Situational Diversity: Understanding Modes of Migration-Driven Differentiation in Urban Neighbourhoods [1st ed.] 9783030547905, 9783030547912

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GLOBAL DIVERSITIES

Situational Diversity Understanding Modes of Migration-Driven Differentiation in Urban Neighbourhoods Matthias Klückmann

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Global Diversities

Series Editors Steven Vertovec Department of Socio-Cultural Diversity Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity Göttingen, Germany Peter van der Veer Department of Religious Diversity Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity Göttingen, Germany Ayelet Shachar Department of Ethics, Law, and Politics Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity Göttingen, Germany

Over the past decade, the concept of ‘diversity’ has gained a leading place in academic thought, business practice, politics and public policy across the world. However, local conditions and meanings of ‘diversity’ are highly dissimilar and changing. For these reasons, deeper and more comparative understandings of pertinent concepts, processes and phenomena are in great demand. This series will examine multiple forms and configurations of diversity, how these have been conceived, imagined, and represented, how they have been or could be regulated or governed, how different processes of inter-ethnic or inter-religious encounter unfold, how conflicts arise and how political solutions are negotiated and practiced, and what truly convivial societies might actually look like. By comparatively examining a range of conditions, processes and cases revealing the contemporary meanings and dynamics of ‘diversity’, this series will be a key resource for students and professional social scientists. It will represent a landmark within a field that has become, and will continue to be, one of the foremost topics of global concern throughout the twenty-­first century. Reflecting this multi-disciplinary field, the series will include works from Anthropology, Political Science, Sociology, Law, Geography and Religious Studies. While drawing on an international field of scholarship, the series will include works by current and former staff members, by visiting fellows and from events of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity. Relevant manuscripts submitted from outside the Max Planck Institute network will also be considered. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15009

Matthias Klückmann

Situational Diversity Understanding Modes of MigrationDriven Differentiation in Urban Neighbourhoods

Matthias Klückmann Independent Researcher Kornwestheim, Germany

ISSN 2662-2580     ISSN 2662-2599 (electronic) Global Diversities ISBN 978-3-030-54790-5    ISBN 978-3-030-54791-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and ­transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration (c) TablinumCarlson / Getty Images This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To my mother for her support through all the years and to my uncle for making me curious about the world.

Preface

Some moments gain a deeper meaning only in retrospect. As I look back on the events this book is the final chapter to, one conversation in particular has remained in my memory. It took place during my second stay in Glasgow in 2013, when I had an appointment in a gurdwara. I was offered something to eat and was waiting in the Langar for a while when a woman sat down with me. We got into a conversation, talked about my research, her volunteer work as a teacher in the gurdwara and her experiences in Pollokshields. She told me how she increasingly felt that social cohesion was breaking down. She sensed an increasingly negative, sometimes aggressive attitude towards immigrants or their descendants. She expressed her fear that demagogues created a toxic atmosphere and that nationalist parties were becoming stronger again. Maybe it was because of my presence that she drew the comparison to Germany’s way into totalitarianism in the 1930s. At that very moment on an afternoon in a gurdwara in Glasgow, the summer of 2015 and the decision to open the borders within the European Union for the refugees of the conflict in Syria were still far away. Likewise, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (EU) and nationalist developments in various countries were beyond the imagination of many people. Yes, the United Kingdom Independence Party was already very much present, in the media, in conversations and often in the form of leaflets on our kitchen vii

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table. One day, I took the chance and spoke to one of my Pakistani flatmates about these leaflets. During our conversation I found out that he considered the party’s cause as good. He supported the greater independence of the country from the EU while at the same time not being aware of the racist and xenophobic attitude of the party at all. It still gives me the shivers when I think of how this party with an anti-immigration rhetoric has managed to attract people who have benefited from immigration. Almost 30 years ago, Stuart Hall considered the capacity to live with difference as the question of the coming century. The question of how humans deal with people who they consider to be different was the starting point of the research that underlies this book. To answer why and how people are seen as different has a long history within social sciences. My intention was to understand how people handle difference; what are they actively doing to live with difference? In contemporary terms one probably would ask how do they manage diversity. When I first began to engage with these questions, I had no idea that I would one day be part of this management as well. Now, engaged in the field of Inclusion and Diversity, I am walking on a tightrope every day. On the one hand, I work to foster equity, belonging and inclusiveness, while on the other hand, I want to avoid groupism. Groupism, as Rogers Brubaker once forcefully argued, is scientifically insufficient. Yes, but in practice it is alive and well. Groupism characterises the dark side of diversity. The side where people move into ever-closer microcosms and echo chambers, where recognition and redistribution—to paraphrase Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth—fall apart, and not least, where diversity is thought to be managed best when groups are parcelled out as small as possible. How do people handle difference? In the present book I try to give one answer to this question. I try to answer it by exploring how the handling, the dealing, the managing—in short, the doing itself—bring about differences. I see myself as a historical thinking social anthropologist. My conviction is that most of the ways how people today deal with difference have developed through time and space. These cultural repertoires have not necessarily developed in the context of diversity. However, each of them might enact a different diversity.

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The conversation, mentioned at the beginning, gains a deeper meaning in retrospect for me, because many of the events, that she sensed, took place. They had not yet taken place when I completed my field work at the end of 2014. They were palpable, but they did not find their way into the following analysis. Many of the developments that have taken place since 2014 show that Stuart Hall could not have been more right. All I can hope for is that this book and the ideas expressed within add a tiny piece to our capacity to live with difference. Kornwestheim, Germany May 2020

Matthias Klückmann

Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I wish to thank the people in Nordbahnhofviertel and Pollokshields. The open, uncomplicated and cordial way in which they welcomed me exceeded my expectations. The time and patience they took to answer my questions, and the trust they placed in me made this research possible. Furthermore, I am grateful to people from the various churches, mosques, gurdwaras and NGOs in both districts who not only provided information but served as a first contact to various groups. A book is a joint project. It is like a knot where many threads come together and so numerous people, places and organisations each in their own way contributed to it. This book is drawing on my doctorate at the University of Tübingen. I am happy about having had the chance for discussions with my colleagues, fellow PhD candidates as well as the guests of the Tübingen Institute for Historical and Cultural Anthropology. Among all these people, I would especially like to thank Reinhard Johler for taking over the supervision of my research project and for accompanying the work up to publication. Likewise, I want to thank Alexa Färber from the Institute for European Ethnology at the University of Vienna for her advice and comments as member of my thesis committee. My research and especially the travels to Glasgow were made possible with kind financial support. The German Academic Exchange Service

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supported and rendered possible the stays in Pollokshields as well as the opportunity to join international conferences with different grants. A scholarship from the German National Academic Foundation gave me the financial freedom to devote myself to this project, and moreover facilitated the exchange of ideas and thoughts on various occasions. Further thanks go to Palgrave Macmillan, to the anonymous reviewers for their comments and constructive criticism as well as to Sharla Pant and Poppy Hull for their support during the process of publishing. Invaluable in the last few years were friends, family and my husband. This book would simply have been impossible without their support. I can only be grateful for their patience and understanding towards and at times moody friend and partner. I owe a special thanks to Sophia Booz for her critical reading and constructive comments in different stages of the research, for suggestions and for encouragement when I came to a standstill. I would also like to thank Anja Schönleben for her time to review the manuscript. A very special thanks to my husband Florian Krebs. I will always remain grateful for his intellectual and emotional support, for his motivating and encouraging words and not least for the time together he sacrificed. I know it took very long to get this off the desk. Thank you.

Contents

1 Introduction: Exploring an Elephant  1 2 Situational Diversity 35 3 Knowledge Production/Transfer 77 4 Exploring101 5 Creating Presence127 6 Supporting165 7 Situational Modes of Differentiation193 8 Conclusion215 Index221

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List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Historic brick buildings on Nordbahnhofstraße, Nordbahnhofviertel, October 2010. Photo by the author Fig. 1.2 New buildings on Eckartstraße, Nordbahnhofviertel, October 2010. Photo by the author Fig. 1.3 Villa in Pollokshields West, July 2013. Photo by the author Fig. 1.4 Typical tenements with shop line in Albert Drive, Pollokshields, July 2013. Photo by the author Fig. 1.5 New buildings of the 1960s in St. Andrews Drive, Pollokshields, July 2013. Photo by the author Fig. 5.1 Shops in Pollokshields East, May 2014. (Source: Photo by the author) Fig. 5.2 View of the Catholic Church of St. Albert, Pollokshields, May 2014. (Source: Photo by the author) Fig. 5.3 Gurdwara in St. Andrews Drive, Pollokshields, May 2014. (Source: Photo by the author) Fig. 6.1 Haus 49 (on the right) and the Jugendhaus Nord (on the left) in Mittnachtstraße, Nordbahnhofviertel, October 2010. (Source: Photo by the author)

10 13 19 20 22 128 129 136 185

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List of Maps

Map 1.1 Map of Nordbahnhofviertel. Map data © OpenStreetMap contributors7 Map 1.2 Map of Pollokshields. Map data © OpenStreetMap contributors 17

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1 Introduction: Exploring an Elephant

There is a parable called the “The Blind Men and the Elephant”. Its origin is assumed to be in South Asia in the first millennium B.C. This parable can be found in Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu and Jain texts. It tells the story of a group of blind men who try to describe an elephant; however, because each of them just touches and, thus, describes only one part of the elephant, they end up fighting about what an elephant is. In the different versions of the parable, the number of blind men examining the elephant varies as do the body parts of the elephant examined by the men and the extent of the violence with which the subsequent discussion takes place and the way in which (or whether) the conflict between the men is resolved. The morale of the parable, however, is shared by all versions: The truth of a matter can only be grasped in its partial aspects. These aspects, in turn, depend on how a matter is approached. Only by compiling all possible partial aspects is it possible to take a look at the whole. When I started my research on migration-driven diversity in cities, I often felt like one of the blind men. At times, I even felt like several of the blind men at the same time. My interest has been to investigate how changes and diversification brought about by migration processes and how people deal with these changes.1 My aim was to understand how the © The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2_1

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emerging diversification through immigration and emigration by different actors is responded to in order to deal with this new diversity.2 Already, at the beginning of my research, the question was what kind of (migration-­ driven) diversity I was interested in: Was it the ethnic composition that had changed as a result of immigration and emigration processes that I was looking at in the city districts? Should I look at the religious landscape, which was partly differentiated and partly shifted? Were demographic factors worth analysing in relation to the topics of work, housing and school? I would like to illustrate this struggle with a short example from my research: I met a group of retired allotment gardeners to talk with them about their perception of the district they live in and about how it has changed over the past few decades (Interview: Allotment Gardeners, 4 May 2010). In the course of our conversation, Ina Becker [pseud.]3—one of the participants—mentioned that she could no longer talk to anyone today, because only a few of her neighbours in the immediate vicinity still spoke German. For her, the contact with her environment, the short conversations in passing or in case of unintentional encounters in the hallway was a matter of course for a long time. The immigration of people from abroad and the moving away of long-time residents from the district have changed Ina Becker’s environment. The diversity of languages in the district is increasing. An increase in diversity through migration is described by Ina Becker as a loss of communication and neighbourliness. The topic of language as one of perhaps the most obvious aspects related to migration processes (cf. Tracy 2017) is something I have encountered again and again in the context of my research. However, language differences are not always described as a loss. ­Regarding schools, language differences are not mentioned to me as a loss in personal communication but in connection with educational participation and social advancement; language support for the children of immigrants is often especially discussed in these conversations. Outside school, linguistic differences are addressed as questions of a self-determined life—be it while shopping, visiting a doctor or interacting with public authorities. Linguistic differences and linguistic diversity are cultivated and promoted at the same time. This is expressed in language courses for subsequent generations of immigrants and in native-speaking groups within religious communities. Last but not least, I have also encountered linguistic

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diversity as a benefit, for example, when it comes to travelling, where native speakers can act as mediators between different language groups. Each of these different descriptions gave me the feeling of touching the elephant at a different place. This feeling intensified when I looked at other aspects, such as religion, nationality or skin colour. Thus, diversity meant something completely different when I dealt with the integration of the children of immigrants into the school than when I asked about the emergence of migrant economies in neighbourhood. Once again, diversity was represented differently in the ways of dealing with it: offering language course had another intentional object than organising an international street festival, although both considered (migration-­driven) diversity their intentional object. The concept of diversity makes it possible to address all these aspects (in their interactions and overlaps). That is one of its merits (Vertovec 2015). However, a concept that can be everything loses its explanatory power. My intention was to gain a broader view on the elephant instead of adding more body parts to it. That was the moment when I decided to make the concept of diversity a theme in its own right and my focus of research. The present book is the result of this examination. In the following, I introduce the concept of situational diversity. I define situational diversity as social differentiations enacted in reoccurring similar conditions of the social. The concept aims to understand the complexity and contingency of social differentiation by asking how diversity in urban neighbourhoods occurs as a result of locally, socially and temporally specific practices. With the focus on situations, I pursue the goal of providing a framework to examine the temporally and spatially localised conditions of the contingent and emergent nature of social differentiations, while simultaneously avoiding overestimating contingency. Moreover, the concept offers the possibility of decentring diversity and asking for its temporal and spatial variations. With situational diversity, I hope to provide a new perspective for diversity studies by means of adding a twist to established dimensions of diversity, such as gender, ethnicity and disability, and offering new non-essentialising modes and processes of differentiation. I call these modes and processes situational modes of differentiation. I apply the concept of situational diversity by means of an analysis of migration-driven diversification in two neighbourhoods:

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Nordbahnhofviertel in Stuttgart (Germany) and Pollokshields in Glasgow (United Kingdom). I am going to demonstrate the concept by analysing situations of negotiation, regulation and government of migration-driven diversity in the two neighbourhoods and by presenting four situational modes of differentiation: infrastructural demand, habitual places, environmental resourcefulness and environmental ability. The origins of this book date back to 2007. At that time, I got to know Nordbahnhofviertel, one of the two field sites, as part of a study project. In a first examination of the district, I was concerned with practices of living in a district marked by migration, during which I came across a wide variety of ways of dealing with the diversity arising from immigration and emigration processes (Klückmann 2013a, 2013b). The starting point for this study was to take a closer look at these processes. The survey period ran from 2012 to 2015, and I added the Pollokshields district in Glasgow as a further field of research as a means of contrast. I am deliberately talking about contrast here, not comparison. A comparison, in the strict sense of the word, would go hand in hand with the control of a wide variety of variables and parameters.4 Control in this sense, in my understanding, is not possible in field sites such as cities. Moreover, such a procedure would not do justice to the complexities of cities and their districts. However, I am convinced that locality plays a significant role in dealing with diversity and, therefore, it was imperative to consider another neighbourhood.5 Nevertheless, when selecting the second district, attention was paid to the similarity of certain parameters, for example, that the numerically relevant immigration took place after the Second World War and that it was predominantly Muslim. In addition, the ­selection considered the fact that it should not be a capital city and that the cities are approximately comparable in size. In addition, the practical commuting of research between Glasgow and Stuttgart also corresponded to the sustained contrast stimulated by the Grounded Theory method (Strauss and Corbin 1996). According to Strauss and Corbin, it is only through the changing view of different fields that the condensation of knowledge is possible. Therefore, I moved between Glasgow and Stuttgart, between archives and conversations, between participating in events and reading scientific studies. This resulted repeatedly in shifts of perspective, new questions and the inclusion of other sources. With the aim of

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developing a perspective on the phenomenon of migration-driven diversity, the districts serve as case studies. However, many of the examples considered from the urban districts are not new phenomena related to migration processes. The new, in the sense of the essence of scientific work, corresponds here to the new perspective developed on a (known) phenomenon. The districts in their representation, therefore, correspond consciously more to a panorama. Why did I choose the city for the research on diversity? Cities have always been regarded as places of diversity—places where the most diverse people and strangers meet (cf., e.g. Hannerz 1980; Lindner 2004; Simmel 1995). Regarding this characteristic, cities as well have been places of research on migration, on processes of immigration and emigration, and on the associated changes.6 The United Nations predicts that by 2050, about 70 per cent of the world’s population will live in cities. A decisive factor in this development are processes of migration (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division 2017b): processes of internal migration, for example, rural-urban migration, and processes of international, transnational immigration. However, cities are affected differently by these processes, with individual cities emerging as centres and nodes of particular attraction (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division 2017a). Consequently, the city or, more specifically, the district was chosen as the field of investigation for this study. Cities and their districts are a concrete formation of the social. How both the city as a whole and a district can be understood, and how processes of diversification and ways of dealing with these changes can be depicted, will be discussed in the next chapter. Vertovec identifies two research strands for the study of diversity: “modes of social differentiation” and “complex social environments” (Vertovec 2015, p.  10). The present study is a mixture of both, in that it looks at the socially diverse structure of the city or the urban district and asks about the processes of differentiation within cities and districts. In the next section I am going to present both research sites. I name my field sites directly. I am aware of the responsibility this entails. Consequently, all the people named in the work who do not hold public office or have not agreed to be named have been pseudonymised. I have decided against “anonymising” the districts as a whole, because naming Nordbahnhofviertel in Stuttgart and

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Pollokshields in Glasgow directly opens up the possibility of exchange. In this respect, this study is also to be understood as an invitation to local experts to exchange my view of things and my analysis and to enter into a dialogue.

 ensity and Otherness: Stuttgart’s D Nordbahnhofviertel A thunder can be heard in the distance. Suddenly I am in a hectic situation. A larger area is quickly cleared. The people push to the side, form a semicircle and become silent. I let my eyes wander. A panorama of the diversity of Stuttgart’s city district Nordbahnhofviertel unfolds before my eyes. I see women and men, people of all ages. I see people of different skin colours. I see women with headscarves. I recognise local politicians and those at the state level. I see the priest of the local Protestant community and employees of the Society for Social Youth Work and the Youth Centre. They all came together this Saturday afternoon to celebrate the annual International Street Festival. For most, this festival is an occasion to meet friends and acquaintances or (former) colleagues, to eat and drink together and to be entertained by the stage programme (Field Diary, 27 June 2009). For me, it is, in this moment of a brief pause, a condensation of the district, its history and development, its social structure and its specificity. Nordbahnhofviertel7 belongs with the ten other areas to the district Stuttgart Nord (Map 1.1). What I see in condensed form at the International Street Festival can also be seen in the official statistics: At present (as of 2017),8 27,683 people live in the entire Northern Municipality. According to statistics, 12,167 of them have a statistical migrant background.9 A quarter of the people with a migrant background (2990) in the entire Northern Municipality live in Nordbahnhofviertel; 63 per cent (1870) of them do not have a German passport. A total of 4630 people live in Nordbahnhofviertel. This means that almost twothirds of the inhabitants of the district have a migrant background. Among them, people with Turkish ancestors make up the largest group.

Map 1.1  Map of Nordbahnhofviertel. Map data © OpenStreetMap contributors

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It is, above all, the children in the district who have a migration history. The average age in the neighbourhood is 37.9 years, with the proportion of children under the age of six with a migrant background at just over 80 per cent, and 54.7 per cent of those aged 65 or over. Compared to the Northern Municipality in total and the city of Stuttgart in general, the neighbourhood is more strongly influenced by immigration and is younger. Statistically, the influence of immigration is also reflected in the denominational composition. The latter in Nordbahnhofviertel differs from the Northern Municipality and the city as a whole: 11.5 per cent are Protestant, 26.8 per cent Catholic and 61.6 per cent belong to another religion or describe themselves as non-religious. The influence of immigration can be clearly seen here, because only 18.9 per cent of Protestants have a migrant background, compared to 61.3 per cent of Catholics and 74.7 per cent of non-Catholics. The proportion of Catholics in the total population of the district has fallen sharply since 2000, while the proportion of other or non-religious people has increased. The situation is different if one takes a look at the social structure of the district: with an unemployment rate of 7.5 per cent (as of 2015), the neighbourhood is only slightly above the average for the northern district (6.5 per cent, as of 2015) and for Stuttgart as a whole (6.6 per cent, as of 2015). Just over a quarter of all unemployment benefit recipients in the north district of Stuttgart live in Nordbahnhofviertel. The neighbourhood is below the district average with an average of six to eleven welfare recipients per 1000 inhabitants. What the figures do not reveal is the background and causes which, over the years, have led to a diversification in terms of nationality, ­denomination, age and social structure. This can be traced back through the Society for Social Youth Work, which organises the international street festival every year and is colloquially called Haus (house) 49. The history of the Haus 49 can be told as the history of the district. Since 2009, the international street festival has taken place on an open space in front of the Society for Social Youth Work. Until 1996, the social worker centre used the premises of a building in Nordbahnhofstraße 49, from where its unofficial name was derived. This building was a former dormitory of the German railway company Deutsche Bahn, which housed foreign workers from the end of the 1950s onwards. Just as the history of the

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house was connected with the railway, so too is the history of the entire district. Relationships with today’s Deutsche Bahn have had a decisive influence on the district. For the people in Nordbahnhofviertel, the railway company has been, among other things, an employer, building and house owner and landlord. Living and working formed a dense network, which constitutes the specificity of the district.10 Nordbahnhofviertel was created in connection with the goods station. With the expansion of the railway and the associated demand for labour, the demand for living space in Stuttgart increased at the end of the nineteenth century. The decision of the Railway Directorate (Eisenbahndirektion) to build a northern station to relieve the Stuttgart goods station was followed in 1882 by the decision of the Royal Railway Administration (Königliche Eisenbahnverwaltung) to build the quarter for its employees next to the station. The site chosen was the wasteland north of the main station, which, until then, had only been accessible from the gallows hill, the cemetery and a septic tank. At this time, however, the area is still within the boundaries of the neighbouring city of Stuttgart. The final connection of the quarter to Stuttgart did not take place until 1906. Between 1894 and 1912, Nordbahnhofviertel was built with an approach comparable to industrial estates in the Ruhr area. It was independent from the outside world in a green setting but close to the city. More than a hundred multi-storey houses were built on 9.5 hectares along the only arterial road from Stuttgart to the north, today’s Nordbahnhofstraße (formerly Ludwigsburger Straße), according to the plans of the Royal Building Department (Königliche Hochbausektion) (Fig. 1.1). More than 890 families, a total of almost 4000 people, were accommodated there. Thus, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the settlement was the second largest in Stuttgart. The settlement had also the highest mortality rate in Stuttgart at that time. Although the apartments had separate kitchens, pantries, their own toilets and a bathing establishment for free use by the railway workers, the infrastructure was inadequate at the time. There was, for example, a partial lack of sufficient water supply, sewage disposal and adequate street lighting. A school, a prayer room and a crèche were built around 1900 to ensure an independent lifestyle. The corner houses were intended for shops with which the residents could take care of themselves. In

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Fig. 1.1  Historic brick buildings on Nordbahnhofstraße, Nordbahnhofviertel, October 2010. Photo by the author

addition, small allotment gardens were created between the tracks. The railway workers used these small areas, which are still in use today, to supply themselves with homegrown fruit and vegetables and for small livestock breeding. The railway company had various facilities built to guarantee the manpower. The bathing establishment was to maintain the health of the residents, and the planned areas for shops and restaurants, the school, crèche and prayer room were to ensure the district’s self-sufficiency. Therefore, it was possible to care for and keep an eye on the employees in the ­immediate vicinity of the place of employment. At the end of the 1920s, the State Building Co-operative of the Württemberg Traffic Officials and Workers (Landesbaugenossenschaft der württembergischen Verkehrsbeamten und Arbeiter) built further residential buildings for railway and post employees. The construction of Nordbahnhofviertel offered the opportunity to have workers and workplaces close together. That was necessary because the majority of the workforce was recruited outside Stuttgart and, therefore, needed accommodation in the Stuttgart area. In the middle of the nineteenth century, 20,000 workers were employed in Württemberg for

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the construction of roadways alone. The majority of these people, including those in Nordbahnhofviertel, were recruited from impoverished farming families and the urban lower class. Most of them came from Catholic areas and, thus, differed denominationally from the rest of the Stuttgart population. Since the residents were initially only employees of the Royal Württemberg Transport Authorities (Königlich Württembergische Verkehrsanstalten), a socially homogeneous district was created compared to the rest of Stuttgart. However, the inhabitants were differentiated along the hierarchical structure of the railway into civil servants, subcontractors and workers. This internal hierarchy also has an effect on the everyday life of the residents. The buildings for senior civil servants, for example, are located in the northern part and at a distance from the homes of lower civil servants and the working class. The overlapping of living and working can be exemplified by a railway provision, according to which residents who leave their employment lose their entitlement to housing in the district, regardless of whether it is retirement or incapacity due to illness. The right to an apartment in Nordbahnhofviertel was lost even for a widow who was not in the service of the railway. As a result, the residents of the neighbourhood were not only socially homogeneous, but most of them also corresponded to the common age group of the working population. It was not until the 1960s that this provision was repealed. This period also includes the second phase of the increased recruitment of labour by the railway company. There was a large immigration movement of Bavarian workers at the beginning of the 1950s. Ten years later, the resident structure was diversified by the recruitment of foreign workers by the railway company and the post office.11 After the Second World War and the reconstruction of the destroyed houses, the Railway Housing Association (Eisenbahn-Siedlungsgesellschaft) took over the administration in 1949 and made it its task in its statutes to ensure “a safe and socially responsible housing supply for the employees of the railway” (cited after Kurz 2005, p.  103; my translation). A primary and secondary school were opened in 1954 to replace the former school which had been destroyed during the war. Despite the new residential buildings that were created after the Second World War, foreign workers were not accommodated in them but in four dormitories on the edge of the quarter. This relationship between foreign workers and the railway company in

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terms of housing shows that—similar to the German context as a whole— a limited length of stay of foreign workers was assumed. In the period after the Second World War, in addition to immigration from abroad to Nordbahnhofviertel, there was also emigration from the district. The housing standards of the settlement were low for the period of the late 1960s. In addition, the noise was a nuisance due to the heavily loaded transport to the goods station. The proximity to the goods and northern railway stations made it attractive for various industries to locate in the vicinity of the quarter. Thus, a dairy farm, a cod-liver oil factory, a chemical factory and a coal supplier were built in the immediate vicinity of the residential area. In connection with the physical conditions of a valley, the settlement of industry had a negative impact on the quality of life in the quarter. Moreover, the railway had not used the reconstruction after the Second World War for renovations, and so the building fabric was outdated. Consequently, many residents from the late 1960s and early 1970s decided to leave the quarter and move to the newly developed districts on the outskirts of Stuttgart. The relationship between the railway and its employees/tenants as a relationship between tenant and landlord became weaker with the simultaneous abolition of the provision that only employees of the railway were allowed to use the flats. (In this respect, organisational changes also took place in the form of the building co-operatives that were being established.) The departure of the German population offered foreign workers the opportunity to move from the cramped conditions in the dormitories to the apartments in the district. In the course of the 1960s, similar to the entire territory of the Federal Republic of Germany, the return orientation had diminished increasingly and families had started to move in. The abolition of the sole right of residence for railway employees offered future pensioners the opportunity to remain in their familiar surroundings with their social contacts. As a result, older people now lived in the district. Consequently, this led to a multiplication of languages, nationalities and religions as well as a new age composition. In the latter, the majority of retired Germans now faced young foreign families. Not only had the railway’s relationship as a landlord but also as an employer weakened from the mid-1970s onwards. The structural change in the world of work affected the shape of the quarter in several ways: The

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social structure of the residents has changed. Unskilled foreign workers have especially lost their jobs. This eliminated the need for employee housing. Since the 1990s, the Railway Housing Association (Eisenbahn-­ Siedlungsgesellschaft) has been pushing ahead with privatisation and selling the houses and apartments to tenants or investors. With the retreat of the railway, the old locomotive sheds on the premises were also abandoned after the departure of the bus workshops in 2003. The wagon halls freed up there were taken over and used by groups of artists. A new creative milieu was, thus, created in the immediate vicinity of the residential district, which, however, had no relationship to the residents of the time.12 The first tracks disappeared and were replaced by residential buildings. The industrial companies also gave up their locations. Consequently, new building areas have been created, which in recent years have been developed primarily for the construction of apartments, municipal offices and entertainment facilities (Fig. 1.2). More new buildings, including a civil engineering office, a cinema and the employment agency, were built in the south of the settlement from the mid-1990s onwards. As early as 1983, the entire quarter was placed under a preservation order.

Fig. 1.2  New buildings on Eckartstraße, Nordbahnhofviertel, October 2010. Photo by the author

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In the near future, there will be another change and in an almost ironic way it is again the railway that plays an important role here. The reconstruction of Stuttgart’s main railway station makes the track surfaces surrounding the quarter unnecessary and they should be removed. This gives the city of Stuttgart the opportunity to grow in an area close to the city centre. Nordbahnhofviertel will then merge into the new Rosensteinviertel, and so, the last relationship the railway company has had with the quarter will disappear. As an employer, Deutsche Bahn has been a major factor in the district’s reproduction from its foundation to the present day. The establishment of the Haus 49 is an example of how to deal with this diversification in Nordbahnhofviertel. With the departure of foreign workers from the dormitories at the beginning of the 1970s, premises became available that were used by building 49.13 The company emerged from a local church project financed by the Robert Bosch Stiftung (see Chap. 6 “Supporting”). This is why the international street festival first took place in Nordbahnhofstraße and today at the end of Mittnachtstrasse. There are many district festivals in Stuttgart. Most of them are known beyond the borders of the respective districts and are a popular destination on the respective weekend in the summer. The international street festival is different. It is smaller, one could say more intimate. The people who come here have a relationship with the neighbourhood. Some residents report that the festival originated from the former autumn festival of railway employees. The intimate character of the festival, the fact that people know each other, is a characteristic of this part of the city. The term “village” was repeatedly used in various conversations and encounters I had as a metaphor to characterise life and (social) relationships in the neighbourhood. The self-sufficiency and isolation at the time the d ­ istrict was created and the same social stratification have led to a lively club life outside work. These include, on the one hand, solidarity clubs and, on the other hand, music, sports and other leisure clubs. The residents are neighbours, colleagues, club members, church members and parents of schoolage children at the same time. The district’s infrastructure, with its shops, churches and urban facilities, has made it possible for much of the time to be spent in the district itself. You know each other and you meet again and again. This density creates a close network between people. It expresses itself both in togetherness and in social control. The physical

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marginalisation and the social closure to the inside have put the quarter in contrast to Stuttgart since it was founded. The image of the neighbourhood is mainly shaped by its social structure: In the beginning, the workers—a socially homogeneous lower class—were the others. After that, it was the increasing numbers of Catholics from rural areas, then the ‘strangers’ from Bavaria. Regarding foreign workers, the perception of the ‘other Stuttgarters’ shifts from a socio-structural to a national-cultural framing. Against this background, many people today still believe that Nordbahnhofviertel is a ‘classic problem district’ or ghetto.14 This perceived marginal position is repeatedly brought up in the various interviews and conversations I had (for instance interview with Hänsel, 15 February 2013; interview with Immenhofer, 1 March 2013; interview with Jahn and Letzgus, 20 February 2013). All these lines converge at the international street festival. As a place of togetherness, it is the expression of a district with dense social relationships. At the same time, the international street festival is an expression and result of the increasing diversification of the district in terms of nationalities, ages, languages, traditions and customs. Last but not least, the international street festival is a way of dealing with this new diversity (see Chap. 5 “Creating Presence”).

 ulti-culture and Class Consciousness: M Glasgow’s Pollokshields Scotland is like a tartan: The different colours, lines and checks make a beautiful overall pattern, as do all the various and different people who live in Scotland today. The representative of a local mosque ended his speech with this metaphor at a Fun Day in the Glasgow district of Pollokshields. It was the last of a total of 18 speeches that took place on the occasion of a demonstration against the deployment of the right-wing nationalist Scottish Defence League (SDL) in July 2013 (Field note, 29 July 2013).15 The SDL had applied for a demonstration to be held in the district. Due to a previous demonstration and clashes between SDL demonstrators, counter-demonstrators and the residents of the district, this motion was rejected. Pollokshields enjoys a reputation beyond Glasgow

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as, in a positive sense, a multicultural neighbourhood and, in a negative sense, a ghetto. Consequently, the SDL has repeatedly chosen the district for its demonstrations up to this point in time. When I returned to Pollokshields during my second stay, I immediately noticed the leaflets attached to traffic and street lights. They had been placed there by the alliance United Against Fascism and Racism and informed readers about the demonstration of the SDL that led to the clashes mentioned above. United Against Fascism and Racism also organised the Fun Day that morning to show the diversity of Pollokshields and to counter any spontaneous march of the SDL. For this reason, the police presence on that Saturday morning was high. About 200 people had gathered in the small square, which consists of a green area and a football field. There were various tables with information material set up by social workers and mostly communist groups. There was a painting and craft corner for children. Journalists, photographers and a camera team were present. In the background there was music, mostly reggae. Banners of the groups participating in the event hung on the grids of the fence surrounding the football pitch. Most of them made one of the 18 speeches. Firstly, short greetings were read by politicians who expressed their support and regretted not being able to attend that day. The first speech was given by Humza Yousaf, a member of the Scottish National Party and, at the time, the Minister for Europe and International Development of the Scottish Government. He welcomed those present in different languages: Arabic, English and Hebrew. The multilingual welcome is an expression of the recognition of Pollokshields’ diversity and the change this district has undergone. In the following, I would like to give an insight into the history of Pollokshields and trace this transformation (Map 1.2). The small green area where Fun Day takes place is called Maxwell Square. The development of the district is linked to the Maxwells of Nether Pollok.16 From the eighteenth century onwards, the Maxwells resided in Pollok House, which is in Pollok Country Park in the southern part of the district. The district itself was the idea of the eighth Baron, Sir John Maxwell, his nephew Sir William Stirling Maxwell and his son Sir John Stirling Maxwell. Their goal was to accommodate the “cream of society” (Ogilvie 1989, p. 6) in a suburb of Glasgow.17 In 1848, Maxwell commissioned the Edinburgh architect David Rhind to realise his idea of

Map 1.2  Map of Pollokshields. Map data © OpenStreetMap contributors

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a district. However, the plan drawn up by Rhind was only implemented in part. A division into East and West was constitutive for the layout of the district. The separation of East and West was marked by Shields Road. To the east of this street, a stricter and more formal layout was planned with terraced houses. Rhind’s design would have provided for a softer bifurcation, in which generous green spaces were to be located in both parts. Ultimately, Rhind’s plan only retained the difference in development and, thus, population density. The development plan drawn up by the Maxwells was more influential for Pollokshields: They were keen to establish a “first class residential district” (Smith 1998, p. 8). Therefore, they adopted strict building regulations to ensure the positions, quality and use of all buildings according to their ideas. With a few exceptions, the development was strictly controlled by the Maxwell Estate of Nether Pollok. Construction contracts were concluded between landowners and building owners for this purpose. These contracts gave the clients the right to all mineral resources. At the same time, however, they undertook to build the houses within a year. In addition, the regulations stipulated that all houses had to be built of yellow or red sandstone. The roofs had to be made of slate; straw was forbidden. These regulations included a ban on establishing businesses and trading in the western part. Between 1851 and 1890, 400 villas were built alone. In 1910, Pollokshields West existed largely in its present form  (Fig. 1.3). Rumour has it that ­Pollokshields was built by the wealthy Tobacco Lords because of the magnificent houses. The inhabitants, however, were mainly merchants and industrialists. Pollokshields was, thus, initially a place of segregation as a result of class consciousness (Pacione 2011). The interest in Pollokshields within Glasgow was based, among other things, on a change in the settlement structure in the middle of the nineteenth century. Spaces for working and living were increasingly separated. The middle class and upper class left the Glasgow centre, in contrast to the Tobacco Lords. The reasons for the expansion of the city through the suburbs were, on the one hand, the high prices in the inner city and the spread of disease and crime in the slums and the desire for an environment for like-minded people. In addition to Pollokshields, the Glasgow West End was of interest for the middle and upper class at that time (Pacione 2011, pp. 28–32). There was also a social division within the

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Fig. 1.3  Villa in Pollokshields West, July 2013. Photo by the author

district, because the buildings prefigured a social distinction between East and West. The tenement houses18 in the eastern part were dominated by lawyers and teachers. The eastern part was built between 1855 and 1910 with a road grid. By 1870, the road network of Pollokshields East was complete. The height of the houses was limited to three floors—usually four in Scotland. The apartments were very spacious with three to seven rooms. Some of the apartments were on two floors and had up to nine rooms. (These were later frequently divided into several apartments.) These houses were intended to be rented. The building regulations of the Maxwells prohibited both shared toilets and outside toilets, so that all apartments had their own bathrooms from the beginning, thus, distinguishing them from the rest of the city’s apartment buildings at that time. In addition to their own bathroom with toilet, many apartments had a room for a maid. Pollokshields, thus, accommodated predominantly members of the well-off Glasgow bourgeoisie (Fig. 1.4). The division into East and West is visible in different ways; in addition to the buildings, at Shields Road, for example, the street names change from drive to road. That Shields Road was a material border in many respects is testified, among other things, by the residents’ reactions to the

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Fig. 1.4  Typical tenements with shop line in Albert Drive, Pollokshields, July 2013. Photo by the author

expansion of Glasgow’s city borders. As early as 1870, Glasgow was striving to expand its city boundaries. In order to escape the high property taxes for homeowners, many municipalities submitted applications to be recognised as free cities with their own city charter. In 1875, 33 Pollokshields homeowners filed an application with the Sheriff of Renfrew to obtain free city status and take care of their own affairs (e.g. roads, lights, drains). Initially, a joint application by Pollokshields West and East was envisaged. However, Pollokshields East withdrew from the joint application due to concerns that it could be managed on better terms without the villa section. The owners there appealed against a joint application, which was approved by the Ministry of the Interior. The residents also rejected the offer of differentiated taxes for East and West as an argument for a joint application. Pollokshields West, with its 1518 inhabitants, received the status of a free city in 1876. Four years later, Pollokshields East was given its own status as a free city with 4360 inhabitants. In the following years, Pollokshields East and West repeatedly had disputes over the financing of shared space, such as the Shields Road or the churches. These disputes did not end until Pollokshields East and West were

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incorporated and Glasgow was in charge. In 1891, the City of Glasgow Boundaries Act made it possible for Glasgow to expand its boundaries. Subsequently, Pollokshields became part of the city. The difference between East and West is also evident in the population. Around 10,000 inhabitants settled in Pollokshieldsin the first 30 years after the development of the area. A third of them lived in Pollokshields West, in an area almost twice the size of Pollokshields East. In the following 100 years, the population increased by a further 5000 people. It is striking that the population in Pollokshields West has more than doubled. One reason for this development was the political action of the city administration to counteract housing shortages after the Second World War. The Glasgow Corporation decided to take appropriate measures in 1950 in order to achieve a higher density in Pollokshields West. The falling demand for large family houses, the lack of domestic workers and the high maintenance costs led to a subdivision of the villas and partly for institutional use. New buildings were also erected on the western border of the district. Villas in St. Andrew’s Drive were demolished by 1969 and replaced by 560 urban apartments in five- and eightstorey skyscrapers. In response to the city’s actions, a citizens’ initiative was founded in 1965, the Pollokshields Preservation and Development Association, with the aim of preserving the historic fabric of the district. This commitment led to a rethinking in the Corporation. Under Section 262 of the Town and Country Planning (Scotland) Act 1972, the Corporation of the City of Glasgow declared that Pollokshields East and West (green spaces and buildings) would be listed from 1973. This decision was also aimed at reducing the institutional use of the villas in order to strengthen the residential character of the area again. The high-rise buildings in St. Andrews Drive remained and resulted in a change in the social structure of the quarter (Fig. 1.5). Pollokshields East has seen a change in the use and handling of buildings since 1900. Houses and apartments were still very popular at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the interwar period, there were then some vacancies. The fences around the houses were partly removed during the Second World War in 1940 due to the lack of iron. Only corner houses and special houses were left out. From the 1950s, many residents left Pollokshields East. The use of the buildings as apartments

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Fig. 1.5  New buildings of the 1960s in St. Andrews Drive, Pollokshields, July 2013. Photo by the author

played an important role here. For the tenants, this arrangement offered the possibility of being able to switch flexibly between apartments within the quarter or to leave it completely. Most of the managers were hired by the landlords, who took care of the maintenance and renovation. After the Second World War, however, the cost of property management increased, making renting the properties unprofitable. Thus, the owners’ own use became the norm. Some of the apartments were offered for sale to the tenants. The smoke from the railway and the chimneys also caused blackening and damage. In 1962, Pollokshields became a smoke-free zone under the Clean Air Act. In the following 30 years the district was cleaned by promoting renovation works. The backyards have been improved. These measures, thus, once again promoted the attractiveness and interest in the district. Pollokshields East has been preserved as a district for the up-and-coming middle-class residents. Moving to Pollokshields East was as much an expression of social advancement as moving from Pollokshields East to Pollokshields West. Many of these newcomers came to Glasgow as immigrants, who initially settled in the Gorbals district near the river (Edward 2008). When they became

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wealthy, they moved further south. This is how the people who Humza Yousaf addressed with his multilingual greeting settled in Pollokshields. After Yousaf, a Jewess in a wheelchair approaches the microphone. Her father had fled Germany during the Second World War. With this look back, she warns against a strengthening of the SDL and its racist ideas. The Jews were the first group of immigrants to settle in Pollokshields. In the 1920s, they founded a synagogue in the district (see Chap. 5 “Creating Presence”). The house they moved into was number 163 Nithsdale Road. The religious diversification of the district can be exemplified in this house. At the beginning of the 1960s, a Gurdwara, which goes back to a foundation in the Gorbals, was created in the adjoining neighbouring house.19 However, some members of the Sikh community decided, after a short time, to found their own Gurdwara in St. Andrew’s Drive. This Gurdwara in Nithsdale Road no longer exists. The community has built the first purpose-built Gurdwara in Scotland on the eastern edge of Pollokshields East (see Chap. 5 “Creating Presence”). Even the synagogue no longer exists. As more and more members of its congregation moved further south into the new suburbs of Glasgow, it was closed in the 1980s. After a short period of private use, a Muslim community bought the building and converted it into a mosque. A Muslim private school has been established in one of the neighbouring buildings in recent years. In addition to this mosque, there are three others that have been established in the district since the 1960s. This is how the religious landscape of the district differentiated itself. In its origin, the district counted ten Protestant churches and one Episcopal church in the far east. The decline in the size of the congregations meant that only two of these original ten Protestant churches are still in use today (Pollokshields Church of Scotland at the Albert Drive/Shields Road junction and Sherbrooke St. Gilbert’s on the edge of Pollokshields West). The various buildings were partly abandoned or transferred after the merging of the municipalities. Two buildings were destroyed by fire. One is used today as a day care centre. Another church building was taken over by the Catholic Church of St. Albert’s in the 1960s. This Catholic presence in the quarter was preceded by a Dominican order of nuns and an Italian missionary order, which both used houses in Pollokshields West. A look at the map shows that not only the density of

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buildings in the eastern part of Pollokshields is higher, but the religious diversity of the district is also centred here. This multi-religiousness of the district was also highlighted by the next speaker. He was a member of the Labour Party and, like Yousaf before him, welcomed those present in various languages. He also pointed out on that particular morning the various speakers represented all the communities in Pollokshields. After him, a representative of the Church of Scotland spoke. He was followed by a greeting from the Catholic community and speeches from activists of various associations who are working against racism and for tolerance. A particularly expressive speech was given by a lawyer and anti-racism activist. He denounced impressively that attacks by Muslims would very quickly make it onto the front pages, but that, on the other hand, attacks against Muslims and Muslim institutions never met with a great response in the media. The presence of Muslim institutions is why the SDL selected Pollokshields East for its demonstrations again and again. The density of ethnically marked economies is particularly high in this district and is exemplary for the influence of the immigrants on the city. This density itself was prefigured by building codes designed long before the first Muslim shop appeared. As has already been mentioned, the western part was provided only for residential use. What was forbidden in Pollokshields West was allowed in the eastern part. Shops, churches, schools and a ­former bathhouse were found only in Pollokshields East, with the exception of Sherbrooke St. Gilbert’s Church, which is located in the western part. However, the permit for business was limited to Albert Drive, Maxwell Road at the corner of Shields Road, and Nithsdale Road at the corner of Kildrostan Road. All shopping facilities were located east of Shields Road. Ogilvie (1989) speaks of eight shops in 1875; six more were planned. However, the planners had apparently planned too few shops for the ever-increasing population, thus there were applications for the conversion of ground floor apartments into shops from the mid-1880s. Ten stores were listed in Shields Road in 1890. Maxwell Road had 22 stores. Some shops moved over time (around 1906) to Albert Drive, as it had become the main shopping street. Thus, shopping was concentrated in this area. In 1934, there were 32 shops in Albert Drive, including three butchers, two pastry shops, two banks, two dairy shops, three newspaper

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dealers, two plumbers, two cleaners and three fishmongers. In spring 2014, my last stay in Glasgow, almost two-thirds of the shops were in the consumer sector and almost one-third in the services sector. The rest were charity shops. Two-thirds of all shops were ethnically marked by their names, for example, Punjab Food Store, Asian Grocers or the range, such as Halal Meat or Saris. Businesses are repeatedly mentioned in conversations and publications as striking when it comes to Albert Drive and Pollokshields. They symbolise the designation of the quarter as multicultural (Smith 1998, p. 17). In addition, there is now a supermarket in the eastern part and a discounter in the immediate vicinity. Wholesale warehouses are also located at the eastern end of Pollokshields East. The density of people and economic infrastructure has shaped the image of Pollokshields significantly. Many of the following speakers emphasised that immigration is not a special case for Glasgow but the norm. One pointed out that all people are descended from migrants who bring with them new customs, beliefs, festivals and food. He was succeeded by Norman MacLeod, a member of the Scottish National Party (SNP) and one of three Pollokshieldscouncillors on the City Council. Following on from the previous speakers, he put himself in a long tradition of immigration by introducing himself as a descendant of the Vikings, a group of immigrants who, he stresses, unlike today’s immigrants, had not come with peaceful intent. MacLeod described Glasgow in his speech as a special place that differs from others. He spoke of a “tradition of tolerance” that exists in the city.20 It may have been due to his membership of the SNP that he presented Scotland as a whole as more tolerant and cosmopolitan than England—an assessment which he supports, among other things, with the fact that there has never been any anti-Semitic legislation in Scotland. He also talked in his speech about a conversation I had had with him a few days earlier. He narrowed my research interest in Pollokshields to the question, why it had succeeded with a peaceful multicultural population living together. For him, the answer was obvious: it is the Scottish and especially the Glaswegian nature.

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Structure of the Book In the next chapter, I introduce the concept of situational diversity in detail—firstly, theoretically and then its methodological implications. The chapter aims at making the concept of situational diversity in theory and method available to the scientific discussion of diversity. The first part of the chapter pursues the following steps of argumentation: understanding diversity as difference, difference as an emergent and contingent process of differentiation and situations as reoccurring similar conditions of the social where these processes of differentiation take place. The second part of the chapter discusses the methodological implications of the concept and takes three aspects into focus: situational analysis of diversity, double contextualisation and discussion of methods and procedures for an analysis of situational diversity. Finally, I will describe my sources and the course of research in the two neighbourhoods. In the four following chapters, I will demonstrate how to apply the perspective of situational diversity. In order to do this, I chose different situations and present them regarding “double contextualization”. None of the situations considered is related merely to the context of migration. Rather, they correspond to a repertoire, in the sense of reoccurring similar conditions of the social, in order to deal with im/migration and its effects. Here, I will focus on four kinds of situations: knowledge production/transfer, exploration, creating presence and support. In the chapter on knowledge ­production/transfer, I focus specifically on two examples from the two neighbourhoods. The first example is the analysis of the city population by the City of Stuttgart in the 1970s. This analysis had the aim of gaining knowledge about the immigrated inhabitants in order to plan different measures. The second example is a research project about Pollokshields that had the aim of gaining general knowledge about the quality of life experience of people framed as an ethnic minority. In my analysis, I discuss aspects like the process of categorisation, information infrastructures as well as localisation of differences into account. Moreover, I will show how the topic of migration has changed statistics and the work of municipal administrations. In the chapter on situations of exploration, events in the

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neighbourhoods like the Glasgow Doors Open Days as well as travels to the countries of origin of immigrants, namely to Pakistan and Turkey, respectively, are taken into account. I will show, how within these situations, the actors draw on the cultural repertoires of the excursion and travel reporting in general, and on the European Heritage Days in concrete terms. Furthermore, I exemplify how immigration has changed the understanding of the European Heritage Days. In the chapter on situations of creating presence, I examine how and with what motivations people and groups create or avoid presence that marks them as different within neighbourhoods. Thereby, I will discuss how one can express oneself in the new environment as well as how they use, acquire and transform the urban environment. I will take examples such as (multicultural) festivals, religious premises, (political) participation, clubs and organisations into consideration and show how migration-driven diversity is enacted as a distinctiveness within. In this regard, I will address topics such as territoriality, resources, agency and belonging. In the chapter on situations of support, I am going to show how migration-driven diversity is enacted as differences in linguistic competence, differences in knowledge and differences in the degree of contact. I argue that differences in these situations are enacted as the possibility of participating in the urban environment. In order to discuss this (disturbed) human-environment relationship I apply an approach from the field of disability studies. Furthermore, I will demonstrate how an underlining understanding of “good neighbourliness” and its Christian foundation as well as currents in social work shape situations of support. In the final chapter, I will present and discuss situational modes of differentiation as an outcome of the analysis. I will introduce these modes as cutting across categories such as migrant or foreigner, or dimensions such as religion or gender. They are not thought of as universal although it is assumed that they work within situations across time and space. I will present four situational modes of differentiation: infrastructural demand, habitual places, environmental resourcefulness and environmental ability. Infrastructural demand differentiates according to the needs for change of the fundamental facilities and systems that are serving a social entity. Habitual places differentiate by means of embodied knowledge and emotional affiliation in relation to spatial entities. Environmental resourcefulness differentiates according to

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the ability to cope with new or changing urban settings. Environmental ability differentiates by means of the ability to participate in a certain urban setting in a standard or confirmative way. The book concludes with a summary of the results and gives ideas for future research.

Notes 1. I understand migration as a relationship between humans and environment which is shaped by the continuum of mobility and presence. Furthermore, I understand migration as a “meta-cultural process” (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2004). For a detailed discussion of this thought, see the article by Felicia Sparacio and me (Sparacio and Klückmann 2015). 2. With new diversity, I refer here to the fact that different people always interact with each other, but there is a new quality of difference through migration processes. When people immigrate or emigrate, the differences between the individual people might be represented anew. 3. All sources referred to in this book are listed in the list of sources. The interviewees and other people who I name in the work were pseudonymised, unless they are persons who either have held a (public) office, their names can be found in other publications, or have agreed to be mentioned. If a person is pseudonymised, that is marked. 4. For comparison in cultural anthropological research, see, among others, the contributions by Welz (1998) and Kaschuba (2003) and the anthology by Gingrich and Fox (2002). 5. Nina Glick Schiller and Ayse Çağlar (2009) argue for the consideration of different cities in migration research in order to be able to consider the significance of the local. Likewise, David FitzGerald (2012) advocates the use of comparison in migration research. For the significance of the local in general see for instance Helmuth Berking’s (2006) volume. For the value of explorative comparison as a tool of praxeology see the argument of Robert Schmidt (2012, pp. 99–129). 6. This is precisely why it would certainly be worthwhile to look at the phenomenon of migration and the associated multiplication processes in rural areas. The workplace at this point could also have been regarded as a research field, especially since diversity management has developed an explicit approach to diversity that cities have only discovered in recent years.

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7. The official name of the district is Auf der Prag, however I use the term Nordbahnhofviertel, as does the majority of today’s residents. 8. The following data is according to the Statistical Office of the City of Stuttgart, Datenkompass Stuttgart Auszug: Stadtbezirk Nord Auflage 2014/2015 (Statistisches Amt Stuttgart 2018). 9. I use the term “statistically” here, because according to the Federal Statistical Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, people with a migrant background are defined as follows: “A person has a migrant background if he or she or at least one parent was not born with German citizenship. In detail, this definition includes immigrated and nonimmigrated foreigners, immigrated and non-immigrated naturalised citizens, ethnic German resettlers (Spät-/Aussiedler) as well as the descendants of these groups born as Germans. The displaced persons of the Second World War have a special status (according to the Bundesvertriebenengesetz); they and their descendants are therefore not counted among the population with a migrant background” (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020a, my translation). The category was first introduced in 2005, for an explanation of the development of the category see Statistisches Bundesamt (2020b), for a critical review see Will (2019) and Möller (2010). 10. The following presentation is based on the book Nordgeschichten by Jörg Kurz (2005). 11. The recruitment of foreign workers after the Second World War began in Baden-Württemberg in the 1950s. The Italian workers initially recruited in agriculture are first tolerated by the state administration before regular recruitment agreements are concluded. The people who come to Germany as a result of these agreements today form the largest group of people with a migrant background in the federal state, the city and Nordbahnhofviertel itself. Being close to France, Switzerland, Austria and Italy today’s ­Baden-­Württemberg is a region with a long history of cross-border migration and border experiences (see in particular MeierBraun 2005 as well as Meier-­Braun and Weber 2009). 12. In 2012 in the course of the real-time architecture competition 72 Hours Urban Action, artists attempt to establish a relationship with the residents through installations and interventions in the district (Flickr 2020; Manz 2012).

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13. At the end of the 1970s, the Youth Centre North (Jugendhaus Nord) was founded, which today is located in the immediate vicinity of Haus 49. 14. The statements come from interviews conducted between 2009 and 2010 as part of the study project HeimatStadt Stuttgart of the Ludwig-­ Uhland-­ Institut für Empirische Kulturwissenschaft at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. 15. The SDL is closely linked to the creation of the English Defence League. For an ethnography on their self-understanding, see the work “Loud and Proud” by Hilary Pilkington (2016). 16. The presentation of the district history is based on the works of Malcolm (2010), Ogilvie (1989, 2002), Pacione (2011) and Smith (1998). 17. Pollokshields is the only upper-middle-class district whose development was in aristocratic hands compared to English cities of that time. 18. In Scotland, the term has a positive connotation in contrast to England and the USA, where it is used pejoratively for miserable and poverty-­ ridden housing conditions. 19. A Gurdwara describes the place of prayer and school of the Sikhs. Literally translated it means “gateway to the Guru”. The Sikh religion is a monotheistic religion founded in the fifteenth century in the Punjab, north-western India. Today the religion counts between 25 and 30 million followers worldwide, the majority of whom live in India. 20. In 1990, Anne Dunlop and Robert Miles (1990) explored the “myth” of Scottish hospitality and countered it with the experience of exclusion and racism in Scotland at the beginning of the twentieth century.

References Research Material Field Diary, 27 June 2009. Interview Allotment Gardeners, 4 May 2010.

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Bibliography Berking, Helmuth, ed. 2006. Die Macht des Lokalen in einer Welt ohne Grenzen. Frankfurt am Main; New York: Campus. Dunlop, Anne, and Robert Miles. 1990. Recovering the History of Asian Migration to Scotland. Immigrants & Minorities 9 (2): 145–167. Edward, Mary. 2008. Who Belongs to Glasgow? 3rd ed. Edinburgh: Luath Press Limited. FitzGerald, David. 2012. A Comparativist Manifesto for International Migration Studies. Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 (10): 1725–1740. Flickr. 2020. Stuttgart 2012. Accessed April 26, 2020. https://www.flickr.com/ photos/72hua/collections/72157630989893918/. Gingrich, Andre, and Richard G.  Fox. 2002. Anthropology, by Comparison. London; New York: Routledge. Glick Schiller, Nina, and Ayse Çağlar. 2009. Towards a Comparative Theory of Locality in Migration Studies: Migrant Incorporation and City Scale. Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 (2): 177–202. Hannerz, Ulf. 1980. Exploring the City: Inquiries toward an Urban Anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press. Kaschuba, Wolfgang. 2003. Anmerkungen zum Gesellschaftsvergleich aus ethnologischer Perspektive. In Vergleich und Transfer, ed. Hartmut Kaelble and Jürgen Schriewer, 341–350. Frankfurt am Main: Campus. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara. 2004. Intangible Heritage as Metacultural Production. museum 56 (1–2): 52–65. Klückmann, Matthias. 2013a. Everyday Home-Making: Three Vignettes from a Multi-Ethnic Neighborhood. In Out of the Tower: Essays on Culture and Everyday Life, ed. Monique Scheer et  al., 162–177. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde. ———. 2013b. Im Quartier zuhause: Zur emotionalen Ortsbezogenheit in einem multi-ethnischen Stadtteil. In Migrationsort Quartier: Zwischen Segregation, Integration, Interkultur, ed. Olaf Schnur, Philipp Zakrzewski, and Matthias Drilling, 107–119. Wiesbaden: Springer VS Verlag. Kurz, Jörg. 2005. Nordgeschichte(n): VomWohnen und Leben der Menschen im Stuttgarter Norden. Stuttgart: Stadtteil-Initiative Pro Nord. Lindner, Rolf. 2004. Walks on the Wild Side: Eine Geschichte der Stadtforschung. Frankfurt am Main: Campus. Malcolm, Sandra. 2010. Old Pollokshields. Catrine: Stenlake Publishing.

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Manz, Eva-Maria. 2012. 3 Tage, zehn Teams, ein Ziel. Stuttgarter Zeitung, July 11. Meier-Braun, Karl-Heinz. 2005. Kulturelle Vielfalt: Baden-Württemberg als Einwanderungsland. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Meier-Braun, Karl-Heinz, and Reinhold Weber. 2009. Kleine Geschichte der Einund Auswanderung in Baden-Württemberg. Leinfelden-Echterdingen: DRW. Möller, Kurt. 2010. Hybrid-Kulturen: Wie ‘Jugendliche mit Migrationshintergrund’ postmigrantisch werden. In KanakCultures: Kultur und Kreativität junger MigrantInnen, ed. Archiv der Jugendkulturen e. V, 9–21. Berlin: Archiv der Jugendkulturen. Ogilvie, Sheila M. 1989. Pollokshields Pastiche. Glasgow: S.M. Ogilvie. ———. 2002. Pollokshields in Perspective. Glasgow: S.M. Ogilvie. Pacione, Michael. 2011. Continuity and Change in Scotland’s First Garden Suburb: The Genesis and Development of Pollokshields, Glasgow. Urban Geography 32 (1): 23–49. Pilkington, Hilary. 2016. Loud and Proud: Passion and Politics in the English Defence League. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Schmidt, Robert. 2012. Soziologie der Praktiken: Konzeptionelle Studien und empirische Analysen. Berlin: Suhrkamp. Simmel, Georg. 1995. Die Großstädte und das Geistesleben. In Aufsätze und Abhandlungen 1901–1908, ed. Rüdiger Kramme, Angela Rammstedt, and Otthein Rammstedt, 116–131. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Smith, Ronald. 1998. Pollokshields: Historical Guide and Heritage Walk. Glasgow: Glasgow City Council. Sparacio, Felicia, and Matthias Klückmann. 2015. Spektrum Migration: Perspektiven auf einen alltagskulturellen Forschungsgegenstand. In Spektrum Migration: Zugänge zurVielfalt des Alltags, ed. Matthias Klückmann and Felicia Sparacio, 17–36. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde. Statistisches Amt Stuttgart. 2018. Interaktive Karten. https://www.stuttgart.de/ item/show/16781/1/publ/13959. Accessed 26 May 2018. Statistisches Bundesamt. 2020a. https://www.destatis.de/DE/Themen/ Gesellschaft-Umwelt/Bevoelkerung/Migration-Integration/Glossar/migrationshintergrund.html. Accessed 26 April 2020. ———. 2020b. https://www.destatis.de/DE/Themen/Gesellschaft-Umwelt/ Bevoelkerung/Migration-Integration/Methoden/Erlauterungen/migrationshintergrund.html. Accessed 26 April 2020. Strauss, Anselm L., and Juliet M. Corbin. 1996. Grounded Theory: Grundlagen qualitativer Sozialforschung. Beltz: Weinheim.

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Tracy, Rosemarie. 2017. Spracherwerb und sprachliche Vielfalt im Kontext der Migration. In Deutschland Einwanderungsland: Begriffe, Fakten, Kontroversen, ed. Karl-Heinz Meier-Braun and Reinhold Weber, 3rd ed., 199–203. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. 2017a. International Migration Report 2017: Highlights. New York: United Nations. ———. 2017b. World Population Prospects: The 2017 Revision, Key Findings and Advance Tables. New York: United Nations. Vertovec, Steven. 2015. Introduction: Formulating Diversity Studies. In Routledge International Handbook of Diversity Studies, ed. Steven Vertovec, 1–20. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. Welz, Gisela. 1998. The Uses of Comparison. In Multiculturalism in Transit: A German-American Exchange, International Political Currents 3, ed. Klaus J. Milich and Jeffrey M. Peck, 3–12. New York, NY: Berghahn. Will, Anne-Kathrin. 2019. The German Statistical Category ‘Migration Background’: Historical Roots, Revisions and Shortcomings. Ethnicities 19 (3): 535–557.

2 Situational Diversity

Diversity has received increasing attention from businesses, politics and science in recent decades. If one looks at the frequency with which the word has been used in books since the beginning of the nineteenth century using the Google service Ngram Viewer,1 there has been a clear increase in the use of the term since the 1960s for English-language books. From the end of the 1980s, this curve has become even steeper. These figures do not provide any information about the context in which the respective terms are used, but they support the impression that diversity is increasingly attracting attention: Companies are managing diversity, cities are designing diversity concepts and more and more researchers are focusing on this topic. The increased academic attention and the increased meaning of a term are evident when handbooks (Salzbrunn 2014; Vertovec 2015a) are published. Diversity itself can become an identity marker. The Swedish social anthropologist Ulf Hannerz, for instance, used the term in his attempt to give anthropology a strong brand and claimed “Diversity is Our Business” in 2010 (Hannerz 2010). For him, diversity best describes that the discipline has been about researching the variety of human life since its beginnings, where this variety in terms of diversity points to the understanding that “other ways of © The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2_2

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thinking and acting [and I would add experiencing, M.K.] are possible” (Hannerz 2010, p.  544). The question how to understand, frame and research these “other ways” is an ongoing discussion within anthropology and other disciplines. In this regard, Roger Brubaker (2006, 2017) criticised the tendency towards and danger of “groupism”. Instead of applying essentialising dimensions and categories, such as gender, disability, religious affiliation or race, social research should question them and analyse how they are used. According to Schmidt (2012), social research would have to reject unquestionable prerequisites and these themselves should become the object of investigation. To question prerequisites as well as to keep in mind their effects outside the academic discourse was addressed by Eric Wolf (1994) and Lila Abu-Lughod (1991) as early as the 1990s. From that time at the latest, the question of examining differences within social sciences has been discussed in relation to the concept of culture. In his response to Abu-Lughod’s concerns, Werner Schiffauer advocates, like Hannerz, not to abandon the concept of culture, since it only offers “the possibility of a radical critique of the self ” (Schiffauer 1996, p. 30; my translation). The concept of culture enables thinking in the plural and, thus, the constructive juxtaposition of the other and the self. I follow this understanding of culture within European Ethnology and Social/Cultural Anthropology that points out that the concept of culture—in contrast to the concept of society—allows one to think about the plural in a non-normative way (see among others Bausinger 1980). Where parallel societies go hand in hand with (negative) normative evaluations, subcultures can be described in a more unproblematic and value-­ free way. Although culture and the social are seen as a complementary relationship here. The European ethnologist Jens Wietschorke (2012) recently argued for an understanding of the discipline as a “culturally arguing social science” (Wietschorke 2012, p.  353; my translation). According to Wietschorke, culture is the perspective of ethnological and cultural studies research and not its subject; the object is the social. Taking up the debate about the critique of the concept of culture, he conceptualises culture as “the essential tool for understanding making other” (Wietschorke 2012, p. 349; emphasis in original, M.K.). The basic idea of the cultural perspective, as described by the previous authors and concisely formulated here by Wietschorke, is guiding the present book,

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which makes the modes of differentiation its subject. Considering migration-­driven diversity, I have chosen an exemplary of the “variety of human life” (Hannerz 2010, p. 544) as the object of analysis. Moreover, by means of a cultural perspective on modes of differentiation, I offer a different way to talk about diversity. In the following, I introduce the concept of situational diversity in detail, firstly, theoretically and then its methodological implications. The chapter aims at making the concept of situational diversity in theory and method available to the scientific discussion of diversity. The first part of the chapter pursues the following steps of argumentation: (a) understanding diversity as difference, (b) difference as an emergent and contingent process of differentiation and (c) situations as reoccurring similar conditions of the social where these processes of differentiation take place. The second part of the chapter discusses the methodological implications of the concept and is divided into three sections: (a) the situational analysis of diversity, (b) double contextualisation and (c) a discussion of methods and procedures for an analysis of situational diversity.

Super-diversity and Social Differentiation Steven Vertovec (2007) introduced a way to understand the complexity of the variety of human life with the concept of super-diversity. Vertovec argues that societies (shaped by migration) can no longer be described by categories of nationality or ethnicity alone. Based on an analysis of British migration patterns at the end of the twentieth century, he argued for a research perspective that includes further aspects to gain a more complex picture of diversity: […] differential legal statuses and their concomitant conditions, divergent labour market experiences, discrete configurations of gender and age, patterns of spatial distribution, and mixed local area responses by service providers and residents. The dynamic interaction of these variables is what is meant by ‘superdiversity’. (Vertovec 2007, p. 1025)

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This dynamic interplay of diverse variables to describe migration-­ driven diversity poses challenges to both politics and research (Vertovec 2007). Super-diversity seems to have been an answer to these challenges for many. A meta-analysis by Vertovec ten years after the article that introduced the concept has shown that the original article and a preceding working paper were cited more than 3,000 times in a broad field ranging from sociology and law to economics and housing studies. In its analysis, Vertovec states that the concept has not only been talked about but also around, including multiple ways of understanding, misunderstanding and misuse, which, in the end, is threatening super-diversity with becoming a blurred concept (Vertovec 2017). The concept of situational diversity draws on super-diversity as a perspective that points to the multidimensionality of the field. (cf. Meissner 2016). Instead of merely extending categories, situational diversity questions the assumption of the general relevance of categories and asks how and through which measures categories are applied. Starting from a similar point, Fran Meissner develops a relational understanding of diversity, where she rejects a static notion of diversity which is solely built on the enumeration of categories and asks for the processes of migration-driven differentiations (Meissner 2016, p. 16). I share her account to look at the processes of differentiation and the idea of understanding diversity in terms of relations. However, I focus on situations wherein relations and positions are embedded and enacted. On the one hand, this enables me to show how the (local) contexts shape differentiation processes and on the other hand to analyse how these processes vary and transform over time. According to Vertovec, the understanding of processes of differentiation forms the basis of what he characterises as Diversity Studies (Vertovec 2015b): The various fields and disciplines, such as gender studies, migration research or studies on sexuality, under this umbrella share an interest in “modes, mechanisms and outcomes of social differentiation” (Vertovec 2015b, p. 10). While research on diversity could draw analytical, theoretical and methodological insights from these various fields, Vertovec notices that diversity is currently still little theorised and conceptualised as well as largely unreflected methodologically. With the present book I aim at contributing some ideas to the theory and methodology of diversity. Therefore, I will start with a brief etymological discussion of

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diversity. The term itself derives in the sixteenth century from the Latin diversus meaning “different”. Here, I would like to add a brief discussion of the corresponding term in German “Vielfalt”, which could also be translated as manifoldness.2 The German term Vielfalt is composed of two parts: much or many and fold. The first syllable much/many (viel) has been used since the eighth century with the meaning of great quantity or number as well as numerous. The second syllable, folding, refers to two aspects: on the one hand, to create complexity through folding and, on the other hand, to multiply or duplicate. I would like to highlight the combination of number and multiplicity here regarding processes of diversification or differentiation. The aspect of folding within the German term, which is etymologically missing from the English term, is especially important, as it refers to the similarity of a thing, which exists either in different forms (manifold, multi-layered, multidimensional) or in multiple numbers (multiplication). This seems significant to me in relation to human diversity, because it emphasises a common foundation, besides all differences, rather than merely describing the divisive. Ulf Hannerz has argued for a similar understanding in relation to the concept of culture, which should emphasise the differences within a common group of humanity rather than the differences between (human) groups (Hannerz 1996). Additionally, the aspect of quantity is also significant, since diversity (especially regarding migration processes) often becomes the starting point of social debates when it is shown in increasing numbers and is perceived as a changing balance between minorities and majorities (cf. Appadurai 2006). Moreover, studies of migration-driven diversity often focus on large groups of migrants (Meissner 2016). Thus, by embracing diversity with the German understanding of Vielfalt, diversification, in my understanding, offers the possibility to ask for socially meaningful changes of groups both in its composition and in its number. By socially meaningful, I mean how, when and under which conditions do what kind of differences become recognised and a starting point for actions. Moreover, by speaking of meaningful differences, I follow Hannerz’s idea that the circulation, production and control of meaning are related to power and material lives (Hannerz 1995). This points to what Vertovec has called the “social organization of difference” (Vertovec 2019, p. 12).

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Social Differentiation as Practice In the first section, I argued for an understanding of diversity as a process of social differentiation beyond the enumeration of categories and dimensions. In the following, I will discuss a way to understand these processes of differentiation. Following praxeological assumptions, I will argue in this part that differences are contingent, before showing in the next section that this contingency depends on situations. In order to grasp the contingency of differences, Stefan Hirschauer developed the concept of un/doing differences (Hirschauer 2014, 2017a, b). Building on an approach by Candace West and Sarah Fenstermaker (1995), Hirschauer argues for a perspective on concrete conditions to work out (a) when and how differences show up, (b) how differences are experienced and (c) how differences become effective, respectively, when and in what contexts distinctive categories become un/important. When visiting a toilet, for instance, the differentiation of gender into men and women is salient and relevant for action if toilets are designated for men and women. Thus, differences do not exist in an essential way; they are not natural and given but results of processes. Hirschauer’s approach takes up an assumption of practice theory that differences are part of a performative reality (Vollzugswirklichkeit). Differences neither simply exist, in the sense of an essentialist understanding, nor are they a product of construction, in the sense of (radical) constructivism. Rather, they take place through the participation of individuals in social practices. Differences are part of an on-going doing. This also refers to discursive practices in which differences occur through the repeated use of words and the repeated association of assumptions with these words (cf. Reckwitz 2008). Practice theory has emerged over the last few decades and slowly developed into an independent (albeit not uniform) theoretical corpus (cf. Reckwitz 2008; Schäfer 2016a; Schatzki et  al. 2001). I argue that theories of practice offer a valuable perspective on processes of differentiation by their approaches to subject positions, identities and relationships, which Vertovec has recently highlighted as important aspects for a theory of complexity (Vertovec 2019). In the following, I will highlight some of the aspects with theories of practice.3 I lean on the

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work of Theodore R. Schatzki (especially 1996, 2002) on practices both in terms of theoretical assumptions and the vocabulary used. I will, firstly, briefly discuss the starting point and basic assumptions of practice theory before explaining the definition of practices as developed by Schatzki. In the second step, I will deal with the aspect of the sociality of practices, drawing on Judith Butler’s thoughts on social ontology. This is followed by a presentation of the concept of practice-arrangement bundles developed by Schatzki. I then discuss questions of the in-/stability of practices and the concepts of meaning and actors within practices. Finally, I will briefly discuss the added value of practice theory for the consideration of migration-driven diversity and, conversely, the added value of dealing with migration for the development of practice theories. The core idea of practice theory, which is not a uniform theoretical concept but rather an umbrella which brings together various theories, approaches and basic concepts, is to overcome the opposition of totality and individual (cf. Schäfer 2016b). Both the concept of totality and the individual had diverged within social theory at the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, thus, creating two opposing basic assumptions for explaining the nature of the social (Schatzki 1996, pp. 1–18). This opposition is questioned by representatives of the theory of practice and is abolished in their respective approaches. Consequently, they focus on concepts such as relativity, positionality and locality, as well as contingency and emergence. Furthermore, within practice theory, a hyperrational and intellectualised image of human capacity to act is opposed and essentialist beliefs are rejected; instead, identity and meaning are understood as determined by contextual relationships which place body movements, things and practical knowledge at the centre of socio-theoretical vocabulary. Reckwitz defines the concept of practice as follows: A ‘practice’ (Praktik) is a routinized type of behaviour which consists of several elements, interconnected to one another: forms of bodily activities, forms of mental activities, ‘things’ and their use, a background knowledge in the form of understanding, know-how, states of emotion and motivational knowledge. A practice […] forms so to speak a ‘block’ whose existence necessarily depends on the existence and specific interconnectedness of these elements, and which cannot be reduced to any one of these single

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elements. Likewise, a practice represents a pattern which can be filled out by a multitude of single and often unique actions reproducing the practice. (Reckwitz 2005, pp. 251–252)

Practical theorists understand the social as the effect of the enactment of practices (see for instance Mol 2002). Thus, practices are the place of the social and the smallest unit of the analysis of the social. (I will come back to that later in the next section on situation.) However, practice theory is also criticised for overstating contingency. Although the local production of the social is emphasised in practice theories, I am going to draw on conceptions that address this problem and do not fall into what Schmidt calls a “self-sufficient situationalism” (Schmidt 2012, p. 230; my translation). Theodore Schatzki developed such a conception of practices. Based on Wittgenstein’s work and a critique of the theoretical assumptions of Pierre Bourdieu and Anthony Giddens,4 he defines practices as the nexus of doings and sayings that is distributed openly and spatio-­ temporally and organised by (a) practical understanding, (b) explicit rules and principles and (c) teleoaffective structures (goals and emotions) (Schatzki 1996, p. 89). As a further aspect, Schatzki later adds general understandings—such as religious convictions—as a fourth aspect (Schatzki 2002, pp. 70–88). Schatzki rejects the idea of individual practices and claims that every practice is a social practice. This sociality encompasses two meanings: Firstly, a practice is carried out by different people in different places at different times (cf. Reckwitz 2008, p. 252); secondly, a practice never belongs to a single individual. Elisabeth Shove et al. (2012; see also Shove and Pantzar 2016) proposed a differentiation of practices as entities and practices as performances to address this issue. The game or sport of football, for instance, with all its rules, positions and so on, would be practice as an entity, whereas playing football at a certain moment of time, at a certain place by certain people would be practice as a performance. Their reference to the constitutive relationship of practitioners or participants and practices refers to processes of recruitment and reproduction of practices. On the one hand, this means that practices “look out” for their participants. On the other hand, it means that variations through participation are possible in the reproduction of practices. Thomas Alkemeyer and Nikolaus Buschmann (2016) take up

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the distinction proposed by Shove and Pantzar to develop an interpretation of subjectivation processes, where they draw attention to the following four aspects: firstly, the processuality of competent action carriers, in which self and external references are intertwined; secondly, physical, mental and affective moments of action carriers; thirdly, aspects of power and moments of resistance and transgression in participation in practices; and fourthly, affective and identifying ties to practices (Alkemeyer and Buschmann 2016, pp. 129–130). Referring to works by Pierre Bourdieu, Erving Goffman and the situated learning approach of Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger, the two authors point out that people, in the sense of a body, repeatedly participate in the same practices in similar contexts. Through this repeated participation, an affective bond takes place. A positive affective bond could result in the need for repeated participation. At the same time, participation is always subject to a moment of authentication and recognition. The social, for Schatzki, is also not sufficiently described by practices or their execution. He understands the social as a bundle of practices and (material) arrangements of human and non-human elements (Schatzki 2002): “Practices and arrangements form into bundles to the extent that (1) practices produce, use, alter, focus on or are inseparably linked to material arrangements, and (2) arrangements align, prefigure and enable practices” (Schatzki 2016, p.  33). Within these bundles, Schatzki describes six types of relationships between practices and arrangements: production (causal relationship), use, constitution (spatial relationship), intentionality, limitation and preconfiguration, and intelligibility (meanings and identities) (Schatzki 2016, p. 33, 2002, pp. 89–105). Through this combination of practices and arrangements, practices possess a specific order. The coming together of a specific practice and a specific arrangement is subject to a certain regularity. Cooking practices usually take place in arrangements called kitchens, which consist of elements such as a stove, oven, bowls, ingredients and pots. This regularity of behaviour, this orderliness of the social system and this structure of relationships are basic characteristics of the social within practice theories (cf. Schmidt 2012, pp. 9–27). This means that order is not understood as a consequence of norm. Orders are produced repeatedly in the course of the performance of practices in specific arrangements (cf. Schmidt 2012,

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p. 216).5 In the following, I will discuss three aspects in relation to this understanding of order that are important for the concept of situational diversity: meaning and identity, human and non-human elements and, finally, social change. I begin with meaning and identity. Schatzki introduces intelligibility as one of the relationships in the practice-arrangement bundle. Under this relationship, he subsumes meanings and identity, whereas he differentiates the two by means of attribution; while meaning takes place through external attribution, identity refers to an understanding of one’s own meaning (Schatzki 2002, p. 47). In contrast to a (neo-)Saussurian understanding, meaning for him does not result from difference, but from doings and sayings: Once again, differences are results, not determinants, in this case of actual activities. It follows that meaning does not, as a general matter, arise from difference. Rather, it arises from actuality: actual relations among entities, and what these entities actually do. Because, moreover, semantic difference presupposes meaning, it, too, is a product of actuality. (Schatzki 2002, p. 57)

Schatzki’s concept of meaning/identity resembles notions of subject positions as developed by Michel Foucault and Judith Butler. To have a position in relation to other positions, means to be understandable as such: “Meaning and identity arise (in part) from where an entity fits into the mazes of relations that characterise the arrangements of which it is a part” (Schatzki 2002, p. 53). Meaning/identity and position are distinct from one another but codependent. Someone or something takes a position within a practice-arrangement bundle through participation. At this point, I would like to distinguish between participants and individuals: A participant, on the one hand, can be defined as someone who participates in, relates to and understands his/her actions as part of a practice. A participant recognises other participants of the practice because their doings and sayings are intelligible to them. An individual, on the other hand, is a person who participates in several practices. The practices cross in the individual. Consequently, it seems to me useful to distinguish analytically between meanings/identities of participants and individuals. The meaning/identity of a participant is the position he or she takes within

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the practice-arrangement bundle.6 By contrast, an individual can participate in many practices.7 Consequently, individual meanings/identities are an emergent, unstable and diverse phenomena. Even if the meaning/ identity of an individual is manifold, individual meanings/identities are usually organised around central axes. Individuals differ in the degree to which their identity is centred and in the number of centres to which their identity refers.8 Gingrich concludes that identity should be understood as subject-centred but implying cultural and collective identity. Like Schatzki, he sees identity as a relational dimension that should be thought of as a contradictory and multiple position of the subject, where it is a simultaneous connection of difference and belonging (Gingrich 2005): Identity means collective and personal, multiple and contradictory subjectivities and subject movements, which include both ‘differences to others’ and ‘belonging to something similar’. The multidimensionality always includes fluid component identities. On the one hand, these are constituted by the interplay of foreign attributions with a high degree of self-­ attribution. The latter include both cognitive and affective and emotional content. On the other hand, this is always articulated in social contexts and partial connections that are interwoven with the overall fields of social interaction and circulation. (Gingrich 2005, p. 40)

Thus, identity is thought in relation to belonging. Under the aspect of differentiation, Hirschauer (2017b) develops an approach of modes and degrees of social belonging. He understands identity as an expression of the degree of intensity of belonging (with indifference as the opposite pole) (Hirschauer 2017b, pp.  5–9). Hirschauer distinguishes between categorial and relational affiliations. The categorial affiliations can be attributed or claimed in the mode of their creation. He differentiates the modes of origin of relational belonging into chosen, forced, grown and sought (Hirschauer 2017b, pp.  42–45). The typology developed by Hirschauer refers to a necessary double direction of view, which simultaneously considers the framing and the people acting within this framing (including the questioning and redefining of the framing). Furthermore, this typologisation refers to the different degrees of formalisation of

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affiliation. In this context, I follow Schatzki’s assumption of a main identity, in the sense of what a person in principle understands by themself. For the purposes of this study, this distinction is fundamental, because, in the different situations considered, the same people take on different meanings/identities as part of their position within a specific situation. This positioning is, only to a limited extent, within the power of the individual. As I have argued before, every practice is social; I would like to underline this aspect by taking Judith Butler’s thoughts on a social ontology into account (Butler 2009). Butler addresses the preconditions that determine what someone or something is in Frames of War: The “being” of the body to which this ontology refers is one that is always given over to others, to norms, to social and political organizations that have developed historically […]. It is not possible first to define the ontology of the body and then to refer to the social significations the body assumes. Rather, to be a body is to be exposed to social crafting and form, and that is what makes the ontology of the body a social ontology. In other words, the body is exposed to socially and politically articulated forces as well as to claims of sociality—including language, work, and desire—that make possible the body’s persisting and flourishing. (Butler 2009, pp. 2–3)

Consequently, asking what something or who someone is means asking about the operations of power (Bourdieu 2005). Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992) developed the concept of symbolic power and violence to address this issue. Symbolic power describes the imposition of categories and categorisations of thought and perception, such as gender, ethnicity or nationality, usually by agents who possess more symbolic capital on social agents who possess less symbolic capital. The dominated actors tend to regard the social order as natural, legitimate and just.9 Butler points out in her remarks on social ontology that every I is unthinkable without a you. The “constitutive sociality of the body” (Butler 2009, p. 54) makes body and mind both desirable and subjugating. Body and mind are always in place, and part of the environment and circumstances. To say that body and mind exist in one environment is, therefore, not enough; there is no body or mind without environment:

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There is no life without the conditions of life that variably sustain life, and those conditions are pervasively social, establishing not the discrete ontology of the person, but rather the interdependency of persons, involving reproducible and sustaining social relations, and relations to the environment and to non-human forms of life, broadly considered. (Butler 2009, p. 19)

Butler’s remarks bring aspects of power into the consideration of practices. Her comments on the environment make it clear that a consideration of the social need should take into account what Schatzki describes as arrangements. In addition to humans, non-human elements are part of these arrangements. Particularly through the work of the researchers of Actor–Network Theory, non-human elements are discussed as actors. Bruno Latour, for instance, striving to overcome anthropocentrism, defines everything that makes a difference within a practice as an actor, respectively, as an actant. Following this argument, animals and things are as much actors as humans (Latour 2007).10 The inclusion of non-human actors is important for the present work, insofar as the non-human materialities of the districts are included in the consideration. Sarah Neal et al. (2017) took body, materiality and non-humans into account in their study of the lived experience of multiculture to demonstrate, for example, how public parks as a social and spatial phenomena are “sites of mutuality” (Neal et al. 2017, p. 68) across various kinds of differences. In the context of participation, however, I would like to speak about a further aspect: the body as a medium of participation of people in practices. An individual participates in various practices in the course of a lifetime. The individual learns by taking the position of the participant of a practice. They acquire practical knowledge. Perhaps they change their physical constitution through sports practices, accidents or operations. Thus, a body acquires experiences and memories through its participation. Through participation, the incorporation of practical knowledge takes place, which is relevant for the execution of the practice and is unconsciously retrieved when the practice is repeated. In this regard, Frank Hillebrandt speaks of “humans with socialized bodies” (Hillebrandt 2014, p.  70), whereby socialisation is understood as a dynamic and

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interminable process of incorporation (Hillebrandt 2014, p. 67; see also Foucault 1977 on the “docile body”). These various participations in practices as performances impact the practices as entities. As each practice takes place at a different time, in a different place and by different actors, the practice as entity repeats itself through the practice as performance. This repetition addresses the question of the stability of practices and the associated reproduction of the social. Inspired by Derrida’s reflections on iterability, Hilmar Schäfer understands this repetition in a poststructural sense, where each practice is repeated under changed circumstances. Thus, every repetition is different. A practice reappears, but it is never exactly the same; practice as repetition can be understood as the “return of the dissimilar as a similar” (Waldenfels 2001, p. 7; my translation). If the variation in this repetition is small enough, it makes no difference to the practice in general; it appears as a performance of the entity. If the variations within the repetition are detected, they show that there is some kind of script (practice as entity) that would normally be followed but, in this case, was violated (practice as performance). Through the understanding of practices as repetition, instability and fragility of orders are also considered (Schäfer 2013, p. 322). By this, I mean that any repetition embraces the potential to fail, whereby practices may change: “Thinking instability also means understanding any reproduction as precarious and assuming that transformation is also included in any form of stability” (Schäfer 2013, p. 322; my translation). According to Schäfer, practices as repeating formations “appear […] as a culturally available and circulating repertoire to which subjects can refer” (Schäfer 2013, p. 323, my translation). This repetition confirms the cultural significance of a practice. The focus of this perspective lies in the totality of a practical event and understands this as a context for actors. By contrast, the perspective, which sees practices as repeated formations, focuses on the physical actions performed. This perspective focuses more on the subjects. Thus, questions of disposition, incorporation and practical knowledge of action are more in focus compared to the first perspective (Schäfer 2013, pp. 323–324). With this perspective, aspects of structural mediation can be examined (Schmidt 2012, pp. 204–225).11 In this study, the focus is on the first perspective, which asks how migration-driven diversity is dealt with in different neighbourhoods at different times by different

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actors. The analysis asks for information about the repertoires that are used and how these are changed and transformed by the new elements in the arrangements under which they take place. If one follows the praxeological assumptions that the social order is based on a continuous reproduction, a reproduction that takes place through the participation of individuals and collectives in various practices, then inequalities and power disparities are effects of this reproduction and are, thus, based on the actions of individuals and collectives. Therefore, the theory of practice attributes the power of action to human beings. Previously, I emphasised the social within social practices. A chance for agencyalso lies in these socialities. In socio-political terms, this means that people are not subject to a system of constructions in which they cannot change anything. On the contrary, they keep the social order running themselves through their actions. With reference to Walter Benjamin, Butler points out that we have the possibility of putting on the brake, to stand still for a moment in the stream of endless becoming, to simply no longer participate in a practice the consequences of which we do not want to be responsible for (Butler 2009, pp. 183–4). This demand requires us to be aware of the consequences of participating in a practice.12 Creating an awareness of the consequences of practices is one of the intentions of this book. It will show how power differences are reproduced and how individuals are excluded or disadvantaged. In some points, I only want to encourage reflection, because consequences cannot always be classified as good or bad. With this perspective, looking at an issue that is still the subject of intense social debate offers the opportunity to question, pause and assume responsibility.

Social Differentiation as Practice in Situations In the previous section, I have laid out an understanding of difference as the result of practices. Differentiations arise from the participation of humans and non-humans in practices in terms of positions and relationships to each other in the respective practice-arrangement bundles. Differences, as processes of differentiation, are, therefore, contingent and emergent. This understanding can be criticised for its overemphasis on

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contingency and emergence in practice theories. According to this critique, difference would always be a momentum in the execution of a practice. However, categorical differences and the inequalities that are partly associated with them testify particularly to the enduring quality of differentiation. Differentiations, thus, exhibit temporal and spatial stability. The differentiation of practices into entity and performance by Shove et al. (2012) also pursues the relationship between stability, reproduction and change. In the following I would like to connect these considerations with the concept of situation. The value for the study of diversity of a situational perspective, such as that developed by Max Gluckman (1940), which combines structural, discursive and interactional analysis, has recently been emphasised by Vertovec (2015b, pp. 15–17). In my opinion, thinking the question of differentiations in situations offers the following advantages: Firstly, situations can be understood as similar temporally and spatially reoccurring constellations, which allow the description of in/stabilities of differentiations. Secondly, situations can be distinguished from one another and, thus, offer the possibility of asking for variabilities of (especially categorical) differentiations. Thirdly, situations represent states of reality that include both the phenomena that stimulate human action and human action itself, where differentiations can be a factor regarding how and to what human action responds. Finally, a situational perspective allows one to ask for modes of differentiation that are effective within the respective situations but are transverse to categorical differentiations. I am going to discuss these four aspects in the following. The concept of situation was discussed in German philosophy, particularly prior to the Second World War, before it became the subject of philosophical and social science debate in France and the USA (Großheim 2005). I will not go into these debates in the following, but I do agree with a basic understanding of situation as a temporally bound totality in which subjects and objects are embedded and in the sense of a state that requires human behaviour as response. I do not differentiate between the objective and subjective qualities of situations but rather assume that an interpretation of a situation is true when it is considered relevant for action by subjects. Adele Clarke (2005) discusses approaches of the Grounded Theory Method, pragmatism and symbolic interactionism in

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her development of a situational analysis and refines Strauss’ approach to social worlds by integrating postmodern, feminist approaches in order to emphasise “partialities, positionalities, complications, tenuousness, instabilities, irregularities, contradictions, heterogeneities, situatedness, and fragmentation” (Clarke 2005, p. xxiv), as well as assumptions from science and technology studies to highlight the importance of non-human elements. For Clarke, the situation becomes the actual object of research and the understanding of its elements and their relationship to the intention of the investigation are crucial (Clarke 2005, p. 24). Although her definition of situation may remain somewhat unclear (cf. Mathar 2008), I find her reference to Strauss’ appeal of the importance to analyse “how social structures operate as ‘conditions’ under/through/over/in/around/ within which social processes occur” (Clarke 2005, p. 40) a good starting point to sharpen the definition of situation. In my understanding, a situation as a condition describes a reoccurring social phenomenon. By this, I mean that a situation is recognisable as such, as well as describable and distinguishable from other situations. The situation of immigration, for example, can be distinguished from the situation of tourism and again, from situations of food production. Situations may overlap, but I generally understand them as distinguishable from each other because of the elements and actions they embrace. My argument is that similar modes and processes of differentiation take place under similar conditions of the social and vice versa; similar elements may gain a different quality by means of a difference in positioning under different conditions. Situations can, therefore, contain different practice-arrangement bundles. Furthermore, I understand situations as scalable. The situation of immigration, for example, can be concretised and abstracted through temporal and spatial scaling. In the case of the present study, this situation is limited to immigration to Glasgow and Stuttgart after the Second World War. The scalability allows the analysis of the addition of elements and their relationship to one another over time on a more abstract level and to describe changes in these relationships. Having said that, situations, as I understand them, share further features of practices and arrangements: Similar to practices, situations are unconditional and social, that is, every situation is preceded by an individual who has already been in this situation before. Even in variations, each situation is related to previous and

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future situations (see Schäfer 2013 for this aspect of practices). Moreover, a situational perspective combines macro and micro levels. They can be described in abstract and concrete terms, which resemble the differentiation of entity and performance. As has been mentioned above, I understand situations as states of reality which actors interpret and act upon. Here, I relate to the idea of responsivity, as formulated by Bernhard Waldenfels (2008, 1994). He assumes that every situation asks for a response, whereby he differentiates between response and answer, as not answering can also be a response. The response can be either regular or innovative, that is, it can be based on existing answers or a new answer can be created in the response itself. In and through the response, the situation to which it is a reaction takes on a different form. Jan-Jonathan Bock and Sharon Macdonald (2019) have shown how the situation of immigration in Germany is different according to actions that correspond to a welcome culture and those that can be classified as defensive. I understand the response and situations, as they correspond to a repertoire in the sense of reoccurring similar conditions of the social in order to deal with im/migration and its effects. In the following chapters, I will discuss four of these situations that are responses to and within the situation of immigration. On the one hand, the situational perspective offers the possibility of decentring and contextualising the field of migration-driven diversity: Additionally, to ask for situations as repertoires for dealing with migration-driven diversity is one way to examine migration and migration-driven diversity in relation to and as part of other fields of action (cf. Nieswand 2016), for instance, by asking about the role of migration-driven diversity within the field of social work. Moreover, this perspective allows for the study of the transformative power of diversity (Hess 2015), for example, how did diversity influence the development of the field of social work and vice versa. Contextualisation, on the other hand, offers a way to examine the temporal and spatial variations of diversity and dealing with diversity: What are “traditional” forms, respectively situations, of dealing with (migration-­ driven) diversity? When and how did they arise? How do they differ in different cities? How have certain regions developed specific forms of dealing with diversity? The spatial variations have especially gained a lot of interest within migration studies in recent years (Glick Schiller and

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Çağlar 2009). A situational perspective is one way to pursue such an analysis. Finally, I follow Clarke’s (2005) understanding that the aim of situational-­orientated research must be to develop sensitising concepts that can then be extended to related situations. I call these sensitising concepts situational modes of differentiation. Coming back to the key argument of the book, these situational modes of differentiation offer a way to talk about differences without the danger of essentialising. To conclude, the concept of situational diversity refers to the fact that differences and differentiations of persons are contingent and emergent. Diversity is enacted in situations through the participation of individuals in practices-arrangement bundles. This situational perspective on diversity enables me to make a methodological advantage out of my initially perceived need for increasing complexity by looking at different situations I encountered in relation to migration-driven diversity and asking how this diversity was dealt with in each case and to what extent diversity, in the sense of a differentiation of people, takes place in terms of positions and relationships. At the same time, this perspective undermines essentialisations. When diversity is enacted in situations and differentiations of people are contingent, then categories of difference are needed that apply to situations. Categories such as gender, age, ethnicity or legal status only appear to be of limited applicability here, as they are subject to prolonged un/doing. Therefore, I will introduce four situational modes of diversity that have developed out of the analysis. But before that, I will describe how the concept of situational diversity can be applied in practical research.

 rban Neighbourhoods as Research Sites U for Diversity While I focused in the previous section on social differentiation, in the following, I am going to discuss the aspect of social environments. This chapter is guided by the following questions: How does diversity materialise in cities? How can the city be understood within the concept of

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situational diversity? How can diversification within cities be conceptualised? Regarding these questions, I will discuss networks and connections, materiality and human-environment relationships. In the context of Actor–Network Theory approaches, the city has been described in terms of networks (Latour and Hermant 2006) or as assemblages (Farías 2010). Referring to my discussion on practices above, I understand the city as a concrete (material) arrangement in and through which practices happen, whereby, cities in their materiality are, at the same time, the (lasting) result of practices (cf. Löw 2008, 2012a, b). Alexa Färber defines the city “as the result of temporary relationships and transformations in networks of actors and actants” (Färber 2013, p. 56; my translation). Thus, this understanding of the city as a nexus of practices and arrangements includes the ongoing moment of change. I understand change in terms of a change of elements and relationships among these elements and the practices carried out in and through them. Furthermore, cities possess a materiality.13 This materiality can be changed; it can be formed. The materiality makes different practices possible, makes some activities easier and makes others more difficult. In addition, the city is not only malleable, it is also a memory. The formation, development and redevelopment leave traces and produce effects; the uses inscribe themselves into the city. My intention is to grasp the change of elements, the appearance of new elements and the omission of elements in the arrangement. I want to understand the relations between the elements, the emergence and break-off of relations, and the transformation of relations. Cities, in the sense of a changing materiality and the practices associated with it, refer to the active shaping of urban space and to processes of decay. Thus, a historical perspective can also be developed from this, which shows which practices in the arrangement are easier and which have been more difficult to realise. The reference to practices also addresses the human actors without whose participation the practices cannot be carried out. For through the practice-prefigurative qualities of the materiality, regularities of practices and participants are regularly associated. Something like an isomorphic relationship emerges in this constitutive relationship of practices, arrangements and the participants in the practices. Practices, arrangements and participants are co-ordinated within an isomorphic context. If there are changes within this nexus, pressure to

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adapt arises: the change of streets, the construction of new residential buildings, abandoned industrial areas that were initially designated for work but then may function as adventure playgrounds for children, as retreats for young people or as places for artists. The actual, habitual and intended norm or standard can be identified in the deviations. At the same time, the prefiguring relationships of the arrangement should not be underestimated. Ideas, understandings and social convictions inscribe themselves materially into the layout of city districts and influence the possibilities of carrying out the practices. If a building plan, as for instance in Pollokshields, provides for the construction of shops only in one part of the district, the buildings will be equipped with rows of shops accordingly. This facility does not make economic practices in another part of the district impossible, but it does make them more difficult and may entail the risk of sanctions. Shop rows, in turn, cause greater public traffic. Consequently, streets are created as places of public life, while other parts of the district are used as quiet zones. The prefigurative potential exists in both human and non-human elements. As has already been described, this potential is subject to change. The use of materiality changes, just as materiality itself changes. Houses, walls, streets and parks as elements of the urban district arrangement are not passive objects. They develop and change without human intervention. Houses can decay, they get cracks, the windows become brittle and wooden doors warp. Houses not only encourage people to take action, they also influence their use if they are not maintained. As I have described before, both Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel show the effect of certain groups moving out as a result of neglected houses, which, in turn, allows other social strata to move in. In these contexts, however, neither districts nor cities exist for themselves. Districts form a smaller unit of the city-wide practice-arrangement bundle. Whereby, this scaling is not meant here in the sense of a microor macro-perspective but in the sense of Schatzki’s remarks regarding a flat ontology (Schatzki 2016). Cities, similar to districts, are classified according to various criteria: big, medium and small cities based on the population size, global cities and peripheries based on economic interdependencies, or metropolis as an expression of power constellations (cf. Brantz et  al. 2012; Bridge and Watson 2011; Schmidt-Lauber and

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Wolfmayr 2016). These distinctions are reflected in the practice-­ arrangement bundle as differences in the density and spread of the bundle. According to this understanding, cities or the city are not to be understood as completed. Their connections reach into other bundles, such as economic or political systems, and into areas of technology and nature. It is the respective view of the section that determines which part of the total bundle is considered. The concept of the Global City and that of the metropolis refer particularly impressively to the relationship of cities to their respective “outside world”. In these examples, trade, transport, political processes and infrastructures form a closer, denser link between two or more cities than between others. Understood as arrangements, the connections within cities and city districts can be extended to the outside at will. Architects and craftsmen make connections between different cities. Legal regulations preconfigure the position of elements in the structure and form links between cities, districts, blocks of houses or apartments with state and supranational systems, such as the European Union. The effects of the recruitment agreements of the Federal Republic of Germany with other states on the use of communal accommodation and dwellings or the conditions of the entry of members of the Commonwealth on immigration to Pollokshields from the Indian subcontinent are examples of these connections. The multiplicity of these connections is manifold and it is impossible to show, track and represent all of them even for one district. Nevertheless, the district as a delimitable unit seems to me to be suitable for researching migration-driven diversity. In historical retrospect, the district not only makes it possible to ask how awareness of other forms of life was sharpened, but also to trace actual reproduction processes and how these were dealt with in the concrete case. The description of the elements of the arrangement and the practices taking place in and through it is the starting point for the analysis of situational diversity. Such a description of the elements comes close to the method that Färber, following Latour, has outlined as a thin description of actors, actants and constellations, translations and infrastructures and which I have described in the last chapter for the analysis of situational diversity:

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Studies working with ANT [actor–network theory] go in search of traces of the interconnected elements, analyse the form of their connections and the transformations taking place within them, and concentrate on a specific understanding of the constellations and materialities that accompany them. (Färber 2013, p. 54; my translation)

In the sense of a historical perspective, these descriptions also include questions about the stability of the constellations. Färber mentions ethnographic research as one way of implementing such an approach in research practice. With the reference to ethnography, at the same time, a restriction is noted. A praxeological understanding of cities takes a critical look at the holistic claim of ethnographic urban research (cf. Färber 2013). Hannerz once observed a shift in “anthropology in the city to anthropology of the city” (Hannerz 1980), which developed into approaches of urban logic and city habitus (Berking and Löw 2008; Lindner 2003a; Musner 2009; Wietschorke 2013).14 However, an understanding of the city inspired by practice theories, as I presented it above, raises doubts about the possibility of being able to grasp a city as a whole. Instead of the whole, only different operations or practices in cities can be observed and described. The city, as such, is decentred into selective representations (cf. Latour and Hermant 2006). However, it is possible or even probable that these individual descriptions have specific local characteristics that are different in other cities. To deduce the being of the city from these characteristics would, therefore, have to be questioned. Especially since concepts such as the city’s own logic and habitus also guarantee the dangers of essentialisation, since particular realities of everyday life threaten to be overshadowed in them (cf. Färber 2013).

Researching Situational Diversity How does one approach a literally diverse and complex issue such as diversity itself—even if, as in this case, it is limited to the context of migration? In this section, I am going to demonstrate how the theoretical ideas, laid out before, can be translated into practical research. Coming from the field of European Ethnology, my approach to research is guided,

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on the one hand, by the investigation of the everyday (cf. Wietschorke 2012) and, on the other hand, by a mix of sources and associated methods (Lindner 2003b). However, ethnography or—regarding an approach based on practice theory—praxiography (Mol 2002) takes a central position in the methodical approach that I will describe. Schmidt points out that research guided by practice theory is a practice among practices. It is the participation of researchers in a shared public space (Schmidt 2012, pp. 226–263), where the public spheres are characterised as “local interaction contexts characterised by co-presence” (Schmidt 2012, p.  256). Human actions, utterances, dealing with things, with other people and with humanly created artefacts are public, in the sense that they are observable in principle. Practices are part of the social. Therefore, they are public and observable. This means that sayings and doings can be understood by potential observers (cf. Schmidt 2012, pp. 226–262). By this, I mean that practices are intelligible for a (specific) public (cf. Hillebrandt 2014, p. 91). Furthermore, they offer the possibility of participation and, thus, for research. Finally, human actions have another quality: they often leave something behind. Following Ginzburg, Lindner (2011, cf. also 2003b) described these legacies, these remnants, as traces. These traces possess the most different forms. They range from the tag on a house wall to products of artistic creation and diary entries to research reports. The whole range of these materialisations of practices can be considered as sources. By means of a sense of intuition, according to Lindner, researchers embark on a search for traces of these materialisations. He sees this practical research action guided by the following two principles: coincidence and acumen. By coincidence, he means, on the one hand, an openness in principle for still undiscovered or miss/despised sources. On the other hand, coincidence is connected to the necessity of peripatetic activities, such as wandering, letting oneself drift or leafing through, which open up new ways of thinking. Prior knowledge—acumen—in order to discover something special is just as important as coincidence. With the idea of wanting to discover something special, prior knowledge and peripatetic activities refer to the perceptibility and accessibility of traces (cf. Schmidt 2012, pp. 226–263). With the idea of discovering something special by coincidence and acumen, Lindner does not, however, have the goal of necessarily discovering something new but rather of immersing

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oneself in the object in new or unknown ways and, thereby, reaching a deeper and better understanding. Thus, the examples considered in the analysis below may not in themselves appear new or unexpected for a consideration of migration-driven diversity. By contrast, the goal of gaining a deeper understanding of the phenomenon of diversity is to be achieved by juxtaposing the individual examples. The idea of this perhaps paradoxical approach is to arrive at a deeper understanding through a broad view. Regarding the phenomenon of migration-driven diversity in cities, I think it makes sense to group the breadth of traces in order to answer the question of where migration-driven diversity can be tracked down and perceived. Migration-driven diversity materialises in a wide variety of forms: in texts, in films, in statistics as well as in the experience and perception of people. The materialisation always corresponds to different conventions. Firstly, diversity is reflected in statistics. There are specific categories, means of survey and presentation that finally produce the product statistics.15 It is practices that determine how diversity is reflected in journalistic and legal texts. It is the habits of language and personal biography that influence how and in what form statements about diversity are made. Research is as much a practice as its objects are. It also produces testimonies and traces. Interview and conversation transcripts are materialisations that serve the purpose of documentation and, at the same time, can become the subject of later research. Just as searching in archives is subject to the “background of perception of what is already known” (Lindner 2011, p. 166; my translation), so too are the questions asked in interviews and notes made during observations. Social science researchers create artefacts which then serve them for analysis. In doing so, they partly fall back on artefacts that they did not produce themselves. An article from a neighbourhood newspaper has a different meaning as a source in the research process than at its time of origin. But it already exists and, as such, it has intended and autonomous effects. However, there is a difference between those artefacts that are made for research and those that are prepared for research, because, according to Schmidt, the preparation of artefacts also enacts the past (Schmidt 2012, p. 216). This means that the use of materialisation also means that the conditions of their materialisation are reconfirmed. The consideration of a statistic on

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ethnic composition enacts the category of ethnicity at the moment of its use as a source. The organisation of the material collected follows this research approach, which is oriented towards openness and a broad range of sources. For the analysis of situational diversity, it seems to me to be the most appropriate approach to combine the Grounded Theory Method with Clarke’s Situational Analysis and Schatzki’s theoretical thoughts, even though empirical work itself occupies only a small space in his writings. The idea of “theoretical sampling” from the Grounded Theory Method and the coding of the material enables one to lay out the key elements, materialities, discourses, structures and conditions that characterise a situation. In a first step, the material is coded regarding (migration-­ driven) diversity following the schema: what is described as diversity; how is diversity described; who is mentioned in relation to diversity; why is there a need to deal with diversity; and whereto does one deal with diversity. In a second step, the material is clustered according to situations based on the codes why (reaction to) and whereto (action with the aim of ). Exemplarily, because a lack of understanding between immigrants and natives is perceived (why), one visits near and far places associated with migrants in order to facilitate a better understanding (whereto). Situations are clustered based on the action that was taken. In a third step, these situations are then analysed according to Schatzki’s concept of practice-arrangement bundles: practical understanding (know how to), rules, teleoaffective structures (goals, emotions), general understanding, individual, collective human elements and non-human elements (things, artefacts, organisms, others). These were mapped in order to analyse the relationships between the elements (causality, spatial, intentionality, preconfiguration and being). The final step is what I want to call here a double contextualisation. The idea of “double contextualisation” refers to Jens Wietschorke (2012), who described cultural analysis as “showing contextualization and contextualized showing” (Wietschorke 2012, p. 344; my translation) and continues: “Cultural analysis therefore means uncovering these relationships and connections: not only putting things into contexts, but thinking in constellations and configurations” (Wietschorke 2012, p. 338; my translation). By developing these ideas further, I would like to

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address and integrate the aspects of decentration and contextualisation that I have discussed previously: On the one hand, double contextualisation is a matter of understanding the respective actions as a specific execution of a situation at a certain time in a certain place by certain people. The first contextualisation is the location of the concrete activities within a situation that have been worked out from the sources. This first contextualisation is comparable to Shove et al. (2012) idea of practices as entities. On the other hand, double contextualisation is about the contextualisation of the respective activities as the execution of a situation in terms of a performance. Here, the temporality and locality of the completed situation is considered. That means the general elements and relationships of the first contextualisation will be analysed as they appeared in the cases studied. I will show that oscillating between both perspectives allows one to elaborate the sensitising concepts of situational modes of differentiation and identify transformations of differentiation processes.16

 esearching Situational Diversity in Stuttgart R and Glasgow The data collection period for the study presented here ran from January 2012 to December 2014, during which I had three stays in Glasgow: September 2012, July to September 2013 and April to June 2014. The research in Nordbahnhofviertel took place in the periods between the stays in Glasgow. Sources of a previous study on practices of homing oneself in Nordbahnhofviertel were included in this research (Klückmann 2013a, b). In the course of the study, 29 interviews were conducted (17 in Glasgow, 12  in Stuttgart). In addition, six interviews and perceptual walks conducted as part of the previous study were included. The total duration of the semi-structured interviews was 31 hours. The questions were repeatedly extended and adapted within the research, so that earlier field experiences had usually already been included in the conception of the next interview. Twelve conversations (eight in Glasgow, four in Stuttgart) were conducted and recorded in the form of transcripts.

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Through the interviews and conversations, I saw the two neighbourhoods from different perspectives. In Nordbahnhofviertel, the director of the Society for Social Youth Work North tells me how the density of the neighbourhood has favoured his work and that of his colleagues and how this character of the neighbourhood is slowly changing. The director of the youth centre talks about the specifics of the district, about a perceived static, because life remains the same there more strongly than in other parts of the city. The various residents tell me about the places where they played as children or where their parents took sewing courses and worked. Many of the older German residents, who I got to know through the pastor of the Protestant Church, talk about the changes that the quarter has undergone since the Second World War. The representatives of the religious communities told me how they perceived life in the neighbourhood and, above all, what significance religion or the meeting of different religious communities had for living together. Elke Winter described to me the beginnings of youth work with foreign children during her time as a youth consultant. During my three stays in Glasgow, I talked to the pastors of the Pollokshields Church of Scotland and St. Ninian’s Episcopal Church. I conducted interviews with the pastor of Saint Albert CatholicChurch, with representatives of the two Sikh communities, with representatives of two Muslim communities, with a representative of an association for Muslim women, with a representative of the Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship and with the three elected representatives of the district in the Glasgow City Parliament. I tried to establish some of these contacts intentionally; others arose in the course of the research by recommendation and mediation. During my second stay in Glasgow, for example, I meet Norman McLeod. He is a member of the Scottish National Party for Pollokshields in the city parliament. One of the topics of our conversation was the SDL. As we speak, the SDL has just registered the aforementioned third demonstration in the district. McLeod invited me to attend the committee meeting that decides approval. In addition, he told me about the planned Fun Day at Maxwell Square, where he would also mention me and my research. I took part in both events. Another example was the interview with representatives of the mosque Taleem Ul-Islam. Three men took part in the interview. The two

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younger ones were volunteering in the Muslim community and invited me to participate in their meetings. The participation in events, committee meetings or similar was partly recorded in field transcripts and partly in a field diary. A field diary was kept for Stuttgart and Glasgow. Additionally, a research diary was kept (cf. Baumann 1996). I did not have the opportunity to actively determine the course of the conversation during the meetings of the District Advisory Council Stuttgart North. The individual sessions dealt with the migration-specific aspects of youth social work, the topic of integration and migration-specific problems of participation, the language acquisition of migrants, the international street festival, religious groups in the urban district and questions of district development. At the international street festival, I saw various folkloristic representations, and smelled and tasted typical national dishes which were offered at different stands in different languages. I experienced neighbourliness beyond origins at the meetings of a civic association but, at the same time, learned something about the tensions between different religious groups in the district. At various meetings of a tenant initiative, I experienced how a solidarity community of residents is formed, who felt treated unfairly and wanted to fight to retain their right to live and to remain at fair rents. I was invited to one of these neighbourly events, not as a participant in the audience but as a discussant on the podium. I become an expert from being the observer and participant in the discussion who puts his impressions for his actual field of research up for discussion. I regularly attended the Coffee Hour of the Protestant Church at the invitation of the pastor of the Pollokshields Church of Scotland. I took part in activities such as a Community Clean Up and was invited several times by an elderly lady to eat with her at a Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship service and visit her Bible study group, which often deals with the situation of Christians in Pakistan and the coexistence of Muslims and Christians in the district. Last but not least, I shared an apartment with Pakistanis and Indians during my stay. During my second stay, I watched them commit Ramadan and celebrated Eid al-Fitr, the feast of breaking the fast. Many of our conversations were about differences between Germany, Britain, Pakistan and India.

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A stock of archival documents of the Martinskirche was examined for Nordbahnhofviertel.17 These documents were arranged roughly in four folders and included the following contents: correspondence between the congregation, the city, the Protestant youth office (Evangelisches Jugendwerk) and other institutions concerning homework assistance was filed in the folder Homework Supervision (Hausaufgabenbetreuung) (1975–1977), as well as applications for financial and material support. Documents on homework assistance in the district were filed in the folder Work on Foreign and German Children (Arbeit an ausländischen und deutschen Kindern) (1977 to 1981, a few exceptions date back to 1972). The letters between the Protestant community and the city, the Catholic community and other social institutions deal mainly with questions of space and money for homework assistance, often including the premises at Nordbahnhofstraße 49. The homework assistance section also contains timetables, cost statements, reports and minutes of meetings of the parents’ initiative. The planned project of the Robert Bosch Stiftung was addressed in municipal printed matter. There are plans of the Haus 49 and a statement of the social democratic (SPD) parliamentary group to the report of the federal state government about the situation of the children of foreign employees regarding education, various articles of the local newspaper and a declaration of the Bishop of Rottenburg about the situation of the foreign children. The folder Project Germans and Foreigners in the District—Integration Through the Kindergarten Nordbahnhofstraße (Projekt Deutsche und Ausländer im Stadtteil—Integration durch den Kindergarten Nordbahnhofstraße) (1979–1984) contains correspondence (between project sponsors, the city, Robert Bosch Stiftung), minutes of the project council meetings, a co-operation agreement with attachments in various versions, community printed material on the project and reports (previous work with children and sewing courses for women and girls). The folder Society for Social Youth Work (Gesellschaft für soziale Jugendarbeit) (I 1979–1986, II 1987–1989) contains minutes of project council meetings and shareholders’ meetings, municipal printed matter (educational advice for foreign children, remuneration regulations for the provision of rooms) and correspondence (with the city and project sponsors), notes and materials for youth work in general, budget plans and activity reports. Documents

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about events and changes in Nordbahnhofviertel were filed under the title Concerns of the District (Stadtteilfragen) (1983–1993). Structural changes and the traffic situation in the district are particularly addressed in letters, newspaper articles, event information, community printed matter and notes. Furthermore, in this folder, a thesis paper of the SPD parliamentary group from 1983 was filed, which was written after the conversation with the pastor, and deals with life in Stuttgart; under point eight, there were also questions about foreigners in the city. A report by an intern on the living situation in Stuttgart’s Nordbahnhof quarter, prepared in autumn 1978, was also preserved there. The topic of foreign residents also plays a role in parts of the correspondence when it comes to organising the International Street Festival. Among the newspaper articles are those of the Stuttgarter local newspapers, which, among other things, report on the international street festival and the establishment of the Foreigners Committee (Ausländerausschuss). One article was written by the pastor himself and has the title “As a parish among strangers” (“Als Kirchgemeinde unter Fremden”). Furthermore, the documentation of a project of the University of Stuttgart can be found in the documents of the Martinskirche. In Glasgow, archival records in the Glasgow City Archives were viewed based on the keyword Pollokshields. There were 67 documents. In addition, the Historical Directory to Glasgow Presbytery, the Minutes of the Corporation of Glasgow and the list of building plans were searched for religious institutions located or having been located in the district. Only documents up to 1984 could be viewed in the building plans. Recent documents were not accessible due to a confidentiality period of 30 years. The Glasgow Archives contain documents of both the city administration and the Protestant parishes (the National Church). Church documents are archived as soon as the churches are no longer able to guarantee archiving themselves. Thus, the entire holdings of the churches closed in Pollokshields were transferred there: Pollokshields East, Pollokshields Kenmure, Pollokshields Glencairn, Pollokshields St. Kentigern’s, Pollokshields-Titwood, Pollokshields West, Trinity Pollokshields, Albert Drive, Sherbrook and St. Gilbert’s. Existing communities keep their documents themselves. The Catholic churches in Glasgow have their own central archive. Muslim communities, the community of the Sikh and the other religious groups administer their

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archives themselves if they own them. All documents in the Scottish Jewish Archives with the keyword Pollokshields were also examined. The Scottish Jewish Archives has been collecting material to document and preserve for posterity the over two-hundred-year history of Jewish life in Scotland since 1987. The Archives Centre is a non-profit organisation which is financed by donations. Collection, archiving and documentation are not carried out here on behalf of the state. Over the past 30 years, the collection has grown to include synagogue records and registers, membership lists, photographs, oral history recordings, annual reports of local organisations, books on Jewish life, personal documents, medals, ceremonial keys, magazines and newspapers, paintings and sculptures. The collections are open to the public and are available to all interested parties. As far as possible, the individual archives are indexed. The term Pollokshields includes the minutes books of the Pollokshields Hebrew Congregation from 1929 to 1948, a wedding register from 1930 to 1981, invitations and announcements (e.g. dinner, banquet, Chanucah and funerals), community booklets, receipts, financial reports, photographs and building plans, as well as newspaper articles—mainly from the Jewish Echo—about the community and synagogue. From the beginning of the 1980s, the topic of shrinking membership numbers, the merger with other synagogues and, finally, the closure of the synagogue became increasingly important in the minutes books from 1977 to 1985. These materials provide an insight into the institutionalisation of the community and its material manifestation in the Pollokshields district. In addition, the protocols of recent years provide an insight into the slow disappearance of this religious group from the district and, thus, into the decline of migration-driven diversity. The Mitchell Library in Glasgow reviewed the editions of the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian. The five Protestant churches— Pollokshields-Titwood, Glencairn, Kenmure, St. Niniansʼs and the Congregational Church—joined forces at the end of the 1960s with the aim of a common information sheet. The first edition of the Pollokshields Gazette appeared in 1969. Because the newspaper was financed only by advertisements and excluded tobacco and alcohol advertisements due to its Christian conviction, it quickly ran into financial difficulties. In 1970, it was decided that the churches would compensate for the financial

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losses. Six years later the number of participating churches was reduced due to the merger of three congregations. These are replaced by the Catholic St. Alberts and the Protestant Sherbrooke St. Gilberts. Another seven years later the name changed to the Pollokshields Guardian.18 The local newspaper was published monthly, with the exception of the summer months of July and August, until its last edition in June 2002 (Ogilvie 2002, pp.  106–107). Between nine and ten issues per year were published, with the volume count always starting with the September issue. In addition to the first page, which contains political and social news concerning the district, each of the Christian parishes had a page on which they provide information about activities and texts of the respective pastors. The newspaper, thus, gives an insight into events, district developments and, via letters to the editor, the view of the (Christian) inhabitants of Pollokshields. Although both Muslim and Sikh communities were formed during the 1960s, neither religion was represented in the newspaper. All articles related to immigration, institutions in the district and district development as a whole were included in the research. With the exception of the following issues, which were not in the inventory, all issues could be viewed: November 1969 (first edition), May 1970, October 1971, March 1973, October 1981, March 1982, June to October 1983, November 1985, September 1986, March 1987, March and April 1989, June 1990, August to November 1995, January, February, April and May 1996, as well as the year-end edition December 1996/ January 1997, November and December 1997 and January 1998. Furthermore, an edition of the Shields News which was part of private estate was included in the analysis. She Settles in the Shields (Morrison et  al. 2011) is a popular science publication by the Glasgow Women’s Library. The initiators of this project pursued the goal of giving insights into the lives of migrant women. They wanted to give a voice to those who are only marginally involved in the (already marginalised) history of women. The book also aimed to illustrate the positive influences that migrant women have had on Glasgow since the 1960s (Conversation: Syma Ahmed, 12 September 2012). Nordbahnhofviertel is also the subject of articles in weekly national and local newspapers (Schenk 2017). In 2005, the regional broadcast company SWR Fernsehen produced a documentary which dealt with life in Nordbahnhofviertel (Babila 2005). In

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2006, the exhibition “My Stuttgart History” in Haus 49 with young people between the ages of 14 and 19 was dedicated to the so-called third generation of migrants from Nordbahnhofviertel (Gritschke 2007, 2010).

Notes 1. The Google service Ngram Viewer makes it possible to track word trends since the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Ngram Viewer is based on the books fed into Google Books and counts the frequency of words or short sentences in these books per year. 2. For the following etymological consideration, see Kluge and Seebold (2011) and Riecke (2014). 3. The following section is intended to outline the assumptions and beliefs underlying this research and to explain the terms with which I will operate. Its purpose is not to provide a complete presentation and discussion of practical theoretical approaches and authors. Please refer to the current literature for further information (Hillebrandt 2014; Reckwitz2008; Schäfer 2016a, b; Schatzki et al. 2001; Schmidt 2012). 4. Schatzki criticises that both authors define practical understanding—in Bourdieu’s words the practical sense in habitus and in Giddens’s words the practical consciousness—as the basic concept of their approaches. With Wittgenstein, Schatzki argues that it is impossible to formulate the practical understanding exhaustively in words. Therefore, the practical understanding cannot be analysed. Consequently, a definition of practice cannot be based solely on practical understanding. Furthermore, he argues that practical understanding in the sense of knowing how to never determines action alone. Therefore, Schatzki adds explicit rules, teleoaffective structures and general understanding to his definition of practice (Schatzki 1997). 5. This understanding of repeated order is influenced by Wittgenstein’s understanding of rules, where rule-based actions are characterised by the following aspects: regularity, self-evidence, learnability, the possibility of making mistakes and the existence of society (Schäfer 2013, p. 30). The rule itself is understood as part of practice in the praxeological interpretation of this idea and especially in Schatzki’s writings. It is not an autonomous unit but constitutive, in the sense that it is produced only in the execution of the practice that it is supposed to regulate. The impression

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of the preceding regulation is based on the self-evident nature of the rule. However, the impression only emerges in retrospect (Schatzki 2002, pp. 89–105; cf. Schäfer 2013, p. 31). This understanding of a rule, in the sense of order, is to be distinguished from the rules which Schatzki sees as components of practices. While the latter can be explained by participants within practices, this does not apply to the former. Giddens (1984) formulated this understanding in his concept of structuration. 6. See Hirschauer’s comments on participants (Hirschauer 2004). 7. This resembles Goffman’s notion of roles (Goffman 1959). 8. The idea of multiple identity seems conclusive to me if it is meant as multiplicity, in the sense of partial identities. The idea of multiple identities of a person does not seem conclusive to me, because even if aspects of personal identity vary across situations, the person holds those aspects together. In this respect, it seems more logical to me to speak of a personal identity with multiple partial identities than of multiple identities of a person. 9. For a discussion of the concept of symbolic violence in Bourdieu, see Stephan Moebius and Angelika Wetterer (2011). 10. Schmidt argues that human and non-human actors are not to be thought of symmetrically. Non-human actors cannot articulate acts. They would not realise the social events out of themselves but only in indirect interaction with human actors (Schmidt 2012, pp. 62–69). 11. The first perspective is close to understanding practices as entities, while the second is close to understanding practices as performance. 12. Compare this with Foucault’s reflections on the possibilities of becoming a subject. (Foucault 2009). 13. The following ideas on the materiality of the city were inspired by Butler’s concept of the materiality and morphology of the body (Butler 2009, p. 53). At this point, I am not interested in taking up a debate in which the city is seen as a body (for the body metaphor of cities, see Lindner 2004). In geography, the concept of morphology for urban research has been discussed to address this issue; see, among others, the contributions by Bernard Gauthiez (2004) and Erich Raith (2000), and particularly for the German history of this use of the term, Burkhard Hofmeister (2004). In his comments on ethnological and cultural studies research in architecture, Wietschorke (2017) refers to the morphological concept of the Durkheim Schools.

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14. Whereby, I understand Hannerzʼs call to raise what is specific about the structure of the city in comparison to other social structures and not what is specific about the respective city. 15. For a historical view of statistics as a means of domination and a response to increasingly complex societies in the nineteenth century, see the work of Jörn Leonhard and Ulrike von Hirschhausen (2009, pp. 53–78; see also Osterhammel 2013, pp. 57–62). 16. It should be noted that differentiation processes take place in every situation by enacting as different subject positions and identities, although the resulting differences are not always explicitly perceived as such. Within the framework of this analysis, I will concentrate on situations in which the difference—specifically the difference perceived through migration—is explicitly addressed by the actors. 17. The archive is currently being processed and systematised on a voluntary basis by a trained archivist. In the current form, however, there are still various documents in different folders, often several times. 18. In the following I will use the combination Pollokshields Gazette/ Guardian.

References Research Material Conversation Syma Ahmed, 12 September 2012.

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Shove, Elizabeth, and Mika Pantzar. 2016. Rekrutierung und Reproduktion. In Praxistheorie: Ein soziologisches Forschungsprogramm, ed. Hilmar Schäfer, 95–114. Berlin and Bielefeld: De Gruyter and transcript. Shove, Elizabeth, Mika Pantzar, and Matt Watson. 2012. The Dynamics of Social Practice: Everyday Life and How It Changes. Los Angeles: Sage. Vertovec, Steven. 2007. Super-Diversity and Its Implications. Ethnic and Racial Studies 30 (6): 1024–1054. ———. 2015a. Routledge International Handbook of Diversity Studies. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. ———. 2015b. Introduction: Formulating Diversity Studies. In Routledge International Handbook of Diversity Studies, ed. Steven Vertovec, 1–20. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. ———. 2017. Talking around Super-Diversity. Ethnic and Racial Studies 42 (1): 125–139. ———. 2019. Diversifications. MMG Working Paper 19-03. Waldenfels, Bernhard. 1994. Response und Responsivität in der Psychologie. Journal für Psychologie 2 (2): 71–80. ———. 2001. Die verändernde Kraft der Wiederholung. Zeitschrift für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft 46 (1): 5–17. ———. 2008. Studien zur Phänomenologie des Fremden. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. West, Candace, and Sarah Fenstermaker. 1995. Doing Difference. Gender and Society 9 (1): 8–37. Wietschorke, Jens. 2012. Beziehungswissenschaft: Ein Versuch zur volkskundlich-­kulturwissenschaftlichen Epistemologie. Österreichische Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 115 (3/4): 325–359. ———. 2013. Anthropologie der Stadt: Konzepte und Perspektiven. In Stadt: Ein interdisziplinäres Handbuch, ed. Harald A.  Mieg and Christoph Heyl, 202–221. Stuttgart: Metzler. ———. 2017. Architektur in der Kulturanalyse. Stand und Perspektiven der Forschung. Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 113 (2): 241–267. Wolf, Eric R. 1994. Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35 (1): 1–12.

3 Knowledge Production/Transfer

I went to Nordbahnhofviertel for the first time in autumn 2007. I explored, together with a lay historian on an excursion, the district between the railway tracks in Stuttgart North. As part of a student research project, we wanted to get to know Nordbahnhofviertel better. Thus, we asked all kinds of questions about the social structure of the residents, the coexistence of people with different nationalities, initiatives and associations in the district, the history of the district and about planned developments and changes. Elke Winter [pseud.] came to Nordbahnhofviertel in the mid-1970s with very similar questions. At that time, she was working as a youth officer for the Protestant Church in Stuttgart and was, among other things, responsible for this part of the city. Her mission was to develop services for Protestant German—as she emphasised during our conversation—children and adolescents. In order to get a first impression, she contacted the schools and kindergartens, the social welfare office and other initiatives that were already active in the district. She soon found herself confronted with the fact that, on the one hand, more than 70 per cent of the children in the Rosenstein School had recently immigrated to Germany and, on the other hand, that not only Germans, but also Turks, Italians, Spaniards and some Yugoslavs lived in © The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2_3

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her new area of responsibility. This was the moment when Elke Winter decided not only to develop offers for the Protestant German youth but also to deal with the concrete needs of all people living in Nordbahnhof. But what she lacked was knowledge: Then we started a parents’ initiative. It were German women who founded it at the beginning, and then we said that Turks had to go in, Spaniards had to go in, Italians had to go in. Because we know far too little about them. If we want to do something for the district, there must also be representatives of the nationalities, because there we have no idea. Our knowledge lies in the pedagogical field. […] Later we also had a café and this district newspaper. […] They were attempts to understand one another, despite all the difficulties. (Interview with Elke Winter [pseud.], 14 May 2013; my translation)

Elke Winter talked about two things here that I would like to highlight. Firstly, she told me that her pedagogical training had not been enough to enable her to respond appropriately to the demands of Nordbahnhofviertel. What she had experienced most of all was a lack of knowledge about the target group of her work. In order to be able to develop the right services, this knowledge had been indispensable for her. To close this knowledge gap, Winter co-operated, for instance, with applied universities that undertook some research in the district. Since that time, the district had become a field site for different researchers and study projects, including the one I was part of as mentioned above. Similarly in Pollokshields, I become aware of the presence of other researchers, although I only met a very few of them: during the Doors Open Day, I heard about a Dutch researcher who was researching Muslim women. In the Nan McKay Community Hall, I am initially met with scepticism, as a researcher had recently been given access who had then accused the Community Hall of ethnicising tendencies in her report. I read in the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian about an Ethnic Minorities Research project (PG 23). Finally, I had been told about a research project on community safety, for example, at the Taleem Ul-Islam mosque and at the Youth Community Support Agency.

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The second aspect that Elke Winter addressed in the quote is the importance of passing on this knowledge; to let people of other nationalities have their say in the district newspaper in order to bring the different people in the district closer together. The desire to gain more knowledge and the associated goals that Elke Winter describes are examples of a specific situation of dealing with migration-driven diversification: situations of knowledge production/transfer. These situations comprise activities of (a) knowledge production and (b) knowledge transfer. These activities can only be separated heuristically from each other, because each production generates a product, which, simultaneously, corresponds to the presentation of this product.1 Data is collected and processed in situations of knowledge production/transfer to produce and ultimately present information, facts and insights. I assume, referring to Barth (2002), that situations of knowledge production/transfer are not an end in themselves. Knowledge, in Barth’s understanding, serves as material for reflections or as a prerequisite to understanding and acting in the world.2 Under this concept of knowledge, Barth subsumes feelings and attitudes as well as information, embodied abilities, and verbalised taxonomies and concepts (Barth 2002). It serves as a basis for political action or for reflecting on similarities and differences. The knowledge generated and imparted in this way is facilitating action and triggering and guiding action. In this sense, knowledge is always an instrument of power and a guarantor of power (cf. Foucault 2003). In the context of migration-driven diversity, knowledge production and transfer can be seen to ensure the social cohesion of (different) groups. A lack of knowledge is often addressed as the basis for conflicts, especially in multiculturalist assumptions, which is why the transfer of knowledge about and between different groups is seen as a contribution to cohesion (cf. Welz 1996). In the following, I will focus mainly on the production of knowledge. Knowledge can be generated both intentionally and arbitrarily as a by-product of activities. By arbitrary, I mean knowledge that arises, for example, through unplanned experiences or spontaneous impressions and which is only evaluated as new information through subsequent reflection. By intentionally generated knowledge, I mean knowledge that arises or is imparted as the goal of a practice and the activities carried out in its context. Here, I will deal exclusively with the latter form—the intended production of knowledge

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about migration-driven diversification. Immigration and the increase of migration causes the interest to produce (and transfer) knowledge. Within these situations diversity is enacted in a specific way. Differences are enacted by means of (a) (local and historical variations of ) categorisation, (b) the assumption of standards and (c) the hypothesis of certain needs. Within the context of the city, this knowledge is organised in terms of space, which results in the location of differences. In the following, I will exemplify my argument by taking two kinds of situations of knowledge production/transfer into account. The first example is the analysis of the city population by the City of Stuttgart in the 1970s. This analysis had the aim of gaining knowledge about the new inhabitants in order to plan different measures. The second example is a research project about Pollokshields that had the aim of gaining general knowledge about the quality of life experience of people framed as an ethnic minority.3 My argument is guided by the following questions: How and in what ways do people differ from each other within situations of knowledge production/transfer? How does the analysis produce differences between people or groups of people? What sort of differences are highlighted or overshadowed? When does a group of people become of interest for knowledge production/transfer? How do people react to the position they have been appointed to in these situations of knowledge production/transfer? Moreover, I show how the topic of migration has changed statistics and the work of municipal administrations. I will present my argument as follows: Firstly, I will introduce the two case studies. Secondly, I characterise situations of knowledge production/transfer in general. Finally, the case studies will be discussed as examples of situations of knowledge production/transfer.

Case Studies “Where numbers are no secret” (Wo Zahlen kein Geheimnis sind) is the title of a reprint of the Stuttgart Stadtanzeiger. It was published in 1996 on the occasion of the centenary of the Statistical Office of the City. Its cover picture shows a crowd in the background and a diagram in the foreground. The abscissa axis shows the years from 1895 to 1995; the

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ordinate axis shows the number of inhabitants in hundreds of thousands. A graph starts just below the 200,000 mark. It rises rapidly, falls by almost 200,000 people in the 1940s, then rises again and, from 1955, settles around the 600,000 mark. From this point on, a dashed line also departs from the main count. Over time, the distance between the two graphs grew and, finally, amounts to about 150,000 people in 1995. The word “foreigners” can be read above the dotted line, the word “Germans” below. It may be a coincidence that on the occasion of the anniversary of the Statistical Office a picture was used showing Stuttgart as a city of immigration. But it would not come as a surprise if this connection had been consciously chosen. Stuttgart’s comprehensive analysis of the situation of foreigners in the 1970s has attracted attention and recognition far beyond the city’s borders (cf. Severin-Barboutie 2012, pp. 243–245). Over 90,000 foreigners live in Stuttgart. Every sixth inhabitant of Stuttgart is a foreigner; among the schoolchildren it is 40 per cent. The decisive factor, however, is not only the number but also the length of stay of the foreigners. This is accompanied by numerous foreign-specific and -related expectations and demands on our infrastructure. The report sees itself as an information base and decision-making aid for all those who bear political responsibility also for our foreign inhabitants, as a working aid for all institutions concerned with foreigner issues, but, not least, as a contribution to the discussion in the political and social sphere. (Ausländerbericht, Vorwort; my translation)

With these words Rolf Thieringer, then Mayor for Social Affairs and Health, introduced the report in 1976. The Social Democrats had already introduced the idea of analysing the situation of foreigners three years earlier in Stuttgart’s municipal council (GR-Drucksache Nr. 1090/1973). In a statement dated 5 March 1974, the mayor’s office promised to submit such a report (GR-Drucksache Nr. 214/1974). Subsequently, the Social Welfare Office began preparatory work in February 1975. Finally, on 1 September 1975, the Working Group on Foreigners Reports was set up (Organisationsverfügung  vom 1.9.1975, Anhang IV). The project group included employees of the Social Welfare Office (Sozialamt), Public Order Office (Amt  für  öffentliche  Ordnung), City Planning Office

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(Stadtplanungsamt), Statistical Office (Statistisches Amt) and Main Office (Hauptamt). The participation of different administrative units is justified by the conclusion that dealing with immigration and immigrants is a municipal cross-sectional task. After a request from the administrative committee at the mayor’s office for the objective of the report (GR-Drucksache Nr. 16/1976), the project group was instructed in February 1976 to submit documents showing an outline of the problems concerning the situation of the foreign inhabitants (Ausländerbericht, 13). The group presented the results of its work the following October. Under the title “Foreign Residents in Stuttgart” (Ausländische Einwohner in Stuttgart), the report was accompanied by a publication in December 1979 with a circulation of 6500 copies and a second extended edition in September 1981 with a circulation of 4500 copies. The Statistical Information Service of the Statistical Office of the State Capital Stuttgart (St atistischer Informationsdienst des Statistischen Amtes der Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart) also published a special issue under the same title in 1979 (Sonderheft). The report itself comprised 442 pages, including an annex, and was divided into the following four parts: (1) economic-political interests of foreign employment, (2) description of foreign residents, (3) services of general interest for foreign residents in Stuttgart and (4) measures. Based on the four subject areas, information was to be provided on the situation of foreign citizens in Stuttgart and the concrete need for action for the city administration and other institutions was to be derived. To this end, it divided the report into three thematic blocks. In the first thematic block (a), the interests of the countries of origin and of the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the employment of foreigners and the situation of foreign residents when immigrating to the Federal Republic were presented. In the second thematic block (b), the development of the foreign population, the origin by country and landscape, the demographic and social structure, the family situation and criminal offences were described. The third thematic block (c) dealt with services of general interest, including housing conditions, education, health, leisure, foreign self-organisations, religious communities, the coexistence of foreign and German populations and political participation.

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The Foreigners Report, as stated by Thieringer, should inform the decision-­making process. It shares this goal with applied research. Applied research is particularly important for cities and districts. With its analyses of concrete cases and its recommendations, it provides action-relevant knowledge for those working in the city or district. Michael Pacione, Professor Emeritus at the University of Strathclyde (Glasgow), places his research between basic research and applied research in the field of translational research. In his works, he deals, among other things, with the “settlement of ethnic minorities” and “geographies of religious affiliation”. During our meeting, we talked about Pollokshields’ evolution from a Victorian suburb to one of Scotland’s most ethnically diverse neighbourhoods. Pacione is one of the few researchers I met in person. During our conversation, he told me about a PhD thesis that was written under his supervision. This work was a research project by Santanu Mandal that dealt with the topic of Community Safety. It was one of the aforementioned research projects that I came across in Pollokshields before and later in some conversations (Conversation Michael Pacione, 19 May 2014). Mandal’s work was submitted to the School of Applied Social Sciences at the University of Strathclyde in 2013 as a dissertation entitled “Community Safety and Ethnic Minorities: The Lived Experience of the Pakistani Scottish Community in Glasgow” for a doctorate degree in geography. The work is accessible via the university library; it has not been published. In his research, Mandal explores the question of what contribution the perception of community safety makes to the quality of life. In particular, he is concerned with the feeling of security by Pakistanis or people with a Pakistani background. According to Mandal, the aspect of ethnic minorities regarding community safety and quality of life has not yet been sufficiently researched. Mandal’s work can be located on the continuum between basic research and applied research in translational research. In addition to the question of ethnic specificity in the perception of community safety and quality of life, Mandal also makes recommendations for Pollokshields based on his analyses: The present research also revealed that, far from being supportive, a section of the community appeared to be the cause of many problems that the Pakistani Scottish youth face today. This research recognises that many

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levers of the issues affecting community safety of ethnic minorities lie in social inequalities. It also concludes that an appropriate combination of locality-based initiatives and structural measures can make a major contribution to enhanced community safety in the study area. An improved physical fabric of this deprived neighbourhood and more community engagement by the police and GCSS [Glasgow Community and Safety Services, M.K.] are needed to enhance the perception of safety and wellbeing of local residents. In addition, the Scottish Government and the Glasgow City Council must take initiatives to arrest educational failure among Pakistani Scottish children and provide them with training and employment opportunities. Finally, elder members of the Pakistani Scottish community must take responsibility of addressing some neglected community issues such as domestic violence and drugs in the community. (Mandal 2013, p. V)

Mandal’s study is an example of other research work in Pollokshields. It can be used as an example to show how (scientific) knowledge about migration-driven diversity is produced.

Municipal Statistics and Research In the following, I am going to contextualise the two cases in the situation of knowledge production/transfer. Therefore, I would like to focus on three positions within these situations: the investigating, the investigated or the target group and, finally, the non-investigated. This last position is of interest because it takes a sharper look at the actual target group and changes the perspective by asking who or what was not included in the enquiry and for what reasons. In what follows, I am going to ask what or who did when and how became an object of knowledge production/ transfer? The examples of Elke Winter, the Foreigners Report and Mandal show that those investigating are aware of their production, mediation and reception of knowledge. By this, I mean they are aware that they lack information in specific fields and, therefore, attempt to produce it, respectively, and that they are in a context in which information is conveyed to them. This interest in information can be scientific (e.g. Mandal), political and administrative (e.g. the Foreigners Report) and private. The

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private interest can be found in the question posed over many years in variations in project, programmes and articles in Pollokshields: “Who is my neighbour?” As the actions, positions and relationships differ between the private and the scientific as well as political-administrative interest, I am going to leave out the private aspects here and come back to it in the next chapter on  exploring foreign places. The awareness of one’s own position is not necessarily the case for those under investigation. Regarding the power relationships between the investigating and the investigated, the question arises whether the investigated are aware of their position as objects of investigation. Whereas the interviewees in the study on the quality of life in Pollokshields and the “gatekeeper organisation” were aware about the ongoing investigation in their neighbourhood, this was not the case for the inhabitants without German citizenship in Stuttgart in the 1970s. In this context, power means power of representation and the associated question of who produces what knowledge about whom in the context of migration-driven diversity. Do people create and impart knowledge about themselves or about others, and if they produce and impart knowledge about others, to what extent do they involve the investigated? And finally, for whom is the knowledge produced accessible? Who has the sovereignty of interpretation? (cf. Welz 1996) Target groups or objects of knowledge production do not appear out of nowhere. The object of and the interest in a production/transfer of knowledge is historically situated. At the time when the Foreigners Report was written, for example, many cities in Germany were confronted with the demands on urban infrastructure that Thieringer talks about in his foreword. In his quote, the Social Mayor of Stuttgart refers to a change that is taking place throughout the Federal Republic of Germany: the change from a guest worker employment to an immigration process (Herbert 2003, p. 243). Baden-Württemberg and Stuttgart occupy a special position within this change in the Federal Republic of Germany.4 After the recruitment agreement with several countries and a strong increase of immigration and short period of decline after the recession, there was a doubling of the immigration numbers by the end of the 1970s. During this time, not only was the number of foreigners in the Federal Republic increasing rapidly, but their composition in terms of nationality was also changing significantly. While Italians were the largest

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national group until the end of the 1960s, since 1971, Turks have been the largest group both among the resident and working population. In addition, from the end of the 1960s onwards, an increasing number of family reunification cases can be observed, which has led to an increase in the proportion of non-working foreigners. At the same time, the German economy is stalling again. The decrease in the number of jobs as a result of economic developments and the simultaneous increase in the length of stay (also a result of the new Work Permit Ordinance of 1971 and the newly created EC Member States) entails consequential problems, which Ulrich Herbert (2003) divides into four complexes: (1) the housing situation, (2) work and labour market, (3) family reunion and second generation and (4) the relationship between Germans and foreigners. The cities are particularly confronted with these challenges, although the situation in the Federal Republic of Germany varies: in 1973, the proportion of the foreign population in Baden-Württemberg was 16.5 per cent compared with the nationwide figure of around 6.5 per cent. In Stuttgart, the 26.5 per cent share is the highest in the entire Federal Republic of Germany (Herbert 2003, pp.  201–250). In order to be able to react appropriately to this special circumstance of the city of Stuttgart, the Foreigners Report intends to create an informational basis. As a support for decision-making and measures, it is intended to strengthen the capacity of the city administration and other institutions affected to act. In addition, in terms of knowledge transfer, it is intended as a contribution to public discussion at a time when resentment, fears and prejudices towards foreigners are increasing due to the economic downturn, to “objectify and sensitise the problem of foreigners” (Ausländerbericht, p. 20; my translation). The example from Germany not only points to the historical aspect of what and who becomes an object of knowledge production/transfer. It also refers to their spatial positioning. Regarding the Foreigners Report, Stuttgart became the locus of attention and within Stuttgart, certain parts of the city, for example, Stuttgart North, were highlighted as “hot spots”. Places with a need for political action were enacted through mapping. This mapping to visualise pathology and localise problem areas has a long history in the context of social reform-­ oriented research in cities (Lindner 2004, pp. 144–145). It will be possible to evaluate the assessment and treatment of foreign citizens in

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Stuttgart on the basis of various factors by analysing the spatial distribution of foreigners across the city area (Ausländerbericht, p.  95). The small-scale breakdown of data represents added value for districts such as Nordbahnhofviertel. In this way, it becomes comparable with other parts of the city. The small-scale breakdown is presented in various ways. A map in the first third of the report shows the proportion of foreigners in the city districts in 1975. On this map, Stuttgart is divided into city municipalities, districts and quarters. A colour scale indicates the relative proportion of the foreign population; circles of varying size provide information on the absolute numbers of foreigners living in the districts (for the aspect of colour metaphorics in mapping, see Lindner 2004, p. 86). It can be seen that the district with the number 0326 has a proportion of more than 30 per cent foreigners and more than 7000 foreigners live there. It is the only district that belongs to both the groups with the highest absolute and relative share. District 0326 corresponds to today’s districts 126 to 129: Nordbahnhofviertel, Am Pragfriedhof, Am Rosensteinpark and Auf der Prag. Nordbahnhofviertel is explicitly mentioned in another part of the report. Under the item housing conditions (Ausländerbericht, pp.  164–180), the working group of the report describes the age and social structure of the inner-city areas, which also includes Stuttgart North: The one-sided age structure of these quarters is based on the fact that economically stronger, mobile and younger German populations are migrating. The emigration rate of Germans [emphasis in original, M.K.] from these areas is particularly striking. In the 100 busy roads mentioned above, the German population decreased by almost 30 per cent, from 105,000 to 75,000, within five years, while the overall change in the German population in Stuttgart over the same period was only -8 per cent. Families with children are particularly unwilling to live here. Socially weaker people, such as pensioners, low-income earners, marginalised and problem groups, are settled in the areas. This can lead to stigmatisation, signs of decay (due to a lack of private investment) and increasing devaluation of the neighbourhoods which then show signs of social problem areas (e.g. Heslach, Hausen, Nordbahnhofviertel, Untertürkheim). It should be emphasised here that foreigners have by no means caused this situation. Only their influx draws attention to these conditions and their concentration and

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increase can indirectly contribute to the deterioration of the building fabric and the image of the areas. (Ausländerbericht, p. 168)

The aggregated figures and values of the map are supplemented here by a concrete description—although here, too, a summary is made across several districts. These two sections represent the smallest spatial breakdown. The further information in the report is differentiated only to the level of the districts North, South, East, West and Central and the outer districts. (Since four of the five other districts in the Northern District only have a share of less than 12 per cent and the fifth district has a share of 12–16 per cent of foreigners, the data can be indirectly related to Nordbahnhofviertel and the adjacent districts.) The individual data are formatted in tables and provide information in each case: (a) the composition of the foreign population according to countries of recruitment (status 1975, absolute and relative), (b) the mobility figures of Germans and foreigners (status 1974, absolute), (c) the resident population according to age groups and proportion of foreigners (status 1975, absolute and relative), (d) the resident population according to gender and proportion of foreigners (status 1975, absolute and relative) and (e) the proportion of male foreigners who are married and live with their wives in Stuttgart (status 1975, absolute and relative). Within Glasgow, Pollokshields is such a hot spot and, therefore, a frequently chosen research site. Mandal, for instance, justifies the selection of Pollokshields for his study on the quality of life with its ethnic and social, that is, socio-spatial, separation of Pollokshields East and Pollokshields West and the development of the district into a place of immigration in general and of Pakistanis in particular. Mandal uses specific geographical methods to analyse this data, showing how various crimes are distributed across the district. Mandal works out maps with so-called hot spots and cold spaces. Readers are told that it makes a difference whether I am in Pollokshields East or Pollokshields West. Within Pollokshields East, Mandal shows that different areas are affected differently by crime in general and by different types of crime in particular. He refers to the co-presence of poverty, unemployment and the concentration of ethnic minorities in order to contextualise the neighbourhood as an “inner-city neighbourhood”. By means of this contextualisation, he shows that Pollokshields can be regarded as an

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exemplary case where Pakistani Scots living there are representative of ethnic minorities in general. Thus, Mandal presents Pollokshields as a legitimate field for his research in the sense of a “truth-spot” (Gieryn 2006) or “epistemic place” (Welz 2011, p. 204).5 The same goes for the Foreigners Report, where Stuttgart is presented as one of many cities in the Federal Republic of Germany that is affected by immigration. Thereby, the investigated become comparable. By referencing, Pollokshields turns into an “inner-city neighbourhood”, as can be found in many other British (or even further afield) cities, and the group of people of Pakistani origin living in Pollokshields becomes an example of ethnic minorities. The object of knowledge production/transfer loses its specificity and becomes an exemplary case of a larger phenomenon. At the same time, the comparability offers the possibility of working out the particularity of the object investigated. In the 1970s, some cities in Germany had already analysed how immigration had affected them and there were also some general studies, but the statistical material available then was seen as insufficient, moreover, the situation in Stuttgart was considered different from other cities in the Federal Republic of Germany on which reports were available in the perspective of the city officials (Ausländerbericht, pp. 11–15). The moment to attain and ensure agency is very strong concerning the Foreigners Report. In the situation of knowledge production/transfer, the object here is enacted in order to ensure the power over a certain territory. The relationship between power and knowledge production/transfer in relation to territory has a long history as a cultural repertoire, especially in imperial contexts (see for instance Gammerl 2018; Leonard and von Hirschhausen 2009) but also in urban contexts. In cities, it has been the survey that expresses the wish and the interest to get an overview, while, simultaneously, to gain control (Lindner 2004, p.  32). The institutionalised form of this repertoire in cities are municipal statistics, a repertoire that, for instance, has been established in Stuttgart since the end of the nineteenth century: Municipal statistics create the indispensable prerequisite for a municipality to take on its self-governing tasks in a meaningful and responsible way. Statistical data, for example, are essential for infrastructure planning, housing supply, commercial planning, school planning, kindergarten planning,

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social and elderly care planning, and environmental protection planning. (Leibing 1996, p. 40; my translation)

Eberhard Leibing summarises this intention and procedure of municipal statistics in a guest article on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Statistical Office of the City of Stuttgart. In this context, Leibing points out that Wilhelm I of Württemberg had already justified the establishment of a statistical office with the necessity of having knowledge of the country in order to be able to govern it well. Municipal statistics are important for cities because they permit a small-scale breakdown of data which is not provided by the state offices, the Federal Office or the European Office. In their work, the municipal statistical offices drew on existing data from other offices or administrative institutions or conducted their own surveys. In addition, Leibing states, municipal statistics are characterised by a public character. The aim of municipal statistics is, therefore, always to make its knowledge available to the public (Leibing 1996, pp. 35–45). This public availability marks a contrast to the scientific production/transfer of knowledge. The abundance of research that I encounter repeatedly indirectly during my stay in Pollokshields does not coincide with the number of publications about Pollokshields—either because of language or because studies were never created for publication. Most of the knowledge generated about Pollokshields does not appear accessible. Migration-driven diversity does not only become enacted through measures and technics of municipal statistics, in the case of Stuttgart, it also changes this existing repertoire. The Foreigners Report falls into a phase of changes in the content and organisation of the municipal statistics in Stuttgart: After the founding phase at the end of the nineteenth century, the two world wars and the interwar period, the focus in terms of content in the 1950s was initially on the urban migration and the development of the urban region as a whole. New topics moved into the focus of municipal statistics with the 1970s and the economic structural change, oil price crisis, recruitment stop and urban migration. In addition, there are technical innovations, such as automated data processing, as a result of which, statistical work develops into municipal urban research. Municipality, region and the inner-city division into districts

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become spatial units for the investigations. The project-oriented work between different offices is also established during this time. A first example of this overarching co-operation is the preparation of the Foreigners Report (Kaiser 1996). Having talked about the timely, spatial and intentional aspects of becoming an object of knowledge production/transfer, I would now like to draw attention to the definition of the target group in relation to the non-investigated. Why does a particular group become a target group? Within the study on quality of life, the object is the Pakistani Scottish community as a case study of ethnic minorities. The majority itself is not defined in more detail by Mandal, nor does he make any statements about their perception of Community Safety. The definition of the topic “The Lived Experience of the Pakistani Scottish Community in Glasgow” alone is enough to make the assumption that there must be a difference compared to the majority. Since this assumption is not refuted within the work—it is not even thematised but presupposed as apparently given—it must be assumed that there is a difference. Mandal’s research is guided by the hypothesis that Pakistani Scottish youth differ in terms of the quality of life. In doing so, the analyses place the migrants or minorities in a position that is opposed to the majority or an assumed standard. The assumed difference to a standard can also be seen in Thieringer’s foreword in the Foreigners Report, when he says: “this is accompanied by numerous foreign specific and foreign related expectations and demands on our infrastructure”. In the report, the research group discusses what is meant by this “foreignness”: In the best case it means having only one other nationality; in the worst case it means being foreign and being treated as a foreigner because of appearance, language and culture. The latter applies to the majority of foreigners living in Stuttgart. Belonging to a different culture means different lifestyles, a different understanding of one’s role in family, profession and society, different values, different needs and different ethical principles. The other language means that there are limits to communication. In addition, the foreigners living in Stuttgart do not belong to only one nation, i.e. they differ in the characteristics mentioned just as much from each other as from the Germans. (Ausländerbericht, p. 17; my translation)

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The definition of foreigner as an everyday life experience is decisive for the working group’s further action. Not everyone living in Stuttgart with the legal status of foreigner is analysed and presented in the report. A distinction is made according to whether the respective people came to Stuttgart within the framework of recruitment contracts or not. In the report, the second group (the non-target group) is referred to as “foreigners from other countries”, “other foreigners” or “Other”. In the section on education one can learn more about the group of others. It says about “the others” in a footnote: “Many Austrians and Swiss; often one parent married to a German spouse or German-speaking for other reasons (studies, occupation)” (Ausländerbericht, p. 221). Thus, only a certain group will be investigated. The relationship between the two groups, the report states, has changed over the years. In the section on the development of the foreign population in Stuttgart since 1950, the working group notes that the proportion of foreigners from recruitment countries, such as Greece, Italy, Yugoslavia, Spain, Portugal and Turkey, was not significant until the mid-1950s. By contrast, in 1975, more than four-fifths of Stuttgart’s foreign residents came from the five most important recruiting countries. Thus, the proportion has reversed in 25 years; most foreigners living in Stuttgart now come from these five countries. The group of people who previously made up the majority of the foreign population is now in the minority (Ausländerbericht, pp. 83–84). The object of knowledge production/transfer is defined as different in relation to a majority and a minority based on “different lifestyles, a different understanding of one’s role in family, profession and society, different values, different needs, different ethical principles”. Furthermore, it becomes an object due to quantitative reasons. A further delimitation takes place via the aspect of quantity. In various tables and enumerations, the Portuguese are also included in the group of others, as they are only represented in very small numbers in Stuttgart. In a nutshell, foreigners are the many others here. Within the category of foreigners, the following differentiation is, therefore, made for the most part: Greeks, Italians, Yugoslavs, Spaniards and Turks. In the text, graphics and tables, this category is contrasted with that of Germans, which is not itself defined in more detail. Quantity, language skills and the legal system of immigration to Federal Republic of Germany guide the usage of the category foreigners. Thus, foreigners

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here as a category is narrowed to the large number of people from the recruiting countries who have communicative limits, particularly due to a lack of language skills (cf. Severin-Barboutie 2012, p. 238). Categories are always abstractions and are only to a certain degree able to capture the lived experience (Hall 2015, p. 25). In this case, however, the lived experience narrows the category. In the Foreigners Report, foreigners are not enacted in legal but everyday life terms. Although the working group of the report emphasises that German society cannot be understood as a uniform society either, the group adopts the category system of nationality due to a lack of alternatives. Geoffrey C. Bowker and Susan Leigh Star (2008) argue that classifications are anchored in information systems and information environments that are characterised by comparability, visibility and control (Bowker and Star 2008, pp. 231–232). These information infrastructures enable one to stabilise and co-ordinate information across places and times (Bowker and Star 2008, p. 35): At its most abstract, the design and use of information systems involves linking experience gained in one time and place with that gained in another, via representations of some sort. Even seemingly simple replication and transmission of information from one place to another involves encoding and decoding as time and place shift. Thus, the context of information shifts in spite of its continuities; and this shift in context imparts heterogeneity to the information itself. Classifications are a very common sort of representation used for this purpose. Formal classification systems are, in part, an attempt to regularize the movement of information from one context to another; to provide a means of access to information across time and space. (Bowker and Star 2008, p. 290)

Classifications enable the co-ordination of situational information that are characterised by a high degree of comparability and standardisation, while simultaneously, a low degree locality and particularity (Latour 2002, see also Mol 2002). As shown before, this comparability is important within knowledge production/transfer, for instance, for Mandal to position his study within studies on ethnic minorities in inner-city neighbourhoods and for the Foreigners Report to make it possible to compare

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with reports from other cities and to integrate knowledge from other resources. Established classification systems are used in both examples to enable this to be done. Where Mandal uses ethnic categories, the working groups use the system of nationality. The information infrastructure at that time was built around nationality, for example, data from the population censuses and the statistical offices. However, the numbers from the Statistical Office of the City of Stuttgart represent only an actual state; development relationships cannot be deduced from this data. For this reason, the working group used data from the Central Register of Foreigners (Ausländerzentralregister, AZR) but emphasised that these figures may differ from the official population statistics (Ausländerbericht, p.  89).6 These deviations are caused by the route that the data must take from Stuttgart to Cologne in the Central Register for Foreigners and back to Stuttgart. The Central Register for Foreigners receives its data from various institutions, such as the immigration authorities (Ausländerbehörden), the authorities responsible for visas, the authorities entrusted with border police tasks, the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (Bundesamtfür Migration und Flüchtlinge), the Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt), the public prosecutor’s offices at the higher regional courts and the citizenship authorities. The following data shall be transmitted to the register by the respective institutions: name of the transmitting authority, reference number of the register authority (AZR number), the occasions according to §2, surname, maiden name, first name, spelling of names according to German law, place and district of birth, sex, nationality, different spelling of names, other names, previous names, aliases, personal details, marital status, details of identity document, last place of residence in country of origin, nationality of spouse (as well as other personal details), details of immigration and departure, details of residence status, date of death and, in some cases, other details. This whole infrastructure is built around the categorisation of nationality. Mandal also addresses the problem of the data situation when it comes to the Pakistani category. Before 1991, the category Pakistani was not listed in the census on whose data he relied. He fills this statistical void with his qualitative data. He draws, for example, on interview statements from contemporary witnesses for the story of Pollokshields before 1991.

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On the other hand, information infrastructures enable power and control. They determine the extent to which knowledge content is thought. Classifications of people appear natural and, thus, become invisible. The infrastructures operate smoothly for people who can identify themselves with the classifications stored in the infrastructures. For people for whom this does not apply, there is only the possibility of reclassifying themselves in order to be recognised as “natural” (Bowker and Star 2008, pp.  223–225). Bowker and Star introduce the metaphor of texture to grasp the relationship between classifications and the lived experience: Thus, we have used the metaphor of the texture of a classification system to explore the fact that any given classification provides surfaces of resistance (where the real resists its definition), blocks against agendas and smooth roads for others. Within this metaphorical landscape, the individual’s trajectory—often, for all that, perceived as continuous and self-consistent—is at each moment twisted and torqued by classifications and vice versa. (Bowker and Star 2008, p. 324)

To classify means to gain control over the classified. Hacking (1986, 1995) addressed this issue when he asked how people are made up or come into being through categories. Moreover, to classify relates to the “fitting” of people and categories discussed by Bowker and Star (2008, pp. 224–225). At the same time, the lived experience resists and questions the classification system (Bowker and Star 2008, pp. 224–225). Classification also has the potential to enable and constrain. Being classified as a minority, for instance, opens opportunities to apply for funding (Interview Asif [pseud.], 20 May 2014). The moment where the real resists the definition of the classification also introduces moments of change to an established cultural repertoire such as situations of knowledge production/transfer. Peter Aspinall, for instance, discusses forced self-classifications and questions whether ethnic classifications in the British census can still adequately reflect diversity in Great Britain. He discusses possibilities of a more open or multidimensional classification. The ethnic classification itself remains within his considerations, although he notes that other classifications, such as family, religion or age, have become more important for the classified (Aspinall 2009, 2012, 2013; Aspinall and Song 2013). The German

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classification system was extended by the category of people with a migration background in 2005. Thereby, the Federal Statistical Office (Statistisches Bundesamt) introduced a quasi-­ethnical category besides the legal differentiation of citizenship that has exclusionary effects for feelings of belonging to Germany. (cf. Will 2019)

Conclusion Knowledge circulates as a product and the role of scientific actors and the repercussions of their work are important in this circulation (Bendix and Welz 2002). This is also the case with the present research work, in which, as I have mentioned before, after an interview, my research interest was used as an argument for the political interpretation of peaceful coexistence in Pollokshields on the Fun Day. Regarding situations of knowledge production/transfer, a certain object is defined to be investigated and represented. When migration-driven diversity or diversification becomes this object, this object is enacted as different to a certain standard. It can be based on the conviction that migration or the migration history of people makes a qualitative difference compared to those without that history. It can be enacted as a subject to power, something or someone that is assumed to challenge agency. Information infrastructures play an important aspect within these situations. The use of categories and the assignment of people to these categories differ. The use of the categories of nationality or ethnicity creates an order in which people can be clearly assigned.

Notes 1. Knowledge, which is accessible only in the head of a person, I understand here as not existing (cf. the comments on the public nature of practices by Schmidt 2012, pp. 226–263). 2. Knowledge has become a key term within Anthropology and Cultural Studies in ideas such as symbolic orders and orders of knowledge. In this sense, knowledge has become almost a synonym for culture (Reckwitz

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2008, p. 84). Barth raised the question of the difference between knowledge and culture: “Indeed, it does focus on many of the same data and seeks to analyse many of the same phenomena. But in calling it knowledge rather than culture I think that we ethnographers will analyse it differently and find ourselves disaggregating our received category of culture in distinctive ways that hinge on what our ideas of ‘knowledge’ evoke. Knowledge provides people with materials for reflection and premises for action, whereas ‘culture’ too readily comes to embrace also those reflections and those actions” (Barth 2002, p. 1). 3. To visit “foreign” places is also a type of knowledge production and communication. However, because of its specific features, it will be discussed in the next section. 4. On the history of immigration and emigration in Baden-Württemberg, see the anthology and monograph by Karl-Heinz Meier-Braun and Reinhold Weber (2009) and the anthology by Mathias Beer (2014). 5. The present study could also be described in a similar way to the presentation carried out here. It argues in favour of truth-spots, about the presentation of the districts of Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel, which should lead to systematic insights into the subject of diversity through specific methodological steps. On how certain places become focus points of research and the potential of over-research see Neal et al. (2016). 6. The following information on the Central Register of Foreigners are the investigations and comments by Helmut Bäumler (1996), Franz Scheuerer (1987), Christian Streit (1996) and Thilo Weichert (1998, 2000). All authors take a critical look at the register from a data protection perspective. In 2008, the European Court of Justice ruled that the storage and processing of European Union citizens’ data in the Central Register of Foreigners infringes Community law (European Court of Justice 2008).

References Research Material Ausländerbericht: Babbel, Herbert u.a. [authors]. 1976. Ausländische Einwohner in Stuttgart: Arbeitsergebnis der Projektgruppe ‘Ausländer-Bericht’ der Stadt Stuttgart. Stuttgart: Stadt Stuttgart. Conversation Michael Pacione, 19 May 2014.

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GR-Drucksache Nr. 1090/1973. ———. 214/1974. ———. 16/1976. Interview with Elke Winter [pseud.], 14 May 2013. PG 23: N.A. 1990. Soutside Housing: The Chairman Reports. Pollokshields Guardian, September. Sonderheft: Kaiser, Klaus. 1979. Ausländische Einwohner in Stuttgart: Entwicklung und Struktur. Sonderhefte des Statistischen Informationsdienstes 3. Stuttgart: Statistisches Amt.

Bibliography Aspinall, Peter J. 2009. The Future of Ethnicity Classifications. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 35 (9): 1417–1435. ———. 2012. Answer Formats in British Census and Survey Ethnicity Questions: Does Open Response Better Capture ‘Superdiversity’? Sociology 46 (2): 354–364. ———. 2013. Do the ‘Asian’ Categories in the British Censuses Adequately Capture the Indian Sub-continent Diaspora Population? South Asian Diaspora 5 (2): 179–195. Aspinall, Peter J., and Miri Song. 2013. Is Race a ‘Salient…’ or ‘Dominant Identity’ in the Early 21st Century: The Evidence of UK Survey Data on Respondentsʼ Sense of Who They Are. Social Science Research 42 (2): 547–561. Barth, Fredrik. 2002. An Anthropology of Knowledge. Current Anthropology 43 (1): 1–18. Bäumler, Helmut. 1996. Kritische Anmerkungen zum Ausländerzentralregister. Bewährungshilfe: Fachzeitschrift für Bewährungs-, Gerichts- und Straffälligenhilfe 43 (3): 240–249. Beer, Mathias, ed. 2014. Baden-Württemberg—eine Zuwanderungsgeschichte. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Bendix, Regina, and Gisela Welz, eds. 2002. Kulturwissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit: Amerikanische und deutschsprachige Volkskunde im Dialog. Frankfurt am Main: Inst. für Kulturanthropologie und Europäische Ethnologie der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität. Bowker, Geoffrey C., and Susan Leigh Star. 2008. Sorting Things Out: Classification and Its Consequences. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

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Foucault, Michel. 2003. Die Wahrheit und die juristischen Formen. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Gammerl, Benno. 2018. Subjects, Citizens and Others: Administering Ethnic Heterogeneity in the British and Habsburg Empires, 1867–1918. New York and Oxford: Berghahn. Gieryn, Thomas F. 2006. City as Truth-Spot: Laboratories and Field-Sites in Urban Studies. Social Studies of Science 36 (1): 5–38. Hacking, Ian. 1986. Making Up People. In Reconstructing Individualism: Autonomy, Individuality, and the Self in Western Thought, ed. Thomas C. Heller and Christine Brooke-Rose, 222–236. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. ———. 1995. The Looping Effects of Human Kind. In Causal Cognition: A Multidisciplinary Debate, ed. Dan Sperber, David Premack, and Ann J. Premack, 351–394. Oxford: Clarendon. Hall, Suzanne M. 2015. Super-Diverse Street: A ‘Trans-Ethnography’ Across Migrant Localities. Ethnic and Racial Studies 38 (1): 22–37. Herbert, Ulrich. 2003. Geschichte der Ausländerpolitik in Deutschland: Saisonarbeiter, Zwangsarbeiter, Gastarbeiter, Flüchtlinge. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung. Kaiser, Klaus. 1996. Kommunalstatistik in Stuttgart: Ein entwicklungsgeschichtlicher Abriss. In Die Kommunalstatistik auf dem Weg ins nächste Jahrhundert: Beiträge zum 100jährigen Bestehen des Statistischen Amtes, ed. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Statistisches Amt in Verbindung mit dem Presse- und Informationsdienst, 46–48. Stuttgart: Statist. Amt d. Stadt Stuttgart. Latour, Bruno. 2002. Zirkulierende Referenz: Bodenstichproben aud demUrwald des Amazonas. In Die Hoffnung der Pandora: Untersuchungen zur Wirklichkeit der Wissenschaft, 36–95. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Leibing, Eberhard. 1996. Zusammenarbeit zwischen Landes- und Kommunalstatistik. In Die Kommunalstatistik auf dem Weg ins nächste Jahrhundert: Beiträge zum 100jährigen Bestehen des Statistischen Amtes, ed. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Statistisches Amt in Verbindung mit dem Presseund Informationsdienst, 35–45. Stuttgart: Statist. Amt d. Stadt Stuttgart. Leonhard, Jörn, and Ulrike von Hirschhausen. 2009. Empires und Nationalstaaten im 19. Jahrhundert. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Lindner, Rolf. 2004. Walks on the Wild Side: Eine Geschichte der Stadtforschung. Frankfurt am Main: Campus. Mandal, Santanu. 2013. Community Safety of Ethnic Minorities: The Lived Experience of the Pakistani Scottish Community in Scotland. PhD diss., School of Applied Social Sciences (HASS), University of Strathclyde.

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Meier-Braun, Karl-Heinz, and Reinhold Weber. 2009. Kleine Geschichte der Einund Auswanderung in Baden-Württemberg. Leinfelden-Echterdingen: DRW. Mol, Annemarie. 2002. The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice. Durham: Duke University Press. Neal, Sarah, Giles Mohan, Allan Cochrane, and Katy Bennett. 2016. “‘You can’t move in Hackney without bumping into an anthropologist’: why certain places attract research attention.” Qualitative Research 16 (5): 491–507. Reckwitz, Andreas. 2008. Die Transformation der Kulturtheorien: Zur Entwicklung eines Theorieprogramms. 2nd ed. Weilerswist: Velbrück Wissenschaft. Scheuerer, Franz. 1987. Immigranten und Flüchtlinge: Die gläsernen Menschen. In Vorsicht Volkszählung! Erfaßt, vernetzt und ausgezählt, ed. Roland Appel and Dieter Hummel, 3rd ed., 171–179. Köln: Kölner Verlagsblatt. Schmidt, Robert. 2012. Soziologie der Praktiken: Konzeptionelle Studien und empirische Analysen. Berlin: Suhrkamp. Severin-Barboutie, Bettina. 2012. Stadt—Migration—Transformation: Stuttgart und Lyon im Vergleich. In Das ‘Gastarbeiter’-System: Arbeitsmigration und ihre Folgen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Westeuropa, ed. Jochen Oltmer, Axel Kreienbrink, and Carlos Sanz Díaz, 233–245. München: Oldenbourg. Streit, Christian. 1996. Entwicklung, Bedeutung und Rechtsgrundlagen des Ausländerzentralregisters. Bewährungshilfe: Fachzeitschrift für Bewährungs-, Gerichts- und Straffälligenhilfe 43 (3): 229–239. Weichert, Thilo. 1998. Kommentar zum Ausländerzentralregistergesetz. Neuwied: Luchterhand. ———. 2000. Der BigBrotherAward der Kategorie‘Lebenswerk’ geht an das Bundesverwaltungsamt in Köln für sein Ausländerzentralregister. Accessed 29 June 2018. https://bigbrotherawards.de/2000/lebenswerkbundesverwaltungsamt. Welz, Gisela. 1996. Inszenierungen kultureller Vielfalt: Frankfurt am Main und New York City. Berlin: Akadademie Verlag. ———. 2011. Mensch-Umwelt-Beziehungen: Zur Gegenstandskonstruktion der Frankfurter Kulturökologie. In Epistemische Orte: Gemeinde und Region als Forschungsformate, ed. Gisela Welz, Antonia Davidovic-Walther, and Anja S. Weber, 197–209. Frankfurt am Main: Universität Frankfurt Institut für Kulturanthropologie. Will, Anne-Kathrin. 2019. The German Statistical Category ‘Migration Background’: Historical Roots, Revisions and Shortcomings. Ethnicities 19 (3): 535–557.

4 Exploring

It’s Saturday. I leave my accommodation on Forth Street and turn right onto Albert Drive. Over the railway bridge I reach Tramway. The former tram depot is today a centre for visual and performing contemporary art. I cross the building, pass a café and arrive at the Hidden Gardens. It’s Doors Open Days in Glasgow and I’m taking part in the guided tour at 11.30 am to learn more about this garden. There are other people waiting next to me. They all seem to be between 50 and 60 years old. On the tour through the garden we are shown various bushes, trees and flowers and they are explained to us. We learn that the composition of the local population has played a major role in the design of the garden; for example, there are European and Asian varieties of most tree species. Later, during a presentation in one of the performance halls of Tramway, an artist and a landscape architect explain that they wanted to express multi-faithness without texts. A garden as a medium seemed the most suitable for them; a garden as a special space to express faith in different ways. One sentence, which both say again and again in the course of their speech, remains in my ear even after the visit: “We have to learn to accept difference”. —Field Diary, 22 September 2013

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The Doors Open Days were held for the first time in Glasgow and Ayr in 1990 on the occasion of the European Capital of Culture celebrations. In 2019, the Doors Open Days celebrated their 30th anniversary with a weeklong festival. An older Sikh man with a purple turban is on the cover of the anniversary brochure. He is standing in front of the Gurdwara Guru Granth Sahib that lies on the edge of Pollokshields (Glasgow Doors Open Days Festival 2019). To put the first purpose-built gurdwara of Scotland on the front page of the anniversary brochure reflects the changing religious urban landscape of Glasgow. Three years before, the Doors Open Days took place under the slogan “explore”. To explore the city of Glasgow and to discover new things is what this event offers. Exploring, moreover, illustrates a way of dealing with the urban landscape that has changed by means of immigration. We have to learn to accept difference: this sentence is an everyday matter of course for most of the residents of Pollokshields. They live and work side by side with people with different backgrounds, religious affiliations and worldviews. But that does not mean that they know what is going on next door. The variation of the question “who is my neighbour?” in projects, initiatives and art works shows the need to get to know the changed surroundings. The Hidden Gardens might not be a place that is directly associated with migration and diversity—and most of the questions of the other tour guests are about the plants or concerning gardening—but it is represented as a multi-faith place. Religious diversity is the main theme of the Doors Open Days in Pollokshields: in addition to the Hidden Gardens, the event allows one to explore three places of different religious communities. Only the New Victoria Garden Allotments have no religious reference. These explorations also take place outside the Doors Open Days, for example, during an organised visit to the Central Mosque. Similar events can also be found in Stuttgart: Here, too, it is the organised visit to a mosque (Field Note AK Abraham, March 2013) or the Open Mosque Day (Tag der offenen Moschee) (Tag der offenen Moschee 2020) that offer the opportunity to explore places in the neighbourhood. Like in Glasgow, it is mainly religious places that offer this possibility in Stuttgart. In addition to these explorations in the neighbourhood, people from Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel also travel to the countries of origin of

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immigrants to gain a better understanding of them: namely to Pakistan, respectively, Turkey. As with exploring nearby places, exploring distant places is about gaining immediate, subjective and personal impressions. These situations of exploration are characterised by the following elements: the explorers, the places explored, the people associated with the places explored, brokers between the explorers and the places explored, and the (subsequent) reporting on the exploration. Within these situations, the actors draw on the cultural repertoires of the excursion and travel reporting in general, and on the European Heritage Days in concrete terms. In this section, I am going to ask how migration-driven diversity is enacted within such situations of exploration. My argument is guided by the following questions: How and in what ways do people differ from each other within situations of exploring? How does the exploration produce differences between people or groups of people in relation to places? Why and by whom are certain places visited? Why do they become of interest? Do people function as brokers to the places and if so, how? In the following, I will exemplify my argument by discussing the exploration of far and near places. Regarding the far places, I will focus on visits to Pakistan and Turkey; regarding the near places, I am going to focus specifically on the Doors Open Days in Glasgow. I chose that focus because it exemplifies how immigration has changed the understanding of the European Heritage Days. Firstly, I am going to look at the far places, before coming back in a second step to the exploration of near places. Whereas the situations of knowledge production/transfer were primarily about institutional actors gaining agency, the situations of exploration focus on personal agency.

Exploring Far Places In the summer of 1985, 19 people from the Nordbahnhofviertel set off for Turkey (MK 108). Among them were four employees of the Protestant children’s day care and the Protestant Kindergarten, three employees and a language teacher of the Society for Social Youth Work (Gesellschaft für Soziale Jugendarbeit), two teachers from the Rosenstein School, a man of the Protestant Children’s Village (Kinderdorf ) Siloah and four young

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people of Turkish origin. The journey began in Istanbul and led via Ankara to the Cappadocia region and eastern Turkey before returning to Stuttgart via Istanbul. The participants documented their impressions in the form of video recordings and photos and recorded their experiences in travel reports. This information and material would later be compiled into a film with an accompanying booklet and be shown in 1985 to the public in Haus 49. In the 1990s, Catriona Forbes, who was appointed head of the newly founded Asian Information and Advice Centre: The Well in 1994, organised different trips to Pakistan (PG 77; PG 94). The first such trip, which is described by Isabella Duncan, one of the participants, in the January and February issues of the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian in 1993 (PG 89; PG 90), took a group of six women from Glasgow via Amsterdam to Lahore. From Lahore, they travelled to Faisalabad, an industrial city from which many of the Pakistani families living in Glasgow had come. The second part of the trip was dedicated to the rural part of Pakistan. From Faisalabad they went to Youngsonabad, and on to Sialkot, where Catriona Forbes had worked as a volunteer for one year in the Christian Hostel for Girls. The group spent the last two days in Rawalpindi and ended their trip with an excursion to Islamabad, where they visited the Faisal Mosque. Both journeys are examples of the exploration of far places that are connected to people with a migration history. Through the journeys, the participants sought interaction with countries or, more specifically, with the places from which a large number of the families from their district came and whom they encountered in their daily work as teachers, educators or social workers. Thereby, they followed the general understanding that one understands people better if one experiences their (assumed) places of origin oneself, as Isabella Duncan explains: Loving Your Neighbour was the name of our project. It was for a group of teachers with a live Church connection who taught in multi-cultural schools. The aim of the project was to give these teachers an insight into life in Pakistan with the hope that their experience would deepen their understanding of the cultural background of many of their pupils. The cities visited were where many of the Glasgow Pakistani community had their roots. (PG 89)

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With this intention and general understanding, the two travel groups applied the cultural repertoires of excursion and travel writing. I will focus on the excursions first and afterwards on the travel writing. On the cover of the booklet of the trip to Turkey it states: “Turkey 85, with Turkish families in their home country. Excursion from 25.7. to 15.8.85.” In the film, the group highlights that this visit was not a holiday: “This film was made during a study trip in the summer holidays of 1985. (…) Our trip was not a sightseeing tour through Turkey, rather we wanted to spend some time with our Turkish families in their home villages” (MK 108, p. 18, my translation). With the format of the study trip or excursion, both groups chose a historically established cultural repertoire which is characterised by a high degree of subjective experience and sensual experience, whereby it is precisely this personal experience which is intended to achieve a better understanding (Klein 2015). The groups emphasised the importance of the sensual experience to get the closest possible interaction: “In Istanbul we decided to drive our route with public intercity buses instead of a rented bus. This had the advantage that we got more contact to the population and it was an interesting experience for the participants” (MK 108, p. 2, my translation). Excursions are generally characterised by the “on site interaction” with a spatial or thematic aspect of the earth which is goal-oriented, planned and guided (Klein 2015). In this sense, both journeys were comprehensively prepared. One year before the start of the trip to Turkey, the participants had started a language course to learn Turkish. In addition, they met with the families they would visit later in Turkey. Six months before the start of the trip, the group met every two weeks to prepare the contents of the trip based on various topics: Experts were invited to provide information on the historical, sociological and socio-political aspects of Turkey in general and its various destinations. Moreover, the group read and discussed specialist literature, reports and statistics. Similarly, the Glaswegian group is visiting a Koran school and Pakistani shops, such as a clothing store and a sweet shop in Glasgow. In addition, a joint evening with Pakistanis is organised to cook and eat. On these different occasions, the women want to learn about Pakistani culture and the language spoken in Pakistan. Whereas in situations of explorations of far places the explorers prepare

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the visit, in situations of explorations of near places the explored prepare the visit. Preparation is not the only characteristic of the situations of exploration. As mentioned above, both groups report on their journeys. The experiences are to be shared with others in the form of a travelogue and the cultural repertoire of travel writing is applied (Hulme and Youngs 2006a). They share their personal experiences in spoken or written form. Hulme and Youngs emphasise the ambivalence associated with travel: an expansion of the mind, on the one hand, and a change of person, on the other. Analysing the English travel literature since the seventeenth century, they highlight the importance of writing about experiences of a first-person narrator as an essential part of travelogues: Travel writing and the novel, especially in its first-person form, have often shared a focus on the centrality of the self, a concern with empirical detail, and a movement through time and place which is simply sequential. […] Increasingly, too, travellers were defined, or defined themselves, against the figure of the tourist. (Hulme and Youngs 2006b, pp. 6–7)

Jürgen Osterhammel (2010) summarises the conventions of the genre as follows: reproducing a lot of information in a systematic form, lending authenticity, logbook-like, chronological daily registers, representation in geographical units and the reduction of a disturbing subjectivism. Whereby, these conventions were differently pronounced depending on the medium, travel letters, for example, were characterised more by subjectivity.1 Osterhammel observes the shift from a cosmopolitan to a Eurocentric perspective for the discourse about Asia in the eighteenth century, where, above all, the travellers report about the strangers, and locals rarely get a chance to speak (Osterhammel 2010, pp. 176–208). The last aspect can also be identified in Isabella Duncan’s report. On the other hand, the situation is more complex when it comes to travel to Turkey, since immigrants from Turkey were also among the travellers on this trip and had their say. Apart from that, both groups followed the conventions of the genre. Both Isabella Duncan and the travel group from Stuttgart followed the chronological style in their reports and letters. Both started with the departure or the preparations in Glasgow or

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Stuttgart and described the way to their respective destinations. These descriptions also included details about the journey which had no relationship to the places explored, for instance, the details of the technical problem that kept the group from Glasgow at the airport in Amsterdam for two days. (It can be assumed that the content of the texts was only edited to a limited extent, as the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian is a lay newspaper with scarce resources.) Duncan shares her feelings and impressions with the readers in her descriptions: Forty-eight hours late, we arrived in Lahore at 2 a.m., exhausted but relieved to be safe. The heat, the noise and the smell were all very different from Scotland. We were met by Cathy Hine from Kinnaird College and were pleased to be shown into the guest house there. This was the first sensation of stepping back in time, Colonial-type buildings with verandas, mesh-covered windows and doors—for the dreaded mosquitoes. (PG 89; my emphasis)

This first sensation will be followed by other first sensations. Isabella Duncan talks repeatedly about doing or experiencing things for the first time, for example, the journey with a Tonga or the experience of Pakistani hospitality. Thereby she highlights sensory impressions on colours, climate, sounds and smells and related feelings as well as encounters with local people.2 These impressions and related feelings also include experiences as a white woman from Great Britain: The next day we were off travelling again, this time by bus. The most highly decorated and colourful vehicles we had ever seen. They were crowded, people on the roof as well as inside. I don’t know if it was cheaper to travel in the open-air class or not but we weren’t about to find out. In the packed interior there didn’t seem to be a vacant space for anyone to sit, then by some miracle of a loud voice, the conductor found seats for the white guests. He was soon asking us who we were and where we were going. Their curiosity was incredible, before very long everyone on the bus knew who we were and where we were going! (PG 90)

She expressed the feeling of being observed and of otherness at various points in her text. The subjectivity and the impact of the experiences on

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the travellers can also be seen in the following quote from the trip to Turkey: The most important and interesting part of the trip for me was the stay with a Turkish family who lives and works in Stuttgart. It was interesting to see how the so-called Almancies live in Turkey. […] The hospitality was appealing, almost overwhelming. This would certainly have normalised if we had been there longer. What impressed me was how the women in particular dealt with each other in an unbiased and cordial manner. But it also unsettled me partly, because I could not speak enough Turkish to entertain myself. That is why it was sometimes difficult to participate in the lively activity in the circle of women, for example, at this picnic. […] I felt the same way about Hasret’s engagement. It was amazing how 200 guests were fed. Before the engagement really started, with dancing and eating, the women from the village, Hasret and we three German women met in the living room of the family. Even Hasret, who is only on holiday in Turkey, had difficulties dealing with the situation. This was also new and unusual for her. I have learned a lot about myself and for my work. The stay was interesting and simply beautiful. (MK 108, p. 26; my translation)

The aim of the two journeys was to acquire personal knowledge and experiences, as well as to pass it on. Duncan describes in the last paragraph of her report how the individual participants of the group visited schools and churches in Glasgow to share their experiences and impressions. Their first-hand experiences become second-hand experiences for others. When visiting a youth group, for example, someone mentions the importance of mutual understanding: “the way to build bridges in our community is through our young people. The more we learn about each other, Christian and Muslim, the greater the understanding will be” (PG 90). The participants communicate the knowledge as experiences they gained during their trips. Travel reports are common, especially in Pollokshields and within the context of the churches, as the following excerpt from the Minutes of the Women’s Guild Pollokshields East Church show: Report of the Women’s Guild of the Pollokshields East Church: January 23rd 1961. The subject of the evening was “Women of Pakistan”, Ms. Pool

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introduced Miss Duvitit, who was most interesting in the description of life in Pakistan and […] the position of women as daughter, wife and mother […] March 8th [n.y.] Miss May read an interesting letter from Miss J.G. Graham, missionary from Beona, India […] March 15th [n.y.] Miss Michne introduced the Rev. John Donald B.D. who has spent two years at a church in Pasadena. He showed beautiful coloured slides of Pasadena & other parts of America, & explained his work there, which was chiefly with the youth of that country. […] September 21st 1955, After this our President introduced Miss Barley who had come to tell us some of the Missionaries work in the Leper colonies this was a most impressive story […] October 3rd [n.y.] A letter was read from Miss Young our missionary. (PEC)

Reports from missionaries, travellers and guests are also recorded in the books of the Pollokshields Kenmure Parish Church: In 1968, a missionary report about her stay in Vellore, India; in 1971, two missionaries there described the Advent season in Pakistan and Jerusalem; in 1973, a Pakistani priest was invited to talk about his life in Pakistan (PKPC). The reports or letters themselves are not included in the stock. The contents are no longer accessible in the Glasgow Archives, however, some reports can be found in editions of the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian3 published by the churches: At a full day conference on “Punjab—the Scottish Connection”, in the Glasgow College of Technology, on March 28, the Project Leader, Miss Liz Kay, gave an illustrated talk on her visit to the Punjab. Miss Kay and Miss Kilgour (a language teacher) received bursaries to enable them to get first-­ hand experience of the background of many of Pollokshields’ Asian families. (PG 5)

But why did the group from Nordbahnhofviertel choose Turkey and not Italy or Spain, and why did the Glaswegian group decide to visit Pakistan. To say both parties were just choosing the largest group of immigrants would fall short. In Stuttgart, politics were translated into the performance of the excursion; they function as a causal element. While in Pollokshields, a network of Christian missionaries prefigured the trip. The trip to Turkey took place at a time when foreigners policy in Germany

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was taking on a new quality. After the recession and economic slowdown of the 1970s, the population had gained the impression that the “problem of foreigners” could best be solved by the return of foreigners to their respective countries of origin. This critical attitude towards foreigners was taken up by the government under Helmut Kohl at the beginning of the 1980s and formulated in political objectives. This policy affects Turkish immigrants particularly, since people from Greece, Spain and Italy at that time had a right of residence within the framework of membership of the European Community (Herbert 2003, pp.  250–260). According to Herbert, the “Turkish question” would become the political ideologue of German foreign policy during this period (Herbert 2003, p. 259). The situation of returned families and the situation in Turkey for a return from Germany formed the consistent aim of the study trip. The topic was illuminated from different angles both during the preparation and the excursion itself: figures and data on Turkish people in Germany, on the labour market situation in Turkey, on domestic instability and uncertainty, as well as on the reintegration of Turkish children and young people and the difficulties of Turkish returnees in general. One instrument for the promotion of remigration were so-called employee companies. The group can arrange various contacts and visits of various employee companies during their trip via the Centre for International Migration and Development (Centrum für Migration und Entwicklung) in Frankfurt am Main. One of these companies is located in Çandir. It is an oil factory. Mr Sarı [pseud.] and Mr İnanç [pseud.], who have both been living in Nordbahnhofviertel for some years, had invested money in this factory: Oil Factory Workers’ Society: “From the people for the people” is written on the old oil canisters of the former workers’ society of the oil factory in Çandir. Mr Sarı and Mr İnanç had to have the young managers of the new operators explain to them where their DM 10,000 shares had gone. Ignorance and nepotism have ruined the workers’ society. Praised as a security guarantee for the return of German and Turkish government councillors, they proved to be a loss guarantee throughout Turkey. For little money, 400 DM per month, a new co-operative from Trakien, more than 50 per cent of which belongs to the state, rented the factory. It is being modernized and the company is making a profit. (MK 108, p. 25; my translation)

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The Yilmaz [pseud.] family, who lives in eastern Turkey and has relatives in Nordbahnhofviertel, was also visited and illustrated the social problems families in Turkey faced at that time: Here we are at breakfast in the parlour. On the floor, on the wall, self-­ woven and knotted carpets. Two of us were guests in this family. In autumn, the family and their three children moved to Kayseri into a new housing estate, because the eldest son went to the Ortaokul [5th–8th grade], which does not exist in the village. In winter there is no possibility to come to the city. […] The East is a region disadvantaged by climate, location and, above all, by politics. Many villages still have no electricity, poor roads and few secondary schools. The rural exodus is an old problem in this region, but it has intensified drastically in recent years. […] Of the former 500 inhabitants, a good 100 people still live in the village, mainly the elderly, women and children. The rest emigrated, formerly to foreign countries, Europe, Saudi Arabia, today to cities like Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir. For generations, the young men have been going abroad to work. For two decades, Europe offered a perspective. Today, all borders are closed, the cities in the country are overcrowded and offer no more job opportunities. A future without prospects for the young people. The land no longer feeds the people. (MK 108, pp. 21–28; my translation)

Another issue is political instability and insecurity in Turkey. Cenk  [pseud.] reports on these topics at the end of the film or in the accompanying booklet. Cenk was one of the Turkish youths from the Nordbahnhofviertel who accompanied the group and supported them as a translator and a broker: My name is Cenk and I come from Tunceli, a provincial capital in eastern Anatolia. 95 per cent of the inhabitants are Alevi Kurds. We drove with our guests to East Anatolia, where the military still dominates. The third day of our stay began with a curfew. We were not allowed to leave the house for half a day. Around noon our house was searched by six policemen. Because our guests from Germany were there, the house search was harmless. In Eastern Anatolia there is still a state of emergency, curfews and torture of innocent people. The increasing Islamization is being pursued and supported by the state. In Tunceli, there are now three mosques, although the Alevis do not go to the mosque. On the other hand, there is a lack of

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money for schools, bridges, road construction and employment for unemployed young people. (MK 108, p. 30, my translation)

Similarly, Isabella Duncan takes the readers with her on her journey to different places in Pakistan. She presents her impressions of the life situation in Pakistan—especially of the Christian Pakistanis—in impressionistic form. Through these encounters, the readers learn something about the social conditions of the people in Pakistan: when they visit a carpet weaver, they learn that the time-consuming work is only compensated for by a low wage. When she visits a school, she talks about the high motivation and enthusiasm of the pupils, but also about the high costs for the parents and the lack of equipment. She reports something similar about a pastor in the rural area. Due to tight budgets, he was unable to build a church and had to drive to each and every of his parishioners on a motorbike. General information was translated into the concrete lives of people through the excursions and their documentation. The unemployment rate was given a face regarding the participants and, later, also for the spectators and readers. The audience received a biography. The living conditions of the families in eastern Turkey and Pakistan—the villages without electricity, without schools—became tangible. Economic and infrastructural difficulties took on concrete forms. These difficulties acquire a human face as for example in the Yilmaz family. Employee companies were no longer an abstract term. It is 20,000 DM which Mr İnanç and Mr Sarı have lost. Political instability became a physical experience for the group itself when they were forced not to leave the house of a family they visited for half a day. The concept of political instability materialised in this way in the summer of 1985  in a village in eastern Anatolia in the form of six physical police officers examining a house in front of their own eyes. Although the idea of getting a deeper understanding of a certain group is comparable to the situation of knowledge production/transfer, the ways of approaching the aim is totally different. While in the Foreigners Report, people living in the Nordbahnhofviertel become figures and values in the statistics and gain comparability, people in the situation of exploration, in turn, are transformed into concrete places at a specific point in time and gain particularity, materiality and locality.

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The trip to Turkey followed the family connections from Nordbahnhofviertel. Although the trip to Pakistan also had the intention to visit places from which many of the people who emigrated to Glasgow had originated or to which a connection existed via family or institutional ties, the tour was guided by a different local specificality. With one exception, the group was always accommodated in buildings of church institutions. This was possible because they could fall back on a network of institutions of church mission work, for example, the guest house of Kinnaird College in Lahore, the American Recording Mission in Faisalabad and the Christian Hostel for Girls in Sialkot. Institutions of the Church of Scotland have existed (with interruptions) since the first half of the nineteenth century on the Indian subcontinent (Mundus 2020). The church institutions in Pakistan and the families in Turkey not only prefigured the excursions, they also made transnational and translocal connections between the neighbourhoods in Stuttgart and Glasgow and the explored places. In Faisalabad, the group brought photographs of a newborn to its grandparents. Another link between Glasgow and Pakistan would be established during the visit of a youth group to Youngsonabad. This group expressed the wish to contact the Church of Sheerbroke St. Gilbert in Pollokshields West. Isabella Duncan reports that this contact was successfully established after the return. In Youngsonabad, the group also met a former military man who served in the guards at Buckingham Palace and who was visibly proud of this time. In the case of Pakistan, these connections also have a historical characteristic. When Isabella Duncan arrived in Lahore, she also had the feeling of a journey through time at later points of the trip: “Then we made our first visit to a school. It was like going back to Victorian times” (PG 89). Some of these descriptions seem romantically transfigured. Pakistan not only reminded Duncan of the Victorian age; it also evoked associations with the Bible: The landscape of the village reminded me of the lands of the Bible. A man scattering the seeds from a basket slung round his neck, bullocks pulling wooden ploughs and carts, women with bundles of hay or jars of water on their heads, groups of people in the fields tending sheep or goats, others cutting the corps with a hand scythe or separating the wheat from the

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chaff, people making their way home to their flat-roofed houses behind doors in walls. (PG 90)

The same scenery could also be classified differently. However, at no point in the report does one find words of value, such as backwardness or those that express the feeling of European superiority, that have prevailed as a general view of the Asian continent since the nineteenth century. Here, Christian women write for a Christian audience. The circumstances under which Christians lived in Pakistan—be it fear for one’s own life or the fact that there was not enough money for a church of one’s own— must have had a particularly impressive effect on the readers. This realisation marks the most significant difference that emerges from the travelogues. Of course, other differences in the living conditions of people in Pakistan also become apparent. These are represented by the implicit and explicit comparison with Glasgow or life in Great Britain. The Christians in Pakistan are simultaneously creating a counterpoint. They not only convey differences in conditions of life, but also a commonality that exists between people in Pakistan and Pollokshields. When Isabella Duncan describes the Christian groups and institutions, they provide a framework of identification for the readers of the local church newspaper and for the visitors of the churches in which the impressions will be reflected. For the Christian addressees, Isabella Duncan goes even further when she describes Pakistan’s landscape as reminiscent of biblical landscapes. Connections were established during the journey itself through the updating of missionary networks or the establishment of contacts between communities and in the travel description. The connections and similarities help in dealing with situations that the readers or listeners could supposedly have expected to be problematic: The subject of language, for example, is presented as unproblematic, because one of the participants speaks Urdu and, otherwise, many people they meet speak English because of their connections to the UK and a shared past. A further link between Great Britain and Pakistan is enacted via the common past. It is represented, for example, in the descriptions of architecture and school uniforms, and in the existing network of missionary institutions dating back to the time of British imperialism.4 There is no mention of imperialism itself at all, only the Victorian period is explicitly

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emphasised. The connections that arose in this context, however, are not only decisive for the Christian connection to Pakistan, but they also resulted in the possibility of migrating from the Indian subcontinent to Great Britain. The people who came to Glasgow in this way now form the occasion to deal with Pakistan, to acquire knowledge about the country and to impart this knowledge. The travel group wanted to achieve this goal of knowledge transfer both through the report and through events. The differences mentioned above become clear. Connections and similarities also become clear. It is precisely the Christian community that is developing transnationally in this context that, at the same time, forms a contrast to the majority of people with Pakistani backgrounds living in Pollokshields, because that is where the majority is Muslim.

Exploring Near Places In order to prepare for their trips, both groups visited places in their cities that are associated with immigration. Thus, the visits followed a specific occasion. The fact that, in addition to such individual intentions, there is a general interest in places of migration-driven, religious diversity is demonstrated by events and the participation of these institutions in the Doors Open Days in Glasgow, the Open Mosque Day in Stuttgart, respectively, Germany and individually organised visits (Field Note AK Abraham March 2013). The Doors Open Days and the Open Mosque Day have a special status in these situations of exploration because they are organised on a supraregional basis, follow specific rules and address a broad public. In the following, I will focus on The Doors Open Days because, on the one hand, they illustrate how a cultural repertoire is used to explore the diverse urban landscape, and, on the other hand, they exemplify how migration changes this repertoire. The Scottish Doors Open Days are part of the European Heritage Day, an initiative of the Council of Europe that was born in October 1985 as part of the Second European Conference of Ministers Responsible for the Architectural Heritage. At this event, French Minister Jack Lang presented the proposal to introduce a European Historical Monument Open Day. Such a day had already found a lot of approval in France one year before.

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Today, the 50 states and regions that have signed the European Cultural Convention take part in the day. As early as 1991, with funds from the European Commission, the European Cultural Foundation and the Dutch government, an office was set up to support the countries in introducing their own national Heritage Days. The European Heritage Day usually takes place at the end of September under a motto chosen by the countries and cities participating (Kneubühler 2009, p.  9). In 2013, when I stayed in Pollokshields, there were 100 buildings, 54 tours, 17 presentations and 5 events to be visited in Glasgow. In Pollokshields, in addition to the Hidden Gardens, one could visit the Pollokshields Church of Scotland, the New Victoria Garden Allotments, the mosque Madrasa Taleem ul-Islam-Norwoodville and the Glasgow Gurdwara. Similar to the Hidden Gardens, the New Gurdwara and the mosque offer guided tours. During the tour, the visitors receive information about the place itself (functions of the rooms, design, rules of conduct) and the background of the building—in the case of the gurdwara and the mosque, on the religion of the Sikhs and Muslims, respectively, in general. The various guided tours and events follow the framework of the Doors Open Days and a united common goal. Michel Kneubühler, a member of the French executive, presents this goal and the principles, idea and history of the European Heritage Days in a handbook written especially for the Heritage Days in 2009. These principles state (a) that the European Heritage Days should take place on a weekend in September, (b) that buildings normally not open to the public should participate, (c) that buildings otherwise open to the public should offer a special programme, such as exhibitions, guided tours, games, concerts and lectures, (d) that admission should generally be free, (e) that young people and families in particular should be addressed and (f ) that the title European Heritage Days and the logo, flag and slogan should be visibly displayed on the buildings (Kneubühler 2009, p. 11). After the Hidden Gardens, I make my way to Gurdwara Sangat Bhat in St. Andrews Drive. I have an appointment there with one of the officials. Shortly after my arrival, however, I learned that the members of the board had to make further appointments. I get something to eat and get into conversation with a woman who gives voluntary tutoring in the gurdwara.

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While we’re talking, a man walks in. He wears an elaborately designed robe and a turban. Both are made of blue fabric and decorated with small silver sequins. His hair colour is red and his skin is very light. He points me to the Doors Open Days and says I should visit Glasgow Gurdwara in Albert Drive. He does not seem to hear my reply that I already know it and have already spoken to the Secretary-General. Instead, he offers to accompany me, as he is on his way there anyway. While we go to New Gurdwara together, we talk about the Sikhs in Glasgow, Pollokshields, and the relationship between Sikhs and Muslims. Muslims and Sikhs were often confused, he says. Also, the gurdwara in Albert Drive was often regarded as a mosque due to the golden towers. […] At the entrance there is a sign asking you to take off your shoes and cover your head. We take off our shoes and I take a cloth from a container next to the sign to cover my head. Then he introduces me to a woman and disappears upstairs. She just led her last group through the gurdwara. The day is actually over, but still she offers to show me around again. Since I have already spoken to the Secretary-­ General of the gurdwara, she omits an explanation of the Sikh religion in general that she has given to each group so far. She briefly shows me the Langar and the room with the bed in which Siri Guru Granth Sahib lies. She tells me about the tutoring classes and yoga courses offered in the gurdwara. She points me to a sign that always says the prayer of the day. As we enter the upper hall with the altar, she draws my attention to a praying man. He seems to be in his mid-twenties with dark short hair and light skin. She calls him “Scottish guy”. He had been coming to the gurdwara for some time and was already doing the prayer very well. A little later, when he steps before the book on the altar and bends down, she seems touched. At the exit we meet the Secretary-General a little later. He has just been to the mosque in Nithsdale Road and recommends that I visit it. The people there were more open than in the mosque in Forth Street, he says. […] After visiting the Hidden Gardens and the Glasgow Gurdwara on Saturday morning, I make my way to the mosque Madrasa Taleem ul Islam-Norwoodville in the Nithsdale Road on Sunday morning. Maybe it’s the time, but it’s very quiet around and inside the building. Already at the entrance to the area I am greeted. A man accompanies me up the stairs to the house itself. In the entrance area, while I take off my shoes, they explain to me the construction of the house. There’s no such thing as a tour. Helpers are available in every room as contact persons. The majority of volunteers look very young. Except for two women, all volunteers are male. In the

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prayer room a young man approaches me, explains the room to me and answers a few questions. On the upper floor there is a photo exhibition about mosques and a quiz as well as a lot of information material, some of which I take with me. This is where I get in touch with the two women. In the basement there is an exhibition of the organisation Islam Information Scotland on the history of the Muslim-Scottish relationship. There’s tea and sweets here. (Field Diary, 21–22 September 2013)

The Doors Open Days in Glasgow are organised along the principles of the European Heritage Days. In addition to the date at the end of September, many buildings that are usually open to the public offer guided tours. Tours offer an opportunity to give a lot of people a general overview of the building and information about the religion in a short time. The gurdwara and the mosque are actually always open for guests. The incentive to visit them, however, is relatively small for most people in their everyday life. The Doors Open Days lower this threshold for the curious. On the guided tour through the building, it is presented as an example of many other gurdwaras in the world. The Langar, the prayer room and the room with the bed for the Sri Guru Granth Sahib can also be found in other gurdwaras. During the tour, knowledge about the religion of the Sikh will be conveyed about the premises. In addition, a connection to the wider public is shown through offers such as tutoring or yoga courses. The woman who guides me through the gurdwara and the Secretary-General tell me that these courses are not only available to the Sikhs. Multiple membership, thus, shows itself as a religious community with origins in the Punjab and a responsibility for the surrounding districts (see Chap. 5). The handbook also states that the European Heritage Days are a means of disseminating knowledge about Europe’s local heritage. This knowledge should be made available to the general public and particularly to young people (Kneubühler 2009, p. 9). This general aim already existed in 1985. Between that time and Kneubühler’s handbook in 2009, however, the general idea expanded and now includes aspects of intercultural understanding and sustainable development (Kneubühler 2009, p. 10). To impart knowledge and understanding of monuments and historic preservation and to raise awareness of Europe’s cultural heritage are

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supplemented by the themes of multiple cultural belonging and intercultural dialogue. Europe has become more diverse over the years. The European Heritage Days should now also contribute to imparting knowledge about local diversity. The further development of the basic idea is reflected in the formulation of the five objectives, published today on the website of the European Heritage Days: [1] to raise the awareness of European citizens to the richness and cultural diversity of Europe; [2] to create a climate in which the appreciation of the rich mosaic of European cultures is stimulated; [3] to counter racism and xenophobia and encourage greater tolerance in Europe and beyond the national borders; [4] to inform the public and the political authorities about the need to protect cultural heritage against new threats; [5] to invite Europe to respond to the social, political and economic challenges it faces. (European Heritage Days 2018)

The 2009 handbook still focuses on the penultimate goal of monument conservation. Although questions of cultural diversity and openness were addressed at the time, they were not formulated in concrete terms as they are today. This idea of openness and dialogue is shared by the institutions in Pollokshields. Donna Borokinni, a member of the Hidden Gardens staff, tells me in a conversation the week after the Doors Open Days that the garden should open up a “space for dialogue”.5 It should bring together people from different groups (Interview Donna Borokinni, 24 September 2013). The same goes for the people in charge of New Gurdwara. When I speak to the Secretary-General a month before the Doors Open Days, he tells me about the opening ceremony of the gurdwara. On the day of the opening, more than 7000 people came, of whom a third were not Sikhs6: It was excellent to see the great interest and the great enthusiasm and the great curiosity in the minds of non-Sikhs to come and participate in the opening of this gurdwara. And that was something that hasn’t really happened before but it’s something that everyone loved. And I mean both the Sikh community loved to see the interest from non-Sikhs and the non-­ Sikhs loved to participate in it because it was something that was new and curious for them. They got the opportunity to do it in a very welcoming

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environment. And so it’s something that now we are very keen to continue on doing and replicating in any of our services so we want to become a very, very open community organisation. (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 August 2013)

Occasions such as the Doors Open Days give migration-driven (religious) institutions the opportunity to present themselves to a wider public and as part of (urban) society. The institutions taking part in the event pursue the goals of promoting tolerance and openness and creating awareness of multiple cultural affiliations by opening their doors and communicating. These events enable them to engage with a wider public, as a member of the Madrasa Taleem ul-Islam-Norwoodville tells me: You know, opening our doors as you came along you know our event here, so really opening our doors and so engaging with the public at large, you know not just the South Asian and Indian community but everybody. And I think that is sort of an incremental thing, you know, you take small baby steps eventually so they lead to a big change. (Interview Madrasa Taleem ul Islam, 24 September 2013)

In 2014, I spent some time with a group of young Muslims from the mosque who are dedicated to different issues in their volunteer work. Abdus [pseud.], the leader of the group, later tells me in a personal conversation that the mosque was initially a retreat for many immigrants—a place where they and their families had been isolated and where they had the feeling that they could preserve their own identity in a foreign environment. Over the years, it has been recognised that outward orientation is more important to achieve social cohesion (Conversation Abdus [pseud.], 20 May 2014). This is an insight that is becoming increasingly prevalent, especially in the third generation. Multiple affiliations are a matter of course for this generation. Events such as the Doors Open Days help them to present and communicate this matter to a wider public. This open-door approach also has a flip side. On that weekend in September 2013, I had the opportunity to visit one of four mosques, one of two  gurdwaras and one of four churches in the district. The Doors Open Days differentiate between those institutions that open their doors

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and those that do not. Active expression as an open and outward-looking institution, as practiced by the New Gurdwara and the Madrasa Taleem ul-Islam-Norwoodville, can cast shadows on other institutions. The importance of such an event is also seen by the gurdwara in St Andrews Drive. Singh, the Secretary-General there, when asked about the Doors Open Day, told me later that this event is a good way to inform about the Sikhs and to arouse interest, since only a few people visit a gurdwara on their own initiative. In the interview, he adds that their gurdwara is always open to everyone, but that they lack the human and financial resources to participate in an event like the Doors Open Days (Interview Singh, 28 September 2013). Those responsible for the  gurdwara in St. Andrews Drive are aware of the importance of an event such as Doors Open Days, but their example shows that they are not given this opportunity. None of the religious institutions located in Pollokshields has rejected me in my research. (Although access to some required longer than access to others.) Without any research interest or other motive, however, the thresholds are much higher. The European Heritage Days and the Doors Open Days in Glasgow lower these thresholds. They offer people the opportunity to explore new things and, in the case of Pollokshields, to look behind the facades of buildings they pass by every day. At the same time, open doors make the non-open doors and the people behind them appear all the more closed. Religious differences within the framework of the Doors Open Days are only a distinction on the surface. Behind this differentiation lies another line of distinction, through which, among other things, religious affiliations are conveyed and enacted. The Doors Open Days initially creates a difference between places of everyday action and those that do not have this character for a person. The Doors Open Days are an opportunity to explore unknown places. By opening doors, they provide a glimpse behind the facades of buildings with which one is (perhaps) confronted on a daily basis. If you live or work in Pollokshields, you will regularly pass the gurdwara, the mosque or the Hidden Gardens. However, these places do not open up automatically as you pass by them. All three places are connected by the fact that they were created by the immigration of people to Scotland. More knowledge about these concrete places usually consists of assumptions or what is generally heard or read. I repeatedly

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experienced in conversations, also on a Saturday evening of the Doors Open Days, that the gurdwara is confused with a mosque (Field Diary, 22 September 2013). I remember a conversation with two committed volunteers from the Church of Scotland. Over lunch, we talked a lot about my research. During this conversation one of the two calls Albert Drive “Little Pakistan”. He expressed his unease that the Muslims would not have a speaker and that they would stay especially in the mosques. When I asked them if one of them has ever visited the gurdwara or one of the mosques, they both denied it (Field Diary, 18 May 2014). The aim of the European Heritage Days and of the Doors Open Days in Glasgow is to create connections, dismantle thresholds and overcome barriers. Within this framework, doors should be opened to facilitate intercultural or interreligious dialogue. The opening of the doors simultaneously marks and enacts a difference. Because only what is actually closed to someone can open up. The opening is of importance for those people to whom the places do not represent the character as everyday places. As a regular visitor to the gurdwara or the mosque, an open door is pointless. Those who regularly use these places, whether for prayer or work, are volunteers at the Doors Open Days. They support and help on this day. In these moments, they represent the place and the religion connected with it. If it were not an everyday place, my knowledge of this place would be limited; for example, I do not know the rules of the place. The explanations of the individual rooms play a special role here. If I knew them, the explanation itself would be pointless. Consequently, the guide announces these points, which are actually an integral part of the tour. It is also the same with the hints on how to behave appropriately in the places, for example, taking off shoes or covering the head. The exploration of the place enables me not only to absorb knowledge intellectually but also to gain bodily experience. By taking off my shoes, covering my head, sitting on the floor in the Langar to eat, knowledge becomes practical, physical knowledge in the course of application. To a certain extent, a common horizon of knowledge and experience develops. This can go so far that the place visited becomes an everyday place. After visiting the garden for the first time as part of the Doors Open Days, I might go there again and again. Similarly, the example of the “Scottish guy” shows that religious places can also become a place of everyday life. However, these

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institutions are less likely to do so and do not focus on conversion either. The Hidden Gardens want to invite people to come back, to get involved and to participate in order to promote cohesion within the neighbourhood. The desire to become part of everyday life through the event is stronger here.

Conclusion In situations of exploration, migration-driven diversity is enacted as transnational/translocal connections of places by people. These connections occur in the form of transnational relationships and obligations as well as historical references between countries and places. The report of the trip to Pakistan and the excursion to Turkey show to what extent the situation in the country of immigration serves as a (silent) contrast to the experiences reported. Glasgow and Stuttgart form a contrasting foil to the travellers’ stories. What is different is reported (cf. Lotman 1990). These connections can also be experienced as materialisations in the near urban environment. The close materialisations of migration-driven diversity embrace the potential to elude intelligibility and to become project foils for insecurity, fears and feelings of otherness. These near foreign places offer themselves for exploration. Events such as the Doors Open Days give people the opportunity to experience how a mosque is built, what Pakistani food tastes like, and what it feels like to sit on the floor and eat in a group. These are singular experiences for the group of visitors. It is an experience, a partly first, sometimes unique visit, which is connected with all the uncertainties of being able to do something wrong or breaking a rule. In comparison to situations of knowledge production/ transfer, brokers hold a significant position. They facilitate and guide situations of exploration. In the exploration of near foreign places, migration-­driven diversity is enacted in groups of openness and public engagement.

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Notes 1. Susanne Bassnett points out the special type of female travellers. Women appear special here in two respects: on the one hand, they would not correspond to the conformist image of women, and, on the other hand, unlike men, they would not use the journey as an opportunity to discover their own masculinity. The content and manner of representation of male and female travellers did not necessarily differ. With one exception: some women would have access to areas that remained closed to men (Bassnett 2006). 2. The status of sensing something for the first time becomes even clearer by comparing Isabella Duncan’s report with Octavia Johnson’s “Letters from Pakistan” in the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian. Although Octavia Johnson describes the weather in comparison to Scotland, all other sensory impressions do not seem worth mentioning to her. Octavia Johnson was born in Pakistan and came to Pollokshields as a young woman with her husband. She writes about her voluntary work in a girls’ school and mentions, like Isabella Duncan, the significance of this trip for her, but she does not make any statements about the sensory experience of Pakistan (PG 96). It is reported what is perceived as a boundary experience (Lotman 1990). 3. With the local community newspaper in Nordbahnhofviertel, Elke Winter follows a similar goal of presenting the different people living side by side to introduce them to one another (Interview Elke Winter [pseud.], 14 May 2013). 4. On British imperialism see, among others, the anthologies of Marjory Harper and Stephan Constantine (2010), Catherine Hall and Sonya O. Rose (2006) and Andrew S. Thompson (2012); on Scottish history in British imperialism, see the book by Thomas M. Devine (2004) and the anthology he edited together with John M. MacKenzie (MacKenzie and Devine 2011). 5. In Stuttgart, an interfaith group meets regularly to discuss different religious topics. 6. Videos of the opening ceremony can be found on the video portal YouTube (2018).

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References Research Material Conversation Abdus [pseud.], 20 May 2014. Field Diary, 21–22 September 2013. ———, 18 May 2014. Field Note AK Abraham March 2013. Interview Donna Borokinni, 24 September 2013. Interview Elke Winter [pseud.], 14 May 2013. Interview Madrasa Taleem ul Islam, 24 September 2013. Interview Singh, 28 September 2013. MK 108: Begleitheft zum Video Türkei 85, mit türkischen Familien in ihrer Heimat, Exkursion vom 25.07. bis 15.08.1985, (Booklet Accompanying the Video Turkey 85, with Turkish Families in Their Homeland, Excursion from 25.07. to 15.08.1985), Completed in March 1986. PEC: Signatur: CH3/952/50 (Pollokshields East Church Woman’s Guild). PG 5: N.A. 1982. East Pollokshields Communities Project: Inter-racial Understanding. Pollokshields Gazette, April. PG 89: Duncan, Isabella. 1993. Pakistan: Loving Your Neighbour. Pollokshields Guardian, January. PG 90: Duncan, Isabella. 1993. Pakistan: Loving Your Neighbour. Pollokshields Guardian, February. PG 96: Johnson, Octavia. n.d. Octavia Johnson’s Newsletter from Pakistan. Pollokshields Gazette.

Bibliography Bassnett, Susan. 2006. Travel Writing and Gender. In The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing, ed. Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs, 225–241. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Devine, Thomas Martin. 2004. Scotlandʼs Empire, 1600–1815. London: Penguin Books. European Heritage Days. Mission and Vision. http://www.europeanheritagedays. com/Home/About.aspx?id=fc1c9aec-e27f-4e47-999c-c87eb490a0e6. Accessed 29 June 2018.

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Glasgow Doors Open Days Festival. 2019. https://www.glasgowdoorsopendays. org.uk/uploads/1/1/4/1/114149869/gdodf_programme_2019_final_pages. pdf. Accessed 26 April 2020. Hall, Catherine and Sonya O.  Rose, ed. 2006. At Home with the Empire: Metropolitan Culture and the Imperial World. Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press. Harper, Marjory and Stephen Constantine. 2010. Migration and Empire. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Herbert, Ulrich. 2003. Geschichte der Ausländerpolitik in Deutschland: Saisonarbeiter, Zwangsarbeiter, Gastarbeiter, Flüchtlinge. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung. Hulme, Peter, and Tim Youngs, eds. 2006a. The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2006b. Introduction. In The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing, ed. Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs, 1–14. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Interview Charandeep Singh (Secretary General at Glasgow Gurdwara), 21 August 2013. Klein, Michael. 2015. Exkursionsdidaktik: Eine Arbeitshilfe für Lehrer Studenten und Dozenten; inklusive neuer Kapitel zur Erlebnispädagogik. 3rd ed. Baltmannsweiler: Schneider. Kneubühler, Michel. 2009. Handbook on the European Heritage Days: A Practical Guide. European Union. Lotman, Jurij M. 1990. Über die Semiosphäre. Zeitschrift für Semiotik 12 (4): 287–305. MacKenzie, John M. and T. M. Devine. 2011. Scotland and the British Empire. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mundus. Church of Scotland Board of World Mission. http://www.mundus. ac.uk/cats/14/1032.htm. Accessed 26 April 2020. Osterhammel, Jürgen. 2010. Die Entzauberung Asiens: Europa und die asiatischen Reiche im 18. Jahrhundert. München: Beck. Tag der offenen Moschee. 2020. http://tagderoffenenmoschee.de/. Accessed 26 April 2020. Thompson, Andrew S. 2012. Afterword: The Imprint of the Empire. In Britainʼs Experience of Empire in the Twentieth Century, edited by Andrew S. Thompson, 330–45. Oxford: Oxford University Press. YouTube. 2018. Opening of New Glasgow Gurdwara Sikh Temple. https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=xyKhp9DREKo. Accessed 29 June 2018.

5 Creating Presence

Albert Drive runs through the entire Pollokshields district. It starts at Pollokshaws Road, which forms the eastern boundary of the district, and crosses Shields Road, which separates Pollokshields East and Pollokshields West. Afterwards, it runs in a wide curve to Dumbreck Road, which borders the district in the southwest and neighbours directly with Pollok Park. If one walks along Albert Drive from Pollokshaws Road, one first passes the Scottish Ballet and the art centre Tramway on the left side with the Hidden Gardens behind it. Right next to it is a large building made of light-coloured stone. Similar to a small castle, it is crowned with golden tower domes—the Glasgow New Gurdwara. Crossing a bridge, below which the railway runs, one stands in front of the tenement houses of Pollokshields East. In the distance one sees green: Shields Road with the beginning of the spacious villas and their airy, expansive gardens. Between the bridge and Shields Road, Albert Drive is home to nearly 80 shops and businesses, the Catholic Church of St. Albert and the Protestant Pollokshields Church of Scotland. The distance from Pollokshaws Road to Shields Road is about one kilometre. It is, above all, this section by Albert Drive that is used today as an example of multiculturalism and

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diversity as a result of immigration. Even over 20 years ago Albert Drive was described like this (Figs. 5.1 and 5.2): In a general sense, the area has, over the last thirty years or so, acquired a more cosmopolitan air now housing one of the main communities of people of Asian descent in Scotland. Asian influence is apparent in many parts of Pollokshields where shops, places of worship and investment in housing reflect its new multicultural character. (Smith 1998, p. 17)

The Catholic Church of St. Albert is also the result of an immigration process. The church was founded in the 1960s using former premises of the Church of Scotland after many Irish Catholics had settled in Glasgow1 (Ogilvie 1989, p.  121). It takes a second or third look to see that St. Albert’s is a result of immigration. If one moves through the streets of Pollokshields, one repeatedly sees signs of immigration in the district. But some of these signs are more visible than others. The many shops with their range of Halal food, Asian sweets, Indian clothes or service agencies, for example, for travel or money exchange are visible. At certain times, the mosques are visible, for instance, during prayer times, when

Fig. 5.1  Shops in Pollokshields East, May 2014. (Source: Photo by the author)

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Fig. 5.2  View of the Catholic Church of St. Albert, Pollokshields, May 2014. (Source: Photo by the author)

many people—mostly men dressed in Salwar Kameez style—gather in front of the houses on Nithsdale Road, Forth Street or at the corner of Maxwell Square. The easily overlooked mosque at the corner of Maxwell Square, set up in a former shop, becomes very visible during Ramadan, when so many people gather for the evening prayer that some of them pray in the street because there is too little space inside. The most visible sign of post-war immigration is the New Gurdwara with its golden domes at the edge of the district.2 If one walks along the streets of Nordbahnhofviertel, the experience is quite different. Of course, one would see women with headscarves and people of different skin colour. But apart from a Turkish supermarket on the border of the district, one would hardly feel the “cosmopolitan air” that is associated with Pollokshields. There were also once Spanish, Italian, Portuguese and Turkish shops in Nordbahnhofviertel. But even if cafés and bars are run by people of non-German citizenship and the majority of people of an immigrant group meet in specific pubs, they still have German or English names. These changes are described by some residents as a loss of

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international flair (Interview Yilmaz [pseud.], 27 June 2009; Interview Vernandez [pseud.], 30 July 2009). Migration-driven diversity can be perceived through different elements. Caroline Knowles summarises this as follows: Superdiverse ethnic-migrant presence has multi-registration points: in bodies, in clothing, in performances, in forms of commerce, in flows on money, in artifacts and buildings. These conduits of ethnic production and registration can be summarized as human and architectural fabrics, objects and social-technical processes. (Knowles 2013, p. 652)

This presence is partly, for example, in terms of skin colour or name, only partially controllable by humans. Nevertheless, people have the possibility to consciously decide how they present themselves, even if the effect of this presence is only to a limited extent within their agency. An article from the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian from 1972 with the title “How to be an Alien—Pollokshields Style” addresses this ambivalence: Whether you make a success of being a Pakistani or Indian immigrant depends to a great extent on how well you can walk the tightrope between isolation and integration. That is to say, how well you can develop a normal day-to-day existence in school or shop or bus depot while keeping at home a small hallowed corner where you can preserve and nurture the faith and culture of your fathers. (PG 78)

People do not have to hide their faith today in either Pollokshields or Nordbahnhofviertel, but this article and the previous examples raise the question of how and with what motivations people and groups create or avoid presence. In the following, I would like to discuss dealing with presence as another way of dealing with migration-driven diversity, which I summarise here as a situation of creating presence. How can one express oneself in the new environment? How to create spaces where people can express themselves? How to use, acquire and transform the urban environment? These questions address topics such as territoriality, resources, agency and empowerment, as well as belonging and self-understanding. In the following, I want to understand these situations as creative

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processes, where otherness and creativity form a mutual relationship. Settling in a new environment and being perceived, for instance in the article mentioned above, as “alien” entails difficulties but, at the same time, it opens up the possibility of discovering, exploring and creating something new (cf. Bausinger 1991, p. 70). In order to create presence, the actors make use of various cultural repertoires: (multicultural) festivals, construction, (political) participation, founding clubs and organisations. Within these situations of creating presence, migration-driven diversity is enacted as being distinct and identifiable in relation to others, whereas this distinctiveness appears as a distinctiveness within: being a Sikh as part of Scottish society, being Italian as part of the Christian community.

Festivals I remember our stage fright before the first neighbourhood festival in 1976. Would people come at all? And they came! More than 400 Italians, Germans, Turks and Spaniards burst at the seams of the large hall of the Martins Community House. I still remember the anxious concern of Father Otter about the curtain of the stage. A Turkish folklore group had placed candles in front of the curtain and danced, cheered on by the enthusiasm of the visitors, so spiritedly that the curtain could easily have been set on fire by the wobbling candles. The 1st festival became a wonderful event and spurred the initiative to further actions. (Evang. Martinsgemeinde Stuttgart Nachrichten Nr. 285, p. 2, my translation)

Just four years after this start, the festival was taking place in front of Haus 49, directly at the intersection of Nordbahnhofstraße and Mittnachtstraße. Before, one had to find the way to the parish hall, but now the festival is part of public life in a prominent place directly in the district. It has also broken away from the ecclesiastical context and become an initiative of Haus 49, and, since 1980, it has taken place under the name of the International Street Festival. The International Street Festival is one example of situations of creating presence of migration-­ driven diversity in public space for a limited period of time. The

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Pollokshields Open Week (PG 33), the Eid on the Drive celebrations3 (Field Diary, 8 August 2013) or the Project “Who’s my neighbour?”4 (Interview Howkins, 15 August 2013; Albert Drive 2018) are other examples. Compared to the International Street Festival, these events take place only once or a few times. The International Street Festival has been an integral part of Nordbahnhofviertel for more than 40 years and during this time, it has made the transition in terms of territoriality. The attachment to Haus 49 finally leads to the fact that the celebration moves together with Haus 49 in 1996. From the centre of the quarter, it has shifted to the (felt) periphery. Streets no longer have to be closed; cars no longer have to take a detour. This move is perceived as a loss by some residents. There would be fewer people coming to the festival now, which is perceived by some as a general decline of social relationships in the neighbourhood (Interview Yilmaz [pseud.], 27 June 2009). There are fixed, recurring components, from the first events in the parish hall until today in front of Haus 49: various clubs provide entertainment. Many of them use the premises of the house during the year for their work. In the interview, the then director told me that the festival literally provides a stage for these clubs to present themselves and their work (Interview Sofuoğlu, 20 April 2010; Sofuoğlu 2009). The following associations currently use the premises: a German-Arabic choir, a Portuguese folklore association, an Italian senior women’s meeting place, a Turkish mothers’ children’s choir and a Persian women’s meeting place (Haus 49 2020). In addition to the performances on stage, the associations present themselves by selling food and drinks at individual booths. The youth centre, with its relocation to Mittnachtstraße located right next to Haus 49, has also become part of the festival. The International Street Festival is a cultural repertoire that could be described as multicultural festival (cf. Welz 1996), which Gisela Welz describes as an “umbrella term for forms of public performance of expressive culture—music, dance and ritual—which […] are presented as representative of traditional cultures of ethnic minorities and special regional cultures” (Welz 1996, pp. 79–81; my translation; see also Knecht 2007). The International Street Festival contains the elements of “folk culture” and “folk traditions” in terms of nationally associated food and drinks and in the different performances. Welz shows how this repertoire follows an understanding of

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multiculturalism, where “cultural diversity” is generated by immigrants by allowing people of different backgrounds to bring their own forms of culture to the host society, who are thereby enacted as “culturally foreign”. Within a multicultural understanding, these performances are one way to close the assumed lack of understanding (while, at the same time, leaving inequalities aside) between the host society and those enacted as foreign (Welz 1996, pp. 17–18). This understanding applies, to some extent, also to the International Street Festival. Elke Winter mentions the reduction of prejudices as a goal of the first celebrations (still taking place in the parish hall). The low-threshold format is intended to help the parents’ initiative to find further members who support the work of eliminating the social grievances in the Nordbahnhof district. In our conversation, the former director of Haus 49 explained to me that, with the help of the performances and the International Street Festival since 1980, the institution has attempted to create encounters between the individual residents and to arouse interest in the different traditions and customs of the quarter’s inhabitants. For him, it is, above all, a celebration at which those families meet “who come and go in and out of the house all year round” (quoted in Jähnigen 2001; my translation). For him, it is important that “especially the children, despite all the differences of nationalities, find out what they have in common and overcome fears of contact” (quoted in Mutzenhardt 1997; my translation). However, this goal is only one among many: “Such celebrations are intended to break down prejudices among neighbours and fellow citizens and perhaps win more employees for their attempts to break out of the vicious circle: school failure, unemployment, crime” (MK 49, for a similar argument see MK 45 and MK 46; my translation) The festival is primarily instrumental for the youth worker and the people in charge in supporting the solving of the socio-structural problems of the neighbourhood (Jähnigen 2001; Sofuoğlu 2009). Therefore, the question of territoriality is important, as the International Street Festival should appeal to the residents of the entire district. This is particularly facilitated through the relocation of the festival from the parish hall to the public space of the quarter. How does difference become apparent within the International Street Festival? Through the performances and booths, the event is updated as an international event, as a festival where different nationalities meet one

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another. One sees Turkish dances and eats Portuguese sausages. The people are enacted as different in terms of nationality. Nationality is not updated at the festival as a legal category in terms of citizenship but as an ethnic grouping. This enactment has a flip side, when these differences are extended beyond the festival and groups of people are perceived as separated: as an event where each group sits on its own, as a festival where the Turks only stand up and dance when the Turkish group is on stage and the Portuguese only when the Portuguese group appears (Interview Neuer [pseud.], 12 May 2010; Interview Vernandez [pseud.], 30 July 2009; Tremante). Some residents transfer this perception to the work of Haus 49 and the neighbourhood in general: “There is actually no togetherness; each group remains alone in the neighbourhood, and the work of Haus 49 has nothing connecting, but rather dividing” (Interview Tremante [pseud.], 21 May 2010, my translation). The ethnic-national differences that arise within the framework of the International Street Festival are generalised particularly from the perspective of the spectators. This is also due to the fact that differences within groups are less obvious (cf. Jurkiewicz 2007, p. 204). While a drumming group is identifiable as Portuguese by the use of flags and costumes, other offerings, such as hip-­hop workshops, which the Portuguese folklore group also organises, are not assignable to a nationality. The festival, as mentioned above, is an opportunity for the district to come together and for the moment of the celebration, this togetherness arises as a community of participants, as a group of people that belong to a certain place (Klückmann 2016). Creating presence through “multicultural festivals” such as the International Street Festival displays differences in terms of nationality/ethnicity within one neighbourhood.

Identifiable Structures The opening of the Gurdwara Guru Granth Sahib SikhSabha (Glasgow Gurdwara) is described as a historic moment for the Sikhs in the south of Glasgow and in the city in general (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013). It is the first purpose-built gurdwara in Scotland. The idea for this “identifiable structure” (Interview Charandeep Singh, 2013), as one of the secretaries calls it, came up around 1999, when the Khalsa5

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celebrated its 300th birthday. In the context of these celebrations, the Sikhs in Glasgow had the idea of taking the next step, “the next big thing”, as Singh emphasised to me (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013). While their ancestors could celebrate emigration and arrival in Glasgow or Scotland as their achievement, it was now time to create visibility and integrate themselves into the urban landscape of Glasgow as a self-evident part of Scottish society (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013). The Sikh community also deliberately places itself in relation to other communities in Glasgow, such as the Christian communities. However, the Muslims, who had already built the Central Mosque in Glasgow in 1984 (Glasgow Central Mosque 2018), are particularly emphasised (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013). From this relationality arises a need to leave spatial marginality and invisibility by reterritorialisation. Muslim communities particularly are seen ambivalently: on the one hand, as competitors for visibility and in the struggle for territoriality, on the other hand, as role models regarding the construction of mosques, schools and other facilities (cf. Garbin 2013, pp. 683–685). In comparison to a temporary presence, as described in the example of the International Street Festival, the new gurdwara building aimed to become an enduring and noticeable part of the Glasgow urban landscape. The use of residential or industrial buildings by religious groups can also be found in Pollokshields at the Shri Guru Tegh Bahadur Gurdwara in St Andrews Drive, the Masjid Noor mosque, the mosque Taleem Ul-Islam and the Nordmoschee (North mosque) at the edge of Nordbahnhofviertel, or the Alevi mosque (which is only one room) in Haus 49. The example of the Gurdwara in Glasgow on the one hand shows how the creation of presence brings other actors, such as the city administration, into play and on the other hand it reveals how questions of territoriality are negotiated. The aim of the new building is to make the Sikhs and their religion more visible and, at the same time, to position it as part of the urban landscape of Glasgow. The public presence in urban space is part of the self-image; where presence is possible, actors embody the feeling and the right to be part of the social environment (cf. Garbin 2013, pp. 290–292; Knowles 2013). The emergence of the Glasgow Gurdwara can be traced back to a small apartment in the Gorbals. The Gorbals are regarded as the gateway to the

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city for immigrants in Glasgow. At first, the Irish and Jews settled there (Edward 2008). At the end of the 1960s, a large number of immigrants from the south Indian continent moved into the district in the south of Glasgow. Already in 1947, a group of Sikhs had rented an apartment on South Portland Street not far from Glasgow’s first synagogue.6 This apartment was to become the first  gurdwara of Scotland and enabled the immigrant Sikhs to continue their religion in their new environment. At that time, the Sikh community was still relatively small. There were about five to ten families who initially used the apartment.7 Over time, more and more Sikhs migrated to Glasgow and eventually left the Gorbals and moved mainly to the Glasgow West End or the Glasgow South, due to cheaper property and better business opportunities. With the departure from the Gorbals, the apartment in South Portland Street was abandoned. Thirteen years after the Gurdwara was founded there, a group of Sikhs bought a villa in Pollokshields West in Nithsdale Road.8 Only two years later, another house was bought in St Andrews Drive in Pollokshields and has since been used as a Gurdwara as well (Fig. 5.3).

Fig. 5.3  Gurdwara in St. Andrews Drive, Pollokshields, May 2014. (Source: Photo by the author)

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The building in Nithsdale Road had been used as a  gurdwara for 50 years. The change from renting to buying is accompanied by a greater commitment of financial resources for the community. Moreover, the municipality now becomes an important actor when various conversions of the building and moreover its conversion from a residential building to a building for religious purposes are planned.9 The larger involvement of the city public is also of interest because cities in Europe have an ambivalent character towards religion. Under the thesis of secularisation, cities were characterised by the absence of spirituality. This changes with the need for the presence of immigrant communities. In part, it is precisely the (assumed) religious distance from cities that is a motive for founding, establishing and making communities visible. Admittedly, a missionary motive, as Garbin states for African Pentecostal churches, in Glasgow and Stuttgart, cannot be proven in this way, but, at least among Muslims, the necessity was seen to guarantee religious orientation by sending imams (Garbin 2013, pp.  680–683). It took around seven months until the application for conversion was granted, including different discussions in the Sub-Committee on Development Applications of the Corporation of Glasgow and on-site visits. The residential home was slowly transformed into a Gurdwara through changes of the building. Over the years, the congregation got more members, which increased the need for larger premises. In particular, the Langar and the prayer room were no longer large enough for the increased number of users. In 1971, an application for enlargement was made. The consultations took almost two years before the building permit was issued in 1973 under conditions of the Town and Country Planning (Scotland) Act 1947 and the assurance that cooking smells should be limited and it should be laid out which rooms were to be used exclusively for religious purposes. A last extension of the dining room along the entire length of the house, the installation of a new kitchen and a further extension of the prayer room on the first floor were expedited in 1990. With the increasing size and visibility within the Sikh community, the number of users was growing. Even though changes of the premises as described were possible, they were within the limits of the materiality of the buildings, the district and the regulations of the city. After the south of Glasgow had become one of the “key population centres” for immigrants (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September

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2013), the settlement structure of the immigrants and, with them, also that of a large section of the Sikhs changed again until the turn of the millennium. Combined with a moderate social ascent, many of the frequent visitors of the gurdwara moved to the suburbs of Glasgow. Similar to the departure from the Gorbals, the distance between the place of residence and the place of religious practice increased again. The greater distances, however, brought with them new requirements. On the one hand, there would not be enough parking places around the building in Nithsdale Road for the people who now arrived from outside the area. On the other hand, the community of the Sikhs had grown older over the years, so that questions of accessibility increasingly became an issue, because the gurdwara could only be reached via many stairs (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013). These new requirements led to initial considerations for a new building and eventually the area between tramway and railway tracks was bought in 2003. The location for the New Gurdwara was chosen for various reasons, as Sing explains (Interview Singh, Charandeep, 21 September 2013): On the one hand, because of its central location, on the other hand, because Glasgow South and especially Pollokshields are the home of many immigrants. It is the area to which almost every one of them could trace their roots. Maintaining this relationship was an important point in the deliberations. Pollokshields stands symbolically for a place of diversity from which one did not want to distance oneself. In particular, Albert Drive as an important area for immigrants from the sub-Indian continent, with its shops and Tramway as an art and cultural centre, was decisive for the selection of the location. This changed the spatial relationship, for now it is no longer the proximity to the users that is sought but to historically significant places in the history of immigration throughout Scotland. In contrast to the 1960s in 2000s, neither the city administration nor the wider public had any reservations. This could also be explained by the fact that the Sikhs were better established today in terms of financial resources and stability. With the opening of the New Gurdwara, both its catchment area—today more and more people live outside Glasgow—has expanded and its work has changed. In addition to the opportunity to practice religion, another goal of the new  gurdwara is to reach a broad public through information materials, guided tours and other events (see Chap. 4). An architecture is chosen that is based on the historical characteristics of gurdwaras from

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South Asia to make themselves noticeable. Architecture and language classes, thus, create transnational linkages (cf. Garbin 2013, pp. 683–685). It is a decision to become “hypervisible” (Knowles 2013, p.  652), to which other groups are more hesitant (Interview Masjid Noor, 4 June 2014) or even sceptical concerning their own presence (Interview Memiş, İrfan and Mert [pseud.] 16 March 2014). Presence through territorialisation is evident in the occupation of non-religious buildings (Adogame 2007, 2010) and the use of non-places, such as old industrial buildings, like in the case of Masjid Noor in Pollokshields and the Nordmoschee (Northern Mosque) in Stuttgart North. Industrial sites are usually associated with higher invisibility, sometimes also instability, while, at the same time, due to their materiality, they usually offer more space to adapt to religious needs and the possibility of expanding institutions, for example, with schools. Invisibility can also be desired, in the sense of “desired periphery” (cf. Garbin 2013, pp.  680–683). Regarding the Glasgow Gurdwara, the combination of location, architecture and extended public relations expresses the self-conception as Scottish Sikhs.

Empower and Control It’s Sunday afternoon. Father Gannon and Shahid [pseud.] told me during our conversation that the Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship is meeting today. The Fellowship meets once a month on Sunday at the Church of Scotland. Already at the entrance I am greeted in a friendly manner. I say that Father Gannon and Shahid invited me and talk briefly about my research project. The meeting takes place in the hall of the church, which I already know from the Coffee Mornings. In contrast to these occasions, the tables today stand in the rear part of the room; a row of chairs are set up facing a desk in the front area. There are already some people in the room. One of them is Asif [pseud.], Shahid’s brother. I introduce myself and we talk briefly about my project. Asif introduces me to another man, Hamid [pseud.]. Since the service is held in Urdu, he thinks it is a good idea to explain to me what is being said or what it is about. We take two chairs and sit in the back row. A total of around forty people are now present. While we wait for the service to begin, Hamid tells me that it is nice for people to be able to attend a service in their own language. While we talk, I discover

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Olivia [pseud.] in one of the front rows. We greet each other. Olivia actually comes from near Aberdeen but was in the Scottish Mission in Pakistan for a long time. Then the service begins. All present are greeted before the sermon is given by a guest pastor. In addition to the sermon, two members of the Fellowship speak to the group. At the end, there is an announcement that there will be a new group of seniors who would like to meet every few weeks in the future to spend time together. Between the individual speeches there is singing. Hamid always opens the respective page with the lyrics for me, even if I can’t read the letters myself. After a good hour, the service is over. Then everyone goes to the tables in the back of the room, where tea and candy is being served. (Field Diary, 4 May 2014)

The Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship began with Pastor Immanuel Johnson, who was sent to Glasgow in the 1960s as a member of the Church of Pakistan. At that time, an increasing number of people from the Indian subcontinent were coming to live in Glasgow. This fact prompted the Church of Scotland to look for a priest with a special degree and knowledge of the different languages of the region in order to guarantee Christian education (Morrison et  al. 2011). The aim of the inquiry had not only been a religious one; it had also had a social intention: “Not to work solely for the Christian community but to work in the ethnic minorities”, as Asif tells me later. This also filled a gap of the time, because, according to Asif, “There wasn’t any multi-cultural office as such”. Asif, at the same time, emphasised that to worship in one’s mother tongue was an important part of Reverend Johnson’s work: “basically coming together to worship in your own language”. The worship services in different languages do not take place at the same time. Care is taken to avoid overlaps. On Sunday morning the whole congregation goes to the English-speaking church service, and in the afternoon, to the native-­ speaking service. This means that there is no competition between the different groups (Interview Asif, 20 May 2014). Over the years, the Asian Christian church gradually lost members and, finally, disintegrated. However, the contact between individual members remained and, at the end of the 1990s, considerations arose as to how to organise officially again. On 26 February 1999, the Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship was officially registered as an (charitable) organisation with the Office of

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the Scottish Charity Regulator (Scottish Charity Regulator 2018). Asif summarised the main objective of the Fellowship to me as follows: “And basically our objectives were to assist Asian-Christians to initially adjust in the society here” (Interview Asif, 20 May 2014). In this sense, the work of the Fellowship can also be seen as support (see Chap. 6). However, to make this support possible, the Fellowship follows the approach of creating presence. The Fellowship sees itself as a kind of lobby organisation and a mouthpiece for Christians from and in Pakistan. One of their areas of activity is asylum and the members of the Fellowship draw attention to the situation and persecution of Christians in Pakistan, for instance against the background of rising numbers of refugees due to the Kosovo War at the end of the 1990s. The members of the Fellowship are encouraged to become involved in other associations and church congregations: “So these are some of the ideas which the Fellowship follows: multi-denominational, become active in your own church, become active in community organisations”. Active participation in the local community and in the neighbourhood or district serves the purpose of increasing the visibility of the Asian Christians and counteracting the frequent association of people from Pakistan and India with Islam. To be visible and to be a distinctive group among others (Christians, people with relations to the Indian subcontinent and Scots) is a form of empowerment and a way of gaining agency for the members. These multiple belongings are not least expressed in the name of the Fellowship. Being part of and visible as a distinctive group within a larger organisation can also involve being controlled. Parishes of Catholics of other Mother Tongues (Gemeinden Katholiken anderer Muttersprachen) is the official name for groups within the Catholic Church in Baden-Württemberg. They were founded in the early 2000s by the Diocese of Rottenburg-­ Stuttgart. The aim of establishing these congregations was to give immigrants the opportunity to live their identity by celebrating church services in their mother tongue and cultivating traditions in Germany: The diocese of Rottenburg-Stuttgart is home to more than 209,000 Catholics of other mother tongues from 160 different countries. Most of these Catholics come from Italy and Croatia. To be able to live and cultivate one’s own cultural and religious origins and identity in a foreign coun-

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try is a prerequisite for an open, equal and mutually appreciative encounter between locals and immigrants. The Diocese of Rottenburg-Stuttgart has established native-speaking communities and integrated them into its pastoral care units. They celebrate church services in their mother tongue and cultivate their traditions but co-operate with their German-speaking fellow Christians. (Diözese Rottenburg-Stuttgart 2018)

Today, there are a total of 98 Parishes of Catholics of other Mother Tongues within the diocese of Rottenburg-Stuttgart. Nearly half of all Catholics in Stuttgart have a nationality other than German or a statistical migrant background. Immigrant Catholics belong to their respective local parishes. In addition, there are the Parishes of Catholics of other Mother Tongues who have their own native-speaking pastor and pastoral council and are distributed throughout the city.10 Currently the largest group is the Parish of Catholics of the Croatian language. Together with the Italian, Spanish, Polish and Portuguese speakers, they form the large communities in Stuttgart. The Parishes of Catholics of other Mother Tongues are each assigned to one parish in Stuttgart—the so-called territorial parish. In the latter, they use the churches and congregation premises. One of the four Italian parishes is assigned to the municipality of St. Georg, which belongs to Nordbahnhofviertel (Katholische Kirche Stuttgart 2018).11 The Parishes of other mother tongues were preceded by foreign missions. In the case of the Italian congregations in Stuttgart, this was the Missione Cattolica. The large number of Italians particularly gave rise to considerations of the diocese of Rottenburg of the formation of foreign congregations at the end of the 1970s. The Missione Cattolica was replaced in 2007/2008 by the founding of the Italian Parish. (In addition to the Italian mission, there was a Croatian and a Spanish mission). The previous missions, such as the Missione Cattolica, were responsible for the entire territory of the city. With the founding of the Parishes of Catholics of other Mother Tongues, the spatial catchment area has been changing. By connecting the various parishes to the territorial parish, the aim was also to make a contribution to integration12: The Catholic Church in Stuttgart today emphasises this contribution when it describes the Parishes of Catholics of other Mother Tongues as “role models and experts for integration” (Katholische Kirche Stuttgart 2018). The Parishes

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of Catholics of other Mother Tongues, such as the Italian parish in Stuttgart North, are not parishes in the sense of church law. They do not have their own household or premises. In addition, they are integrated into the pastoral care unit of the German parishes, although they usually have their own pastoral care team. The leader of both parishes is the pastor assigned to the German parish. Both the German congregations and the respective assigned congregations of Catholics of other mother tongues are accordingly answered for by the Pastoral Council. This leads partly to the situation that the pastor of the native-speaking parish has to ask the pastor of the German parish for rooms and money. This imbalance had already existed in the previous constellation between the German parish and the Missione Cattolica, which led to some occasional conflicts (Interview Tremante [pseud.], 21 May 2010; Interview Niklaus, 22 April 2013). Creating a space for the presence of “immigrant parishes” by the Diocese of Rottenburg-Stuttgart, on the one hand, gave the people the opportunity to follow the church service in their mother tongue, respectively, in a different language than German. On the other hand, it also gave the diocese power to control. There is an incorporation of plurality and multiculturalism and, simultaneously, a boundary-­ making between existing and incorporated communities (cf. Garbin 2013, pp. 683–685). The ambivalence between empowerment and being controlled by means of creating presence can also be seen by participation in political decision-making bodies. In the following, I will discuss the position of the Expert Resident for Migration and Integration (Sachkundige/r Einwohner/in für Migration und Integration) within the City Council (Gemeinderat) of Stuttgart. This example is interesting as, over time, the quality of the presence changes from a narrow concept of citizenship to a broad concept of expertise. As part of the Stuttgart North district, Nordbahnhofviertel is politically represented in the municipal council by a committee—the District Advisory Council (Bezirksbeirat).13 This committee discusses all decisions made by the city council for the northern district of Stuttgart and makes recommendations on individual points. Between 2012 and 2014 I participated as a guest in various meetings of this committee.14 One of the members of the district advisory council is the Expert Resident for Migration and Integration. The role

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of the expert resident has been part of all district advisory boards in Stuttgart since 2004. The incumbents are given the right to speak during meetings but they do not have the right to vote. Their task is to take a stand on individual issues from the perspective of immigrants or people with a migration history and to advise the district advisory councils on migration and integration-specific aspects (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart 2018a). The possibility of inviting Expert Residents to consult the District Advisory Councils is provided in Article 33(3) of the Municipal Code (Gemeindeordnung) of the City of Stuttgart. Unlike the District Advisory Councils, the expert residents are not appointed by the city council but proposed by the International Committee (Internationaler Ausschuss) of the City of Stuttgart. The International Committee of the City of Stuttgart is (also) an advisory body to the Stuttgart City Council. Its commitment is laid down in the statutes of the state capital Stuttgart on the participation of Expert Residents in the International Committee of 8 July 2004. Paragraph 2 of the report states: The committee’s task is to advise the city council in the fulfilment of its tasks by means of suggestions, recommendations and statements in all questions concerning the organisation of coexistence in the international urban society and, in particular, the integration of migrants living in Stuttgart. (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart 2018a, my translation)

The committee supports the Stuttgart City Council in integration policy matters through applications, recommendations and statements. The Committee is chaired by the incumbent Lord Mayor and represented by the Mayor for Social Affairs and Social Integration. The management is the responsibility of the respective acting integration officer of the city of Stuttgart. Both the office of the expert resident and the International Committee are bodies for political participation. Its aim is to involve specific groups of people in the political decision-making process. The offices create a presence within the framings that are specified by the city of Stuttgart. In these framings, the offices lose their biographical reference to the topics of migration and integration within three decades. This change takes place in three phases: (a) Firstly, the category of foreigner is interpreted in a narrow sense as people who came to Germany via the

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guest worker system. In the second phase (b), the category of foreigner is extended to all people who do not possess German citizenship. In a third phase (c), positioning of “being a foreigner” will be replaced by criteria of knowledge and experience independent of one’s own migration experience or that of one’s ancestors. The origins of the current International Committee go back to the Foreigners Advisory Council (Ausländerbeirat) of the City of Stuttgart. The Foreigners Advisory Council was established in September 1971 and marked the beginning of the first phase (a).15 At the beginning of the 1980s, the Foreigners Advisory Council recommended exploring possibilities for further political participation by foreign citizens. As a result, the first elected municipal council of foreign residents in Germany was constituted on 13 December 1983, following a decision by the Stuttgart municipal council on 24 June 1982 (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Beratender Ausländerausschuss 1982). In response to the desire for greater political participation by foreign fellow citizens, the Foreigners Committee (Ausländerausschuss) reacted to the fact that at the beginning of the 1980s, there was no municipal voting right for foreign citizens in the Federal Republic of Germany and, thus, no democratically legitimised political participation of the foreign population. This should be remedied by the Foreigners Committee. Stuttgart was not able to introduce the right of foreigners to vote in local elections. However, in order to enable foreign citizens to participate, the city administration had recourse to a provision of the municipal code for this auxiliary construction. This regulation provides for the possibility of setting up advisory and decision-making committees with competent residents. Since only members of the municipal council are entitled to vote in decision-­making committees, which, in turn, can only be elected by people with German nationality, the form of the advisory committee is chosen. The expert residents of this committee are elected by the group they will later represent. The elections are held separately according to nationality. Only nationals of the following six countries are eligible to vote, both actively and passively: Greece, Italy, former Yugoslavia, Portugal, Spain and Turkey. These six countries were the recruitment countries through which foreign workers came to Germany within the framework of the guest worker system. The allocation of seats on the Committee depended on the size of

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the group concerned in Stuttgart, with each country being entitled to at least one seat. Depending on the proportion of the population, 75–250 signatures of supporters are required for the nomination as a candidate. People are only entitled to vote for the list of their own nationality. The expert residents are defined by the electoral process as people of nonGerman nationality. Expertise is proven by personal biographical reference. The nationality criterion is, in turn, limited by restriction to the six recruiting states. Thus, the definition of the category of foreigners at this point largely follows the definition of the Foreigners Report (see Chap. 3). In addition, the fact that the committee was set up based on nationality suggests that the city administration was based on nationally specific articulation needs. Those who had themselves drawn up or voted for the Foreigners Committee during this first phase of participation practice enacted themselves as Greek, Italian, former Yugoslav, Portuguese or Turk. In 1994, Stuttgart celebrated the tenth anniversary of the Foreigners Committee. The second phase (b) began with this event (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Referatsabt. Integration ausländischer Mitbürgerinnen und Mitbürger  – Ausländerbeauftragter 1994). The right of EU citizens to vote in local elections was being discussed at the European level in the early 1990s. This discussion was seen in Stuttgart to be connected with questions of belonging. Manfred Rommel, for example, then Lord Mayor of Stuttgart, emphasised in the publication that orientation towards and affiliation with the country of origin through family ties and affiliation with the Federal Republic are compatible. At the same time and with a view to the European and the federal political level, he points out that this also requires legal equality. Rommel, therefore, advocated the possibility of dual citizenship. The discussion of voter eligibility in 1995 was also important for another reason. Twelve years after the first Foreigners Committee was elected, 136,000 people of foreign origin from about 150 nations were living in Stuttgart. Although the group of people who came to Stuttgart via the recruitment agreements still constitutes the largest group, the people from these six countries are now confronted by well over a hundred other nationalities, which have multiplied both quantitatively and qualitatively in recent years. Consequently, the third election to the Foreigners Committee took place on 19 November 1995 according to new electoral principles. For the first time, all foreign residents of

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Stuttgart were entitled to vote. In addition, for the first time, not only nationality-based lists were now permitted: These innovations reflect the recent changes in foreigners and integration policies. [1.1 Legal bases] […] Whereas the submission of an election proposal was previously tied to nationality, this time, so-called “open” lists could also take part in the election. The admission of international election proposals based on political, cultural, religious or other criteria has not only created a considerable diversification of choice. The Stuttgart Municipal Council also traces developments in foreigner policy, according to which foreigners and integration policy have increasingly become a task for society as a whole and “being a foreigner” alone is no longer decisive for the formation of political opinion but rather there are very different political views among foreign fellow citizens as well. (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Statistisches Amt 1995, my translation)

The change in the electoral modalities was justified by the fact that political opinion-forming within the group of foreigners must be viewed in a more differentiated way than by nationality alone.16 “Being a foreigner” is newly framed: On the one hand, it is opened up to a larger circle of participants, and, on the other hand, it is no longer understood along the lines of certain nationalities but in a more general sense as non-­ German citizens. The 1992 amendment to the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany (Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland) introduced by the Maastricht Treaty made it possible for all people from the recruitment countries, except Turkey and the countries of the former Yugoslavia, to vote in local elections; in this respect, the group for which political participation was possible changed. It remains unchanged that people who have themselves drawn up for the lists or participate in the election enact themselves as foreigners. This only changes in the third phase. This third phase (c) described the development from a Foreigners Committee to the International Committee. By means of the Statutes of the International Committee (Satzung zum internationalen Ausschuss) of 2004, the Statutes on the Participation of Foreign Residents in Municipal Matters of 17 December 1998 (Satzung über die Beteiligung ausländischer

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Einwohnerinnen und Einwohner am kommunalen Geschehen vom 17. Dezember 1998) as well as the Regulations on the Election of Foreign Members of the Consultative International Committee of 20 May 1999 (Ordnung zur Wahl von ausländischen Mitgliedern des beratenden Internationalen Ausschusses vom 20. Mai 1999) are suspended (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart2018a). In contrast to the Foreigners Committee, the members of the International Committee will no longer be elected within the foreign population of Stuttgart from July 2004 but will be appointed. The appointment by the City Council takes place every five years after the election of the City Council. The nation-state structure, which was in part still present in the second phase via the lists, is now completely replaced by a thematic orientation. The International Committee is designed as a specialist committee and covers various areas of local politics, such as education, housing, social affairs, culture and employment. Qualified people are now appointed according to their special professional competence in one of five subject areas: (1) language promotion, education, sport (three members); (2) urban development, coexistence, security (three members); (3) social affairs, youth, health (two members); (4) professional qualifications, labour market, economy (two members); and (5) culture, interreligious dialogue (two members). A further 13 members are delegated from the city council. Parallel to the thematic orientation, the definition of expertise is also changing. According to § 3 of the Statutes of the International Commission, expertise is demonstrated through work with migrants or active involvement in migrant organisations. Thus, people no longer enact their position as foreigners in contrast to Germans but as people with knowledge and experience in the field of migration and integration. A biographically plausible expertise, for example, through one’s own migration experiences or those of ancestors, as was still the case in phase one (a) and two (b), is, therefore, no longer a prerequisite, although it is not excluded. As a reaction to migration-driven diversity, the city of Stuttgart has found a way of (limited) political participation for immigrants by creating a presence for them in the bodies of the city council. The city of Stuttgart not only defines the procedure and the rules for participation but they also offer an opportunity for the immigrants to articulate. The development from the Foreigners Advisory Council to the International

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Committee shows how the distinction by means of presence has changed in 30 years from nationality from six specific states to general migration experience or, even more broadly, through contact with migrants. At the same time, this example illustrates that the assignment of membership to a particular group and, thereby, presence is not always made by the members of a group themselves. They are part of a larger social understanding in which the respective positions are constantly readjusted.

Racism: A Backlash of Presence It’s 2:00 in the morning. I’m waiting for the taxi to take me to the airport. The second phase of my field research in Glasgow lies behind me. After waiting a few minutes, a car turns into Forth Street. It stops and a man between 40 and 50 years asks me if I have ordered a taxi to the airport. I confirm and we put my luggage in the car. While we are driving, we talk about Glasgow and Germany. I am tired and think about different experiences of the past weeks. The small talk doesn’t bother me. The taxi driver looks sympathetic and the conversation is pleasant. When he asks why I’m here, I tell him I’m doing research on immigration. He asks me if I know Enoch Powell. I’m stumbling. I met the name again and again in different places during the last month and a half. I know his speech “Rivers of Blood”. I say that I know of him and suddenly a strange feeling creeps up on me; what may come now. The man next to me says Powell was right about everything. One never should have let all those immigrants in. They’d make up the majority at some point. “You know”, he says, “they breed like rabbits”. (Field Diary, 29 September 2013)

When I was back in Pollokshields in spring 2014, flyers of United Against Fascism and Racism (UaFaR) were hanging everywhere in the district. The occasion was the repeated plans of the Scottish Defence League (SDL) to demonstrate in Pollokshields. They often take the anniversary of the death of Kriss Donald, who was murdered by a gang with an Asian background, as the occasion for these demonstrations.17 A group such as the SDL does not fit in with Scotland’s self-image. As mentioned before, Norman MacLeod expressed this self-conception based on tolerance and openness towards others at the Fun Day, and in his conversation with me

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(Interview MacLeod, 24 July 2013) racism or racist statements are not compatible with this.18 But racist actions are also a way of dealing with migration-driven diversification. Here, I will discuss them as a reaction, respectively, backlash for presence. As Pollokshields has been chosen for its history of immigration by the Sikhs for the Glasgow Gurdwara, it has also been chosen repeatedly by the SDL because of the visual presence of migration-driven diversification. Pierre-Andrè Taguieff once wrote: “But the desired death of the Other must be understood in its multiple forms, both in it symbolic and empirical sense: from the invisibility of the Other (‘I don’t want to see them anymore’) to its destruction, its physical annihilation” (Taguieff 1991, p.  245, my translation), which I here understand as the desire to reduce the presence of migration-driven diversity. During my research, I have encountered questions of racism and how to deal with it several times in Pollokshields but not once in Nordbahnhofviertel. Consequently, the following comments refer exclusively to examples from Glasgow. Racism is the downside to the multiculturalism described above.19 The themes of racism and race relations increasingly appeared in the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian from the 1970s onwards, and particularly in the 1980s.20 These include anti-racism training courses (1987) (PG 14), the examination for racial biases of information materials on the subject of pollution (1989) (PG 85) or the use of a Multi Agency Racial Incident Monitoring Group (1989) (PG 86). In 1995, The Well invited people to a series of Bible studies under the theme “One Race”, dealing with problems of racial discrimination. The book Sari ‘n’ Chips (Gidoomal and Fearon 1993) is recommended to all who cannot accept this invitation. One of its authors, Ram Gidoomal, a Pakistan-born Hindu who immigrated first to Kenya and then England, now lives in London and has converted to Christianity, gives one the opportunity to experience how one is seen through “Asian eyes”. The recommendation concludes with a quote from the book, after which cultures are not homogeneous and static but fluid. And that through the coming together of different groups, a new society could emerge that would unite the best of both cultures (Asian and Western). At the same time, the author also sees the danger that the worst of both sides could be mixed up (PG 75). An article in the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian in May 1978 titled

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“Racism, a time for decision, say Scottish Church leaders”, published an appeal with a similar message, which is reproduced here in full: All who are concerned for the well-being of the people of these islands must be disturbed by the strident voices of racism which are increasingly making themselves heard. They are a growing threat to the prospect of achieving a society free from racial discrimination and prejudice. In many of the inner city areas black and white are together having to face economic and social problems which produce cynicism and despair. It is recognised that those who are experiencing these difficulties or who are threatened by them have fears for the future and for their families. The difficulties, fears and perplexities are real, but a RACIST response is no answer. The greater attention which is being given to these matters … and particularly to racial discrimination … by Government, political parties, other institutions and by the churches is welcome. The situation is urgent and calls for serious examination and reflection by all Christian people and it calls for a positive response. Is our whole society to be based on respect, freedom and equality, or on intolerance, inequality and racism? Our traditional ideals of tolerance and respect are being eroded and are in danger of being lost. Some feel that only those who live in mixed areas are involved. On the contrary, it concerns us all. Are we as Christians effectively building good relations between communities and helping to overcome the evils of racial hatred? This is surely one of the clearest tests for Christian conscience in this century. There are some commitments which indeed must be affirmed. AFFIRMATION The Gospel of Jesus Christ sets forth the unity of the human race: the acceptance on love of all within the human family. We assert again claims of love and justice: to seek the good of others and to work for the full human rights of all. We recognise that Britain is now a pluralistic society of varied races, cultures and religions; we must respect those who practice different religions and adhere to different styles of life; a more varied society offers new opportunities to us all. We believe that racial policies and racial activities, from whatever source and under ­whatever pretext, are entirely contrary to the truth of the Gospel and contrary to the true interest of this nation. We believe that racial attitudes will not be defeated by violence on our streets, but by an open and unyielding commitment to freedom and justice for all. We therefore urge Christians and non-Christians to act in ways which are free from racial discrimination

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and to support those values which are the foundations of our democratic society. (PG 109)

The text ends with an appeal to sign the declaration which will be laid out in every church. The statement of church leaders is written out of a Christian and a national self-understanding. Christianity is the assumption of one humanity or, as it is called in the Bible study series of The Well, “One Race”. Racism and racist acts are regarded as contrary to this basic assumption. This appeal is also based on values that are presented in the text as the cornerstones of British society.21 The question of dealing with others becomes in the text a question of one’s own self-­understanding, one’s own identity (cf. Hall 2001). A society without racial discrimination is seen as an opportunity for British society. A commitment to tolerance and equality and corresponding actions are the basis for good relationships between different races (“race relations”). These good relationships, in turn, are a pillar of social integration (PG 14, PG 67). In addition to the churches and church-related institutions, various organisations and institutions such as the Area Development Team (1989) (PG 85) and the Pollokshields Parents’ Association (1972) (PG 78) carry out measures in the field of anti-racism. These measures have gained in importance from the 1970s onwards because they came at a time of political unrest. One reason for this unrest regarding the topic of immigration is the speech by Enoch Powell, which quickly became known under the name “Rivers of Blood”. Powell, then a member of the British Parliament, made this speech in Birmingham on 20 April 1968. In this speech,22 to which my taxi driver also referred in the situation described at the beginning, Powell outlines the danger of national destruction through mass immigration from the Commonwealth. Taking up conservative arguments, Powell refers to the emerging struggle between new arrivals and old residents. According to Powell, these fights result from the unwillingness to give up habits and, thus, fit into an existing system. As an example of this reluctance, Powell cites the Sikhs’ efforts at the time to have the turban recognised. As early as the 1960s, the power struggles between immigrants and old-established national residents led British people to have the impression that they were a persecuted minority. With an example from his own constituency, Powell takes up the image of becoming

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foreign in his own country in his speech (cf. Schönwälder 2001a).23 Examples of disputes between groups of different origins can be found in Pollokshields 20 years after Powell’s speech (PG 14). In the mid-1980s, attacks on Pakistani families and students of Pakistani origin were reported (Armstrong 1989, p. 7).24 In December 1987, the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian spoke of an increasing “racial friction/tension”. A statement that led to the call for the Community Council to take action. There was talk of disputes in which the perpetrator and the victim had different skin colours, whereby these were not racially motivated but were described as “traditional hooliganism of young people” (PG 58). In 1997, there was again talk of violent clashes between white and Asian youths, although in these cases, no explicit reference was made to racism (PG 29). Racist-motivated actions are forms of exclusion. In these processes of exclusion, a border between people or groups of people is drawn simultaneously and those who do not belong to their own group are positioned outside these borders. In positioning on both sides of the border, relationships are negotiated within and through processes of exclusion (Kossek 1999, p. 23). As a drastic form of exclusion, racism refers to the fact that the negotiation of relationships between one’s own group and the other is accompanied by valuations. What is assigned to the other— the excluded—as negative, is attested to one’s own—the enclosed—as positive. In this dialectical character, the self assures itself of the exclusion of the other (cf. Hall 2001). Identity is, thus, defined ex negativo.25 Both racist and anti-racist practices update differences between groups of people in Pollokshields in a double sense. On the one hand, they make a distinction between people of different races. The idea of race comprises a culture-nation-nature-essence complex (Kossek 1999, p. 17), whereby the biological aspect of skin colour plays a central role in the United Kingdom (Schönwälder 2001b). It marks the strongest boundary between containment and exclusion. Regarding Scotland, it is partly pointed out in this context that riots as in England perhaps never took place because there was only marginal so-called coloured immigration from the Caribbean. On the other hand, processes of exclusion and particularly racism and anti-racism update a distinction between people who are hostile and aggressive towards each other. The aim of anti-racism practices is not to allow these attitudes to develop in the first place, to

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dismantle them or, at least, to prevent their negative effects, such as violent crime or discrimination. Anti-discrimination measures try to prevent negative effects of the first distinction according to physical, biological and cultural characteristics. Differences in skin colour, for example, should not play a role when looking for accommodation, in state benefits or at work. Training and confessions within the practices of anti-racism aim at the second distinction. At the same time, the basic assumption of a legitimate distinction according to the first mode is questioned. An example of this is the “One Race” event by The Well. While training pursues the goal of dissolving this distinction, confessions lead to a stabilisation of the difference. At the end of a confession, two groups face each other, as in the demonstrations of SDL in Pollokshields: on the one hand, supporters of the SDL, on the other hand, supporters of United Against Fascism and Racism, in between, a wall of policemen.

Conclusion Situations of creating presence are characterised by a mutual relationship between otherness and creativity. I have shown that the actors make use of various cultural repertoires in order to create presence: (multicultural) festivals, construction, (political) participation and founding clubs and organisations. Within these situations of creating presence, migration-­ driven diversity is enacted as a distinctiveness within which expresses multiple belongings. Hirschauer’s (2017) heuristic distinction of belonging is a way to organise these multiple belonging. The membership in the Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship can be understood as a chosen relational affiliation, while the commitment to the Sikh religion can be classified as a sought-after relational affiliation. The fact that this grid is not a selective typology is shown by the example of the Expert Resident for Migration and Integration. The election procedure is used here to attribute a categorical affiliation of the foreigner to the administration. However, the immigrants claim their right to participation by taking up their positions as representatives.

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Notes 1. Pollokshields initially had ten Christian churches, none of which was Catholic. The nearest Catholic church, Parish of Our Lady and St. Margaret, was located in Kinning Park. In 1948, the Dominican Nuns of the Perpetual Rosary opened a convent at the end of Hamilton Avenue in Pollokshields West. Although this was a closed order, it was possible for the residents to go there. An Italian missionary order, the Xaverian Fathers, founded a study house in 331 Nithsdale Road, also in Pollokshields West. The local population was also able to worship here. As a result, Kinning Park Parish lost important financial income. Consequently, in 1965, the decision was made to establish a Catholic church of its own in Pollokshields (Ogilvie 1989, p. 121). 2. The Masjid Noor mosque is currently planning a redevelopment. In the course of this, the old industrial building which the mosque is currently using will be replaced by a bright, straight-line new building, which, according to the current plans, does without traditional Arabic architectural elements apart from lettering (Masjid Noor 2020). 3. Eid on the Drive was stopped after a few years because the police had safety concerns about cars driving too fast in the district. Nevertheless, many, especially young people, celebrate the end of Ramadan on the streets of Pollokshields East. When I was there in 2013, the police presence was very evident and tried to control the traffic (Field Diary, 8 August 2013). 4. The project “Who’s my Neighbour?” is also an expression of the increasing importance of the valorisation of ethnicity and diversity in artistic, cultural and business enterprises (cf. Knecht 2007). 5. For an overview of the Sikh religion and various fields of study, see the Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies and Pashaura Singh’s work on Sikhs in global context (Singh 2011; Singh and Fenech 2014). For Sikhs in the UK, see the study by Eleanor Nesbitt (2011). 6. The Central Mosque also opened in 1984  in the Gorbals (Glasgow Central Mosque 2018). 7. For the role of the Pall Brothers in the foundation of the Gurdwara, see the Sikh website in Scotland (Sikhs in Scotland 2018). 8. The mosque Taleem Ul-Islam is now in the adjacent building. Until the mid-1980s, the now mosque was used as a synagogue. The synagogue could tell a similar story as the gurdwara, only with a different ending.

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The synagogue does neither follow its believers nor is its attraction great enough beyond the district. Eventually it dissolved and lost presence. The history of the Hebrew Congregation is documented in sources of the Scottish Jewish Archives Centre. On the history of Jews in Glasgow in general, see the study by Ben Braber (2007). 9. The city administration was initially sceptical about this rededication. As a result, according to Singh, there had been a major campaign and lobbying on the part of the community (Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013). However, this scepticism is only implicitly apparent from the documents of the city administration. The information on renovation and structural extension is taken from the applications for structural changes archived in the Glasgow City Archives. 10. Since the local parish and the territorial parish to which a Parish of Catholics of other Mother Tongues is assigned may differ, it is possible that not all members of a Parish of Catholics of other Mother Tongues are eligible to vote for the Pastoral Council of the respective Parish of Catholics of other Mother Tongues. 11. Fuhse studied an Italian immigration to the Feuerbach district of Stuttgart, where he shows the strong religious affiliation across generations (Fuhse 2008). Hermann Bausinger, among others, has highlighted the relations and influences of Italy and the Italians on BadenWürttemberg (Bausinger 1991). 12. Another advantage was that the previously rented premises and buildings were no longer needed for the foreign missions. 13. The members of the district advisory council are appointed by the city council after it has been elected. The size of the district advisory council depends on the number of inhabitants of the respective city district. The ratio of party membership in the district advisory council corresponds to the majority ratios in the city council. The members of the district advisory councils are appointed by the mayor on the recommendation of the parties and voters’ associations represented in the city council (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart 2018b). 14. Apart from a few items on the agenda, the meetings are open to the public and may be attended. Visitors have the opportunity to speak at these meetings and to comment on individual items on the agenda. The agendas are published on the website of the city of Stuttgart. On 4 April 2011, at the invitation of the District Advisory Council North, I pre-

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sented findings from my study on homing oneself in the Nordbahnhofviertel. 15. It would be worthwhile taking a closer look at the establishment of the Foreigners Advisory Council itself; unfortunately it was not possible within this study. 16. This is made clear, for example, by a commentary on the 1995 elections by an Italian right-wing group clearly distinguished from Italian leftwing political groups (Zoratto 1983). 17. Compare the articles from the Herald to applications or demonstrations of the SDL in Pollokshields (Braiden 2013a, b; Harrison 2013; Sanderson 2014). 18. Peter Hopkins (2004) criticises this self-image. On the one hand, he points to the fact that there are investigations in Scotland which reveal racist acts. On the other hand, this self-image may also be one reason why there are comparatively few studies dealing with the subject of racism in Scotland. 19. Ben Highmore (2008) shows how racism is manifested in eating in a study on senses and emotions in the consumption of foreign food. 20. As Karen Schönwälder (2001a) shows in her analysis of political and public debates, race relations issues have been increasingly addressed in the United Kingdom since the 1960s. Questions of racism and xenophobia are a continuous theme of the various contributions in the volume she and Imke Sturm-Martin (2001) published on the history of immigration to Great Britain. 21. The British self-image is shaped by a liberal tradition, and the experience of the Commonwealth also shaped political debates in the 1960s and 1970s. It is a question of weighing the extent to which limiting immigration from the former colonies and racist attacks could jeopardise Britain’s reputation and credibility in the world (Schönwälder 2001a; cf. also Sturm-Martin 2001). According to Stuart Hall (2001), however, English racism does not stand in opposition to liberalism but thrives within it. In this respect, institutional racism is characteristic of Great Britain. According to Panikos Panayi (2001), anti-Semitism and Germanophobia in particular form the background for racism and xenophobia. 22. The entire speech is available to the public on the website of The Telegraph (The Telegraph 2018). 23. Karin Schönwälder shows in detail how Powell’s speech influenced the debates of the 1970s in Great Britain (Schönwälder 2001a, pp. 367–495).

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Panayi (2001) addresses the danger within as a motif of British xenophobia and refers back to the conflict between Protestants and Catholics. The birth of British immigration controls and laws at the beginning of the twentieth century stems from this perception of threat. 24. See also Peter Hopkins’ (2004) explorative study on the experience of racism among Pakistani Scots in the early 2000s. 25. Julia Kristeva (1982) designs a psychoanalytical interpretation of identity formation using the concept of abject.

References Research Material Evang. Martinsgemeinde Stuttgart Nachrichten Nr. 285. Field Diary, 8 August 2013. ———, 4 May 2014. Interview Asif [pseud.], 20 May 2014. Interview Charandeep Singh, 21 September 2013. Interview Howkins, 15 August 2013. Interview MacLeod, 24 July 2013. Interview Masjid Noor, 4 June 2014. Interview Memiş, İrfan and Mert [pseud.] 16 March 2014. Interview Neuer [pseud.], 12 May 2010. Interview Niklaus, 22 April 2013. Interview Tremante [pseud.], 21 May 2010. Interview Vernandez [pseud.], 30 July 2009. Interview Yilmaz [pseud.], 27 June 2009. MK 45: Zum Fest vom 22.04.1978, Stichwortprotokoll, Elternkreis (On the Festival of 22.04.1978, Keyword Protocol, Parents’ Initiative), 24.04.1978. MK 46: Gedächtnisprotokoll der Diskussionsrunden am 02.03. und 06.04.1978, Elterninitiative Nordbahnhofstraße, Zusammenfassung Vorbereitungsgespräche zum Besuch von Herrn OB Rommel. (Memory Protocol of the Discussions on 02.03. and 06.04.1978, Parents’ Initiative Nordbahnhofstraße, Summary of Preparatory Talks for the Visit of Mayor Rommel.) MK 49: Artikel aus der Stuttgarter Zeitung von Daniela Scheel vom 03.05.1978Zurückstecken für die gemeinsame Sache: Trotz

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Meinungsverschiedenheiten klappt die Hausaufgabenbetreuung (Article from the Stuttgarter Zeitung by Daniela Scheel from 03.05.1978 Putting Back for the Common Cause: Despite Differences of Opinion the Homework Supervision Works). PG 14: N.A. 1987. Top Priority. For 1987–88. Pollokshields Guardian, January. PG 29: N.A. 1997 Pollokshields Community Council: Report from the Chair. Pollokshields Guardian, May. PG 33: N.A. 1979. Pollokshields Week: Successful ‘Open Week’. Pollokshields Gazette, September. PG 58: N.A. 1987. Racial Tension. Pollokshields Guardian, December. PG 67: N.A. 1991. PDA: Pollokshields Development Association. Pollokshields Guardian, January. PG 75: M., D. 1995. Who’s My Neighbour? Pollokshields Guardian, April. PG 78: N.A. 1972. How to Be an Alien–Pollokshields Style. Pollokshields Gazette, March. PG 85: N.A. 1989. No Goods on Pavements. Pollokshields Guardian, November. PG 86: N.D. Pollokshields: Multi Agency Racial Incident Monitoring Group. Pollokshields Gazette. PG 109: N.A. 1978. Racism: A Time for Decision, Say Scottish Church Leaders. Pollokshields Gazette, May.

Bibliography Adogame, Afe. 2007. Raising Champions, Taking Territories: African Churches and the Mapping of New Religious Landscapes in Diaspora. In The African Diaspora and the Study of Religion, ed. Theodore L. Trost, 17–34. London: Palgrave. ———. 2010. From House Cells to Warehouse Churches? Christian Church Outreach Mission International in Translocal Contexts. In Traveling Spirits: Migrants, Markets and Mobilities, ed. Gertrud Hüwelmeier and Kristine Krause, 165–185. London: Routledge. Albert Drive. 2018. Introduction to the Albert Drive Project. http://www. albertdrive.com/welcome/. Accessed 29 June 2018. Armstrong, Bruce. 1989. A People Without Prejudice? The Experience of Racism in Scotland. London: Runnymede Trust. Bausinger, Hermann. 1991. Lauter Ausländer…: Die südwestdeutsche Kultur als Importerzeugnis. In Baden-Württemberg: Eine politische Landeskunde, ed.

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Landeszentrale für Politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg, vol. 2, 58–75. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Braber, Ben. 2007. Jews in Glasgow 1879–1939: Immigration and Integration. London: Mitchell. Braiden, Gerry. 2013a. Far Right Protest Brings Angry Scenes to South Side of Glasgow. The Herald, January 20. ———. 2013b. Police and Council Block Plan for Parade by Far-Right Group. The Herald, July 24. Diözese Rottenburg-Stuttgart. 2018. Katholiken anderer Muttersprache. http:// www.drs.de/arbeitsfelder/seelsorge/katholiken-anderer-muttersprache.html. Accessed 29 June 2018. Edward, Mary. 2008. Who Belongs to Glasgow? 3rd ed. Edinburgh: Luath Press Limited. Fuhse, Jan A. 2008. Ethnizität, Akkulturation und persönliche Netzwerke von italienischen Migranten. Opladen: Ed. Recherche. Garbin, David. 2013. The Visibility and Invisibility of Migrant Faith in the City: Diaspora Religion and the Politics of Emplacement of Afro-Christian Churches. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 39 (5): 677–696. Gidoomal, Ram, and Mike Fearon. 1993. Sari ‘n’ Chips. London: MARC. Glasgow Central Mosque. 2018. About Us. https://centralmosque.co.uk/aboutus/. Accessed 29 June 2018. Hall, Stuart. 2001. Von Scarman zu Stephen Lawrence. In Die britische Gesellschaft zwischen Offenheit und Abgrenzung: Einwanderung und Integration vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Karen Schönwälder and Imke Sturm-­ Martin, 154–168. Berlin, Wien: Philo. Harrison, Jody. 2013. Police Ban Far-Right SDL Ceremony to Mark Teenager’s Death. The Herald, March 16. Haus 49. 2020. Herzlich Willkommen auf der Homepage des Haus 49. https:// haus49.de/. Accessed 26 April 2020. Highmore, Ben. 2008. Alimentary Agents: Food, Cultural Theory and Multiculturalism. Journal of Intercultural Studies 29 (4): 381–398. Hirschauer, Stefan. 2017. Humandifferenzierung. Modi und Grade sozialer Zugehörigkeit. In Un/doing Differences: Praktiken der Humandifferenzierung, ed. Stefan Hirschauer, 29–54. Weilerswist: Velbrück Wissenschaft. Hopkins, Peter. 2004. Everyday Racism in Scotland: A Case Study of East Pollokshields. Scottish Affairs 49: 88–103. Interview Gökay Sofuoğlu, 20 April 2010.

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Jähnigen, Brigitte. 2001. Die Prag feiert international. 16. Straßenfest im Nordbahnhofviertel. Stuttgarter Nachrichten, July 17. Jurkiewicz, Sarah. 2007. Folklorisierung ohne Reibungsverluste: Kurdische Kulturpolitik auf der Bühne des Karnevals. In Plausible Vielfalt: Wie der Karneval der Kulturen denkt, lernt und Kultur schafft, ed. Michi Knecht and Levent Soysal, 2nd ed., 193–211. Berlin: Panama. Katholische Kirche Stuttgart. 2018. Gemeinden anderer Muttersprachen. https://www.kath-kirche-stuttgart.de/kirche-in-stuttgart/gemeinden/ gemeinden-anderer-muttersprachen/. Accessed 29 June 2018. Klückmann, Matthias. 2016. Practicing Community: Outline of a Praxeological Approach to the Feeling of We-ness. Cultural Analysis 15 (1): 28–56. Knecht, Michi. 2007. Einleitung: Plausible Vielfalt: Wie der Karneval der Kulturen denkt, lernt und Kultur schafft. In Plausible Vielfalt: Wie der Karneval der Kulturen denkt, lernt und Kultur schafft, ed. Michi Knecht and Levent Soysal, 2nd ed., 13–29. Berlin: Panama. Knowles, Caroline. 2013. Nigerian London: Re-Mapping Space and Ethnicity in Superdiverse Cities. Ethnic and Racial Studies 36 (4): 651–669. Kossek, Brigitte. 1999. Gegen-Rassismen: Ein Überblick über gegenwärtige Diskussionen. In Gegen-Rassismen: Konstruktionen  – Interaktionen  – Interventionen, ed. Brigitte Kossek, 11–54. Hamburg, Berlin: Argument. Kristeva. 1982. Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. New York: Columbia University Press. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart. 2018a. Satzung der Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart über die Beteiligung sachkundiger Einwohnerinnen und Einwohner im Internationalen Ausschuss vom 8. Juli 2004. http://www.stuttgart.de/img/ mdb/item/182767/81858.pdf. Accessed 29 June 2018. ———. 2018b. Ausführungsbestimmungen zur Geschäftsordnung für die Bezirksbeiräte (GOB). https://www.stuttgart.de/img/mdb/item/182776/ 5822.pdf. Accessed 29 June 2018. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Beratender Ausländerausschuss. 1982. Information über den beratenden Ausländerausschuß des Gemeinderats und die Wahl seiner ausländischen Mitglieder. Stuttgart: Stadt Stuttgart. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Referatsabt. Integration ausländischer Mitbürgerinnen und Mitbürger  – Ausländerbeauftragter. 1994. 10 Jahre Ausländerausschuß. Stuttgart: Stadt Stuttgart. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Statistisches Amt. 1995. Wahl zum Ausländerausschuß 1995. Stuttgart: Stadt Stuttgart. Masjid Noor. 2020. https://masjidnoor.org.uk/. Accessed 26 April 2020.

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Morrison, Sue, Syma Ahmed, and Shamaaila Nooranne. 2011. She Settles in the Shields: Untold Stories of Migrant Women in Pollokshields. Glasgow: Glasgow Women’s Library. Mutzenhardt, Petra. 1997. Vorfahrtfür die Kinder. Viel Trubel beim Internationalen Straßenfest auf der Prag. Stuttgarter Nachrichten, July 14. Nesbitt, Eleanor. 2011. Sikh Diversity in the UK: Contexts and Evolution. In Sikhs in Europe: Migration, Identities and Representations, ed. Knut A. Jacobsen and Kristina Myrvold, 225–252. Ashgate. Ogilvie, Sheila M. 1989. Pollokshields Pastiche. Glasgow: S.M. Ogilvie. Panayi, Panikos. 2001. Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Großbritannien: Ihr Aufstieg und Wandel ca. 1890–1920. In Die britische Gesellschaft zwischen Offenheit und Abgrenzung: Einwanderung und Integration vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Karen Schönwälder and Imke Sturm-Martin, 72–90. Berlin, Wien: Philo. Sanderson, Daniel. 2014. SDL Cancels Kriss Donald Tribute. The Herald, March 13. Schönwälder, Karen. 2001a. Einwanderung und ethnische Pluralität: Politische Entscheidungen und öffentliche Debatten in Großbritannien und der Bundesrepublik von den 1950er bis zu den 1970er Jahren. Essen: Klartext. ———. 2001b. Abgrenzung und Integration: Die Politik der Labour-Regierung zwischen 1964 und 1970. In Die britische Gesellschaft zwischen Offenheit und Abgrenzung: Einwanderung und Integration vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Karen Schönwälder and Imke Sturm-Martin, 133–153. Berlin, Wien: Philo. Schönwälder, Karen, and Imke Sturm-Martin, eds. 2001. Die britische Gesellschaft zwischen Offenheit und Abgrenzung: Einwanderung und Integration vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert. Berlin, Wien: Philo. Scottish Charity Regulator. 2018. Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship, SC028770. https://www.oscr.org.uk/search-charity-register/charity-extract/? charitynumber=sc028770. Accessed 29 June 2018. Sikhs in Scotland. 2018. Prominent People. http://www.sikhsinscotland.org/ people/Pall,++Mr+Sant+Singh/Pall,+Mr+Jeevan+Singh/184.phtml. Accessed 29 June 2018. Singh, Pashaura. 2011. Sikhism in Global Context. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Singh, Pashaura, and Louis E.  Fenech. 2014. The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Smith, Ronald. 1998. Pollokshields: Historical Guide and Heritage Walk. Glasgow: Glasgow City Council. Sofuoğlu, Gökay. 2009. Migranten: Gökay, wann gehst du zurück? Stuttgarter Zeitung, October 12. Sturm-Martin, Imke. 2001. Liberale Tradition und internationales Image: Regierungspolitik in der Dekolonisationsphase. In Die britische Gesellschaft zwischen Offenheit und Abgrenzung: Einwanderung und Integration vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Karen Schönwälder and Imke Sturm-Martin, 112–132. Berlin, Wien: Philo. Taguieff, Pierre-André. 1991. Die ideologischen Metamorphosen des Rassismus und die Krise des Antirassismuss. In Das Eigene und das Fremde: Neuer Rassismus in der Alten Welt? ed. Uli Bielefeld, 221–268. Hamburg: Junius. The Telegraph. 2018. Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/3643823/Enoch-Powells-Rivers-of-Blood-speech. html. Accessed 29 June 2018. Welz, Gisela. 1996. Inszenierungenkultureller Vielfalt: Frankfurt am Main und New York City. Berlin: Akadademie Verlag. Zoratto, Bruno. 1983. Zwischen Wahlkampf und Zusammenarbeit: Einige Aspekte der Wahl zum Ausländerbeirat der Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart vom 9. Oktober 1983. Stuttgart: Oltreconfine.

6 Supporting

It all began in 1972 when the two women were asked by […] a teacher at the Rosenstein School, to help foreign children learn. “We were happy to do this because we want to live and dwell here […]. This includes good co-operation between all the people who live here. Every day up to 8 children came into the living rooms to do their homework. Word spread quickly; other teachers also wanted this help for their children. […] We also got to know the parents through the children. It was nice now to meet on the street, greeting each other.” For many foreign families the women were at that time the only ‘contact point’; assistance in filling out applications, in dealing with public authorities, advice on many everyday problems were quickly added to child care. This led to contacts and friendships between people who did not know each other before and who still exist today. (Evang. Martinsgemeinde Stuttgart Nachrichten Nr. 285, p. 1, my translation)

In 1985, Elke Winter was asked to write an article on “International Child and Adult Work” in Nordbahnhofviertel for the news of the Protestant congregation. Ten years of work with German as well as foreign children and adults summarised on two pages is an undertaking which “frightens” the author herself. Under the title “Living © The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2_6

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Together—Dwelling Together”, Winter described the development from a voluntary homework support for foreign pupils to the foundation of the Society for Social Youth Work Stuttgart North (Gesellschaft für soziale Jugendarbeit Stuttgart Nord) (Evang. Martinsgemeinde Stuttgart Nachrichten Nr. 285). An institution which is better known in Nordbahnhofviertel and Stuttgart in general under the name Haus 49. In this review, Winter described actions and activities in dealing with migration-driven diversity, which I will summarise here as situations of support. She described support in the form of help with homework, assistance with visits to authorities and a variety of everyday problems that (may) arise from living in a new environment. Situations of support can be described as a relationship between supporters, those supported and the environment in which they act. Difference in these situations is enacted as the possibility of participating in the urban environment. Situations of support react to a disturbed human-environment relationship. Through empowerment in different ways, they aim to conciliate the human-environment relationship and, thus, enable participation in social life. In this sense, situations of support enact a distinction between capable and incapable people. Migration-driven diversity is enacted as differences in linguistic competence, differences in knowledge and differences in the degree of contact. Regarding the perspective of the human-environment relationship, I will apply an approach from the field of disability studies to the context of migration-driven diversity.1 Athena Engman and Cynthia Cranford ask to what extent (material) environments are preconfigured for the action of certain forms of embodiment in their study on interactions between people with physical disabilities and their carers (Engman and Cranford 2008). My argument is that this issue is also negotiated in situations of support. Similar to Engman and Cranford, I assume a socialised body through which people acquire or train patterns of perception and action in order to (be able to) behave similarly under similar conditions (Engman and Cranford 2008, p.  28; see also Hillebrandt 2014, p.  70). Ulf Hannerz once pointedly formulated: “Furthermore, everyday life is in large part practical. People participate actively, training there personal dexterities without necessarily reflecting much on the fact. There develops a trained capacity for handling things in one way, and […] perhaps a trained incapacity for doing anything else”

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(Hannerz 1996, p. 26). Through “self-valorizing repetitive behaviors that can be performed with minimal conscious effort on the part of the subject”2 a body/world isomorphism which Engman and Cranford describe as “a relationship between the body and the environment that reveals each fitted to the other for the performance of a particular task” exists (Engman and Cranford 2008, p. 30). They understand this relationship as a “homology between an actor’s embodied knowledge of a particular set of situations and the manifestation of those situations in his or her lived experience” (Engman and Cranford 2008, p. 31). Isomorphism, in the sense of this homology, is based on the consistency of the environment or the body. In turn, environments would be subject to a normative design based on an averagely capable body (able body). If non-average capable bodies (dis-abled bodies) encounter such an environment, techniques are required to produce the body/environmental isomorphism which Engman and Cranford call mitigation techniques. These adaptation techniques can be used to investigate the relationship between environment and body: “What an exploration of the mitigation techniques exposes is thus not that the environment constitutes action but that the possibilities for action that it opens up are reciprocally dependent on their encounter by particular forms of embodiment” (Engman and Cranford 2008, p. 42).3 I understand the actions that take place within situations of support as a kind of mitigation technique due to the change of environment in the migration process. Their aim is to enable people to act (as far as possible) in a self-determined and conflict-free manner.4 It was difficult for me or for the families, because you have to imagine, I came as a twelve year old, I attended the sixth grade in Italy, so I had to go to the seventh grade and overnight I went to school without any knowledge of German, so I had to start school. I came on September 30th and on October 1st I had to go to school, immediately yes. Yeah, and that’s it, then let’s go, what are you doing in school, yeah. That was the Rosenstein School. Haja without without, without, I say, language skills. That’s, you’re, uh, deaf and dumb. (Interview Tremante [pseud.], 21 May 2010)

Raffaelle Tremante [pseud.] here describes his new environment in Stuttgart and how he did not fit. These “non-fitting” language skills and

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the school were leading to the homework assistance mentioned in the beginning. Linguistic differences are the most striking examples of such a lack of homology. If the generally established lingua franca among the residents of a neighbourhood, city, region or country and the previous language of the new residents are not congruent, the need for mitigation techniques arises. These can include language acquisition and the use of a mobile phone while shopping to involve a third person as an interpreter, as Susanne Wessendorf (2014) describes. In the following, I will discuss different mitigation techniques in terms of support. Thereby, I will discuss what is identified as disturbed homology and what or who is the intentional object to change. Who is the target group? Looking at Stuttgart and Glasgow, I will show how an underlining understanding of “good neighbourliness” (and its Christian foundation) and then contemporary currents in social work shaped the situations of support.

Language Learning Sir, May I, through your columns, bring to the notice of your readers a project run by Glasgow Community Relations Council for teaching English to immigrant housewives. Last winter a number of volunteer tutors were introduced to immigrant families where the mother was unable to speak English. Their aim was, in regular weekly visits, to teach their pupils simple everyday English which would help them cope with such situations as visits to the doctor or clinic, shopping, answering the door to callers etc. At the same time tutors had the opportunity and pleasure of getting to know and understand someone of a different cultural background from their own. We should now like to extend the scheme, and consequently we are looking for more women willing to act as informal tutors. There is a training course for volunteers beginning this month. People who have a friendly easy going nature, willingness to establish a personal relationship with your pupil and to commit yourself to regular visits. We should particularly welcome more volunteers who can visit during the day, as they can follow up lessons at home by practical sessions, going out shopping together, for example. Small children need not to be an impediment. On

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the contrary, they will be made most welcome, and there will probably be playmates about for them. (PG 119)

This request appears in the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian as a letter to the editor in the early 1970s. In it, the author reports on a project aimed at helping immigrant women to master their everyday lives better by acquiring the English language. In addition to language acquisition, the project would offer British/Scottish women the opportunity to gain an insight into a “different cultural background”. Thus, two gaps are addressed here: firstly, the difficulty of coping with everyday situations and, secondly, the lack of contact with non-immigrant women. Examples of both can be found in various forms in Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel. They are expressed in articles on school education and in advertisements, such as the one quoted here, where volunteers are asked for support. Language teaching or teaching itself is a common cultural repertoire that can be roughly divided into the teaching of one’s own native or first language(s) and foreign languages. In many cases, the focus is on the knowledge of grammar and the structure and expansion of vocabulary. The objectives to be achieved are clustered according to levels: from communication on holiday to comprehension and production of literary texts.5 The language learning described in the request above is a special form of language learning, because learners are not people who have learnt English as a second language at school or in other educational institutions in their country of origin (Roche 2013). The learners here are people who learn English or German where it is spoken by the majority. This kind of foreign language didactics developed in the middle of the twentieth century in the USA and Canada within psychology. It is the international migration flows (rather than the needs in schools) that are decisive for lively research activities within this field (Hüllen 2005, p.  143).6 The practice of foreign language learning for immigrants divides the population of Pollokshields into two groups: the English speakers and the people, as it is called in one place, with “imperfect command of English” (PG 5) or the children and mothers “from a non-Scottish background and who have obvious problems of adjustment” (PG 10).

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Moreover, language is a good example of how a homology between human and environment can also be reached through a change in the environment. In conversation with the pastor of the Episcopal Church, we both agreed that there is no longer any need to speak English in order to cope with everyday life in Glasgow or, more specifically, in Pollokshields. There was the opportunity to speak Urdu or Pushtu both when shopping and at the doctor’s in 2013. At least for certain language groups, English is no longer a prerequisite for finding one’s way in everyday life in Pollokshields. However, English continues to be an essential prerequisite for social advancement, certain educational qualifications and professional success (Conversation Romano, 2 August 2013; PG 53). The schools in Pollokshields offer bilingual instruction in order “to bridge the gap between the Asian tongue they have learned at their mother’s knee and the English which is essential when they enter into the wider community” (PG 53). Just as language teaching should make it easier for immigrant women to cope with everyday life, it should also enable schoolchildren to access other social groups. This is also understood as a contribution to social integration (PG 104, PG 35). In the case of low-threshold language learning opportunities for immigrant women, learning English is described as a “kind and gentle avenue towards social integration with no strings attached” (PG 10). In this way, communication and cohesion are made possible (PG 106). However, it is not a one-­ way street either, because the various institutions are adapting to the new circumstances. In addition to bilingual instruction, schools also have mediators with specific language skills, such as Urdu (PG 56), or information is provided in the respective native languages (PG 5). For this purpose, various meeting places are created for children to enable them to learn the language through play. The Glendale Centre, for instance, founded in 1969 and owned by the Christian Action Housing Association, offers a playgroup for children. Through contact with English-speaking children of the same age and with English-speaking adults, the aim is to ensure that the children have developed their vocabulary when leaving the playgroup to such an extent that they are better able to cope with problems at school. Support for children in Nordbahnhofviertel shifted out of school at the beginning of the 1970s and was organised by an initiative that was

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initially private and later supported by the church.7 The homework supervision is intended for the weakest children from the respective classes of the Rosenstein School (MK 36). These pupils were initially only children of migrant workers; later German children also took up the offer. At the end of the 1970s, 30 Italian, Turkish, Spanish, German and Yugoslav children between the ages of six and nine were doing homework and repeating the learning material (MK 34). In the mid-1980s, however, a decline in German children was already observed (MK 100). Some children were characterised as having behavioural problems (MK 36). The nationality of all children was initially predominantly Italian (MK 15). The number of pupils taking part in supervision increases over time and ultimately includes all classes from the first to the ninth. At the beginning of each school year, the teachers of the Rosenstein School record the names and addresses of the children who had learning difficulties in the school. Contact was then made with the parents of the pupils concerned. In addition to presenting the actual work, these visits aimed to build trust with parents. Hildegard Immenhofer [pseud.], one of the volunteers at that time, emphasised the importance of the confidence-­ building measures. After all, the target group was initially children from the first to fourth grade of primary school, who were not simply left to unknown people (Interview Immenhofer [pseud.], 1 March 2013). Homework assistance also served language acquisition and the general improvement of communicative skills. A decisive part of the activity was the building of trust between the pupils and volunteers (MK 36). Homework assistance and the associated language support should enable the children to act independently. Its aims were to enable (foreign) pupils to obtain a good school leaving certificate, and to increase their self-­ esteem and motivation. In this way, conflicts at school and in the family were reduced. In addition to a good school leaving certificate, a perspective for a life in Germany was to be developed. The learning games and the social group experience during the supervision also pursued the goals of being enabled to deal with conflicts, to increase the ability to concentrate and to promote the ability to co-operate (MK 15). This showed that support involved emotional work to a large extent. In order to facilitate support, spatial, financial, time and human resources played a distinctive role. Regarding the playgroup, the

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importance of financial support was highlighted (SN 1, PG 117, PG 47, PG 51, PG 81). The emphasis on the importance of financial support made it clear that the practice of language learning at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s was not a matter of course. On the contrary, it was dependent on financial support and approved funds. At the end of the 1990s, concerns were also expressed in the Community Council when cuts in state funding for English as a second language and remedial teaching with bilingual teachers in schools became apparent (PG 28). Volunteers are of great importance for civil society institutions and also for some state projects. Only their support enables various initiatives for language acquisition. They are enabled to do this, for example, through specific training for tutors (SN 1). There are also spatial resources related to financial resources. In 1984, a waiting list of over 50 people was drawn up for the Glendale Centre playgroup. In the 1980s, rising demand led to the Glendale Centre being given a new building and it expanded into a family centre (PG 10). The availability of different resources determined the intensity of language learning for immigrants. Similarly, the homework assistance in Nordbahnhofviertel was mainly provided by volunteers, mostly housewives from the Nordbahnhofviertel, a secondary school teacher and, from November 1975, by Elke Winter and various interns (MK 34). The activity of learning, thus, extends from the school to the private sphere. Hildegard Immenhofer told me that this commitment was possible not least because she was not working at that time. This had also distinguished them from many of the women who came to Germany at that time. At the same time, having up to eight children in her living room every day posed challenges for the residents of Nordbahnhofviertel (Interview Immenhofer [pseud.], 1 March 2013). Many of the husbands, including Hildegard Immenhofer’s, worked shifts at Deutsche Bahn and an apartment full of children is rarely compatible with sleeping hours. Together with Elke Winter, they were looking for solutions for the limited space available (MK 36, MK 132). After some negotiations, they managed to use the rooms of the Rosenstein School and the Parish of Martin (Martinsgemeinde). In the following years, up to seven groups spent two afternoons in the parish hall of the Parish of Martin, a room in the tower of the church or the Rosenstein School. This led to a renewed shift of activities from the private to the institutional

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sphere. At the same time, homework supervision was distributed across different locations in the district. A torn work situation arose for the homework help and the subsequent activities (MK 15). This would only be recombined through the use of the premises of the former dormitory for immigrant workers at Nordbahnhofstraße 49. In the initial phase, it was the time budget of the housewives and the density of the district— the physical proximity of people and institutions—that contributed to the emergence and development of the support. In addition to the shortage of space, financial resources were also discussed repeatedly (MK 49). The fact that there were no costs for parents made it possible for children to participate regardless of financial resources. The financing of the actual activity was always an occasion to discuss the responsibility for the work. The institutions of the Protestant Church saw here, above all, that it was the duty of the city to become active and saw their own financial commitment only as an interim solution. Financial support from governmental institutions was possible but it meant following a set of defined rules: At the end of the 1970s, the state of Baden-Württemberg and the city of Stuttgart provided financial support to such institutions. Anyone wishing to take advantage of the city’s financial support had to fulfil certain conditions. The conditions are laid down in the Principles for the Promotion of Homework Assistance (Grundsätze zur Förderung der Hausaufgabenhilfe). These principles were adopted in 1976 by the Youth Welfare/Social Committee (Jugendwohlfahrts-/Sozialausschuss) and the Administrative Committee (Verwaltungsausschuss). They stated that the responsibility had to lie with a recognised institution. Only the latter was entitled to apply for and receive grants. The care had to include at least ten children and two hours a week. The teaching had to be carried out by a specialist. The selection of the children was to be made in agreement with the school and the Family Welfare Department (Abteilung Familienfürsorge), and mainly foreign children and the socially weak were to be considered. Parental contributions were to be levied, but an exemption was possible. Up to 40 per cent of the personnel/property costs as municipal operating subsidies, and up to 50 per cent if borne by citizens’ initiatives and not supported by other organisations are possible (MK 130). The funds of the city and the State Ministry of Labour were used to partially finance personnel and

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material costs for homework assistance in Nordbahnhofviertel. The other part was supported by the institutions of the Protestant Church (MK 57). (In the mid-1980s, these funds were reduced [MK 86].) The form of mixed financing meant that the institutions of the Protestant Church made money available for the work (MK 17; MK 27; MK 28). In addition, the City of Stuttgart set up a working group on homework assistance for foreign children.

Informing Language is a crucial factor to ensure communication. Language makes it possible to come into contact with other people, to get to know them and to communicate with them. In addition to language, however, there are still many things of everyday life that need to be mastered and for which there might exist rules, the disregard of which can lead to conflicts. One day, my roommates discussed how to get rid of an old couch. None of them could say exactly how the disposal works or who to turn to when it came to bulky waste. If you walked through individual streets of Pollokshields, you got the impression that many people lack this knowledge. Time and again, I saw tables, chairs, sofas or electrical appliances on the sidewalks; some of them remained there for a long time. The topic of garbage in the street came up also during an interview in the mosque Taleem Ul-Islam: We talk about the situation in Pollokshields and Nawaz [pseud.] picks up a topic from the Community Council. Repeatedly and also at the last meeting, the topic of garbage and pollution in the streets was discussed. Nawaz sees the problem as an inadequate provision of information by the government and refers to Australia as a positive example. In Great Britain, however, there would be no specific measures to inform about future life in Great Britain before visas are issued. The other two agree with him when he says, “That’s it, you know, that’s it. So I mean this cultural difference I’d say this is not the people’s fault, it’s the government’s fault because if they train people, if they tell people, I mean, to the newcomers, what to do and what not to do then we have maybe a much better environment. […] so,

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I’d say that if they you know it (spent a little time) to explain to everybody before they give visa then certainly there will be fewer problems. (Interview members Taleem Ul-Islam, 24 September 2013)

I do not want to discuss at this point who is responsible for the information obligation. What is being addressed here is an information gap that exists and prevents people from acting competently in the urban environment. This filling of gaps beyond language and competence is addressed by various supporting actions. The disposal of waste is an example of a lack of information in dealing with government authorities. It is about uncertainties when filling out applications, about ambiguities when looking for work and about questions regarding immigration in general (PG 71). It is also a question of how to ensure that immigrants receive all the benefits to which they are entitled (PG 59). For this purpose, Ethnic Minority Service Co-ordinators, for example, are deployed (PG 59). Counselling centres are established and counselling services are offered in various organisations (PG 71, PG 75; Conversation Awaz News Network, 17 September 2013; Interview Al-Meezan, 31 May 2014). All offers are based on the conviction that conflicts can be avoided if immigrants are sufficiently informed and that they know what their rights and duties are. One local organisation that bears advice and information already in its name is The Well. The Well was created as the Asian Information and Advice Centre. Founded in 1994 as an initiative of the Church of Scotland, The Well became an independent charity at the beginning of the 2000s and changed its name to the Multi-Cultural Resource Centre (The Well 2018). The beginnings of The Well date back to 1963, when the board of the Home Mission of The Church of Scotland was confronted with a change in its congregations due to immigration and invited Father Emmanuel Johnson of the Church of Pakistan to live in Glasgow and work in the Pakistani community there. In addition to his work in the Church of Scotland, Johnson founded a Christian literature bookshop in Allison Street in Govanhill, a neighbourhood next to Pollokshields. This shop became a popular meeting place and, after it was closed and sold, the Church of Scotland commissioned Catriona Forbes, to assess the needs of the immigrant population, which eventually led to the founding

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of The Well. In her survey, Forbes was confronted with the desire for advice and support. For her, however, the provision of information was only a beginning. From her point of view, she created a possibility for people who lived close to each other to become friends: People seem to live parallel lives which never touch each other. I felt that the opening of the advice centre could be an opportunity for people to meet each other through recruiting volunteers from local churches as staff. The centre would provide a place where meetings would occur naturally and through helping with requests friendships might begin.8 (PG 71)

The Well offered advice on filling out immigration applications and social assistance forms as well as on finding work (PG 71, PG 76). In addition, The Well was a contact point for problems and questions relating to social security, law and personal matters (PG 77). Support was also necessary because a low level of English was a major barrier (PG 77). Consequently, knowledge of the countries of origin, particularly Pakistan, was of great importance at the beginning. The volunteers would, therefore, not only be offered training but also a trip to Pakistan in order to understand the clients’ backgrounds better (see Chap. 4 “Exploring”). Money was collected for one of these trips at a big festival in 1996 (PG 77). In addition to travel, financial support from other organisations and sponsors was an important pillar of the Centre (PG 76). These kinds of support in Nordbahnhofviertel were provided by the group that voluntarily offered the homework assistance. As a matter of fact, it developed out of the homework assistance: I began at the end of 1975 and was employed at the Protestant youth office (Evangelisches Jugendwerk) Stuttgart, in close co-operation with the Parish of Martin (Martinsgemeinde), to continue and expand the work begun by the women with them and new employees and interns. At our staff meetings, we discussed our experiences with the children’s groups, helped each other to cope with problems; we dealt a lot with the children’s home countries because this was an important prerequisite for us to be able to understand other people better. At that time, we met in the tower rooms of the Martinskirche. Through the connection to parents’ representatives of the school and through contacts to many families in our district, the founda-

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tion of an international parents’ initiative was established. Twenty-five women and men of all nationalities met regularly, got to know each other better and wanted to do something for the people […]. (Evang. Martinsgemeinde Stuttgart Nachrichten Nr. 285, pp. 1–2; my translation)

Elke Winter described that “coping with the situation” needed more than acquiring language skills. The group created various opportunities for the people in the district to meet and find a “safe space” where they could ask for help and advice. These included creative and sports activities, children’s and parents’ camps, and joint excursions and visits to events. One of these activities was a sewing course for Turkish girls and women/mothers, which have been offered since the beginning of the 1980s. One of the reasons for making offers to Turkish women was to give them the opportunity to meet and chat with other women, combined with something practical to benefit them and their families. [Sewing] […] Three aspects are particularly important: sewing, as support for the family household; being together in a national group, as a place of “feeling at home” and the opportunity to talk to others about problems. […] It became clear to us during the course that sewing or homework help is never just that. They are of great importance, as the statements of the participants and their commitment show. What can also be determined as an “accessory” has great importance: contact and approach, removal of isolation in parts, care and counselling in special matters. (MK 56; my translation)

The sewing course is an example of how the disturbed homology of the human-environment relationship is narrowed down to a specific group of people: Turkish females who seem to have more difficulties coping with the situation: Their lack of relationship to such offers and programmes, their fears of them because they are foreign and unattainable for them and their special situation as Turkish women put us in a difficult position. We, who are accustomed to make offers for another target group with whom we can never reach, for example, Turkish women. During the summer months we noticed that many Turkish women with their children and handicrafts

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were together on the playgrounds and in the backyards. We have learned that these are the only occasions when they can come together with others, talk with others, have contact with others—one possibility, the only one— to escape their isolation for a few hours a week. This observation and several conversations with Turkish families made it clear that the need for contact with others is very great, the loneliness of many and, as one called it, the mental breakdown is a big problem. […] So, it could be that through this initial phase, during which contacts, relationships, a little more awareness and familiarity develop, the need for [examples] literacy, for language courses, for sewing courses, for pregnancy counselling, etc. is certainly determined, but then the need would be articulated by them themselves. (MK 8; my translation)

The aim of the sewing courses was to enable Turkish women and girls in the district to make contact with other women and exchange ideas, to expand their acquaintances beyond the family network and to receive support for specific problems from those responsible. The courses were intended to provide women with a space that would otherwise not be available to them. In contrast to homework supervision or language courses, these forms of support are not about fixed content that needs to be communicated. There is no learning material to be taught or a language level to be reached. It is about vague forms of social interaction. Two Turkish employees take positions as brokers and serve as contact and mediators to inform the Turkish women about the offer. Through discussions, the group discovered that some German women also felt isolated and would like to take advantage of such an offer. This expands the circle to include German women.

Supported and Supporters The integration of German women into the sewing courses and the renaming of The Well are examples of how the position of the supported is applied to different groups of people. The sewing courses especially but also the homework assistance question whether difficulties to cope with a situation are generated solely by immigration. In fact, if measures are

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only offered for a certain group, it can be perceived as overreaching one group (Interview Lawns, 12 September 2013; PG 35; PG 36; Interview Asif [pseud.], 20 May 2014). It is noticeable, however, that women and children particularly often take the position of those to be supported. Sources in Pollokshields generally point out that women are considered to have an important role to play when it comes to social integration and especially when it comes to language as an essential part of social integration (PG 104). However, women are not only the addressees of language mediation. Women are also the target group when it comes to finding volunteers and supporters. Women are addressed especially when it comes to supporting new neighbours and giving them help. Within situations of support, there are people who receive help and those who provide help, be it for the provision of information, language skills or the establishment of contact between different groups. Support is requested for brokers such as Reverend Johnson in Pollokshields and the two Turkish employees in the sewing course. Immigration creates networks that go beyond personal contact and institutionalise over time. These networks also address deficits in order to facilitate support. One of these institutions is the Awaz News Network, which is based in Pollokshields: Yousaf, a member of Awaz, tells me about the network and explains that it had existed for a long time and pursued the idea of informing the (Asian) community in order to facilitate further integration into civil society. […] The point is that the immigrants or their children get the chance to become doctors, lawyers or politicians. Because they lived here. It was their home and they wanted to be a part of it. Through information and events, the network aims to achieve this goal. The network publishes a newspaper in English and Urdu. For the younger ones in English and in Urdu for the older ones. In addition, the network offers integration-related topics, such as health, housing and work. (Conversation Awaz News Network, 17 September 2013)

Just as the recipients of support are to be viewed in a more differentiated way, there are also differences in the supporters. It is not only the institutions and individuals of the immigration country who wish to integrate or attempt to support integration through various actions. The

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initiatives and institutions of immigrants also pursue this goal. At the level of the individual, the question becomes much more complex, as many organisations employ or engage people with a migration history as brokers. Comparable to the broker in situations of exploration, this position mediates between those identified as dis-abled and the conditions. The brokers help to achieve this normative state. Regarding the sewing course, the Turkish employees serve as contacts and mediators to inform the women about the offer. These linguistic abilities also characterise the group of helpers. As native speakers, they can be volunteers. If they take on other functions through the mediation of language, such as those of translation, then they are characterised as bilingual (PG 56). The bilingual people help to bridge the linguistic gap in a special way. They make it possible for non-native speakers to acquire the lingua franca. While institutions in the immigration country generally view immigrants generally as intentional objects—even though, in some cases, specific target groups are defined and addressed—the institutions of immigrants often address their own (language) group. Another example is Al-Meezan, a cultural and educational centre for Muslim women (Al-Meezan 2018; Interview Al-Meezan, 31 May 2014).

Understanding and Materialisation Situations of support are guided by the general understanding of a disturbed human-environment relationship. In the specific examples of Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel, this general understanding is joined by a Christian self-understanding. Regarding Nordbahnhofviertel, it can also be shown how Elke Winter channels the situation as an individual and how the support materialises in an institution. When writing about support, the Pollokshields Gazette/Guardian often refers to the parable of the Good Samaritan, the narrative in which Jesus tells of a man who is attacked on the way from Jerusalem to Jericho. He is robbed and left injured by the wayside. Both a passing priest and a Levite leave the man lying there. Only a Samaritan helps the injured, cares for his wounds and transports him to a hostel. Forbes, for instance, asks in a review after

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the first year of The Well, “Who is my neighbour?” and immediately talks about the parable of the Good Samaritan. The Well itself got its name from another story in the Bible: the meeting of Jesus with the Samaritan woman at Jacob’s well. In that story, an encounter and a conversation between Jesus and a woman who belongs to a foreign ethnic group and with whom a conversation is actually a taboo for Jews is described. Jesus opposes these guidelines and offers her salvation beyond all differences. Forbes transfers this attitude to the Church in Scotland in the early 1990s: “And so the Church today in Scotland is concerned to know how best it can fulfil its Master’s preaching and practice in relating to those in our communities who are of different racial and cultural origins. What does it mean to be a Good Neighbour today?” (PG 75). The two parables standing for charity are translated into neighbourliness: into the commandment to those who are around oneself and in need of help to offer that help (PG 106). To be a good Christian, thus, means to be a good neighbour. To love thy neighbour within general understanding is meant literally. A Christian self-understanding also plays an important part in the situations of support in Nordbahnhofviertel. While the homework assistance is based particularly on the convictions of good neighbourliness and an existing but compensable additional burden of immigrants and especially their children, Elke Winter brings in aspects of identity and a Christian understanding of justice (Interview Elke Winter [pseud.] 14 May 2013; MK 35; MK 49). In addition to the existing convictions, she believes that the multiple burden of immigrants also expresses itself in homelessness and identity difficulties (MK 15, MK 17). Winter describes her motivation as influenced by the mixture of a Christian self-­ understanding, her training as a social worker and a partly capitalism-­ critical attitude. To be active in the following of Jesus Christ means for her to commit oneself to being human. In concrete terms, she formulates: a) to place the priority of work and personal commitment where people are most affected by inhumanity and injustice; b) to recognise the situation and the causes that prevent the development of humanity; c) to create opportunities where humanity is in demand, not cheap labour; d) to help integration to reduce deficits, but integration not at the expense of the

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home country, to promote the cultural characteristics of the country. (MK 36, my translation)

For Winter, all are equal before God; it is only on earth that they are not. It is out of this understanding that she takes action against inequality. Winter’s perspectives decisively shape the expansion of homework supervision into community work. Within the situations of support in Nordbahnhofviertel, she takes the position as someone I will call here a “guiding participant”. Through her work, she enables an increasing professionalisation and extension of activities. Through her transfer of knowledge content to local activities and contact with scientific institutions, she lays out specific paths for extending homework supervision to community work. Among the supporters, she created the need for further education and training in dealing with children with behavioural problems. This is where Elke Winter provides information about continuing education opportunities (MK 131). She also seeks exchange with other institutions and the expertise of scientists for her work. In addition to an exchange with the University of Applied Sciences Esslingen, which leads to study projects and the placement of interns, the group uses events and further education within Stuttgart and nationwide to further its education. She informs the volunteers in Nordbahnhofviertel about methods of “activating community work” and emphasises that the conditions and problems of those affected should be addressed and that no ideas should be imposed. People should be encouraged to get to know themselves and their environment (MK 50). Finally, the homework support causes the development of a parents’ initiative and the evolution from working with children to community work through the awareness of further problematic conditions (MK 36, MK 132, MK 17). The homework support creates a network between parents, the Rosenstein School, the Parish of Martin, the mothers’ school and, later, the day care centres. In August 1978 a first conversation took place between the Protestant  Parish of Martin and the Catholic Saint George congregation, which, from the point of view of the institutions of the Protestant Church, should be more strongly involved (MK 15). Thus, community work develops that is no longer aimed solely at the immigrants but also at the German population. The aim is to use meeting opportunities to get to know the different

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people in the Nordbahnhofviertel and to add a further building block for integration. Winter introduces the upcoming scientific discussions around intercultural pedagogy to the group. A central concern of intercultural pedagogy, as formulated by Jan Vink, one of the first educational scientist in Germany to deal with the topic, “should be (…) the mediation of the ability to act, so that they learn to cope with their situation in solidarity with others”9 (MK 51). As has been shown above, Winter translates this understanding into the work in Nordbahnhofviertel. However, there are also critics of the understanding that interpersonal contacts are of decisive importance in social work. In February 1986, an associate of the General Social Service (Allgemeiner Sozialdienst) of the City of Stuttgart, who was involved in the Robert Bosch Stiftung project in Haus 49, presented his view of the work of the group. His critique regards the International Street Festival as a symbol of misguided social work: The practical approach of the colleagues from the Society for Social Youth Work, which I call the ‘Festles Approach’,10 crystallized more and more clearly. Accordingly, the preparation, implementation and follow-up of festivities and other activities for children and adults is the most promising method in the district. The approach was justified by the explanation that with the help of the contacts gained in this way with residents, associations and other institutions, one creates the right access to people for everyday work alone. If you celebrate together, you talk to each other about problems later. For example, in pursuit of this principle, almost the entire first half of 1985 was spent preparing a summer street festival with many time-­ consuming meetings. The developing adult work of my colleagues, with a focus on Turkish residents, presents itself to me as a sequence of spontaneous encounters, which are rather unstructured in time, where the most important thing is the atmosphere of togetherness. The buddylike approach to talking, with tea-drinking and nut-chewing, with solidarity shoulder-to-­ shoulder, with continuous informal talk one wants to signal to the foreign visitors that one is one of theirs, that one can have confidence that this place is not a soulless bureaucratic apparatus. No attention is paid to a professional attitude, as is known from the classical training of social workers. Private and professional matters are mixed without hesitation, which was particularly noticeable after a trip to Turkey in the summer of 1985: it was not so much a matter of obtaining new information that was as objec-

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tifiable as possible, but rather of having deepened relations with some Turkish families as a result. […] my professionally justified distance is regarded as progressive; it means respect for the autonomy and freedom of choice of the potential client, it also represents a reduction of public influence and control. On the other hand, interpersonal closeness at all costs is regarded and praised as the only right thing to do in social work with foreigners. (MK 115, my translation)

The letter makes clear which basic understandings on social work are opposed to each other. The closeness to and trust in the people in Nordbahnhofviertel, especially the foreign ones, which some of the actors regard as necessary, is seen as distancelessness, control and public influence. In his view, this would not lead to an empowered subject who could cope with their situation on their own but would stand in the way of the person’s autonomy and freedom of choice. The basic understanding of neighbourliness and mutual support in the common living space, which were the triggers for homework supervision, can be found in the International Street Festival. It is the conviction of togetherness that is the main driving force behind the practices of integration in Nordbahnhofviertel. Elke Winter succeeds at the beginning of her activity in expanding the idea of togetherness from the children to community work through her imagination, convictions and her professional background. The author of the letter does not succeed in anchoring his understandings in the situation of support in Nordbahnhofviertel. Just as Elke Winter’s convictions shape the development of the situation of support in the district, a partnership agreement lays down guidelines that will shape the future of this work up to now: The purpose of the Society is to engage in socio-educational group work with children and young people, primarily with socially endangered and socially handicapped young people, in the residential areas of the church congregations listed in § 1 Para. 1 Nos. 5 and 6 and with a view to integrating foreign and German children and young people. (MK 75; my translation)

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Fig. 6.1  Haus 49 (on the right) and the Jugendhaus Nord (on the left) in Mittnachtstraße, Nordbahnhofviertel, October 2010. (Source: Photo by the author)

The purpose of the activities of Haus 49 set out here is formally decided in a shareholders’ agreement at the constituent meeting of the Society for Social Youth Work Stuttgart North (Gesellschaft für soziale Jugendarbeit Stuttgart Nord) on 2 February 1982 (Fig. 6.1). While Winter aimed to expand homework assistance into community work, the co-operation agreement defines young people as the target group. Parents and pensioners are no longer explicitly mentioned. There are many discussions between the individual participants about this shift in the intentional relationship both before the co-operation agreement and the shareholders’ agreement are adopted. Consequently, the scope of the co-operation agreement will be broadened to include the previous work. However, the parties agree on a model for an institutionalisation of the work that already exists in Stuttgart and decide to found a society for social youth work. Although the work of the society also includes offers for adults or premises for associations, groups and initiatives, the starting point of the work remains focused on children and young people. The initial target group, which began with homework supervision, remains decisive.

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Conclusion Language, information, contact: I have shown how differently the goal of creating a fit of human and urban environment can be enacted in situations of support. Migration-driven diversification enacts itself as differences in linguistic competence, differences in knowledge and differences in the degree of contact. In order to take up a linguistic picture—bridging the gap—it was, above all, about bridges and not about the complete levelling of differences. The resulting paths over the bridges are not always accessible from both sides. While the immigrant group particularly is given the opportunity to overcome the gaps in the topic of language, only a few of the locals make use of the opportunity to approach each other linguistically. The best way to speak of levelling is by the information provided, because here the goal is to eventually have no more differences between migrants and non-migrants. The subject of contact is a transition that can be walked on both sides, although it is expected, above all, of the immigrants to make use of it. Many transitions are increasingly built by the migrants themselves. For them, however, this transition cannot only appear as a stable bridge. It can also be seen as a tightrope. Differences within the situation of support are enacted as ratios of deficit. There are deficits between the different groups regarding skills and interaction possibilities and regarding knowledge. Eliminating these shortcomings and bringing the groups closer together is the overarching goal of this cluster. In addition to the conviction that immigration presents people with specific challenges and creates this deficit relationship, it is the ideal of togetherness that determines these situations. In the specific case of the sewing course, it is values and family structures that describe a difference. The women participating in the course take up the position of isolated people in the country of immigration through their participation.

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Notes 1. Although the issues of disability and immigration are two completely different areas and should not be presented here as congruent, I argue that that the view through the lens of the other field of research can be productive. For a comparable approach to analyse race and gender see Brubaker (2016). 2. Engman and Cranford use the term “habit” and discuss it with reference to US pragmatism and the works of Pierre Bourdieu, Loïc Wacquant, Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, as well as Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Since it is about the competent acting of a disabled body, the concept of the ability seems more appropriate to me at this point. 3. See also Schatzki’s comments on the prefigurative relationship between elements within an arrangement (Schatzki 2002, pp. 44–47). 4. The goal of independence and self-determination is also normative. To be independent and not to depend on the support of others is a social norm by which dependencies and deficits first become visible. 5. An example of this classification is the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages. 6. For the Federal Republic of Germany, the linguist Werner Hüllen states: “The detachment from foreign language teaching at school as the model case of foreign language learning was also promoted by the attention drawn to the linguistic adaptation of migrant workers in Germany. A separate section (‘German as a foreign language’) was created in the linguistic and didactic discussion” (Hüllen 2005, p. 143, my translation). 7. Compulsory schooling for foreign children has existed in Germany since the 1960s. A decree of July 1977 has also made compulsory schooling a criterion when deciding on a (renewal of ) residence permit (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Sozialamt 1977). For children of school age who move directly from abroad, there is the possibility in Baden-­ Württemberg of attending so-called preparatory classes in which they learn the German language (Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Sozialamt 1977). (In addition, a model of “national primary school classes” was tested in Stuttgart at the beginning of the 1970s.) The state of BadenWürttemberg leaves the learning of the mother tongue and the education about the history of the country of origin to the foreign states. On request, the respective consulates can conduct teaching courses independently. This is an additional offer, but it is not regarded as compulsory schooling. (An exception is the attempt of the Greek supplementary

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school. The full course, which is recognised in terms of compulsory schooling, is taught here in Greek.) (Ausländerbericht, pp. 231–235). 8. Male volunteers were explicitly sought at the beginning of the centre. (PG 71) This implicates that female volunteers were the majority at that time. 9. The approach developed by Vink within the framework of intercultural pedagogy takes a perspective on socialisation that aims at the development of social capacity to act (as opposed to securing social order) (Mühler 2008, pp. 41–46). 10. “Festle” is a Swabian diminutive for festival.

References Research Material Ausländerbericht: Babbel, Herbert u.a. [authors]. 1976. Ausländische Einwohner in Stuttgart: Arbeitsergebnis der Projektgruppe ‚Ausländer-Bericht‘ der Stadt Stuttgart. Stuttgart: Stadt Stuttgart. Conversation Awaz News Network, 17 September 2013. Conversation Romano, 2 August 2013. Evang. Martinsgemeinde Stuttgart Nachrichten Nr. 285. Interview Al-Meezan, 31 May 2014. Interview Asif [pseud.], 20 May 2014. Interview Elke Winter [pseud.] 14 May 2013. Interview Immenhofer [pseud.], 1 March 2013. Interview Lawns, 12 September 2013. Interview members TaleemUl Islam, 24 September 2013. Interview Tremante [pseud.], 21 May 2010. MK 8: Brief des evangelischen Jugendwerksan den Vorstand der Mütterschule (Letter of the Protestant Youth Organization to the Board of the Mother’s School), 24.02.1980. MK 15: Zum Zusammensein der Kirchengemeinderäte von St. Georg und Martins am 19.08.1978, ein paar Informationen. (To the Meeting of the Parish Councils of St. Georg and Martins on 19.08.1978, Some Information.) MK 17: Brief an die Evang. Gesamtkirchenpflege, Betreff: Artikel über die [Abschnitt überschrieben und nicht lesbar, M.K.] für deutsche und ausländische Kinder in der Martinsgemeinde. (Letter to the Protestant Church

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Care, Subject: Article About the [Section Overwritten and not Readable, M.K.] for German and Foreign Children in the Martin Congregation.) MK 27: Jugendarbeit mit Ausländern in der Martinsgemeinde und allgemein, Protokoll der Besprechung am 11.11.1977 (Youth Work with Foreigners in the Martin Congregation and in General, Minutes of the Meeting on 11.11.1977), 17.11.1977. MK 28: Auszug aus dem Verhandlungsbuch des Hauptauschusses, Evang. Gesamtkirchengemeinde Stuttgart (Extract from the Negotiation Book of the Main Committee, Protestant Parish Stuttgart), 03.11.1977. MK 34: Ausländerarbeit—Nordbahnhofgebiet/Martinsgemeinde (Work with foreigners- Nordbahnhof/Martin Congregation), Probably Written in 1976. MK 35: Kinder- und Ausländerarbeit Martinsgemeinde (Work with Children and Foreigners Martin Congregation), Handwritten Sketch, Probably Written at the End of the 1970s. MK 36: Bericht im Kirchenbeirat über Kinder- und Ausländerarbeit (Report to the Church Advisory Board on Work with Children and Foreigners), March 1976. MK 49: Artikel aus der Stuttgarter Zeitung von Daniela Scheel vom 03.05.1978 “Zurückstecken für die gemeinsame Sache: Trotz Meinungsverschiedenheiten klappt die Hausaufgabenbetreuung” (Article from the Stuttgarter Zeitung by Daniela Scheel from 03.05.1978 “Putting Back for the Common Cause: Despite Differences of Opinion the Homework Supervision Works”). MK 50: Auszug aus: Alf Seippel, Handbuch Aktivierende Gemeinwesenarbeit 1976, Burckhardthaus-Verlag (Extract from: Alf Seippel, Handbuch Aktivierende Gemeinwesenarbeit 1976, Burckhardthaus-Verlag), 13.05.1978. MK 51: Kopie mit Anmerkungen von: Außerschulische Sozialisationshilfen für ausländische Kinder und Jugendliche, Jan Vink, Remagen, Rolandseck, ca. 1975 [Der Artikel basiert auf einem Vortrag einer Fachtagung von SozialarbeiterInnen vom 08.–11.05.1975, M.K.] (Copy with comments from: Extracurricular socialisation support for foreign children and young people, Jan Vink, Remagen, Rolandseck, ca. 1975 [The article is based on a lecture at a symposium of social workers from 08.–11.05.1975, M.K.]). MK 56: Brief von Elke Winter [pseud.] an Evang. Jugendwerk, Internationale Kinder- und Erwachsenenarbeit, Betreff: Kurzberichtüber den Nähkurs für türkische Mädchen und Frauen (Letter from Elke Winter [pseud. ] to Protestant Jugendwerk, International Work with children and adults, subject: short report on the sewing course for Turkish girls and women), 19.05.1981.

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MK 57: Darstellung der Initiativen in der Arbeit mit deutschen und ausländischen Kindern und Erwachsenen (Presentation of the initiatives in the work with German and foreign children and adults), 19.05.1981. MK 75: Gesellschaft für soziale Jugendarbeit Stuttgart-Nord, Niederschrift über die konstituierende Gesellschafterversammlung am 02.02.1982 (Society for social youth work Stuttgart-North, transcript of the constituent shareholders‘ meeting on 02.02.1982), 19.02.1982. MK 86: Interne Nachricht zur Kürzung der Mittel des Ministeriums für Hausaufgabenbetreuung (Internal message about the reduction of funding from the Ministry for homework supervision), probably written in 1987. MK 100: Gesellschaft für Soziale Jugendarbeit Stuttgart-Nord, Tätigkeitsbericht 1984 (Society for Social Youth Work Stuttgart-North, activity report 1984), 28.02.1985. MK 115: Bericht des Jugendamtes, Allgemeiner Sozialdienst, über die Mitarbeit in einem Projekt der Sozialarbeit als Sozialarbeiter des Allgemeinen Sozialdienstes (Report of the Youth Welfare Office, General Social Service, about the cooperation in a project of social work as social worker of the General Social Service), 12.02.1986. MK 130: Betr. Jugendarbeit—Hausaufgabenhilfe (Concerning youth work– homework help), 23.11.1977. MK 132: Brief der Evang. Martinskirchengemeinde und der Kath. Kirchengemeinde St. Georg an den Oberbürgermeister Dr. Manfred Rommel (Letter of the Protestant Martin congregation and the Catholic church St. Georg to the Lord Mayor Dr. Manfred Rommel), 07.02.1978. PG 5: N.A. 1982. East Pollokshields Communities Project: Inter-racial Understanding. Pollokshields Gazette, April. PG 10: N.A. 1984. Darnley Street Playgroup: Success-Challenge. Pollokshields Guardian, September. PG 28: N.A. 1997 Pollokshields Community Council: Report from the Chair. Pollokshields Guardian, April. PG 35: N.A. 1970. Primary School Leads the Way. Pollokshields Gazette, February. PG 36: N.A. 1970. Primary School Leads the Way: Another View. Pollokshields Gazette, March. PG 47: Hamilton, Edith. 1973. Can You Help! Pollokshields Gazette, January. PG 51: N.A. 1975. We Believe in Glendale. Pollokshields Gazette, March. PG 53: N.A. n.d. The Multi-Cultural Society. Pollokshields Gazette. PG 56: N.A. 1987. Community Support Teacher. Pollokshields Guardian, January. PG 59: N.A. 1988. Race Relations Appointments. Pollokshields Guardian, June.

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PG 71: Forbes, Catriona. 1994. The Well. Pollokshields Guardian, October. PG 75: M., D. 1995. Who’s My Neighbour? Pollokshields Guardian, April. PG 76: N.A. 1996. Community Lunch. Pollokshields Guardian, March. PG 77: N.A. 1996. The Well Asian Advice Centre: Coffee Morning. Pollokshields Guardian, October. PG 81: F., G. 1972. Glendale Centre. Pollokshields Gazette. PG 104: N.A. n.d. Man of Vision. Pollokshields Gazette. PG 106: N.A. n.d. True Community. Pollokshields Gazette. PG 117: N.A. n.d. Woman’s Guild. Pollokshields Gazette. PG 119: Gamlin, Brenda. n.d. Letters to the Editor. Pollokshields Gazette. SN 1: Issue of Shields News from November 1973.

Bibliography Al-Meezan. 2018. About. https://www.almeezan.co.uk/about. Accessed 29 June 2018. Brubaker, Rogers. 2016. Trans: Gender and Race in an Age of Unsettled Identities. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Engman, Athena, and Cynthia Cranford. 2008. Habit and the Body: Lessons for Social Theories of Habit from the Experiences of People with Physical Disabilities. Sociological Theory 41 (1): 27–44. Hannerz, Ulf. 1996. Transnational Connections: Culture, People, Places. London; New York, NY: Routledge. Hillebrandt, Frank. 2014. Soziologische Praxistheorien: Eine Einführung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Hüllen, Werner. 2005. Kleine Geschichte des Fremdsprachenlernens. Berlin: Schmidt. Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart, Sozialamt. 1977. Informationen zur Ausländerarbeit in Stuttgart 2. Mühler, Kurt. 2008. Sozialisation: eine soziologische Einführung. Paderborn: Fink. Roche, Jörg. 2013. Fremdsprachenerwerb—Fremdsprachendidaktik. 3rd ed. Tübingen, Basel: Francke. Schatzki, Theodore R. 2002. The Site of the Social: A Philosophical Account of the Constitution of Social Life and Change. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. The Well. 2018. About Us. http://www.thewell.org.uk. Accessed 29 June 2018. Wessendorf, Susanne. 2014. Commonplace Diversity. Global Diversities. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

7 Situational Modes of Differentiation

Andreas Wimmer (2013, 2014) has shown in his book Ethnic Boundary Making the extent to which the meaning of ethnicity varies in different social and historical contexts, while, at the same time, avoiding a radically constructivist perspective that overestimates contextual instability and fluidity. The concept of situational diversity pursues a similar goal but places a slightly different emphasis in the analysis. The focus of the analysis is not how ethnic groups (or other essentialised groups in general) exist as a result of processes and distinguish themselves from other groups, but to what extent situations as reoccurring conditions guide (those kinds of ) differentiations. In the previous chapters, I have shown how different situations of dealing with migration-driven diversification enact different qualities of difference, while talking about the same “object”. The situations as reoccurring conditions of practice-arrangement bundles embrace various positions of and relationships among elements. Individuals take up these positions as elements within these bundles through voluntary and involuntary participation. None of the situations analysed (knowledge production/transfer, exploring, creating presence and supporting) in the previous chapters apply exclusively to the context of migration-driven diversification. Rather, they can be understood as cultural repertoires that © The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2_7

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have developed over time and through space and which are resorted to in order to deal with diversification. By means of this resorting, on the one hand, migrants gain a specific meaning (in short, the analysed, the explored, the present and the supported), on the other hand, as “new” elements within these practice-arrangement bundles they have the potential to change the respective situation. Thus, the perspective of situational diversity facilitates an analysis of the transforming power of migration and diversity. However, with the focus on situations, I avoid overestimating contingency and emergence. As reoccurring conditions, I rather assume a relative stability of positions of and relationships among elements. In this sense, I agree with Brubaker (while slightly broadening this quote) that differences are “a perspective on the world, rather than a thing in the world” (Brubaker 2017, p. 1). Nevertheless, due to the stability in situations and the repeated encounter of situations and specific contexts, for example, the situation of support in the context of migration, I assume that differences do materialise. Taking this idea further, it means that differences have, to some extent, a relative and important status of “a thing in the world”. To analyse and to question this status, as, for instance, Brubaker requires, or to put on the brake, as Butler says, is one aim achieved by decentring (essentialising) categories in situations. In the following chapter, I would like to develop this attempt even further. If one assumes that one aim of anthropological research is to counter essentialisation, then one question is how language and the concepts that we develop can support this.1 One suggestion that I would like to elaborate on here is not to talk about groups as the outcome of processes but to make the processes or modes of differentiation the central starting point. Therefore, I turn the perspective upside down and will ask to what kind of differences will certain modes of differentiation lead. Hereafter, I will introduce four modes that allow this alternative view of differentiations of people. I assume that these modes work within situations. This means that although they work within similar situations across time and space, they are not universal. I call these modes situational modes of differentiation. These modes cut across categories such as migrant or foreigner, or dimensions such as religion or gender. I have developed these four modes from the situational analysis presented above. They are spatially conceived

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and formulated due to the focus on the city in this research. However, they completely re-sort the research field of the city in terms of diversity. They create new constellations between groups of people. Moreover, different conclusions for political action might be drawn from them. These four modes are neither conclusive nor complete. At this point, I would like to understand them as a basis for thought and discussion. The four situational modes of differentiation are: infrastructural demand, habitual places, environmental resourcefulness and environmental ability. These four modes describe how people differ from each other. How they are differentiated, for example, according to whether they experience a place as habitual or familiar or whether they do not. What is this sense of habit? With whom is it shared and with whom not? What do processes of becoming habitual and unhabitual to a place look like? Starting from these considerations, in a further step, connection to categories such as migrants or foreigners can be drawn in order to investigate where and how overlaps occur. At the same time, the situational modes of differentiation include non-migrants and residents and, thus, run across existing categories. The situational modes of differentiation offer the advantage that they are not essentialising. A demand exists only until it is met. A place can become habitual, but it can also lose this quality for people over time. An ability (in varying degrees) can be acquired. Thus, these distinctions are not in danger of becoming an “iron cage”. On the contrary, they offer the opportunity to bring different approaches of diversity studies into dialogue with each other (see for the combination of studies on gender and race Brubaker 2016).

Infrastructural Demand “The decisive factor, however, is not only the number but also the length of stay of the foreigners. This is accompanied by numerous foreign-­ specific and -related expectations and demands on our infrastructure” (Ausländerbericht, Vorwort, my translation). As has been mentioned earlier, with these words Rolf Thieringer, then Mayor for Social Affairs and Health in Stuttgart, introduced the report “Foreign Residents in Stuttgart” in 1976. The reasons given here for the report on foreign citizens in

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Stuttgart are exemplary for the situational mode “infrastructural demand”, which I would like to explain in more detail below. Thieringer points out in his foreword that immigration causes a specific need for urban infrastructure. On a more general level, one could say that a group with a certain infrastructural demand is sketched out. This group is either defined as people with specific requirements that cannot be met by or through the existing infrastructure or that the infrastructure is not able to handle the respective group sufficiently, or both at the same time. I argue that a look through the lens of “infrastructural demand” sheds a different light on diversity (in the city). In order to elaborate this thesis, I will, firstly, define what I mean by infrastructure, secondly, how “infrastructural demand” can be applied as a perspective on processes of differentiation and, finally, briefly exemplify this by a review of the research in Stuttgart and Glasgow. I start with the definition of infrastructure: Jens Niewöhner has defined infrastructure as “the embedded, often invisible technical support structures that help to deliver services to a population or organization, most commonly water, energy, and information” (Niewöhner 2015, p. 120). Thus, infrastructures include physical networks, such as streets and railways, non-material elements, such as data and information, institutions that maintain the standards of social systems, such as the economy, health or welfare systems. Infrastructures embrace order effects and prefigure path dependencies. Following Bowker and Star (2008), Niewöhner argues that infrastructure should not only be understood as a technical and material given but also as a process or practice. In this process of infrastructure development, technology interlocks with moral orders and political priorities. Eventually, infrastructures take a back seat and become invisible, and, with this invisibility, the political and moral aspects of their development disappear from view. The aim of research, therefore, is to make them visible again and to analyse their embedded order, as, for example, Bowker and Star formulated for classification infrastructures: First, we seek to understand the role of “invisibility” in the work that classification does in ordering human interaction. We want to understand how these categories are made and kept invisible, and in some cases, we want to challenge the silences surrounding them. (Bowker and Star 2008, p. 5)

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This invisibility is based on smooth operation. The Foreigners Report and the above-stated paragraph from its foreword show how infrastructures become visible when they no longer function smoothly or are dysfunctional (Bowker and Star 2008, p. 35; Niewöhner 2014, pp. 208–210). Another example is the debate about the extension of ethnic categories in the British census (Aspinall 2009, 2013, 2012 as well as Aspinall and Song 2013). Infrastructural demand represents a crack in the invisible. The moment the need to change the infrastructure is articulated, its dysfunctionality becomes apparent. These moments offer starting points for research on processes of differentiation and the embedded relationships of power: Why are infrastructures considered as insufficient? To what extent and with which aim are adjustments planned or made? Who demands the change of an infrastructure? The situational mode of infrastructural demand allows for the analysis of how people are differentiated according to the needs for change of the fundamental facilities and systems that are serving a larger social entity (in order to improve their lives). Within infrastructural demand, a certain standard that should apply to all people within a certain social fabric is assumed and articulated: health status or access to health care, the possibility of education, work and so on. To examine the standard in terms of an embedded moral order means to ask for the people who do not meet it or who are framed as not meeting it. Whether the political-moral order itself is called into question or it is assumed that it will continue to be set and whether the means for achieving the goals are to be adjusted can be examined through the lens of infrastructural demand. In the process of identifying requirements and finding solutions for the adjustments, people and groups are differentiated according to which infrastructural demand they have. Differences are enacted in the course of infrastructural adjustments. One can raise the following research questions to understand these positionings and relationalities between these enacted groups: Who articulates a need for change of what specific type or part of infrastructure for whom? What standard is taken for granted and maintained by means of this articulation? How are social categories, such as migration, ethnicity and poverty, used within this articulation? The situation of knowledge production/transfer, with its examples of the Foreigners Report and the study on the quality of life of minorities,

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articulates an infrastructural demand. Furthermore, the establishment of the Expert Resident for Migration and Integration to facilitate political participation could be seen as an example here. In the case of the Foreigners Report, this is done explicitly, while in the study by Mandal, it is more implicitly done. If one looks at these two examples through the perspective of infrastructural demand, they appear as follows. In the Foreigners Report, it shows that the German population functions as a standard. The description and presentation of foreigners in the report is based (in part explicitly) on the group of Germans as a whole as a comparative value. It is the age structure, the housing situation, the educational background, the origin from predominantly rural areas and so on that distinguishes the group of foreigners from the group of Germans in total. The German demographic forms a foil in toto, in front of which the group of foreigners is lifted off in various points. This leads to the realisation that foreigners are different from Germans. If German and foreign residents in Stuttgart were to resemble each other in their demographic and socio-cultural characteristics, the distinction itself would be irrelevant. By this, I mean the perspective would change if one looked at the housing situation in general (considering all the inhabitants of the city) and then asked for migration-specific reasons within this condition. In the report, it is explicitly mentioned that the housing situation of a certain social class of German inhabitants only comes into view through immigration. A differentiated examination of the German group shows that the group of “foreign guest workers” is similar to that of a certain German social class. These commonalities become concrete, above all, in the immediate vicinity—on the level of the urban district—in which similar social strata meet, as in Nordbahnhofviertel. The sharp distinction between characteristics is also possible because both groups form abstracted elements based on statistical methods. As the report is the result of municipal statistics, the actors fall back on established patterns. In this specific case, the information infrastructure plays a decisive role, as it only collects and processes data based on nationality. This is the reason that the statistical data are supplemented by qualitative samples in the preparation of the report. Today, statistical data offer the possibility for a more differentiated analysis. Nevertheless, the demography of migrants is still mostly analysed as a deviation from the standard, instead

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of looking at social disadvantage as a whole and asking what role migration experiences play in this disadvantage. A look at the infrastructures enables one to see how embedded standards and orders are stabilised. The same argument applies to Mandal’s study. Although his study aims to make suggestions for improving the quality of life of Pakistanis, his analysis has a detrimental effect. On the one hand, it strengthens the essentialist view, on the other hand, the group he studied is characterised as deviant and, consequently, in need of support. Moreover, all other people whose quality of life is below a (statistical) standard are lost sight of. Using the perspective of infrastructural demand to ask about the quality of life of people would broaden the group of those studied and show that quality of life depends, among other things, on a feeling of security, freedom from discrimination, social situation and so on. Such an approach would bring together people from different backgrounds and, thus, have the potential to promote solidarity between “ethnic groups” (Oosterlynck et al. 2017). In the case of the city, it shows that the need for infrastructural adaptation has a spatial component. As has been shown in the previous chapter, a spatial differentiation takes place in situations of knowledge production/transfer in cities in which truth spots and epistemic places are formed. Based on these analyses, the infrastructural demand is also distributed spatially differently. This results in areas with a special need for action. These areas, in turn, create people with a special need for action, as they are residents in these areas. In Pollokshields and in Nordbahnhofviertel, as I have shown, there is a feeling of displeasure to be regarded as such stigmatised quarters.

Habitual Places When I visited the GlasgowGurdwara for the first time, I was standing at the front door when a woman came to me and said: “You seem a little bit lost there”. And indeed, to a certain point, I was. I had read many things about the Sikhs and the rules to be followed in a gurdwara. At the moment that woman talked to me, I was looking for a place to put my shoes and something with which to cover my hair. In the gurdwaras I have visited before, I found these facilities next to the entrance, but that was not the

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case here. So, I hesitated to go in because I did not want to hurt anyone’s feelings. I was not familiar with the place and did not know that those facilities were in a changing room beyond the entrance hall. I would like to introduce this feeling of un-/familiarity regarding the second mode of differentiation: habitual places. With habitual places, I propose a perspective where individuals and groups are differentiated according to spatial entities that are known to them by means of first-hand experience. A place is habitual for someone who knows its (unwritten) rules, takes these for granted and behaves in an appropriate way. A habitual place is one that just feels normal or natural for someone. Again, I will start by briefly elaborating what I mean by a habitual place and how such places work as a mode of differentiation before reviewing the research on Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel. Ben Highmore emphasises the double meaning of the term habit(s) in Ordinary Lives: Studies in the Everyday (Highmore 2011). Habit or habits “figured as a resource of hope at the same time as it’s criticised for its inability to grasp opportunities for more radical and progressive change […] [act as a] mechanism that allows for the continuation of ‘business as usual’” (Highmore 2011, pp. 168–169). Highmore points out that the concept of habit, which is often criticised for its inherent static, makes it possible to look at processes of habituation and dishabituation: “Habit […] is the name that recognises the phenomenal ability of human life to be transformed” (Highmore 2011, p.  169). The situational mode of habitual places embraces this tension between transformation and adaptation. I understand a habit as a specific relationship between body and place in practice-arrangement bundles. In the sense of the socialised body according to Hillebrandt (2014, p. 70), practices inscribe themselves into the body through participation, thus, creating a certain moment of inertia. The practical sense (Bourdieu 1990), practical consciousness (Giddens 1984) or practical understanding (Schatzki 1996, 2002) makes it possible to carry out activities without having them persistently in one’s consciousness. Dealing with things and interacting with people becomes a matter of course. When I visited the women’s association Al Meezan and met with one of the officials, I reached out my hand for salutation, which was answered by the comment, “We do not shake hands”. Without inertia, irritation would not be possible. Just as I unconsciously stretched out

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my hand for the greeting, the malfunction of a usual sequence reveals the usual sequence. It is in moments of irritation like this when unconsciously occurring activities (again) shift into consciousness. The handling of certain things becomes a habit through repeated participation in practices within similar arrangements. As arrangements include spatial qualities, the body can be seen as socialised and spatialised. Something emerges through these repeated activities in the same environment that can be described with Gisela Welz as a “space of familiarity” (Vertrautheitsraum) (Welz 1991, p. 295), whereby these spaces also include non-human elements in addition to the people acting in them.2 The stories told by the women from Pollokshields in the oral history project “She settles in the Shields” exemplify how the body gets used to certain changes of environment, including food (Morrison et al. 2011). The identifying and affective ties that Alkemeyer and Buschmann (2016) emphasise are of crucial importance for the understanding of habit presented here, for individuals enact both their positions and relations within specific environments through repeated participation. People enact their understanding of themselves through this sustained positioning and relating. They enact, develop and change an understanding of themselves in the sense of an identity through repeated participation in various practices within specific arrangements, that is, situations. This participation results in emotional relationships. Feelings of home are an example of positive affective ties to the participation in situations in specific environments in the sense of emotional local relationships (cf. Bozkurt 2009; Treinen 1965). Habitual places as a mode of differentiation embrace these various qualities. To take it as a perspective in research on diversity means to ask which places within and outside of cities are perceived as habitual for the inhabitants? How and through which situations do places become habitual? Who facilitates the experience of unhabitual places? Which non-habitual places are seen as problematic and why? How are religious, ethnic and migratory categories used to problematise non-habitual places? The situations of explorations have shown that the feeling of non-­ habitual places in the near surroundings raised the need and interest to experience these places through personal physical presence. Moreover, the idea to experience a far-away place oneself was seen as a way to understand the people in the near surroundings better. As the reports have

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shown, these visits can also appear in second-hand experiences. Within the situations of exploration, places newly created, for instance, by religious groups or organisations in the neighbourhood and the visits to countries from which the new neighbours have emigrated, people differ from each other in the way that they experience these places as habitual or as places of their everyday life. I would like to emphasise that a habitual place should not be seen as static. On the contrary, it offers a way to integrate complexity into the relationship of people and places. The returnees, for example, testify the process of dishabituation. Regarding the study trip to Turkey, the places have changed and the habitual quality slowly diminishes. This is impressively summarised in a quote from a young person from Nordbahnhofviertel in an exhibition in Haus 49, who feels at home in an airplane because both Germany and Turkey have become foreign for him (Meine Stuttgarter Geschichte). I also encountered this process of dishabituation in many conversations with older, long-time residents in the respective districts. Immigration has brought about changes in their immediate surroundings, partly directly, partly indirectly: languages that are not understood on the street, shops with unknown food, new religious buildings. The mode of habitual places, thus, allows for looking at migrants and non-migrants at the same time and drawing new lines of differentiation. For the “Scottish guy”, who is pointed out to me during my visit, the gurdwara is habitual even though he has no family relationship to India. The same can be said about the missionaries in Pakistan. The country might be more familiar to them than to the children and grandchildren of the immigrants from Pakistan. Within the group of people for whom a place is habitual, persons take up the position as brokers. This expert status is partly based on ethnic ascriptions. However, it can also be based on experience. This is illustrated by the example of the trip to Pakistan, where the tour guide’s expertise is based on personal experience in the country and language competence. Finally, the lens of habitual places allows for the analysis of the transformative power of diversity. As places of diversity are created that might be habitual for some but not for others, the perception of heritage changes, as I have shown with the example of the Glaswegian Doors Open Days as part of the European Heritage Days. Coming from an objective to raise awareness of the historical heritage among the public, these Days now follow the aim of fostering tolerance within a diverse Europe. To

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understand how these places are created will be the subject of the next section.

Environmental Resourcefulness Today, the impression of Albert Drive in Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofstraße in Nordbahnhofviertel could not be more different. While the migration-driven diversification in Pollokshields has materialised in shops, the urban surface in Nordbahnhofviertel allows little or no conclusions to be drawn about the influence immigration has had on the neighbourhood. I have described in the previous chapter that this has not always been the case and that so-called migrant economies once shaped the urban landscape in Nordbahnhofviertel. This change in the urban landscape is described in very different ways in conversations and interviews in the district: the disappearance of the migrant economies as a loss, and their emergence in the 1980s as enrichment and an alienation of near surroundings. These different perceptions show that people evaluate changes in the urban landscape differently and deal with these changes in different ways. In the previous section, I described habitual places as modes of differentiation and, thus, focused on the affective relationship between people and their environment. In the following, I would like to shift this perspective slightly and focus on the possibilities for and the active design and use itself of the urban environment. I call this situational mode of differentiation environmental resourcefulness. As has been described in Chap. 2, I understand cities as networks of concrete (material) arrangements in and through which practices happen, whereby cities in their materiality are simultaneously the (lasting) result of practices. This relationship between practices and designed space is the field of tension in which the mode of environmental resourcefulness moves. In the previous section, I argued that people develop and sustain a certain understanding of themselves through the regular participation in practice-arrangement bundles. By cooking regularly, for example, one develops a self-understanding as someone who likes to cook, in a specific professional arrangement even the (professional) identity of a chef. If the specific spatial-material arrangement is missing, in this

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example—the kitchen, then participation in cooking practice becomes difficult. In short, one would then have two possibilities: firstly, to give up cooking and, thus, abandon this aspect of one’s self-understanding and, secondly, to create a kitchen. This is what I mean by environmental resourcefulness: the need, ability and activities of people to cope with new or changing urban settings. This need, ability and activities to deal and cope with changes differentiate people from one another. Processes of migration embrace the potential to confront people with arrangements that are so different that a familiar activity of a familiar practice can no longer run without irritation or at all. Migration processes confront people with new people, different constellations and new environments. Werner Schiffauer characterises identity in the sense as a balancing act of migrants. It is the balancing between staying true to oneself on the one hand, and on the other hand to submit to the rules, with which one did not grew up. (Schiffauer 2008, p. 127) The urban environment makes it difficult to carry out certain practices or to carry them out as usual. There are activities that are supposed to preserve the continuities. These include the practice of religion, consumption and involvement in associations and institutions. One needs a mosque or a gurdwara, to visit those buildings and participate in the religious practices there, which does not mean that one cannot participate in religious practices generally; it is just not possible in a similar spatial-material arrangement. Immigrants, in addition to questions of their own location in the new environment, are structurally positioned as others. They differ, for example, in terms of their legal status. This positioning causes controversy, which is discussed under the heading of identity politics (cf. Pfaff-Czarnecka 2011). Questions of one’s own representation as a minority arise particularly for the immigrants and mark a distinction to autochthonous members of society. They are involved in associations and initiatives, as representatives on foreign electoral lists or of minorities in political bodies. These “reclaimed affiliations” (Hirschauer 2017, p.  44) can become a habit, a recurring unquestioned action, even though practices of identity politics have a stronger tendency to self-reflection, since they are designed to thematise and question this status and associated positioning. The development in Stuttgart from the Foreigners Advisory Council to the International

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Committee with its advisory members in the District Advisory Boards shows exemplarily how the positioning of foreigners shifts to expert residents—a shift which is initiated by the identity policy itself. Another example is food. In the oral history project “She settles in the Shields” (Morrison et al. 2011) and in personal conversations, women described the lack of opportunities to purchase the usual spices and utensils in Glasgow at first. One emotional aspect of these needs, abilities and activities is to create a feeling of home. Where the usual activities are no longer possible in this new or changing environment, a loss of the feeling of home might occur (Bausinger 2008, pp. 362–363). Accordingly, practices of “homing oneself ” (Wentzel Winther 2009) represent adaptation techniques that pursue the goal of creating a continuity of self-­ understanding by maintaining familiar activities (cf. Binder 2008): in order to be able to continue cooking in the usual way, the women mentioned above take long journeys inside and outside Glasgow or bring spices from Pakistan. In the course of time, as mentioned above, an economy of its own develops through this need within Glasgow and especially within Pollokshields. This has again changed the urban environment of the district and, in turn, has had an effect on its inhabitants. The people who have not bought ingredients for Asian meals now have the possibility to develop new habits, such as the consumption of Asian food. In addition, environmental resourcefulness points to the appropriation of space. The establishment of places of religious practice or the acquisition of consumer goods leads to a change in the environment. In this sense, they led, as has already been described, to a confrontation between the autochthons and themselves. Migration leads to new practices within existing arrangements, such as the practice of the Muslim or Sikh religion in Glasgow or Stuttgart. Participants in these practices come together and create spaces for the common practice of religion. The length of stay and the number of visitors influence the degree of materialisation. The materiality refers to the stability of the adaptation techniques. The denser the degree of materialisation, the more stable the adaptation and the resulting habits become. An apartment and a house can be quickly converted; a purpose-built gurdwara refers to a long-term adaptation. The physical space becomes the fixed point shared by different people. A community enacts itself through this shared space, in the

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sense of a repeated practice. The repeated use of the site makes the actor a member of the community. In this sense, I understand community as a group of people who share a sense of “we-ness” (Klückmann 2016). The idea of stability considers generational aspects. It becomes clear that subsequent generations, for example, have never known the arrangements under which their parents participated in practices. To come back to Schiffauer’s formulation above: They have become what they are among other constellations (Schiffauer 2008, pp. 51–52). Experiences of exclusion and stigmatisation can result in a very limited familiarity space and a local character of identification (cf. Bozkurt 2009; Sökefeld 2007). New buildings, such as the  gurdwara or shops with ethnically marked products, represent the most visible signs of the transformation of the city through immigration. Exclusion practices, as shown by the example of racism, work their way through them. If no space is left for developing oneself, this can lead to isolation, fundamentalisation and radicalisation (cf. Schiffauer 2008, p. 88). I chose the term “resourcefulness” as it relates to creativity and contains the aspect of “resources”. With the latter, I want to address the fact that different individuals and groups, on the one hand, have different resources to cope with new and changing environments and, on the other hand, are given different opportunities to do so. Not every group of Sikhs in Glasgow was able to establish a purpose-built gurdwara. Moreover, the conversion of a residential building into a Gurdwara was only possible within the framework of city regulations. To analyse diversity within cities through the mode of environmental resourcefulness means to ask one of the following questions: How do people make (a changing) environment their own? How do they shape (a changing) environment so that it suits them? How do they adapt to it? How do they acquire (a changing) environment? What resources do they use? What resources are made available to them? What kind of constraints do they face and how do they deal with them? The examples from Pollokshields and Nordbahnhofviertel, which have been discussed in Chap. 4, such as the political participation, (new) religious communities and their (material) establishment within the urban landscape and festivals, show how people deal with the urban environment creatively. Regarding the political participation of

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migrants in Stuttgart, I showed how immigration initiated a discussion on political participation under circumstances where this was not provided for by law but adaption took place to facilitate participation. But it also shows that adaptation is an interaction of different actors, whereby spaces are also created for people who can then “only” use them, as the example of Catholics of other native languages shows. To look at these situations with the lens of environmental resourcefulness shows how self-­understandings are negotiated and boundary making from different sides takes place. The need for political participation, for example, causes one to see oneself as part of a group and to speak and stand up for it. The latter example of the knowledgeable inhabitants also shows how the understanding of one’s own group and the opportunity to speak for it is framed, which includes the fact that there are people who do not speak or who are not given the possibility of speaking. It shows that long-time residents often struggle and lack environmental resourcefulness.

Environmental Ability At the end of the 1970s, Elke Winter sketched the children and foreigners’ work of her congregation on a sheet of paper. The sheet was divided into two parts: child and parent work. For the children, a bow on the sketch spans three circles. The bow is inscribed with “Coping with the situation”; below it states, among other things, “school deficits” (MK 35). In Chap. 6, I have worked out how the attribution of abilities within this situation distinguishes people from each other. I would like to take up this idea again here and discuss environmental ability as the final situational mode of differentiation. The assumption of deficits, that is, the lack of ability, does not only exist regarding children, as in this example above. Especially when integration3 is discussed, certain people and groups are placed in a deficit position. This mode combines executions from the previous modes: environmental ability shares with environmental resourcefulness and habitual places the context of body, environment and practice-arrangement bundles and with infrastructural demand, the idea of a given standard or norm. Environmental ability points to the

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assumption that a certain group lacks the ability to cope with a certain urban environment in comparison to another group, which acts as a norm and standard. One could say that immigration creates a situation for immigrants that is characterised by an incongruence between the individual and the (new) environment: The newcomers lack the specific skills and competences to act independently within their new environment. In Elke Winter’s words, the immigrants are characterised by deficits that make it difficult for them to cope with their new environment in Nordbahnhofviertel. As is formulated in the sketch, they have a deficit vis-à-vis the long-term residents (MK 36, MK 17). Considering an approach from disability studies, I have characterised this as a disturbed homology of individual and environment. Thus, by environmental ability I mean the ability to participate in a certain urban setting in a standard or confirmative way. The standard can be analysed by examining the situation of support and empowerment where the lack of ability and measure to enable people reveals a taken-for-granted standard: when migration-driven diversity, for example, is enacted as differences in linguistic competence, in knowledge or in the degree of contact and where the aim of empowerment practices is to remedy these differences. In these cases, the intention is to create a convergence of the different groups through the moving of immigrants towards the established ones by learning the language of the environment and adhering to established procedures there. In this movement, one sees a one-sided movement in which the “disabled” are moved towards the “abled” by various measures. However, there are also examples of the movement in the other direction, for example, the Turkish language courses as a preparation for the study trip to Turkey. Processes of differentiation can be analysed through the perspective of environmental ability by posing the following questions: What do people do to adapt to an (changing) environment? To what extent is one forced to adapt? How do people change in order to be able to act competently in the environment? Who supports or facilitates the adaption/change? Who defines the norm/standard that one needs to adapt to? The aspect of environmental ability in Nordbahnhofviertel and especially in Pollokshields is framed in the metaphor of the gap. I have encountered the metaphor of the gap again and again, and always in

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connection with the attempt to close it or bridge it. This metaphor is used mostly when integration is the topic: a gap between immigrants and non-immigrants; a gap which also presents itself as a deficit or barrier and which should be closed by different practices. Where the previous thoughts had a stronger focus on the aspect of ability, I would like to highlight that environmental ability also takes into account the aspects (and changes) of the urban environment. Take, for example, language. The non-native speakers are becoming increasingly bilingual through language courses and training. This closes the linguistic gap one-sidedly. In only a few cases, however, do the native speakers learn the languages of the immigrants. They remain quasi “monolingual”. Thus, while the practice of foreign language acquisition for immigrants initially enacts a difference between the powerful and the powerless, it results in a new difference between monolinguals and bilinguals. Bilingualism, on the other hand, makes it possible to move in different languages in everyday life. This can also result in the fact that the acquisition of the native language no longer has any essential meaning for later immigrants, because the language gap no longer exists due to a changed environment. Another example would be the knowledge gap. The aim of information transfer— to achieve a common level of knowledge among immigrants and native people—has the consequence that this difference dissolves in the result. Once one has experienced how bulky waste is organised in Glasgow, one can fall back on this knowledge at a later date. In this respect, the necessity of support exists as long as there are “non-knowledgeable” people. Comparable to the discussion on infrastructural demand, the question is whether only immigrants are “non-knowledgeable”. During a conversation with the manager of a welfare organisation in Pollokshields, he talks about a programme where refugees are told how to open a business (Interview Lawns, 12 September 2013). This example describes a situation in which support measures for a group to contribute to integration increases the gap between two groups because it can be perceived as overreaching one group. I also encountered this criticism in other places (PG 35; PG 36; Interview Asif [pseud.], 20 May 2014). Environmental ability takes a broad perspective and cuts across the differentiation of migrants and non-migrants. The group of the non-knowledgeable people could also be characterised more broadly, namely, as those who know how to

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open a shop and set up their own business and those who do not. The example of providing information for immigrants illustrates how one intentional object can be superimposed by another. The perspective of environmental ability provides an opportunity to question who might also be interested in this information. On this basis, it could be asked what specific requirements the immigration situation places on the provision of information. Facilitated access to information for the immigrant group offers the potential of new differences. While the lack of information among immigrants is remedied, it may remain with the (socially) non-integrated among the natives. In such cases, there is not only the danger of creating discontent and resistance between groups.

Conclusion The four situational modes of differentiation presented should be briefly introduced here as a first thought for other perspectives on (migration-­ driven) diversity in cities. It has already become clear in the individual remarks that there are overlaps and connections between these modes, which I would like to discuss briefly in conclusion. Environmental ability and infrastructural demand both address the idea of norm and standard in terms of moral and political order. However, both modes differ according to the intentional object. While infrastructural demand is directed rather to the system, environmental ability is directed to the individual. In comparison to environmental resourcefulness, environmental ability is focused on conforming to the standard instead of changing it, although there is a mutual relationship between environmental resourcefulness and environmental ability. The questions of political and moral orders that go hand in hand with infrastructural demand are only addressed to a limited extent in environmental resourcefulness (e.g. in political participation). Due to changes in the immediate environment, however, impulses for an infrastructural demand can arise. Finally, there is a human/environmental isomorphism in both environmental resourcefulness and environmental ability. In the case of environmental resourcefulness, the environment is an intentional object for

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change, whereas, the human/individual is the intentional object within the mode of environmental ability.

Notes 1. This becomes even more important when one takes into consideration that concepts do also exist outside of scholarly debates (cf. Wolf 1994). 2. Utz Jeggle (1986) drew attention to the constitutive interaction between places and people in his study on Kiebingen. 3. Neal et  al. (2017) have argued that integration and communities have been the most important keywords in migration politics during the last few years in Great Britain.

References Research Material Ausländerbericht: Babbel, Herbert u.a. [authors]. 1976. Ausländische Einwohner in Stuttgart: Arbeitsergebnis der Projektgruppe ‘Ausländer-Bericht’ der Stadt Stuttgart. Stuttgart: Stadt Stuttgart. Interview Asif [pseud.], 20 May 2014. Interview Lawns, 12 September 2013. PG 35: N.A. 1970. Primary School Leads the Way. Pollokshields Gazette, February. PG 36: N.A.1970. Primary School Leads the Way: Another View. Pollokshields Gazette, March.

Bibliography Alkemeyer, Thomas, and Nikolaus Buschmann. 2016. Praktiken der Subjektivierung: Subjektivierung als Praxis. In Praxistheorie: Ein soziologisches Forschungsprogramm, ed. Hilmar Schäfer, 115–136. Berlin and Bielefeld: De Gruyter and transcript.

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Aspinall, Peter J. 2009. The Future of Ethnicity Classifications. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 35 (9): 1417–5. Aspinall, Peter J. 2012. Answer Formats in British Census and Survey Ethnicity Questions: Does Open Response Better Capture ‘Superdiversity’?. Sociology 46 (2): 354–64. Aspinall, Peter J. 2013. Do the ‘Asian’ categories in the British censuses adequately capture the Indian sub-continent diaspora population?. South Asian Diaspora 5 (2): 179–95. Aspinall, Peter J. und Miri Song. 2013. Is Race a ‘salient…’ or ‘dominant identity’ in the Early 21st Century: The Evidence of UK Survey Data on Respondentsʼ Sense of Who They Are. Social Science Research 42 (2): 547–61. Bausinger, Hermann. 2008. Heimat in einer offenen Gesellschaft: Begriffsgeschichte als Problemgeschichte. In Empirische Kulturwissenschaft: Eine Tübinger Enzyklopädie, ed. Reinhard Johler and Bernhard Tschofen, 351–366. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde. Binder, Beate. 2008. Heimat als Begriff der Gegenwartsanalyse: Gefühle der Zugehörigkeit und sozialen Imaginationen in der Auseinandersetzung mit Einwanderung. Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 104: 1–17. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1990. The Logic of Practice. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Bowker, Geoffrey C., and Susan Leigh Star. 2008. Sorting Things Out: Classification and Its Consequences. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Bozkurt, Esin. 2009. Conceptualising “Home”: The Question of Belonging Among Turkish Families in Germany. Campus: Frankfurt am Main. Brubaker, Rogers. 2016. Trans: Gender and Race in an Age of Unsettled Identities. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ———. 2017. Grounds for Difference. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Giddens, Anthony. 1984. The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration. Cambridge: Polity Press. Highmore, Ben. 2011. Ordinary Lives: Studies in the Everyday. New  York: Routledge. Hillebrandt, Frank. 2014. Soziologische Praxistheorien: Eine Einführung. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Hirschauer, Stefan. 2017. Humandifferenzierung. Modi und Grade sozialer Zugehörigkeit. In Un/doing Differences: Praktiken der Humandifferenzierung, ed. Stefan Hirschauer, 29–54. Weilerswist: Velbrück Wissenschaft.

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Jeggle, Utz. 1986. Kiebingen- eineHeimatgeschichte: Zum Prozess der Zivilisation in einem schwäbischen Dorf. 2nd ed. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde. Klückmann, Matthias. 2016. Practicing Community: Outline of a Praxeological Approach to the Feeling of We-ness. Cultural Analysis 15 (1): 28–56. Meine Stuttgarter Geschichte: Meine Stuttgarter Geschichte: Interkulturelle Lebensläufe in der Stadt. 2006. Begleitheft zur Ausstellung von Caoline Gritschke. Stuttgart. Morrison, Sue, Syma Ahmed, and Shamaaila Nooranne. 2011. She settles in the Shields: Untold Stories of Migrant Women in Pollokshields. Glasgow: Glasgow Women’s Library. Neal, Sarah, Katy Bennett, Allan Cochrane, and Giles Mohan. 2017. The Lived Experience of Multiculture: The New Social and Spatial Relations of Diversity. London and New York: Routledge. Niewöhner, Jörg. 2014. Ökologien der Stadt: Zur Ethnografie bio- und geopolitischer Praxis. Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 110 (2): 185–214. ———. 2015. Infrastructures of Society, Anthropology of. In International En-cyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Paul B. Baltes, 2nd ed., 119–125. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Oosterlynck, Stijn, Nick Schuermans, and Maarten Loopmans, eds. 2017. Place, Diversity and Solidarity. London and New York: Routledge. Pfaff-Czarnecka, Joanna. 2011. From ‘Identity’ to ‘Belonging’ in Social Research: Plurality, Social Boundaries, and the Politics of the Self. In Ethnicity, Citizenship and Belonging: Practices, Theory and Spatial Dimensions, ed. Sarah Albiez, Nelly Castro, Lara Jüssen, and Eva Youkhana, 199–219. Madrid: Iberoamericana. Schatzki, Theodore R. 1996. Social Practices: A Wittgensteinian Approach to Human Activity and the Social. Cambridge; New  York; and Oakleigh: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2002. The Site of the Social: A Philosophical Account of the Constitution of Social Life and Change. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. Schiffauer, Werner. 2008. Parallelgesellschaften: Wie viel Wertekonsens braucht unsere Gesellschaft? Für eine kluge Politik der Differenz. Bielefeld: transcript. Sökefeld, Martin. 2007. Problematische Begriffe: Ethnizität, Rasse, Kultur, Minderheit. In Ethnizität und Migration: Einführung in Wissenschaft und Arbeitsfelder, ed. Brigitta Schmidt-Lauber, 31–50. Berlin: Reimer.

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Treinen, Heiner. 1965. Symbolische Ortsbezogenheit: Eine soziologische Untersuchung zum Heimatproblem. Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 17: 73–97 and 254–297. Welz, Gisela. 1991. Street Life: Alltag in einem New Yorker Slum. Frankfurt am Main: Institut. für Kulturanthropologie und Europäische. Ethnologie. Wentzel Winther, Ida. 2009. ‘Homing Oneself ’: Home as a Practice. Haecceity Papers 4 (2): 49–83. Wimmer, Andreas. 2013. Ethnic Boundary Making: Institutions, Power, Networks. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. ———. 2014. Ethnic Boundary Making as Strategic Action: Reply to My Critics. Ethnic and Racial Studies 37 (5): 834–842. Wolf, Eric R. 1994. Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35 (1): 1–12.

8 Conclusion

Being an immigrant can mean to be a categorised date or information in a government survey, which can be aggregated and presented in tables. To be an immigrant can mean to be confronted with the challenge of creating spaces to practice one’s religion. Being an immigrant can mean to acquire skills or be able to orient oneself in an unknown environment. In these respective situations, immigrants differ both from people without an immigration history and from people with an immigration history other than their own. The moment when one places the cross in a survey, joins a foreign-language congregation or takes a course to learn the language of the country or its laws and regulations, one shares that moment with some people, just as one does not share it with others. In these situations, differences between people are enacted. I hope to have shown that situations as reoccurring conditions prefigure differentiations in terms of positions and relations. Moreover, I tried to demonstrate with the idea of situational modes of differentiation that differences do not always have to follow the categorisation of migrants and non-migrants. In the previous chapters, I have analysed situations separated from one another, although minor overlaps have been mentioned. However, even if differences are enacted differently according to the situation, they are interrelated. In the © The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2_8

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present study, this was clearly demonstrated not least by the same people who are named as examples in different constellations. The people as participants make the connection between the situations. Last but not least, it is the categorisations, such as the category, the word or immigrant, which establish a connection. Annemarie Mol uses the disease arteriosclerosis as an example to show how a social phenomenon is enacted differently in terms of different operations (Mol 2002). Although this disease, as Mol shows, means something different, on the one hand, in different activities and in different places, on the other hand, she demonstrates that the different situations of the disease are co-ordinated by operations. In this co-ordination, the situational meanings become a whole. Can this co-ordination also be seen as a whole for the phenomenon of diversity considered in this study? Taking up again the image of the elephant posed at the beginning, the question arises as to whether and how a whole could be created from the individual observations. I have shown to what extent the phenomenon of diversity—in the sense of social differentiations—takes on a different meaning in different situations or means something different. My argument is that diversity is situational, that the respective—situational—way of dealing with migration-­based diversity in the two districts enacts its object during its execution. To show this, I have clustered situations in relation to the way they deal with the phenomenon of diversity. In this book, I decided against a representation based on people and groups, which could have been the subject of these connections in each case. I did so, because from my point of view the heuristic separation and separated consideration had two decisive advantages: Firstly, I could show how the phenomenon of migration-based diversity is dealt with in different situations which makes it possible to decentre the issue of migration (cf. Nieswand 2016). None of the situations considered here is related merely to the context of migration. Rather, they correspond to a cultural repertoire that is applied in dealing with migration-driven diversification. Language learning for immigrants follows language learning practices. Exploration practices and practices of support have not arisen in the course of migration but take place in arrangements in which migration-based elements play an important role and are adapted within these. The migration-based elements (e.g. people, buildings, goods), in turn, affect the situations.

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Language acquisition or, more specifically, foreign-language acquisition develops methods for migrants. The European Union is adding diversity to its Heritage Day. The project-oriented work on the cross-cutting topic of immigration is being tested in the Stuttgart municipal statistics. The practice-arrangement bundle changed by migration has an effect on the situation working in it and through it and shifts goals, basic views and practical understanding. The shape of the district and its urban landscape changes and transforms in this context. Decentring migration makes it possible to draw attention to the transformative power of migration (cf. Hess 2015) and be able to analyse the effects of change triggered by it based on concrete examples. Secondly, a focus on situations (rather than on individuals and institutions) allows differences between immigrants and non-immigrants to be more concretely defined. This concretisation, for example, in the use of specific spaces in the urban district or in transnational relationships, shows that the lines of differentiation lie transversely to the difference between migrants and non-migrants. The “Scottish guy” in the New Gurdwara has no immigration background, and yet, the Gurdwara is an everyday place for him to carry out religious activities. If diversity is to be thought of situatively, as I advocate here, then appropriate distinguishing lines are needed situatively. In my opinion, the idea of situational modes of differentiation are one way to think about modes that transverse previous categorical concepts of diversity. My argument is that situational diversity cannot be described in terms of gender, nationality, ethnicity or age, because these dimensions correspond to different positions and relationships in different constellations, and in different situations they have no meaning at all. Situational diversity requires differentiation categories that work in situations. Furthermore, the concept of situational diversity with the idea of situatively appropriate modes of differentiation makes it possible to relate distant phenomena to one another and, for example, to relate accessibility not only to the context of disability but also to the context of migration. The example of the relationship between the context of disability and that of migration opens up a different view of power relationships, in that questions about the design of the environment and the respective exclusion of people and groups can be brought into a fruitful dialogue.

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Finally, I would like to turn to the question that has so far remained open on the co-ordination of the various situations. For this purpose, I would like to return to the anecdote described at the beginning of the book. Ina Becker not only relates that she can only talk to a few people due to the changed linguistic landscape, she also reports that foreigners do not follow the Sunday rest which she exemplifies with hanging up laundry on a Sunday. Ina Becker may link the two different examples (language and laundry) via one and the same person she thinks of, but she certainly does this via the concept of foreigner. I have already mentioned the importance of categorisations at the beginning of this chapter and discussed them in connection with knowledge production/transfer. As part of information infrastructures, categorisations co-ordinate different events and link them by using the same words or the same term. This linkage involves one’s own experiences as well as mediated experiences through media and research. Mol (2002) describes the work of co-­ ordination using various operations: the add up, the calibration and the translation. The question of whether the operations presented by Mol can be transferred to the co-ordination of the phenomenon of migration-­ based diversity and what concrete role categorisations play in it require further investigation. There is no doubt that within the individual clusters it can be shown how different situations are translated into each other. The way from the person to the statistics and the use of the statistics to prepare the excursion and to concretise it on site, which arrive back at the person in the district via mediation formats such as text and image, provide the first traces for this analysis—traces which, however, would need further research. The concepts of boundary objects (Star and Griesemer 1989) and overlapping practices (Wenger 2008) offer, in my opinion, worthwhile starting points here. Just as it would be interesting to look at the moments when the co-ordination breaks, when one situation can no longer be translated into the other and they remain next to each other as a field of tension. The concept of situational diversity offers the possibility of rethinking phenomena of migration. It directs attention to other situations and offers the opportunity to ask new questions— questions and traces that are worth exploring in further work. This study is based on the assumptions of theories of practice and I use a praxeological vocabulary here. This, I think, added value to both

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practice theory and the phenomenon of migration-driven diversity. For migration-driven diversity, I was able to demonstrate the added value of decentring migration to locate it in different situations. Migration-driven diversity as situational diversity, thus, manifests itself in its complexity. In view of the practices and the respective situations, migration became concrete as an impulse for developments. The transformative moment of migration could, thus, be worked out in initial approaches through the perspective of practical theory on the concrete object. In this last point lies, in my opinion, the added value of theories of practice to study processes of migration and migration-driven diversity. Migration reveals the instability of practices to a greater extent than other phenomena may do. The potential for the change of practice is embraced by adding new elements to the practice-arrangement bundles. This can lead to shifts in teleoaffective structures and in basic or practical understandings. The phenomenon of migration, thus, offers an opportunity to take a closer look at the relationship between the stability and instability of practices. Some final words: Whenever and no matter in what constellation or situation my research came up in the last few years, I was confronted with the assessment of the high topicality of my work at the present time. From a certain moment on, I began to answer this question with a smile and replied that I could not think of a moment in history when migration and diversity were not up to date. It is precisely for this reason that I consider the study of this phenomenon to be important. Processes of migration have always been part of everyday life. They will continue to result in differences: differences concerning power relations, hierarchies and inequalities. The intention of this work was to understand these distinguishing lines better. My aim in this study was to understand how people meaningfully differ from each other within a common context. As stated at the beginning, this goal arose from my impression of facing a phenomenon that could not be grasped or rather a phenomenon that could be grasped at so many points that it threatened to fall apart. The insight that a phenomenon can develop differently depending on the perspective taken—sometimes even to the extent that one no longer has the impression of talking about the same thing—was the conviction guiding this research. This conviction means that I have not taken all possible perspectives on the phenomenon of migration-driven diversity. This

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work corresponds to the contemplation of a small section of what is possible. For this conviction also means asking how diversity is addressed and dealt with in related disciplines, such as sociology and history, but also in studies of law, medicine and biology. To stay in the image from the beginning: each discipline grabs the elephant in a different place. Instead of arguing like the blind men or, at worst, not talking to each other, the challenge, in my opinion, is to agree on who is going to take what part and to ask how each part is connected. Yes, this book is the conclusion of a research process. As a product, it marks the end of this process. But I would be much more pleased if it were the beginning of a conversation.

References Bibliography Hess, Sabine. 2015. Jenseits des Kulturalismus: Ein Plädoyer für poststrukturalistische Ansätze in der kulturanthropologischen Migrationsforschung. In Spektrum Migration: Zugänge zur Vielfalt des Alltags, ed. Matthias Klückmann and Felicia Sparacio, 37–64. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde. Mol, Annemarie. 2002. The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice. Durham: Duke University Press. Nieswand, Boris. 2016. Die Dezentierung der Migrationsforschung. In Migration – Religion – Identität: Aspekte Transkultureller Prozesse, ed. Kerstin Kazzazi, Angela Treiber, and Tim Wätzold, 283–297. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Star, Susan Leigh, and James R.  Griesemer. 1989. Institutional Ecology, ‘Translations’ and Boundary Objects: Amateurs and Professionals in Berkeleyʼs Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, 1907–39. Social Studies of Science 19 (4): 387–420. Wenger, Etienne. 2008. Communities of Practice: Learning Meaning and Identity. 16th ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Index1

A

Abu-Lughod, Lila, 36 Actor–Network Theory, 47, 54, 57 Agency, 13, 49, 89, 96, 103, 130, 141 Albert Drive, 20, 23, 24, 65, 117, 122, 127, 132, 138, 203 Asian Information and Advice Centre (The Well), 104, 175 Awaz News Network, 175, 179

Belonging, 45, 119, 130, 146, 154 Body/world isomorphism, 1, 3, 41, 43, 46, 47, 69n13, 144, 166, 167, 187n2, 200, 207 Bourdieu, Pierre, 42, 46, 68n4, 69n9, 187n2, 200 Brubaker, Rogers, 36, 194 Butler, Judith, 41, 44, 46, 47, 49, 69n13, 194

B

Baden-Württemberg, 29n11, 85, 86, 97n4, 141, 156n11, 173, 187n7 Barth, Fredrik, 79, 97n2 Bausinger, Hermann, 36, 131, 156n11, 205

C

Çağlar, Ayse, 28n5, 53 Category/categories/categorization, 36–38, 40, 46, 53, 59, 60, 92, 94, 96, 97n2, 134, 144, 146, 194–197, 201, 216, 217

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s) 2020 M. Klückmann, Situational Diversity, Global Diversities, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54791-2

221

222 Index

Catholic, 8, 23, 24, 62, 64, 67, 127–129, 141, 142, 155n1, 182 Christian, 62, 63, 66, 97n6, 104, 108, 109, 112–114, 131, 135, 139, 140, 151, 152, 154, 155n1, 168, 170, 175, 180, 181 Church, 23, 24, 62, 63, 65, 66, 77, 104, 108, 113, 116, 122, 127–129, 139–142, 151, 170, 173–175, 181, 182 Citizenship, 85, 94, 96, 129, 134, 143, 145, 146 Classification, 93–95, 187n5, 196 Contextualisaton double contextualization, 26, 37, 60 Contingency, 3, 40–42, 50, 194 Cultural repertoire, 89, 95, 105, 106, 115, 132, 169 D

Dialogue intercultural dialogue, 119 interreligious dialogue, 122 Disability disability studies, 166, 208 Doors Open Days, 102, 115, 117–121, 123, 202 E

Employee companies, 110 Empowerment, 130, 141, 143, 166, 208

Ethnic/ethnicity, 2, 3, 37, 46, 53, 60, 80, 83, 84, 88, 91, 93, 95, 96, 130, 132, 134, 140, 155n4, 181, 193, 197, 199, 201, 202, 217 European Community, 110 European Heritage Days, 27, 103, 115, 116, 118, 119, 121, 122, 202 Excursion, 27, 77, 103–105, 109, 123, 218 Exploration, 26, 103, 104, 106, 112, 115, 122, 123, 167, 180, 202 F

Festival, 3, 6, 8, 14, 63, 65, 102, 131–133, 176, 183, 188n10 international street festival, 3, 6, 8, 14, 15, 63, 65, 131–135, 183, 184 Foreigners Report, 83–85, 89–91, 93, 112, 146, 197 Foucault, Michel, 44, 48, 69n12, 79 G

Giddens, Anthony, 42, 69n5, 200 Glasgow, 4, 6, 15, 16, 18, 20–23, 25, 51, 61–63, 65, 66, 83, 84, 88, 91, 102–106, 108, 109, 113–118, 121–123, 127, 128, 134, 135, 137, 140, 149, 150, 155n6, 156n8, 156n9, 168, 170, 175, 193–211 Glick Schiller, Nina, 28n5, 52 Gorbals, 22, 23, 135, 138, 155n6

 Index 

Govanhill, 175 Guest worker system, 145 Gurdwara, 23, 30n19, 102, 116, 119, 121, 127, 129, 134, 135, 150, 155n7, 199, 217 H

Hall, Stuart, viii, 157n21 Hannerz, ulf, 35, 39, 57, 166 Haus 49 (Society for Social Youth Work Stuttgart North), 8, 14, 30n13, 64, 68, 104, 131–135, 166, 174, 183, 185, 202 Heritage Days, 27, 103, 116, 119 Hirschauer, Stefan, 40, 45, 69n6, 154, 204 I

Identity, 35, 41, 44, 45, 69n8, 94, 120, 141, 152, 158n25, 181, 201, 203, 204 Imperialism, 114, 124n4 India/Indian, 56, 113, 115, 120, 128, 130, 136, 138, 140 Infrastructure, 9, 14, 25, 81, 85, 89, 91, 94, 195–198 information infrastructures, 93, 95, 218 Integration, 3, 63, 64, 130, 142–144, 147, 148, 152, 154, 170, 178, 179, 181, 183, 184, 207, 209, 211n3 Intelligibility, 43, 44, 123 Isomorphism, 167 body/world isomorphism, 1, 3, 41, 43, 46, 47, 69n13, 144, 166, 167, 187n2, 200, 207

223

J

Jews, 23, 136, 156n8, 181 K

Knowledge, 108, 112, 115, 118, 121, 123, 140, 145, 148, 166, 167, 169, 174, 176, 182, 186, 193, 197, 208, 209, 218, 26, 4, 41, 47, 58, 78–80, 83–85, 89–93, 95, 96, 96n2, 97n3 Kohl, Helmut, 110 L

Lang, Jack, 115 Language bilingual, 170, 172, 180, 209 didactics of foreign language, 169 language learning, 168–174, 187n6, 216 M

Materiality, 47, 54, 69n13, 112, 137, 203, 205 Migrant background, 6, 142 Migration, 1, 3–5, 28n1, 28n2, 28n5, 28n6, 37, 38, 41, 48, 52, 53, 56, 57, 59, 60, 63, 66, 70n16, 79, 80, 84, 85, 90, 96, 102–104, 115, 120, 123, 130, 131, 143, 144, 148, 150, 154, 166, 169, 180, 193, 194, 197, 198, 203, 204, 208, 210, 211n3, 216, 218, 219 emigration, 2, 4, 5, 12, 87, 97n4, 135

224 Index

Migration (Cont.) immigration, 2, 4, 5, 8, 11, 12, 25, 27, 51, 52, 56, 67, 81, 82, 85, 88, 92, 94, 97n4, 102, 103, 115, 121, 123, 128, 138, 149, 150, 152, 153, 157n20, 157n21, 158n23, 175, 176, 178, 179, 186, 187n1, 196, 198, 203, 206–208, 210, 215, 217 internal migration, 5 remigration, 110 rural-urban migration, 5 transforming power of migration, 194 transnational migration, 123 Minority/minorities, 39, 83, 84, 88, 91, 93, 132, 140, 197, 204 Missione Cattolica, 142 Missions missionary networks, 114 Mission work, 113 Mol, Annemarie, 42, 58, 93, 216, 218 Municipal statistics, 89, 90, 198, 217 Muslim, 1, 4, 23, 24, 62, 65, 67, 78, 108, 115, 118, 135, 180, 205 N

Nationality, 3, 8, 37, 46, 85, 91, 93, 94, 96, 134, 142, 145, 147, 149, 171, 198, 217 Nordbahnhofviertel, 4–6, 9, 10, 12–14, 29n7, 29n11, 55, 61–68, 77, 87, 88, 97n5, 102, 103, 109, 111–113, 129, 130, 132, 135, 142, 143, 150, 166,

169, 170, 172, 174, 176, 180–182, 184, 198, 200, 203, 206, 208 O

Otherness, 107, 123, 131, 154 P

Pakistan, 27, 63, 103–105, 108, 109, 112–114, 122, 123, 124n2, 140, 150, 175, 176, 202, 205 Pollokshields, 4, 6, 15, 18–21, 23–25, 30n17, 55, 56, 62, 63, 65, 66, 78, 80, 83–85, 88, 90, 94, 96, 97n5, 102, 104, 107–109, 113–117, 119, 121, 124n2, 127–130, 132, 136, 138, 149, 150, 152, 153, 155n1, 155n3, 157n17, 169, 170, 174, 175, 179, 180, 199–201, 203, 205, 206, 208 Gazette/Guardian, 66, 70n18, 78, 104, 107, 109, 124n2, 130, 150, 153, 169, 180 Power, 3, 39, 43, 46, 47, 49, 52, 55, 79, 85, 89, 95, 96, 143, 152, 194, 197, 202, 217, 219 transforming power of migration, 194 Practice as entity, 48 as performance, 48 practice-arrangement bundle, 44, 55, 217 stability of practices, 41, 48 Praxiography, 58

 Index 

Presence, 16, 23, 24, 26, 28n1, 58, 78, 88, 130, 131, 134, 135, 137, 141, 143, 144, 148, 150, 154, 155n3, 156n8, 193, 201 Protestant, 6, 8, 23, 62–64, 66, 77, 103, 127, 173, 174, 182 R

Racism, 16, 149–154 Reckwitz, Andreas, 40–42, 68n3, 96n2 Recruitment countries, 92, 145, 147 Religion, 3, 8, 27, 30n19, 62, 67, 95, 116–118, 122, 135–137, 154, 155n5, 194, 204, 205, 215 Resources, 18, 94, 107, 121, 130, 137, 171, 206 Rommel, Manfred, 146 S

Schatzki, Theodroe R., 40–44, 46, 47, 55, 60, 68n3, 68n4, 68n5, 187n3, 200 Schiffauer, Werner, 36, 204, 206 School, 2, 9, 11, 14, 23, 30n19, 89, 105, 112–114, 124n2, 130, 133, 167–170, 172, 173, 176, 182, 187n6, 187n7, 207 Scotland, 15, 19, 21, 23–25, 30n18, 30n20, 62, 63, 66, 83, 102, 107, 113, 116, 118, 121, 124n2, 127, 128, 134, 136, 137, 139, 140, 149, 153, 155n7, 157n18, 175, 181

225

Scottish Asian Christian Fellowship, 62, 63, 139, 140, 154 Scottish Defence League, 15, 149 Secularization, 137 Shops, 9, 14, 24, 55, 105, 127, 128, 138, 202, 203, 206 Sikh/Sikhism, 23, 30n19, 62, 65, 67, 102, 117–119, 131, 134, 136, 137, 154, 155n5, 155n7, 205 Situational modes of differentiation, 3, 27, 53, 61, 194, 195, 210, 215, 217 Social work, 52, 63, 168, 183, 184 Stiftung, Robert Bosch, 14, 64, 183 Stuttgart, 4–6, 9, 10, 12, 14, 29n8, 30n14, 51, 61, 63, 65, 68, 77, 80, 81, 85, 87, 88, 90–92, 94, 102, 104, 106, 108, 109, 113, 115, 123, 124n5, 131, 137, 141–148, 154, 156n11, 156n13, 156n14, 165–168, 173, 176, 182, 185, 195, 198, 204, 205, 207, 217 Super-diversity, 37, 38 Support, v, xi, xii, 2, 16, 26, 35, 64, 86, 116, 122, 133, 141, 152, 166, 168, 169, 171, 173, 176–182, 184, 186, 187n4, 194, 196, 199, 207, 209, 216 Synagogue, 23, 66, 136, 155n8 T

Territorialisation, 139 Territoriality, 130, 132, 133, 135 Transnational, 5, 113, 115, 123, 139, 217 Transnational immigration, 5

226 Index

Travel, 27, 102, 104–107, 114, 128, 176 travelogues, 106, 114 travel writing, 105, 106 Turkey/Turkish, 6, 92, 103–106, 108–113, 123, 129, 131, 132, 134, 145, 147, 171, 177–180, 183, 202, 208 U

United Against Fascism and Racism, 16

V

Vertovec, Steven, 5, 35, 37, 38, 40, 50 Vielfalt, 39 Visibility, 93, 135, 137, 141 W

Well, The (Asian Information and Advice Centre), 104, 150, 152, 154, 174–178, 181 Wimmer, Andreas, 193 Wolf, Eric, 36