembered as having spoken to and of God as Abba (Mark 14:36). Paul also employs this Aramaic term for “Father” on two occasions in his letters (Rom 8:15; Gal 4:6). This intimate form of address encourages believers to regard God not only as the “Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Rom 15:6; 2 Cor 1:3; 11:31) but also as “our Father.” Elsewhere in Philemon, Paul refers to “our Father” as “my God” (v. 4). In brief, the letter evinces Paul’s belief that God is interested and involved in human affairs (note vv. 15, 22).45 In v. 3 Paul also links grace and peace with “the Lord Jesus Christ.” Even as Paul’s life and thought were christocentric, so also is his letter to Philemon. Within the confines of twenty-five verses, Paul refers to Christ in one fashion or another no less than eleven times (vv. 1, 3, 6, 8, 9, 16, 20, 23, 25).46 Far more than epistolary “filler” or spiritual shibboleth, Christ is the one for whom Paul is imprisoned and upon whom Paul bases his appeal to Philemon (vv. 1, 8-10, 15-16, 23). Thanksgiving and Appreciation for Philemon, vv. 4-7 [Outline of vv. 4-7]

After an address and greeting (vv. 1-3), Paul offers thanksgiving to God for Philemon in vv. 4-7. Although Paul is hopeful that Philemon will respond favorably to his subsequent appeal, his giving of thanks is more than a “greasing of skids.” As it happens, in Paul’s surviving letters thanksgiving follows Outline of vv. 4-7 greeting more often than not.47 Additionally, in Thanksgiving and Appreciation for Philemon, vv. 4-7 expressing thanks to God for others Paul touches Thanks to God for Philemon’s Faith and upon matters to which he will return, though not Love, vv. 4-6 systematically or sequentially, in the course of a Paul’s Joy and Comfort Arising from given letter. In the thanksgiving section of Philemon’s Love, v. 7 Philemon, one discovers the following epistolary themes: love (agap∑ [vv. 5, 7, 9, 16]), Lord/Christ (kyrios/christos [vv. 5, 6, 16, 20]), sharing/partnership (koinønia [vv. 6, 17]), “the

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good” (ton agathon [vv. 6, 14]), and heart/affections (splanchna [vv. 7, 12, 20]).48 Paul begins his thanksgiving by informing Philemon (the “you” from v. 4 to v. 22a is singular) that he always gives God thanks for him whenever he remembers him in his prayers (v. 4). Such prayerful thanks, Paul adds, is related to his having heard of Philemon’s love and faith “toward the Lord Jesus and unto all the saints” (v. 5). That Paul would speak of Philemon’s love and faith with respect to Christ is readily understandable; that he would speak of Philemon having love toward the saints is also in concert with his thought. For Paul to refer to Philemon’s faith “unto the saints,” however, has perplexed interpreters. Since Paul does not speak in this manner in any other of his extant letters, exegetes are made to wonder how best to construe this atypical expression. Some scholars suggest that “faith” is better rendered here as “fidelity.” Others claim that Paul has fashioned a chiasm in v. 5, whereby love (A) correlates with all the saints (A') and faith (B) with Lord Jesus (B') (cf. Col 1:4). Still others wonder whether Paul has hurriedly composed and inadvertently compressed the idea that, whereas love and faith are to be directed to the Lord, love alone is to be expressed toward believers. It is not implausible, however, to maintain that Paul thought of love and faith together as the essence of the Christian life, both of which were to be expressed to the Lord and the saints.49 Regardless of the way one chooses to construe this opaque passage, “Paul is clearly lauding Philemon’s virtues, his faith and love, considering them as the sum of Christian conduct and the reason why he should be praying for Philemon.”50 Paul does not reveal from whom he has heard this positive report regarding Philemon’s Christian commitment and conduct. It is possible that Onesimus was the herald. Epaphras, who according to Colossians 4:12 was also from Colossae (cf. Col 1:7; Phlm 23), may (also) have spoken in positive tones about Philemon. Whatever the case, Paul continues in vv. 6-7 to speak of Philemon’s faith and love. When viewing them together, one can detect the following progression in vv. 5-7 with respect to this dyad: love (A), faith (B), faith (B'), love (A'). Verse 6 is (one of ) the most difficult verse(s) to interpret in Philemon. While it is clear that the focus falls upon Philemon’s faith, much ambiguity remains, as even a cursory comparison of

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(English) translations reveals.51 One may infer from v. 4, as well as from the subjunctive mood of the verb in v. 6, that Paul is expressing at this point in his thanksgiving a wish-prayer. But for what is Paul hoping? He indicates he is hopeful that the sharing or fellowship (koinønia) of or in Philemon’s faith might be effectual. In other words, Paul is seemingly praying that the faith Philemon shares in common with other believers might be activated or energized. But to what end? Presumably to that of promoting and enabling a greater understanding or realization among Philemon and his fellow believers of every good thing (or all [the] good) that is theirs in/unto Christ. Unfortunately, Paul does not specify the good of which he speaks. Does “every good thing which is in us unto Christ” (literally) refer to that which a Christian (is to) possess(es), to that which a Christian is to perform, or to both? It is possible that this vague phrase refers both to what believers have received in Christ as well as to what they are to do for Christ. It is interesting to note that later in this letter Paul speaks of the response he anticipates from Philemon as “your good thing” (v. 14b) and that he follows up his appeal to Philemon by reminding him of his own indebtedness (v. 19b). As Paul concludes his thanksgiving, he moves from what he has heard about and hopes for Philemon (vv. 5-6) to express the positive spiritual impact Philemon has had upon him (v. 7). Paul indicates that he has received much joy and encouragement from Philemon’s love (cf. 2 Cor 7:4). Interestingly, Paul considers himself to be a beneficiary of the hospitality and generosity that Philemon has extended to other believers. It is as though what Philemon has done for unnamed Christians, he has also done unto Paul, who experienced daily anxiety for all the churches (see 2 Cor 11:28). Through Philemon, who is addressed by Paul as “brother” (cf. v. 20), the “hearts” (splanchna; lit., “entrails, bowels”) of the saints have been refreshed.”52 Although Paul does not indicate how Philemon rejuvenated Christians, perhaps he had in mind such things as his hosting fellow believers in his home (note vv. 2, 22; cf. v. 5). As the letter unfolds, Paul will refer to Onesimus as his heart (splanchnon [v. 12]). Furthermore, he will enjoin Philemon to “refresh [his] heart [splanchna] in Christ” (v. 20). Paul’s personal, carefully-worded affirmation of Philemon’s generous action on behalf of fellow Christians in v. 7 may have predisposed him to be

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Pliny the Younger’s Letter of Intercession to Sabinianus Commentators often compare Philemon to the following well-crafted letter from Pliny the Younger (c. AD 62–113) to Sabinianus on behalf of a freedman. Your freedman, whom you lately mentioned to me with displeasure, has been with me, and threw himself at my feet with as much submission as he could have fallen at yours. He earnestly requested me with many tears, and even with all the eloquence of silent sorrow, to intercede for him; in short, he convinced me by his whole behaviour that he sincerely repents of his fault. I am persuaded he is thoroughly reformed, because he seems deeply sensible of his guilt. I know you are angry with him, and I know, too, it is not without reason; but clemency can never exert itself more laudably than when there is the most cause for resentment. You once had an affection for this man, and, I hope, will have again; meanwhile, let me only prevail with you to pardon him. If he should incur your displeasure hereafter,

you will have so much the stronger plea in excuse for your anger as you show yourself more merciful to him now. Concede something to his youth, to his tears, and to your own natural mildness of temper: do not make him uneasy any longer, and I will add, too, do not make yourself so; for a man of your kindness of heart cannot be angry without feeling great uneasiness. I am afraid, were I to join my entreaties with his, I should seem rather to compel than request you to forgive him. Yet I will not scruple even to write mine with his; and in so much the stronger terms as I have very sharply and severely reproved him, positively threatening never to interpose again in his behalf. But though it was proper to say this to him, in order to make him more fearful of offending, I do not say so to you. I may perhaps, again have occasion to entreat you upon his account, and again obtain your forgiveness; supposing, I mean, his fault should be such as may become me to intercede for, and you to pardon. Farewell. Pliny the Younger, Ep. 9.21 (trans. William Melmoth).

more receptive to his specific, subsequent requests (see vv. 17, 18, 19, 22). [Pliny the Younger’s Letter of Intercession to Sabinianus] Paul’s Appeal to Philemon for Onesimus, vv. 8-18 [Outline of vv. 8-18]

Having devoted approximately one-third of the letter to greeting and thanksgiving, Paul begins in v. 8 to address directly the matter at hand.53 Paul commences the letter body by conceding that he has more than enough boldness in Christ to command Philemon what to do. He could, Paul acknowledges, address Philemon in an outspoken manner and in so doing convey his complete confidence in Christ (cf. 2 Cor 3:12; Phil 1:20).54 Given his belief that Philemon would do even more than he was asking (v. 21), however, Paul did not think it necessary “to play the heavy.” Notably, he chooses not to speak boldly to Philemon (parr∑sia), much less seek to exercise his apostolic authority over Philemon.55 In fact, Paul appeals neither to his apostleship nor to his authority (exousia) in this letter. Instead of “pulling rank,” creating a zero-sum game, or laying down the gauntlet by confronting or commanding Philemon to do what is right or fitting,56 Paul opts to appeal to him on the basis of love (v. 9a).57

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Having already spoken of the love of his Outline of vv. 8-18 Paul’s Appeal to Philemon for Onesimus, vv. 8-18 beloved coworker toward the Lord and the Appeal Announced, vv. 8-11 saints (vv. 1, 5, 7), it seems fitting that From Paul, vv. 8-9 Paul would appeal to Philemon to do what Confident in Christ to Command, v. 8 is right through love. The verb rendered Preference to Appeal as an Aged Prisoner on the Basis of Love, v. 9 “appeal” in both v. 9 and v. 10 is the term 58 For Onesimus, vv. 10-11 parakaloun. This word appears with Paul’s Child, v. 10 some degree of frequency in the Pauline Formerly “Useless,” Now “Useful,” v. 11 letters, fifty-four times to be exact. Onesimus’s Separation, vv. 12-16 From Paul, vv. 12-14 Contingent upon context, parakaloun can Paul’s Action: The Sending of Onesimus, v. 12 connote exhortation (“to urge strongly”) or Paul’s Wish: The Keeping of Onesimus, v. 13 entreaty (“to make a strong request”) in Paul’s Preference: The Consent of Philemon, v. 14 Paul. While one may construe the verb in From Philemon, vv. 15-16 Potential Purpose of Separation, v. 15 the former manner in v. 9, Paul employs Transformation of Onesimus’s Relationship with parakaloun in the latter sense in v. 10. In Philemon, v. 16 any event, the contrast between epitassein Appealing and Accounting, vv. 17-18 (“to command” [v. 8]) and parakaloun (“to On Receiving Onesimus as a Partner, v. 17 On Paying for Onesimus’s Debts, v. 18 exhort, appeal” [vv. 9, 10]) is apparent and significant. In v. 9a Paul indicates his decision to appeal to Philemon on the basis of love; in v. 9b he depicts himself as an “old man and now also a prisoner of Christ Jesus.” It is not necessary to rehearse here what we said earlier regarding the phrase “prisoner of Christ Jesus” (see v. 1 above). It is worth noting, however, that by repeating this epithet Paul underscores how he construes his captivity. His chains do not curtail his commitment to and communion with Christ. If interpreters have puzzled over Paul’s description of himself as a “prisoner of Christ Jesus,” they have been every bit as perplexed by the term presbyt∑s. While some exegetes have rendered this word “ambassador,” textual evidence indicates that it is best rendered “old man.” [On the Interpretation of presbyt∑s]

Given the distinct likelihood that Paul did in fact refer to himself as “an old man” in v. 9b, we now need to ask what he actually meant by the word presbyt∑s and why he would describe himself as such. Philo notes that the physician Hippocrates regarded a person between fifty and fifty-six years of age to be a presbyt∑s (Creation 105). Greek writers could also employ presbyt∑s, however, to speak of persons older than fifty-six as well as those who were in their final stage of life. Although the number of variables renders preci-

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On the Interpretation of presbyt∑s At least since the time of John Calvin (1509–1564), exegetes have wondered why Paul would call himself “an old man.” For Calvin’s part, he suggested that when Paul designates himself as an “elder,” he has in mind not his chronological age but his pastoral office. With the acumen and care that characterized his work, J. B. Lightfoot subsequently posited that presbyt∑s (“an old man”) is better read presbeut∑s (“an ambassador”). To support this view Lightfoot appealed primarily to Ephesians 6:20, a verse where the verb presbeuein (“to be an ambassador”) is employed. Lightfoot also adduced examples where scribes, who were working around the time that Philemon was written, wrote presbyt∑s for presbeut∑s. Although a number of interpreters have been persuaded by Lightfoot’s arguments and a few exegetes have even suggested that Philemon 9 be emended to read presbeut∑s instead of presbyt∑s, the extant Greek manuscripts of the letter support the reading presbyt∑s, a term Paul likely employed to portray himself as aged. John Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles to Timothy, Titus, and Philemon (trans. William Pringle; Grand Rapids: Christian Classics Ethereal Library, 1999) 2. J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon (1875; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995) 338–39. For additional details, see esp. J. N. Birdsall, “PRESBUTHS in Philemon 9: A Study in Conjectural Emendation,” NTS 39 (1993): 625–30; and Ronald F. Hock, “A Support for His Old Age: Paul’s Plea on Behalf of Onesimus,” in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks (ed. L. Michael White and O. Larry Yarbrough; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995) 67–81.

Georg Osterwald (1803–1884). John Calvin. 19th c. Bibliotheque publique et universitaire de Neuchâtel - BPUN. (Credit: Wikimedia Commons, CC-PD-Mark)

sion impossible, it is typical for interpreters of Paul to suggest that he was born sometime in the middle to later part of the first decade of the first century AD. This judgment is partly predicated upon Acts’ depiction of Paul as a “young man” (neanias) at the time when Stephen was stoned to death (7:58). (In Creation 105, Philo reports that Hippocrates viewed a male between twenty-two and twentyeight years of age to be a youth [neaniskos].) From the meager evidence at hand, we may tentatively conclude that when Paul calls himself “an old man” in Philemon 9, he is approximately fifty years old. There are at least two plausible reasons why Paul would refer to his age in making his appeal to Philemon. On the one hand, Paul may be tugging at Philemon’s heartstrings in an attempt to elicit a sympathetic response to his request. On the other hand, Paul might have mentioned his “old age” to engender the respect and privilege typically accorded to the elderly in antiquity.59 Having carefully set the stage for his appeal to Philemon in the previous verses, Paul (finally) begins his plea for Onesimus in v. 10.60 At the outset, he speaks of Onesimus not as Philemon’s slave (see v. 16) but as his child. In fact, Paul indicates that he

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fathered or begat Onesimus in his bonds or chains. Paul metaphorically depicts Onesimus as his child due to his recent conversion to Christ. This is not the only place in his letters where Paul employs father/child language to refer to his converts (or coworkers) and himself (cf. 1 Cor 4:14-15; 2 Cor 6:13; Gal 4:19; Phil 2:22; 1 Thess 2:11). Among other things, such passages reveal that Paul took his spiritual paternity seriously.61 If Philemon were also won to faith in Christ by Paul, as v. 19 strongly implies, then he and Onesimus would not only serve the same Lord but they would also share a common spiritual lineage. Paul continues in v. 11 by noting the transformation that had been wrought in Onesimus’s life as a result of his conversion.62 Linguistically, Paul signals this reversal by employing the contrastive pairing “once or formerly” (pote) “but now” (nuni de). He employs this antithesis to juxtapose individuals’ pre-Christian state with their current Christian standing (e.g., Rom 11:30; Gal 1:23; 4:8-9; Eph 2:3-4; 2:11-13; 5:8; Col 1:21-22; 3:7-8).63 Paul also contrasts Onesimus’s past and present by playing upon his name. Onesimus (which means “useful”) was formerly, Paul states, useless (achr∑stos) to Philemon.64 Now, however, Paul declares that he is quite useful (euchr∑stos) both to Philemon and to him.65 If one pun were not enough, some interpreters have detected yet another pun in Paul’s “useless/useful” contrast. A number of scholars maintain that in Paul’s day the Greek words chr∑stos (“useful”) and Christos (“Christ”) would have been pronounced the same way. That being the case, they argue that Paul employed a Carrying the Mail “double pun” to suggest that without Christ Onesimus was useless to Philemon but now as a Christian he became truly useful both to Philemon and to Paul.66 Image Not Available With Onesimus still in view, Paul indidue to lack of digital rights. cates that he is sending him back to Please view the published Philemon, presumably with the letter commentary or perform an that he was writing (v. 12).67 Although Internet search using the credit below. we belated readers would like to know the particulars surrounding Onesimus’s coming to be with Paul in the first place, our curiosities remain unsated. To Paul depended upon coworkers to deliver his letters. heighten our historical hunger, Paul A Roman mail coach. Relief from the outer wall of the church. 1st C. BC. neither states precisely what prompted Maria Saal, Austria. (Credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY)

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him to send Onesimus back to Philemon nor why Onesimus was willing to go.68 What Paul does indicate to Philemon is that in sending Onesimus back to him he was simultaneously sending the one whom he had come to regard as his own heart. As it happens, Paul is sending his own heart to the one who had refreshed the hearts of the saints (note v. 7). Implicitly, if ironically, Paul is now offering Philemon refreshment through Onesimus, the very person who had in the past proven to be useless to him. Later in the letter he will ask Philemon to return the favor (v. 20).69. Presuming Paul’s sincerity in making such a statement, one is left to wonder how Paul was able to foster such a strong affection and appreciation for Onesimus. If his letters are any indication, then Paul had the capacity to cultivate deep and abiding care for his churches and converts.70 Paul reiterates his love for and commitment to Onesimus in v. 13a. (As with v. 12, v. 13 commences with the relative pronoun hon, referring to Onesimus.) In fact, Paul informs Philemon that it was his ongoing desire and intention to keep Onesimus with him (lit., “to myself ”).71 Why did Paul want Onesimus to stay with him? Paul offers an answer in v. 13b. Translated literally, it was “in order that for you to me he may serve in the chains of the gospel.” As Paul pondered the prospects of keeping Onesimus alongside himself, he thought it fitting that Onesimus would serve as Philemon’s stand-in or surrogate in serving Paul. Presuming that his coworker Philemon would seek to assist him if he were with him, Paul reasoned that Onesimus could surely Helping the Imprisoned Paul serve as his substitute. Craig S. Wansink writes, “Comforting and Given Paul’s circumstances, being as he was aiding the imprisoned was a common practice among the ancients. Because prisoners “in the chains of the gospel” (literally),72 he often faced death through starvation, malnutrition would have had a variety of needs along physor weakness, they depended on friends, family ical, relational, and ministerial lines, and he and attendants—outside the prison—to bring desired Onesimus’s assistance with such. [Helping them food or sustenance.” He continues, “In general, attendants or ministers to the impristhe Imprisoned Paul] The services that Onesimus renoned—whether they be friends, relatives, or dered and might continue to offer to Paul, slaves—sought to make the experience of imprishowever, did not make Paul his master.73 onment as tolerable and comfortable as was Rather, as Paul saw it, he, Onesimus, Philemon, possible.” and all other believers in Christ were slaves of Craig S. Wansink, Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonment (JSNTSup 103; Sheffield: Sheffield Christ (1 Cor 7:22; cf. Rom 1:1; Phil 1:1), and Academic Press, 1996) 191–92. See, too, Brian M. Rapske, “The Importance of Helpers to the Imprisoned Paul in the Book as such they were to serve Christ and one of Acts,” TynBul 42 (1991): 3–30. another (Rom 14:18; 2 Cor 4:5; Gal 5:13; Col

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3:24). What is more, Paul depicted Christ’s own life as one of service (Rom 15:8; Phil 2:7; cf. Mark 10:45).74 Although Paul had deliberated whether to keep Onesimus with him in the throes of confinement, he decided not to do so, for he did not wish to do anything without Philemon’s consent.75 Paul had been in a quandary. On the one hand, he wanted very much for Onesimus to remain with him; on the other hand, he realized that while this was his preference, it was not his place to make this choice. It was with a heavy if not broken heart, therefore, that he sent his very heart packing. Paul was cognizant that Philemon’s consent should neither be presumed upon nor coerced.76 Instead of disregarding Philemon’s interests or demanding his compliance, Paul chose the path of personal appeal. By doing so, he placed Philemon in a position where he could do his good deed (lit., “your good thing”; cf. v. 6 “all of the good”), whatever it might be, not according to necessity or obligation but according to willingness and freedom.77 Such an approach is in keeping with Paul’s decision to appeal to Philemon lovingly as opposed to commanding him boldly (v. 9).78 Even as Paul comes to terms with his decision to send Onesimus back to Philemon, he cautiously and tentatively contemplates God’s involvement in their separation.79 Paul did not believe that God caused all things, nor did he consider all things to somehow be good. He was of the mind, however, that God was able to work all things together for good for those who love God and are called according to God’s purpose (Rom 8:28). Perhaps, Paul posits, Onesimus’s temporary absence (lit., “for an hour”) might result in Philemon having him back forever. Precisely what Paul means in employing the term “forever” (aiønios) is ambiguous. Is Paul suggesting that Onesimus was gone for a while so that Philemon might have him back for good, period, no questions asked? Would such a remark leave open the prospects of Onesimus returning to assist Paul as Philemon’s slave? In saying “forever,” is Paul (also) alluding to their relationship as believers that transcends time? The honest answer is that we do not know what Paul intended. Based upon the next verse, however, there is no question that in Paul’s mind Onesimus’s conversion was to revolutionize the way Philemon related to him. Paul maintains in v. 16 that Philemon should no longer see Onesimus as simply a slave. Rather, upon his return, Philemon was

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“Flesh” (sarx) in Paul Although “flesh” (sarx) can carry negative connotations in Paul, denoting sinful inclinations and actions (see esp. Rom 7:5, 18, 25; 8:1-17; 2 Cor 1:17; 5:16; 10:2; Gal 3:3; 5:16-21; 6:8, 13), Paul also employs the word to refer simply to ordinary human physicality and the limitations inherent thereto (e.g., 1 Cor 15:39, 50; 2 Cor 4:11; 7:5; 12:7; Gal 1:16; 2:16, 20; 4:13-14; Phil 1:22, 24). Both valances of sarx occur in 2 Cor 10:3: “For although we live in the flesh (en sarki), we do not engage in [spiritual] battle according to the flesh (kata sarka).”

to regard Onesimus as “more than a slave”—he was to view him as a “beloved brother,” that is, as a fellow believer. If Paul dearly loved Onesimus in the Lord, then Philemon should, as Paul sees it, love him all the more both “in the flesh and in the Lord.” In Philemon 16 the phrase “in the flesh” (en sarki) seems more or less to mean “as a human.” [“Flesh” (sarx) in Paul] If Philemon will now find Onesimus valuable and congenial at a human level even as Paul himself had, he will also now have the added benefit of Robert Jewett, Paul’s Anthropological Terms: A Study of Their his siblingship and fellowship “in the Lord” (en Use in Conflict Settings (AGJU 10; Leiden: Brill, 1971) 49–166. kyriø), that is, as a Christian. Even if their spiritual relationship does not, at least not yet, eradicate their respective social roles as slave and master, in Paul’s thinking their union in and with Christ relativizes, minimizes, and informs their present temporal identities (see 1 Cor 7:20-24; Different Than, Not Less Than 12:13; Gal 3:28; Col 3:11). Christ is to eclipse all distinctions and to define all relations. Thus far in the letter, Paul has said various complimentary things to Image Not Available Philemon and has shared some reledue to lack of digital rights. vant news with him regarding Please view the published Onesimus. In the first sixteen verses of commentary or perform an Internet search using the the letter, however, Paul has not actucredit below. ally asked anything of Philemon. This all begins to change in v. 17. Over the course of the next six verses, Paul will request no less than four things from Philemon. The first request is Paul’s Pompeiian ladies with their slave hairdresser, wallpainting from Herculaneum, most pressing plea. Having concluded Italy. Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Naples, Italy. (Credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY) that he would send back and not keep back Onesimus so that Philemon The wallpainting shown above pictures Pompeiian ladies with might have him back forever as a their slave hairdresser. Paul challenges Philemon to regard Onesimus “no longer as a slave but more than a slave, as a beloved brother, Paul now proceeds in beloved brother” (Phlm 16). v. 17 with his appeal (note vv. 9-10). “Therefore (oun),” Paul states, “if you consider me a partner (koinønos), (then) receive him as (you would) me.” Earlier in the letter, Paul indicates that his appeal to Philemon for Onesimus

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would be made in love and not commanded in boldness. Here, Paul predicates his appeal for Onesimus upon a presumed partnership with Philemon in Christ and the gospel. By way of greeting, Paul depicts Philemon as a beloved and fellow worker (v. 1). He also addresses him as “brother” in v. 6. Paul has made known, therefore, how he regards Philemon. Whether or not Philemon shares these commitments with respect to Paul, however, is now placed in the balance. The extent to which Philemon considers Paul a partner (koinønos) will be determined by his reception of Onesimus. Paul entreats Philemon to welcome his returning slave even as he would Paul. How is that, we wonder? “In love,” we hear Paul say (v. 9). “What does love look like?” Philemon asks. “Like that which you have demonstrated toward ‘all the saints,’ among whom Onesimus is now numbered,” Paul suggests (vv. 5, 7). Philemon’s slave has become Paul’s surrogate. Onesimus incarnates the very letter of recommendation that Paul inscribes (see 2 Cor 3:2). Piling condition upon condition and request upon request, Paul tells Philemon in v. 18 that in the event Onesimus has caused him any loss or remains indebted to him in any way, then he may charge it to Paul’s account.80 Even though Paul does not specify how Onesimus might have become Philemon’s debtor, he does allude to the fact that there had been some sort of falling out between them and that their relationship was in need of repair. Closing the Letter, vv. 19-25 [Outline of vv. 19-25]

In an attempt to do all that he can presently do, Paul takes up the pen to write out what amounts to an IOU (v. 19).81 Indicating, indeed emphasizing, that it is now he who is writing in his own hand, Paul signs a promissory note. In effect, Paul informs Philemon that whatever Onesimus might owe him in the present he will repay in the future. Lest Philemon be unwilling to draft Paul a line of credit or be too eager to collect on Onesimus’s outstanding debt, Paul none too subtly Outline of vv. 19-25 Closing the Letter, vv. 19-25 reminds him that he owes him far more Paul’s Promissory Note, v. 19 than principle and interest. He, Paul Paul’s Expressed Wish, v. 20 claims, owes him his very life. [Philemon’s Paul’s Great Expectations of Philemon, v. 21 Conversion]

Paul’s Anticipated Reunion with Philemon, v. 22 Greetings from Paul’s Ministerial Colleagues, vv. 23-24 “The Grace,” v. 25

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Given Philemon’s insurmountable indebtedness to Paul, there is no way that he can repay. It is as if Paul has an unlimited line of credit in the ledger of Philemon’s life. As a result, Paul cannot only afford a sizable IOU (v. 19), but he can also ask Philemon to float him a significant favor. Expecting reciprocity, Paul writes, “Yes, brother, may I benefit from you in the Lord.” Paul is hopeful that Philemon’s response to his requests will be favorable (see vv. 17, 19). It is possible that by employing the optative anaim∑n in this verse, Paul is playing upon Onesimus’s name. If so, then he may well be implying that he would like for Philemon to send Onesimus back to him. In any event, Paul implores Philemon to refresh his heart (splanchna) in Christ. Since Paul identifies Onesimus as his heart in v. 12, then it may not be too much to imagine that whatever Philemon does (or fails to do) for Onesimus, he will do (or will fail to do) for Paul. After his appeal to Philemon to refresh his heart in Christ (v. 20), Paul remarks that it is with confidence in his obedience that he writes to him. Similar expressions of confidence appear elsewhere in Paul (e.g., Gal 5:10; Phil 1:6; 2 Thess 3:4) and help shed light on Paul’s cryptic comment at the outset of v. 21. On the one hand, it is ultimately God in whom Paul places his trust with respect to his converts; on the other hand, Paul anticipates that the recipients of his letters will follow his instructions. When Paul employs the noun hypako∑ (“obedience”) elsewhere in his letters, it is (primarily) obedience to God that he has in view (see Rom 1:5; 5:19; 6:16 [twice]; 15:18; 16:19; 2 Cor 7:15; 10:5, 6). Be that as it may, Paul does not always sharply differentiate between obedience to God and compliance to his appeals (note 2 Cor 2:9; Phil 2:12), given his confidence that God could appeal to others through him (e.g., 2 Cor 5:20). To be sure, Paul believes that all people, including Philemon, are to “to obey God rather than people” (Acts 5:29; cf. 1 Thess 4:8), for it is before the Master that one stands or falls and “each of us will give an account to God” (Rom 14:4, 12). It is, however, through doing more than Paul is saying that Philemon will demonstrate his obedience to God.

Philemon’s Conversion Verse 19 signals that Philemon also became a Christian through Paul. Although the text does not indicate any particulars surrounding Philemon’s conversion, it may be that he first came into contact with Paul and the gospel during the apostle’s protracted Ephesian ministry. Acts indicates that Paul spent three years in Ephesus, during which time “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (19:10; 20:31). Lukan hyperbole notwithstanding, it is altogether plausible that Philemon heard and heeded the “word of the Lord” in Ephesus in the mid 50s AD.

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Paul confidently claims that he knows Philemon will do above and beyond (kai hyper) that which he has explicitly stated in his letter (v. 21). This remark immediately raises two interpretive questions: First, what has Paul actually asked Philemon to do with respect to Onesimus? Second, what might “even more” entail? In the course of the letter, Paul makes but one explicit request with respect to Onesimus. Based upon their partnership as believers and co-laborers in Christ, Paul appeals to Philemon to receive, or welcome, his returning slave as he would Paul (v. 17; cf. Rom 14:1; 15:7a). In addition to this clear-cut directive relative to Onesimus, Paul also informs Philemon of the following: 1. Onesimus has come into contact with him in his captivity and has become a believer (v. 10). 2. As a result of his conversion, Onesimus is now useful to both of them (v. 11). 3. He was sending Onesimus back to him (v. 12). 4. He would have preferred to have kept Onesimus with him in his confinement but was unwilling to do so without Philemon’s permission (vv. 13-14). 5. His relationship with Onesimus will no longer be (merely) one of slave and master but (also) one of believing, beloved brothers (v. 16). 6. In the event Onesimus is in his debt (as Philemon is in Paul’s!), he is to charge it to his account, and he will pick up the tab at a later time (vv. 18-19). 7. He wants some benefit and refreshment from him (v. 20). Given that Paul does not articulate with precision his expectations of Philemon, what are we to make of his oblique “even more” remark in v. 21? Piecing the clues of the letter together, at the least it would appear that Paul anticipates that Philemon will relinquish his rights as a master to harm Onesimus, will receive his returning slave as a beloved brother, and will allow their Christian koinønia to transform their legal slave-master relationship. At most, one can construe Paul’s letter to Philemon as a(n overly) subtle request for Onesimus’s manumission from slavery. Somewhere in the middle, it is possible to read between the letter’s lines and conclude that the “even more than I say” statement signals Paul’s desire for Philemon to send Onesimus, be he slave or free, back to Paul’s shackled side

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so that he might serve (with) Paul in the gospel. While I incline to the latter option, I readily acknowledge the ambiguity that marks the letter as well as the interpretive difficulties that arise and persist. In addition to the directives Paul issues to Philemon in vv. 17, 18, and 20, he sets forth a final request in v. 22. He asks that Philemon prepare a place for him to lodge, presumably with Philemon in Colossae. This request raises two matters for us to consider. First of all, wherever Paul was being detained and for whatever reason(s), he is hopeful that God will respond positively to the prayers of Philemon and other Colossian believers and that he will be released from captivity (= “granted to them”).82 Secondly, in asking Philemon to ready hospitality for him, Paul is suggesting in none too veiled a way that he has every intention of following up on his semi-private letter. Far more than an altruistic exercise or an attempt to wile away the hours of his imprisonment, Paul wrote to Philemon to secure a loving reception for a fellow Christian to whom he had grown deeply attached. Paul could no more set to one side Onesimus’s plight than he could the concerns of his other converts (note 2 Cor 11:28-29). He anticipated that Philemon would respond to his requests with all seriousness and abundant goodness. In closing the letter, Paul extends greetings to Philemon (the “you” in v. 23 is singular) from five others, namely, Epaphras, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke (vv. 23-24). Presumably, Philemon knew or knew of these individuals, who are also named in the letter closing of Colossians (Col 4:10, 12, 14). Paul depicts Epaphras, a Colossian who was seemingly the founder of the church in Colossae as well as a minister to believers in the Lycus River Valley (so Col 1:7; 4:12), as “my fellow prisoner in Christ Jesus.” The term “fellow prisoner” (synaichmaløtos), which may be best construed literally, is also used to describe Andronicus and Junia (Rom 16:7) as well as Aristarchus (Col 4:10). One is left to wonder, however, why Epaphras is portrayed as a “fellow prisoner” in Philemon and not in Colossians, and why Aristarchus is referred to as a “fellow prisoner” in Colossians but not in Philemon. The other four men for whom Paul offers greetings in v. 24 are called “coworkers” (cf. v. 1). Of Aristarchus and Demas, we know little. As implied above, it is likely that the Aristarchus of Philemon 24 and Colossians 4:10 are one and the same. If the same person is also in view in Acts 19:29, 20:4, and 27:2, then we also discover

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that he hailed from Thessalonica and was one of Paul’s traveling companions. Concerning Demas, presumably the same individual named in Colossians 4:14, 2 Timothy 4:10 reports that having loved the present world, he deserted Paul and departed for Thessalonica. In the event that the Mark and Luke referred Images of Mark and Luke to here are identical with the Mark and Luke mentioned in other New Testament passages as well as in church tradition, then it is possible to say a little more about these two men. Mark Image Not emerges from text and tradition as, among others Available things, a Jewish Christian, the cousin of due to lack of digital Barnabas, a sometimes companion of Paul and rights. Please view the Peter, and the author of the Gospel that bears his published commentary name.83 With respect to Luke, our sources report or perform an Internet that he was a physician, a Gentile Christian, a search using the credit below. companion of Paul, and the author of the two84 volume work now known as Luke–Acts. By extending the greetings of his fellow workers to Philemon, Paul widens the circle of Giovanni Francesco Guercino (1591–1666). Mark, the people who are knowledgeable of and hopeful Evangelist. Oil on canvas. Gemaeldegalerie Alte Meister, concerning Onesimus’s impending return. The Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden, Germany. (Credit: Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz/Art Resource, NY) fact that Paul draws other believers and coworkers into Onesimus’s plight would have been difficult for Philemon to ignore. Christians near and far would be watching and waiting to see how he would respond to his slave who was also now his “brother.” Paul closes his subtle, carefully crafted letter to Philemon with the following words: “The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your [plural] spirit” (v. 25). Even as Paul extends Christ’s mercy and generosity to Philemon and others near the beginning of the letter (v. 3), he does so again at the letter’s end. Paul was no doubt hopeful that the grace that frames his letter to Philemon and marks life in Christ would also Giovanni Francesco Guercino (1591–1666). Saint Luke Displaying a Painting of the Virgin. Oil on canvas. 1652–1653. characterize the response of Philemon, Apphia, [Credit: Wikimedia Commons, PD-Art (PD-old-100)] Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house to Onesimus and that he would become one

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spirit with them. Their communion in Christ and with one another could eradicate unhealthy division and erode human distinctions.

CONNECTIONS The connections section of this commentary focuses on the following four questions: (1) How did Philemon respond to Paul’s letter? (2) Why was the letter to Philemon included in the Pauline (and New Testament) canon? (3) In what ways have interpreters appropriated the letter? (4) What might Philemon have to say to believers today? 1. How did Philemon respond to Paul’s letter? The succinct answer to this question is that we are not certain.85 If Colossians were written later than Philemon, then Colossians 4:9a, where Onesimus is referred to as a “faithful and beloved brother” and is identified as being from Colossae, may be understood as signaling his ongoing involvement in the Pauline mission Pliny the Younger’s Commendation of and thus suggest Philemon’s positive reaction to Sabinianus’s Action Paul’s appeal.86 If Colossians and Philemon While we are left to wonder about subsequent communication between Paul and share a provenance, then the New Testament Philemon regarding Onesimus, the following is falls silent on subsequent developments. The Pliny the Younger’s letter to Sabinianus regarding very existence of the letter, however, at least implies the action he had taken with respect to an earlier a favorable response on the part of Philemon.87 letter that Pliny had written on behalf of a certain freedman. (See [Pliny the Younger’s Letter of Intercession to Sabinianus] above.) I greatly approve of your having, in compliance with my letter, received again into your favour and family a discarded freedman, whom you once admitted into a share of your affection. This will afford you, I doubt not, great satisfaction. It certainly has me, both as a proof that your passion can be controlled, and as an instance of your paying so much regard to me as either to yield to my authority or to comply with my request. Let me, therefore, at once both praise and thank you. At the same time I must advise you to be disposed for the future to pardon the faults of your people, though there should be none to intercede in their behalf. Farewell. Pliny the Younger, Ep. 9.24 (trans. William Melmoth).

[Pliny the Younger’s Commendation of Sabinianus’s Action]

Beyond the New Testament, interpreters frequently note that Ignatius of Antioch speaks of an Onesimus on three occasions in his letter to the Ephesian church (Eph. 1.3; 2.1; 6.2).88 Ignatius, who had been in personal contact with one named Onesimus, refers to him as the bishop or overseer (episkopos) of the church in Ephesus and regards him as a person of “inexpressible love” (Eph. 1.3). While not a few commentators have suggested that the Onesimus for whom Paul writes is the same person known by Ignatius, others are convinced that it is an intriguing coincidence.89 If one

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equates these two literary figures, then one can also extrapolate that Philemon not only embraced Paul’s plea on behalf of Onesimus but that he also (eventually) manumitted Onesimus from slavery so that he might be engaged in Christian ministry. 2. Why was the letter to Philemon included in the Pauline (and New Testament) canon? It was noted in the introduction that Philemon has been numbered among other letters of Paul since at least the time of Marcion. Given that Paul wrote letters that were not (fully) preserved (cf. 1 Cor 5:9) and assuming that Philemon is but one sample of similar letters that Paul would have written in the course of his life and ministry, it is worth asking why this particular letter was copied and eventually canonized. The simple, forthright, historical answer to this query is that we do not know why early Christians retained Philemon. We may conjecture, however, that Onesimus and/or Philemon may have played a role in circulating the letter among other early believers. Additionally, Philemon’s dissemination among Christians and its incorporation into the Pauline canon could well have been aided by its association with and connection to Colossians.90 It may also be noted that even though Philemon had its share of detractors in the late fourth and early fifth centuries (see the introduction above), the likes of Chyrsostom, Jerome, Theodore, Pelagius, and Theodoret lauded the letter because in its lines they detected the magnanimity of the apostle and the centrality of the gospel.91 A majority of the various and sundry shapers of the Pauline corpus and the New Testament canon seemingly found a similar reading of the letter to be compelling. 3. In what ways have interpreters appropriated the letter? Even though Philemon is not principally about slavery and is ambiguous with respect to Onesimus’s ongoing status as a slave, interpreters have often read the letter with slavery in view and have tended to gravitate toward one extreme or another on the issue. On the one hand, Church Fathers, Reformers, and nineteenth-century advocates of American slavery appealed to Philemon to support the institution of slavery; on the other hand, at least since the publication of J. B. Lightfoot’s commentary on Philemon in 1875, Pauline scholars have not infrequently construed the letter as a (subtle) subversion of the same.92 [Charles Hodge on Slavery] As it happens, within Paul’s letters in general and Philemon in particular, one finds remarks that both support and subvert the status quo vis-à-vis

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slavery.93 On this point (and related matters) Ben Witherington’s comments are apropos: “Paul was no mere baptizer of the status quo . . . . He was both a realist and a radical. He showed respect for existing structures of society—government, family, business—but he did not encourage his converts to serve them in some idolatrous fashion.”94 4. What might Philemon have to say to These remarks by Hodge appear in Kevin Giles, “The Biblical believers today? Given Philemon’s history of Argument for Slavery: Can the Bible Mislead? A Case Study in interpretation and the socio-historical chasm Hermeneutics,” EvQ 66 (1994): 3–17 (on 12). between Paul’s world and ours, one might understandably question whether the letter has any abiding relevance for contemporary Christians. One recent commentator on Philemon, R. McL. Wilson, does not harbor such doubt. On the contrary, he maintains, “Those who preserved this letter were wiser than they knew, and we may still learn from it.”95 I concur with Wilson and by way of conclusion would like to reflect upon what modern-day Christians might glean from Philemon. Due to its size and subject matter, both ancient and modern interpreters of Philemon have often suggested that the letter lacks theological value.96 This claim notwithstanding, a close reading of Philemon reveals it to be a Portrait of Charles Hodge created by the studio of Mathew Brady, letter of theological significance and ethical Washington DC. [Credit: Wikimedia Commons, PD-Art (PD-old-100)] substance. One of the letter’s features that arrests the attentive reader and has continuing relevance for Christian believers today is the centrality of Christ and the gospel. In the span of twenty-five verses, Paul refers to Christ (or titles akin thereto) no less than eleven times. Additionally, Paul viewed his captivity as directly related to the gospel (v. 13). Whether in matters trivial or circumstances dire, Paul sought to look at life through a lens grounded in Christ. Regardless of place or plight, he thought the gospel could bring illumination. The spiritual was to frame and even transform the temporal. Christ was to pervade and prevail in all things. Be one an Charles Hodge on Slavery Famed Princeton Theological Seminary theologian and New Testament commentator Charles Hodge (1797–1878) was but one of many biblical scholars and ministers who sought to support slavery on scriptural grounds. On one occasion Hodge wrote, “If the present course of the abolitionists is right, then the course of Christ and the apostles was wrong.” Moreover, he maintained that to call slavery sinful was “a direct impeachment of the word of God.”

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imprisoned apostle, a wayward slave, or an irritated master, Christ was to be at the center. For Paul, common confession of and union in Christ the Lord was to eclipse all else, for in Christ “There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male and female” (Gal 3:28; cf. 1 Cor 12:13; Col 3:11). Related to and reinforced by Christology, ecclesiology is another theological dimension of the letter that is of perennial import for Christians, and it merits brief consideration here.97 Given that Philemon is a semi-personal communication, one would not anticipate Paul to pay much, if any, attention to communal concerns. As it happens, however, Paul draws in other believers in opening and closing the letter (v. 1b-3, 22b-25). Rhetorically, one may regard such a move as savvy or, less positively, as manipulative, but Paul’s ecclesial commitments extend beyond “No Man Is an Island . . .” epistolary techniques and apostolic In his now-famous “Meditation XVII,” Jacobean metapower plays. He regards himself, physical poet John Donne (1572–1631) instructs, Philemon, and latterly Onesimus as All mankind is of one author, and is one volume; when one man connected to other believers. They are dies, one chapter is not torn out of the book, but translated into not spiritual freelance artists or lone a better language; and every chapter must be so translated. . . . As therefore the bell that rings to a sermon, calls not upon the rangers; they are integrally related to preacher only, but upon the congregation to come: so this bell and mutually dependent upon one calls us all: but how much more me, who am brought so near the door by this sickness. . . . No man is an island, entire of another. [“No Man Is an Island . . .”] To signal itself . . . any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved this spiritual reality, Paul employs in mankind; and therefore never send to know for whom the bell fictive kinship terminology throughout tolls; it tolls for thee. the letter.98 On two occasions he speaks of Philemon as his “brother” (vv. 7, 20; cf. v. 1). He also refers to Onesimus as his “child” (v. 10; cf. v. 19) and as a “beloved brother” (v. 16). Furthermore, Paul posits the radical notion that Philemon view and receive Onesimus “no longer as a slave but more than a slave, [as] a beloved brother” (v. 16). [“O Holy Night”] In addition to the centrality of Christ and the “O Holy Night” indispensability of community for believers, a In translating the third verse of the final connection between Philemon and subseFrench Christmas carol known in the English-speaking world as “O Holy Night,” John quent generations of Christians that requires Sullivan Dwight (1813–1893) captured the libercontinual attention and application is the ating potential of this Pauline ideal with these primacy of love. Paul laces his little letter to now-famous lyrics: “Truly He taught us to love Philemon with love. Not only does he speak of one another; His law is love and His gospel is peace; Chains shall He break, for the slave is our Philemon as a “beloved one” (agap∑tos, v. 1) who brother; And in His name all oppression shall exudes and exhibits love for the Lord Jesus and cease.” other believers (agap∑, vv. 5, 7), but he also

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Martin Luther on Philemon Martin Luther (1483–1546), the renowned Reformer, once offered the following prefatory remarks to Philemon. These theological, pastoral reflections on the letter are widely known, and rightly so. This epistle gives us a masterful and tender illustration of Christian love. For here we see how St. Paul takes the part of poor Onesimus and, to the best of his ability, advocates his cause with his master. He acts exactly as if he were himself Onesimus, who had done wrong. Yet he does this not with force or compulsion as lay within his rights; but he empties himself of his rights in order to compel Philemon to waive his rights. What Christ has done for us with God the Father, that St. Paul does also for Onesimus with Philemon. For Christ emptied himself of his rights (Phil 2:7) and overcame the Father with love and humility, so that the Father had to put away his wrath and rights, and receive us into favor for the sake of Christ, who so earnestly advocates our cause and so heartily takes our part. For we are all his Onesimus’s if we believe. Martin Luther, “Preface to the Epistle of Saint Paul to Philemon, 1546 (1522),” in Luther’s Works: American Edition (55 vols.; vol. 35 ed. E. Theodore Bachmann; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1960) 35:390.

encourages Philemon to consider Onesimus as he does Paul—as a “beloved brother” (adelphos agap∑tos, v. 16). What is more, Paul grounds his very appeal to Philemon for Onesimus in love (agap∑ ), not in apostolic boldness, frankness, or authority (parr∑sia, vv. 8-9). Given that love “hopes all things” (1 Cor 13:7), Paul expresses confidence in Philemon’s obedience (ultimately to God), “knowing that [he] will do even more than what [Paul] says” (v. 21). Paul does not dictate what Philemon’s loving action toward Onesimus should be, for love “does not insist on its own way” (1 Cor 13:5). Be that as it may, Paul wrote trusting that his letter would affect reconciliation between Onesimus and Philemon. In writing he could well have been thinking, “For the love of Christ controls us, having concluded this, that one died for all, therefore all died; and he died for all, that those who live might live no longer for themselves but for the one who died and was raised for them” (2 Cor 5:14-15). [Martin Luther on Philemon]

Notes 1. For the relevant primary texts and comments thereon, see J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon (1875; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995) 317. Markus Barth and Helmut Blanke (The Letter to Philemon [ECC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000] 203–205) as well as Joseph A. Fitzmyer (The Letter to Philemon [AB 34C; New York: Doubleday, 2000] 8) also consider in some detail the late fourth- and early fifth-century criticism of Philemon within the church. 2. Lightfoot, Colossians and Philemon, 319. 3. John M. G. Barclay, Colossians and Philemon (NTG; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997) 97. 4. Representative bibliography may be found in Todd D. Still, “Philemon among the Letters of Paul: Theological and Canonical Considerations,” ResQ 47 (2005): 133–42. 5. Carolyn Osiek, Philippians, Philemon (ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 125. 6. In addition to those late fourth- and early fifth-century AD critics of the letter of whom we learn through Jerome, Chrysostom, and Theodore of Mopsuestia, F. C. Baur, along with a few other lesser known German and Dutch scholars living and writing in the nineteenth century, regarded Philemon as spurious. See F. C. Baur, Paul the Apostle

Philemon of Jesus Christ: His Life and Works, His Epistles and Teachings (1845; 2 vols. in 1; repr., Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2003) 2:80–84. 7. R. McL. Wilson (Colossians and Philemon [ICC; London/New York: T&T Clark International, 2005] 317) maintains that allusions to Philemon are absent in the Apostolic Fathers. This absence, he contends, “is easily accounted for: nobody had any occasion to mention it.” 8. See James D. G. Dunn, The Epistles to Colossians and to Philemon (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996) 299–300. Cf. David Daube, “Onesimus,” HTR 79 (1986): 40–43 (on 40). 9. Fuller discussions of the date and place of writing along with academic advocates of the various views may be found in, e.g., Barth and Blanke, Philemon, 121–28; Fitzmyer, Philemon, 9–11; and John G. Nordling, Philemon (Concordia Commentary; St. Louis: Concordia, 2004) 5–8. 10. Dunn, Colossians and Philemon, 308. Cf. Fitzmyer, Philemon, 11. Marianne Meye Thompson (Colossians and Philemon [THNTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005] 198) suggests, “In the end the issue is likely insoluble.” 11. Although the conventional interpretation of Philemon is sometimes traced to John Chrysostom, Margaret M. Mitchell (“John Chrysostom on Philemon: A Second Look,” HTR 88 [1995]: 135–48) has demonstrated that other ancient interpreters roughly contemporaneous with Chrysostom held to similar views of the letter. 12. See, e.g., John G. Nordling, “Onesimus Fugitivus: A Defense of the Runaway Slave Hypothesis in Philemon,” JSNT 41 (1991): 97–119. Cf. David E. Garland, Colossians/Philemon (NIVAC; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998) 300. 13. John Knox, Philemon among the Letters of Paul (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935; rev. ed.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1959). Subsequent references are to the revised edition of the volume. 14. Knox, Philemon, 17. 15. See esp. Sara B. C. Winter, “Paul’s Letter to Philemon,” NTS (1987): 1–15. 16. Peter Arzt-Grabner, “The Case of Onesimos: An Interpretation of Paul’s Letter to Philemon Based on Documentary Papyri and Ostraca,” Annali di storia dell’esegesi 18 (2001): 589–614 (on 605). 17. Peter Lampe, “Keine ‘Sklavenflucht’ des Onesimus,” ZNW 76 (1985): 135–37. 18. See, e.g., Brian M. Rapske, “The Prisoner Paul in the Eyes of Onesimus,” NTS 37 (1991): 187–203; Dunn, Colossians and Philemon, 304–306; and J. Albert Harrill, “Using the Roman Jurists to Interpret Philemon,” ZNW 90 (1999): 135–38. 19. See, e.g., Allen Dwight Callahan, Embassy of Onesimus: The Letter of Paul to Philemon (Valley Forge PN: Trinity Press International, 1997). 20. See esp. Peter Arzt-Grabner, “Onesimus erro,” ZNW 95 (2004): 131–43; and Philemon (PKNT; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003). 21. Cf. Brooks W. R. Pearson, “Assumptions in the Criticism and Translation of Philemon,” in Translating the Bible: Problems and Prospects (ed. Stanley E. Porter and Richard S. Hess; JSNTSup 173; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 253–80. 22. Noted esp. by John M. G. Barclay, “Paul, Philemon and the Dilemma of Christian Slave-Ownership,” NTS 37 (1991): 161–86; and Craig S. de Vos, “Once a Slave, Always a Slave? Slavery, Manumission and Relational Patterns in Paul’s Letter to Philemon,” JSNT 82 (2001): 89–105.

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Philemon 23. Nicholas H. Taylor (“Onesimus: A Case Study of Slave Conversion in Early Christianity,” R&T 3 [1996]: 259–81 [on 271]) observes that Onesimus could assist Paul without being manumitted. 24. John Paul Heil (“The Chiastic Structure and Meaning of Paul’s Letter to Philemon,” Bib 82 [2001]: 178–206 [on 206]) proposes a chiastic structure for the letter that also reveals, Heil claims, Paul’s purpose for writing to Philemon, namely, “to [urge Philemon to] give his former slave Onesimus back to Paul as a beloved brother and fellow worker for the gospel of Jesus Christ. . . .” 25. See further the sage comments by Wilson, Colossians and Philemon, 327. 26. For a learned introduction, replete with relevant bibliography and with special reference to Paul, see J. Albert Harrill, “Paul and Slavery,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 2003) 575–607. 27. Cain Hope Felder, “The Letter to Philemon” (12 vols.; NIB; Nashville: Abingdon, 2000) 11:881–905 (on 885). Cf. Peter T. O’Brien, Colossians, Philemon (WBC 44; Waco TX: Word, 1982) 298: “It is quite clear that in this letter Paul is not really dealing with the question of slavery as such or the resolution of a particular instance of slavery.” Jennifer A. Glancy (Slavery in Early Christianity [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002] 92) contends, “[Paul] was writing about a particular situation, in which he was personally embroiled. . . . He was not giving advice to all slaves or to all slaveholders nor commending a course of action to be followed by other slaveholders with runaway slaves.” 28. J. Albert Harrill, “Paul and Slavery,” 585. 29. Taken aback by this expression, a few scribes altered the wording of v. 1 to mirror the more familiar “apostle of Christ Jesus” or “slave of Christ Jesus.” Regarding where and when Paul might have been imprisoned when writing to Philemon, see the introduction above. 30. So, e.g., Andrew Wilson, “The Pragmatics of Politeness and Pauline Epistolography: A Case Study of the Letter to Philemon,” JSNT 48 (1992): 107–19, on 113–14, and Dunn, Colossians and Philemon, 311. Cf. Lightfoot (Colossians and Philemon, 333) who asks, “How could Philemon resist an appeal which was penned within prison walls and by a manacled hand?” Contrast Fitzmyer (Philemon, 84): “Paul does not mention his imprisonment in order to stir up mercy toward either himself or Onesimus . . . .” 31. On the appellation “prisoner of Christ Jesus” (desmios Christou I∑sou), see esp. Craig S. Wansink, Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonment (JSNTSup 103; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 147–74, and Richard J. Cassidy, Paul in Chains: Roman Imprisonment and the Letters of St. Paul (New York: Crossroad, 2001). 32. Acts indicates that Paul was a Roman citizen (16:38; 22:25-29). Roman citizens were kept in liberal detention (custodia libera) while awaiting trial. See further Brian M. Rapske, The Book of Acts and Paul in Roman Custody (The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting 3; Carlisle: Paternoster; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994). 33. See further E. E. Ellis, “Paul and His Co-workers,” in Prophecy and Hermeneutic in Early Christianity (WUNT 18; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1978) 3–22, esp. 13–17. 34. It is possible, though not provable, that the use of familial metaphors to depict relations among Christ followers originated with Jesus himself (see, e.g., Mark

Philemon 3:31-35). For a thorough treatment of this idiom in Paul, see Reidar Aasgaard, ‘My Beloved Brothers and Sisters!’ Christian Siblingship in Paul (ECC/JSNTSup 265; London/New York: T&T Clark, 2004). With special respect to Philemon, note Chris Frilingos, “‘For My Child, Onesimus’: Paul and Domestic Power in Philemon,” JBL 119 (2000): 91–104. 35. So Knox, Philemon, 57–70, who is followed by Winter, “Paul’s Letter to Philemon.” Knox posits that Philemon, the overseer of churches in the Lycus River Valley, was meant to deliver the letter to Archippus, the master of Onesimus, in Colossae. Additionally, he equates “the letter from Laodicea,” of which Colossians 4:16 speaks, with the letter we know as Philemon. While ingenious and not beyond the realm of possibility, the vast majority of scholars have regarded Knox’s innovative proposal as unnecessarily complex and have rejected his hypothesis. So, e.g., N. T. Wright, Colossians and Philemon (TNTC 12; Leicester: InterVarsity; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986) 164–66. 36. An exception is Wolfgang Schenk (“Der Brief des Paulus an Philemon in der neueren Forschung (1945–87),” ANRW 2.25.4 [1987]: 3439–95 [on 3482–83]), who contends that Philemon lived in Pergamon. 37. See, e.g., Rom 16:5, 8, 9, 12; 1 Cor 4:17; Eph 6:21; Col 1:7; 4:7, 9, 14; 2 Tim 1:2. 38. See, e.g., Rom 1:7; 12:19; 1 Cor 4:14; 10:14; 15:58; 2 Cor 7:1; 12:19; Phil 2:12; 4:1; 1 Thess 2:8. 39. So O’Brien, Colossians, Philemon, 268, 273. J. D. M. Derrett has set forth an interesting, though to my mind unconvincing, thesis. He contends that Paul’s letter to Philemon “was directed in reality to pagan scrutineers of his church, and also equally curious synagogue leaders.” See Derrett’s “The Functions of Philemon,” ZNW 79 (1988): 63–91. (The above quotation appears on 65.) 40. E.g., Eduard Lohse, Colossians and Philemon (trans. William R. Poehlmann and Robert J. Karris; Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971) 190. 41. See further Wendy Cotter, “Women’s Authority Roles in Paul’s Churches: Countercultural or Conventional?” NovT 36 (1994): 350–72, esp. 351. 42. E.g., Marvin R. Vincent, The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897) 176. 43. For the provocative thesis that Pauline churches consisted entirely of non-elite individuals, see Justin J. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty and Survival (Studies of the New Testament and Its World; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998). Contrast Wayne A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1983) esp. 51–73. See now also Bruce W. Longenecker, “SocioEconomic Profiling of the First Urban Christians,” in After the First Urban Christians: The Social-Scientific Study of Pauline Christianity Twenty-Five Years Later (ed. Todd D. Still and David G. Horrell; New York/ London: T&T Clark, 2009) 36–59. 44. So Fitzmyer, Philemon, 90. 45. See further Marion L. Soards, “Some Neglected Theological Dimensions of Paul’s Letter to Philemon,” PRS (1990): 209–19. 46. Also noted by Nigel Watson, “Paul, Philemon and Onesimus: Feeling One’s Way into a Bible Story,” Pacifica 12 (1999): 333–40. 47. Note Rom 1:8-15; 1 Cor 1:4-9; Phil 1:3-10; Col 1:3-8; 1 Thess 1:2-10; 2 Thess 1:3-12; 2 Tim 1:3-7.

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Philemon 48. See further Terence Y. Mullins, “The Thanksgivings of Philemon and Colossians,” NTS 30 (1984): 288–93, and F. Forrester Church, “Rhetorical Structure and Design in Paul’s Letter to Philemon,” HTR 71 (1978): 17–33 (esp. 21–24). 49. For a more detailed discussion of v. 5, see Barth and Blanke, Philemon, 271–79. Note also Dunn, Colossians and Philemon, 317. 50. Fitzmyer, Philemon, 96. 51. On Philemon 6, see esp. Harold Riesenfeld, “Faith and Love Promoting Hope: An Interpretation of Philemon v. 6,” in Paul and Paulinism: Essays in Honour of C. K. Barrett (London: SPCK, 1982) 251–57; and N. T. Wright, “CRISTOS as ‘Messiah’ in Paul: Philemon 6,” in The Climax of the Covenant: Christ and the Law in Pauline Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993) 41–55. 52. “Refresh the heart” appears four times in Paul’s writings, twice in Philemon (Phlm 7, 20; see also 1 Cor 16:18; 2 Cor 7:13). In his study of this phrase, which may have been coined by Paul, Andrew D. Clarke (“‘Refresh the Hearts of the Saints’: A Unique Pauline Context?” TynBul 47 [1996]: 277–300 [on 277]) concludes that it connotes “positive Christian action which is highly commended by the apostle and could cross traditional social [particularly economic] barriers.” 53. Linguistically, Paul signals this shift by employing the inferential conjunction “therefore” or “accordingly” (dio). 54. On “frank speech” in Paul, see J. Paul Sampley, “Paul and Frank Speech,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World, 293–318. 55. Ernest Best (“Paul’s Apostolic Authority—?” JSNT 27 [1986]: 3–25) has sought to disassociate Paul’s apostleship on the one hand from his exercise of authority of the other hand. Best argues that Paul regarded his understanding of the gospel, not his apostleship, as the ground for asserting authority. 56. The term an∑kein appears only three times in the Pauline letter corpus (Phlm 8, Col 3:18, and Eph 5:4). In each instance the word connotes that which is “appropriate, right, or fitting.” 57. George B. Caird (Paul’s Letters from Prison [New Clarendon Bible; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976] 221) aptly states, “Philemon is to be guided in doing the right thing by love alone, and love may be invited, but not compelled.” 58. For a scholarly study of this term written in German, see C. J. Bjerkelund, Form, Funktion und Sinn der parakalô-Sätze in den paulinischen Briefen (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1967). 59. See further Garland, Colossians and Philemon, 329. Ronald F. Hock (“A Support for His Old Age: Paul’s Plea on Behalf of Onesimus,” in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks [Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995] 67–81) maintains that Paul characterizes himself as an old man, prisoner, and father in Phlm 9-10 not only in an attempt to persuade Philemon to receive Onesimus as he would Paul but also in an effort to prompt Philemon to allow Onesimus to return to serve his aged “father” in his imprisoned state. 60. Although it seems likely that Philemon would have already known of Onesimus’s return, the Greek word order of v. 10 allows for a certain degree of suspense as Paul does not drop Onesimus’s name until the very end of this verse. For scholarly suggestions regarding how Onesimus came into contact with Paul in his imprisonment, see the introduction.

Philemon 61. For maternal imagery in Paul, see Beverly Roberts Gaventa, Our Mother Saint Paul (Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox, 2007). 62. On Onesimus’s conversion, see esp. Taylor, “Onesimus” and Daube, “Onesimos.” 63. This NT and Pauline polarity is most fully treated by P. Tachau, “Einst” und “Jetzt” im Neuen Testament: Beobachtungen zu einem urchistlichen Predigtschema in der neutestamentlichen Briefliteratur und zu seiner Vorgeschichte (FRLANT 105; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972). 64. Paul does not indicate how Onesimus proved himself useless to Philemon. Lightfoot demonstrates that Onesimus was a common name among slaves. Additionally, he cites ancient texts indicating that Phrygian slaves like Onesimus were notorious for their lack of dependability and fidelity (Colossians and Philemon, 310–12). 65. For additional examples of the “useful/useless” contrast in extrabiblical texts, see O’Brien, Colossians and Philemon, 291–92, and Lohse, Colossians and Philemon, 200 n. 35. 66. A “double pun” reading of v. 11 is embraced by Lohse (Colossians and Philemon, 200–201) and Garland (Colossians and Philemon, 330), is entertained by Wright (Colossians and Philemon, 182) and Dunn (Colossians and Philemon, 329), and is rejected by Lightfoot (Colossians and Philemon, 340) and Fitzmyer (Philemon, 109). 67. The relative pronoun hon, which agrees with Onesimus (v. 10) in case, gender, and number (i.e. accusative, masculine, singular), signals as much. Even as v. 11 commences with the accusative, masculine, singular definite article (ton), v. 12 begins with hon. Paul also employs the third person personal pronoun auton (once again accusative, masculine, singular) with reference to Onesimus in v. 12. The second person personal pronoun su refers, of course, to Philemon. It is interesting to note that for whatever reason(s), Paul refers to Philemon (v. 1) and Onesimus (v. 10) by name only one time each in the entire letter. In indicating that he is sending Onesimus back to Philemon, Paul employs what is known as an epistolary aorist (anepempsa). That is to say, he speaks of what he is doing from the perspective of Philemon. Although he is in the process of sending Onesimus back (present tense), Paul writes as if such had already occurred (epistolary aorist). Translators rightly render the verb from Paul’s chronological perspective. 68. Lohse (Colossians and Philemon, 201) maintains that he was bound by Roman law to do so (but see Deut 3:15-16!). Judith M. Ryan (“Philemon,” in Philippians and Philemon [SP 10; Collegeville MN: Liturgical Press, 2005] 236) suggests that love was the reason. Fitzmyer, who rightly recognizes the difficulties inherent to such speculation, writes, “In sending Onesimus back to Philemon, Paul was taking a risk, as was Onesimus too. . . . Onesimus was probably willing to take this risk in order to show that he was indeed euchr∑stos, as Paul was saying” (Philemon, 110). 69. The word splanchna (lit., “guts”) appears in vv. 7, 12, and 20. It is highly unlikely that the repetition of this term is coincidental. 70. See, e.g., 1 Cor 4:14-16; 2 Cor 2:4; 7:3; 11:14-15; Gal 4:19; Phil 1:7-8; 4:1; 1 Thess 2:8, 20; 3:9. 71. In order to underscore his desire and intention to keep Onesimus with him, Paul employs the imperfect tense of the verb boulesthai. The imperfect tense in Greek may indicate, as it does here, something that was (continually) desired in the past. Greek grammarians label this use of the imperfect a “conative imperfect.”

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Philemon 72. Whatever the reasons for and the circumstances of Paul’s captivity, he viewed himself as Christ Jesus’ prisoner and in the gospel’s chains (vv. 1, 9, 13). 73. In Col 4:9 Onesimus is described as a “faithful and beloved brother.” There is no evidence to suggest that Paul regarded Onesimus as his slave. 74. On Paul’s spiritualization of slavery, see Dale B. Martin, Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1990); and John Byron, Slavery Metaphors in Early Judaism and Christianity: A Traditio-historical and Exegetical Examination (WUNT 162; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003). 75. Whereas Paul employs an imperfect verb in v. 13 (eboulom∑n) to suggest ongoing desiring and planning, he uses an aorist verb in v. 14 (∑thel∑sa) to indicate that he had arrived at a decision. 76. Fitzmyer (Philemon, 112) observes, “Paul touches here on a delicate human problem: that the good that humans do must come from them spontaneously and of their own free will, and not because of any necessity or constraint. That is the essence of being human.” 77. J. Albert Harrill (Slaves in the New Testament: Literary, Social, and Moral Dimensions [Minneapolis: Fortress, 2006] 16) maintains that although Paul respected Philemon’s opinion, he regarded Onesimus’s wishes to be insignificant. Harrill writes, “The idea that Onesimus wanted any other life than working for Paul seems an unthinkable proposition in the letter.” According to Harrill, Paul’s failure to record Onesimus’s desires in writing to Philemon demonstrates “Paul’s participation and deep implication in ancient slavery.” Additionally, Harrill contends that the affective language that Paul uses with respect to Onesimus is formulaic, sheer cliché. In fact, Harrill holds that Paul “treats Onesimus instrumentally, as a ‘thing’ to be transferred, owned, and used.” To suggest that Paul is disingenuous when depicting Onesimus as his splagchna and as a “beloved brother” is, it seems to me, to be critical and suspicious in the extreme. Moreover, to maintain that Paul viewed Onesimus’s desires as inconsequential as a result of his failure to mention them explicitly in the letter amounts to an argumentum e silentio. For the suggestion that Onesimus’s wishes may be inferred in v. 13, see Dunn, Colossians and Philemon, 30, 306. Cf. Fitzmyer, Philemon, 110. Note now also Tobias Nicklas, “The Letter to Philemon: A Discussion with J. Albert Harrill,” in Paul’s World (Pauline Studies 4; Leiden: Brill, 2008) 200–20. 78. Lohse (Colossians and Philemon, 202) suggests that “love is resourceful enough to find the right way in accomplishing the good. . . . Love can only express itself concretely on the basis of a decision that is freely arrived at.” 79. Verse 15 commences with the adverb tacha (“perhaps”). Thereafter, Paul employs the aorist passive verb echøristh∑ (“he was separated”) to refer to Onesimus’s departure from Philemon. I, along with many other commentators, consider echøristh∑ to be a theological or divine passive, that is, an understated way to convey God’s providential involvement. See, e.g., Murray J. Harris, Colossians and Philemon (Exegetical Guide to the Greek New Testament; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991) 265. As it happens, the passive verb also lessens Onesimus’s culpability. 80. Clarice J. Martin (“The Rhetorical Function of Commercial Language in Paul’s Letter to Philemon (Verse 18),” in Persuasive Artistry: Studies in New Testament Rhetoric in Honor of George A. Kennedy [ed. Duane F. Watson; JSNTSup 50; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991] 321–37 [on 336]) suggests, “Paul’s stated readiness to share his economic resources shows the boundless character of his concern for Philemon. The

Philemon commercial allusions function . . . as a quintessential illustration of the fact that Paul would utilize all resources at his disposal to prevent possible economic barriers, or any hindrances from forestalling the full granting of his request.” 81. Whereas Lightfoot (Colossians and Philemon, 344) thinks Paul wrote the entire letter, I would concur with Jeffrey A. D. Weima (Neglected Endings: The Significance of Pauline Letter Closings [JSNTSup 101; Sheffield: JSOT, 1994] 230–36), who contends that Paul commences to write even as he begins to conclude the letter. For other Pauline autographs, see 1 Cor 16:21; Gal 6:11; Col 4:18; 2 Thess 3:17. 82. Having employed “you” singular since v. 4, Paul returns to “you” plural in v. 22b (cf. v. 3). In v. 22b, he also utilizes another “divine passive” (charisth∑somai, “to be granted or given”; cf. v. 15). 83. See Acts 12:12, 25; 13:13; 15:37-39; Col 4:10; 2 Tim 4:11; 1 Pet 5:13; Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.39. 84. Note Col 4:14; 2 Tim 4:11; Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.4.1-7; 3.24.14-15; 5.8.3; 6.25.6. 85. For an imagined, continued conversation via letter between Philemon and Paul, see Stephen Barton, “Paul and Philemon: A Correspondence Continued,” Theology 90 (1987): 97–101. 86. So Fitzmyer, Philemon, 24. 87. I. H. Marshall (“The Theology of Philemon,” in The Theology of the Shorter Pauline Letters [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993] 177–91 [on 188]) maintains, “The fact that the letter has been preserved indicates that Philemon responded favourably to it. There was at least reconciliation between Philemon and Onesimus.” So similarly, Barth and Blanke, Philemon, 201. 88. See esp. Knox, Philemon, 103. 89. So, e.g., John W. Martens, “Ignatius and Onesimus: John Knox Reconsidered,” SecCent 9 (1992): 73–86. 90. Suggested by Barclay, Colossians and Philemon, 118–19. 91. Representative remarks from these and other early commentators upon Philemon may be found in Peter Gorday, ed., Colossians, 1–2 Thessalonians, 1–2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon (gen. ed. Thomas C. Oden; Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture: New Testament 9; Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 2000) 309–18. 92. See especially the informative and insightful articles by Kevin Giles, “The Biblical Argument for Slavery: Can the Bible Mislead? A Case Study in Hermeneutics,” EvQ 66 (1994): 3–17; Wayne A. Meeks, “The ‘Haustafeln’ and American Slavery: A Hermeneutical Challenge,” in Theology and Ethics in Paul and His Interpreters (ed. Eugene H. Lovering, Jr. and Jerry L. Sumney; Nashville: Abingdon, 1996) 232–53; Sabine Bieberstein, “Disrupting the Normal Reality of Slavery: A Feminist Reading of the Letter to Philemon,” JSNT 79 (2000): 105–16; and Isak J. du Plessis, “How Christians Can Survive in a Hostile Socio-Economic Environment: Paul’s Mind concerning Difficult Social Conditions in the Letter to Philemon,” in Identity, Ethics, and Ethos in the New Testament (ed. Jan G. van der Watt; BZNW 141; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2006) 387–413. See, too, Barclay, Colossians and Philemon, 119–26; Callahan, Embassy of Onesimus, 1–19; Marshall, “Theology of Philemon,” 187–91; Barth and Blanke, Philemon, 200–21; and Harrill, Slaves in the New Testament, esp. 165–92. 93. See my “Pauline Theology and Ancient Slavery: Does the Former Support or Subvert the Latter?” Horizons in Biblical Theology 27 (2005): 21–34.

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Philemon 94. Ben Witherington, The Paul Quest: The Renewed Search for the Jew of Tarsus (Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1998) 202. 95. Wilson, Colossians and Philemon, 369. 96. Soards (“Theological Dimensions of Philemon,” 209) remarks, “Few ideas in New Testament studies produce higher levels of agreement than the notion that Paul’s letter to Philemon has little or no theological substance.” 97. See more fully, Mary Ann Getty, “The Theology of Philemon,” in SBL Seminar Papers, 1987 (ed. Kent H. Richards; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987) 503–508. 98. On Paul’s employment of familial metaphors in Philemon, see Frilingos, “Paul and Domestic Power in Philemon.” Unlike Frilingos, however, I do not think Paul’s (primary) purpose in utilizing family terminology in this letter was to increase his status and to extend his power.

Bibliography for Philemon Aasgaard, Reidar. ‘My Beloved Brothers and Sisters!’ Christian Siblingship in Paul. Early Christianity in Context/Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 265. London/New York: T&T Clark, 2004. Arzt-Grabner, Peter. “The Case of Onesimos: An Interpretation of Paul’s Letter to Philemon Based on Documentary Papyri and Ostraca.” Annali di storia dell’esegesi 18 (2001): 589–614. ———. “Onesimus erro.” Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 95 (2004): 131-43. ———. Philemon. Papyrological Commentary on the New Testament. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003. Banks, Robert. Paul’s Idea of Community. Revised edition. Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1994. Barclay, John M. G. Colossians and Philemon. New Testament Guides. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997. ———. “Paul, Philemon and the Dilemma of Christian Slave-Ownership.” New Testament Studies 37 (1991): 161–86. Barth, Markus, and Helmut Blanke. The Letter to Philemon. Eerdmans Critical Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000. Barton, Stephen. “Paul and Philemon: A Correspondence Continued.” Theology 90 (1987): 97–101. Baur, F. C. Paul the Apostle of Jesus Christ: His Life and Works, His Epistles and Teachings. 1845. 2 Vols. in 1. Reprint, Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 2003. Best, Ernest. “Paul’s Apostolic Authority—?” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 27 (1986): 3–25. Bieberstein, Sabine. “Disrupting the Normal Reality of Slavery: A Feminist Reading of the Letter to Philemon.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 79 (2000): 105–16. Birdsall, J. N. “PRESBUTHS in Philemon 9: A Study in Conjectural Emendation.” New Testament Studies 39 (1993): 625–30. Bjerkelund, C. J. Form, Funktion und Sinn der parakalô-Sätze in den paulinischen Briefen. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1967. Byron, John. Slavery Metaphors in Early Judaism and Christianity: A Traditio-historical and Exegetical Examination. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 162. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. Caird, George B. Paul’s Letters from Prison. New Clarendon Bible. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976. Callahan, Allen Dwight. Embassy of Onesimus: The Letter of Paul to Philemon. Valley Forge PN: Trinity Press International, 1997.

196

Bibliography for Philemon Calvin, John. Commentaries on the Epistles to Timothy, Titus, and Philemon. Translated by William Pringle. Grand Rapids: Christian Classics Ethereal Library, 1999. Cassidy, Richard J. Paul in Chains: Roman Imprisonment and the Letters of St. Paul. New York: Crossroad, 2001. Church, F. Forrester. “Rhetorical Structure and Design in Paul’s Letter to Philemon.” Harvard Theological Review 71 (1978): 17–33. Clarke, Andrew D. “‘Refresh the Hearts of the Saints’: A Unique Pauline Context?” Tyndale Bulletin 47 (1996): 277–300. Cotter, Wendy. “Women’s Authority Roles in Paul’s Churches: Countercultural or Conventional?” Novum Testamentum 36 (1994): 350–72. Daube, David. “Onesimus.” Harvard Theological Review 79 (1986): 40–43. Derrett, J. D. M. “The Functions of Philemon.” Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 79 (1988): 63–91. de Vos, Craig S. “Once a Slave, Always a Slave? Slavery, Manumission and Relational Patterns in Paul’s Letter to Philemon.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 82 (2001): 89–105. du Plessis, Isak J. “How Christians Can Survive in a Hostile Socio-Economic Environment: Paul’s Mind concerning Difficult Social Conditions in the Letter to Philemon.” Pages 387–413 in Identity, Ethics, and Ethos in the New Testament. Edited by Jan G. van der Watt. Beiherte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 141. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2006. Dunn, James D. G. The Epistles to Colossians and to Philemon. New International Greek Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996. Ellis, E. E. “Paul and His Co-Workers.” Pages 3–22 in Prophecy and Hermeneutic in Early Christianity. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 18. Tübingen: Mohr (Siebeck), 1978. Felder, Cain Hope. “The Letter to Philemon.” Pages 881–905 in vol. 11 of The New Interpreter’s Bible. 12 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 2000. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. The Letter to Philemon. Anchor Bible 34C. New York: Doubleday, 2000. Frilingos, Chris. “‘For My Child, Onesimus’: Paul and Domestic Power in Philemon.” Journal of Biblical Literature 119 (2000): 91–104. Garland, David E. Colossians/Philemon. New International Version Application Commentary. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998. Gaventa, Beverly Roberts. Our Mother Saint Paul. Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox, 2007. Getty, Mary Ann. “The Theology of Philemon.” Pages 503–508 in SBL Seminar Papers, 1987. Edited by Kent H. Richards. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987. Giles, Kevin. “The Biblical Argument for Slavery: Can the Bible Mislead? A Case Study in Hermeneutics.” Evangelical Quarterly 66 (1994): 3–17. Glancy. Jennifer A. Slavery in Early Christianity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Gorday, Peter, ed. Colossians, 1–2 Thessalonians, 1–2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon. General editor, Thomas C. Oden. Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture: New Testament 9. Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 2000.

Bibliography for Philemon Harrill, J. Albert. “Paul and Slavery.” Pages 575–607 in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook. Edited by J. Paul Sampley. Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 2003. ———. The Manumission of Slaves in Early Christianity. Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 32. Mohr (Siebeck): Tübingen, 1995. ———. Slaves in the New Testament: Literary, Social, and Moral Dimensions. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2006. ———. “Using the Roman Jurists to Interpret Philemon.” Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 90 (1999): 135–38. Harris, Murray J. Colossians and Philemon. Exegetical Guide to the Greek New Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991. Heil, John Paul. “The Chiastic Structure and Meaning of Paul’s Letter to Philemon.” Biblica 82 (2001): 178–206. Hock, Ronald F. “A Support for His Old Age: Paul’s Plea on Behalf of Onesimus.” Pages 67–81 in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks. Edited by L. Michael White and O. Larry Yarbrough. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995. Jewett, Robert. Paul’s Anthropological Terms: A Study of Their Use in Conflict Settings. Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 10. Leiden: Brill, 1971. Knox, John. Philemon among the Letters of Paul. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935. Revised edition. Nashville: Abingdon, 1959. Lampe, Peter. “Keine ‘Sklavenflucht’ des Onesimus,” Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche 76 (1985): 135–37. Lightfoot, J. B. St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon. 1875. Reprint, Peabody MA: Hendrickson, 1995. Lohse, Eduard. Colossians and Philemon. Translated by William R. Poehlmann and Robert J. Karris. Hermeneia. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971. Longenecker, Bruce W. “Socio-Economic Profiling of the First Urban Christians.” Pages 36–59 in After the First Urban Christians: The Social-Scientific Study of Pauline Christianity Twenty-Five Years Later. Edited by Todd D. Still and David G. Horrell. New York/London: T&T Clark, 2009. Marshall, I. H. “The Theology of Philemon.” Pages 177–91 in The Theology of the Shorter Pauline Letters. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Martens, John W. “Ignatius and Onesimus: John Knox Reconsidered.” Second Century 9 (1992): 73–86. Martin, Clarice J. “The Rhetorical Function of Commercial Language in Paul’s Letter to Philemon (Verse 18).” Pages 321–37 in Persuasive Artistry: Studies in New Testament Rhetoric in Honor of George A. Kennedy. Edited by Duane F. Watson. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 50. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991. Martin, Dale B. Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1990. Meeks, Wayne A. The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul. New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1983.

197

198

Bibliography for Philemon ———. “The ‘Haustafeln’ and American Slavery: A Hermeneutical Challenge.” Pages 232–53 in Theology and Ethics in Paul and His Interpreters. Edited by Eugene H. Lovering, Jr. and Jerry L. Sumney. Nashville: Abingdon, 1996. Meggitt, Justin J. Paul, Poverty and Survival. Studies of the New Testament and Its World. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998. Metzger, Bruce M. The Canon of the New Testament. Oxford: Clarendon, 1987. Mitchell, Margaret M. “John Chrysostom on Philemon: A Second Look.” Harvard Theological Review 88 (1995): 135–48. ———. “New Testament Envoys in the Context of Greco-Roman Diplomatic and Epistolary Conventions.” Journal of Biblical Literature 111 (1992): 641–62. Mullins, Terence Y. “The Thanksgivings of Philemon and Colossians.” New Testament Studies 30 (1984): 288–93. Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. Paul the Letter-Writer: His World, His Options, His Skills. Good New Studies 41. Collegeville MN: Liturgical, 1995. Nicklas, Tobias. “The Letter to Philemon: A Discussion with J. Albert Harrill.” Pages 200–20 in Paul’s World. Edited by Stanley E. Porter. Pauline Studies 4; Leiden: Brill, 2008. Nordling, John G. “Onesimus Fugitivus: A Defense of the Runaway Slave Hypothesis in Philemon.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 41 (1991): 97–119. ———. Philemon. Concordia Commentary. St. Louis: Concordia, 2004. O’Brien, Peter T. Colossians, Philemon. Word Biblical Commentary 44. Waco TX: Word, 1982. Osiek, Carolyn. Philippians, Philemon. Abingdon New Testmanet Commentaries. Nashville: Abingdon, 2000. Pearson, Brooks W. R. “Assumptions in the Criticism and Translation of Philemon.” Pages 253–80 in Translating the Bible: Problems and Prospects. Edited by Stanley E. Porter and Richard S. Hess. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 173. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999. Porter, Stanley E., editor. The Pauline Canon. Pauline Studies 1. Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2004. Quinn, Jerome D. “‘Seven Times He Wore Chains’ (1 Clem. 5.6).” Journal of Biblical Literature 97 (1978): 574–76. Rapske, Brian M. The Book of Acts and Paul in Roman Custody. The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting 3. Carlisle: Paternoster; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994. ———. “The Prisoner Paul in the Eyes of Onesimus.” New Testament Studies 37 (1991): 187–203. Richards, E. Randolph. Paul and First-Century Letter Writing: Secretaries, Composition and Collection. Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 2004. Riesenfeld, Harold. “Faith and Love Promoting Hope: An Interpretation of Philemon v. 6.” Pages 251–57 in Paul and Paulinism: Essays in Honour of C. K. Barrett. London: SPCK, 1982. Robbins, Gregory Allen. “Muratorian Fragment.” Anchor Bible Dictionary 4:928–29. Ryan, Judith M. “Philemon.” Pages 167–261 in Philippians and Philemon. Sacra Pagina 10. Collegeville MN: Liturgical Press, 2005.

Bibliography for Philemon Sampley, J. Paul. “Paul and Frank Speech.” Pages 293–318 in Paul in the GrecoRoman World: A Handbook. Edited by J. Paul Sampley. Harrisburg PN: Trinity Press International, 2003. Schenk, Wolfgang. “Der Brief des Paulus an Philemon in der neueren Forschung (1945–87).” Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung 2.25.4 (1987): 3439–95. Soards, Marion L. “Some Neglected Theological Dimensions of Paul’s Letter to Philemon.” Perspectives in Religious Studies (1990): 209–19. Still, Todd D. “Colossians.” Pages 264–360 in vol. 12 of The Expositor’s Bible Commentary. 13 vols. Revised edition. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2006. ———. “Pauline Theology and Ancient Slavery: Does the Former Support or Subvert the Latter?” Horizons in Biblical Theology 27 (2005): 21–34. ———. “Philemon among the Letters of Paul: Theological and Canonical Considerations.” Restoration Quarterly 47 (2005): 133–42. Tachau, P. “Einst” und “Jetzt” im Neuen Testament: Beobachtungen zu einem urchistlichen Predigtschema in der neutestamentlichen Briefliteratur und zu seiner Vorgeschichte. Forschungen zur Religion und Literature des Alten und Neuen Testaments 105. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972. Taylor, Nicholas H. “Onesimus: A Case Study of Slave Conversion in Early Christianity.” Religion and Theology 3 (1996): 259–81. Thompson, Marianne Meye. Colossians and Philemon. Two Horizons New Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005. Trobisch, David. Paul’s Letter Collection: Tracing the Origins. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994. Vincent, Marvin R. The Epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon. International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1897. Wansink, Craig S. Chained in Christ: The Experience and Rhetoric of Paul’s Imprisonment. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 103. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996. Watson, Nigel. “Paul, Philemon and Onesimus: Feeling One’s Way into a Bible Story.” Pacifica 12 (1999): 333–40. Weima, Jeffrey A. D. Neglected Endings: The Significance of Pauline Letter Closings. Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 101. Sheffield: JSOT, 1994. Wilson, Andrew. “The Pragmatics of Politeness and Pauline Epistolography: A Case Study of the Letter to Philemon.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 48 (1992): 107–19. Wilson, R. Mc.L. Colossians and Philemon. International Critical Commentary. London/New York: T&T Clark, 2005. Witherington, Ben. The Paul Quest: The Renewed Search for the Jew of Tarsus. Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1998. Wright, N. T. “CRISTOS as ‘Messiah’ in Paul: Philemon 6.” Pages 41–55 in The Climax of the Covenant: Christ and the Law in Pauline Theology. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993. ———. Colossians and Philemon. Tyndale New Testament Commentary 12. Leicester: InterVarsity; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986.

199

index of modern authors for Philippians

A

D

Aasgaard, Reider 35, 139

Dahl, Nils A. 134, 135, 140

Abrahamsen, Valerie A. 12, 18, 137, 139

Dailey, Thomas F. 58, 140 Davis, Casey Wayne 118, 140

B

de Vogel, C. J. 58, 141

Bakirtzis, Charalambos 5, 17, 18, 19, 58, 139, 140, 143

de Vos, Craig S. 17, 18, 44, 141

Barth, Karl 46, 47, 54, 59, 139

Doble, Peter 20, 119, 141

Barton, Carlin A. 62, 139

Dockx, S. 19, 141

Baur, F. C. 19, 139

Dodd, Brian J. 65, 144,

Best, Ernest 54, 139

Doughty, Darrell J. 19, 141

Bell, H. Idris 137, 139

Droge, Arthur J. 41, 141

Bird, Michael F. 118, 139

Dunn, James D. G. 31, 117, 141, 142, 146

Dickson, John P. 59, 141

Black, David Alan 92, 139 Bockmuehl, Markus 18, 19, 20, 58, 93,

E

Braxton, Brad R. 59, 139

Edwards, Mark J. 69, 141

Brewer, R. R. 58, 139

Ellis, E. Earle viii, xiii, 57, 93, 141, 143

Bruce, F. F. 54, 59, 94, 95, 140

Engberg-Pedersen, Troels 20, 92, 141

C Callahan, Allen Dwight 11, 19, 140

F

Capper, Brian J. 136, 140

Fee, Gordon D. 19, 20, 55, 56, 58, 93, 95, 116, 117, 118, 135, 136, 137, 141

Cassidy, Richard J. 57, 59, 140

Fiore, Benjamin 118, 141

Cohen, Shaye J. D. 82, 102, 140

Fitzgerald, John T. 92, 136, 137, 141, 144

Collange, Jean-François 19, 55, 140

Fitzmyer, Joseph A. 18, 93, 141

Cotter, Wendy 119, 135, 140

Fortna, Robert T. 17, 94, 141, 144

Cousar, Charles B. 20, 58, 93, 95, 116, 117, 118, 135, 140

Fowl, Stephen E. 92-93, 136, 142 Fredrickson, David E. 119, 142

Craddock, Fred B. 57, 94, 140 Croy, N. Clayton 41, 57, 58, 140 Culpepper, R. Alan xiii, 96, 140

G Garland, David E. xiii, 19, 20, 55, 56, 57, 58, 118, 134, 135, 137, 142 Gaventa, Beverly Roberts 17, 18, 94, 141, 142

202

Index of Modern Authors for Philippians

Geoffrion, Timothy C. 58, 59, 142

M

Gorman, Michael J. 93, 142

Malina, Bruce J. 54, 82, 144

Gundry, Robert H. 93, 142

Marshall, I. Howard 55, 144

Gupta, Nijay K. 41, 59, 142

Martin, Dale B. 54, 144

H Haacker, Klaus 117, 142 Hansen, G. Walter 58, 95, 142 Hawthorne, Gerald F. 19, 55, 59, 65, 93, 118, 136, 144 Hays, Richard B. 35, 96, 118, 142 Hellerman, Joseph H. 59, 62, 93, 95, 142 Hendrix, Holland L. 18 Hengel, Martin 70, 71, 94, 142 Hock, Ronald F. 20, 117, 137, 142 Holloway, Paul A. 30, 55, 56, 57, 59, 96, 116, 135, 142 Holsten, C. 135 Hooker, Morna D. 20, 50, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 66, 93, 94, 95, 116, 117, 118, 134, 135, 136, 137, 143

Martin, Ralph P. 55, 59, 65, 92, 93, 118, 136, 144 Martyn, J. Louis 17, 141, 144 Matlock, R. Barry 118, 144 Meeks, Wayne A. 20, 56, 94, 134, 137, 140, 144 Metzger, Bruce M. 18, 57, 144 Meyer, Ben E. 40, 144 Miller, Ernest C. 58, 144 Minear, Paul S. 94, 144 Mitchell, Margaret M. 96, 144 Moiser, Jeremy 118, 144 Moule, C. F. D. 94, 144 Moule, H. C. G. 17, 94, 144 Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome 119, 145

N

Hoover, Roy W. 94, 143

Niebuhr, H. Richard 96, 145

Horrell, David G. 19, 92, 143

Nongbri, Brent 56, 145

Horsley, Richard A. 95, 143 Hurtado, Larry W. 117, 143

O O’Brien, Peter T. 20, 57, 59, 95, 117, 145

J

Oakes, Peter 17, 18, 28, 44, 95, 112, 145

Jefford, Clayton N. 18, 143

Osiek, Carolyn 55, 94, 95, 135, 145

Jewett, Robert 55, 143

Oster, Richard E. 19, 145

K

P

Karris, Robert J. 93, 143

Palmer, D. W. 57, 145

Käsemann, Ernst 16, 20, 92, 143

Pehkonen, Nina 145

Kittredge, Cynthia Briggs 18, 143

Peterlin, Davorin 18, 54, 134, 145

Koester, Helmut 5, 11, 17, 18, 19, 58, 94, 139, 140, 143

Peterman, G. W. 136, 145

Koukouli-Chrysantaki, Chaido 17, 18, 143

Polhill, John B. 118, 145

Krentz, Edgar M. 58, 96, 143

Portefaix, Lillian 137, 145

L

Peterson, Brian K. 78, 145

R

Lendon, Jon E. 62, 143

Reeves, Rodney R. 41, 145

Lewis, C. S. 90, 91, 143

Reumann, John H. P. 19, 27, 95, 96, 112, 116, 118, 125, 135, 136, 145

Lightfoot, J. B. 3, 17, 18, 35, 55, 56, 57, 94, 95, 135, 137, 144 Longenecker, Richard N. vi, 31, 40, 144

Riesner, Rainer 17, 145 Robbins, C. J. 93, 145 Roberts, C. H. 137, 139 Rosner, Brian S. 96, 141

Index of Modern Authors for Philippians

S Schlueter, Carol J. 59, 146 Sechrest, Love L. 116, 146 Segal, Alan F. 117, 146 Silva, Moisés 19, 57, 118, 146 Skeat, T. C. 54–55, 146 Sprinkle, Preston M. 118, 139 Standhartinger, Angela 93, 146 Stanton, Graham N. 31, 146 Stendahl, Krister 117, 146 Still, Todd D. 17, 18, 96, 117, 118, 136, 137, 146 Sumney, Jerry L. 40, 56, 58, 146

T Tajra, Harry W. 57, 146 Talbert, Charles H. 93, 146 Tellbe, Mikael 44, 116, 146 Thomson, Ian H. 37, 146 Thurston, Bonnie B. 30, 59, 94, 147

V Vincent, Marvin R. 35, 55, 94, 95, 103, 122, 135, 147

W Wallis, Ian G. 96, 147 Wansink, Craig S. 58, 59, 147 Ware, James P. 41, 77, 100, 118, 147 Watson, Duane F. 58, 101, 147 Wengst, Klaus 28, 147 Williams, Demetrius K. 119, 147 Wright, N. T. 31, 94, 147

203

index of sidebars AND ILLUSTRATIONS for Philippians

Text Sidebars Adam and Christ in Philippians 2:6-11? 70

On the Interpretation of “Bishops and Deacons”

Illustrations 27

Acts Locales

65

Ara Pacis of Emperor Augustus, The 28

8

Boast/Boasting in Paul

101

On the Interpretation of Philippians 2:6-11

Circumcision

102

Outline of 1:12-18a

34

Augustus

Outline of 1:18b-26

37

Christ on the Cross (Delacroix)

90

Outline of 1:27-30

42

C. S. Lewis on Faith and Work 91

Outline of 1:3-11

29

Conversion of Saint Paul, The (Caravaggio)

106

“Day of Jesus Christ, The”

Outline of 2:1-11

61

C. S. Lewis

Did Paul Contemplate Suicide? 41

Outline of 2:12-18

73

Death of Caesar (Carmuccini)

Did Paul Expect His Converts to Evangelize?

Outline of 2:19-30

80

Outline of 3:17–4:1

109

Inscription on the Mosaic Floor of the “Basilica of Paul” 12

Crucifixion: Punishment for Slaves

71 31

78

Did Paul’s View of the Resurrection Undergo Development?

40

“Fictive Kinship Language” in Philippians

Outline of 3:2-6

98

Karl Barth

Outline of 3:7-16

105

Kavala

Outline of 4:10-20

124

35

Outline of 4:2-9

121

Martin Luther (Cranach the Elder)

Futility of Ministry, The?

79

Outline of 4:21-23

129

Gospel in Philippians

31

Panoramic Photograph of the Archeological Remains of Ancient Philippi

How Many Letters Did Paul Write to the Philippians?

98

Inscription on the Mosaic Floor of the “Basilica of Paul” 12 John Chrysostom’s Comments on “Slaves of Christ Jesus” Josephus on the Pharisees

25 104

35

Soldiers and Roman Officers of the Praetorian Guard

30

“Thank You,” I Think

Karl Barth

47

Timothy: An Invaluable Pauline Coworker Translating to loipon

Martin Luther’s “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God”

52

Tribe of Benjamin, The

Obsessed with Honor

62

Vulnerable Apostle, A

69

What Prompted Paul to Persecute the Church?

On the Doctrine of the Incarnation On the Identity of syzygos

122

9

Praetorium, The

37 125 82 97 103 85 104

52

Priestess of Delphi (Collier)

44

Structure of 1:15-17, The

4

4

Philippians’ Opponents, The

112

47

8

Second Triumvirate, The

“Savior” (søt∑r)

6

Pictures from Philippi

28

Pax Romana

91

Obverse of a Philippeioi, The

Saint Paul in the Prison (van Rijn)

Joyful Epistle, A

“Light Shining out of Darkness” 49

5

7

85 6 35

St. Paul’s Prison

9

Via Egnatia

5

index of scriptures for Philippians

5:2-11

1:26-27

70

3:1-24

70

8:21

128

JOB

17

102

13:16

34

102

MATTHEW

JEREMIAH

JOSHUA

GENESIS

102

46:10

31

EZEKIEL 38

89

5:14-16

77

5:16

92

13:5

31

6:25-34

123

30:3

31

7:15

99

11:29

89

20:25-28

26

PSALMS EXODUS

5:5

31

39

DANIEL

4:24-26

102

34

123

12:1

122

22:35-40

90

12:43-49

102

34:1

122

12:3

77

22:37-40

49

14:10

76

34:18

122

23:8-12

28

15:24

76

50:10

128

JOEL

26:6-13

92

16:2

76

69:28

122

1:15

31

26:37

84

17:2

76

73:28

123

2:1, 11

31

27:27

35

29:18

128

78:15-31

76

3:14

31

32:32

122

92:7, 9

99

33:19

85

94:4, 16

99

AMOS

145:18

123

5:20

MARK 31

LEVITICUS 21:20

100

OBADIAH

PROVERBS 8:22-31

68

1:15

31

NUMBERS HABBAKUK

11:1, 4

76

ISAIAH

14:1

76

13:6, 9

31

16:41

76

26:3

132

20:3

76

42:1-4

70

ZEPHANIAH

21:4

76

45:23

72

1:7, 14

2:13

49:1-6

70

DEUTERONOMY

49:4

79

WISDOM

23:1

99

50:4-11

70

7:22-26

27:26

70

52:13–53:12 70 56:7

128

79

31

68

SIRACH 24:1-17

68

7:27

99

8:34

46

10:42-45

26

10:45

46, 89

12:28-34

90

12:28-31

49

14:3-9

92

14:33

84

15:16

35

LUKE 1:59

102

2:21

102

7:36-50

92

10:20

122

10:25-28

49, 90

12:13-21

128

208

Index of Scriptures for Philippians

17:11-19

133

22:34

103

8:17

45

15:8

27

22:24-27

26

23:1

42

8:19-21

39

15:14-21

40

23:6

103

8:28

45, 80

15:15

85

23:33–27:2

14

8:35-39

33

15:16

84

103

23:35

35

9:1-5

53

15:22-23

15

12:1-8

92

26:5

103

9:1

33

15:23

33

15:5

126

28:16-22, 30 14

9:2

86, 110

15:24

80

18:28

35

9:6

77

15:25-27

10

18:36-38

112

ROMANS

9:15, 18

85

15:30

29

19:9

35

1:1

26

9:22

44

15:33

124

20:28

72

1:3

69

10:1

37

16:1-16

9

20:31

13

1:9

33, 101

10:2

104

16:1-2

122

1:11

33

10:4

114

16:1

27

JOHN 3:1

1:16

48

10:8

123

16:2

86

5:34

103

1:18

53

10:8, 17

77

16:3

122

5:39

44

1:18, 28

77

10:9

72, 74

16:5

8

6:1-6

28

1:21-23

132

11:1

102, 103

16:6, 12

131

16

8

1:21

47

11:5-6

47

16:7

122, 131

16:1-12

82

1:29

37

11:25-36

53

16:15

131

16:1-3

82

2:4

129

11:28

111

16:17-18

111

16:9-10

7

2:5

31

11:30, 31, 32 85

16:22

25

16:11-40

7

2:16

31

11:33

128

16:23

15

16:11-12

7

2:25-29

100

12:1-2

128

16:27

129

16:12

6

3:23

47

12:11

82

16:13

6

3:8

115

12:12

29

1 CORINTHIANS

16:14

8

3:21-26

69

12:14-21

53

1:2, 5, 10-13 26

16:14, 40

131

4:17

112

12:15

86

1:8

31

16:15

8

5:1

53, 123

12:16

62, 89

1:10

48

16:19-40

44

5:2-5

30

13:1-7

52

1:11

16:19-39

127

5:2, 21

47

13:10

47

9, 37, 131

5:5

47

13:11

74, 122

1:17

48, 50

31

1:21

72 70

ACTS

16:21, 35-39 72 16:22-24

45

5:8

33

13:12, 13

16:25-34

9

5:9

53

13:13

37

1:23

16:35–17:1

9

5:12-21

69

14:4

51

1:30

69, 107 101

18:1-17

10

5:19

70

14:7-8

40

1:31

18:1-3

134

6:1-11

108

14:9

107

2:2

50

47

2:9

109 89 37, 48

18:1

127

6:6, 8, 11

39

14:15

19:1-41

15

6:14

47

14:17

30

2:16

19:21-22

10

6:16-18

28

15:1-3, 7

64

3:3

90

3:5-9

40 27

20:1-6

10

8:1-17

101

15:2-3

20:19

89

8:1-8

116

15:3

90

3:5

20:28

27

8:3

69

15:4

76

3:6-8

50 31

20:29

99

8:9-17

108

15:5-6

48

3:13

21:20

104

8:10-11

39

15:5

62

3:15

122

89

4:4

51

22:3

104

8:16

76

15:7

Index of Scriptures for Philippians

209

4:7

129

13:13

37

5:8

41

11:31

33

4:8

115

13:13

47

5:9

39, 128

12:6-10

32

4:14-17

124

13:4-7

124

5:10

39, 51

12:7b-10

126

4:14-15

48

13:8-10

115

5:14-15

108

12:20

37

4:16

110

13:8-13

109

5:14

47

12:21

70

4:17

81, 82

14:20-25

78

5:14, 18-19

33

13:7, 9

33

4:19

80

14:33b-36

130

5:16

101

13:11

62, 97

5:5

31

15:1-58

40

5:21

5:9

97

15:3-4

67, 107

69, 71, 107

GALATIANS

6:7

42

15:8-10

39

6:2

31

1–2

113

48

1:6-12

48

7:1

11

15:9

49

6:11-13

7:19

100

15:28

112

7:2-4

48

1:6-9

50

7:22b

28

15:32

15

7:5-7

10

1:6

47

7:29

122

15:33-34

111

7:5

86

1:7

111

7:32-34

123

15:42-50

112

7:7-10

85

1:11-24

39

74

7:32

90

15:45, 47-49 69

7:15

1:14

104

8:1-2

112, 115

15:51-52

31

8:1-6

10

1:20

33

8:6

73

15:51

112

8:1-5

128

2:1-14

100

8:1-2

11, 32, 44

2:2

40, 79

2:12

104

2:15-21

106

2:19-20a

39

2:20

107, 108

2:21

47

3:1-5

124

3:10-14

104

3:13

69, 70

3:28

131

4:4

69

4:5

69

4:11

40, 79

4:19

48

4:29

104

5:6, 13, 22

47

8:13

42

16:5

10

9:10

76

16:7

80

9:14

133

16:9

15

9:15-18

133

16:10

86

16:14

86

16:19

122

9:15-18, 24-27

40

9:16, 23

48

9:18

134

9:19-23

90, 100

1:3-7

45

9:19

26

1:7

127

9:24

109

1:8-9

15

9:26-27

106

1:11

29

9:27

79

1:12

37

10:10

76

1:14

31

10:11

76

1:16

10

10:31–11:1

78

1:23

33

10:33

90

2:1-4

85

11:1

74, 90, 110

2:1

86

78, 115, 127

2:9

74

2:12-13

10

2:14-16

128

2:17

37

4:10

39, 108

4:16–5:10

40

4:16-18

80

11:26 12:3

72, 74

12:9, 13

43

12:12-26

129

12:25

126, 132

2 CORINTHIANS

12:31b– 13:13

33

4:16-17

51

13:12

88

5:8-9

40

8:8

37

8:9

64, 69

8:23

83

9:1-4

10

9:8

128

9:24, 26

108

10–13

101, 113

10:1

89

10:6

74

10:17

101

11:1-15

133

11:4

50

11:7

70, 89

11:9

10, 126

11:13

99

11:15

50

11:17

71

5:10

62

5:11

70, 104, 111

5:12

50, 99, 100

11:22-23

111

11:22

102

11:23-29

45

5:13

28

11:23

15

5:15

48

11:25

9

5:16-26

101

11:27

126

5:16, 24

116

11:28-29

48

5:20

37

11:28

42, 81, 86, 132

5:21

37

210

Index of Scriptures for Philippians

5:22-23

124

3:23-24

92

3:10

33

2 TIMOTHY

5:22

30, 33, 37, 123

3:24

82

4:1

90, 97

1:2

81, 82

4:2

29

4:10

33

1:3

101

5:25

109

4:3

77

4:11

113

1:4

33

6:1

109

4:7

27

4:13-18

40

1:5

82

6:6

77, 133

4:11

71

4:13

85

1:10

112

6:12

104, 111

4:12

83

4:14

107

2:17-18

108

6:12, 14

70

4:15

131

4:17

122

2:9

35

6:14

108

5:2

31

4:8

115

6:15

100

1 THESSALONIANS

5:3

52

4:17

126

6:16

100

1:1

26

5:5, 8

31

6:18

130

1:2

29, 33

5:9

31, 53

TITUS

1:5-8

78

5:13

86

1:4

112

1:6

45, 74, 79, 110

5:17

29, 33

1:7

27

5:18

47

2:5

130

EPHESIANS 1:7, 18

128

1:17

33

1:6, 8

77

5:23

124

2:10, 13

112

2:8

47

1:7

127

5:25

29

3:4, 6

112

2:13

123

1:8-9a

9

2:14-18

123

1:9-10

2:18

43

31, 53, 67

3:13, 16, 18

33

1:9

90

3:16

128

2:1-12

124

4:12

28

2:1-4

115

4:30

31

2:2

5:2

47

7, 9, 45, 127

5:22

130

5:23

112

6:5

74

COLOSSIANS 1:5, 25

77

1:7

27, 83

1:16

128

1:24

32

1:27

115, 128

2:2

128

2:6

72, 73, 109

2:3-7

37

2:5

33, 37

2:7-12, 20

48

2:8-9

48

2:8

85

2:9

127, 134

2:13

77

2:15-16

50

2:16

53

2:18

81

2:19-20

79

2:19

112

2:20

81 81

3:1-4

116

3:1-10

3:1

108

3:1

127

3:3-4

40

3:1, 6-10

48

3:12-15

124

3:2

81

3:12

89

3:5

40, 79

3:14

47

3:5, 7

132

3:18

130

3:6

33, 81

3:7

81

2 THESSALONIANS

PHILEMON

1:1

26

1, 9

48

1:5

44

2

131

1:9

52

4

29, 33

1:11

33

6

33

2:2

31

9

47

2:3

44

10

13

3:1

29, 77, 97

10, 12, 16

85

15

128

3:7-10

134

21

74

3:7-9

127

22

29, 80

3:16

124

23

83

25

130

1 TIMOTHY 1:1

112

HEBREWS

1:2

81, 82

5:7-8

89

2:3

112

5:8

70

2:8-15

130

12:2

70

2:17

115

3:2

27

JAMES

3:8-13

27

2:15-16

128

4:6

27

4:8

123

4:10

112

4:10

74

5:17-18

133

5:8

123

6:6-8

133

6:6

125

1 PETER

6:9

44

2:17

52

Index of Scriptures for Philippians 3:15

53

5:6

74

5:12

25

1 JOHN 1:8

115

2:4

115

2:6

110

3:2-3

109

3:16

128

JUDE Jude 3

13

REVELATION Rev 19:12

71

211

index of topics for Philippians

A affection 11, 21, 25, 28–29, 32–33, 48–49, 61, 73, 79, 81, 88, 112, 114 Apollos 27, 50, 95 apostle 9–12, 14–16, 19, 25–26, 29–30, 32–46, 48–51, 53–54, 58, 61–64, 66–69, 73–74, 76–87, 89–90, 93–95, 98–101, 105–106, 108–15, 117–18, 121–32, 135–37, 139–40, 142–43, 146 Augustine 105, 132 Augustus 5–7, 28, 31

B boasting 10, 41, 78, 101–102, 104, 147

C

98, 101–102, 108, 111, 113, 116 conflict 3, 8, 18, 44–45, 55, 72, 82, 98, 111, 116–17, 119, 121, 123, 134–36, 143, 146–47 contentment 13, 16, 23, 47, 124–26, 133–34 Cowper, William 49 crucifixion 67, 70–71, 79, 90, 94, 104, 107, 142 cult(s) 7, 18, 126, 137, 139

D deacons 27, 46, 54–55, 121, 139, 146 death 5–6, 16–19, 32, 38–42, 51, 57–59, 65, 67, 70–71, 74, 85, 87, 89, 94, 104, 107–108, 112, 139–40, 142–44 Delacroix, Eugene 90

calling 26, 33, 63, 74, 77, 99, 118, 126

Dio Chrysostom 62

Camuccini, Vincenzo 6

disunity 18, 26, 54, 124, 134, 145

Capital Letters 25 Caravaggio 106

Diodorus of Sicily 4

E

Christology 65, 94, 144

Egypt 7, 76

Chrysostom, John 25, 55

encouragement 54, 61, 87–88

Cicero 62, 71

Epaphras 27, 83

circumcision 22, 98–102, 104, 116 citizenship 22, 43, 109, 111

Epaphroditus 10, 13–14, 16, 22, 30, 43, 68, 80, 83–87, 91–92, 97, 101, 109, 122, 124–26, 128

clergy 46, 48, 134

ethics 16, 19, 73, 91–93, 141–43

compassion 28, 33, 49, 61, 88

Euodia 11, 14, 43, 55, 121–22, 131, 134–35, 140

confidence 13, 16, 21–22, 29–31, 37, 39, 46, 51, 57, 66, 80, 83,

F faith 11, 32, 38, 41–43, 46, 48–49, 51, 53–54, 61, 68, 79, 81–82, 84, 90–91, 96, 106–107, 109–110, 112, 115, 118, 139, 142, 144, 146–47 faith, faithfulness 11, 32, 38, 41–43, 46, 48–49, 51, 53–54, 61, 68, 79, 81–82, 84, 90–91, 96, 106–107, 109–110, 112, 115, 118, 139, 142, 144, 146–47 flesh 31, 38, 40, 42, 57, 69, 101–103, 111, 113, 116

G Galatians 3, 17, 31, 36, 58, 69, 93, 96, 99–100, 113, 115, 118, 140–42, 144, 147 gift 10, 13, 30, 44, 47, 51, 54, 84, 87, 90, 124–25, 127, 133, 136, 145 gospel 3, 11, 13, 16–17, 21–22, 25, 29–32, 34–38, 42–43, 46–53, 55–56, 61, 64, 66, 69, 72, 74, 77–83, 89–92, 94–95, 101, 103, 111, 114–15, 117, 122–23, 125, 127, 131–35, 142, 144, 146–47 proclamation of the gospel 78 grace 11, 21, 23, 28, 32, 44, 47, 56, 71, 118, 129–30

H Hauptbriefe 25 holiness 26 Holy Spirit 43, 101, 116, 141

214

Index of Topics for Philippians

honor 17, 39, 46, 52, 59, 62, 71–72, 86, 92–95, 103, 119, 134, 139–42 hope 11, 13, 17, 32, 38–39, 45, 53, 61, 78–80, 83, 85, 107–108, 112, 132 humility 21, 26, 56, 61–63, 70, 73–74, 87–90, 96, 114, 119, 121, 129, 141 hymn 49, 52, 63, 65–66, 69, 73, 92–93, 112, 141, 144

M Meldenius, Rupertus 48 ministry 18, 26, 29–30, 33, 40, 45, 57–58, 67, 71, 78–79, 81, 86, 90, 98, 101, 108, 111, 114, 121, 127, 131, 133–34; see also service mission 7–8, 15, 19, 52, 55, 77–78, 90, 96, 131, 147 money 4, 133–34, 136, 142 Moses 54, 76–77

I imitation 16, 25, 110, 118, 141 imperial cult 7 ideology 7, 95 Israel 7, 26, 31, 76–77, 79, 100, 102–103, 111

J

N

K knowledge 33, 83, 104–105, 107, 114 koinønia 23, 30–31, 61, 76, 88, 92, 124, 126

L law 39, 69, 82, 96, 103–107, 114–15, 117, 140 lordship 22 love 33–34, 36–37, 45, 47–49, 61–62, 69, 75, 79, 81, 88, 99, 116–17, 146 Luther, Martin 52 Lydia 8–9, 131, 134

Rembrandt 85 rhetoric 13, 18, 50, 58–59, 113, 118, 143–44, 147 righteousness 34, 96, 99, 104, 106–107, 117

saints 26, 28, 35, 46, 61, 75, 129

O overseers 27, 46, 54–55, 121

Junia 122, 131

R rejoice 13, 29, 37–38, 79, 85–86, 97, 122, 125, 135, 137, 145

Nero 57, 130

Josephus 71, 83, 104

judgment 31, 39, 76

Prisca 122, 131

Roman Empire 95, 112, 130

obedience 18, 64, 67–68, 70, 74, 89, 95, 143

Judaism 19, 27, 55, 58, 66–67, 78, 96, 103–105, 114, 117, 119, 140, 143, 145, 147

pre-existence 68, 93–94, 140, 146

need 10, 15, 33, 41, 43, 54, 66, 75, 84, 86, 91, 96, 98, 112, 125–26, 128, 136

Jerome 117, 119, 145 joy 11, 29–31, 41, 47, 55, 61–63, 73, 78–79, 81, 86, 96, 98, 112, 125

prayer 7, 21, 26, 28–30, 32–34, 46, 49, 122–24, 132, 135

P Paul 3, 5–23, 25–59, 61–119, 121–37, 139–47 apostolic authority 54 opponents 14, 21–22, 36, 42, 44, 49, 52, 55, 57, 59, 98–100, 111, 113, 116, 119, 133–34, 143, 145 prison 9, 19, 36, 85, 96 Pax Romana 28, 147 peace 21, 28, 53, 105, 123–24, 132, 147

S salvation 22, 31, 38–39, 44, 46, 49, 52–54, 59, 73–75, 79, 85, 90–91, 111–12, 118, 144; see also søt∑ria Savior 31, 43–44, 69–70, 72, 74, 112, 119 self-sacrifice 63 Seneca 28, 136 service 3, 13, 26–27, 46, 51, 73, 79, 84, 86–87, 92, 101, 107, 131; see also ministry Shaw, George Bernard 130 slaves of Christ 25–26, 46, 54, 82 søt∑ria 38, 52, 57; see also salvation spirits 35, 95 status 26, 45–46, 54, 62, 68, 70–73, 94, 102

perseverance 73, 77

suffering 21, 32, 41–42, 44–45, 53, 56–57, 79, 94, 96, 106–107, 125–27, 140, 144

Pharisee 103–104, 117, 146

suicide 40–41, 57, 140–41

Philippi 3–13, 15, 17–19, 22, 25–28, 30–31, 35, 38, 40, 42–45, 47, 51, 54–55, 58–59, 61–62, 67, 72–73, 78, 80, 83–86, 93–95, 97–98, 100, 108–109, 111–16, 119, 122, 125, 127–30, 134, 136–37, 139–40, 142–46

Synoptic Gospels 49

persecution 49, 53

Phoebe 27, 86, 122, 131 Polycarp 10–11, 18, 98

Syntyche 11, 14, 55, 121–22, 131, 134–35, 140

T thanksgiving 21, 26, 28–31, 46–47, 49, 55, 61, 123, 128, 143 thinking 3, 23, 29, 32, 39–41, 49, 52, 57, 62, 64, 75, 80, 121, 123

Index of Topics for Philippians Thomas 47, 58, 72, 92, 139–41 thought 14, 16, 26, 39–40, 45, 47, 63–64, 68, 75, 79, 85, 89, 99–100, 104–107, 109, 115, 121–24, 129, 144 Timothy 13–14, 16–17, 22, 25–27, 53–54, 58, 63, 68–69, 80–83, 86–87, 91–92, 96–97, 109, 122, 130–31, 133, 140, 142–44 tone 13, 16, 25, 36, 134 Tychicus 27

U unity 12, 14, 17, 21, 26, 29, 48, 54, 58, 61–62, 73, 78, 84–85, 87–88, 91–92, 98, 121, 129, 139

W woman, women 7, 14, 18, 27, 69, 92, 121–22, 130–31, 134–35, 137, 139–40, 145 works 19, 83, 90–92, 115, 118, 139

215

index of modern authors FOR PHILEMON

A

F

Aasgaard, Reidar 189, 195

Felder, Cain Hope 158, 188, 196

Arzt-Grabner, Peter 156, 187, 195

Fitzmyer, Joseph A. 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 196

B Banks, Robert 166, 195 Barclay, John M. G. viii, xiii, 152, 186, 187, 193, 195

Frilingos, Chris 189, 194, 196

G

Barth, Markus 186, 187, 190, 193, 195

Garland, David E. xiii, 187, 190, 191, 196

Barton, Stephen 193, 195

Getty, Mary Ann 194, 196

Baur, F. C. 186, 195

Giles, Kevin 184, 193, 196

Best, Ernest 190, 195

Glancy, Jennifer A. 188, 196

Bieberstein, Sabine 193, 195

Gorday, Peter 193, 196

Birdsall, J. N. 172, 195 Bjerkelund, C. J. 190, 195 Blanke, Helmut 186, 187, 190, 193, 195 Byron, John 192, 195

C Caird, George B. 190, 195 Callahan, Allen Dwight 156, 187, 193, 195 Cassidy, Richard J. 188, 196 Church, F. Forrester 190, 196 Clarke, Andrew D. 190, 196 Cotter, Wendy 189, 196

D Daube, David 187, 191, 196 de Vos, Craig S. 187, 196 Derrett, J. D. M. 189, 196 Dunn, James D. G. 153, 155, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 196

E Ellis, E. E. viii, xiii, 165, 188, 196

H Harrill, J. Albert 157, 158, 159, 187, 188, 192, 193, 197, 198 Harris, Murray J. 192, 197 Heil, John Paul 188, 197 Hock, Ronald F. 172, 190, 197 Hodge, Charles 183, 184, 197

J Jewett, Robert 176, 197

K Knox, John 156, 187, 189, 193, 197

L Lampe, Peter 156, 187, 197 Lightfoot, J. B. 151, 172, 183, 186, 188, 191, 193, 197 Lohse, Eduard 189, 191, 192, 197

M Marshall, I. H. 193, 197

218

Index of Modern Authors for Philemon

Martens, John W. 193, 197

W

Martin, Clarice J. 192, 197

Wansink, Craig S. 174, 188, 199

Martin, Dale B. 192, 197

Watson, Nigel 189, 192, 197, 199

Meeks, Wayne A. 189, 193

Weima, Jeffrey A. D. 193, 199

Meggitt, Justin J. 189, 193, 198

Wilson, Andrew 188, 199

Metzger, Bruce M. 153, 198

Wilson, R. McL. 184, 187, 188, 194, 199

Mitchell, Margaret M. 152, 187, 198

Winter, Sara B. C. 187, 189,

Mullins, Terence Y. 190, 198

Witherington, Ben 184, 194, 199

Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome 151, 198

Wright, N. T. 189, 190, 191, 199

N Nordling, John G. 187, 198

O O’Brien, Peter T. 188, 189, 191, 198 Osiek, Carolyn 186, 198

P Pearson, Brooks W. R. 187, 198 Porter, Stanley E. 151, 187, 198

Q Quinn, Jerome D. 163, 198

R Rapske, Brian M. 159, 174, 187, 188, 198 Richards, E. Randolph 151, 198 Riesenfeld, Harold 190, 198 Robbins, Gregory Allen 153, 198 Ryan, Judith M. 191, 198

S Sampley, J. Paul 159, 188, 190, 197, 199 Schenk, Wolfgang 189, 199 Soards, Marion L. 189, 194, 199 Still, Todd D. 164, 186, 189, 197, 199

T Tachau, P. 191, 199, Taylor, Nicholas H. 188, 191, 199 Thompson, Marianne Meye 187, 199 Trobisch, David 151, 199

V Vincent, Marvin R. 159, 189, 199

index of sidebars AND ILLUSTRATIONS FOR PHILEMON

163

Ancient Greek Manuscript Subscriptions

Pliny the Younger’s Commendation of Sabinianus’s Action

155

Tell of Colossae

164

Canonical Order of Paul’s Letters, The

151

What Is the Muratorian Fragment?

153

Charles Hodge on Slavery

184

Duties Performed by Roman Slaves

159

Carrying the Mail

173

“Flesh” (sarx) in Paul

176

Charles Hodge

184

“Grace to You and Peace . . .”

166

176

Text Sidebars 1 Clement 5.6

182

Illustrations

Helping the Imprisoned Paul

174

Different Than, Not Less Than

Hosts of Pauline Churches

166

John Calvin

172

How Ancient Slaves Were Perceived and Treated

John Chrysostom

152

159

How Did Onesimus Come to Be with Paul?

Mark, the Evangelist (Guercino)

181

157

Manumission from Slavery

158

P87 Paul in Prison (van Rijn)

153 154

John Chrysostom on Philemon

152

Manumission from Slavery

158

Martin Luther on Philemon

186

St. Luke Displaying a Painting of the Virgin (Guercino)

181

“No Man Is an Island . . .”

185

Tell of Colossae

164

Pliny the Younger’s Letter of Intercession to Sabinianus

170

“O Holy Night”

185

On the Interpretation of presbyt∑s

172

Other Pauline Coworkers

165

Outline of vv. 1-3

163

Outline of vv. 4-7

167

Outline of vv. 8-18

171

Outline of vv. 19-25

177

Philemon’s Conversion

178

index of scriptures FOR PHILEMON

NUMBERS 6:24-26

166

7:5, 18, 25

176

12:31b–13:13 164

11:28-29

180

8:1-17

176

13:5

186

11:28

169

8:15

167

13:7

186

11:31

167

12:7

176

8:28

175

15:32

154

10:45

175

11:30

173

15:39, 50

176

14:36

167

14:1

179

16:7

154

GALATIANS

14:4, 12

178

16:15

166

1:3

166

14:18

174

16:19

166

1:6

166

14:19

166

1:16

176

15:6

167

2 CORINTHIANS

1:23

173

15:7a

179

1:2

166

2:16, 20

176

MARK

JOHN 13:34

164

ACTS 5:29

178

15:8

175

1:3

167

2:21

166

15:23

166

15:18

178

1:8-9

154

3:3

176

16:15, 40

166

15:22-24

155

1:17

176

3:28

176, 185

16:23

154

16:1-2

165

2:9

178

4:6

167

17:5-9

166

16:3

165

3:12

170

4:8-9

173

19:10

178

16:5

166

4:5

174

4:13-14

176

19:29

180

16:7

180

4:11

176

4:19

173

20:4

180

16:9

165

5:14-15

186

5:4

166

20:31

178

16:19

178

5:16

176

5:10

178

24:27

154

16:23

166

5:20

178

5:13

174

6:5

154

5:16-21

176

1 CORINTHIANS

6:13

173

5:22

166

1:3

166

7:4

169

6:8, 13

176

27:2

180

28:16

154

4:14-15

173

7:5

176

1:1

174

4:17

164

7:15

178

EPHESIANS

1:5

178

5:9

183

8:5-6

166

1:2

1:7

166

7:20-24

176

8:23

165

2:3-4

173

3:21-25a

166

7:21

158

10:2

176

2:11-13

173

5:1-2

166

7:22

174

10:3

176

3:1

163

5:19

178

11–12, 14

166

10:5, 6

178

4:1

163

5:20-21

166

11:16

166

11:23-24

154

5:8

173

6:16

178

12:13

176, 185

11:23

153

6:20

172

ROMANS

166

222

Index of Scriptures for Philemon

PHILIPPIANS

2 THESSALONIANS

1:1

163, 174

1:1

163

1:2

166

1:2

166

1:6

178

3:4

178

1:7, 13, 14, 17163 1:20

170

1 TIMOTHY

1:22, 24

176

1:2

163, 166

2:7

175, 186

1:8

163

2:12

178

2:19-24

164

2 TIMOTHY

2:22

173

1:2

2:25

165

2:3-4

165

4:2-3

165

2:9

163

4:7, 9

166

4:10

181

COLOSSIANS

TITUS

1:1

163

1:4

1:2

166

1:7

168, 180

PHILEMON

1:21-22

173

23

3:7-8

173

3:11

176, 185

JAMES

3:24

174

1:1

4:6

166

4:9

164

1 JOHN

4:9a

182

3:11

4:10-11

164

4:10

180

4:10, 12, 14

180

4:11

165

4:12

168, 180

4:14

181

4:15

166

4:17

164, 165

4:18

163

1 THESSALONIANS 1:1

163, 166

2:11

173

3:1-10

164

3:2

165

4:8

178

4:10

164

163, 166

166

168

166

164

index of topics for Philemon

A affection 151, 153, 170, 174, 182; see also heart Andronicus 180 Apphia 165, 181 appreciation 152, 161, 167, 174; see also thanksgiving Archippus 164–65, 181, 189 Aristarchus 165, 180 Aristotle 159

B boldness 170, 177, 186

C Calvin, John 172

Epictetus 159 Eusebius 153, 193

F flesh 176

God 159, 161, 166–68, 175, 178, 180, 184, 186, 192 and gender 167

Muratorian fragment 153, 198

H

hospitality 166, 169, 180

churches 166, 169, 174, 189, 196

Demas 165, 180–81

I Ignatius of Antioch 182

J Jerome 151, 163, 183, 186, 198

Donne, John 185

Jesus Christ 166–67, 181, 187–88, 195

Dwight, John Sullivan 185

joy 161, 167, 169

E ecclesiology 185 Epaphras 168, 180 Epaphroditus 165

manumission 157–58, 179, 187, 196–97

grace 159–61, 163, 166–67, 177, 181

heart 168–70, 174–75, 178, 190; see also affection

D

M Marcion 153, 183

Christology 185

confidence 160, 170, 178, 186

Luke 165, 180–81

gospel 151, 160, 165–66, 174, 177–78, 180–81, 183–85, 188, 190, 192

Haustafeln 193, 197–98

Colossae 154–55, 164, 166, 168, 180, 182, 189

love 153, 159, 161, 164, 167–71, 174–77, 182, 185–86, 190–92, 198 Luther, Martin 186

G

canon 151–53, 182–83, 198 Chrysostom, John 151–52, 187, 198

L

Junia 180

Mark 153, 164–65, 167, 175, 180–81, 188

O obedience 178, 186 Onesimus 156–61, 163–64, 168–83, 185–93, 195–99 conversion 157, 173, 175, 177–79, 188, 191, 199 slavery 157–59, 183–84, 187–88, 192–93, 195–99 useless, useful 160–61, 171, 173–74, 179, 191

P partnership 167, 177, 179 Paul 151–61, 163–99 apostolic authority 170, 190, 195 co-workers 165, 188, 196

K koinønia 167, 169, 179,

frank speech 190, 198–99 imprisonment 153–55, 159–60, 163, 174, 180, 188, 190, 196, 199

224

Index of Topics for Philemon

“old man” 171–72, 190 rhetoric 157, 174, 188, 192, 197, 199 peace 159, 161, 163, 166–67, 185 Philemon 151–61, 163–99 authenticity 151, 153 authorship 153, 156 date of writing 155 place of writing 153–54, 187 Pliny the Younger 170, 182 poverty 189, 198

R Rembrandt van Rijn 154 Roman law 191

S Seneca 159 sinful 176, 184 slave of Christ 188 slavery 157–59, 179, 183–84, 187–88, 192–93, 195–99

T Tertullian 153 thanksgiving 159, 161, 167–70; see also appreciation Theodore of Mopsuestia 151, 186

W women 165, 189, 196