Sites of Knowledge: The University of Vienna and its Buildings: A History 1365-2015 9783205793939, 9783205796626

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Sites of Knowledge The University of Vienna and its Buildings. A History 1365 – 2015

Edited by Julia Rüdiger and Dieter Schweizer

2015

böh lau ve rlag wi e n köln we imar

Published by the University of Vienna to celebrate the occasion of its 650th Anniversary in 2015

Editor  : Anniversary Office of the University of Vienna Editorial staff  : Julia Rüdiger, Department of Art History

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek  : Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie  ; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

© 2015 by Böhlau Verlag Ges.m.b.H., Wien Köln Weimar Wiesingerstraße 1, A-1010 Wien, www.boehlau-verlag.com Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Dieses Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist unzulässig. Translated into English by: Nadezda Kinsky Müngersdorff Proof-read by  : Steve MacManus Cover design  : KADADESIGN-KADACONCEPT Graz – Wien – München Site maps designed by  : Caroline Satzer Layout  : Michael Rauscher, Vienna Printing and binding  : Holzhausen, Wolkersdorf Printed on acid and chlorine free paper Printed in the EU ISBN 978-3-205-79662-6

Table of Contents   7 Preface by the Rector   9 Dieter Schweizer  : Sites of Knowledge. An Introduction   11 Acknowledgements



Part One:

  13 Kurt Mühlberger : The Old University Quarter. The Mediaeval University   43 Herbert Karner : The University and the Society of Jesus  . Collegium Academicum Viennense

(1624 – 1755)   57 Herbert Karner : The Neue Aula on “Unteres Jesuiterplatzl” (after 1857 Academy of Sciences)   69 Werner Telesko : The Purpose of the New University Building   85 Christoph Gnant : The University of Vienna in the Eighteenth Century. Distance from the Church,

Appropriation by the State, Expansion   99 Hellmut Lorenz : The Josephine Building Complex. Allgemeines Krankenhaus, Garnisonspital,

Narrenturm and Josephinum 111 Nina Knieling : Libraries as Repositories of Knowledge for Teaching and Research. A brief history of

the University of Vienna library sites since 1365 121 Thomas Maisel : Vormärz, the 1848 Revolution and the Loss of the Old University



Part Two:

137 Kurt Mühlberger : Towards A “New University”. The Era of Reforms 1849 – 1873 147 Julia Rüdiger : Siteless Knowledge ? The University’s Dislocation and the Search for a Site for the New

Building 155 Julia Rüdiger : The Minor Monumental Building. The Department of Chemistry as the First

Post - 1848 University Building

Table of Contents  5

165 Julia Rüdiger : The Main Building. An Architectural Victory of Light Over Darkness 193 Nina Knieling : The University Library as a Repository of Memory for Study, Research and Teaching.

A brief history of the University of Vienna library sites after 1777 215 Julia Rüdiger : The Secularised Upwards Gaze? The New University Observatory on Türkenschanze



Part Three:

227 Richard Kurdiovsky : Beyond the Ringstraße. Viennese University Buildings until the End of the

Habsburg Monarchy 257 Julia Rüdiger : The Main Building. Twentieth Century Transformations 265 Christoph Gnant : The Refurbishment of the Main Building Aula and Arcaded Courtyard at the

Beginning of the Twenty-First Century 273 Elmar Schübl : A Great Achievement. The Architectural Development of the University of Vienna in

the Second Half of the Twentieth Century 293 Elmar Schübl : From Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus to the Campus of the University of Vienna 303 Judith Eiblmay : Juridicum. The Faculty of Law building 313 Judith Eiblmayr : Study Rooms. New spaces for students 317 Harald Peterka : Modern Requirements for University Buildings 327 Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler : The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014 349 List of Abbreviations 351 Bibliography 371 Timeline and History of the Buildings of the University of Vienna 375 The Authors 377 Image Credits 379 Index

6 Table of Contents

Preface by the Rector

I

n 2015, this volume’s year of publication, the University of Vienna is celebrating the 650th anniversary of its establishment. The university is casting a proud look back on a long history and at what its members have achieved so far. In doing so, it is not simply looking backwards but rather finding inspiration and commitment in order to continue making a significant contribution to the development of Vienna as a site for scholarship and enterprise today and tomorrow. The University of Vienna is a university with global scope that at the same time yields an important influence on the local development of society, economics, social and cultural life. In this jubilee year, it is important to us to demonstrate to a wider public the university’s positive effects on society, the region and beyond. The University of Vienna’s visibility is carried not least by its university buildings. These buildings have been erected at various points in the course of its 650 year history and are maintained and in use to this day. As a special marker, flags will be hoisted on all significant University of Vienna buildings in the anniversary year 2015. Across the world, the quality of research and teaching at any university hinges on the quality of its infrastructure, its buildings and its equipment. Decisions on appointments to a university are swayed by the university’s renown and the future colleagues and academic context as well as the spaces and equipment which that university can offer. These are basic conditions for the successful completion of research projects. The new and extended building Oskar-Morgenstern-Platz 1 (a joint site for the Faculties of Mathematics and of Business, Economics and Statistics) is exemplary), as is the new Faculty of Computer Science and Department of Communication building on Währingerstrasse 29  ; both buildings were

inaugurated in 2013. These structures were endowed with a constellation of interior spaces that were intended to enforce “stochastic” contact between different subjects. It is the purpose of the architecture to foster interdisciplinary thought, inter-faculty cooperation, research and teaching. The refurbishment of old buildings poses particular challenges. The buildings for the biology subjects, e. g., currently face the need for a refurbishment that allows the implementation of a modern laboratory infrastructure. We have to improve the infrastructure in order to be able to provide the necessary basis for research and teaching quality today and in the future. This volume on the University of Vienna’s “sites of knowledge” fills a gap. There has never yet been a comprehensive treatment of all important University of Vienna buildings throughout the University’s history of 650 years. This book combines our university’s historical evolution with the history of its buildings and thus illustrates the altered demands on university architecture. I would like to thank the editors, authors, sponsors and all persons involved in the production of this volume for their visibly and tangibly successful effort. Heinz W. Engl Rector, University of Vienna

preface by the rector 7

Dieter Schweizer

Sites of Knowledge An Introduction

T

his volume’s 2015 publication marks the 650th anniversary of the establishment of the University of Vienna. In discussing the University’s buildings, it traces architectural history as well as the history of the development of our Alma Mater Rudolphina Vindobonensis. The structures of a university are sites for communities of teachers and students who are committed to scholarship  ; they have never been mere accommodations or purely functional buildings. They bear public testimony to the university’s concept of itself and endow identity to its members in difficult times as well as in times of growth and prosperity. In Vienna, across a time span of 650 years, each building by itself is a sign of its era and at the same time a lasting expression of the university idea as it came to life. The University of Vienna has not been dissimilar to other early city universities. Many of these went through an extended, often century-long first phase of comparably slow architectural development followed by a phase of growth from the mid-nineteenth century onwards that resulted in spatial spread and architectural range. This transformation resulted in the abandonment of the original concept of a dense university architecture within a limited urban area that would form a proper “university town”. In ­Vienna, the early death of the university’s founder Duke Rudolph IV meant that his plan of an inner-city campus in close proximity to the buildings of the clergy and the nobility could not be realised. What is today known as the “old university quarter” was in fact a replacement site near Stubentor, which was at the time deemed unfit for the purpose, being an area of small trade and local amenities. Yet

the university’s institutions of learning that were erected there over the course of a few centuries now make it an integral part of the inner city’s appearance. University buildings of a later date also made an important contribution to urban development. In 19th century Vienna, that meant the large-scale urban extension on the area that was won by demolishing the bastions  : Work on the Ringstrasse with its buildings for politics, trade, arts and science as well as the moneyed nobility’s palaces began in 1865. At the height of historicism, the leading university concept of the time, Humboldt’s notion of an interdisciplinary “comprehensive university”, was impressively expressed in the architecture of Heinrich Ferstel’s “palace of knowledge” on the new Ringstrasse. From the late nineteenth century onwards, the Main Building on the ring road was no longer able to accommodate all subjects “under one roof ” or indeed meet the latest technological requirements. The university’s expansion into the nearest suburb, the ninth district of Vienna (Alsergrund) answered the particular developments in medicine and the growing socio-economic significance of the new key sciences chemistry and physics. Departmental buildings equipped with laboratories and special apparatus were erected around Währingerstrasse. Other scientific institutions were forced further afield by their own functions. These included the observatory near Türkenschanzpark and the new Department of Botany in the Botanical Gardens that had been established in 1754 in the suburb of Landstrasse. No new University of Vienna buildings were erected in the interwar period. A second wave of expansion began in the 1960s, after war damage had

Sites of Knowledge  9

been addressed. This wave is still ongoing, but the planners’ ideals more and more frequently have to succumb to the realities of increasing density in the urban space. Probably the most spectacular post-war university building is what is known as the Juridicum, situated on an inner-city site within walking distance of the main building on Ringstrasse. Undeniably the next largest individual project is the conversion of the former general hospital into the Campus of the University of Vienna, which was inaugurated on October 16, 1998. The city of Vienna had gifted the hospital grounds to the Alma Mater ten years before  : the 96.000 m2 site includes nine historical courtyards and building wings, some of which date back to the year 1693. This anniversary publication traces the chronology of buildings that have been used and in part even been erected by the University of Vienna. The volume provides an overview of the most important structures of the university, but certainly does not pretend to address every single site. The appendix includes a register of all buildings used by the University of Vienna in and outside of Vienna. A book on the buildings of the University of Vienna from 1365 to 2015 may focus on architectural history and university history. It can also cast a look at the structures from a point of view of art and architecture criticism. This compendium of architecture texts to mark the University’s 650th anniversary does both. The team of authors was chosen to include a range of viewpoints. The result is a collection of essays on the University of Vienna’s “sites of knowledge” that have been penned by acknowledged art historians as well as experts on the history of science and of the university, completed by contributions that voice pronounced architectural criticism. Readers do not have to adhere to the path taken by the University of Vienna as shown by its buildings either chronologically or topologically. Let your interests and affinities guide your choice of University of Vienna sites to visit in this volume.

10 dieter schweizer

Acknowledgements This volume celebrates the University of Vienna’s 650th anniversary of its foundation in 2015. HR i.R. Univ.-Doz. Dr. Kurt Mühlberger, the former director of the University of Vienna archive, gave his advice and support to the editors from the very beginning of this project. He thus deserves our and the University of Vienna’s particular and heartfelt thanks. Our gratitude also goes to the authors as well as to the photographers Alexander Arnberger and Wolfgang Thaler and all others who have contributed personally and professionally to the production of this celebratory volume. In particular, we are grateful to Dr. Ursula Huber, Böhlau Verlag, for support and invaluable advice, and to Mr. Michael Rau­scher for prudently seeing the project through from manuscript to book. Further thanks go to Michaela Griehsler-Holstein at the University of Vienna’s anniversary office, who supported us with her organisational skills. The editors also received valuable help from the university library and the University of Vienna archive. We would like to extend a particular thank to the Facility and Resources Management at the University of Vienna (RR M) for help to get this project startet. Finally, we want to thank the rector’s office for their support in the course of the entire process of creating this history of the buildings of the University of Vienna. Vienna, March 2015 The Editors

Acknowledgements  11

Kurt Mühlberger

The Old University Quarter The Mediaeval University

The university  : a late mediaeval European creation

There is evidence that scholarly learning and teaching has taken place in Europe since antiquity. The early and high middle ages was the era of monastery and church schools as well as parish schools and urban Latin schools. At these, parsons or friars were usually in charge of instructing pupils in elementary skills and knowledge. Higher learning was provided by the cathedral church schools. Instruction, curriculum and teaching methods were defined by the denomination. In mediaeval Europe, they were within the pale of the Roman Catholic church. Jewish communities provided instruction at synagogues, sometimes in combination with higher Talmud schools.1 The emergence of modern degree courses and the university as a recognised site of knowledge and instruction required Christian ethics to gradually adapt their attitude towards the scientific search for knowledge. Curiositas, the thirst for knowledge, was long considered unseemly or even suspicious, an attitude that was even supported by Fathers of the Church like St. Augustine. The distrust of academics and in particularly the profane sciences did not begin to diminish until as late as the twelfth century. “Educated scientific interest, the desire to know and recognize” (amor sciendi) was considered the drive for the spread of educated study. On the other hand, contemporary sources tell us that the development of study and the creation of universities was not based on the love of science alone  : There were also greed and ambition, particularly in the “lucrative” disciplines of jurisprudence and medicine, as well as the race for offices and honour. Furthermore, the consolidation of territorial

states created a need for qualified persons to fill state and church offices. All of these developments will have combined to enable the triumph of the universities in the late middle ages. The studium generale developed as an institution of higher learning that could be established by one of the universal powers  : pope or emperor. The actors of this institution – teachers and students – formed free protectionist associations in school locations at their own initiative. In accordance with contemporary habit, they were called universitates (Latin for “corporation”, “association” or “community”). A universitas magistrorum et scholarium (community of teachers and students) formed in analogy to the urban communities of townspeople (universitas civium). The communities dedicated to the study and pursuit of the sciences were granted generous privileges by emperors and popes. The rights conferred upon them were valid throughout the Christian sphere of power (hence in effect anywhere). The university associations benefited from direct protection by the sovereign and were allowed to award the titles of Magister and Doctor. These titles gave graduates a comprehensive right to teach (licentia ubique docendi), that was no longer, as had hitherto been the case, limited to a given see. The members of the university communities (supposita) were exempt from public courts and subject to their own academic court of law. The early era of universities, beginning in the late twelfth century, saw the development of two types of association which determined the forms that later establishments would take. In “student universities”, the universitas united only the students, who

The Old University Quarter  13

Fig. 1: Duke Rudolph IV the “Founder” († July 27, 1365 in Milan). This portrait of the university founder is considered to be the oldest independent ducal portrait in Austrian painting, c. 1369–1365.

administered their community themselves and also installed the rector. Bologna and Padova were such associations. The teachers (typically renowned civil teachers) were employed for given periods and were not members of the university community, but allowed to form separate doctoral college corporations. On the other hand, there were “universities of masters”, where the “professors” were in charge of the university corporations but students were also members of the scholastic association (universitas magistrorum et scholarium)  : this type developed in Paris. There are foundation myths that date the establishment of universities in antiquity or the early middle ages. These name Emperor Theodosius II (Constantinople), Charles the Great (Paris) and Alfred the Great (Oxford)  ; even the Trojans were

14  Kurt Mühlberger

supposed to have had a part in the establishment of Oxford University. A distinguished age was supposed to stress an institution’s great renown and authenticity during the middle ages. However, humanists revealed such fictions for what they were as early as the late middle ages. The notion of a corporative university had not originated in antiquity  ; its curriculum or large parts thereof did. Lessons and notions from antiquity were spread in Christianised form not least by Fathers of the Church like St. Augustine. Mediaeval scholars considered themselves dwarves when compared with their ancient predecessors, but able to see further because they were standing on the shoulders of giants.2 In the mid-fourteenth century, there were about thirty universities in Europe. Many of these had been formed as spontaneous initiatives by teachers and students without formal establishment  ; they often followed on from scholastic cathedral schools or private schools (universitates ex consuetudine). Paris was considered a “Mecca” for theologians and artists (philosophers), Bologna was renowned as the centre for students of law. This was the “universal phase” of early university history since the beginning of the earliest universities in Bologna, Paris, Oxford, etc. There were no comparable “private” initiatives by the scholars themselves in central and eastern Europe, as had been the norm in the twelfth and thirteenth century establishments. There, it took great dynastic rulers who recognised the value of scholarly education and were able to defend the establishment of institutions of higher learning (often against local resistance)  ; the ensuing institutions were legally modelled on the existing Western and Southern European corporative universitates.3 King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia (1278 – 1305) had failed in his attempt to establish a university in Prague at the end of the thirteenth century  : his was inspired to such a foundation by the contemporary notion of “territorial penetration of the sovereign” with the help of university educated advisers and officials.4 This era marked the transition from the original, individually “grown” universities to the first phase of founded universities (universitas ex privilegio), which

resulted in a denser net of universities and the regionalisation of catchment areas. “Relations to royal court and residence, university catchment areas and sovereign territory approximated each other and were increasingly congruent.”5 The first successful foundation of a university north of the Alps was achieved by the learned King Charles IV of the House of Luxembourg (Holy Roman Emperor from 1355) when he established the University of Prague in 1348. He established a studium generale with four faculties  : this would be the model for future foundations in the central and east European realm.6 Leading European dynasties soon endeavoured to follow the example of the House of Luxembourg. These included the Jagiellonian dynasty (Casimir the Great, 1364 Cracow), the Habsburgs (Rudolph IV, 1365 Vienna), the House of Anjou (Louis the Great, 1367 Pécs), the House of Wittelsbach (Rupert I of the Palatinate, 1386 Heidelberg) and again the House of Luxembourg (Sigismund, 1395 Buda). University foundations were also initiated by communities, including the towns of Erfurt (1379) and Cologne (1388).7 The graduates of these institutions of higher learning were to take on important functions as university educated secretaries, diplomats and lawyers in the era of the developing institutionalised territorial state.

The Viennese foundation  : Universitas Doctorum, Magistrorum et Scolarium Wyenne8

The young duke Rudolph IV planned to turn Vienna into the political, spiritual, cultural and scientific centre of his lands. It is even said that he imagined a future Austrian kingdom. He was aware of the relevance a university would have for his country and the renown of his dynasty. He also wanted to keep up with his imperial father-in-law Charles IV. The duke’s political reasons are well known, but have recently been superseded by another incentive  : the notion to do a “good deed”, make “a donation for the soul” and secure his “memoria”. The idea that the duke acted alone is nowadays rebuffed. It is more

likely that an ‘interactive process’ took place that involved the founder and further interested parties. Particular emphasis is placed on the significant role played by professors in the act of foundation (especially von Langenstein). In addition to the duke, these professors are also recognised as fundatores universitatis.9 The German version of the foundation charter states that the duke feels obliged by his divine mission, “… to establish and found such order and teachings in our lands so that first of all our Christian belief be spread and multiplied in all the world, and then good, just laws, human sensibility and humility will take up and grow and that the pervading light of godly wisdom shine with the influence of the holy spirit and germinate in all people’s hearts in such a way that any wise man will grow wiser and all unwise men will be brought to human sensibility in recognising what is right with the teachings of god […]”. 10

The success of the idea will have hinged on the declared intention to spread the Christian belief  : it had to be approved by the pope. The sovereign’s power rested on the church. Vienna provided good conditions for the establishment of a university. It was particularly favoured by its situation on the Danube, thus easily reached by travellers, and its honoured educational tradition at St. Stephen’s church. The parish school at Vienna’s main church had long since attained the character of higher education, teaching the liberal arts and theological subjects. The post of the school master had been held by renowned persons. Duke Albrecht I gave up his sovereign rights to the school at St. Stephen’s in favour of the townspeople of Vienna when he granted the town privileges of 1296  ; from then on, it had been known as Bürgerschule zu Sankt Stefan (townspeople’s school at St. Stephen’s, also collegium civium). This had given the town some influence on the Viennese system of education, but at the same time obliged the commune to maintain the “townspeople’s school”.11 Vienna also had further Latin and parish or monastery schools at St. Michael, in the

The Old University Quarter  15

Fig. 2: Foundation Patent of the University of Vienna from March 12, 1365. The text was written by ducal chancellor Johann Ribi from Lenzburg im Aargau, Bishop of Brixen, who had already been tasked with investigating the conditions for a studium in Vienna by Pope Urban V as early on as 1364. The patent is issued by the brothers Rudolph IV, Albrecht III and Leopold III, who signed the diploma (Leopold III only signed the Latin version). The recognition by the chancellor follows. The preamble cites the purpose of the foundation: “so that first of all our Christian belief be spread and multiplied in all the world, and then good, just laws, human sensibility and humility will take up and grow …”. Models are named as being the Universities in Athens, Rome and Paris. The patent further includes the establishment of a separate university district (“Pfaffenstadt”), stipulations on the security of the university members, on economic privileges, on exemption from worldly jurisdiction, on the organisation of the “academic community”, etc.

Bürgerspital and the Schottenkloster abbey as well as offering studia at the mendicant orders (Austin Friars, Dominicans, Franciscans and Carmelites) and the convents’ internal schools (St. Niklaskloster, St. Maria Magdalena vor dem Schottentor, St. Jakob auf der Hülben).12 Negotiations with the Avignon Curia preceded the establishment of the university. These were led by Master Albrecht von Sachsen (†1390)13, who would go on to be the university’s founding rector and had already been rector at the University of Paris in 1353,

16  Kurt Mühlberger

and ducal chancellor and bishop of Brixen Johann Ribi von Lenzburg (†1374).14 Both were involved in the composition of the foundation charter which includes the statutes of the University of Vienna as a corporative four faculty university with academic nations modelled on Paris.15 The privileges and freedoms that had been hard won in the thirteenth century by the first, gradually developed universities (like Bologna, Paris and Oxford) were granted to the late mediaeval, founded universities as a bundle of rights stated in the foundation charter. The Uni-

versity of Vienna was awarded a district of the town (known as the Pfaffenstatt) as well as numerous privileges such as freedom from toll, duties and taxes, the exemption from proper courts of law and the establishment of a special university court of law, escort for travelling scholars and masters, etc. All members of the academic community were assigned to one of four part corporations according to their place of origin. These corporations (the “nations”) were headed by elected procurators and had the right to freely elect the rector as the representative of the entire university. This rector also filled the position of head the Faculty of Arts (magister artium)  ; the other, higher faculties (theology, law, medicine) were headed by deans.16 One difficulty arose out of the fact that Vienna was not a bishop’s see  : it belonged to the Passau see. In order to redress this lack, duke Rudolph IV took up the notion of establishing a see in Vienna. However, it took another century to make this happen.17 Rudolf drove the extension of the main church into a mighty cathedral (to be St. Stephen’s cathedral) and established the collegiate church “Allerheiligen” at St. Stephen’s a mere four days after the founding of the university, on March 16, 1365. These two incorporations were to “forever remain indebted and in memory of each other” with the declared aim to laud the Lord and spread Christian belief.18 University teachers would henceforth be able to earn their basic income at the church as canons  ; eight places were reserved for members of the university. Rudolf ’s endeavours were driven by political ambition and energetic assertion. However, they also required financial means. The duke acquired the necessary funds by introducing new taxes. As would be expected, these were unpopular. The Ungelt, a ten per cent tax on wine and drinks, was particularly disliked. The fact that even the clergy were not exempt from this tax gave the duke the reputation of being a persecutor ecclesiae.19 The duke included the clergy, the landed gentry and the townspeople of Vienna in his creation in order to safeguard the eternal survival of the privileged Viennese studio generale and university (meaning the community of teachers and stu-

Fig. 3: Great Seal of the University of Vienna, 1365. The first Great Seal is mentioned in the foundation patent of March 12, 1365 as “magnum sigillum … pro omnibus suis causis“ (“grozzes insigl … zuo aller ir gemainer sachen” in the German version). The signet was to be kept in a wooden drawer which was itself to be sealed with a writ with iron applications. The seal was accessible only to the rector, chancellor, deans and procurators of the academic nations together. Ten locks would thus have been necessary. The stamp is assumed to have been made on the duke’s order by goldsmith Janko of Prague.

dents) as well as the memory it would forever provide of its founder and his dynasty. 20

The Pfaffenstatt  : a “campus project” to adjoin the duke’s castle21

The university’s founder and sovereign obliged his town of Vienna to make sacrifices for his projects. That included the establishment of the privileged universitas magistrorum et scholarium, which did not have to answer to the town courts and was to be liberated from tax and tolls. He had wanted to create an exempt, walled-in territory within a defined district inside of the town walls between the duke’s castle and the Schottenkloster monastery. The foundation patent gives a precise topographical description of this

The Old University Quarter  17

The “Pfaffenstadt” University District

St. Michael

Rudolph's University Project R. Perger - F. Hueber 1985

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Minoritenfriedhof Cemetery

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Schottentor Gate

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Schottenfriedhof Cemetery

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Schottenkloster Monastery

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Minoritenkloster Monastery

Widmertor/ Burgtor Gate Castle

Legende: “Pfaffenstadt” Boundaries “Pfaffenstadt” Gates Channelled Alsbach

Wall

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200m

Plnr. AU-A8548 (Arch. Hueber)

Fig. 4: The “Pfaffenstadt”, Duke Rudolph IV’s never-to-be-realized project, 1365. Rudolph IV had envisaged a walled-in university district near the ducal castle, which was never realized after the founder’s early death. All “maister und schuoler” (masters and students) as well as their servants, beadles and domestic staff were to live in this district. The foundation patent locates the area between Schottentor, Herrengasse, Schauflergasse and ring wall. The duke’s death, combined with resistance among the townspeople, prevented the project from coming into being.

“town within the town”  : the “[…] phaffenstatt, where the […] honoured school will be and all masters and students shall live …”. 22 In this space, the university was to flourish undisturbed by town life. The name implied the future inhabitants of the envisaged city enclave (“pfaffen” is an old German word for cleric), who would have been able to enter the “university campus” by three (or possibly five) gates.23 In today’s topography, the envisaged Pfaffenstatt (the Latin foundation patent calls it the locus […] interclusus) included the street from Schottentor along Schottengasse and Herrengasse (Hochstrazze) to Schauflergasse

18  Kurt Mühlberger

(Schaufellucke), then along that street to the city wall (rynkchmawr) along today’s Löwelstraße, Oppolzergasse and Mölkersteig to return to Schottentor.24 The area included numerous houses belonging to nobility and townspeople as well as the Minoritenkloster monastery as well as its church and cemetery. These latter were to form the spiritual centre of the “campus”.25 Duke Rudolph chose this representative site for its suitability to ensure peace and protection in this part of town immediately abutting the duke’s palace. This privileged location was to safeguard the duke’s protection of the university community.

Even the founder himself must have expected resistance against this severe encroachment on the townspeople’s rights whereby the houses located in this district were henceforth to be rented only to members of the university. Rental was to be negotiated by two townspeople and two students  ; if no agreement could be reached, the rector was to cast a deciding vote, thereby giving the university an advantage.26 However, the young founder died only four months later, on July 27, 1365 in Milano. The Pfaffenstatt project was thus never realised. The townspeople of Vienna may well have been relieved at the news of duke Rudolf ’s death and used the ensuing power vacuum to avert the impending curtailment of their rights. This hindered the university, whose earliest history might have been more glorious if its founder’s vision, including his Pfaffenstatt, had been fully realised. Only limited study took place in Vienna in the year of establishment. The Faculty of Arts did certainly exist from the very beginning, continuing, as it did, from the tradition of the successful townspeople’s school at St Stephen’s. There is also evidence of some lectures in law, while nothing is known of instruction in medicine. Given the absence of the necessary endowment and buildings, the pope initially did not permit the establishment of a Faculty of Theology. There were no dedicated buildings for teaching and living. Lectures were held at St Stephen’s school and possibly even in professors’ apartments. Like Charles University in Prague, the Viennese Rudolphina was only able to establish a puny existence in its first two decades, hardly able to survive. At the time of the founder’s death, “hardly an inkwell” had been provided. It was feared that the university might completely wilt before it had ever fully come to live.27 There is evidence of some lectures and graduations in the years after the establishment, as well as an assignment of income from the parish of Laa an der Thaya, the decree of a beadle statute and the division of the university members into four academic nations. Even a first student house was endowed on Kärtnerstraße by the duke’s personal phy-

Fig. 5: The oldest university register (first page), begun 1377. It was the rector’s responsibility to keep the main register. In the Middle Ages, he usually attended to this task personally. Pupils, students, lecturers and “academic citizens” (beadles, notaries, printers, illuminators etc.) entered the academic community upon enrolment and enjoyed special privileges, such as personal protection, special jurisdiction, freedom from tax etc.

sician Mag. Albrecht von Gars in 1370 in order to house three sublectors who taught at the university as well as one student under their instruction.28 The first volume of the Vienna University registers, which rector Johannes de Randekk laid out in 1377, provides another indication of university life. 291 students, including nine masters, were initially entered in this parchment codex. These had obviously been admitted to the university at a time before a register existed. Up to 110 students were entered in every one of the following years. Albert’s university reform of 1384 gave a new impetus and the annual numbers rose to even more than 160 new enrolments.29

The Old University Quarter  19

Fig. 6: The Albertinum: Reform and Expansion of the Alma Mater Rudolphina, 1384. The pope had rejected the establishment of a Faculty of Theology in 1365. In 1384, Pope Urban VI granted permission to do so, so that Duke Albrecht III was able to extend the university into four faculties and establish a fundamentally new organisational structure. At the same time, the duke gifted the first Viennese university building: The Collegium Ducale opposite the Dominikanerkloster monastery became the high school’s main location.

Duke Albrecht III’s university reform (1384)

The Great Western Schism in 1378 facilitated the introduction of first-rate academics to Vienna by attracting those scholars from Paris who had decided to follow the “Roman” pope Urban VI (1378 – 1389) and oppose the “French” antipope Clemens VII (1378 – 1394) from Avignon. These new arrivals included the renowned theologian Heinrich Heimbu-

20  Kurt Mühlberger

che von Langenstein who played an important role in the 1384 university reform which breathed new life into the university and has even been interpreted as a new foundation. He was also responsible for duke Albrecht III’s composition of what became known as the “second Viennese foundation patent”, which safeguarded and extended Rudolph’s university.30 The foundation assembly of March 12, 1365 had been a grand affair  : 163 renowned potentates were

present as witnesses. Albert’s 1384 confirmation document bears a range of seals that impressively demonstrate the inclusion of different groups. It is certified by the two equestrian seals of the Habsburg dukes Albrecht and Leopold as well as the seals of sixteen Austrian sovereigns and knights, representing all leading sovereigns as well as the holders of regional offices. Finally, the document bears the large seal of the City of Vienna. This document confirmed Rudolf ’s creation and furthermore established the Faculty of Theology with the approval of Pope Urban VI. Duke Albrecht III endowed the first Viennese university building at the same time  : the Collegium ducale (duke’s college) was situated opposite the Dominikanerkloster monastery (today’s Postgasse 7–9) and was inaugurated in the spring of the following year. 31

The building style of mediaeval universities

The first universities established themselves without a formal act of foundation, leaving no room for a typical form of university building to develop in this early era. Teaching took place in the open air on public squares of particular town districts or in rented accommodation. Festive assemblies were often held in churches. The early universities had to rely on being able to use the buildings of the town and the clergy. The lawyers and the artists of Bologna thus settled in different districts of the town. The masters and scholars of the Paris cathedral school of Notre Dame left the cathedral island in protest against the chancellor and joined monastery schools located throughout the city. It was initially characteristic for the earliest university communities to be unbound by location  : this circumstance often resulted in the migration or relocation of whole universities to another town.32 Academic corporate communities grew into larger, joint communities or joined with new or existing teaching institutions over the course of time and developed an ordered system of study and daily life  : suitable accommodation was needed. Fraternities

Fig. 7: Depictions on Duke Albrecht III’s university reform, 1384/85 Duke Albrecht († 1395) had Wilhelmus Durandus’ 1291 work Rationale divinorum officiorum translated into German and illuminated in 1385. The work was completed in 1406. Many richly illuminated pages sing the praises of the duke and his family. The university reform appears as a particularly central achievement. It dominates the entire first page with five artful miniatures: The initial image shows Duke Albrecht in a red dress with gold trimming and red cap with shining sword on his throne. Four deans in red, green and blue gowns are turned towards him, each passing him a book. The image already shows the “comprehensive university” with four faculties. The bottom of the page is adorned with four medallions that are directly concerned with the stages of the reform (left to right): 1. Pope Urban VI hands the foundation bull of the Faculty of Theology to the duke’s messenger; 2. The bull reaches the duke; 3. Duke Albrecht gifts the Collegium Ducale; 4. The new Faculty of Theology begins lectures. The edges are decorated with figures of angels holding the coats-of-arms of (on the left) Austria (triband escutcheon), Upper Austria, Carniola, Hohenzollern, as well as (on the right) Styria, Carinthia, Tyrol and the Windic March.

The Old University Quarter  21

erected study houses in the university towns in order to provide their students even at their place of study with a form of community living that was similar to the monastery. The university colleges arose out of these study houses, having initially served merely as living quarters. External scholars and teachers in need were also accepted. As time went on, the college was increasingly used as a place for teaching and learning. There emerged a typical arrangement of university rooms that included a chapel, reading hall, dining hall, library, representative assembly halls, dormitories, service rooms and administrative rooms as well as apartments for teachers, pupils and servants. This scheme of rooms dominated the university building style and was initially realised by using existing houses. It took until after the mid-fourteenth century for new purpose-built university college buildings to be erected. The Spanish College in Bologna was erected in 1365 – 1367  : it is considered the first new college building. Like the Collège de Sorbonne in Paris and the New College in Oxford, it served as a model for future establishments. College buildings with a central courtyard that was not accessible from the outside and served to enter the rooms became the characteristic building type for mediaeval universities in Europe.33

The beginnings of the “Old University Quarter” near Stubentor

Once Rudolph’s plan to locate the university in a campus near the duke’s castle in the immediate vicinity of court and nobility had been averted, it was unthinkable for another 500 years to position the school at the noble end of town. Duke Albrecht III’s 1384 / 85 reform gave the university its first own building, but at the same time moved it to the edge of town. The academic community settled in the less noble north-eastern district near Stubentor. There, the university was not located in an isolated phaffenstatt as had originally been intended, but was surrounded by foreign merchants and their settlements as well as the neighbouring churches and monasteries. The Pre-

22  Kurt Mühlberger

digerkloster (Dominican abbey) and the St. Laurenz abbey were in the immediate vicinity. Schottenstift schoolmaster Wolfgang Schmeltzl’s mid-sixteenth century “laudatio” of Vienna was presumably somewhat exaggerated in its description of the colourful scene including a cacophony of languages near the the Lugeck, the Stubenviertel assembly place  :34 I happened upon the Lugek Where merchants walked here and there Their dress from all the nations One hears all languages and tongues I thought I had come upon Babel Where all languages were born I heard a strange noise and clamour Of quite some beautiful languages Hebrew, Greek and Latin. German, French, Turkish, Spanish Bohemian, Slovene, Italian, Hungarian, good Dutch, Of course Syrian, Croatian, Serbian, Polish and Aramaeic, There were very many people I soon fled the crowd […]

The Ochsenstand (ox corral) was located on the glacis in the suburb outside of the Stubentor (today’s Stubenring), where cows were herded from Hungary. This is where Vienna’s meat supply came from. In the 16th century, the Sauwinkl (today’s Auwinkl  ; “Sauwinkl” literally means “sow corner”) next to St. Laurenz abbey in the north-eastern part of the quarter was used for keeping pigs, there was an adjoining butchery. Even today, the streets’ original use can be discerned from street names such as Fleischmarkt (meat market), Hafnersteig (potter’s lane), Wollzeile (wool row), Riemergasse (lorimer lane), Bäckerstraße (baker street). By the time of the university’s establishment, most of the trades that are referred to in these names had, however, already disappeared. The Stubenviertel, whose name may have been derived from an older bathhouse (“Badestube”), was gradually evolving from a merchant and trade district into a university district.35

The University of Vienna’s oldest building  : The Collegium Ducale (Herzogskolleg), 1384

The Collegium Ducale (duke’s college) was granted to the young university in 1384 as a result of co-founder Albrecht’s encompassing reform and extension.36 This building was situated opposite the Dominikanerkloster monastery near where Postgasse 7–9 is today (earlier streetnames include Prediger Steig and Bock­gasse),37 at the future location of the Jesuit college and the Stöcklgebäude (the name of this building denotes its low height with only one storey). Duke Albrecht III had provided rooms for the university by purchasing two houses that had been united into one building complex by its owner, the Viennese town councillor Niklas Würfel. The characteristic gate tower on this house marked out the university in the cityscape  ; the duke extended the building in the same year by buying the detached house of the Cistercian abbey Lilienfeld on the north-eastern side of the complex. The duke gave this building complex to the university in 1385. Carpenters and stonemasons were still at work in January of that year, chairs had to be purchased  ; the first sessions were held in the Collegium Ducale’s Magna Stuba in April. A note from February 2 mentions that “Würffel’s house that is now the school of higher learning” and the collegians were assigned their apartments on April 26.38 While Stubenviertel bustled with activity, lessons were supposed to be undisturbed. Thus the duke decreed that all “merchandising and trade” were to be removed from the streets in the college’s immediate vicinity. The scholars were to be able to walk around the university building without bother and in peace.39 There is only one contemporary depiction of the college building, which is from a grand late 14th century manuscript known as “Rationale divinorum officiorum” (a German translation of the liturgical handbook by canon Guilelmus Durandus (†1296) that was dedicated to Albrecht III). The manuscript shows the duke in a medallion as the founder of the college building 40 The miniature shows a tiled two-storey quadrangular building around a courtyard with the noticeable gate tower that rises above

Fig. 8: Duke Albrecht III gifts the Collegium Ducale, 1384/85. This miniature from the grandly illuminated liturgical handbook by canon Wilhelmus Durandus shows the oldest Viennese university building, which the university co-founder Duke Albrecht III gifted in the course of his university reform (1384). Two Viennese townhouses and the abbey Lilienfeld city house (present day address: 1., Postgasse 7-9) opposite the Dominikanerkloster monastery were purchased and adapted for university use. The depiction shows the roof structure still under construction. The entire complex was in use from 1385 onwards.

the surrounding houses by two storeys. It is assumed that this tower will have served as the Vienna School of Mathematics and Astronomy observatory under the auspices of Johannes von Gmunden, Georg von Peuerbach and Johannes Regiomontanus.41 This was the college’s main entrance on a street named “Am Collegium ducale” (where a northeastern continuation of Riemergasse, formerly Filzerstraße, into the college courtyard would be today). This street was interrupted at Wollzeile and used as a site for further buildings when the Jesuitenkollegium (1623 – 1650 / 54) was erected. The untiled roof area in the background is an obvious indication of refurbishment works the duke had initiated for the rundown complex, which had at the time of the image not been executed.42 Despite renovation plans, the college building remained in a dismal state in 1388. Heinrich Heim-

The Old University Quarter  23

Fig. 9: The Collegium Ducale, bird’s-eye view by Jakob Hoefnagel (1609). The imperial personal painter Jakob Hoefnagl from Antwerpen (1575-c. 1630) created this first more precise topographic view of the city of Vienna in 1609. Looking onto the city from the north, it shows its mediaeval character. This excerpt shows the Collegium Ducale opposite the Dominikanerkloster monastery (between them the Prediger Steig; present-day Postgasse); the distinctive gate tower faced the street on the right Am Collegium Ducale (where a northward extension of Riemergasse would be); it was built on when the Jesuitenkolleg was erected. In the foreground, we see the subsequent ­extension of the St. Benedict chapel with three abutments. An annex was added in 1434–1425 (Nova Structura). For this purpose, Duke ­Albrecht V provided the bricks of the Synagogue of Vienna, which had been destroyed in 1421. The building was separated from the college by a narrow lane which is indicated in the background.

buche von Langenstein even reported to the sovereign his fears that the University of Vienna would not survive for much longer if the still outstanding completion of repairs to the building was delayed any further. He particularly stressed the necessity of housing the library and erecting a college chapel as well as renewing the roofs, citing the extent of rainwater damage that had already been done. This indicates that even three years after the inauguration, the building adaptations and interior furnishings were still incomplete. Langenstein demanded that

24  Kurt Mühlberger

the building be renovated and urged that the rooms that were still unfit for use be put to a profitable purpose. He imagined that lettable student residences could be established, as he had seen done in Paris and Prague. In those towns, unpaid masters were allowed to earn a living by establishing a Kollegsburse (student hostel within a master’s college) for several “respectable” students. Living quarters could also be rented to guests. The college would thus be able to take in twenty or thirty guilders per year in order to finance building maintenance.43

The Collegium Ducale housed the rector’s office, the administration (notary and counsel, beadles) as well as the lecture halls (auditoria). The Magna Stuba Collegii (Aula) was located on the first floor  : festive assemblies, examinations, disputations and promotions were held in this representative assembly hall. The windows of this hall and the neighbouring lecture halls looked out onto the street Am Collegium ducale (Riemergasse) on the western side, and into the college courtyard. Most students were enrolled in the Faculty of Arts, which all new students had to complete before they were allowed to dedicate themselves to studying at the “higher specialised faculties”. The young scholars received their basic language and philosophy training as well as being taught in the seven liberal arts (septem artes liberales). Accordingly, the artists were allowed to use three lecture halls  : one on the first floor next to the magna stuba and two on the ground floor. The lecture hall for the theology students was located on the first floor directly next to the Aula, the one for the students of medicine was underneath it on the ground floor. The building also housed a separate college library. The Faculty of Arts library was no more than a single book case even as late as the year 1415  ; it was located underneath the stairs opposite the entrance to the magna stuba.44 Wooden stairs provided access to the college residences, with four larger rooms being reserved for the theologians and several smaller ones for the masters of the arts. The college building furthermore included horse stables. A house chapel dedicated to St. Benedict completed the complex on the northern end (facing Fleischmarkt), having been added at a later date by its founder Albrecht III. Students and masters were intended to attend mass here  ; the room was later used as a depot for documents and records.45 Influenced by professors arriving from Paris, the Vienna Collegium Ducale was primarily ­organised like the Paris Collegium Sorbonicum. Emperor Charles IV’s 1366 founding of the Prague Collegium Carolinum doubtlessly also served as a model. The Collegium Ducale served as the centre of Viennese study from its onset  ; it had the character of an inde-

pendent corporation with its own statutes as decided by the collegians  :46 twelve masters of the arts and two doctors of theology. Each collegian was obliged to teach and was paid from the sovereign fund.47 The collegians lived in a community and had the right to chose the successors for free places in the college.48 The masters of the arts were permitted to study theology next to their teaching activities. Collegians furthermore could expect to be given a position as canon at St. Stephen’s church. The doctors of theology stood at the helm of the college, taking on honorary positions as parentes and superintendentes. College leadership, administration and finances were in the hands of the prior, who was elected by the collegians from among the masters of the arts.49 The collegians were obliged to live in celibacy until as late as 1537. Following the reformation, Ferdinand I was obliged to rescind this regulation when he found himself faced by a dearth of “useful persons”. At that point, there were as few as seven collegians, four of whom were married collegians living outside of the college with their families  ; they were nevertheless to be “considered collegians”.50 Students were explicitly not to be admitted in the community, although associates and servants of the masters and doctors lived in the college building. It was possible to rent individual rooms to “honourable persons”.51

The School of Law52, 1384 (Schulsterstraße 14)

The Collegium Ducale accommodated the artists and theologians as well as one lecture hall for the small Faculty of Medicine. The sovereign purchased a separate house in Schulerstrasse near St. Stephen’s church for the lawyers in 1384. The new building that was erected there at his behest was henceforth generally referred to as the School of Law. The faculty assemblies were held in this building in the “stuba communi scole iuristarum”, where the lawyers decreed their faculty statutes on April 1, 1389.53 The school was extended when the parson of Probstdorf and university rector Koloman Kolb gifted the neighbouring house to the faculty in 1397. Every salaried profes-

The Old University Quarter  25

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Fig. 10: The mediaeval university buildings and Burse hostels. Mediaeval university buildings (shaded) in the Stubenviertel district and student houses, Burse and Kodrei buildings (framed). The numbers refer to the numbering contained in the Hofquartierbuch from 1566. (Caroline Satzer, copy of the map by R. Perger, 2014)   807 Student house, Kärntnerstraße 8 (c. 1383–1544)   842 Burse of Niklas Rauch (c. 1480)   936 Haus der Ärzte (gifted by Niklas Hebersdorf, 1421–1526)   982 Bauhütte von St. Stefan   987 Townspeople’s school at St. Stephen’s (first mention 1237) 1014 (A-B) Lawyers’ school (1385) 1015 St. Hieronymus/Harrer Burse (1466) Poet’s college 1024 Burse zum Einhorn (c. 1457) 1036 Rauchburse (v. 1457-n. 1481) 1058 Schärding/Würffelburse (1465) 1094 Burse Heidenheim or Paulusburse (1484–1520) 1097 Burse Heidenheim or Paulusburse (1519–1623) 1098 Student hospital, library (1492–1623) 1102 Schwaiger Burse (1466) 1103 Burse in Kelhaimerhaus (c. 1452) 1119 (B) Domus Universitatis (purchased 1626) 1120 Part of Domus Universitatis (purchased 1623)

26  Kurt Mühlberger

1121 Sprenger and Lammburse (1447–1623) 1122 Bruckburse (1491–1623) 1134 Large Jesuit house (1627) 1135-36 Croatian college (after 1626) 1137 Lilienburse (1458–1623, then Pazmaneum) 1138 Pazmaneum (1646) 1140 Schlesierburse (1420) 1146 Rosenburse (1423–1623) 1149 Detention room (purchased 1455) 1150 (A-C) Nova Structura (built 1423/25) 1151 Collegium Ducale (1385) 1152 “Des Pymir Haus” (purchased 1623) 1153 “Zum Roten Kreuz” (purchased 1623) 1155 Kodrei Goldberg (1473–1622) 1157 Kodrei Pankota in Haidenhaus (1476-after 1507) 1164 Löwenburse (c. 1457-after 1546)

sor of the law (“stipendiatus ad legendum in jure”) was allowed to join the school of law, which was also known as the Collegium Juristarum, as a collegian. Residences were awarded to the new members according to seniority. The building held the lecture hall as well as three residence apartments for professors and one, later even two, house chapels dedicated to St. Ivo, the patron saint of the lawyers, which were maintained by a chaplain. Students were not admitted into the community.54 The building was destroyed during the great town fire of 1627 but reconstructed afterwards. The faculty left the site in 1756 upon government orders to move into the Neue Aula (today’s Academy of Sciences). The two chapels of St. Ivo had by then been joined into one single chapel, which continued to be used for prayer. It was eventually desecrated and sold as late as 1789. The faculty was left with a trust fund of more than 5425 guilders from two auctions of the church furnishings.55 A placard is now affixed to the house at Schulerstrasse 14 that serves as a reminder of the former “School of Law”  : The University School of L aw including the t wo chapels of St. Ivo used to be situated at this location from 1589 to 1765

The Collegium St. Nikolaus, 1385 (Singerstraße 13 – 15)

The duke provided for the Cistercian theology students by purchasing a house named Collegium St. Nikolaus in 1385. It was organised like the College of St. Bernard in Paris, accommodating teachers and monastic students. A doctor and a bachelor of theology as well as a lecturer in the free arts taught at the college, which was supervised jointly by the Faculty of Theology and the abbot of Heiligenkreuz. All Cistercian abbeys in the dioceses of Salzburg and Passau were to send their students there and provide financial support to the house. External students were not admitted. Monastery study was provided by

the Cistercians until 1520, albeit with interruptions of several years. The college earned an income from the rental of two neighbouring houses and from the school fees that the monastery abbots had to pay for their novices. Parts of the house were destroyed in the great town fire of 1525. After the first Ottoman siege (1529), the sovereign allowed the nuns of St. Maria Magdalena to use the dilapidated house as a transitional emergency dwelling  ; their own abbey in the suburbs had been destroyed. The Viennese bishop Johann Fabri eventually attained the house in 1539 and established there the short-lived Collegium trilingue for twelve or thirteen poor students. The college ceased to exist after the bishop’s death in 1541 and the building was given to the Franciscan order in 1545. 56

The Haus der Ärzte, 1419 (Weihburggasse 10 – 12)

The Viennese physician Niklas von Hebersdorf left a building to the medical faculty in 1419 that became known as the Haus der Ärzte (medics’ house). The house contained a collection of medical books that the faculty subsequently used as a research library. Large parts of the house were rented out. Because the house was situated at some distance from the university itself, the faculty considered selling the house in 1453. It did not, however, come to that. The building was destroyed in the great town fire of 1525 and the dean sold the site in 1526.57 Since 1956, the Viennese medical association has had its home on the site in a Jugenstil house that was built in 1911. A memorial placard in the hallway serves as a reminder of the first Viennese Haus der Ärzte  :58 T HIS SITE HELD T HE HOUSES NO. 922, 923 a nd 924 around 1200 aC. No. 924 belonged to Dr. Hebreinsdorf, known as “Nicl as Bucharzt”, w ho left the house a nd its libr a ry to the facult y of medicine in 1419. for 106 y e a r s, “t h e m e dici c a m e toget h er i n t h e ir ow n house in order to discuss their issues”.

The Old University Quarter  27

In 1525 all three houses were “burnt and ruined”. Rebuilt in the baroque er a as No. 10, 10a and 12. the house no. 10 was given the House sign name “the yellow eagle” in 1531. 59

“Neue Schul” – Nova structura, 1423 / 25 (Part of Bäckerstraße 20 and the College)

Student numbers rose sharply in the 15th century, particularly so in the Fculty of Arts. As a result, the university required more space. Three adjoining sites that had fallen prey to fire were purchased in 1417 – 1422  ; they abutted the Duke’s College on the Wollzeile side. A new faculty of arts building was erected there in 1423 – 1425, separated by only a narrow lane from the Duke’s College (part of Bäckerstraße 13 and 20). The renowned professors Thomas Ebendorfer and Johannes von Gmunden headed the building works in the name of the Faculty of Arts. Duke Albrecht V provided stones as building material  ; these had in fact been taken from the Vienna synagogue that had been destroyed in a pogrom in 1421. The new building housed lecture halls and utility rooms for all faculties as well as a library. The faculty of arts was apportioned the greatest area. The first floor held two refectories and one kitchen as well as the aula that was representatively decorated by the famous poeta laureatus Konrad Celtis in 1498. This decoration comprised frescoes, an allegory of philosophy and a portrait of emperor Maximilian I and the poet himself. The caption written underneath read  : “I, Celtis, was the first to bring to the homeland beyond to Hebrew writing also that of Argos and Rome”. The newly decorated festival hall was probably to be used as a location for the festive crowning of poets as well as music and theatre performances by students of the poets’ college (The Collegium poetarum et mathematicorum had been established in 1501).60 The lower storey contained lecture halls for theology (abutting the Dominican abbey), law (in the middle) and medicine (on the Universitätsplatz side).

28  Kurt Mühlberger

The building was extended several times  : The artists’ library was erected in 1438 / 42 and an immediately abutting building on the Postgasse side was adapted in 1455 to be used as beadle’s house and prison.61

The Karzer (student detention room), 1455 (Bäckerstraße 22, Postgasse 3)

In 1455, rector Kaspar Tettnang and “the teachers, masters and students of the university, the most venerable school here in Vienna” purchased the “house on the lane opposite the preacher’s abbey on the corner” immediately next to the new artists’ house (nova structura). This is where delinquent university members were “kept and imprisoned” (Bäckerstraße 22 / Postgasse 3). Upon enrolment, university members entered the sphere of academic jurisdiction. They enjoyed the privileges of the university and were not subject to the jurisdiction of the town judge as long as they did not engage in public trade. Pope Martin V had confirmed the university’s jurisdiction over lay and cleric members of the university in 1420. The university consistory (senate), chaired by the rector, also acted as the court senate and as such had ecclesiastical jurisdiction and penal power, including excommunication and the right to dissolve church penalties. Smaller disciplinary transgressions were punished by imprisonment, greater offences resulted in the exclusion from the university community and deletion from the register. The university court even had the powers to pass death sentences. The university square erected in the seventeenth century (today Dr. Ignaz Seipel Platz) served as the place of execution.62 The “prisoners’ house” was used for studying purposes by the Faculty of Philosophy after 1628 and was then called schola philosophorum. The detention room was the relocated to the ground floor of the university beadle house, which the Jesuits had provided to the university (Domus universitatis, Sonnenfelsgasse 19). Its only window was situated under a balcony facing Sonnenfelsgasse that bears the University of Vienna coat of arms to this day. This

“domus antiqua” henceforth housed the university administration with rectory, university and beadle chancellery, consistory hall and the archive separately of the Jesuits’ Akademisches Kolleg.63

The Poetenkolleg (Poets’ College), 1501 (Schulerstraße 16)

Arch-humanist and poet laureate Konrad Celtis advised Maximilian I to establish a poets’ college  ; the Poetenkolleg was inaugurated on October 31, 1501 in order to provide a basis and anchor to the study of humanist subjects at the University in Vienna. Poet professorships were usually granted a special position at the universities. It was rather difficult to integrate the highly decorated poets into the Faculty of Arts as worldly humanists used to dealing with dukes and bishops encountered rather remote scholastics in cowls who were sceptical of a new curriculum dedicated, as it was, to heathen antiquity. Moreover, many humanists despised the “antediluvian” universities that rejected their ideas and their urban lifestyle. The establishment of a poets’ college with a loose connection to the university was thought to be the solution to this problem. This college was to adopt and provide salaried teaching positions to the humanists and safeguard the presence of humanist studies. The students of the arts were obviously not expressly obliged to take part in the curriculum of this institute  : It took some time for the humaniora to be established in the Faculty of Arts program. Only when Ferdinand I’s sixteenth-century reforms established salaried professorships was it eventually firmly established. Two chairs each were established for poetics and rhetoric and for the ‘mathematical disciplines’ (natural sciences). The combination of philology and natural science subjects is regarded as a peculiarity of the Viennese poets’ college,64 which was accordingly called Collegium Poetarum et Mathematicorum. King Maximilian installed the originator of the entire venture, Konrad Celtis (1459 – 1508), as the head (“superintendent”) of the college  : he had

Fig. 11: Travel journal of Tilemann Stella: “Gelägenhayt der Collegiorum zuo Wien” [Location of the Colleges in Vienna], 1560 The Mecklenburg cartographer Tilemann Stella made a description of Vienna in 1560, which contains a topographical sketch of the central university colleges and Burse hostels in the Stubenviertel district. The following buildings, squares and streets are named: N: Das plätzlein der hohen schule (present-day Postgasse), a: Collegium Archiducale (Duke’s College), B: Bursa Rosae (Rosenburse), g: Contubernium Liliorum (Lilienburse), d: Bursa Silesiorum (Schlesierburse), e: Mons Aureus (Kodrei Goldberg), z: Nova Domus (ad Aureum montem), H: Hospital für die krankhen studenten (hospital and library), q: Nova structura (ad facultatem artium; Neue Schul, Schola Philosophorum), K: aula universitatis ubi ad actos publicos conveniunt (mediaeval Aula), M: Bursa Haydenhaim (Heidenburse), l: domus cursoris vel pedelli, ut vocant et carcer (beadle’s house and detention room), x: ad portam stubarum; Der alt Fleischmark(t), Bursa agni (Lammburse), Bursa Bruck (Bruckburse), hinter becken strasse (present-day Sonnenfelsgasse), forder becken strasse (Bäckerstraße), Collegii Gassen (former lane “Am Collegium Ducale”, built over by the Jesuitenkolleg), Prediger Kloster (Dominikanerkloster monastery).

The Old University Quarter  29

been called to Vienna in 1497. The King awarded Celtis the right to bestow the status of poet laureate, which formed the conclusion of humanist studies at this college with the receipt of special insignia (ring, biretta, sceptre and silver laurel crown). Graduates were considered poets crowned with a laurel crown, poeta laureatus  : this title could otherwise be bestowed only by the emperor himself.65 We know little of the institute’s activities and its interior set-up. It does, however, appear to have survived its “inventor” Celtis and to have continued at least in the shape of the four chairs which are later found at the Faculty of Arts.66 The foundation charter deed does not state where the humanist school was to be accommodated. Celtis lived in the school of law (1498)67 and later on in the medical faculty house (1500).68 He eventually managed to rent a space for the poets’ college in the Neubergerhof (Schulerstraße 16 – Grünangergasse 1 – Kumpfgasse 2) from the abbot of the Cistercian abbey Neuberg an der Mürz  : initially three rooms and later on the entire house.69 The building was located close to the university, opposite the school of law. It served as the poets’ residence, possibly also accommodated the rhetoric professor and housed students, too. This is where Celtis set up his last will and testament. It is known that the house had a lecture hall where Celtis’ notes and manuscripts were kept. Some of the three classes’ lessons took place here, further lectures and festive performances were held in the Duke’s College aula. In 1502, rector Wilhelm Puelinger (Polyhymnius Limonius) reported the first performances by poetics students. They performed Plautus’ “Aulularia” and Terence’s “Eunuchus”.70 The claim that has been made in past literature that the college was located in rooms of the St. Anna monastery in Annagasse is wrong.71 “St. Anna” denoted the chapel by the same name located in the Neubergerhof near the university.72 Celtis himself paid the rent  ; he may have let some of the rooms in the house to masters. Celtis paid the St. Anna college house rent for the coming months one last time shortly before his death. 73

30  Kurt Mühlberger

The student hospital, 1492  ; 1512 (Dr.-Ignaz-SeipelPlatz and Jesuit college)

The Faculty of Arts wanted to provide for the scholars by erecting a hospital. The scholars were not part of town society and it was a time of recurrent epidemics. Although students were admitted to public hospitals, their estate was subsumed upon death in favour of the poor hospital patients  ; this contravened the privileges of the university.74 An initial plan was made in 1466 to set up rooms for the sick in the university prison. In the absence of the necessary funds, this plan was abandoned. Funds for the venture were secured when master Leonhard Frum(m)an gifted 300 guilders for the purpose. He decreed in his last will and testament that the faculty was to install a house for the weak and sick. A building opposite the Duke’s College main entrance was purchased from the Engelszell monastery in 1492 and refurbished. From the outset, this “hospital building” served not only as a hospital but also to house a library (“Libereye”), which took up more and more room. Although the house was from the beginning more recognised as the “structura librarie nova”, the documents also denote it as the “hospitale novum”. There certainly was a hospital in use in the building initially. The faculty even addressed the size of the purchased beds in 1501 and decreed that the beds either be divided into two halves or replaced by smaller ones. 75 In times of pest and epidemics, the location of the hospital in the university district and in immediate proximity to the Duke’s College turned out to be disadvantageous.76 The hospital was thus moved in 1510 to a rented house in the suburbs outside of the Stubentor. However, the dean of the Faculty of Arts, astronomer and mathematician Georg Tannstetter (known as Collimitius), provided a building that was better suited to the purpose in 1512  : this house and its vineyard were situated near the moat outside of the Stubentor “in the clearing towards the Paradise garden” in the tanners’ district (area of Parkring 10 – 12). He purchased it from the Viennese councillor and tanner Hans Rinner for 200 guilders and

established there a hospital and sick house for poor students, “who arrive from foreign lands, for support, who are burdened with illness (…)”. The vicinity of the tanners was considered advantageous at the time  : the smell of the leather and the tan was thought to be good for health and recovery. Works on a hospital chapel began in 1513  ; the chapel was dedicated to St. Sebastian in 1521. Unfortunately, the entire complex was destroyed as soon as 1529 in the course of the Ottoman invasion. It was not rebuilt. During the era of the great epidemics in the sixteenth century, the students did not have a dedicated hospital or sick house at their disposal.77

The student accommodations  : Bursen and Kodreien (Bursae and Codriae)

The old French and English university colleges were usually established as funds for students and professors alike and owned grounds, houses and securities as well as having libraries and chapels at their disposal. They developed into elite schools with their own lecture courses. In the college type that developed in late mediaeval central Europe, on the other hand, graduated university teachers (masters, doctors, licentiates, bachelors) lived a communal, unmarried life until as late as the 16th century. 78 Pupils and students were obliged by the statutes of the City of Vienna, however, to live in separate student houses known as Burse (bursae, hostel) or Kodrei (codriae, poorhouse), where they were strictly supervised by a master. This obligation to live in a student hostel was known as the Burse and Master Obligation. They were housed, fed and given further instruction in return for a weekly fee (bursa). A typical Vienna bursa cost about two or three groats per week  ; this fee was paid by the students themselves or by funds. The Latin term bursa was applied to the student hostels as well as their inhabitants, who were known as bursarii or bursales  ; it remains in the new high German words “Bursch” (lad), “Börse” (purse, wallet) and “Burse” (student hostel).79 Originally, masters of the arts would organize a “commercial

Burse”. They rented living and working quarters in townhouses, wherein they established a student hostel with the agreement of the faculty and filled the position of conventor (also known as rector) of the hostel themselves.80 They accepted responsibility visa-vis the faculty for monetary and disciplinary matters as well as the students’ safety, gave lessons and staged practice disputations. The dean of the faculty of arts oversaw almost all student Bursen in Vienna. The university statutes obliged him to inspect each of these houses each semester.81 The commercial, private Bursen were accounted for by the master authorised by the Faculty of Arts, who will have run the establishment essentially as a commercial enterprise. The students supported their conventor (the warden, who often was a student at one of the “higher” faculties of medicine, law or theology) with their weekly fee, the bursa. A conventor had to be appointed as soon as more than four students lived in the community.82 The main reason for this rule was to create a personal bond between the students and the master as well as in order to ascertain that discipline was kept. It did also, however, provide a way of securing the livelihoods of teaching masters at the Faculty of Arts.83 The masters often advertised in order to attract wealthy students into their houses and competed with each other.84 The inhabitants of a Burse had to pay a fee (pastus) for the lessons they received from the conventor. They also had to pay for the maintenance and heating of the house by way of money (lignalia, carbonalia) or personal services, such as housekeeping or kitchen work.85 Many of the teachers were not dependent on the sovereign’s donations, living, as they did, as “free lecturing masters” who were able to live off taxes and college fees when many scholars took part in their lessons. This was most likely to be the case at the Faculty of Arts. The Bursen established themselves within the university as loosely connected communities with financial autonomy, their own house rules, libraries, etc. that were able to exist in the lee of the sovereign privileges for the universities (freedom from tax and duties). Private donations equipped

The Old University Quarter  31

some of them with funds, rental income and stipends that enabled them to exist in economic independence. Many of the Viennese Bursen came into existence as trusts and they were often extended by way of further donations (“Stiftungsbursen”). The benefactors usually limited the circle of beneficiaries (regional origins, family membership) and also defined the subject of study and length of stay. These student houses not only provided rooms to scholarship holders but also rented rooms to external students, craftsmen, merchants, etc. This mixture of “free entrepreneurship” and dedicated trusts was typical for Vienna and can be found even as late as the seventeenth century. The private Bursen that relied exclusively on a regular revenue often disappeared without a trace.86 Further to Bursen, there were simpler student houses for penniless scholars  : poorhouses (­domus pauperum), which were called codriae in Latin sources, in German Kodreien. The term stems from the middle high German word kote, meaning “cottage” and koter, “cottager”. Pauper students paid a small fee to be housed and fed in these poorhouses, but received hardly any lessons. Kodrei houses were subject to less supervision and discipline by far  ; this may be why some students preferred to live in these poorhouses even if they would have been able to afford a more well-organised hostel. Masters who acted as conventors preferred to supervise a Burse, as a Kodrei generated a lower income. We know of six such poorhouses in Vienna before the sixteenth century, the Kodrei Goldberg on Alter Fleischmarkt being the largest of its kind.87 Commercial and otherwise funded Bursen and Kodreien were established in the vicinity of the Collegium Ducale in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth century, as the busy Stubenviertel district grew into a lively student district. Not only was there no isolated “Pfaffenstadt” as had originally been planned  : indeed, the academic community was even immersed in a colourful and lively district characterised by merchants, craftsmen, travelling traders and clerics. The university members could be recognised by their dress and language  ; their privileged pres-

32  Kurt Mühlberger

ence was a cause for conflicts with the townspeople around them and frequently led to disturbances and even violent conflicts between students and craftsmen.88 There was a “cobblers’ war” (1387), struggles with city guards (1414), a siege on the sovereign (1451), the “butchers’ war” (1455), the war with the winemakers’ labourers (1456) and even the “Bellum Latinum” (1513 / 14), which went beyond the usual degree of student unrest. The “evil” at the root of this was the dress code that obliged the scholars to wear a cingulum, a simple belt, over their clerical student habit, in order to clearly differentiate them from graduates. Vineyard labourers, with whom fights often ensued, had ridiculed this symbol of a lower social status, which the students frowned upon and considered an ignominy. Unrest spread throughout the whole city on several occasions  ; about 700 students left Vienna in the following year as a result. Many Bursen members were among those who were punished for their part in the unrest and were removed from the register.89 The exact number of student hostels in Vienna cannot be ascertained  : they often existed only for a short time or changed their name with each new conventor. All student houses were inspected in 1413, following a student uprising during which thirty to eighty armed persons had disturbed the city for three nights. 29 Bursen and Kodreien were inspected and only three suspects found.90 The inability of the town judge to intervene implies that these 29 houses were under the jurisdiction of the university. 17 houses are mentioned (11 Bursen and 6 Kodreien) in the course of a new rent price regulation in 1449.91 “More than 70 scholars” were said to live in these houses at times. In 1509, however, the university did not allow communities of more than 24 students.92

Silesenburse (Silesian House) – Bursa Silesorum 1420 (Postgasse 10)

The Silesenburse was donated by the Wrezlaw canon Nikolaus von Gleiwitz in order to support poor students from Silesia. His trust fund paid for the 1420

purchase of a house on Alter Fleischmarkt (today Postgasse 10) where a “domus pauperum” was established. Students were free to attend any faculty, the house was superintended by the Faculty of Law and the right to present lay with the abbot of the Canons Regular of St. Augustine Auf dem Sande in Wrezlaw. Few students arrived during the 16th century, and the house fell into disrepair. It was destroyed in 1768 together with several adjoining buildings to free the site for the main toll building. The trust paid out annual stipends of 60 guilders to 32 Silesian students as late as in 1832.93

Rosenburse – “Bursa ad Rubeam Rosam”, v. 1423 (Postgasse 8).

This house had belonged to the late butcher and councillor Paul Wagendrüssel  ; a Burse was established there as a private enterprise.94 In 1419, the doctor Dr. Ulrich Grünwalder gifted 365 pound in pennies to the faculty, decreeing that the money was to be used “for a permanent home and shelter for poor students and pupils”. The money was used to purchase Wagendrüssel house in 1423.95 The commercial Burse that had been run by Master Bonifatius was turned into a trust fund Burse. Additional donations resulted in the establishment of places for altogether twelve “poor” students, nine of whom were to come from Austria.96 The imperial residential register of 1563 describes the allocation of rooms in the house  : “Provisor 1 room, 1 chamber, 1 kitchen. Scholarship holders and other students 5 rooms, 15 chambers, 1 kitchen, 1 cellar. Master Hiberus 1 room, 1 chamber. Furthermore townpeople have 3 chambers. 1 kitchen altogether. Two stables for 4 and 4 horses.” 97 Another five funded places were subsequently added. After the Burse was dissolved, the remaining trust money was used to pay out scholarships. The Pragmatic Sanction resulted in the appropriation of the Rosenburse by the Society of Jesus in 1623  ; the building was destroyed in 1651 at their behest and to make room for the erection of the convict of St. Barbara with a chapel in 1652 – 1654.

When the Jesuit order was dissolved in 1773, the emperor gave the house to the Greek Catholic Church, who had it refurbished in 1852.98

Kodrei Pankota, n. 1425 (Singerstraße  ; after 1481 Fleischmarkt 24).

This house was probably named for its conventor Master Johannes Augustini from Pankota (in the Hungarian comitatus Arad, now Romania), who is listed in the 1425 register. The Kodrei was moved to Alter Fleischmarkt in 1481.99 The house appears to have seen its fair share of trouble. A student from Görlitz was denied access to his bachelor examination in 1501 because he had not attended the obligatory seminars (responsiones ordinariae) and had furthermore been involved in unrest (disturbium). Four members are named among the “delinquent” scholars who had participated in the bellum latinum in 1514.100 The Kodrei Pankota was a private student poorhouse, having to manage without funded places. The position as conventor for this poorhouse was obviously unpopular  : Master Michel Zois from Mondsee asked to be relocated in 1480. The domus Pankota was probably subsumed into the Kodrei in Laurenz Haiden’s house (see below) on Alter Fleischmarkt in 1481.101

Lammburse, Bursa Agni, v. 1447 / 1487 (University Church site).

This originally commercial private Burse located in rented space in merchant Kristan Pfanzagl’s house was later known as Lammburse.102 An existing trust fund established by Viennese townsman and butcher Kristof Ötzesdorfer purchased the house in 1487, after which time the character of the hostel changed. Ten poor students “who are Austrians and pious and want to study” were henceforth to be supported with stipends in Wursa Rosa (Rosenburse). The private house had been turned into a trust that also offered accommodation against payment of a bursa for stu-

The Old University Quarter  33

dents who did not benefit from having a stipend. The name Lammburse (Bursa Agni) is first documented in 1489.103. The Lammburse grew into a conglomerate of trust funds as several stipend trusts were added in the course of the 16th century. Four “delinquent” students in the house were named in the context of the 1513 / 14 student unrest. According to Wolfgang Lazius’ 1546 information, the Burse was inhabited by students from Austria and Carniola. It may have been united with the neighbouring Bruckburse (see below) as early as 1491, after which time there are several mentions of a “Bursa Agni et Pontis”. The Burse generated its income primarily from long-term burgage tenure (Burgrecht).104 The building was destroyed in 1623 to make way for the Jesuit church, but the trust continued to pay out scholarships. As late as 1758, fourteen Austrian students received 25 guilders per year. The Lammburse trust was combined with the Raming-Briccian trust in 1784.105

Bruckburse, Bursa Pontis, 1455 (Seipelplatz 1, site of the college building  ; approximately on the site of the chapel of St. Benedict)

The Bursa Pontis was named for its warden, who would go on to become dean of the Faculty of Arts, rector and canon at St. Stephen’s church  : Master Rupert Weißenburger from Bruck an der Leitha (1455– 61). Immediately abutting the Duke’s College, this Bursa will originally have been a private enterprise. It receives a mention in 1514, when four “delinquent” members of the house are named in the context of student unrest.106 According to Lazius (1546), the house was inhabited by Magyars. The building was demolished in 1623 to make way for the Jesuit college and church.107

Löwenburse, “Zum Goldenen Löwen”, 1457 (Wolfengasse 3)

The Faculty of Arts permitted student housing to be established here by house owner Kristof Ötzesdorfer

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in 1457. There is no evidence of funded places. The “Bursa leonis” was reopened in 1498 and changed its rates from two to three groats on the occasion.108 The “Bursa Leonis aurei” receives a mention in 1509, four “delinquent” members are named in 1514. In 1546, Lazius mentions the Kodrei “Aurei Leonis”. Having originally been an enterprise, the bursa presumably adopted the “Neue Burse” stipend from Rauchburse in 1481. It was alternatively described as Bursa (bursa duorum [bzw. trium] grossorum) and Kodrei and appears to have eventually come to resemble the poorhouses in its immediate vicinity.109

Kodrei in the house of Laurenz Haiden, c. 1476 (Fleischmarkt 24)

This poorhouse was located in the house of a late merchant and Vienna councillor and received its first mention in 1476. It was probably moved into the Kodrei Pankota (see above, until then on Singerstraße) in 1481. It did not have funded places. It is also mentioned in 1488 and 1507.110

Paulusburse, “Bursa Pauli”, 1489 (Bäckerstraße 18 )

The Paulusburse was endowed by Passau canon Dr. theol. Paulus Wann and was initially established as a scholarship for three students under one provisor. Passau (later Salzburg) had the right to present for one of the places, while the other two scholarships were to be granted to members of the investor’s family, including its Hungarian branch. The fund proscribed not only the students’ origins, but also their choice and duration of studies. They were allowed to spend no more than five years at the Faculty of Arts to attain the Magisterium (master) degree, followed by two years studying theology or canon law. Those who entered as students were allowed to remain for ten years, while those who entered as masters could stay for six years. The trust purchased the house in 1489 and established the “Paulusburse”, named for its benefactor. The association of the name with the

apostle Paulus (the “doctor gentium”) resulted in several references to a Bursa (Doctoris) Gentium.111 The Rhenish academic nation installed the superintendent and chose the conventor. The Wiener Neustadt physician Dr. med. Georg Taler donated a sum of 600 pounds for two students in 1508. Its first scholarship holder, Thomas Vocht from Kempten, was presented as late as 1513. Four members of the Paulusburse are named among the leaders of the student unrest of 1514. In 1519, the Rhenish nation purchased the nearby house of the “Bursa Haidenhaim” (see below) and moved the Paulusburse there. The original building was sold in the following year.112

were subsequently delayed were “de domo Poloni”  : they had failed to act in such a way that would prevent the house from being defiled by lewd women and would protect boys and other inhabitants from being led astray. Its location is described in 1461 as “ex opposito S. Laurentii”, opposite the St. Laurenz monastery. It is named for its conventor Master Andreas Polonus. There is some confusion as to whether it was the predecessor of the Kodrei Goldberg or whether the two houses existed as immediate neighbours for a while.115

Kodrei Goldberg – “Codria Aurei Montis”, v. 1469  ; 1622 (Fleischmarkt 28  ; Johannesgasse 13) Heidenburse, “Bursa Haidenheim”, v. 1448 (Bäckerstraße 20)

The “Bursa Haidenhaim” (documented in 1469) was originally a privately run enterprise in a rented house. The Rhenish Nation paid 700 pounds to purchase the house from townspeople of Vienna in 1519. In 1520, having moved the Paulusburse into this new building, they then sold the house that had been endowed by Passau canon Paulus Wann for 500 pounds. The private enterprise had been turned into a trust fund. The Bursa Heidenheim was originally named for its 1455 conventor Master Johannes Kolberger from Heidenheim.113 Three student offenders are named in 1514. According to Lazius, the inhabitants in 1546 came from Salzburg, Styria and Weißenburg (Franconia). The “Bursa Gentium” had nine inhabitants in 1615. The house was demolished in 1623 to make way for a part of the main lecture hall of the Jesuitenkolleg. A trust fund conglomerate was retained henceforth under the name of “Bursa Gentium” or “Haydenburs”  : nine stipends of different amounts were paid out in 1755.114

Kodrei, “Domus Poloni”, 1456 (Fleischmarkt 28)

The widow Barbara Kurz bequeathed her house to the “masters of the seven liberal arts at the most venerable university and school in the Duke’s College”. The succession occurred in 1473, but the house opposite the St. Laurenz monastery had already previously contained a Kodrei. That Kodrei had been named for the conventor Johannes Aldeholcz de Goltperg (Silesia), who had held the Magister Artium title since 1452 and was in this position until 1469, when he had become a “doctor in medicinis” and passed the conventor position on to master Udalricus Schrotenlawer. It is said that Goltperger originally offered free shelter to forty pauper students. The Kodrei Goldberg became the most frequented poorhouse of the university, sheltering students as well as many beggar boys (pueri). These latter paid whatever money they had gained and were given shelter and possibly also lessons in return. Over a hundred inhabitants of the house are mentioned in the 16th century, including almost twice as many beggar boys as students. Four “delinquent” scholars are named in 1514.116 The Jesuits sold the house to the priests’ seminary endowed by cardinal Peter Pazmàny (“Pazmaneum”) in 1622 and moved the Kodrei to a building they purchased on Johannesgasse.117

This Kodrei is first mentioned in the context of a disciplinary hearing in 1456. Two of the 19 scholars who

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Rauchburse, “Nova Bursa”, v. 1457 (Riemergasse 15 / Singerstraße 27).

This Bursa took its name from the warden documented in 1471, Master Johannes Rauch. Masters Arnold from Scharndorf and Hans von Menesdorf (1457) are also named for the position. The Burse was turned into a stipend and transferred into a Kodrei on Fleischmarkt (probably Löwenburse) in late 1481.118

Burse zum Einhorn, c. 1457 (Kumpfgasse 5)

This enterprise “in domo Magistri Leonardi de Heczendorf cum unicorno” was named for the “house sign”. Master Bernhard von Reningen gave up his position as warden to Konrad Arnold von Scharndorf in 1457, other registered conventors were Peter Leschenprant (1461) and Master Leonhard Liecht from Ulm (1465).119

Lilienburse, “Bursa Lilii”, 1458 (Postgasse 11)

In approx. 1450 / 1457, Passau canon Master Burkhard Krebs established a scholarship trust with a fund of 3000 guilders for the benefit of ten scholars or bachelors from Württemberg and Swabia. This fund purchased a building that already housed a private Burse (“Ötzesdorfer Burse”) in 1465. The benefactor ordered that the statutes be modelled on those of the Rosenburse. The name Lilienburse originates from the previous houseowner, the Lilienfeld monastery. The Lilienburse was consumed by fire in 1472. Additional endowments were received in 1499 from the curator of Konstanz cathedral and Ulm pastor Heinrich Neithart (an annual sum of 17 guilders for one student), Master Christian Lingkh (17 talents per year), Master N. ex Aldingen (15 talents per year) and Master Johannes Echterdingen de Hamertingen (25 guilders). Numerous conventors have been documented, including the renowned Humanist Johannes Cuspinian in 1507.120 In 1501, conventor Master Conradus Falch lodged a complaint with the

36  Kurt Mühlberger

Faculty of Arts that the scholars of the house did not consider themselves subject to university jurisdiction. The university consistory decided in the case that the superintendents of the Burse trust fund had no jurisdiction over the scholars, but that all members of the Burse, including all those who held a position there, were subject to the faculty and the rector who was the judge in charge.121 A note regarding “taxation” at the Lilienburse is documented in 1505. It tells us that the house contained five different living units (“habitationes”). Three of these had separate rooms, “stubellae”. The first unit cost 9 solidi den., the second only carries the mention “mansit in priori taxa”, the third (consisting of a “stubella cum habitatione”) cost 2 guilders and 29 pennies, the fourth (a “stubella maior cum habitacione”) cost 20 solidi den. and finally there was a “parva stubella cum certa parva habitacione” at a cost of 12 solidi den.122 Four “delinquent” members are named in 1514. Lazius mentions in 1546 that the house is still inhabited by “Suevi, Wirtenbergenses ac Ulmenses”. In 1560, an inspector criticised the fact that the hostel was also inhabited by women  : “Praeterea in Bursa Liliorum magnus est numerus mulierum”. The building was sold to Cardinal Peter Pazmány’s Hungarian seminary in 1628.123 The trust fund remained, but taxation payments meant that it was only able to pay out three stipends of 25 guilders each in 1755.124

Schärdingerburse or Würfelburse, c. 1465 (Wollzeile 22, Schulerstr. 17)

This was probably initially a private enterprise in the house of the Würfel family. However, it appears to have been turned into a trust fund in the course of time. Hans Würfel is named as “hospes” of the “bursa Scherding” in 1471. The “funded house Würffel” is mentioned even as late as 1520. Master Leonhard Haider (1468) is known to have been a conventor there.125

Harrerburse alias St. Hieronymusburse, c. 1466 (Kumpfgasse 1 / Schulerstraße 20).

This bursa was probably a private enterprise, it was most likely named after Johannes Harrer from Heilbronn, who graduated as Magister Artium in 1442. It was called “Bursa Sancti Jeronimi” in 1466. Other known wardens were  : Master Michel Lochmair von Haideck (1469)  ; Master Georg von Dinkelsbühel (1473)  ; Master Christof Hueber von Rosenheim (1490).126

Kelhaimerburse, “Domus Kelhaimer”, v. 1457 (Bäckerstraße 11)

This house belonging to Viennese townsman Andre Kelhaimer and his successors is known to have housed a Bursa that was a purely private enterprise with a series of wardens   : Eberhard Schleusinger, Urban Trönl von Kelhaim (1457), Kolman von Weitra (1458).127

Schwaigerburse or Schlierstadtburse, v. 1466 (near Kelhaimerhaus)

This Bursa was accommodated in rented space in a townhouse. Several conventors are known  : Master Johannes Schwaiger from Ingolstadt (1466)  ; Master Georg Zingl from Schlierstadt (1470)  ; Master Johannes Pici de Maczen (1471)  ; Master Johannes Tichtl from Grein (1472–74)  ; Master Sigismund de Scherding (1478).128

Endnotes 1 See Engelbr echt, Geschichte des österreichischen Bildungswesens 1, 64–78. 2 Following Bernhard von Chartres († c. 1130). See  : Rüegg, Geschichte der Universität 1, see contributions by Walter Rüegg und Jacques Verger. 3 See Mor aw, Prag im Mittelalter, 22–26. 4 R e x roth, Deutsche Universitätsstiftungen, 83–85.

 5 Wagner, Von der “Natio”, 141 – 162, esp. 162 with reference to Mor aw, Die Prager Universitäten, 109 – 123, esp., 123.  6 Wagner, Von der “Natio”, 145f.; also see R e x roth, Trans­fer des Pariser Universitätsmodells, 507–532  ; Mor aw, Prag im Mittelalter, 9 – 134  ; Ibid., Die Prager Universitäten, 97 – 129.   7 See Ruegg 1.   8 Circumscription of the oldest Grand University of Vienna Seal, 1365. See Ill. 3. See Ga ll, Insignien, 25–29.  9 Wagner, Landesfürsten, 269–294, esp. 272. Also see R e x roth, Deutsche Universitätsstiftungen, 5. In Vienna, this honour was awarded to the two professors who were called to Vienna from Paris after the Great Western Schism (1378). They were honoured with a memorial plaque in St. Stephan in 2009  : THE FACULTY OF CATHOLIC THEOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA GRATEFULLY REMEMBERS ITS ESTABLISHMENT IN 1384 AND THE PROFESSORS WHO HAVE BEEN INTERRED HERE IN THE UNIVERSITY / APOSTLE CHOIR, ESPECIALLY THE TWO ESTABLISHING PROFESSORS  : HEINRICH HEIMBUCHE VON LANGENSTEIN (†1397), HEINRICH TOTTING VON OYTA (†1397), 1384 2009. 10 The German and Latin versions have been edited a.o. by Uiblein in  : 600 Jahre Universität Wien. Also see  : Csendes, Rechtsquellen der Stadt Wien, 143 f.; Engelbr echt, Geschichte des österreichischen Bildungswesens 1, 402–419. 11 Lhotsk y, Artistenfakultät, 29. 12 See Mühlberger, Schule und Unterricht, 296–311. 13 Albrecht von Sachsen (†1390) originated from the Halberstadt diocese. His place of birth has been named as the village of Rickmersdorf / Rickensdorf near Helmstedt. On the person, see Heidingsfelder, Albert von Sachsen  ; NDB 1 (1953), 135 and recently Berger, Albertus de Saxonia, 300f. 14 Johann Ribi von Lenzburg (Aargau) was also called “von Platzheim” with reference to his Alsatian ecclesiastical fief  ; he was the Bishop of Brixen in 1364 – 1374. See Str na dt, Stiftungsuniversität, 250, note 13 contains further references. 15 K ink 1 / 1 (Wien 1856), 1 – 18. For the foundation patent, ibid. 2, 1–24 Nr. 1. Rudolph IV and his brothers Albrecht III and Leopold III acted as joint founders of the university and the collegiate church “Allerheiligen”. See R e x roth, Deutsche Universitätsstiftungen, 108 – 146. On the academic nations, see note 16 below. 16 The division in to academic nations was documented by the University on June 6, 1366. K ink 2, 32–34 Nr. 5. 17 The diocese of Vienna was established in 1469 under Friedrich III. Another see was established at the same time in Wiener Neustadt, even after one in Ljubljana in 1461. See

The Old University Quarter  37

Niederstätter, 349–352. – On the role of St. Stephen’s church as capella regia Austriaca see Wagner, Universitätsstiftung und Kollegium, 91ff. (contains further references). 18 Cited in Uiblein, Landesfürsten, 383f. note 7. Vgl. K ink 2, 24f. No. 2. 19 Bruder, Finanzpolitik. 20 Wagner, Landesfürsten, esp. 275–288. 21 See most recently Ubl, Pfaffenstadt, 17–26. 22 See M a isel, “Die Stadt in der Stadt”, 24–27. 23 In the Latin version of the foundation patent  : “…locum subscriptis terminis et finibus interclusum…” See K ink 2, 5, No. 1. 24 On the topographic location see Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 77f., topographical map, 206 and Cat. No. 2.15 (234 f.). See the relevant passage of the foundation patent from March 12, 1365 in  : Csendes, Rechtsquellen der Stadt Wien, 143 f. (Latin), 159f. (German). See K ink 2, 5, No. 1. 25 The Schottenkloster was not to be part of the phaffenstatt. See Mühlberger, Universität und Stadt, 53–86, note. 50. 26 Csendes (Ed.), Rechtsquellen der Stadt Wien, 159. Also see Lichtenberger, Raum und Gesellschaft, 34. 27 Lhotsk y, Artistenfakultät, 33–36. 28 Now part of the house Kärntnerstrasse 4 (Hofquartierbuch from 1566 No. 807   ; Konskriptionsnummer No. 1075) Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 80f.; Mühlberger, Studentenbursen, 144f.; Uiblein, Frühgeschichte, 39. 29 Ga ll, MU W 1 30 On the history of the 1384 Albertinum, see L ack ner, Diplomatische Bemerkungen, 124 – 125. See Ibid., Wissen für den Hof, 37–51. 31 See  : L ack ner, Diplomatische Bemerkungen, 117 – 120  ; Ibid, Möglichkeiten und Perspektiven diplomatischer Forschung (Commentary, Publication and German Translation of the Albertinums). Also see  : R e x roth, Deutsche Universitätsstiftungen, 121 and Sommer feldt, Aus der Zeit der Begründung, 306 f. 32 Rück brod, Das bauliche Bild der Universität  ; Also see  : Ibid., Universität und Kollegium (1977) and Seifert, Universitätskollegien, 355–372. 33 See Kühtr eiber, Universitätsgeschichte aus Schutt und Scherben, 169–204, esp. 173f. 34 Schmeltzl, Ein Lobspruch, Verse 325–340. See K isch, Die alten Strassen, 560 f. 35 Lichtenberger, Raum und Gesellschaft, 35–39   ; Perger, Straßen Türme und Basteien  ; Czeik e 1, 215. 36 L ack ner, Möglichkeiten und Perspektiven diplomatischer Forschung, 83f. (Latin), 106f. (German). For an excerpt of the Albrecht III. Privilege to found the Collegium Ducale see Wagner, Universitätsstiftung und Kollegium, 368–371. See Opll, Tilemann Stella, 328 with note 32. 37 Also  : “Predigerplatz”, “Bei den Predigern”, “Dominikaner­

38  Kurt Mühlberger

platz” and “Bockgasse” (referring to a former house sign “Zum blauen Bock”) see K isch, Die alten Strassen, 419. 38 Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 984 39 Wagner, Universitätsstiftung und Kollegium, 370. 40 ÖNB Cod. 2765, fol. 1a. Rationale divinorum officiorum des Guilhelmus Durandus. See Uiblein, Universität Wien im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, 248–251, Catalogue No. 4.4.1–8. 41 On this, see Grössing, Humanistische Naturwissenschaft, 253 note 57. 42 Hueber, Zur Entwicklung der Baugestalt, 111 – 125 as well as “Collegii Gassen”. Opll, Tilemann Stella, 329 (See Ill. 11). 43 Latin version published in Sommer feldt, Aus der Zeit der Begründung, 302–331. On dating the source in the year 1388 see Uiblein, Die Universität Wien im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, 25 and Ibid., Die Landesfürsten, 393f. 44 Onthis, see the contribution by Nina K nieling. 45 Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 984f.; Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 26–28. 46 Wagner, Universitätsstiftung und Kollegium, 44–55, 114 – 124  : First imprint of the Collegium Ducale Statutes, see ibid., 371–379. 47 Mühlberger, Finanzielle Aspekte, 115 – 142. The reforms of Ferdinand I in 1537 and 1554 resulted in the establishment of remunerated teaching positions for specific subjects. See K ink.2, 352–359 and Ibid. 380–384, 395–397. 48 The collegians’ right to chose their own successors was documented under the Duke Wilhelm on July 4, 1405, Duke Albrecht V on December 21, 1414 and again under King Maximilian I on May 3, 1504. K ink 1 / 2, 33–35 No. XII and Ibid. 2, 266 No. 23 as well as 308 No. 43. 49 K ink 2, 396. 50 Redinand I’s reform, September 15, 1537, K ink 2, 352f., see Ibid. 395. 51 On the “Collegium ducale” (later “Collegium archiducale”), see Wagner, Universitätsstiftung und Kollegium, 91 – 172  ; Goldm a nn, Die Universität, 151 – 155. On the Prague Collegium Carolinum and the adjoined collegiate church Allerheiligen, see Tomek, Prager Universität, 21–23  ; Svatoš, Pražvká univerzitní kolej všech svatý, 85–93 and Wagner, Universitätsstiftung und Kollegium, 37–89. 52 Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 33   ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 84. 53 K ink II, 153  ; Mühlberger, Juristenmatrikel 1, 4f. 54 A purchase patent dated January 9, 1385 states that Albrecht III moved a school into the house  : “in der Schuelstrass ze Wienn … ein schuel gelegt hat” (Quellen 2 / 1, 256 Nr. 1081). See Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 84f. On the foundation by Koloman Kolb on July 1, 1397 see Uiblein, A FA, 151 with note 11  ; K ink 1 / 1, 102 with note 113. Also see Geusau, Stiftungen, 108 – 113. For the statutes of the Faculty of Law from April 1, 1389 see K ink 2, 153. Also

see  : Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 33–44 as well as Ga ll, IvoKapelle, 491–508 and Ca mesina, Juristenschule, 127 – 129. Also see Aschbach 2, 102 and Ibid. 3, 79–87. 55 Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 44. 56 M aur er, Kollegium zum hl. Nikolaus, V– XI, 1–43. See Uiblein, Die Universität Wien im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, 22. Wodk a, Kirche in Österreich, 200–203. On the Fabri foundation, see Denk, Collegium trilingue 57 Senfelder, Gesundheitspflege, 1058f., 1067   ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 89. 58 In 1911, contractor Guido Gröger replaced the three Baroque houses with a large Jugendstil house bearing the number 10 – 12. Owned by the Ärztekammer Wien since 1956 on the basis of the Austrian Staatsvertrag. Refurbished in 1979 – 1984”. Czeik e 1, 171. 59 See Opll, Tilemann Stella, 328–332. 60 See A ntonicek, Musik-und Theaterleben, 168 – 170. 61 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 86f.; Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 987–990. Opll, Tilemann Stella, 330–331 with note 40–41. 62 Ga ll, Alma Mater, 134 – 138. The university’s jurisdiction was abolished in 1783. See  : Kink 1, 561f and Ibid. 2, 590 No. 191. Opll, Tilemann Stella, 331 with note 43. 63 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 92f.; Ga ll, Alte Universität, 91–95 (on university jurisdiction)  ; Quellen 1 / 2, 373, No. 3619  ; Kink 2, 269–271 No. 25. 64 On this, see Grössing, Humanistische Naturwissenschaft, esp. 147 – 153. 65 Mühlberger, Poetenkolleg und Dichterkrönung, 84 – 119. 66 See Gr a f-Stuhlhofer, Humanismus zwischen Hof und Universität, 58–71  ; Mühlberger, Zwischen Reform und Tradition  ; 18–22  ; Kink 1 / 1, 199  ; Aschbach 2, 61–72, 444 (Last will and testament, issued on January 24, 1508 “in domo S. Annae”). On St. Anna, see Perger / Br auneis, Mittelalterliche Kirchen und Klöster, 252–257. 67 Ruppr ich, 320 f.: Letter from Johann Engel on March 17, 1498 to Celtis “Viennae in scolis iuristarum moranti”. 68 Schr auf, AFM 2, 228 on October 13, 1500. 69 Ruppr ich, 406–408 No. 243. See Czeik e 4, 370f. on Neubergerhof. 70 A ntonicek, Musik- und Theaterleben, 168 – 171  ; See J. W. Nagl, Jakob Zeidler, Deutsch-österreichische Literaturgeschichte, 1. Band  : Von der Kolonisation bis 1750 (Wien-Leipzig 1898), 448, 452  ; see K ink 1 / 1, 219 note 254. 71 Aschbach 2, 66. 72 Mühlberger, Poetenkolleg und Dichterkrönung, 84 – 119. See Czeik e 4, 370 f. (“Neuberger Hof ”)  ; K isch, Die alten Strassen, 466f. and Perger /  B r auneis, Mittelalterliche Kirchen und Klöster, 273. 73 R eischl, Die Wiener Prälatenhöfe, 202 and Bauch, 125 f. uaw  ; Liber Testamentorum Universitatis Viennensis

1504 – 1551, fol. 20f. Testament also printed in  : Aschbach 2, 442–446 (imprecise text  !), 225  ; Ruppr ich, 604–609, No. 338. 74 Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 991f.; Opll, Tilemann Stella, 330, note 39. 75 On the purchase of the building, see Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 991–993.UAW, Urkundenreihe B 150. See Perger, Universitätsgegbäude, 101f. On the university library, see Nina Knieling’s contribution. 76 Mühlberger, Zu den Krisen der Universität Wien, 269– 277. 77 On this, see the diplomas from October 12, 1512, UAW, Urkundenreihe B 171, B 172  ; Ca mesina, Hospital, 140f.; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 102 located the “recent student hospital” in the area of Parkring 10, 12. Also see Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 63–67 and Aschbach 2, 99f. 78 Verger, Collegium, Sp. 39–42  ; Seifert, Universitätskollegien, 355–359. Also see Schw inges, Studentenbursen, 537. On celibacy, see Wagner, uxorati, 15–40. 79 See Schr auf, Studien, 12f.; Ibid., Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 994f.; Schw inges, Studentenbursen, 530f. with note 10. 80 On the function of the warden, see Denk, Alltag zwischen Studieren und Betteln, 142 – 145. 81 University statutes from 1385, K ink 2, 78  ; see Uiblein, Die Universität Wien im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, 35. 82 Statutes of the Faculty of Arts, April , 1389, Titulus VI, De vita et moribus scolarium facultatis artium, ed. K ink 2, 187. 83 Schw inges, Studentenbursen, 534. See K ink 2, 375 No. 62. 84 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 21, No. 10 and Ibid., 24 No. 19 (2)  ; Schw inges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 15 with note 10  ; Ibid., Studentenbursen, 541f. 85 See Schr auf, Studien, 13. Also see K ink 2, 253. 86 Denk, Alltag zwischen Studieren und Betteln, 142 – 150. 87 Ibid., 150 – 164, 186 – 196. See Matthias Le x er, Mittelhochdeutsches Taschenwörterbuch (Leipzig 171926), who lists “Koderie” with reference to the Vocabularium theutonicum (Nürnberg 1482)  : “kodrei oder haus der armen (poorhouse), codria“  ; also see Jacob and Wilhelm Gr imm, Deutsches Wörterbuch V / 2 (Leipzig 1854 – 1960)  : also see K ink 1 / 1, 37 and Schr auf, Studien, 16 with note 2. 88 Mühlberger, Universität und Stadt, 53–86. 89 M a isel, Der “Lateinische Krieg”, 389–411. 90 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 6 note 12 (after UAW, Cod. R 2, fol. 55r). 91 There were even as many as 768 enrolments in 1449 (MUW I, 265–273)  ; on 1413 see MUW I, 95 – 100. Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 7 with note 14 (AFA III, fol. 13r)  ; Uiblein, Die Universität Wien im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, 35.  92 Schr auf, Grundzüge, 18. See Ibid., Die Wiener Univer-

The Old University Quarter  39

sität im Mittelalter, 1009 – 1013. The University statue from July 13, 1509 in K ink 2, 314.   93 On Nikolaus von Gleiwitz and the history of his foundation for poor Silesian students, see Uiblein, Kopialbuch, 51–68. See Opll, Tilemann Stella, 330 with note 35  ; Sch w inges, Studentenbursen, 539f. Quellen 1 / 5, No. 4941. On the inspections, see Mühlberger, Studentenbursen, 166 – 172, 177 with notes 173 – 175.  94 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 9 with reference to AFA 2, fol. 56v. On Wagendrüssel see Perger, Wiener Ratsbürger, 254 No. 515.; See Opll, Tilemann Stella, 328.   95 UAW, Altes Universitätsarchiv, Lad. 1 Nr. 1.  96 For the names of wardens, see  : Mühlberger, Studentenbursen, 178f. with note 180. On the Rosenburse see Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 9 – 13  ; Ibid., Studien (as in note 3), 20–22  ; ibid., Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1000f.   97 Zitiert nach Schr auf, Studien, 22. See Bir k, Materialien, 84.   98 For a list of the foundations in connection with the Rosenburse, see Mühlberger, Studentenbursen, 179 with note 182.  99 MUW 1 / 1, 1425, H. 40, 153. See Aschbach 1, 610, Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 30f. 100 Documented on September 18, 1501 and on October 13, 1514, AFA 4, fol. 21r, 90r. 101 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 27 Nr. 20 / 5 and ibid., 30f.; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 89f, 99f. 102 Wardens named in  : Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1005 – 1007  ; Ibid., Studien, 29–31. On Pfanzagl see Perger, Wiener Ratsbürger, 169 No. 38. 103 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 21f.; Opll, Tilemann Stella, 331 with note 44. 104 Documented on October 13, 1514, UAW, Cod. Ph.9, AFA 4, f. 90a. On the inspections, see Mühlberger, Studentenbursen, 181f. 105 See Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 90f.; Savager i, 113 – 116  ; Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1005-07. After the 1755 “Liber fundationum”, the foundation “Bursa Agni et Bruck” gave out stipends for thirteen Austrians with an annual sum of 25 guilders each, which they could receive for up to eleven years. Another stipend was added in 1755. UAW, Cod. R.8, pag. 15, 35–44. 106 AFA 4, fol. 45r–47v, 49r and documented on October 13, 1514, AFA 4, f. 90a. 107 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 91f.; Opll, Tilemann Stella, 331 with note 45  ; Geusau, Stiftungen, 113 – 116  ; Savager i, Stiftungen, 113 – 116.; Gugli a, Wiener Stiftungen, 634  ; Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1007f. 108 Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1008

40  Kurt Mühlberger

with reference to AFA 3, fol. 101v. Ibid., Studentenhäuser, 26 No. 19 / 12 and 27 No. 20 / 2–5. Name change from “Neue Burse” to “Löwenburse” is noted on July 10, 1498 in Artisten. 109 Documented on October 13, 1514, AFA 4, f. 90a. Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 94f.; Schrauf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1008. 110 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 99f. 111 Uiblein, Dr. Georg Läntsch, 63, note 23 found the first mention of the “bursa doctoris gentium” even in 1491 (AFA 3. fol. 351r) as opposed to Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 17 (a. 1493). Uiblein also rejects the existing association of the documents under this name (AFA 3, fol. 351r, 368v) with Heidenheimburse. See Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 100f. 112 Documented on October 13, 1514, AFA 4, f. 90a  ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 100f.; Schrauf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1004f. 113 For further wardens, see  : Uiblein, Dr. Georg Läntsch, 63 with note 22–24 with reference to AFTh 2, fol. 122r and AFA 3, fol. 377v  ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 92. For conventors after 1507 see AFA 4, fol. 29v, 43r, 56r etc. See Opll, Tilemann Stella, 331 with note 42. 114 Documented on October 13, 1514, UAW, Cod. Ph.9, AFA. IV, f. 90a  ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 92  ; Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1004f. See Uiblein, Dr. Georg Läntsch, 63 with note 23. 115 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 18, 32f. In contrast, see Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 93f. 116 Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 62.; documented on October 13, 1514, UAW, Cod. Ph.9, AFA 4, f. 90a. 117 See Denk, Alltag zwischen Studieren und Betteln   ; R imely, Historia Collegii Pazmaniani,21 ff.; Opll, Tilemann Stella, 330 with notes 37 and 38  ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 93f. with note 187  ; On the Goldberg house sale, see Goldm a nn, Die Universität, 46, 49–51. 118 The house was ravaged by the 1525 city fire. Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 94  ; Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 34f. 119 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 95f.; Schrauf, Die Wiener Universität im Mittelalter, 1008   ; Geusau, Stiftungen, 123 – 126  ; Savager i, Stiftungen, 171 – 174  ; Gugli a, Wiener Stiftungen, 605f. 120 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 96f.; Uiblein, Dr. Georg Läntsch, 79, note 111. Opll, Tilemann Stella, 328 with note 34. 121 Faculty session on April 3, 1501, AFA 4, fol. 18v. 122 Documented between November 29 and December 1, 1505, AFA.4, fol. 43v. 123 Documented on October 13, 1514, UAW, Cod. Ph.9, AFA 4, f. 90a  ; AFA.5, fol. 14v  ; R imely, Historia Collegii Pazmaniani (see note 222), 17f.; Perger, Universitäts; gebäude, 96f.; Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 24–27, 40  

ibid., Studien, 25f., 96f.; Ibid., Die Wiener Universität (see note 3), 1003f. 124 Liber fundationum, 1755, fol. 22, 110 – 119, UAW, Cod. R.8. On this, see Geusau, Stiftungen, 119f.; Savager i, Stiftungen, 169f.; Gugli a, Wiener Stiftungen, 614. 125 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 98f.; Schr auf, Die Wiener Universität, 1008. 126 Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 32. 127 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 98f. 128 Ibid., 99  ; Schr auf, Studentenhäuser, 33f.

The Old University Quarter  41

Herbert Karner

The University and the Society of Jesus   Collegium Academicum Viennense (1624 – 1755)

T

he foundation stone for the Academic College in Vienna’s Stubenviertel district was laid on August 1, 1624. A printed version of the inscription used on that occasion has survived. It provides a summary of the history of the Jesuits in Vienna (brief as it was at the time), who had arrived in the city in 1551 after direct negotiations between King Ferdinand I and the monastery founder Ignatius of Loyola. The former Carmelite monastery and church on the square Am Hof had originally been used as a collegium and was now, in 1624, being transformed into the convent’s professorial residence. A new collegium, the “novum sociorum ac musarum domicilium” was erected upon Emperor Ferdinand II’s bidding in order to propagate piety and the sciences (“Pietatis ac Literarum … Propagando”). The building complex was dedicated to the order’s saints St. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier.1

The unification of the university and the Jesuit collegium in one building

The Society of Jesus had been given the opportunity to erect a new and generous complex on the site of the mediaeval university in the Stubenviertel, northeast of St. Stephen’s cathedral. Emperor Ferdinand II’s “Sanctio Pragmatica” was published on October 13, 1623  ; after a lengthy history, it irrevocably decreed the institutional unification of the monastery Kollegium and the university. The Society of Jesus was solely in charge of instruction in theology and philosophy  : they divided this course of study into “studia inferiora” (three grammar classes, humanities

Fig. 1: This excerpt from Bonifaz Wolmuet’s map of Vienna shows the buildings of the university in 1547. The buildings were arranged along Riemerstrasse (“Riemer Stros.”): The mediaeval “universitet Collegium” (Collegium Ducale), in the south the “Aula Universitatis” (also known as Structura nova or Neue Schul, Faculty of Arts building) and the “Liberey” (library) between Oberer (Vorderer) and Unterer (Hinterer) Bäckerstrasse (present-day Sonnenfelsgasse).

classes and rhetoric classes) and “studia superiora” (logic, physics with mathematics, metaphysics with ethics as well as all subjects pertaining to the study of theology, such as scholastic theology, church law, controversialist theology and casuistry). The two institutions were merged after decades of controversy  ; the merger was defining for the future Collegium Academicum Viennense.2 The resulting serious alterations to the Stubenviertel structures are well

The University and the Society of Jesus    43

Fig. 2: Werner Arnold Steinhausen’s 1710 city map shows the great size of the new Jesuitenkolleg the university was implemented to. Its erection in 1624 resulted in a serious alteration of the district’s urban structure. Riemergasse was foreshortened to come to an abrupt end at the newly erected Jesuit school wing. The required site and the space for the new Universitätsplatz necessitated the demolition of old buildings, primarily the old Collegium Ducale as well as other university buildings, including the historic Lammburse.

illustrated by a comparison of town maps from 1547 and from 1710. The 1547 map by Bonifaz Wolmuet (Fig. 1) shows that Riemergasse (“Riemer Stros.”) formed a main axis crossing the entire university site. The old university buildings were arranged along it in this order  : the “universitet Collegium” (the Collegium Ducale established in 1384) and its fifteenth century extensions, namely the “Aula Universitatis” (the Faculty of Arts building also known as Structura nova or Neue Schul) in the south and the “Liberey” (library) in the west, between upper (Vorderer) and lower (Hinterer) Bäckerstraße (now Sonnenfelsgasse). This complex of buildings together with a series of nearby Bursas (student hostels) formed the centre of the uni-

44  Herbert Karner

versity until the Jesuits began construction works in the seventeenth century. Werner Arnold Steinhausen’s map from 1710 (Fig. 2), in contrast, shows the exact implementation of the Jesuit site in this area.3 Riemergasse was foreshortened immediately after the intersection with Wollzeile and comes to an abrupt end at the Collegium’s school wing. The only part of the street to be retained was its final section to the north of the collegium (today part of Schönlaterngasse, leading to Postgasse). The entire area between those parts was taken up by the new Jesuit building. It had been necessary to gain the site for the building before works could begin  : this involved the abolition of small lanes (Schulgasse and Filzergasse) as well as parts of Untere Bäckerstraße and the demolition of existing buildings, most of all the old Collegium Ducale as well as other university buildings, including the old Lammburse. The church had to be given appropriate prominence and visibility  ; hence, the large-scale project included plans for a square in front of the church face. This square was to simultaneously fulfil the function of a public university square. The ground for this square was acquired by purchasing and demolishing two townhouses located between Obere Bäckerstraße and Untere Bäckerstraße. The site gained in this manner was combined with the two adjoining street sections to form this square as an urban landmark.

The planning and construction history of the Collegium

Several valuable documents provide an insight into the history of the planning and construction of the college and the church  : these include ground plans and pictorial documents that are kept in the Paris national library as well as written documentation that is stored in Vienna. A detailed analysis may be made in the future  : it will stand to gain important knowledge of details by studying further documents, especially those that are kept in the Central Archive of the Society of Jesus in Rome.4 At this point, three (partly

Fig. 3: Different plans for the erection of the Jesuitenkolleg are known from the period between autumn 1622 and summer 1624. All versions clearly diverge from details of the building as it was eventually erected. The second version (idea secunda) ground floor plan contains the Roman censor’s reasons for its rejections under the hand-written heading “Contra hanc ideam hoc opponantur”. All plans are now kept in the Paris national library.

incomplete) draft plans5 reveal the struggle to put the available site to best possible use. The imperial decision to erect the new college was officially cast on October 21, 1622. The foundation stone was laid just under two years later, on August 1, 1624.6 The draft plans mentioned above were drawn up between these dates. In accordance with the planning process of the Society of Jesus, they had had to be presented to the priesthood’s central office in Rome, where they failed to be approved. The reasons for the rejection are known for at least the “idea secunda” (second version)  : the ground floor plan is annotated with seven points under the heading “Contra hanc ideam hoc opponantur”. A comparison of the drafts and the complex as it was built reveals that clear alterations were made before approval was given.

All three projects, the “idea prima ” (three floor plans), the “idea secunda” (Fig. 3) and the “idea tertia” (three floor plans) (Fig. 4), follow the same basic scheme  : a complex with three courtyards aligned along a north-south axis. The Collegium (i. e., the Jesuits’ residential area) is situated around the central, largest courtyard. It immediately adjoins the church in the west. This sacred building is the only one to remain unchallenged in position and type throughout all the plans. The “idea prima” clearly separates the two school areas  : A court with a small two-storey building abuts the Collegium on the northern side. It is marked as the “area scholarum inferiorum”. The “area scholarum superiorum”, on the other hand, is marked on the southern side as a complex arranged around a grand courtyard.

The University and the Society of Jesus    45

Fig. 4: The third version (idea tertia) ground floor plan shows a basic scheme that is fundamentally similar to the other two versions: three courtyards in north-south arrangement. The central court is assigned to the Collegium (the order’s living quarters). It is abutted in the west by the church, the only part of the building that remained unchanged in position and ground plan type from the very beginning.

The “idea secunda” (Fig. 3) essentially adopts this three-part grouping, but defines the northern court (“B”) as the service area with kitchens, sculleries and refectory immediately connected to the college. The latter is once again located around the central courtyard (“C”). The yard on the southern side is the “area scholarum” (“A”)  : the school’s large classrooms are arranged around the courtyard. The main alteration in the “idea tertia” (Fig. 4) relates to the structure of the school wing. It is conceived as an isolated, autonomous building in this plan and is only connected to the college by way of the boundary walls at ground floor level. The two upper storeys were to be used for the “aula academica”, a huge hall that was to take up slightly more than half of the wing.

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The hierarchy of the buildings’ functions was to be communicated via the façades that in all three designs were to abut the planned square. Framing this square on two sides, the school and church wing were thus to present themselves openly to the public. The Collegium, as the priesthood’s central area on the site, was to be hidden from public view. All three plans differ from the complex as it was eventually built in one important aspect  : they fail to include the late mediaeval building of the Nova Structura in the southern section of the college. We can conclude that a complete demolition of the Nova Structura was still intended at this point in time, its four grand wings obstructing, as they did, an extension of Obere Bäckerstraße. This is clearly illustrated by Wohlmuet’s map of 1547 (Fig. 1). The

Fig. 5: A multi-part set of plans was created in the third quarter of the eighteenth century, which provides valuable insights regarding, among others, the room allocation of (what is known in the sources as) the Aula Universitatis: the Collegium wing that was separated from the main building by Bäckerstrasse in the south. The ground floor plan shows four equally sized halls, which are described as “Schullen” and can be accessed from a walkway parallel to the street.

extension of Bäckerstraße was absolutely necessary in order to connect the collegium and the university with the town’s street grid. This consideration would be the only plausible explanation for the apparent initial intention (as documented by the plans) to fit the school building, its classrooms and large upper storey theatre so snugly into a site that reached no further than where the new street was to be built. As soon, however, as the decision had been reached to erect the school building on the other side of the street and include the stock of the previous building, it was possible to create a new design for the Collegium (Fig. 5). The inner courtyard was rotated by ninety degrees, so that its long side was

parallel to the church. Due to the relocation of the school wing, the inner courtyard that had been intended for that wing became redundant  ; the Jesuit core area was able to have a more generous structure. This design had already been decided on as early as September 1623  : Kollegium rector P. Wilhelm Lamormaini wrote a letter to university rector Wilhelm Rechperger on September 9, wherein he notes the upcoming partial demolition of the mediaeval Aula Universitatis (Nova Structura) in order to make way for the new street. The remaining part of the building, Lamormaini wrote, was to be integrated into the future school building.7

The University and the Society of Jesus    47

Fig. 6: The set of plans outlined from the third quarter of the eighteenth century contains this ground plan of the Aula Universitatis first floor. It shows a room allocation that is analogous to the ground floor with teaching rooms (“Schullen”) and a chapel (“Capelle”); the narrower rear part of the room contains a “theatre” that was intended for student presentations.

We can assume that the demolition works were largely completed when the foundation stone was laid on August 1, 1624. Work on this large-scale project proceeded swiftly and without interruption in the following years. The church was completed and festively consecrated in 1631 by cardinal Franz Dietrichstein. The collegium building was topped out in 1639. The works were financed largely by emperor Ferdinand II  ; the Jesuits’ annual reports Litterae Annuae list that the emperor invested a sum of 87,000 guilders between 1625 and 1635. The domus universitatis next to the Jesuit or University Church (now Sonnenfelsgasse 19) was inaugurated in 1628. For this house, a building had been

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purchased and merged with Wolfgang Stubenvoll’s house  : it accommodated the university administration (university beadle, chancellery staff, archive and prison).

The university church Assumption of Mary and Sts. Ignatius and Francis Xavier

Within the history of architectural style, the Jesuit church, which simultaneously served as the university church, constituted one of the first early Baroque sacral buildings in Central Europe to follow the Italian models. It is designed as what is known

as a Roman hall accompanied by four chapels each on both sides. The closed hall character is created by giant pilasters in composite order with a mighty all round entablature on the walls. The chapels are subordinated. The choir is only slightly retracted and has a single bay and a polygonal apse. The space is terminated above by sweeping barrel vaults with lunnettes. There are no pictorial documents that show the original view of the church interior  ; however, it can be imagined as keeping with the style of early Baroque Jesuit churches with black and gold altars before white-washed walls and vaults. The interior space was fully redesigned in 1703 – 1705 by the renowned Padre Andrea Pozzo S.J. from Rome. He had “corretti” inserted into the arched areas of the high side chapels (similar to theatre boxes) and painted all vaults with a cycle of images on the basis of a complex, Jesuit-influenced iconography.8 Pozzo united the vaults of the two central bays, thus creating an almost square space above which he painted one of his famous blind domes in oblique prospect (as he had previously done in San Ignazio in Rome and in the Jesuit churches in Frascati and Mondovì). Pozzo employed this mighty illusionary dome motif in order to turn this longitudinally aligned space into a centralised space. Pozzo staged the high altar as a mighty architecture of columns implicating an eternal “theatrum sacrum” that is immediately related to the trinity that is introduced into the sacred space by way of its highly realistic rendering on the apse vault. The church’s function as university church is reflected in the patrons of the first pair of chapels immediately by the entrance. The chapel of the Faculty of Philosophy is on the left hand side with an altarpiece showing the mystical betrothal of St. Catherine, the faculty’s patron saint. Opposite, on the right side, there is the Faculty of Theology chapel with an altarpiece showing the crucifixion of Christ flanked by paintings of the Latin church fathers (Gregory, Ambrose, Augustine and Hieronymus) and Thomas Aquinas.

The “Unteres Jesuiterplatzl” (university square, now  : Ignaz Seipel Platz)

The square constitutes a highly visible part of the entire complex, bordering immediately on the Jesuit buildings on two of its four sides  : the church façade on the north as well as the college front that adjoins at a right angle on the eastern side (p. 59, Fig. 1). The latter is segmented exclusively with simple cordon bands and its only design accent is the main gate that can be accessed via a staircase. The church façade has a demure, flat segmentation that makes do without spatially demanding accents. It does, however, develop a regular grid that allows for the development of a display wall with several iconographic layers. The pilasters and horizontal bands (entablature, cornice, attic zone) form a series of fields spanning across two storeys. These are occupied by window and niche aediculas. The imperial founder’s coat-of-arms on ground floor level is located underneath upper floor niches that contain the sculptures of the two saints of the order Ignatius of Loyola and Francis Xavier, above them St. Catherine and St. Barbara, the patron saints of the Faculty of Philosophy and of the school youth, as well as St. Joseph, who had been patron saint of the Holy Roman Empire since 1676 and St. Leopold, Austrian patron saint since 1663. It therefore displays a comprehensive visual program  : in short, it comprises the Society of Jesus, the university, the Holy Roman Empire and Austria, with the addition of the defining (for the priesthood and for Ferdinand II) counter-revolutionary aspect that is expressed in the two line inscription.9 These iconographic dimensions of the façade are bound to influence the square in front, which belongs to the church and the priesthood as much as the university as well as potentially the memory of the Habsburg struggle in support of the Catholic cause.

The University and the Society of Jesus    49

Fig. 7: The set of plans outlined in fig. 5 from the third quarter of the eighteenth century contains this ground plan of the Aula Universitatis first floor. It shows a room allocation that is analogous to the ground floor with teaching rooms (“Schullen”) and a chapel (“Capelle”); the narrower rear part of the room contains a “theatre” that was intended for student presentations.

The refectory in the library wing of the Society of Jesus

There are two further examples of Jesuit architectural art beyond the church and the theatre (described below). An extension to the Postgasse wing located on the corner between Schönlaterngasse and Postgasse in the northeastern area of the Kolleg contains the refectory and immediately above it the two-level library hall10. The refectory is a large hall that stretches across six axes in length and two axes in width (see Fig. 5). It impresses to this day with its early eighteenth century design. The walls are segmented with double pilasters

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made of painted scagliola, the flat ceiling is enhanced with quality stucco decoration of floral and figural elements. The large, central stucco ceiling panel contains the priesthood’s IHS symbol surrounded by a gilded gloriole of rays and clouds. The panel is flanked by four small round stucco tondi containing relief renderings of “Mary dictates the rules of the priesthood to Ignatius (Manresa)”, “Ignatius’ vision of the trinity”, “Vision of La Storta” and “Ignatius puts down the worldly sword of the knight (Monserrat)”. Two further relief stucco works showing “Ignatius sends Francis Xavier to India” and “Ignatius accepts Francis Borgia into the priesthood” complete the standard program that contains important sta-

Fig. 8: Above the teaching rooms of the Aula Universitatis, there is a large, two-storey theatre hall that was refurbished and newly equipped several times in the course of the seventeenth century. It was used for student performances (repeatedly in the presence of the Emperor), university ceremonies (promotions, disputations) as well as assemblies of the Jesuits’ Marian congregation. Its last major refurbishment occurred in 1736 and culminated with a ceiling painting depicting the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. Antonio or Giuseppe Galli-Bibiena, imperial theatre artist, was responsible for the grand illusionary architecture ceiling painting on the subject of the Assumption of Mary, which has been preserved to this day. The hall has been modernised and is now used as a location for conferences and presentations.

tions in the life of the priesthood’s founder and thus reflects vital aspects of Jesuit identity. The wing was extended in late Classicist style in 1827 – 1829 and has, together with the refectory, housed the university archive since 1980.

“Domus Academica” and “Aula Universitatis”

Bäckerstraße had been extended and separated the four storey school wing (also known as “Jesuit theatre” and “old Aula”) from the actual Collegium

building. They were nevertheless connected by two pier arches. The school wing was also completed in the mid-1630s and included parts of the building of the old Aula Universitatis (Nova Structura). The Polish Jesuit Barthélmi Nathanael Wassakowski wrote a travel report of his 1653 stay in Vienna, in which he describes the building as “domus academica” with “in supremo aula seu auditorium pro actionibus comicis et Academicis”  : It was from the very beginning equipped with a large hall that served for university events such as graduations and thesis defences as well as theatre.11

The University and the Society of Jesus    51

The descriptive terms used by the Polish Jesuit very precisely reflect the terms used in the written documentation and plans  : the building that contained the hall known as the “aula academica” or “auditorium academicum” housed the “scholae” or “academicae scholae”, “Schuelen” or even “Schullen”.12 A series of six ground plans created between 1755 and 1773, when the Jesuit Order was disbanded, are kept in the Albertina. They document the division of rooms and provide a valuable insight into the uses the individual tracts were put to in the second half of the eighteenth century.13 In the “Schullen” (school) wing that we are dealing with here, ground floor and first floor have the same structure  : four equally sized large halls in succession are flanked by a long corridor that is parallel to Bäckerstraße. Both storeys are assigned to the academic grammar school. The four ground floor classrooms (“Schullen”) (Fig. 6) have two free standing columns that form two naves and cross vault ceilings. Three of the upper storey rooms (Fig. 7) also served as classrooms (“Schullen”), one as a chapel (“Capelle”). All rooms are vaulted with a lunnette. The separating walls between the individual halls on the ground and first floors were opened up at a later date and reduced only to the massive wall columns necessary to support the vaults. The impression of a squat three nave hall arrangement created by this design remains in place to this day. When the building was refurbished in 2005, remains of figural and ornamental wall paintings were revealed on the pillars and vaults of the upper storey. They were covered again by plastering, having been altogether too fragmented to allow for the reconstruction of the original iconographic concept. It may, however, be assumed that they were immediately related to the content of the given subjects taught. The university auditoriums and student halls of residence cannot be definitely positioned within the complex at this point. They were probably distributed throughout. The library, for example, was situated far away from the school building in the northern extension of the eastern wing (between today’s Schönlaterngasse and Postgasse).14 According to Testarello’s

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description, the school building itself contained two Faculty of Medicine lecture halls. The large hall that has already been mentioned above, which takes up two storeys, was (and is) situated above the first floor classrooms (Fig. 8). It was the large university theatre hall, where all “actus publicos, as promotiones, disputationes” took place according to information from Viennese canon Johannes Mathias Testarello della Massa in his 1685 description of Vienna. The first documented “promotio sub auspiciis imperatoris” took place there in 1661.15 Next to housing these academic events, the hall was primarily used as a theatre for several decades. As early as 1640, immediately upon completion of the construction works, the chronicles of the priesthood contain a note of performances on a stage of the Aula academica. The emperor’s son, Jesuit scholar King Ferdinand IV who died shortly afterwards of the pocks, donated the remarkable sum of 4000 guilders in 1654 for a “solenne theatrum raris et artificiosis machinis, picturis, conversionibus scenarum, comicis insuper vestimentis, aliis et aliis“16. The excellent equipment of the hall with theatre technology completed the school wing’s high standard of furnishing. Several performances took place in the presence of Habsburg regents, in particular Leopold I. In 1667, the stage was reconstructed by the famous imperial theatre engineer Lodovico Ottavio Burnacini. A gallery was installed on the rear wall opposite the stage, which served primarily as a music stand but apparently also as a box for special guests. Rows of seating were also provided. Testarello noted an alleged capacity of the hall of 3000 visitors, which must have been quite an exaggeration  : “The mentioned auditorium is so large that it can hold 3000 men, and therein are held all actus publicos, also Promotiones, Disputationes, also larger congregations of Unßer Lieben Frawen are always held herein. (…).” The final mention names the third important use of the hall, that of being a congregation hall of the Marian Congregation led by the Society of Jesus. At the end of the seventeenth century (in 1698), the building was provided with a new scenic theatre on the first floor  : albeit clearly smaller, it was

Fig. 9: The ground floor plan of the second storey is taken from the above-mentioned set of plans from the third quarter of the eighteenth century. It shows the use of the Jesuit theatre hall in the Aula Universitatis after the middle of the eighteenth century. After the theatre had been disbanded and its requisites sold in 1754, the hall was used as a “musaeum mathematicum”, for which purpose it was equipped with a gallery around all walls, which was accessible via two spiral staircases.

equipped with five scene changes and was used for performances by the lower grades (studia inferiora). The final great phase of reconstruction and new furnishing began in 1736. It affected all the important parts of the hall, including the stage, proscenium, the gallery on the rear wall and the auditorium’s ceiling. The illusionist paintwork on the ceiling with the motif of the Assumption of Mary is the only element of this late Baroque decoration to have been preserved. It is assumed that it was executed and the quadrature (described in Litterae Annuae 1735) designed by Antonio or Giuseppe Galli-Bibiena, while the heavily reworked figures are ascribed to the Swabian painter Anton Hertzog17. Partial exposures of

further wall paintings were achieved in the course of the general refurbishment in 2005  ; these show that the proscenium, the area in front of the stage, was framed by colossal painted blind architecture which was presumably continued on the fenestrated side walls. A description of this proscenium in the “Historia Collegii” of 1736 confirms this painted version with positioned columns and inserted sculpture niches modelled on Italian examples from the sixteenth and seventeenth century.18 The hall lost its prescribed functions less than twenty years later. From then on, the academic events took place in the Festsaal in the new Aula building that was erected on the eastern side of the “Jesuiter-

The University and the Society of Jesus    53

platzl” (see contributions by Karner and Telesko in this volume)  ; the Marian congregation was moved elsewhere and the Society of Jesus completely abandoned theatre performances. The great interest in Jesuit school theatre was lost in the era of empress Mary Theresa. Its didactic aims were outdated, a development that was closely related to the Jesuits’ continuous loss of their monopoly on education. The rector of the Collegium sold the large stage to the imperial court in 1754 for a total of 2,500 guilders. The empress had decreed that the stage, scenes and technical equipment were to be reconstructed in the (by now imperial) Belvedere palace.19 A “musaeum mathematicum” was established in the hall in 1755. A gallery running all round was installed for this purpose  ; it was accessible via two spiral staircases.20 This (as well as a laboratory installed in the former stage area) is clearly noted in the second storey ground plan that can be found in the Albertina (Fig. 9). The “musaeum mathematicum” had been established as early as 1714  ; it contained books, instruments for optics, astronomy, geography and geometry, as well as artefacts for studies of natural science and ethnology.21 A mathematics tower with observatory had been erected over the southern corner wing in the Bäckerstraße / Postgasse area as early as 1733. Endnotes 1 For more on this inscription, see Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in Wien, 33. 2 On the university district from a cultural studies perspective, see Csák y, Altes Universitätsviertel, 257–278  ; also see Telesko, Kunsthistorische Bemerkungen, 270–302. 3 See Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 75 – 102 and Hueber, Zur Entwicklung der Baugestalt, 111 – 126  ; as well as Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in Wien, and K a r ner, Wiener Bauanlagen der Jesuiten, 39–56. For important finds in the archeology of buildings, see Kühtr eiber, Die Ausgrabungen. 4 For the most complete collection of all known university-related sources and data on the development of the construction of the Collegium, see Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in Wien, 21–37.

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 5 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Hd-c, 53bis, 54, 55  ; Hd–4d, 152, 203, 204, 205. Siehe Val­l eryR adot, Le recueil, 283–284  : Nr. 918–925.   6 For an initial analysis of the plans, see Bösel /  H olzschuhHofer, Jesuitische Gesamtanlage, 103 – 104  ; further literature cited therein.  7 Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in Wien, 32  ; H a m a nn /  M ühlberger / Sk acel, Das Alte Universitätsviertel, 276 (Kat.-Nr. 10.11).   8 See Telesko, Das Freskenprogramm , 75–91.   9 The inscription reads  : DEO VICTORI TRIVMPHATORI OPT. MAX. TROPHAEVM HOC IN MEMORIAM B. VIRGINIS MARIAE / SSQ. IGNATII ET FRANCISCI XAVERII FERDINANDVS II. IMPERATOR STATVIT MDCXXVII. 10 On the library hall painting, see the contribution by Werner Telesko “The purpose of the new university building” in this book, 69–83. 11 Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in Wien, 37  ; zur Aula Universitatis der Jesuiten siehe jüngst ausführlich Lindner, Theatersaal. 12 Lindner, Theatersaal, 8 stresses this precise terminological differentiation in the sources. 13 Albertina Museum Wien, AZ allgemein, Mappe 45, 5394– 5399  ; initially published in full in H a m a nn, Mühlber­ ger, Sk acel, Das Alte Universitätsviertel, 210, 212, 214– 216, 218–221. 14 Statements made on the location of lecture halls by Friedmund Hueber in this context must still be furnished with a critical historical analysis of the plans and building matter  ; see Hueber, Zur Entwicklung der Baugestalt, 111 – 125, esp. 120 – 123. 15 Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in Wien, 37 as well as Lindner, Theatersaal, 10. 16 H a da mowsk y, Theatergeschichte, 89. 17 K na ll-Brskovsk y, Deckenfresko, 296. 18 Lindner, Theatersaal, 34–40 gives a very convincing analysis of this part of the Historia Collegii 1736  ; Lindner considers the radical reconstruction also as “the architectural manifestation of a changed use of the hall no longer as a theatre but more by the Marian congregation”. 19 H a da mowsk y, Theatergeschichte, 91–93. 20 Lindner, Theatersaal, 59. 21 Lindner, Theatersaal, 86–91  ; Wr ba, Gesellschaft Jesu, 69.

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Herbert Karner

The Neue Aula on “Unteres Jesuiterplatzl” (after 1857 Academy of Sciences)

The building and its history

The Maria Theresan reforms of science and teaching were based on an increasingly rationalist focus of academia as well as the mission to fulfil the needs of daily life and serve public interest. This focus was backed by a radical reform approach that was exclusively in the interest of the state and the public. Ignaz de Luca summed up the new educational maxim in 1797  : “In Vienna and the Austrian universities overall, there is absolutely no intention to attract foreign students  ; they are focused only on the local youth, to bring them to the source of science so that the state may usefully fill its positions and that the people can retain a useful culture and ennoblement. That suffices.”1 The court began considering a new university building no later than November 1752.2 A letter of February 26, 1753 to that effect said that there was “[…] such an occasion to be found, where a sufficiently spacious university house may be put together and therein be placed where possible all Professores Iuris and Medizinae as necessary  ; most of all, however, to house there the Faculties of Law and of Medicine with all the necessary rooms and halls for the usual lectures and public acts as well as further requirements. […]”3 The building was originally conceived with those faculties in mind that were particularly affected by the university reforms  : law and medicine. However, it soon became apparent that it would be expedient for the future university house to collect all four faculties under one roof. The new consciousness of a community of all academic disciplines, including the

removal of theology and philosophy from the hermetic context of the Jesuit priesthood, was to receive an architectural representation. It must have been clear that a single building would not be able to provide all the rooms needed by the four faculties. The new building could not replace all existing locations in university use (some of which were far apart). The future building was essential considered a “main university building” (Justus Schmidt) and an ideational centre for these different university locations, some of which had been in use for some time. This fundamental assignment also made it clearly necessary for the building to be situated in the immediate vicinity of the old university, the Collegium Academicum, which was partially to remain in use. The western side of the “Unteres Jesuiterplatzl” was thus the obvious choice of site for the new building. Three houses located between the square, Bäckerstraße and Sonnenfelsgasse as well as the rear of Windhaaggasse were purchased and demolished, thus securing a sufficient site. Of the three houses, the one on the square had been known as Schwaigerburse as late as the sixteenth century. Having come to be detached on its eastern side when the square was constructed in 1624, it was given a façade that largely mirrored the style of the college opposite. Salomon Kleiner’s 1724 engraving of the Jesuitenplatz (Fig. 1) shows that the building belonged to Count Collalto. The site’s location and very specific form predetermined the outcome of important functional and aesthetic decisions for the future building even before the plans were commissioned. The protocol of a speech made to the empress on February 15, 1753 recorded that  : “There shall be four gates immediately

The Neue Aula on “Unteres Jesuiterplatzl” (after 1857 Academy of Sciences)  57

on the building so that it will be possible to drive in on one side and out on the other, as thus no large courtyards will be necessary. In order to thus see how all of this can be brought into the required order, it will be necessary to have the preliminary plans designed. Her Majesty has already deigned to express that this new building shall have graceful façades on all four sides, and in particular towards the square of the Jesuit church and that the imperial architectural inspector de Jadot shall make the necessary plans to that effect. It will be solely an imperial decision whether her majesty will give further orders to that effect to de Jadot and will deign to decide who will author the further plans and respective designation of the given requirements, thus being in charge of the building itself.”4 There was to be no inside courtyard for lack of space, but the building was to have at least two side gates for entering and exiting on horsedrawn carts. That explains the aula’s character as an open hall with massive cast iron gates (now with glass). This character has been retained until this day. It seems unusual that no definitive plans for the interior structure and room allocation had yet been made, while it was already decided that Jean Nicolas de Jadot was going to design the façades. The author of the other plans regarding the building works was, according to the document, still to be decided. However, we are now aware of documents that allow the conclusion that that Lorraine architect Jean Nicolas de Jadot (he had arrived in Vienna from Tuscany together with Francis Stephen of Lorraine) was certainly entrusted with the façade design and presumably eventually with the entire construction plan. The planning of the politically highly significant university building was an ideal opportunity to anchor the Lorraine dominion and presence in the imperial town’s monumental architecture. It may be assumed that this was the decisive reason for Maria Theresa to grant the task to a Lothringian. He left Vienna, however, only a few weeks after the foundation stone had been laid with a celebration on August 10, 1753  : he went to Belgium and left the imperial junior court architects Johann Adam Münzer and Johann Enzenhofer and Daniel Christoph Dietrich

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to execute his project. Two years later, in 1755, the building was fully completed and furthermore furnished with an observatory that rose high above it. An important aspect of the interior design was executed that very same year when the large Festsaal was painted by Gregorio Guglielmi and Domenico Francia (see contribution by Werner Telesko). The inaugural celebrations had been planned for October 1755 but were delayed to April 5, 1756 due to the birth of Maria Theresa’s daughter Antonia (on November 2, 1755). Franz Anton Maulbertsch, probably the most important Austrian painter of the late Baroque period, executed the interior design of the university with his frescoes in the Ratsaal (now known as the Museumszimmer) and in the Faculty of Theology lecture hall (now known as the Johannessaal) in 1759 and in 1766 / 67.

The main façade of the Neue Aula

The document cited above informs us that the façades, in particular those facing the square, were considered particular, prioritised design elements. The available area is unusually narrow for a building of this shape with the depth of the building being of almost two and a half times the width (Fig. 7). Their long sides are along Obere Bäckerstraße and Untere Bäckerstraße (now Bäckerstraße and Sonnenfelsgasse), the narrow sides abut the short, slightly oblique Windhaaggasse and of course Jesuiterplatzl. The main façade had to face the square. It had to present this new academic building with an appropriate level of visibility. The Jesuiterplatzl was the natural centre of the university district, from where church, collegium and the future new university were to be entered. The main façade had to enter into immediate competition with the high façade of the Jesuit church and had the task of providing a new focus, becoming the visual centre of the square. The following paragraphs provide a brief sketch of the architectural elements employed to that effect  : The three-storey high, long façades along Bäckerstraße and Sonnenfelsgasse (as well as, albeit in re-

Fig. 1: Salomon Kleiner’ copper engraving from 1724 was published in a large collection of engravings on the buildings of Vienna. The renowned veduta artist’s engraving shows what was then known as the Unteres Jesuiterplatzl. It is abutted by the university church face on the north and a Kollegium wing on the east. The building on the western side of the square belonged to Count Collalto.

duced format, the rear façade on Windhaaggasse) are segmented by way of a regular succession of ground floor windows and particularly the window aedicula with alternate round arches and triangular gables in the main storey. The even façade along both long sides is interrupted only by a flat central projection across three axes with central aedicula and balcony. The façade that faces the square is conspicuously different from these monotonous façade panels  : it is segmented with five axes and displays plastic design of pilasters and full columns (Fig. 2). On the “piano nobile” storey, the Corinthian order in three axes is developed into an accessible portico, which protrudes from the strongly recessed central wall as a defining majestic motif. The third storey is also recessed at the

three central axes. It has a balcony with a balustrade that is supported by the portico. We can conclude that the four façades of this detached building were designed to display a distinct hierarchy  ; the scheme is almost wholly reduced on the rear along short Windhaaggasse, somewhat raised along the two long sides and culminates towards the square in a representational façade in a style that is surprisingly Baroque for the eighteenth century. This portico has to be considered the key motif in the façade design, the uppermost majestic formula. Renate Wagner-Rieger spoke of an “architecture of appearance”  ; one could go even further and describe it as the triumphantly staged architecture of a spectators’ box from which the reigning couple was able to attend the university

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Fig. 2: The Neue Aula’s main façade (built 1753-55) faces Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz (former Unteres Jesuiterplatzl, then Universitätsplatz). The main storey is enhanced with an accessible colonnade as an architectural element of dignity. The façade scheme informs the onlooker of the building’s function and founder. The side projections’ pediments support sculptures that represent allegories of the Faculties of Medicine, of Law, of Theology and of Philosophy. The role of the emperors in building the university is documented with the Habsburg-Lorraine combination coat-of-arms and the inscription: “franciscus i. maria theresia augg: / scientiis et artib: restitut: posuerunt. mdccliii”.

events that were conducted on the square. The main façade displays a scheme of imagery that informs the onlooker of the building’s function and founder. The triangular gables on the side projections hold full plastic allegories of the faculties. However, it is not altogether certain if these may have initially been intended to represent only the Faculties of Medicine (left) and of Law (right), which were originally intended to be the sole users of the building, their attributes having merely been adapted and extended retrospectively to include the other faculties. The imperial authority over the university building is documented by the monumental Habsburg-Lorraine combination coat-of-arms accompanied by an inscription that is placed immediately underneath  : “FR ANCIS-

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CUS I. M A R I A THER ESI A AUGG  : / SCIENTIIS ET ARTIB  : R ESTITUT  : POSUERUNT. MDCCLIII”. The university’s territorial sphere is depicted with small coats-of-arms  : those of Austria near the two faculty groups (Neuösterreich on the left and probably Altösterreich on the right [now empty]) and those of the Kingdoms of Hungary and of Bohemia over the side gates on Bäckerstraße and Sonnenfelsgasse.

The square as university forum

Plans made in the first half of the 1750s included concrete notions to include distinctive structures that would help make the Jesuiterplatzl (Universitätsplatz

after the dissolution of the order in 1773, now Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz) the centre of the university district. Renate Wagner-Rieger accordingly writes of plans for a veritable “university forum”. The square already had two sides that could not be altered  : the strict, scarcely composed façade of the Jesuit Collegium and the church façade on the northern side. The monumental church façade with its early Baroque relief design has a seventeenth century pictorial scheme that represents (even where related to the university) the former unity of university and the Society of Jesus. The disruption of this unity had been one of the reasons for Maria Theresa’s educational policy drive  : The mere juxtaposition of the church façade and the new university façade illustrates the historic feat that was the removal of university education from the dogmatic ties of the order. We have only rudimentary knowledge of the plans regarding the university building today, but one design has survived (Fig. 3). That design centred on the visible inclusion of the natural sciences into the square’s iconography. The final five axes of the three-storey front of the old Collegium (as far as the pier arch across the extension of Bäckerstraße) were to be topped up by another two storeys. This extension was to be crowned by an observation deck with a “mathematical tower” rising above it. The original plans would have the tower symbolically emphasised with a powerful plaster stratification reaching down to street level as well as a figure of Hercules with globe underneath the triangular symbol of the Eye of Providence that penetrates all secrets. The project was not, however, realised and the mathematical tower remained in its original position near the south-eastern corner of the long wing of the old Jesuit college on Postgasse. A “Mosaium zum Studirn” (“museum for study”) and an “Altan auf dem Madematischen [sic  !] Thurn” (“balcony on the Mathematical Tower”) are noted in the corner of a ground plan of the Collegium’s third floor that was made in the third quarter of the eighteenth century (see my chapter on the Collegium Academicum, Fig. 8, p. 50). The two-storey extension included in the design would probably have been intended to house this collection

Fig. 3: This elevation shows a project that was never realized, namely to relocate what was known as the “mathematical tower” from its old position where Bäckerstrasse and Postgasse cross to the Universitätsplatz square. The front of the Kollegium was to receive a five-axis and two-storey top extension opposite the Neue Aula. This extension’s central axis was to be surmounted by the “mathematical tower” with observation deck. It is completed with a figure of Hercules holding the globe underneath the triangular symbol of the Eye of Providence that pervades all secrets.

as part of the university’s mathematical and scientific equipment. The fourth side of the square is situated opposite the church façade. It was also to be reserved for university purposes. The building on this side of the square was created when two houses were merged into one in the seventeenth century.5 It was owned by Conrad Adolph von Albrecht, a famous concettist to Emperor Charles VI who had authored the iconographical schemes for, e. g., the Karlskirche and the Imperial Library and had thus played a decisive

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Fig. 4: The south of the Unteres Jesuiterplatzl (then Universitätsplatz, present-day Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz), opposite the church face, held a residential building owned by Johann Conrad von Albrecht. Albrecht was an antiquarian and concettist under Emperor Karl VI, in which position he authored what became known as the Albrechtscodex. Salomon Kleiner’s 1737 copper engraving shows never-to-be-realized refurbishment plans for the building.

role in safeguarding the high quality of art in the era of Karl VI. Albrecht had intended to refashion the building as a befitting town palace. The project, which is thought to have been designed by Joseph Emanuel Fischer, is depicted in a 1737 copper engraving by Salomon Kleiner (Fig. 4)  : contrary to a belief based on this depiction, the refurbishment did not, however, actually take place.6 The failure to carry out the refurbishment was probably due to the owner’s permanent financial distress  ; he died in 1751. Viennese archbishop Johann Joseph Graf Trautson had been in charge of building works in his function as the university prorector since 1752. No later than 1753, he initiated considerations to include the Albrecht house into the plans and to adapt it for use as professors’ residences. These plans were abandoned as late as November 1753, months after building works

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had already begun (the foundation stone was laid on August 10, 1753). The reason given for this was the excessive debt both houses were in with no foreseeable solution.7 These plans and retracted concepts demonstrate that the erection of the new university building must not be understood as an isolated act. It was part of a comprehensive concept which would have given clear structures to the university district that had been located in this area since the middle ages and would have defined it within its urban context. Although the project ground to a halt at halfway point in the years after 1750, at least the new university building was erected  : that was, after all, its architecturally most high-ranking centrepiece.

Fig. 5: The famous oil painting by Bernardo Belotto (known as Canaletto) before 1760 shows the two main buildings on the square: the new university building that Maria Theresa and her husband Francis Stephen had just endowed as well as on its left the high façade of the Jesuit university church from the seventeenth century. On the university building, we see the monumental observatory behind the hip roof towards the square; it no longer exists.

The observatory

“Finally, the observatory must also be highly recommended to strangers. It is most fully equipped with all instruments needed for astronomic observation. Mr. Abbot Driesneker, a pupil of the late Mr. Abbot Hell, is the imperial court astronomer and receives strangers and other scholars wishing to see or use the instruments and the observatory most congenially.” This is how Ignaz de Luca phrased his recommendation to visit the university observatory in his publication “Neueste wienerische Wegweiser für Fremde und Inländer vom Jahr 1797. Oder kurze Beschreibung aller Merkwürdigkeiten Wiens” [“Newest

­ iennese Guide for Strangers and Locals from the V Year 1797. Or Short Description of all Curiosities of Vienna]. The observatory was placed above the front stairwell wing, behind the hip roof facing the square. It towers above the building in a manner that decisively shaped its very appearance. This is clearly demonstrated by the famous oil painting from before 1760 by Bernardo Bellotto (known as Canaletto) (Fig. 5). However, a comparison with the depictions from the late eighteenth and the nineteenth century surprisingly shows that Canaletto cannot have rendered the observatory quite correctly. None of the later depictions show a height that even comes close to that

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Fig. 6: The great column hall on the ground floor of the former university building (Neue Aula), which now accommodates the Austrian Academy of Science, was constructed according to plans by the Lorraine architect Jean Nicolas de Jadot. It spans the width of the entire building and originally had large gates on either side so that horse-drawn carts would be able to enter and exit.

shown on his painting. A water-coloured engraving by Carl Schütz from c. 1790, e. g., shows merely a one-storey extension with a height approximately equivalent to that of the ridge. The platform was secured by a recessed attic zone wall  ; it holds the central pavilion with a polygonal turret on the side.8 This arrangement was removed before 1850, leaving only the actual structure with platform (which is still visible today).9 A new construction of the university observatory was completed in 1879 at Türkenschanze (see the contribution by Julia Rüdiger).

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The allocation of rooms at the university

As yet, no information on the architect’s original intentions regarding the allocation of rooms has come to light. We also, as mentioned above, do not know of any original plans by Jean Nicolas de Jadot that would provide an insight into the original organisation of rooms to meet the requirements of the four faculties. However, we can discern from what we do know that the architect managed to balance out the drawbacks of the narrow and long site with an exemplary disposition of rooms and functions. The allocation of rooms was a pragmatic response to the spatial

requirements of university life while at the same time providing the necessary degree of representation for the dynasty who had sponsored the project. Several plans have been retained  : these were probably used for intended or even completed refurbishments. Although this is not certain, they do inform us as to the concept of space allocation at the university. The scheme does not, as might be expected, set off from the prominent main façade. Instead, the central representative areas are located in the centre of the building independently of the façade. There, a block that stretches across the entire width of the site (from Bäckerstraße to Sonnenfelsgasse) houses the Aula on the ground floor and the large Festsaal above it, on the main floor. The Aula is a grand columned hall that is developed along five naves with three bays each (Fig. 6  : photograph Columned Hall). Its location is distinctly visible on the basis of the central projection with three grand gates each in the outside composition of the street façades. The gates originally served as entrance and exit for horse-drawn carts, as the small site had not allowed for the inclusion of a courtyard. Domed columns of the Doric order carry fifteen stretched surbased spherical vaults redefined into flat domes by way of oval stucco frames. These central spatial motifs are concentrated in the central bay at the intersection of the main axis (which traverses the entire building) with the central one of the three across axes. It is extended into square shape and framed by three columns around each corner and thus forms the geometric centre of the columned hall as well as the entire site. The longitudinal axis transverses the entire building from the main entrance on the square (now Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz) to the rear entrance in Windhaaggasse, which runs at an angle. It serves as a corridor and provides access to four groups of rooms that are assembled in approximate symmetry into the four corners of the building and were (as far as can be reliably reconstructed today) originally used exclusively by the Faculty of Medicine. The two parts facing the square are described in a detailed ground plan from 1783 by Johann Georg Mack10 (Fig. 7)  : the area on the left of the central hallway (today’s porter’s lodge

Fig. 7: The ground plan of the Neue Aula, by Johann Georg Mack in 1783, shows the ground floor allocation into four segments that were exclusively allocated to the Faculty of Medicine: on the side of the square, there was the residence of the anatomy professor and the botany department, while the rear was given to pharmaceutical science and anatomy with an anatomical theatre.

and post office of the ÖAW) housed the “Apartment of the Professor of Anatomy” and the “beadle’s apartment“  ; the room on the right side of the hallway (now the ÖAW’s so-called Clubraum), on the other hand, was designated as a lecture hall with five axes and surbased spherical vaults to be used for the “Science of Herbs (Botany)”. The rear part of the building housed the “pharmaceutical science” on the left side of the hallway (now library hall) and the “Anatomy” on the right (now library administration). The latter had an anatomical theatre in the four axis main

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Fig. 8: The floor plan kept in the Albertina shows that the Neue Aula main storey accommodated the lecture halls for theology (present-day Johannessaal) and for philosophy (present-day conference room) on the side facing the square. The rooms in the rear part of the building were used at the latest from 1796 as lecture halls for law and politics.

hall. This theatre was also equipped with a lift for transporting the bodies from the cellar into the lecture hall. A plan that is kept in the Albertina shows a lecture hall project with stadium seating around a central vivisection table separated by a balustrade. It is not clear if this plan was executed. The hall was moved to the second storey after 1786 due to insufficient lighting. The ground floor hall was divided into six individual rooms that were henceforth used for anatomy studies. The main storey’s allocation of rooms largely reflects that on the ground floor. A ground plan at the Albertina (Fig. 8 ) informs us11 that the large 127 m2 theology hall was situated on the square side in the southeastern corner. This hall is now known as Johannessaal, its through vault bearing a painting showing the Christening of Christ (see contribution by Werner Telesko). Another ground plan12 informs us that the lecture hall for the philosophers originally immediately abutted the theology hall. A corridor was established at a later day by separating its area from the room by way of a wall. This reduction made the philosophy hall also 127 m2 in size (today it is the meeting hall of both ÖAW classes). It served as

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the lecture hall for physics and mechanics and also housed a collection of instruments of physics, “artefacts” and mechanical models. The rooms in the rear part of the building served as lecture halls for the sciences of law and politics, certainly so after 1796. Having undergone several reconstructions, they now house the administration and president’s offices of the Academy of Sciences. The Festsaal is inserted between these front (eastern) and rear (western) wings  : with a size of more than 400 m2, this impressive hall rises to a height of two storeys. It may be considered a drawback that the basic communication between the lecture hall wings, necessary as it was in daily life, was only possible by crossing this large hall which was strictly speaking not intended for daily use. The second storey’s front and rear parts are utterly isolated from each other by the upper part of the Festsaal. After the Akademie der Bildenden Künste had left its temporary home here in 1786, it was returned to the faculties. The abovenamed new anatomical theatre and lecture halls for pathology, “materia medica” and obstetrics were established in this part, which is now used exclusively for administration offices.

The floors are linked to each other via three staircases. The two main staircases are inserted between the lecture hall wing facing the square and the central area with Aula and Festsaal. The western central hallway area houses the third staircase.

Further developments

The university building also accommodated the Akademie der Bildenden Künste on its second floor in 1759 – 1786. After the university had left the building, it was passed on to the Academy of Sciences in 1857 and has remained in the Academy’s hands to this day.

Endnotes  1 de Luca, Wegweiser, 68.   2 On the history of the Neue Aula  : Schmidt, Jadot  ; Meister, Akademie  ; Ga ll, Die Alte Universität  ; Wagner-R ieger, Haus  ; K a r ner, Wien  ; K ar ner / Rosenauer / Telesko, Akademie.  3 Vienna, Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv, Studienhofkommission, Karton 7, Sign. 4, Akt 12 ex 1753, fol. 5r–9v (Cost estimate by the “Directorium in publicis et cameralibus” for Maria Theresa, dated Feburary 26, 1753).  4 Vienna, Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, allgemeines Verwal­ tungs­­archiv, Studienhofkommission, Karton 7, Sign. 4, Akt 13 ex 1753, fol. 17r–23r (Speech by the “Directorium in publicis et cameralibus” to Maria Theresa on March 15, 1753).  5 Hueber, Alte Universität, 146.  6 Gar r etson, Conrad Adolph von Albrecht , 19–92.  7 Schmidt, Jadot, 21.   8 Wien Museum, Inv. Nr. 79000 / 884.  9 The extensions must have been removed approx. between 1825 and 1850. A coloured etching by Tranquillo Mollo from c. 1825 still shows what we know from the Schütz depiction  ; an anonymous pen-and-ink drawing from c. 1850 in the ownership of the Austrian Academy of Sciences shows the building without the extension. 10 Akademie der Bildenden Künste, Kupferstichkabinett, Inv.-­ Nr. 16783. 11 Albertina  : AZ allgemeine Mappe 45, U5 Nr. 14/8023. 12 Albertina  : AZ allgemeine Mappe 45, U5 Nr. 14/8030.

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Werner Telesko

The Purpose of the New University Building

W

ith the University of Vienna bursting at the seams, Maria Theresa had been in search of a fitting accommodation for the institution since 1752. On February 26, 1753 she demanded that “[…] such an occasion to be found, where a sufficiently spacious university house may be put together and therein be placed where possible all Professores Iuris and Medizinae as necessary  ; most of all, however, to house there the faculties of law and medicine with all the necessary rooms and halls for the usual lectures and public acts as well as further requirements. […]“1. The requirements regarding the construction and utilization of rooms and facilities were first treated in an extensive speech to the regent held by the “Directorium in publicis et cameralibus“2 on March 15, 1753. It is now clear that the initial plan to establish, if at all possible, living quarters for all professors of the faculties of law and of medicine emanated from the governing idea to give preference to the more practical disciplines of law and medicine, which were especially affected by the university reform. In the end, however, the notion of providing for all four faculties in the new university building won out, even though the available space did not suffice to accommodate all required rooms. The unification of all four faculties under the roof of the new building was put on the agenda no later than February 1754 and remained in place from then on  ; this intention stressed the cohesion of all academic disciplines in the spirit of the establishment of the “universitas”. This notion was to be firmly reflected in the scheme for the painted decoration of the Festsaal (celebratory chamber) later on. The new university building thus represents Maria Theresa’s

energetic pursuit of a reorganisation of academic life, based on the idea of establishing a connection of scholarship and its increasingly rationalistic outlook with the requirements of daily life. This incentive awarded a new significance in particular to the practical “improvement of scholarship“3 within the academic core subjects.

The ceiling fresco in the Jesuitenkollegium

The importance of visualising all academic fields played a central role as early as 1734 in the fresco painted by Anton Hertzog for the Jesuitenkollegium library 4 (Fig. 1)  : The ceiling fresco, which displays artistically rendered illusionary architecture, is divided into three approximately equally large panels, the two side panels being aligned towards the central piece with angels on cloud banks adoring a sun at the centre. The sun may originally have been marked with the IHS emblem. The two flanking elements of the fresco each have an oculus-like aperture revealing a view of the sky populated by various anthropomorphic figures on clouds. One element shows the crowning with a laurel crown each by an angel of a figure personifying “Verity” seated on top of a globe of stars holding a book and a sun disc in front of her chest5 and a figure personifying “Faith” together with the holy spirit (depicted as a dove) and the Decalogue.6 Underneath are a personification of the “Adoration of God” with the keys to heaven and a book with a burning heart7 as well as two anthropomorphic figures, each of them holding a feather in the right hand as well as an open book (symbolising the

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New Covenant) and assisted by a putto with a bundle of flames in casting down (heathen) faithlessness. The second element displays the coronation of the representations of the secular fields of scholarship. First are the natural sciences geography and botany, displayed together with the attribute of a globe inside a corona of clouds, this globe also being Emperor Charles VI’s “symbolum proprium”. They are accompanied by a strange figure on their right  : this figure first appeared in illustrations of several editions Cesare Ripas “Iconologia” in 1603 with a book and scales, indicating its personifying “Verity”, while yet the blackboard and perpendicular it is depicted with indicate an association with the science of geometry. Underneath this figure is shown “Medical Science” with an Aesculapian staff and medicine cup, accompanied by a putto with a distillation oven

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that references chemistry. To the left of that figure we see the “Writing of History” with a quill and a writing desk supported by Chronos. Roman spolias and medallions refer here to the scholars of antiquity, while the depiction of a putto with a shield and the date 1734 is a literal citation of the decoration of the Roman Jesuit church S. Ignazio (1694). Above these is depicted a figure representing “Mathematics” with an erected display board and the artist’s signature, holding a compass in her right hand  ; the angular measure and telescope on this figure’s right refer to “Astronomy”. This assembly of anthropomorphic figures combines types that are obviously immediately derived from Ripa’s “Iconologia” with independent new creations. A balustrade running all round is decorated with flower vases  ; at the end points of the longitudinal

Fig. 1: Ceiling fresco, Jesuitenkollegium library. The library fresco is focussed on the representation of all disciplines: three roughly equally sized segments relate to a central sun, which may originally have borne the IHS emblem.

axis, it is populated more densely with gesticulating representatives of academia (probably with reference to the 1706 Breslau Jesuit church fresco by Johann Michael Rottmayr). Pairs of en grisaille figures each frame an empty cartouche  : they personify either secular scholarship (attributed with sceptre, angular measure, caduceus and lyre) or theology and the church (attributed with papal tiara, book, rope and rosary). The motifs and content of Hertzog’s ceiling painting refer in many details to art historical tradition and display a clearly theological preference, with faith and its delivery being granted as much space as all secular scholarship taken together.

Publications in celebration of the handover of the building to the university

The new university building conceived under Maria Theresa was not able to replace all (hitherto scattered) existing localities that had already been used in some form or another for university purposes for some time. The new building must thus primarily be considered the “main university building“8 as well as the spiritual centre of scattered localities. In addition, the regent did not limit herself merely to continuing to use the old university buildings but also intended to purchase houses in the vicinity of the newly erected Aula at the Universitätsplatz, which

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were to be used for the professors’ living quarters and lecture halls. The inaugural celebration of the building, which was completed in the summer of 1755, took place on April 5, 1756. The president of the Directorium, Friedrich Wilhelm Graf Haugwitz (1702 – 1765), knelt down as he received the keys to the university from the empress and passed them on to the Director of Studies, archbishop Johann Josef Graf von Trautson (1707 – 1757), who in turn passed them on to the Rector Magnificus, Regierungsrat Johann Adam von Penz. Several instructive publications were issued on the occasion of the new university building’s inauguration, which, however, provide greater insight into the overall Habsburg art policy strategies than the precise agenda and aims with regard to the new building. Let me mention first and foremost “Musae Francisco et Mariae Theresiae Augustis congratulantur ob scientias bonasque artes eorum iussu et munificentia Vindobonae restitutas” (Vienna 1756), edited by the epicist and art theorist Franz Christoph Scheyb (1704 – 1777). This interesting anthology formulates an expansive glorification of the regents Francis Stephen and Maria Theresa, setting out from Duke Henry II Jasomirgott of the House of Babenberg. The publication includes a text authored by Scheyb himself (entitled “Heinrich Jasomirgott“ 9), wherein he portrays these two Habsburg regents as sweeping, active patrons of the arts and sciences  : “[…] Thus they are the pair of whom the muses sang […]“10. This panegyric assessment did not stand alone. Scheyb, probably one of the most important authorities on art policy in the era of Maria Theresa, wrote another, unpaginated, publication under his secret pseudonym Orestrio in the same year  : “Heinrich Jasomirgott – eine Lobschrift auf Ihre Kaiserliche und Koenigliche Majestaeten bey Gelegenheit der uralten Universität zu Wien von dem Arkader Orestrio” (Vienna 1756). Therein he also described the imperial couple’s activities as the height and pinnacle of centuries of influential Babenberg and Habsburg patronage  : “[…] A couple who bring peace and halt all strife  ; / who rule from the heart and strike fear just in vice, / grace, love and clemency surrounding both their crowns. […]”.

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The apex of the glorification of the Habsburg rulers is a forty-seven page text written by the Viennese Jesuit and professor of eloquence Georg Maister  : “Panegyricus Francisco et Mariae Theresiae Augustis ob scientias optimasque artes suis in terris instauratas, ornatas, […]” (Vienna 1756) (Fig. 2). This publication, which was also published in French, refers to the ruling Habsburg’s patronage of the arts and sciences even in its title. It wordily attests to how scholarship had been moved from meagre and humble buildings into a new royal palace (“novum regale palatium”)11 and that the hitherto neglected academic disciplines would now be increasingly fostered. Reflecting the character of the building’s dedication to all faculties, the new university building is praised as a “fortress of joint happiness” (“arcem communis felicitatis”),12 moreover as “Austria’s hope” (“spem Austriae”)13 and as an “adornment of Germany” (“decus Germaniae”)14  ; the text culminates in the elated praise of Jadot’s architectural creation as a “firmament of peace, of religion, of justice and of the common good” (“firmamentum pacis, religionis, justitiae, salutis universorum”)15. The author sings hymns of praise for the “paternal concern” (“Paterna solicitudine [sic  !]”) and “maternal clemency” (“Materna clementia”) shown by the imperial couple towards scholarship.16 The text fails, however, to make any truly relevant statements about the building itself or its rich decoration  : merely the groups of sculptures in the Festsaal are described as allegories of the arts, the sciences and the virtues. The celebratory publications on the occasion of the Aula inauguration thus widely propagated the glorification of the imperial couple’s comprehensive patronage, which is the central statement of Gregorio Guglielmi’s ceiling fresco in the new university building’s Festsaal (1755). The focus of these publications, as of Guglielmi’s ceiling fresco, was placed not so much on the characterisation of the multitude of activities that take place within the context of a university, but rather on the imperial patronage that claimed to be fostering a new “golden era” of scholarship. The unpaginated “Ode a leurs majestés imperiales et roïales à l’occasion du rétablissement de

l’université de Vienne (Vienna / Prague 1756) must be read in this light  : in the face of Jadot’s new building, it repeatedly topically evokes the “heureux siècle de Titus” as well as the “beau siècle d’Auguste”, i. e., the prime of Roman antiquity under the emperors Augustus and Titus. The particular glory awarded to Francis Stephen and Maria Theresa as patrons of scholarship is also demonstrated in a medallion produced by Matthäus Donner, which was distributed on the occasion of the inauguration of the house  : it shows the new university building’s façade and the inscription “M U N IFICEN T I A AUGUS TORU M” (1756).17

The Festsaal decoration

The new university building’s Festsaal was used primarily for occasions such as the election of the rector, the thesis defences and other university celebrations.18 Its architecture and decoration impress with an opulent artificial marble wall segmentation in a very uniform colour scheme of shades of violet and yellow. The architecture is shaped through the use of Corinthian pilasters under a continuous architrave and via three arcades with round arches on each side as well as a high attic zone reaching up to the base of the vaults that picks up on the segmentation. On the broadsides, the arcades open up towards the windows while on the long sides they open towards the centrally positioned portals as well as two more narrow side alcoves with sculptures. The central axes are stressed by doubling the pilaster positions, while both portal axes are additionally stressed through the projecting cornice on the architrave and above that the balcony constructions. The current appearance of the ceiling fresco is the result of a reconstruction, however  : a fire on February 7 and 8, 1961 resulted in the complete destruction of the ceiling painting by Gregorio Guglielmi (1714 – 1773) and the illusionist ceiling painter Domenico Francia (1702 – 1758). Otto Demus, President of the Federal Monuments Office, funded a reconstruction of the fresco true to the original, which

Fig. 2: Georg Maister, “Panegyricus Francisco et Mariae Theresiae Augustis ob scientias optimasque artes suis in terris instauratas, ornatas, […]” (Vienna 1756). Maister’s elaborate publication constitutes the apex of the glorification of the rules in the context of the university building’s inaugural celebrations.

was completed by the academic painter Paul Reckendorfer and his colleagues in just under two years. The illusionary architectural textures of the ceiling fresco correspond with the alignment prescribed by the architecture. The original ceiling fresco was painted by Gregorio Guglielmi, who was appointed thanks to Pietro Metastasio (1698 – 1782), the author of the design scheme, who had met Guglielmi in Dresden in 1753. Guglielmi had been taught by Sebastiano Conca and joined the Roman “Accademia di San Luca” in the year 1748. It is verified that the painter was in Dresden in 1753 and in Turin in 1759  ; in Vienna, he contributed to the decoration of the minor and the major gallery in Schönbrunn Palace

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(1761 / 1762). The artist was in demand throughout Europe  ; his rich oeuvre also includes the ceiling painting the Augsburg Schäzler Palais’ grand hall. It is verified that Guglielmi was in St. Petersburg as early as 1772  ; in the same year he was admitted as a member to the “Accademia de Disegno” in Florence. Like Luca Giordano, Gregorio Guglielmi congenially represents the character of the wandering artist active across Europe and available for a wide array of decorative tasks.19 There is a good range of sources available that document the design of the Festsaal mural painting.20 Prince Archbishop Johann Josef Graf von Trautson, Protector of the University, dispatched a letter to the imperial court poet Pietro Metastasio in early 1755, asking the poet to design a literary scheme for the large ceiling fresco in the hall of the new university building. While this letter has not been preserved, Metastasio’s response dated February or March 1755 has been  : in it, he sketches the key points of the design. One of Metastasio’s central demands was iconographical clarity  : Even the “man in the street” (“qualunque più rozzo spettatore”), wrote Metastasio, had to be able to understand the content of the frescoes. The poet notes the scheme’s two central subject areas at the very beginning of his design. He stresses that he would like the faculties to be shown in such a way that the scholarly subjects read at the university will be shown with nobility and the greatest possible clarity  : “[…] Uno. Il dimostrare con la nobiltà e con la chiarezza possibile quali siano le scienze che si coltivano nell’università suddetta. […]”. The long sides of the Festsaal ceiling depict the faculties of “Theology” and “Jurisprudence”. The other two faculties have to make do with the narrow sides. The theological faculty’s fresco is painted in the field facing the main entrance. Metastasio provides a detailed characterisation for the depiction of each faculty. In accordance with the instructions in Metastasio’s letter, each faculty was provided with painted marble plates bearing a short description for the onlooker’s aid  : “Theology” (“DIVINARVM RERVM NOTITIA” [Knowledge of the Godly Things]), “Jurisprudence” (“IVSTI ATQUE INIVSTI SCIENTIA” [Science of the Just and Unjust]),

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“Philosophy” (“C AVS A RV M IN V E ST IG AT IO” [Researching the Causes]) and “Medicine” (“ARS T VENDA E ET R EPA R A NDA E VA LET V DINIS” [The Art of the Protection and Restoration of Health]). These plates are flanked by angels and genii painted en grisaille. The Wien Museum holds a wash drawing (1754 /  1755)21, which is probably one of the first complete sketches drawn up by Guglielmi for the planned ceiling painting. In contrast to the actual execution, this design sketch places “Theology” and “Jurisprudence” on the narrow sides of the hall. In the centre of the ceiling scheme, there are great differences between sketch and execution  : contrary to Metastasio’s instructions, the painter originally planned to show only “Pheme” (with trombone) declaring the glory of Maria Theresa. “Theology” (Fig. 3) is placed before a background of a cupola-crowned rotunda with Corinthian pilasters. Seated on a plinth in front of the building is a bearded old man in light clothing (possibly John the Evangelist), holding in his left hand a plate with the inscription “In principio er at verbVm” from the prologue of the Gospel of John (John 1  : 1). The central figure, f lanked by two youths with cross and thurible, forms the top of a pyramid the sides of which display groups of lively, animated men. The two dominant preaching figures may be assumed to represent the proclamation of the gospels. The preacher on the right is addressing an audience, while the one on the left is facing a group who appears to initially be staving him off. The basis is formed by a carpet spread across the steps, bearing valuable church implements. The bottom corner shows a representative of the tradition, possibly the writer of the Acts of the Apostles, with an open book and quill but without any specific attributes. He may be a “story writer”, and is accompanied by putti on the edge in the foreground. Groups of disputing men people the sides in distribution along the balustrades. The group of scholars at the right hand terminus includes representatives of “speculation”. “Jurisprudence” is displayed in front of a semi-circular decorative architectural feature with half col-

Fig. 3: ÖAW, Festsaal, Theology. This image unconventionally combines an old man (possibly John the Evangelist) enthroned on a plinth with groups of lively, animated men referencing the proclamation of the gospels.

umns and pilasters around the stage (Fig. 4). As in the depiction of “Theology”, richly draped figures form a pyramid structure, at the top of which there is a youth holding in his right hand a stone tablet with the eighth “tabula” of the Roman Law of the Twelve Tablets (“Si qVa drV pes / paV per iem sa rcito / qV i frVGes / exCANTASIT / ENDO”). On the left hand side of this group, a second group is studying and discussing the laws of the first “tabula”, the contents of which are indicated in key words (“SI IN IVS VOCAT / QVEAT / NI IT ANTESTA[mino] / IGIT VR ENCI / SI C A LV IT V R / PEDEM V E […]”). This central figure is framed by four old men on steps, who are engrossed in the study of the Law of the Twelve Tablets and the “Corpus iuris civilis” of Emperor Justinian I or are turning to their surroundings in explanation. An open volume of the Justinian law is placed on the steps, showing the definitions of

“Iustitia” from the chapter “Institutiones” (I, 1) of the “Corpus iuris civilis” (“I Vstiti a est / consta[n]s / et perpe[tua] / vo[luntas] iVs sV Vm / [CVIque tribuendi]”). In accordance with Metastasio’s concept, Roman law is depicted by way of the Twelve Tablets and a differentiation is made between the “natural law” of peoples and the “civil law”. The artist did not, however, follow the poet’s suggestion to depict “natural law” – possibly because this topic would have required the depiction of a great range of symbols and allegories. In the right hand group, two figures and one man with an open book are emphasised  ; a chain and medallion mark the latter as a dignitary. The left hand group comprises scholars demonstrating various activities  ; they may indeed represent “natural law”, which was admitted as a subject of study as late as 1753 in the course of the Maria-Theresa’s reforms. The man with scrolls and

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Fig. 4: ÖAW, Festsaal, Jurisprudence. Guglielmi also chose a pyramid structure for his depiction of jurisprudence, which he combined with figures that were an explicit reference to antique texts (Law of the Twelve Tablets, Emperor Justinian I’s Corpus iuris civilis).

attached seal boxes may be a representative of modern law (“Feudal law” and “Law of the Hereditary Lands”). “Philosophy” is depicted on the Sonnenfelsgasse side of the room (Fig. 5)  ; a scenery of antique temple ruins in composite order, a pyramid and a magnificent rock are put together like set pieces to form the background. The pyramid (obelisk) represents the central ideas and goals of philosophy, namely a firm disposition and wisdom  ; it is reminiscent of Piranesi’s famous etching of the Roman Pyramid of Cestius. The centre of the scene is taken up by an old man leaning over a magnificent globe in a spirited contrapposto with his right hand raised to make a teaching gesture  : an obvious reference to “Geography”. The left foreground is taken up by two youths bending over an apparatus, a plate with clockwork and horizontal axis. The serious and immobile fig-

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ures of three old men in white togas (probably Greek philosophers) fill the left side. The right half is dominated by the figure of a physicist manipulating the rods of an apparatus, while an old man with a headband (thus also an antique scholar) is visible behind him. The rest of the background is peopled with figures that lack particular characterisations. The discipline of “Astronomy” is represented on the rock in the right middle ground  : three astronomers are busying themselves with the manipulation of a large refractor (a refracting telescope with several convex lenses to make up the object lens)  ; one of them is using the apparatus to study the sky. The centre of the composition on “Medicine”, which faces the Bäckerstrasse end of the building (Fig. 6), shows a dissecting table upon which there is a greenish, discoloured corpse with hewn-off arms and cut-open body. A sawn-off leg is seen to pro-

Fig. 5: ÖAW, Festsaal, Philosophy. In Metastasio’s fresco, philosophy includes numerous disciplines that would today be considered part of the natural sciences, such as geography and astronomy.

trude from a metal bowl that is placed under the table, next to that there is a bone saw. In accordance with the instructions issued by Metastasio, this central part is accompanied by side panels depicting the supportive disciplines of “Botany” on the right and “Chemistry” on the left together with “Mineralogy”. While a number of miners are working with a pickaxe in order to win from the earth substances that are needed to heal humankind on the left panel, the right half of the picture shows persons busily offering forth bunches of herbs, thus representing the flora in medical science. Gerard van Swieten’s (1700 – 1772) 1749 reform of medical studies had introduced the subjects botany and chemistry to the curriculum. The Festsaal ceiling design is thematically concluded with vases and architectural elements peopled by figures in historical and contemporary garb. The corners show painted allegories alluding to the four

continents and their respective great rivers Danube, Ganges, Nile and Rio de la Plata. In this respect, the visualisation of the “universality” of human knowledge is tied into the traditional system of groups of four, the reference to the natural cosmos providing the context. An oval medallion at the apex of the Festsaal ceiling shows a profile portrait of the imperial couple Francis Stephen and Maria Theresa, surrounded by three figures (Fig. 7). The magnificent figure of the old man Chronos is levitating with outspread wings while holding the oval portrait tablet with both hands. That it is the deity of time who is holding the medallion expresses the wish that the celebrated monarch shall be kept in memory for all. A putto is kneeling on a dark cloud amid wafting drapery on the other side, his right hand supporting on the portrait medallion and his left holding an olive branch. In the front of the

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Fig. 6: ÖAW, Festsaal, Medicine. The depiction of medicine probably has the most noteworthy focus of all faculty images: an open corpse is pictured atop a dissecting table. The image emphasises the proximity of scientific work to real life.

putto, an eagle in flight is grasping the broken pieces of a scythe (an attribute of Chronos) in his claws  : in line with the allegory of rulership, the eagle signifies the overcoming of the temporal through eternity, the “annulment” of time through the eternity of posthumous glory. Above them, a small angel is holding a laurel wreath in his hands. The scheme had asked for five figures or symbols to surround the medallion with the portraits of Maria Theresa and Francis I  : Chronos, the eagle and the three genii with the symbols oil branch, laurel and a snake biting its own tail. The latter represents “Ouroboros” as a symbol of eternity. The genius with the snake may be missing from the final execution as the broken scythe already served to personify “eternity”. In the context of the comprehensive reform intentions that affected all branches of scholarship, Metas-

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tasio’s scheme and Guglielmi’s resulting execution of the Festsaal painting in the University building constitutes a decisive step away from the early modern era biblically and theologically bound iconography of faculties towards the “modern” interpretation of academic disciplines as influenced by enlightenment and related to the current university reforms. The rapid differentiation of individual subjects over the course of the eighteenth century confronted the iconography of scholarship with new necessities that went far beyond the traditional possibilities of visualisation. The concepts that had hitherto been in use were no longer able to adequately represent the diversity of scholarship and the resultant range of subjects. Furthermore, it was increasingly desired to depict the range of activities scenically rather than at hand of personifications acting in isolation. The task of illus-

Fig. 7: ÖAW, Festsaal, ceiling, medallion with the imperial couple. The oval medallion with the profile portraits of the imperial couple Francis Stephen and Maria Theresa at the highpoint of the ceiling is the true centre of the entire painting scheme, referencing as it does the Habsburg patronage.

trating the significance to daily life of the branches of scholarship also far surpassed the possibilities afforded by codified iconology as it was taught in the relevant handbooks of the 17th and 18th centuries. While Anton Hertzog’s ceiling painting in the Jesuitenkollegium showed abstract personifications of “Faith”, “Religion”, “Justice” and “Medicine”, Guglielmi’s fresco displays a notably realistic scheme guided by the practice and application of the scholarly pursuits and clearly stressing the use of the disciplines in daily life. The clearest visible sign of this innovative imagination is the depiction of the dissection of a corpse. Metastasio’s learned “concetto” had placed practically impossible demands on Guglielmi’s artistic execution  : How were “natural religion” and “religion of revelation” or “tradition” and “speculation” to be pictured convincingly  ? The visualisation

of “philosophy” also challenged the artist, who was asked to depict not only “metaphysics” and “ethics” but also the study of the earthly and celestial bodies. The fundamental attitude that forms the basis of this scheme must in the first instance be brought back to archbishop Trautson, who as Protector of the University played a decisive role in the reforms of the degree courses of theology, philosophy and jurisprudence. He had already criticised the inflationary use of allegories that had enjoyed a particular degree of popularity during the Baroque era in his famous pastoral letter from 1752. The integration of positive and historical disciplines into the study of theology as well as the inclusion of natural law will have been due to his initiative and are convincingly realised in the fresco’s iconography. The study of the natural sciences also experienced fundamental reforms under

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the auspices of the president of the Faculty of Medicine van Swieten. The intentions of the scheme, particularly of the ceiling view, are underlined by the four large groups of sculptures created by Jakob Gabriel Müller, known as Mollinarolo (1721 – 1780)22, that are inserted into the Festsaal ’s four wall niches, as well as by the eight pairs of putti on the cornice of the four median avant-corps in the elongation of the domed pilasters. The four large extraordinarily slim, rhythmically spirited groups in the niches display an interesting mixture of free sculpture and high relief, connected, as they are, with the curved rear wall up to a height of about two thirds. They relate to the hall’s central theme, the glorification of Habsburg patronage. It is reflected in the group comprising “Wisdom” and “Watchfulness” with the attributes mirror and oil lamp to the left of the entrance as well as in the right hand group showing “Generosity” in the shape of two women distributing coins from vessels. In addition to these groups that show the traditional attributes of rulers, the facing side displays “Faith” and “Consistency” or “Bravery” as personifications of spiritual and worldly power with the two-barred cross and the baton as attributes as well as “Peaceful and Belligerent Might” with the attributes crown and sword or book. They combine with the corresponding festoons that used to be attached to the wall and have recently been re-mounted in order to formulate a uniform concept that is partly taken up by the pairs of putti on the cornice, which inform upon the relevant faculties represented in the painted depiction. Painting and sculpture thus grow together to form a distinguished unity of concept, keeping with the basic tone of the overall scheme, that is the glorification of the Habsburg rulers’ virtues and the sponsorship of science by the ruling imperial couple.

The theological scheme for the “Johannessaal”

Next to the Festsaal, probably the most important painted ensemble among the university building’s decorations is that displayed in the Johannessaal (Hall

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of St. John) (Fig. 8).23 The hall was originally used as the theological faculty’s auditorium. There are no documents available on the execution of the fresco  ; the earliest indication is found in a note in the Allergnädigst privilegierten Anzeiger of September 18, 1771. The fresco was probably executed in the late 1760s. The artist was Franz Maulbertsch, who was born in 1724 in Langenargen on the Bodensee  ; he was Austria’s most significant painter in the second half of the eighteenth century and probably the most important central European fresco artist of his time. His rich oeuvre represents like no other the full range of stylistic directions of Baroque painting. Maulbertsch is assumed to have studied with Peter van Roy (Royen) and with Jakob van Schuppen after 1741. Probably the most important works by Maulbertsch in Vienna are the decoration of the Piaristenkirche (Piarist church), which he painted in 1752 / 1753 and the ceiling fresco depicting “Maria Theresa founding the Order of Saint Stephen of Hungary” in the council chamber of the Hungarian embassy in Vienna (1766 – 1769). It thus stood to reason to turn to Maulbertsch for this demanding task. Furthermore, he was not unknown to the university in matters of decoration  : in 1759, he had already painted a fresco for the meeting room of the Academy of Fine Arts that had for some time been housed in this building (today’s “museum room”)  ; that fresco is poorly preserved. The Johannessaal is decorated by paintwork only. Despite several renovations of the painted segmentation of the wall, it shows the original decoration with great fidelity. The cove above the cornice, which frames the ensemble, is accented by way of cartouches in the corners and the centres of the sides. The wide, framing stringcourse on the short side relates to the lecturer’s lectern at the room’s entrance side (the room was originally entered from the vestibule through a door that is now bricked up). The illusionary cupola at the centre of the painted stringcourse was located exactly above that lectern. The original entrance wall shows an anthropomorphic representation of the “Roman Church” or the new covenant, “Ecclesi” with the sealed book as well as a goblet and host as attributes.

The image is arranged inside a sideways oval framed by illusionary architecture. While the Guglielmi fresco in the university building’s Festssal still adhered to the traditional principles of Baroque ceiling painting (painted architecture expanding the real space by illusion, related to an observer standing at the centre of the room and looking upwards), Maulbertsch’s Johannessaal fresco is already halfway between the Festsaal ’s Baroque illusion and the new, radical perception using anti-illusionist images. This ceiling fresco has a floor zone and above it a sky zone, like a wall painting – albeit lacking quite the same degree of consequence. The terrain from the corners of the image, along the frame and into the centre of the hall remains reminiscent of the conception of a centrally situated observer. A rocky landscape overgrown with trees and bushes sets the scene (Fig. 9). The large area that Maulbertsch had to fill might have made it an obvious choice to go against iconographical tradition and fill the scene of the baptism with many figures (depictions of the baptism often made do with only few figures). The decoratively arranged audience, some in the process of disrobing for their baptism, is in line with the repertoire we know from Maulbertsch. Both main figures, Christ and John the Baptist, are emphasised. St. John is standing on a rocky ledge, Christ is depicted at prayer above the river, which is rendered as a waterfall, thus creating a plinth-like impression. The raised figure of Christ and the crashing downwards motion of the water are in effective contrast. Heavenly light is cascading onto Christ  ; it is emanating from the dove of the Holy Spirit, God the Father surrounded by angels suspended above. The rocks are rendered in such a light shade that their colour does not juxtapose the clouds. The woman with child and the oriental figure sitting behind her are exemplary for the artist’s use of colour. The oriental figure’s brocade coat is of a yellow colour that has been lightened so thoroughly that the colouring almost drowns in the brilliant light. It also takes a closer look at the group on the other side to reveal it as a group of two figures  : one is an oriental clad in elaborate garb made of billowing fabric, while behind that we see another

Fig. 8: ÖAW, view Johannessaal. The room known as Johannessaal was originally the theology lecture hall. It shows the university building’s most important painted ensemble. It was created by Franz Anton Maulbertsch, probably the most significant painter in Austria in the second half of the eighteenth century.

figure, with a cap of rich raspberry red  ; in front of them lies the young cavalier. Maulbertsch uses the colour, combined with well chosen positions and billowing clothes, in order to form his figures and groups into decorative structures. Independently of the actual shape of each figure, they combine into highly decorative configurations which find their place in the overall composition with greater ease than an anatomically correct rendering would. The fresco’s light atmosphere is reminiscent of the artist’s early works from the 1750s, yet the great precision of his draughtsmanship predicts his later style with its influences of Classicism. The Faculty of Theology was traditionally represented by allegorical depictions or scholarly saints such as Thomas Aquinas or Catherine of Alexandria.

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Fig. 9: ÖAW, Johannessaal, ceiling detail. A landscape overgrown with trees and shrubbery provides the scene for the Christening of Christ. This background allowed for the depiction of many figures beyond the biblical reference itself.

The Viennese decision to use the baptism of Christ will in the 1760s have had to do with the contemporary demands to make fresco design more accessible  : these were exemplarily expressed by Metastasio in the draft for his Festsaal design. Surprisingly, the Johannessaal depiction of John the Baptist does not show him in the act of baptizing. Instead, he is spreading his arms in awe at the revelation of the message that Jesus is the son of God. In this, Maulbertsch is following the text of the gospel of St. John  : it is only in the fourth gospel that we learn that St. John the Baptist was witness to the descent of the Holy Spirit, and it is there that it is stressed that the Spirit remained with Jesus (John 1  :32f.). The resulting full and remaining possession of the Spirit (John 1  :33) is what marks out the Messiah  : Maulbertsch thus does not in fact “tell” the baptism, but presupposes and accordingly contextualises it.

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The circumstances of the development and design of the ceiling paintings must be understood in the context of the 1752 reform of the theological faculty, which had been achieved by the Viennese archbishop Christoph Anton von Migazzi (held office 1757 – 1803) together with the progressive Jesuit Ludwig Debiel (1697 – 1771), who from 1760 onwards held the office of chancellor at the university of Graz. Based on a court decree of September 10, 1759 the directors of the theological and philosophical faculty were removed from office and replaced by the two canons Ambros Simon Stock (1710 – 1772) and Johann Peter Simen († 1775). This court decree, which had been initiated by Migazzi, decreed the establishment of a professorship each for the Augustinian and Thomistic theology within the instruction of dogmatics at all Austrian universities. In the future, all universities throughout the monarchy were to offer

instruction in dogmatics by Dominicans and Augustinians as well as by Jesuits. This decree finally put an end to the “monopoly on education”24 that had for centuries been held by the “Society of Jesus”. The Dominican Pietro Maria Gazzaniga (1722 – 1799) and the Augustinian Agostino Gervasio (1730 – 1806) took up teaching at the University of Vienna in 1760. In the second volume of his “Theologia polemica” (Vienna 1778), Gazzaniga formulated that the revelation of Christ and the Holy Spirit he sent was fully passed on to the apostles and thus that the revelation was present in essential completion in scripture and tradition. The iconography employed in the depiction of the Baptism of Christ in the Johannessaal must have been in close historical alignment with the teaching aims at the theological faculty of the University of Vienna from the year 1752 onwards  ; a time from which it was considered imperative to break the Jesuits’ monopoly and resist traditional Jesuit scholasticism in a kind of short-term union of Augustinism and Thomism. Maulbertsch’s visualisation of the Baptism as the revelation of the Trinity as shown in the Johannessaal fresco is thus somewhat explained by the important role played by the revelation in contemporary literature and university disputes. The Johannessaal ceiling fresco can thus not be fully understood without knowledge of the contemporary discussions on the central content of the theology of the baptism and the trinity  ; its content reflects the direction of the Augustinian and Dominican school of thought, which achieved dominance from 1752, resp. 1759 (when the Jesuits were excluded from the Vienna theological faculty) and strongly opposed any form of nontrinitarianism. It is in particular the very opportunity to ideally visualise the opposition to nontrinitarian heresies that led to a conscious rejection of depicting a biblical report or parable with clearly narrative purpose  : the Baptism of Christ was employed in order to unequivocally bring to the foreground the central idea of the Catholic revelation religions, as can be inferred from the first chapter of the gospel of St. John.

Endnotes  1 Vienna, Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Allgemeines Verwal­ tungs­archiv, Studienhofkommission, Karton 7, Sign. 4, Akt 12 ex 1753, fol. 5r–9v (Estimate by the “Directorium in publicis et cameralibus” to Maria Theresa, February 26, 1753), Akt 13 ex 1753, fol. 17r–23r (Address by the “Directorium in publicis et cameralibus” to Maria Theresa, March 15, 1753).   2 In the course of Maria Theresa’s administrative reforms, the “Hofkammer” [Council Chamber] and the “Hofkanzlei” [Coun­cil Chancellory] were united to the exclusion of two departments into one “Directorium in publicis et cameralibus” in 1749.  3 Coll a nd, Inbegriff, 357  ; Ibid., 221–505 (comprehensively on the University of Vienna).  4 For a comprehensive treatment of the artistic decoration of the old Jesuitenkolleg, see contributions in k ar ner / Telesko, Die Jesuiten in Wien.   5 The type with the raised book is probably informed by Cesare Ripa’s type “Sapienza divina” (in his “Iconologia” [11593].   6 In Cesare Ripa’s “Iconologia”, “Fede cattolica” also has the decalogue as an attribute.   7 The keys as attribute can also be found in Ripa’s “fedeltà”, the burning heart in “amore divino”.  8 Schmidt, Jadot. Vorwort von Julius Schlosser, 15.  9 Ibid, 148 – 163. 10 Ibid, 158, see Lesiga ng-Bruck müller, Eröffnung, 383–414. 11 Ibid, 7. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid, 11. 17 Depicted in Georg M a ister SJ, Panegyricus Francisco et Mariae Theresiae Augustis ob scientias optimasque artes suis in terris instauratas, ornatas, […] (Vienna 1756) 3 (vignette)  ; on the medallion, see also  : Coll a nd 1796, p. 362, note. 18 Coll a nd 1796, p. 364. 19 von L a ngen, Fresken  ; von L a ngen, Guglielmi, 612–623. 20 Summary, including all sources  : Telesko, Programm. 21 Inv.-No. 114.810. 22 Suggestion by Luigi A. Ronzoni (Sitzendorf / S.). 23 Summarised with all sources  : Werner Telesko, Programm, 17–37. 24 Hersche, Der Spätjansenismus, 69.

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Christoph Gnant

The University of Vienna in the Eighteenth Century Distance from the Church, Appropriation by the State, Expansion

Background  : reform aims before 1740

Emperor Ferdinand I’s 1554 reformatio nova was a fundamental reform of the structure of the University of Vienna that had come in answer to the largescale breakdown of university life in 1520.1 Although the superintendent gained greater powers as the sovereign’s regulatory body, the University’s status as an autonomous cooperation with four faculties and four academic nations remained in place. However, the reformatio nova altered the university’s mission in that its function for the state gained prevalence.2 For the first time, the university was understood to be a state institution, because it was employed in order to educate those who administrated the Habsburg lands.3 At the same time, Ferdinand I brought the Society of Jesus into the University of Vienna in 1550. He hoped to thus revitalize university life (which had almost wholly collapsed as a result of the reformation) and to achieve a fundamental reorganisation of the Theology courses. The relationship between the University and the Jesuits was tense from the very beginning. In the second half of the sixteenth century, the Jesuitenkolleg managed to operate successfully not least thanks to the strict organisation of the degree course. Their number of students far surpassed that of those enrolled at the university.4 Emperor Ferdinand II’s Pragmatic Sanction of August 9, 1623 incorporated the Jesuitenkolleg into the University of Vienna. The Jesuits subsequently shaped the university for approximately the next 150 years, appropriated the university buildings and staffed most of the chairs at the Faculties of Philosophy and of Theology.5

Fig. 1: Josef Anton Öttl. Jurist, dean of the Faculty of Law in 1703, rector in 1707/08, member of the imperial war council, imperial general auditor; the portrait was painted by an unknown artist and is now kept by the Archive of the University of Vienna. It shows a Baroque era rector in his official vestments, representing the university as a corporation with its own jurisdiction.

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The Jesuits successfully fostered schools and made important contributions to cultural achievements like the development of theatre.6 However, the university’s financial situation and curriculum were unsatisfactory at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Strict adherence to the Jesuit ratio studiorum was increasingly called into question  ; initial attempts to reduce the university budget were made even under Emperor Charles VI.7 One aspect of the relationship between the university and the state or society that has remained constant has been the universities’ permanent underfunding. This was particularly discernible at the beginning of the eighteenth century. As always in the university’s times of crisis, alternative tertiary education models were increasingly developed. These included what was known as Knight Academies, which were dedicated particularly to the practical education of the hereditary lands’ aristocratic youth.8 The growing number of students arriving at the universities since the end of the seventeenth century eventually resulted in a number of different notions for reform. The representatives of the Jesuit university tradition regarded the increased numbers as proof of the unbroken attraction of their university, while the “cameralistic” representatives of the state interpreted it as a sign of the need for university reform.9

Reforms during the era of Maria Theresa and Joseph II

The quest for a definition of Josephinism has been a matter of controversy for around a century and a half. The academic debate has intensified in the last few years.10 Wolfgang Schmale recently submitted an entirely new definition of Josephinism and has stressed that Josephinism was the purest form of enlightened absolutism, which could only have been realised systematically and fully in that era.11 He more closely relates the connection with enlightenment. Wolfgang Schmale  : “Josephinism is enlightenment”  : “enlightened absolutism” was enlightenment only as Josephinism. 12

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However the term, definition and consequences of Josephinism are to be understood, it cannot be denied that the main cause and primary motivation of the reforms of Maria Theresa and Joseph after 1740 were their sense of a deficit that was prevalent in all areas of the state.13 When Maria Theresa evaluated her situation after the confusion of the War of the Austrian Succession, she was fully aware of the inadequacy of her counties with their corporate and decentralised organisation, including their universities. The economic consequences of the War of the Austrian Succession against Prussia with the loss of Silesia resulted in the insight that it would be necessary to perform a comprehensive state reform. It set off from one fundamental question  : Why were other (mostly Protestant) states, including Prussia, in a more efficient and essentially more successful condition  ?14 Chancellor Prince Kaunitz illustrated this issue well in a text from January 30, 1761 that discussed the promotion of trade and industry at a time when the Hereditary Lands were in dire straits  : the necessary state reforms had to aim to “… provide one full base for the entire matter … and make use of anything that was able to foster the well-being and income both of the sovereign and her lands and subjects”.15 Maria Theresa’s and Joseph II’s reform measures during the second half of the eighteenth century did not follow one single concept. Rather, they primarily emerged in practice  : a great range of state decrees aimed to fundamentally alter society by law. Peter Hersche summarised this fittingly  : “Josephinism as a whole really lacked … a positive spiritual basis  ; e. g., the political idea of the total state only developed over time. There was, however, a negative ideological band that touched all measures taken, and especially those related to the church  : anti-Baroque. … The “great remedy” was really intended to utterly alter what was in place.”16 Josephinism in its narrower sense was Emperor Joseph II’s attempt to create one centralised unified state17 out of the “plurality” of Habsburg lands and kingdoms in their different structures. This is well reflected in the model of “territorial etatism  :”18 “etat-

ism” communicates the raised role of the state as a unifying band of the monarchy and simultaneously the means of implementing unification, while “territorial” denotes that this process of unification also meant an isolation from the outside, in particular with reference to the Holy Roman Empire. In particular, this isolation continued to have an effect until late into the nineteenth century and continued to be a fundamental problem for the universities. The existing relative autonomy of powers that were known as intermediary19 (church, estates, guilds and in particular the universities) had to be curtailed. “These intermediary powers were considered by the advocates of the Josephinian state to be the decisive barrier to a societal change that would be utilitarian, efficient and foster the “happiness of the state”.20

University reforms under Maria Theresa

The universities and the need to reform them came up from the mid–1740s onwards, in the middle of the Wars of the Austrian Succession. This first phase of the university reforms were inseparably connected with Maria Theresa’s personal physician, Gerard van Swieten21. They were occasioned by a relatively unspectacular event  : The Faculty of Medicine at the University of Vienna had submitted an application for confirmation of its privileges on April 24, 1747.22 This was a formally utterly conventional procedure  : Kink even states that the Hofkanzlei had already created the confirmation document. However, Maria Theresa wanted to be more closely informed  : Why did so many of her subjects study abroad rather than in Austria, which would be much more conducive to the value of both the university and the national economy  ?23 This question formed the basis for a series of suggestions for improvements in the fields of medicine, surgery and pharmaceutics at the University of Vienna submitted by Gerard van Swieten on January 17, 1749. He also proposed some thoughts on organisation. His recommendations included advocacy of greater state control over examinations and elections into academic functions as well as rejection

Fig. 2: Homage to Maria Theresa. Maria Theresa in 1743, receiving Rector Adrian Blümel, OSB, abbot of Melk and imperial council as well as further academic dignitaries delivering the University of Vienna’s congratulations after Maria Theresa’s Bohemian coronation. The image in the University of Vienna’s main register pays homage to the sovereign, but also expresses the university’s autonomy as symbolised by the rector’s sceptre (foreground).

of the extension of academic jurisprudence that had been applied for by the faculty.24 Van Swieten had been particularly critical of the independent jurisdiction over university members and the promotion order. New professors were to be remunerated with a significantly higher and more flexible salary.25 Van Swieten’s considerations for a reform of the medical degree developed into a fundamental alteration of the University of Vienna, its structure and degree courses. This resulted in the establishment of a clear head position within the faculties  : the director of studies was to be appointed by the sovereign independently from the faculties. This “controlling officer

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Fig. 3: Gerard van Swieten. 1700–1772, president and director of medical studies after 1749, imperial physician and prefect of the Hofbibliothek library, mastermind of Maria Theresa’s university reforms, register of the Rhenish nation, 1746.

with powers awarded by the state” served to implement state reforms within the university. 26 Maria Theresa confirmed the suggested alterations to the degree course in medicine as soon as February 7, 1749 and appointed van Swieten to be the director and president of the Faculty of Medicine. The other three faculties were also amended on the basis of these reform considerations. The existing consistorium, the highest administrative university office, was divided into a consistorium ordinarium, which was primarily tasked with attending to matters of study and a consistorium in judicialibus, which was put in charge of legal matters.27 According to van Swieten, the professors were to be appointed by the sovereign, leaving the consistorium to merely supply reports. The professors’s primary task was to teach  : they were to be neither

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constitorium members nor deans, but were to receive a better salary.28 Van Swieten was appointed to be the first director of studies at the Faculty of Medicine. The other three faculties were reorganised in 1752 / 53. Studies in philosophy remained preparatory in character but were compressed into two years, with a strict obligation to adhere to the “type and order” of lectures in a curriculum that went into almost minute detail.29 Notker Hammerstein truthfully notes that these were grave interventions into the universities’ interior structures. “The enlightened-despotic attention which the state awarded to the universities was executed with decidedly greater rigour in Vienna than in the other territories of the empire. There was no trust in the patient’s autonomous regeneration …“30 Maria Theresa’s university reforms chiefly aimed at the control and assumption of the administration of the university’s funds. Since the middle ages, the university had primarily been financed via the sovereign endowment, relatively minor assets of its own as well as income from students. Several decrees of the years 1753 / 54 abolished the university’s independent administration of its funds, which were assumed by the state.31 The financial basis for corporative self-government was thus mostly removed. I believe that this decision decided the question of whether the university was an independent corporation or primarily a state school as early on as the mid-1750s. The first phase of Maria Theresa’s reforms were concluded with the assumption of the finances, making the university corporation into what was essentially a state institution under the relatively strict authority of the state Studienhofkommission. University issues became part of state bureaucracy.32 The process of removing the Jesuits and turning the university into a state organisation went hand in hand, however, with the university’s expansion where this was in the interest of the state. This included the creation of new teaching positions in the natural sciences. Yet more importantly, the assumption of the university’s capital assets was compensated for by (among others) the donation of a new building,

the Neue Aula (the present-day Academy of Sciences). This building was formally made the property of the university in 1756.33 Following Gerard van Swieten’s suggestion, the reorganisation of the University of Vienna also included the establishment of a “hortus medicus”, which was erected as a medical plant garden in 1754 under Maria Theresa. The garden with a size of approximately two hectares was to provide material for study by students of medicine, pharmaceutics and botany. The garden was originally installed by Robert Laugier, the University of Vienna’s first professor of chemistry and botany. It was subsequently materially developed by Nikolaus von Jacquin and his son Joseph Franz von Jacquin between 1770 and 1830.34 The Botanic Garden on Rennweg in Vienna’s third district has since then been used for its original research and (even more so) teaching purpose  : extended even further, it has been an important part of the University of Vienna for more than 250 years.35 A large exchange of plants and rarities has been taking place there annually since 2002. The universities came to Maria Theresa’s attention once again after van Swieten’s death in 1772 and the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773. The curricula were reworked in 1774 / 75, but the “rigorously prescribed course of lectures” was kept.36 In conclusion, it has to be said that the “feud” with the university, the struggle against the Jesuits’ dominant role and the endeavours for the university’s autonomous rights under Maria Theresa had, regardless of protest, largely come to an end around 1760.37 Confessional paternalism was followed by an equally dissatisfying phase of “utter state control”.38 Grete Klingenstein has provided the following summary of this part of the University of Vienna’s history  : “The universities were given a new task, which they would not have been able to take up or achieve without state engagement. It began with financing. The income from its mediaeval and counter-reformation funds had long been devalued. …. On the other hand, the university administration was separated from

Fig. 4: Josef von Sonnenfels. 1732–1817, in 1767, professor for “police and cameralistic science”, member of the Studienhofkommission, main representative of enlightenment in Austria, administrative reformer. This portrait by Anton Graff has verifiably been part of the University of Vienna’s gallery of rectors since 1778.

teaching activities. … The most important aspect was teaching. Based on examples from abroad, research was to receive its own academy”.39

Emperor Joseph II’s reforms

Under Emperor Joseph II, the speed and extent of university reform became more radical.40 On January 2, 1766, Joseph II issued a famous text on the condition of the Hereditary Lands, in which he set out the basic tenets of his future educational policy by noting that study and teaching were obviously pursued with less endeavour at the Austrian universities than at the Protestant universities in the empire. As a solution to this problem, he somewhat whimsically suggested removing the uni-

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would not be possible to reduce the number of professors as a measure of Josephinian fiscal policy and that more chairs would be necessary in some areas, Joseph replied ungraciously on November 29, 1781  : “3. The young people do not have to learn anything that they may later only be able to use or apply rather strangely or not at all for the benefit of the state, as the essential studies at university serve the training of state officials, and need not be dedicated merely to the education of learned persons, … 5…All other faculties without exception must from now on hold all their lectures in German, thus removing the need for all double chairs in the Faculty of Philosophy for both languages, … and truly clever men who will bring honour to the universities must be chosen… whereby … allowing different tolerated religions will mean that a more simple selection will be on offer”.44

Fig. 5: Homage to Archduke Joseph. The ten-year old archduke, who would go on to be Emperor Joseph II, is depicted on this homage image in the main register of 1751/52 underneath a canopy crowned with an Austrian arch-ducal hat flanked by portraits of Emperor Francis Stephen of Lorraine and Maria Theresa. Baroque court representation involved the inclusion in the register of homage images of members of the ruling house even as children, when they obviously were not students.

versities from the larger towns, as these offered too many “distractions for young people”. 41 Paul von Mitrofanov offered a fitting description of Joseph II’s educational policy  : “The only value he saw in any science was the benefit it offered directly or indirectly to the state”.42 Barbara Gant described what followed as an active, “often even aggressive, authoritarian state educational policy”.43 Emperor Joseph II addressed university life himself. When the Studienhofkommission stated that it

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This analysis is a key source on Joseph II’s view of universities. It contains elements that set the way, such as the introduction of the German language as the language of university instruction and disputation as well as tolerance. At the same time, it demonstrates an understanding of science and education that is purely guided by purpose-bound rationalism. This basic decision resulted in 1782 in the infamous abolition of the Universities of Graz, Innsbruck, Brünn and their transformation into “lyceums”. The centralisation of educational policy went hand in hand with a clear policy of reducing expenses.45 The emperor’s greatest achievement in the field of university reform is surely the softening of confessional borders.46 The university’s clerical character was fully suppressed. The “triangle of church, state and university” was shattered.47 His policy on tolerance was guided not only by his conviction that moral constraints are damaging but also, like his other policies, by his fundamental consideration of its use for the general good of the state.48 However, beyond all elements of utilitarianism in Josephinian tolerance, it must be noted that Joseph II undeniably

held the personal conviction that freedom of conscience was a positive value independently of its useful application.49 Protestants were first admitted to attain academic honours on July 22, 1778 in studies of law, on September 11, 1778 also for medicine and philosophy. If the Jewish inhabitants of the monarchy’s land were from this point of view to develop into “useful citizens”, they would also have to have access to universities. Jews were admitted to university study (including the attainment of the doctorate in law and medicine) in the course of the Toleranzpatent of 1781 / 82.50 University study was further removed from the church in this context when the oath on the Immaculate Conception was abolished in 178251 as were the confession of faith and oath on allegiance to the Roman see in 1785.52 The university vigorously objected to all these measures  : it rather had to be forced into tolerance and its “removal from the church”. Two examples will serve as illustrations of the further reforms conducted in the era of Joseph II  : the removal of academic jurisdiction and the abolition of vestments. Jurisdiction of its own members was a constitutional element of university autonomy.53 It was the jurisdiction over the university members as members of an independent corporation that separated it from church and sovereign jurisdiction. This institutional jurisdiction was useful in that it was also able to take into account the specificities of student life as well as the particular need for protection of external students and teaching staff.54 There was never a precise delineation between the jurisdiction of the university and other jurisdictions, in particular that of the city.55 In order to understand the events that ensued, it is important to know that the removal of academic jurisdiction was not directed against the university, but rather a part of Joseph II’s overall legal reforms.56 On July 28, 1783 the consistorium in judicialibus’ jurisdiction was removed as part of the reorganisation of the jurisdictions. The university unsuccessfully attempted to prevent this measure and in particular argued that

Fig. 6: Emperor Joseph II, portrait in uniform. Emperor Joseph II rejected Baroque forms of representation even in his choice of dress. He posed for paintings almost exclusively in uniform. This portrait by an unknown painter has probably been located at the University of Vienna since the eighteenth century, since 1821 it has been in the university library. The representation of the sovereign on images within the university is based on a tradition going back to the early modern era (Repraesentatio in effigie).

the university doctors would have to be subject to the aristocratic rather than the municipal jurisdiction. Their application to that effect was submitted in September 1783. On the one hand it states that the university had enacted its jurisdiction for centuries and on the basis of a series of privileges and to the best of its abilities, concluding that the measure was thus dispensable.57 On the other hand, however, it states  : “If, however, your majesty for other reasons, which we honour with deepest reverence, wish to retain the decision to remove the high school’s jurisdiction, we shall most reverently ask…”, that “the true doctors be assigned to the aristocratic forum.”58 The era of Joseph II’s sole rule also saw considerable alteration to university gowns. There are sources that show that a specific official vestment for func-

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Fig. 7: Josephinum. Inaugural lecture by the first director, Giovanni Alessandro Brambilla on November 7, 1785 in the medical-surgical academy; water-colour copper engraving by Hieronymus Löschenkohl, Vienna 1785. The Josephinum is now part of the Medical University of Vienna and houses a unique collection of anatomical wax models.

tionaries of the universities existed even since its foundation phase. Even in the oldest depictions of University of Vienna rectors, cap and gown are part of their “functional vestment”.59 During the Middle Ages, the official vestments were an important part of the University of Vienna insignia, which were the outer markers of the universities’ autonomous corporation together with its sceptres and seals.60 The gowns communicated the academic honoraries’ nobilitas moralis. The rector’s official vestment, which would later be a black gown with ermine trimming, was moreover a sign of the university’s jurisdiction and of the rector’s quasi-ducal status.61 The Baroque era images of the directors, which now have their dig-

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nified place in the University of Vienna’s major Festsaal, display this notion the academics had of their own role. It is thus hardly surprising that the appropriation of the university by the state included a ban on academic official vestments. Even Maria Theresa had already denied an application by the university for a renewal of the academic vestments in 1773, reasoning that she did not want to bother herself with such “useless matters”.62 To the university’s dismay, Joseph II abolished official vestments completely on November 11, 1784  : “On the high schools … it is usual at public celebrations to wear loose hair and the rich and trimmed velvet coats of rectors and deans as well as a vestment sometimes used by doctors  : this

Fig. 8: Anatomical theatre in the Neue Aula. After anatomist and ophthalmologist Josef Barth had healed an eye complaint, Emperor Joseph II in 1784 funded den ”schola anatomiae” lecture hall in the ground floor of the Neue Aula, now the Academy of Sciences. Foreground with Pallas Athene and a reference to current rector Joseph von Herbert. Wash drawing by Joseph Eisner, 1787, from the main register.

Fig. 9: Rector’s chain of office 1804/05. In December 1804, E ­ mperor Francis bestowed five honorary symbols for the rector and the deans to the University of Vienna as a replacement for the academic vestments that had been abolished in 1784. The chain of office consists of two superimposed Maltese crosses; above them the symbol of the imperial crown instead of the rector’s sceptre that had been desired by the university: it demonstrates the university’s strict dependence on the state. The circumscription on the front around the empire’s portrait states: franciscus rom. et aust. imp.

shall cease completely. They will subsequently be free to appear to such occasion in their own dress. The vestments concerned are to be disposed of by auction, and the income achieved shall go into the exchequers of the faculties that invested in this or that item. The money made from the vestments of the rector, which shall also be disposed of, can be divided among the four faculties”.63 A message from the consistory to the faculties dated December 4, 1784 concluded the

century-long tradition of official vestments for the time being. The abolition itself, together with the rather pedantic instructions of how to deal with the income from the disposal of the vestments, is relevant not only for its fundamental significance in itself but also as a good example of what a stickler for detail Joseph II was in his directives. The university considered the lack of recognizable garments for functionaries a great deficit. Attempts to reintroduce the

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vestments were made under Emperor Leopold II, but failed.64 It took until 1804, in the reign of Emperor Francis, for interest in official vestments to diminish among a generation of university teachers who had been formed in the Josephinian era.65 However, the bestowal of chains of office as external symbols of rector and dean became paramount. A first “medallion” was bestowed under Emperor Leopold II. On June 3, 1804, the University of Vienna under rector Franz von Zeiller applied for the bestowal of a new chain of office. In an imperial decree from December 1804, Emperor Francis in principle permitted the new chains of office as “symbols of honour”.66 Rectors and deans wore the chain over black garments for festive occasions until the twentieth century.67 It was only during times of material hardship and greatest interior dissent towards the end of the First World War that the discussion about the lack of official vestments was rekindled within the university. The matter was discussed in detail between 1925 and 1927  ; official vestments were reintroduced by the ministry of education and the commission of a “sample gown” permitted on January 5, 1927. The academic senate’s commission for artworks used the Baroque era rector images as guides for the design of the new official vestments.68 Since then, gowns have once again been in existence as symbols of the university’s notion of itself.69 At the University of Vienna, these went on to survive “the storms of debate” subsequent to the 1968 movement. The Universities Act of 2002 fashioned the universities as autonomous legal persons under public law  ; since then, their official vestments have once again been symbols of university independence. Although the curricula were focussed so strongly on applicability, particularly where theoretical sub-

Left page: Fig. 10: Admission of Jews to doctoral studies in medicine and law Imperial decision by Emperor Joseph II on January 12, 1782, admitting Jews for the first time to non-theological degree courses, in particular doctoral studies in medicine and law, constituted an important part of what has become known as the Josephinian tolerance laws.

jects were concerned, one must not disregard, in the end, the expansion that was attained in the health sector, even if that did not initially occur within the University of Vienna.70 One significant aim of the Josephine reforms was the improvement of the existing health sector, in particular in rural areas and the military. The fundamental Josephinian notion of applicability meant that the reorganisation of medical staff training constituted an important aim. Joseph von Sonnenfels stressed the importance of providing care to a wide segment of the population. The most important aim of Josephinian health policy was the greater specialisation of doctors  : that, however, juxtaposed the educational aim that had hitherto been in place at universities, namely that doctors should have a best possible education in all areas of medical science.71 The emperor thus created a training site for doctors that was deliberately separated from the university, when he inaugurated the medical-surgical academy on November 7, 1785.72 The doctors who were trained at this “Josephsakademie” were granted the same rights as their colleagues who had trained at the university. The new academy was subject to military administration, as this sphere allowed Joseph II to avoid the university and thus achieve his envisaged reforms at greater speed.73 The building of the medical-surgical academy was completed within two years. It is now known as the Josephinum. Together with the general hospital and the building known as the Narrenturm, it made up the new medical complex. Under its first director (former surgeon Giovanni Alessandro Brambilla), the academy turned towards the new curriculum that was directed at greater specialisation. The academy’s submission to military organisation did not mean that its graduates automatically served as military surgeons  : they also worked in the civil sector.74 The medical-surgical academy was thus not a part of the university, but it was still closely related to the university. The Josephinum is one example of the way in which university resistance to the fast application of university reforms was to some extent successful. However, it resulted in an exceptional institution

The University of Vienna in the Eighteenth Century  95

that was well equipped with resources, and at the same time represented competition for the university. The eighteenth century was dominated by a move away from the church and appropriation by the state as well as the expansion of “modern” science for the University of Vienna as for other institutions. The university reforms followed the central goal of providing training for appropriate public servants  : “It is the state’s main intention that the subjects will by educated for its service following certain tenets and for a kind of teaching that shall be the same everywhere and follow its purpose …”75 The effects of this Josephinian process of state appropriation continue to be felt even in the twenty-first century.

Endnotes  1 Mühlberger, Kurze Blicke, 24.  2 Wink ler, Rechtspersönlichkeit, 10.  3 On the history of the University of Vienna, central reading continues to be K ink, Geschichte, here 1 / 1, 257f.  4 Mühlberger, Kurze Blicke, 26.   5 Comprehensive treatment of the Austrian university reforms in Fer z, Universitätsreform, here 52–54.  6 Mühlberger, Kurze Blicke, 30.  7 Wolf, Geschichte, 3.  8 Frötschel, Theresianisch, 71–86.  9 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 70f. 10 On this, see, e. g., contributios in Schm a le / Zedinger /  Mondot, Josephinismus, as well as the summarizing depiction of research up to the eighteenth century in Austria in Wallnig / Frimmel / Telesko, 18th Century Studies. 11 Schm a le, 18. Jahrhundert, 28–34. 12 Schm a le, 18. Jahrhundert, 34. 13 Gna nt, Akademische Gerichtsbarkeit, 615–617, treats this issue in detail. 14 Gna nt, “Territorialer Etatismus”, 38f. 15 K lueting , Josephinismus, Quellen, Nr. 27, 55–61, here 55. 16 Hersche, Muße und Verschwendung, 986. 17 So auch R eina lter, Aufgeklärter Absolutismus, 326. 18 More on this and the following  : Gnant, Territorialer Etatismus, 39–41. 19 Holenstein, Kommunikatives, 191–208, here 205. 20 Gna nt, “Territorialer Etatismus”, 40. 21 Zu diesem etwa Lesk y / Wa ndruszk a, Van Swieten. 22 Schr auf, Grundzüge, 49f.

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23 K ink, Geschichte, I, 444. 24 Gna nt, Akademische Gerichtsbarkeit, 618. 25 K ink, Geschichte, I, 448–451, report reproduced in K ink, I / II, 254–271. 26 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 81. 27 Schr auf, Grundzüge, 50–52. 28 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 81. 29 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 85 30 H a mmerstein, Aufklärung, 183f. 31 K ink, Geschichte, I, 475f. 32 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 101, fittingly describes the Studienhofkommission as the “ministry of science of the eighteenth century”. 33 Wink ler, Rechtspersönlichkeit, 16. 34 On the history of the garden’s origins, see Jacquin, Universitäts-Garten, 3–25. 35 K iehn /  P etz-Gr a benbauer, Botanischer Garten, 1–32. 36 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 122 – 125, quote 125. 37 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 128, 38 Wink ler, Rechtspersönlichkeit, 20. 39 K lingenstein, Bildungskrise, 218. 40 Comprehensively on this  : Stoiber, Universität Wien  ; also see Stiegelbauer, Wiener Universität. 41 K lueting, Josephinismus Nr. 39, 88 – 107, here 99f. 42 Mitrofa nov, Joseph II., 807. 43 Ga nt, “National-Erziehung”, 98. 44 K ink, Geschichte, I, 547. 45 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 133 – 136. 46 Gna nt, Akademische Gerichtsbarkeit, 619. 47 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 141. 48 More on this in the contributions in Ba rton, Zeichen der Toleranz, Leeb/Scheutz/Weik l, ­Geheimprotestantismus. 49 On this, see Be a les, Joseph II., Vol. II, 177f. 50 Schr auf, Grundzüge, 55 51 Mühlberger, Kurze Blicke, 42. 52 Fer z, Universitätsreform, 142. 53 On academic jurisdiction in general  : A lenfelder, Akademische Gerichtsbarkeit. 54 More on this in Gna nt, Akademische Gerichtsbarkeit, 620–628. 55 On the situation of students, also see Ga ll, Alma Mater. 56 Ogr is, Joseph II., 147. 57 Gna nt, Akademische Gerichtsbarkeit, 626. 58 UAW CA 1.0.251 fol 8r, September 1783, more precise date not clear in the concept. 59 More on this in Ga ll, Insignien, 40 60 Ga ll, Insignien, 13 61 Ga ll, Insignien, 41 62 Ga ll, Insignien, 50 63 Imperial decree dated November 11, 1784, Handbuch der k.k. Gesetze, 3. Abteilung, 6. Band, 401.

64 Ga ll, Insignien, 51 65 Ga ll, Insignien, 55 66 Ga ll, Insignien, 79f. 67 Mühlberger, Kurze Blicke, 42. 68 Details in Ga ll, Insignien, 55–57. 69 On this, see Wimmer, Amtstracht, 129 – 138. 70 Mühlberger, Kurze Blicke, 44. 71 Comprehensively on this, see Hor n / Lindenhofer, Josephinum, 23–42 72 Wy k lick y Josephinum, 57. 73 Details on the origins, see Hor n, Hintergründe Josephinum, 215–244. 74 Hor n /  L indenhofer, Josephinum, 37. 75 Gottfried van Swieten in August 1782 during a discussion of the municipal council  ; here cited in Stiegelbauer, Wiener Universität, 34.

The University of Vienna in the Eighteenth Century  97

Hellmut Lorenz

The Josephine Building Complex Allgemeines Krankenhaus, Garnisonspital, Narrenturm and Josephinum

Introductory remark

The buildings discussed in this text are only indirectly connected to the history of the University of Vienna. They have, however, been in the service of accomplished academic teaching of medicine since the era of Joseph II and have furthermore become an important and highly frequented site of current academic life at the University of Vienna since the 1997 establishment of the Campus of the University of Vienna. Hence it seems expedient to include an aside at this point in order to introduce this extensive complex.

The Allgemeines Krankenhaus (General Hospital)

The complex of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus was handed over to the public by Emperor Jospeh II on August 16, 1784 without ceremony. Even at the time, the widely spaced site was credited to the enlightened monarch as an architectural invention  : “The most worthy monument to this glorious ruler is doubtlessly the newly erected general hospital, a masterpiece of art and invention. This hospital building on Alstergasse has immense quadrangular proportions and is constructed to allow for several thousand persons in space and practicability”.1 Contemporary illustrations such as Joseph and Peter Schaffer’s copper plate engraving (Fig. 1), which was published shortly after the inauguration, appear to be showing a new building. The emperor’s achievement to convert the idea of a central hospital for Vienna into reality in such a short time was doubtlessly a tour de force  ; how-

ever, it was “merely” the regulation of a widely spaced complex of whose buildings 80 or 90 per cent had for several decades already been in existence and in use for various social purposes. In other words  : The massive complex of the hospital would never have come to pass if the structure of various wings and courts had not already been in existence in 1780. The earliest buildings in the complex date back to almost a century earlier.2 In 1686, the imperial councillor Johann Theobald Franck bequeathed a large site to be used as grounds for a military hospital. This western area of the town around the Alserbach had traditionally been the site of several smaller buildings dedicated to the care of the sick. It is also where the “imperial cemetery” had been established in 1570 in the form of an Italian “campo santo” and where the municipal “Kontumaz-Hof ” was established as a pest house in 1657 in order to place into quarantine (“contumacia”) especially plague victims. Franck’s endowment will have been inspired by the Paris Hôtel des Invalides, which had been built after 1671. In contrast to its Parisian counterpart’s highly representative monumental architecture, however, the Viennese site was conceived as a simple building guided merely by its function. The receipt of further endowments and Emperor Leopold I’s decree of exceptional taxation made it possible in 1693 to begin with the construction of the four wings that enclose the courtyard. The many poor of Vienna were soon housed there. Travel reports from the early eighteenth century tell of more than a thousand persons being cared for around 1700.3 Around 1715, the number of inhabitants (“sick and injured soldiers, as well as many persons of both genders, unmarried and

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Fig. 1  : Vienna, Allgemeines Krankenhaus, shortly after inauguration 1784, copper engraving by Joseph and Peter Schaffer. While Emperor Joseph II paid no attention to university buildings, the large building complex for the general hospital was erected during his reign (1780– 1790). It is now the Campus of the University of Vienna.

married”4) had risen to 2,500, as the construction of the wings continued  : “It was not long before a whole row of houses had been added, which contain many hundred small chambers” reports Bormastino in his description of the city, wherein he calls the structure a “tremendous building […] of dimensions wherein one can say that a small town might rise, with uncountable chambers”.5 Another private endowment made it possible to generously extend the site after 1726  : The Imperial Chamber Councillor Freiherr Ignaz von Thavonat left his entire estate of a value of 600,000 Gulden to the poor and invalids’ house, willing the money pri-

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marily for the housing of invalids. Salomon Kleiner issued a copper engraving shortly after that date (Fig. 2) wherein he cites the site’s double function in the caption (“Armen-Hauss und Soldaten-Spitahl”  : “Poor House and Soldiers’ Hospital”) and identifies the background wings as “Tavornatische Stifftung” (“Tavornat Endowment”). The engraving represents the complex as much more symmetrical and more elaborate than it really was around 1730  ; the monumental central projection shows a never-to-be-realised project that is reminiscent of the “imperial” designs executed by both Fischer von Erlachs in the Hofburg site. The Lower Austrian governor Count

Fig. 2  : View of the “Armen-Hauss und Soldaten-Spitahl” (poorhouse and soldiers’ hospital), c. 1730, copper engraving by Salomon Kleiner.

Sigmund Friedrich von Khevenhüller, who administered Freiherr von Thavonat’s endowment, entrusted his house architect Franz Anton Pilgram (a pupil of Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt) with the construction.6 Striking architectural details from Pilgram’s repertoire of baroque architectural design such as windows, portals, balusters and decorative design (Fig. 3) remain visible throughout the AK H to this day. The architecturally experienced traveller Johann Michael Küchel from Bamberg admired the “glorious imperial invalids’ house in Alstergaß” in 1737  ; he claims at the time that as many as “3,500 persons can comfortably be accommodated”.7 The use of the site was adapted in the course of a re-organisation of military invalids’ care decreed by Maria Theresa in 1749  : The invalids were now assigned to the wings surrounding the large courtyard (court 1), and the care of the poor was moved to the

Thanovat courts. As there were hardly any architectural design features specific to the uses as “invalid hospital” or as “poorhouse”, such re-dedications could be managed speedily  ; this fact also greatly facilitated the fast establishment of a new central hospital in these same buildings by Joseph II. The Thavonat courts were soon too small for the great number of the poor or for any other purposes that had been performed here on the grounds of various endowments in the course of the years. Hence three further courts were added from 1752 onwards (today’s courts 3, 5 and 6), following again the plans of Franz Anton Pilgram and using the tried and tested grid system. These courts were dedicated primarily to the care of the poor. It was possible to house about 6,000 persons upon the courts’ completion. However, the administration of the “city within the city” was marred by an increasing number of ambiguities

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Fig. 3  : Baroque window in courtyard 2 of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus, c. 1730. Detail of the extension to the complex according to designs by Franz Anton Pilgram.

and defects. The complex had essentially reached the limits of its extendibility. Joseph Daniel Huber’s exceptionally precise bird’s-eye view of the Viennese suburbs shows the extensive area as it was around. 1770 (Fig. 4). The large court 1 is identified as “K.K. Invaliten Hauß” (invalids’ house), the six yards beyond it as “Das große arme Hauss” (the large poor house). Several mulberry trees had been planted upon Maria Theresa’s decree in these smaller yards since 1760 with the intention of establishing a minor silkworm breeding site (not least as occupational therapy for the poor). The project failed to yield the expected results and was soon abandoned. Huber’s bird’s-eye view shows almost all the buildings that were used from 1784 onwards for the new purpose as Allgemeines Krankenhaus (see also Fig. 1). For Joseph II, the realisation of a new large hospital in Vienna had high priority 8  ; he had been systematically working towards a reform of hospital care even in his time as a co-regent before 1780 and had collected opinions on the topic both personally and via third parties. Travelling to Paris to visit his sister Marie Antoinette incognito in 1777, he inspected Parisian hospitals which had an excellent reputation at the time. At the same time, he had sent the military surgeon Johann Hunczovsky, member of several academies in various countries, on a research journey to England, Italy and France  : the results were

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presented to the emperor and published shortly afterwards.9 In 1781, Joseph II decreed the “directive rules”, which demanded that the complex of the large poorhouse be henceforth used exclusively as a main hospital for the “truly sick”. This idea essentially originated with Maria Theresa’s personal physician Gerard van Swieten. The poor and the invalids were consequently moved away from the site. Joseph II continued with determination and ordered a competition among the leading physicians of Vienna in 1782, which included the discussion of fundamental issues (large hospital – for and against, new construction v. adaptation). The renowned doctor Franz Xaver Fauken10 made the most elaborate contribution, which stipulated the completely new construction of a building “in a raised area” in the area of the north-western suburbs outside of the “Linienwall” (today’s “Gürtel” ring road), which were at the time not yet densely populated. Yet even his project followed the court and wing system of the existing poor house building, thus bowing to the practical constraints of the emperor’s preferred concept. Joseph Quarin, personal physician to Joseph II, was made director of the main hospital in 1783  ; he was henceforth responsible for the organisation as well as the adaptation of the large complex, which was from then on dedicated exclusively to the medical care of Vienna’s civilian population. The experienced construction expert Joseph Gerl was placed at his disposal in this matter  ; Joseph Gerl was responsible for the architecturally unspectacular refurbishment, adaptation and remodelling of the outdated existing buildings and completed this task solidly, so that it was possible to open the hospital in August 1784 after only a brief period of construction. The contemporary characterisation of the

Next page: Fig. 4  : Site of the “Invaliten- und Armen-Hauss” (invalids’ care home and poorhouse), state of c. 1770: detail from a bird’s-eye view of Vienna by Joseph Daniel Huber. A comparison with the 1784 situation (Fig. 1) clearly shows that almost all of the buildings of the general hospital complex were erected in various stages even in the course of the eighteenth century.

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Fig. 5  : Vienna, Allgemeines Krankenhaus, main entrance on Alserstrasse, inscription date 1784.

simple, functional architecture (“without grandeur from the outside, but even, simple and neat”11) remains valid to this day. Only a few distinctive parts, such as the central projection on the Alserstrasse side with the central entrance and the inscription  : “SALVTI ET SOLATIO AEGRORVM JOSEPHVS II. AVG. ­M DCCL X X XIV” (Fig. 5), show a more ambitious design and are probably based on the ideas of Isidore Ganneval (Canevale), who was in charge of all buildings in the Viennese suburbs at the imperial building authority. He enjoyed the emperor’s trust and was involved in other plans for the area (“Narrenturm”, Josephinum – more on these below) as early as 1783.12 The final extension by two courts was made possible only after the dissolution of the “imperial cemetery”.

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Exactly half a century after the hospital’s inauguration, Emperor Francis II / I had what are today the courts 8 and 9 be erected where the cemetery had been. He paid deferent homage to Joseph II by having the inscription “SALVTI ET SOLATIO AEGRORVM FR ANCISCVS I. MDCCCX X X IV” affixed to the high entrance archway letting onto Garnisongasse. Next page: Fig. 6  : General plan of the military hospital complex erected next to the Allgemeines Krankenhaus after 1783. Floor plan from: Giovanni Alessandro Brambilla, Appendice alla storia della chirurgia Austriaca militare, Pavia 1800. It shows some courtyards of the general (civil) hospital (top left), the Narrenturm lunatics’ asylum, the Garnisonspital military hospital and the Josephinum medical academy (bottom).

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Fig. 7  : The Narrenturm lunatics’ asylum in the Allgemeines Krankenhaus, erected in 1783/84 following a design by Isidore Ganneval. This fortress-like building housed “civilian and military lunatics”.

The Garnisonsspital (Military Hospital)

Joseph II had also considered the improvement of the military’s medical care from the outset, including an overhaul of the surgical training system. His most important consultant in this regard was Giovanni Alessandro Brambilla, who had come to Vienna from Pavia and was the emperor’s personal surgeon. When the poorhouse was turned into a central hospital, a new complex for the military was simultaneously erected in its immediate vicinity (Fig. 6). The Garnisonsspital was erected on the site of the old “Contumaz-Hof ”, which had also been used as a poor house once the plague had passed and could now be demolished  ; several sites on Währingerstraße had to be acquired in addition. The generous dimensions of the courtyard complex, which essentially took up the court and wing system of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus, have only recently come to light again in the

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course of the site’s refurbishment for its current use as the Vienna Medical University Clinic of Dentistry. The rooms had an exceptional ceiling height on Brambilla’s recommendation  : this served the purpose of better airing. The project could be realised at speed thanks to the employment of soldiers for the construction  ; Brambilla mentions that up to a thousand men were assigned to the construction every day. A small octagonal chapel was built into the large courtyard, with a botanical garden for medicinal herbs located on the side and a courtyard with four wings for students.13

The Narrenturm (Mental Hospital)

One of the most astonishing neo-classical buildings in Central Europe was erected by the architect Gan-

Fig. 8  : The military surgical academy Josephinum, erected in 1783–1785 according to designs by Isidore Ganneval.

neval on a small site at the point where the civilian and the military areas of the hospital complex met. A massive, five storey high cylinder was constructed here from 1783 onwards in order to house the “lunatics” (both the “civilian” “and the military mad”) (Fig. 7). The architectural style elements are exceptionally reduced, the entire circular construction is heavily and monotonously rusticated. The narrow window slits further underline the tower’s repellent, fort-like appearance, which is certainly to be taken as architecture parlante. The reduction to a stereometrical, clear basic form is reminiscent of the neoclassical trends associated with the French revolutionary period, which the architect will have been familiar with, having come to Vienna from Paris. Following a brief construction period, the Narrenturm was taken into service even before the main hospital was. The single cells that accommodated the mental patients of the institution constituted a medically important

improvement from the hitherto usual accommodation in shared halls. This made it possible to both provide the patients with more intensive care and to supervise them more thoroughly. The structure is essentially reminiscent of the structure of prison buildings – it is this building type that delivers the closest parallels to the Narrenturm.

The Josephinum

The Josephinum, on the other hand, is guided much more by the traditional marks of distinction in architectural design. The building, opened in 1785, housed the Academy of Military Surgeons (Fig. 8).14 The emperor’s personal surgeon Giovanni Alessandro Brambilla and the architect Ganneval worked closely together on the design of the building. The main, spatially staggered façade faces Währingerstrasse  ; its

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design takes up the classic type of a “cour d’honneur complex” as can often be found in Baroque palaces following the French example. Foremost, it also directly relates to the space in front of the library in the imperial Hofburg (today’s Josephsplatz), which had only recently (c. 1776 / 1777) been completed by Nicolo Pacassi and Franz Anton Hillebrandt. There are clear parallels in the form of the central projection as well as the colossal ionic order pilasters and the stringently executed style elements. Emperor Joseph II will have consciously supported the architect Ganneval15 in making the “Academia Medico-Chirurgica Viennensis” the architectural highlight in the large new hospital quarter  : The late Baroque palatial appearance of the institution can be understood as an expression of his high regard for academic instruction. In comparison, the almost contemporary building project by Franz Xaver Fauken placed the emphasis more traditionally by making the church the area’s architecturally most elaborately designed building. The large auditorium (“Anfiteatro”) was placed in the Josephinum’s central projection, where one would have assumed the ballroom to be.16 Today, the Josephinum accommodates the Department of the History of Medicine. In several rooms of the museum, it is still possible to see the large collection of coloured anatomical wax models of the human body that had originally been acquired on Brambilla’s recommendation for the purposes of teaching and study. Joseph II had seen the collection of models on show in the newly erected “Museo di Fisica e Storia Naturale” in Florence whilst visiting his brother Leopold (then grand duke of Tuscany, later Emperor Leopold II) in 1780  ; he decreed that as many copies as possible be made of the wax specimens of the human body and be acquired for the Academy of Military Surgeons. The Academy of Military Surgeons, both inside and outside, thus constitutes one of the most elaborate creations of the Josephine era in Vienna.

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Endnotes  1 Geisler, Skizen, 249f  2 Grois, Allgemeines Krankenhaus  ; Lor enz, Allgemeines Krankenhaus.  3 Fr eschot, Relation, 20f.   4 From Swiss minorite Georg König’s travel report (“Des Minoriten Georg König von Solothurn Wiener Reise”), manuscript Inv. 40.451 Jb at the Wiener Stadt- und Landesbibliothek.   5 Bormastino, Historische Erzehlung, 117 – 119.  6 R izzi, Pilgram, 350–362, 579–587.  7 Küchel, Beschreibung, 24.  8 Wy k lick i / Skopec, Allgemeines Krankenhaus.  9 Skopec, Krankenhaus, 9–21. 10 Fauk en, Entwurf. 11 Geisler, Skizen , 250. 12 “Canevale” was the commonly used form until recently, as the artist probably came from a branch of the artistic Canevale family that had originated in Upper Italy but spread throughout Europe. He arrived in Vienna from Paris in 1760 and signed documents and plans always “Ganneval”, the form that is most frequently used today. See  : Bibo, Ganneval, 1–7. 13 Br a mbill a, Appendice, 36–37. 14 Wy k lick y, Josephinum  ; – Hor n  /   A blogin, ­Josephinum  ; darin  : Sw itta lek, Josephinischer Klassizismus, 51–76. 15 Some contemporary descriptions mention that the Milanese architect Giuseppe Piermarini contributed to the plans. This is possible but has not yet been verified. 16 The room has been refurbished and was not maintained in its original form. – A thorough description of the interior is contained in Brambilla (see note XIII). See also  : Peintinger, Brambilla.

Nina Knieling

Libraries as Repositories of Knowledge for Teaching and Research A brief history of the University of Vienna library sites since 1365

U

niversities have since their very onset formed a unity with libraries as teaching and research have then as now relied on the written form of knowledge as well as its storage at a site designed to guarantee its survival. Libraries thus represent the cultural heritage they contain and collect as well as the storage site itself. The University of Vienna libraries look back on a varied history that has seen these centres of knowledge from the Middle Ages through to the present time.

Fig. 1: Detail from the German version of the University of Vienna foundation patent, 1365. This late mediaeval patent stipulates rules for various aspects of the life of the university community. This includes a passage about the library: ”gemaine půchkamer und libereye” emphasized in this German version of the late mediaeval document.

The first mediaeval book collections

The first mention of the library is made in the University’s foundation patent of 1365. This document stipulated that the rector be allowed to appropriate the estates of deceased university members in the absence of any heirs. The document particularly stressed that any collections of books that were thus left behind were to be incorporated into the university library, the new publica libraria.1 (Fig. 1) The notion of a public library demands clarification  : the books were in fact only accessible to a very limited circle of persons, namely graduated members of the university. This was particularly true for the early days  ; the mediaeval university excluded even its own students from access to the valuable stock. The 1384 Albertinum (known as the University of Vienna’s “second foundation patent”) contains another mention of the library. It explicitly names the “librariam sue facultatis”, i. e., the Faculty of Arts library.2 There was thus not one single library, but several locations and institutions  : the multitude of

university corporations was reflected in the range of manuscript collections owned by different faculties, colleges and Bursen (hostels). The Faculty of Arts library was distinguished as early as the Albertinum document and played an exceedingly important role in the history of the mediaeval university  : the faculty had the financial means for the purchase of books and benefited repeatedly from gifts and legacies.3 The mediaeval manuscripts were a particularly valuable treasure of the University of Vienna. Their material as well as spiritual value was so high that it was stipulated in both the 1365 and the 1384 document that university members were expressly forbidden to sell or pawn these without the prior approval of the rector or his representative. As the normative point of reference, both documents also stipulated consequences for the case of theft or the loss of manuscripts. The library’s locations within the mediaeval university buildings moved in several stages in accord-

Libraries as Repositories of Knowledge for Teaching and Research  111

ance with the collection size. The first book stocks were of rather manageable size. The Faculty of Arts manuscripts were initially housed in an armarium  : this bookcase was situated underneath the steps opposite the magna stuba. The magna stuba was a hall used for assemblies as well as examinations and university celebrations. It was located in the Collegium Ducale (Duke’s College), which had been established in 1384 and was the centre of the “old university quarter”.4 The library stocks grew, resulting in the regular symptomatic recurrence of a shortage of space. Dedicated library rooms were created and extended. It is established that this innate line of development also occurred in mediaeval monastery libraries.5 It must not be forgotten that the term ‘library’ here pertains to collections of objects that were by no means limited to books alone. They also contained medical and astronomical instruments, maps and plans as well as, later on, globes and prints. Individual collections were only separated and institutionalised at a later date. During the fifteenth century, the growth of these numerous collections by way of unredeemed pawns, gifts and legacies necessitated the availability of adequate spaces. The Kollegienbibliothek (College Library) was kept in the Collegium Ducale. An extension that was erected in order to house the stock was funded by the Faculty of Arts as well as by individual professors, including the theologian and historiographer Thomas Ebendorfer von Haselbach (1388 – 1464), who did not, however, live to see the completion of the building in 1473.6 Only relevant to few available sources document the construction and handling of this Kollegienbibliothek. More details are available with regard to the establishment and growth of the Faculty of Arts library, which was initially also kept in the Collegium Ducale. It was moved from there into the nova structura (“new building”) which was erected in the years 1423 – 1425 around Bäckerstraße 20.7 The Faculty of Arts building was there  ; it initially housed the library. That library soon ran out of space again, necessitating an extension. A legacy from the humanist

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Johannes von Gmunden († 1442) made the necessary funds available to complete this extension and transfer the library in 1443. Johannes von Gmunden also left his own library (including mathematical and astronomical instruments) to the Faculty of Arts.8 The other faculties also had their own collections of manuscripts. The Faculty of Law library was housed in the faculty’s building in Schulerstraße. The Faculty of Medicine inherited a house in Weihburggasse 10 / 12 from the medic Nikolaus von Hebersdorf († 1419)  : the legacy included the medic’s own library within that same house. Only graduated faculty members were admitted to the library, students were denied entry despite an application to that effect from the year 1435. The library outgrew the available space by 1443, when it was moved from Weihburggasse to the faculty of arts building extension within the nova structura.9 Library rules were established for the Faculty of Arts in 1443. As a normative source, these regulations provide a clear insight into the restrictive rules regarding opening hours and use. The “Ordinacio de apercione librariae facultatis et usu librorum eiusdem” has survived among the faculty documents  : the librarian, who the faculty elected from 1415 onwards, was obliged to take good care of the books and expect the same from the readers. Access was granted according to the library’s function as a repository of knowledge relevant to university teaching  : only a content of the curriculum would be made available. Faculty members were to pay fees, swear an oath and fill in a form both for receiving the library keys and for borrowing rights. Those who had graduated at another faculty to achieve the title of Doktor or Magister were shortly afterwards also admitted on the same conditions. Separate rules could apply to the stocking and lending of works attained by a legacy, as was the case with Johann von Gmunden’s collection of books.10 In the new space, the collection was presented as a lectern library. Hence, particularly valuable codes were tied to lecterns with a chain as libri catenati. (Fig. 2) There was an additional fee to be paid for borrowing such valuable works. The regulations fur-

ther stipulated that a register of the stock was to be displayed on the library walls. The faculty chose a graduate who was to keep this register as well as the actual catalogues and who would be paid a fee from 1452 onwards, as was the elected librarian.11 Some of the library stocks were moved to the beadle’s apartment (within the faculty building) as soon as 1473 as space grew short once again  ; yet further development of the stock made another move necessary within only a few more years. The invention of book printing with moveable type brought the first printed work (a decretal printed on vellum) to the library in 1474.12 The triumphant advance of printed works as mass products caused another inevitable extension of the stock and thus another change of location. The library was moved to a building between the Vordere Bäckerstraße and the Hintere Bäckerstraße (today’s Bäckerstraße and Sonnenfelsgasse) which the Faculty of Arts had purchased in 1492. The house also provided space for rented accommodation and until 1510 for the hospital.13 Wolmuet’s map of Vienna from the year 1547 denotes the building as a “Liberey” only. (See Fig. 1 on p. 43) The building no longer exists, having fallen prey to the construction of the Akademisches Kolleg during the Jesuit era.14 It is conceivable that the library remained a lectern library, which was open all day. Renowned professors left their collections to the Faculty of Arts, including Konrad Celtis, who left a collection of books and astronomical as well as mathematical instruments upon his death in 1508.15 University ownership of books is also found among the Bursen. These student hostels with a weekly fee (“Burse”, from middle latin for “satchel”) provided more than just room and board. The lecture material was repeated in reading sessions (“revisions”).16 In the absence of reliable surviving sources, little is known about these book collections and their use. Only the Rosenburse (Postgasse 8 / Barbaragasse 1 / Dominikanerbastei 9)17 provides an interesting insight into their book stocks. The book covers that have been retained demonstrate that this was also a lectern library. This may, however, have been an ex-

Fig. 2: Theologian Leonhard Villinus († 1567) lecturing at the lectern The Leibnitz scholar kept the Faculty of Theology running after it had degenerated in the Reformation era. The depiction provides a rare insight into a Viennese lecture hall with lectern and in the background a library table with several books chained to it (“libri catenati”).

ception  : the same cannot be proved to be the case for the other Bursen libraries. The libraries were administered by the provisor, who was also in charge of lending books to the house scholars.18 As a result of the Pragmatic Sanction of 1623, the Bursen were disbanded or changed into Jesuit study houses. Their book collections were subsumed by other libraries.

Libraries as Repositories of Knowledge for Teaching and Research  113

Early modern “library troubles”

In the era of the university’s decline following the death of Maximilian I, an increasing number of professors no longer left their private libraries to the university or faculty stocks. Thus the private library of the Bishop of Vienna Johann Fabri (1478 – 1541) was not directly incorporated by the faculty of arts library. The bishop had in fact in his last will and testament left his manuscripts and books to the Collegium trilingue19, the college he himself had established for poor students. Alphons Lhotsky based his estimate of a stock of 5000 titles on the legacy catalogue.20 However, more recent research conducted by Friedrich Simader has shown that the library was probably even larger and can be compared in size to the private library of Konrad Peutinger from Augsburg, who had one of the most extensive humanist libraries north of the Alps with 6000 books.21 Fabri’s foundation fell into a slow decline a few years after his death, resulting in the incorporation of most of the stock into the faculty of arts library. A smaller part of the books was included in the collection of the Kodrei (student poorhouse) Goldberg.22 At the same time as legacies and gifts to the Faculty of Arts library dwindled, the existing stocks also suffered from neglect, loss and theft. This state of affairs is noted in the faculty documents as “maxima confusio et maximum damnum allatum” as late as 1562, despite Emperor Ferdinand I’s decree that the university be gradually converted and improved into a state teaching institution.23 The Dutch humanist Hugo Blotius was the first prefect of the Hofbibliothek (imperial library). He had a notable plan to unite the four large libraries of Vienna in one location. In these, Blotius included the range of collections belonging to the Hofbibliothek (at that time still housed in various buildings) as well as the university corporation libraries  : that of the Collegium Ducale, that of the Faculty of Arts and the library of Johann Fabri. Blotius’ concept aimed to unite the extensive stocks into one centre by establishing a public library in the rooms of the Collegium Ducale. He also supported the very modern notion

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of making this new central library accessible to the public with established opening hours. However, his “Museum Blotianum” was never realised.24 Emperor Ferdinand II’s university reform brought about a rupture in the history of the library when the Jesuitenkolleg (Jesuit college) was incorporated into the university, resulting among other effects in extensive reconstruction works in the university quarter. The sanctio pragmatica decreed in 1623 that the library collections were to be placed into the care of the Jesuits. Graduates holding the Magister or Doktor title would still be granted unlimited access. The future location remained undecided, however.25 As mentioned above, the Faculty of Arts library building was demolished in the course of the reconstruction and extension of the old university buildings in the years 1623 – 1654.26 The University’s treasure of books came to be a bone of contention between the Jesuits and the university. The University’s own corporations prevented the unification of the university book stocks  : they insisted on their continued independence and did not want to abandon their own collections to the Jesuits. The Faculty of Medicine was particularly adamant in this matter. The future location of the Fabri library also had to be debated for many years. The part of the collection that had belonged to the Kodrei Goldberg was eventually given to the university in 1718.27 Hence only the stocks that had been kept in the Collegium Ducale and the Faculty of Arts library were united. This did indeed constitute the unification of two libraries into one collection. However, this newly established collection was subject to demise under the Jesuits. It is significant that the brotherhood already had their own universal library, which was kept in the baroque library hall in the Akademisches Kolleg (Postgasse 9, Fig. 3).28 The room has two levels  ; it is preserved to this day. This library hall’s 1734 ceiling fresco29 looked down on impressive oak wood bookshelves that are no longer the property of the university today and are considered lost. The Jesuit refectory was situated on the level underneath the library hall and the brotherhood’s scholastics were housed in the room above.30 This library wing connected

Fig. 3: Library hall in the former Akademisches Kolleg, Photograph before 1885. This two-storey grand hall (27 m long, approx. 8.5 m wide, approx. 8 m high) housed the Jesuit library collection until 1773. Subsequently, the university library stocks were put up here between 1777 and 1884. This image was created before the stocks were moved to the new Main Building on Ringstrasse.

Libraries as Repositories of Knowledge for Teaching and Research  115

income per year are demanded for this indispensable intention […]”.31

Fig. 4: View into Postgasse, Photograph before 1900. This historic photograph show Postgasse, which virtually ended on the scuola philosophorum. The building was demolished shortly after this photograph was taken, and replaced by a turn-of-the-century building.

with the Jesuit college in the south west. Side wings with two storeys protruded on both sides to surround a small court with a fountain. This court was completed towards Fleischmarkt by a wall (Postgasse 9). The Jesuit library was thus awarded a particularly grand location in what was known as the library wing of the Akademisches Kolleg  ; the university libraries, by contrast, were relegated to a shadowy existence. It is remarkable that the catastrophic circumstances were noted in a report by the Faculty of Medicine and the Faculty of Law in c. 1635  : “It is also outrageous that a university or Studio Generale should not have a joint library to be used both by Docentes and Discentes, hence 200 to 300 florin of

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Beyond demanding this endowment for the library, the report underlines that these means would be needed for the “foundation of the Bibliothecae”, i. e. the erection of a dedicated library building. The extension of the former beadle’s house32 in 1654 constituted a temporary solution to the issue. This building, which had been the property of the university since 1455, had housed the Faculty of Philosophy since 1628, taking its name from that purpose  : schola philosophorum.33 (Fig. 4) The library was housed in the building’s top floor. Yet the new location did not improve matters  : great humidity proved devastating for the upkeep of the stocks. Complaints were repeatedly voiced regarding the library’s demise and dilapidation. The Bollandist Jean Baptiste Du Sollier (1699 – 1740) visited the library and noted that the books “are stacked on top of one another and several of these are half rotten, others reduced to dust per ipsum non usum.”34 The libraries at the University of Vienna (and lack thereof) are mentioned in travel reports as well as topographical sketches that demonstrate the faint role awarded to these among the Viennese libraries. Like many contemporary travel reports, a 1732 text by Johann Basilius Küchelbecker also lauded the imperial library with its impressive rooms and rare possessions but chose the following words with regard to the university collections  : “The university also possesses a large library.” [It can be] “viewed upon application, as it is not ordinarily open. It consists, though, of many ordinaries and known books, largely serving the humaniores  ; […] beyond that there is nothing rare to be found. Each of the four faculties moreover has its own library  ; these are also but mediocre. The library owned by the Jesuits, however, is greater than all others”.35

Numerous suggestions as to how to proceed with the library were made both by the Jesuits and by the university in the mid-eighteenth century. However,

a decision could not be reached in 1740 to leave the stocks to the Jesuits, nor was it possible to agree to house the library in the Aula building (which would later accomodate the Academy of Sciences) that was under construction at this time  ; the rector and consistory had voiced that wish in 1755.36 The medic Johann Maximilian Dietmann37 was elected to the post of librarian for the book collection in 1748. He supervised the removal of the library stocks from the schola philosophorum into the university house (Sonnenfelsgasse 19) in 1753, as stipulated by imperial decree.38 The conditions for storage and preservation remained abysmal even in this new location. As it was not possible to house the library in suitable rooms in the new Aula building, the rector and consistory reached a surprising decision on January 8, 1756  : the university library was to be given to Maria Theresa “at her majesty’s free disposal […]”, as the Hofbibliothek was a public library anyway.39 Three weeks later, on January 24, 1756, the influential prefect of the imperial library Gerard van Swieten was appointed by Maria Theresa to assume the library stocks.40 At this point, the book stocks contained the Fabris collection, the former Collegium Ducale library as well as the libraries of the Faculty of Arts and of the Bursen. Some collections or fragments thereof remained at their original location  ; that was the case, e. g., for the collections belonging to the other three faculties.41 The approx. 2,790 volumes were handed over to the imperial library in 1756. They comprised 1,037 manuscripts and 1,750 printed works, including 364 incunabula.42 While a register for the manuscripts has been preserved, it is very hard to reconstruct the printed works that were part of the collection  : no catalogue survived. The approach to and treatment of the university library collections thus reflected the internal tensions between the Societas Jesu and the university that were such a defining aspect of the Jesuit era. In the end, the library lost an extensive and irreplaceable repository of knowledge when it gave its books to the Hofbibliothek.

Texts on the mediaeval and early modern libraries of the University of Vienna often refer to the Faculty of Arts library as the university’s main library as early as the fifteenth century. To regard the significance of the university’s book collections in this period as if they were an institution of the University of Vienna as a whole is to adhere to a modern concept  : in truth, we are dealing here with gradually developing libraries that belonged to university corporations and offered only limited access. It was not until the Jesuit order was dissolved in 1773 that the institution of a university library could be realised  : it found its new location in the library wing of the Akademisches Kolleg.43

Endnotes  1 Csendes, Die Rechtsquellen der Stadt Wien, 152 and 168.  2 L ack ner, Diplomatische Forschung, 83 and 106.  3 Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 464–467.  4 Schr auf, Die Universität [im Mittelalter], 983–985   ; Gott­l ieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 464   ; Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 26–32.  5 Jaksch / Fischer /  K roller, Bibliotheksbau, Vol. 1, 31.  6 Pongr atz, Geschichte der Universitätsbibliothek, 9.  7 Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 86. Current street names given in all cases.  8 Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 464.  9 K ink I, 342  ; Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 466, 468–469  ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 89. On the medics’ library, see Senfelder, Heilkunde, 1018 – 1068. 10 A FA II, 158v. 11 Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 465. 12 K ink I, 142. 13 Schr auf, Die Universität [im Mittelalter], 991–992   ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 101 – 102. 14 Franz Gall and Walter Pongratz support the misguided opinion that the “Liberey” was situated where Ignaz-Seipel-Platz is today, although the newly built Akademisches Kolleg covers almost the entire space of the former building. See Ga ll, Alte Universität, 66  ; Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 18. Friedmund Hueber had already disproved this view, as is visible on the basis of reconstructions of the course of Riemergasse on later maps of the city. See Hueber, Zur Entwicklung der Baugestalt, 114. 15 Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 467–468. 16 Mühlberger, Studentenbursen, 130.

Libraries as Repositories of Knowledge for Teaching and Research  117

17 Ibid, 178 – 179  ; Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 88. 18 http://www.onb.ac.at/sammlungen/hschrift/kataloge/universitaet/Rosenburse.htm (19.04.2014) 19 UAW, Ladula XXIV.6 Urkunde über die Einrichtung der Bibliothek des Bischof Johannes für die Studenten des Collegium trilingue, also see Denk, Collegium trilingue. 20 This number was established on the basis of the Fabri legacy catalogue by Alphons Lhotsky. Lhotsk y, Johannes Fabri, 228–241. 21 Sim a der, Johannes Fabri, 272. 22 Denk, Alltag zwischen Studieren und Betteln, 200–202. 23 Mühlberger, Ferdinand I. als Neugestalter der Universität Wien. 24 Stumm voll, Hofbibliothek, 107  ; Molino, Blotianum. 25 Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 68–70. 26 K ink I, 359. For an edition of the Sanctio pragmatica, especially § 6 on the library, see K ink II, 456–457. 27 Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 6 28 A lk er, Wiener Universitätsbibliothek, 93. 29 For greater detail on the ceiling fresco, see this volume’s article by Werner Telesko. 30 Scholastics were Jesuits who had not taken their final vows and were still in university training but already entitled to hold philosophical lectures. Gall and Pongratz call them the “junior council”, which is misleading in the context of their time. I am grateful to Pater Johannes Wrba SJ for drawing my attention to this point. See Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 74  ; Pongr atz, Geschichte der Universitätsbibliothek, 31. 31 The document is not dated, but was probably created around 1635. Vgl. K ink II, 231. 32 On the beadle’s house, see this volume’s article by Kurt Mühlberger. 33 Site  : Bäckerstraße 22 / Postgasse 3 / Wollzeile 33. The house was sold by the university in 1789  ; today the site holds a turn-of-the-century building. K ink I, 369  ; Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 30–31  ; Perger uses the term “student prison” for the schola philosophorum  : the house had previously used to accommodate a detention room, see Perger, Universitätsgebäude, 92. 34 Cited in Pongr atz, Geschichte der Universitätsbibliothek, 20. 35 Küchelbeck er, Residenz-Stadt, 720–721. On Küchelbecker and his travel reports, see K auffm a nn, Stadtbeschreibungen, 69–87. 36 Pongr atz, Geschichte der Universitätsbibliothek, 20–22. 37 Pongr atz, Alte Universitätsbibliothek, 139. 38 UAW, CA 1.0.175. 39 UAW, CA 1.0.195. 40 Ibid. 41 Pongr atz, Geschichte der Universitätsbibliothek, 23. 42 Sim a der, Johannes Fabri, 269–270.

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43 The history of the university library after 1774 is described in the chapter beginning on p. 193.

Thomas Maisel

Vormärz, the 1848 Revolution and the Loss of the Old University

M

aria Theresa inaugurated the Neue Aula in 1756  ; it has been the seat of the Academy of Sciences since 1857. Excepting a university library extension that was realised in 1827 – 1829, it remained for more than a hundred years the only building to have been planned and erected expressly for the University of Vienna.1 It is no coincidence that the move into the additional building was accompanied by a fundamental reform of the university education system. This reform necessitated more room, which was to be provided by the new construction. At the same time, the Neue Aula also represented the visible renewal of the university as an institution and the renunciation of Jesuit domination of higher education. The era’s correlation of the reforms and the new university buildings is apparent not least at hand of the fact that no further buildings were planned until some time after the 1849 Thun Hohenstein university reform.

University and studies at the “Old University” until 1848

The reforms of the era of Maria Theresa and Joseph placed the university and what was taught there under strict state supervision. The Studienhofkommission (Imperial Commission of Studies] was established in 1760. The emperor nominated directors of study to act as the commission’s consultants as well as preside over their faculties, chairing the faculty assemblies and supervising adherence to the rules of study. As of 1760, active professors were excluded from all university positions in order to avoid any distraction

from their teaching activities. They were to be nominated by the sovereign. The initial aim of the reform had been to counter Jesuit influence on the university, where studies were particularly lacking in the fields of medical and legal training. The extension of the absolutist state with its bureaucratic institutions and central offices required bureaucrats who would be qualified and loyal to the majesty. This latter aim was, to Joseph II’s understanding, the most important task of higher education. The ideals of the enlightenment and its religious tolerance laws did open the universities to Jews and Protestants for the first time, but the development of scholarship and teaching was not given any more freedom. In 1783, it was expressly forbidden that lecturers in any way alter or add to the prescribed textbooks. The state’s control mechanisms largely prevented independent development among university corporations. At the same time, this mechanism also guaranteed progress in the fields of medicine and the natural sciences as well as law and political studies even in the face of conservative powers within the university. The program was practice-oriented and directed primarily at functionality.2 University life before the 1848 revolution was fundamentally different from that of today. The University of Vienna was a school with the right to award academic honours  ; it was not a research institution. The school-like character was further enhanced by the fact that the university’s rooms were also used for teaching grammar school lessons. The Akademisches Gymnasium (originally a Jesuit school) was housed in the area of the Alte Aula (Bäckerstraße 20). The pupils attending this six-year grammar school were en-

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tered into the university register, as were the students of the higher philosophical year groups that had to be completed in order to be admitted to a degree course at the faculties of theology, law or medicine. The Akademisches Gymnasium moved into a newly erected school building on Beethovenplatz as late as 1866. The Akademisches Kolleg also housed the Stadtkonvikt boarding school from 1802 to 1848 (its entrance was on Universitätsplatz opposite the Neue Aula)  : it accommodated the pupils of the Akademisches Gymnasium as well as the Hofsängerknaben choir boys. The most famous of the latter residents was undoubtedly the composer Franz Schubert  : he attended the Konvikt in the years 1808 – 1813. With the reign of Emperor Francis II (I), state control of the university became strongly reactionary and conservative. It was feared that the ideas of the French revolution may be spread and later on that liberal, anti-clerical and (German) national thought may be imported via the university. This resulted in a system of surveillance and censorship that was largely guided by the Carlsbad Decrees after 1819 (ban of fraternities, supervision of universities). The professors were expected to adhere faithfully to the prescribed text books, particularly so in all matters regarding religion and philosophy. If it was suspected that liberal or national views had been voiced in the course of a lecture, the professors could face an occupational ban. Professor of philosophy Leopold Rembold was forced to retire in 1824 upon the monarch’s request  : the authorities had concluded that he had lectured with the intent to sway his students’ religious persuasion. As he had been very popular among his students, his retirement even resulted in riots that were put down by the police. The Viennese professor Vincenz Weintridt had suffered a similar fate four years earlier  : he was probably tripped up by his ties to the Prague professor of theology Bernard Bolzano, who had been removed from office in 1819.3 It was not only what the professors taught, but also how the students lived that was subject to surveillance. Student associations were banned and reading material was controlled. Students were not allowed to occupy themselves with novels, entertain-

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ment texts or foreign encyclopaedias in the library  : even the works of Goethe and Kant could only be read with special permission.4 Students were obliged to attend mass every day and had to provide proof that they regularly went to confession in the form of a “confession writ”. It was not allowed to visit inns or theatres until after completion of the philosophy foundation course. The conservative forces’ power grew and Latin gained greater significance as language of instruction after 1790  ; this did not, however, imply a striving towards a neo-classical ideal of education but was rather aimed at the internalisation of grammar and formalisms. The study of the classics was, after all, dangerously likely to advance liberal thoughts from the ancient era.5 “Morality grades” were given that punished the reading of banned books, the contradiction of teaching materials and other forbidden activities. With few exceptions, it was not allowed to study abroad. The course of studies was highly structured with proscribed lectures and concluding end of year exams even in the “higher” faculties. The professors registered attendance, to which purpose the seats in the lecture halls were numbered. Some of the lecture halls were situated in and around the Akademisches Kolleg, which had been erected by the Jesuits  : by the Vormärz era, these halls were in a condition that was considered utterly insufficient. The poet Eduard Bauernfeld remembered  : “We listened to our philosophy lecturers in the P.P. Jesuits’ former horse stables in barely sufferable metamorphosis.”6 He is referring to the Stöcklgebäude that had evidently stood opposite the Dominican Abbey, where the Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (Austrian Institute of Historical Research) was housed after 1854. Another student voiced his disappointment at the sight of the Viennese university buildings thus  : “The University of Vienna certainly made a no less than imposing impression on the new arrivals, […] to reach the square, where a terribly bland building, painted yellow and held in bad style […] represented the site of the muses and the sciences.” 7 The lecture halls were insufficiently aired and climatised  : heat and stench in the warm

Fig. 1: Performance of Joseph Haydn’s “Creation” on March 27, 1808 (Photograph of a heliotype of the watercolour by Balthasar Wigand, published by the City of Vienna in commemoration of the anniversary of Joseph Haydn’s death on May 31, 1809.

months were followed by freezing cold in the winter. Candles were affixed to iron bars in order to cast a little light into the darkness. The Neue Aula was the primary site for the lectures in medicine, law and theology. It had been built more recently, yet even here complaints were regularly lodged about the smell, particularly during the summer months. The stench emanated from the room for anatomy exercises and the anatomy theatre that was housed in the same building  : the corpses used in these lessons were stored in the adjoining chambers or the cellar and could be smelled throughout the building and the surrounding streets. Sessions on anatomy had originally been held only in the winter months for that very reason. However, the growing number of students of medicine made it necessary to offer dissec-

tion lessons even in the hotter season.8 The collection of anatomical models, the basis of which had been created by Gerard van Swieten, were also kept in the Neue Aula.9 Medicine and the natural sciences were taught mostly on the ground floor of the Neue Aula, law and political sciences as well as theology on the floors above. However, these arrangements repeatedly changed in the course of the years and cannot always be reconstructed due to insufficient documentation. The university observatory was situated on the roof of the Aula building  : this location in the city centre was considered highly disadvantageous even as early as the beginning of the nineteenth century. Permission to construct a new building for this purpose was denied by the Lower Austrian government in 1804.10

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When the astronomer Johann Joseph von Littrow took up his position in 1819, he demanded that the observatory be moved to the outskirts of the city  ; merely renovations were granted. A new observatory near the Türkenschanzpark was opened no earlier than 1883. Although laboratories did exist for instruction in chemistry and physics, they did not meet the demands of a “research” university  : The government did not consider that within their scope. The chemistry auditorium of the Neue Aula was made somewhat brighter in 1805 when permission was granted to paint the façade of the university house opposite (the domus antiqua in Sonnenfelsgasse) in white, so that the light reflected from that façade might improve the lighting conditions in the auditorium.11 In 1820, the inspector of university buildings proposed that the use of Argand lamps be tested for the illumination of the auditoriums. Argand lamps were modern oil lamps that provided a considerably brighter light. Nevertheless, the majority of the professors voted in favour of continuing to use wax candles.12 Despite the great number of complaints regarding the lack of space and the insufficient conditions in the lecture halls, the only larger-scale improvement to the university to be undertaken was the library extension in 1827 – 1829. The condition of the library had indeed been catastrophic. The abbey closures of the Josephine era had increased the number of books to be accommodated  ; this combined with the north-eastern wing’s state of disrepair and the lack of reading places (often fifty or more people had to wait on the street) to make renovations absolutely necessary.13 The teaching rooms were not improved beyond mere refurbishment, such as the conversion of the former horse stables’ hay loft in the Stöcklgebäude into an upper f loor in presumably around 1828.14 Beyond these measures, the university documents mention merely adaptations and repairs. The disturbance of lectures by the noise of passing carts was to be ameliorated with a 1812 decree to chain off the streets of the university quarter  : this measure had previously been in place during the Middle Ages.15 The government’s attitude toward the university sit-

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uation is indicated among others by the 1814 plan to move the university counsel’s and beadle’s administrative workplaces into their respective apartments in order to free up rooms within the university building (domus antiqua) to be rented out at profit.16 It was not the improvement of the university itself but the economic use of the university buildings that was of relevance. Extreme lack of space called for an extension of the anatomy theatre in 1820. However, the government initially approved merely a provisional solution to the problem  : lectures were to be held in two parts, so that students could take turns to attend.17 Actual construction works to improve the situation obviously did not take place until approx. fifteen years later. The neglect of the university buildings was caused not only by the chronically dismal situation of the state treasury  : it was also an expression of the state’s educational policy. The policy on education focussed on technical and practical training, hoping as it did that this would create a direly needed new impetus to improve the economy and trade. It was not the universities, but dedicated technical institutes that were created and funded for this purpose.18 The Wiener Polytechnisches Institut (Vienna Polytechnic Institute) was opened “for the improvement of the fatherland’s trade through academic teaching” in 1815  ; it was only somewhat delayed by the state bankruptcy of 1811.19 Not long afterwards, this new institute received a generous new building near the Karlskirche church notwithstanding the fact that the state treasury was empty following the wars against France. The veterinary department was in danger of perishing due to the state’s bankruptcy  ; this fate was apprehended by the department’s 1812 inclusion in the University of Vienna conglomerate. This department received a new building in 1823.20

The University as a venue

A new introduction to university life that at times had to be enforced against the resistance of several professors was the staging of non-university events in

Fig. 2: Universitätsplatz on the night of March 13/14, 1848.

the university’s Festsaal (ceremonial chamber) in the Neue Aula. The first such event was the presentation of a flying machine by the gentry watchmaker Jakob Degen on August 7, 1807.21 This was the first of several presentations of Degen’s flying apparatus, which had moveable wings and obviously did indeed lift off (albeit with the aid of a hydrogen-filled balloon)  : it is not documented whether the machine levitated in the university Festsaal underneath Gregorio Guglielmi’s fresco. In his application to the university consistory, Degen stated his intention to sell admission tickets to the presentation. That was not permitted by the university, however  : the professors deemed it against the honour of the house to use the university rooms for commercial purposes. They adhered to this stance in the following decades  ; every event had to serve a charitable purpose at least in part. As it was rarely possible to make do completely without

financial support, voluntary donations were allowed. However, it was not permitted to erect a cash desk for the sale of admission tickets or even for collecting donations within the university itself. Teaching was of course not to be disturbed in any way and any necessary facilities had to be removed again after the end of the event. Any damage to the hall was to be avoided. The presentation of the flying apparatus obviously drew the attention of an interested public to the Festsaal ’s suitability as a venue. In November, a mere few months after the attempt at levitation, the university received an application from the organizers of the Viennese nobility’s concerts for music lovers to hold musical “academies” in the Festsaal. The consistory was split into supporters and opponents of this application. The latter frequently argued quite in the spirit of the Josephine university reforms  : Mu-

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sic was not of an equal rank with the sciences that were at home in the university  ; neither did it have a greater “political purpose”. The performance of music at university threatened to lead the academic youth astray with “distractions that hinder their application to the sciences that are more necessary and useful for the good of the state.”22 Subsequent applications to hold musical presentations also led to such disputes. It was only the fact that these presentations often had a charitable purpose that could appease the opponents of the practice to “[…] ever and ever lend the university hall to paid musics”.23 In reality, however, the university’s scope for decision-taking was minimal. The noble music lovers who started a series of concerts that would continue to be held in the university’s Festsaal for more than three decades came from the highest positions in society and politics  ; they were led by Obersthofmeister Ferdinand Prince Trauttmannsdorf. A negative response to their wish would surely have been detrimental to the university. By this time, Viennese music life was in full bloom, transitioning as it did from being a subject of noble patronage to witnessing the growing cultivation of music among the middle classes. However, it suffered from a lack of suitable concert halls.24 Although some applications were declined, almost eighty concerts were held in the university Festsaal before 1840. These often served charitable ends to the benefit of the university community itself.25 The stars of Vienna’s music life were present at these events. As early on as one of the first of the noble concerts for music lovers in December 1807, Ludwig van Beethoven himself conducted the presentation of his third symphony (Eroica)  ; he also conducted his fourth symphony there not long afterwards. Even two of his works were premièred in the university Festsaal in 1813  : his seventh symphony as well as the orchestra piece Wellington’s Victory, or, The Battle of Vitoria. The concert was held in order to collect donations for Austrian and Bavarian soldiers who had been wounded in the Battle of Hanau. The volume of the music on this and other occasions caused some (not entirely unfounded) concern that it could cause damage to the ceiling of the hall.

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Undoubtedly the most famous concert to have been held in the university Festsaal was that of Joseph Haydn’s oratorio The Creation on March 27, 1808. The aged composer was present himself during the first part of the concert  ; it was his last public appearance. The audience as well as his musician colleagues used this occasion to honour him supremely  : the event is remembered in text and image. This was the last “academy” of the noble music lovers and the event was staged in the spirit of patriotism. The oratorio was performed in Italian, evidently in order to demonstrate solidarity with the Habsburg territories in Italy that had been lost in the wars against Napoleon. Antonio Salieri was the conductor.26 No public events were held in the university Festsaal between 1808 and 1811, in part due to the wartime events of the year 1809. Napoleon’s troops had reached the capital’s city gates when the Captain of the City of Vienna called upon the university to open up its lecture halls to use as storage rooms for flour. It was further decreed that the university was to be used as a hospital.27 Unlike in 1797, the university did not issue its own brigade, but students were called up for military service. Once the city had been occupied by French troops, lectures had to be temporarily cancelled  ; lecture halls, the auditoriums of the Neue Aula and the university church served for the storage of corn and foodstuffs.28 The Austrian defeat was also to the university’s financial detriment, as it had to partake considerably in the payment of war contribution fees.29 Concerts and public events resumed in the Festsaal after 1811. This included presentations of technology and natural sciences, although these were few in comparison with the music presentations. The first scientific congress to have been held in the university building was the tenth assembly of German nature researchers and medics on September 18 to 26, 1832. The local organisers were the professors Joseph von Jacquin (botany) and Joseph Johann Littrow (astronomy), who had to ask the government and the emperor for permission to hold this assembly in Vienna.30 Minister of Police Count Sedlnitzky had to be included in order to guarantee the “surveillance

Fig. 3: Franz Schaus, Academic Legion guardroom in the university in 1848.

of police proscriptions” in and around the assembly. The congress had originally been planned to take place in 1831 but had to be moved back a year due to a cholera epidemic. The Akademisches Kolleg (the rooms used by the Stadtkonvikt) even housed a cholera hospital despite the consistory’s initial dismissal of such a use.31 The university was chosen as the location for the assembly of nature researchers not due to its properties as a site of knowledge but rather due to the fact the other halls in Vienna were deemed less suitable. Thus, several hundred scholars collected in Vienna, including a number of significant medics and natural scientists from abroad. Even Chancellor of State Prince Metternich participated as a guest in some of the sessions. He recognised the assembly as a welcome opportunity to demonstrate that Austria

was very much able to keep up with international standards in the natural sciences.32 However, the capital city and royal residence did also provide many other sights and diversions, so that the sessions were not always as well frequented as the organisers would have desired.33

The “rabble of students and professors” rebels  : The University of Vienna and the 1848 revolution

Many young intellectuals, including numerous students and academics, experienced the restrictions and censorship of the Metternich police state as unbearable – even though the state control measures were indeed much less efficient then they may have ap-

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peared. Anyone with a desire to get their hands on forbidden reading materials would have been able to find a way. The legal and political reading society was established in 1841 and was tolerated by the government. Its members even included public officers of the state. The society provided an important “manpower pool” for the bourgeois-liberal opposition that was just beginning to form  : Minister of Police Sedlnitsky deemed it a “seedbed of revolution”.34 State control over teaching and studying hindered the development of scholarship at the university. This problem was exacerbated by the fact that other universities – particularly those in the neighbouring German lands – continued to grow into leading organisations for the development of scholarship  : this path appeared utterly removed from the Austrian experience.35 The negative economic effects of academic backwardness also raised the government’s concern, so that some relief was granted from the 1830s onwards  : Even the absolutist state officers had to admit that reforms were needed in the face of the university system’s failures.36 The Studienhofkommission established sub-commissions charged with making suggestions for reform suggestions  ; these commissions even included professors. The resulting designs proposed changes across the board  : valuable extensions to the curricula of all courses of study, the relaxation of the obligation to use approved textbooks only, the cancellation of the annual exams (which the students in particular regarded as undue harassment), that teaching posts were to be awarded as a result of an appraisal system rather than by competitive examination as had been the case hitherto  ; further the establishment of more public lecturerships.37 None of these suggestions (which aimed at the softening but not the removal of state supervision) was realised before 1848. They did not include in any form the freedom to teach and learn  ; that would be one of the central demands of the revolution that was soon to break out. The social and economic situation at the beginning of 1848 was alarming. The liberal bourgeoisie feared the collapse of the economy as much as it did the eruption of violent protests by the impoverished

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masses of workers, small craftsmen and day labourers from the suburbs.38 The political situation grew increasingly unstable  : unrest broke out in Milan and Palermo, followed by Paris and some cities in the German lands. The government appeared unable to act  : the news of the revolution was received by a cabinet that was already collapsing. Critical intellectuals, students, some professors and young academics made up the core of the group that articulated the liberal bourgeoisie’s expectations and demands in Vienna. Metternich resented their leading role in his coerced retirement for years, referring to them as a “miserable mob of students and professors”.39 The students were indeed decisive to the course of events. They assembled in large numbers on the Universitätsplatz on March 12, 1848, the eve of an assembly of the Lower Austrian parliament intended to resolve the situation. The students occupied the Neue Aula in order to set up a petition that went beyond the rather moderate demands they had made in the previous day’s Bürgerpetition (“citizen’s petition”)  : they demanded freedom of the press and freedom of speech, equality among the confessions, public access and oral presentation at court proceedings, the creation of a general representation of the people and the reform of the educational system on the basis of the freedom to teach and to learn.40 This petition was to be handed to the emperor. The concerned professors collected at the same time in the consistory assembly hall in the neighbouring Universitätshaus. They delegated Anton Hye and Stephan Ladislaus Endlicher, who were considered liberal and were respected among the students, to enter the Neue Aula in order to calm the waves. Endlicher and Hye agreed to bring the petition to court and attempted to do so on the very same day. They were not, however, as successful as the students would have liked. The emperor initially refused to receive the professors  : they had to make do with meeting Minister of State Kolowrat, who disapproved of the students’ actions. When the emperor eventually did receive the professors towards the end of the day, the meeting did not result in a binding agreement. When Hye confronted the assembled students on the next day, he made every

Fig. 4: Barricade near the old toll house opposite the university library (present-day Postgasse 9).

effort to paint the mission has having been successful  ; nevertheless, the students decided to join the demonstration marching to the Lower Austrian parliament. Citizens, students and craftsmen from the suburbs assembled in front of the parliament in Herrengasse, where a speech by Lajos Kossuth was read out and the medic Adolf Fischhof (a member of the University of Vienna college of medics) held Austria’s “first free speech”. The commotion climaxed when the military fired shots and the first dead had to be mourned. Workers’ unrest erupted in the suburbs. The government as well as Chancellor of State Metternich were forced to retire on that same evening (March 13). Censorship was abolished and a constitution was promised. The bourgeoisie and the students collected arms from the citizens’ armoury at Am Hof in order to

maintain order and safety, thus setting up the bürgerliche Nationalgarde (citizens’ national guard) on the basis of “ownership and education”. This guard included the Akademische Legion (academic legion) that was made up of students from all Viennese institutions of higher education, medics and some professors. The Legion’s headquarters were erected in the university’s Neue Aula. The guardroom was located in the vivisection room at the back of the building (abutting today’s Windhaaggasse).41 This turned the Aula into one of the most important centres of power of the Viennese revolution. Ludwig August Frankl, a graduate of the university, penned a poem in its honour that was published in an edition of half a million copies as the first uncensored flyer  : “Was kommt heran mit kühnem Gange  ? / Die Waffe blinkt, die Fahne weht, / Es naht mit hellem Trommelklange /

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Die Universität.” (“What is that, boldly approaching  ? / Shining armour, flag flying free, / The sound of drums encroaching, / It’s the university.”)42 The Aula’s reputation as the centre of an initially successful revolution even spread abroad  ; the student revolts were further mythologised by articles published in its honour  : “A mere three months ago, the bent and remembrance-heavy figures of sad scholastics arrived singly before lessons began and hardly dared speak a loud word in order to slink off upon completion of the lessons heavy with school’s affliction  ; […] now committees fill those same halls as they attend to the world and discuss the happiness of the people  ; there is a noise and throng from one midnight to the next, one speaker after another ascends to the lectern, disapproval and approval emanate from thence through the entire city, the entire monarchy  ; abbeys are dissolved and ministers retired, laws discussed”.43

The student committee was formed on March 29  ; it met in the Neue Aula anatomy hall, where all large assemblies were held.44 The central state’s authorities and the government’s weakness made it possible for the Aula to become a port of call in particular for the lower classes, who set great hopes on the students. They voiced their grievances and complaints  : the student committee, which was supposed to deliberate on issues of educational reform, essentially exercised enforcement functions in the city.45 The degree to which the university and its students came to be seen by contemporaries to have shaped the revolution is also indicated by the 1848 temporary renaming of the streets abutting the Neue Aula  : Sonnenfelsgasse became Märzgasse (March Street) and Bäckergasse Studentengasse (Student Street).46 The March revolution affected university life significantly. The students’ demands for academic freedom were immediately met. The central authorities were no longer jointly led but turned into ministries organised as monocracies  ; the Studienhofkommission that had been in existence since 1760 (barring an interruption in the years 1791 – 1808) was replaced by

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a Ministry for Public Education. The law professor Franz Frh. von Sommaruga was named as the first Minister of Education. He took up office on March 27 and addressed the students in the Neue Aula a mere three days later in order to announce the reorganisation of the universities on the basis of the freedom to teach and learn.47 The revolutionaries were disappointed, however, when the imperial promise of a constitution was transformed into the drawing up of a constitutional charter on April 25. The students had demanded a general representative of the people in their March 12 petition  ; instead, the parliament was to be subject to a census wherein only taxpayers would have a vote. Outrage about this fact was exacerbated by the comparison with the German National Assembly in Frankfurt that was subject to the free and general (male) right to vote. The press, no longer subject to censorship, heavily criticised the constitution draft. Loud announcements and “caterwauling” by crowds that included a significant number of students built up political pressure that grew to such an extent that members of the parliament had to retire and concessions had to be made. The students, national guard and workers were able to enforce their political demands one more time with their Sturmpetition (“storm petition”) of May 15. The government proceeded with an attempt to limit the revolutionary powers whose centre it recognised to be the university. A decree of May 25 that dissolved the Akademische Legion caused another eruption of protest. A military occupation of the university was violently prevented and workers from the suburbs came to help when barricades were erected throughout the inner city. The barricades were placed particularly tightly in the immediate vicinity of the university. They consisted not only of cobble stones but also furniture taken from the university  ; the library wing windows were blocked up with books.48 The barricades were planned and erected in hasty improvisation. Although the “technicians” from the Polytechnic Institute provided important specialist support, experts did criticise the military value of their positions.49 Yet the military was neither willing nor able to engage in a battle between houses and

Fig. 5: Small barricade near Schwibbogengasse (Bäckerstrasse).

barricades, and retreated. Despite this success, the revolution was on the defensive from this point onwards  : the liberal bourgeoisie increasingly distanced itself from the revolution and sought to arrange itself with the powers of the old order. The path to defeat began on October 6, when Minister of War Latour decided to send troops from Vienna to support the imperial army that was facing the rebellious Hungarians. This decision resulted in serious street and barricade fights. Latour was lynched by an angry mob and hanged on a lamppost. Although the student committee denounced the crime, the court and government would no longer be swayed in its decision to militarily crush the revolution in Vienna. Prince Windisch-Graetz was given full powers for a military advance on Vienna with his

troops, which had already won back revolutionary Prague. He placed Vienna under siege on October 20. Many of Vienna’s citizens had fled in a panic and the radicals had assumed power in the city. A troop recruitment location was erected in front of the university and the student committee placed lookouts in the Aula’s observatory. The Stephansdom was also used as a lookout to keep watch over troop movements around the city. Any hope for help arriving from the army of revolutionary Hungarians was dashed when they were defeated near Schwechat. The imperial military attacked the city with artillery, thus also damaging the Dominikanerkloster that was located close to the university.50 A general attack was staged on October 28, and the inner city

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was occupied in the evening of October 31. Many revolutionaries managed to escape arrest by the army by fleeing. Windisch-Graetz declared a state of emergency and martial law  ; 25 death sentences were executed.51

The university as barracks

The university was immediately occupied by the military (teaching at the university had already stopped at the end of May). As early as the middle of November, it was decreed that all buildings (including the Neue Aula but not the collection rooms) be adapted to their new use as barracks as soon as possible.52 A resumption of teaching and study sessions could not even be considered under those conditions. The military returned only the rooms of the Akademisches Gymnasium fairly soon in order to allow school lessons to resume. The presence of soldiers posed a danger to the university’s furniture and collections  ; it is said that methylated spirit was taken from the anatomy models stored in the Aula to serve as a substitute for alcoholic drinks.53 The military was stationed in the university buildings not only in order to prevent a resurgence of revolutionary spirits  : it was also considered a punishment for the university whose students had played such an important role in the events of 1848. The military was still there when teaching finally resumed in March 1849. Lectures thus perforce had to be held at various locations outside of the inner city. That was very much in accordance with the wishes of the government and the military who greatly distrusted the students and were keen to avoid their concentration in the centre. The city commander even increased the number of troops in the Vienna garrison in 1849 despite an intervention by minister of education Thun-Hohenstein.54 Only the rector, the consistory and several administrative offices were able to remain in the university house (domus antiqua). The university library also retained its rooms and it was possible to hold a few teachings sessions in the Akademisches Kolleg. The majority of

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the lectures at the faculties of philosophy and law, however, took place in the Theresianum building (Favoritenstraße 15) and those lessons of medicine that were not clinic sessions already taking place in the Allgemeines Krankenhaus (General Hospital) were resumed in the Josephinum (the temporarily discontinued medical and surgical academy) and later on in the court wing of the former arms manufacture Gewehrfabrik (Währinger Straße / Schwarzspanierstraße). The great distances between the different university institutions constituted a burden for the students. The young Alexander Rollett, who would go on to be a famous physician, wrote a letter to his brother in 1852 wherein he described the indirect and long routes between Allgemeines Krankenhaus, Josephinum and Universitätshaus that he had to take in order to register for his medical studies. Having eventually managed to register, it still took some organisational talent to attend lectures at their various locations in a timely manner  : “Where do they hold the lectures  ? Say at the Josefinum (Währingergasse), Theresianum (Wieden), Botanischer Garten (Botanical Garden) (Rennweg), in the Allgemeines Krankenhaus (Alservorstadt), in St. Anna Kinderspital (Children’s Hospital) (Alservorstadt), in the lunatics’ asylum (Alservorstadt), in the University Building and in the Barmherzige Schwestern Hospital (Gumpendorf). Now I must ask  : does not the finding of the location, the planning of the hours etc. just have to cause quite a headache  ?”55

By and by, the military freed up the rooms it had occupied in the old Jesuit Akademisches Kolleg so that lectures for the faculties of philosophy and law could be held there after 1854.56 The Thun-Hohenstein university reform resulted in the gradual modernisation of the old Faculty of Philosophy from primarily serving a preparatory function into becoming a site of scholarship and research. That necessitated the creation of more rooms, which the old university buildings were not able to provide. The Department of Physics (developed out of the Physics Museum in

1850) was temporarily permitted by the military to use rooms in the Aula building.57 The location was not, however, fit for the purpose, so the department moved into rented accommodation in Erdberg only one year later. The university was now able to use the rooms of the old Stadtkonvikt in the Kollegsgebäude. However, these lecture halls and offices had already been deemed insufficient in the Vormärz period   : they were utterly unsuitable for modernised university life. The university did request to be allowed to use the Maria Theresan era Aula building again, but the military remained there until the erection of new garrison buildings safeguarded the centre of the city. However, the erection of these “defence barracks” for the purposes of military observation and peace-keeping in the city of Vienna (Arsenal, Rossauer barracks and the Franz-Joseph barracks in the immediate vicinity of the university)58 took some time and the young Emperor Fracis Joseph pleaded for the retention of the “Aula barracks” until it was finished. Minister of Police Kempen noted a conversation in his 1851 diary  : “The emperor laughed when I said that the university had to be in fortifications  ; he added that the Aula had to stay a barracks.”59 When the new barracks were finally opened in 1856 / 57, the military no longer needed to use the Neue Aula. The building was not, however, returned to the university but was handed over to the imperial Academy of Sciences in 1857, an institution that was only ten years old at the time. The university was merely permitted to use the Festsaal for its academic celebrations until the new university building was opened in 1884.60

Endnotes 1 See Wagner-R ieger, Haus, as well as the contributions by Herbert K a r ner and Werner Telesko in this volume. 2 Stachel, Bildungssystem, 115 – 146. 3 Stachel, Bildungssystem, 128. 4 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 68. 5 Widm a nn, Studium, 122. 6 Bauer nfeld, Alt- und Neu-Wien, 11. 7 Cited in  : Widm a nn, Studium, 125.

  8 UAW, Konsistorialakt CA 1.3.529.   9 On the use of the rooms, see Wagner-R ieger, Haus, 30– 38, and Ga ll, Alte Universität, 104 – 114. 10 UAW, Konsistorialakt CA 1.0.314. 11 UAW, Konsistorialakt CA 1.3.204. 12 UAW, Quästur / Universitätskassa / Gebäudeinspektion, Q 25.14. 13 On the extension for the library see this volume’s chapters on the university library. 14 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 71–72. 15 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 47, and UAW, Konsistorialakt CA 1.0.428. 16 UAW, Konsistorialakten CA 1.3.305 and CA 1.3.308. 17 UAW  ; Konsistorialakten CA 1.3.346–347. 18 Rumpler, Mitteleuropa, 114 – 116. 19 Engelbr echt 3, 262–264. 20 Schr eiber, Tierärztliche Hochschule, 13 – 16. 21 A ntonicek, Musik, 13. 22 A ntonicek, Musik, 23. 23 A ntonicek, Musik, 25. 24 Rumpler, Mitteleuropa, 142 – 143, 221. 25 See the chronology in A ntonicek, Musik, 77 – 108. 26 A ntonicek, Musik, 35–41. 27 UAW, Konsistorialakten CA 1.0.374–375, CA 1.0.377 28 UAW, Konsistorialakten CA 1.0.376 a. CA 1.0.382–383. 29 UAW, Konsistorialakt CA 1.0.386. 30 K a dletz-Schöffel, Metternich, T 1 S. 254–264  ; Jacquin / L ittrow, Bericht, 25–48. 31 UAW, Konsistorialakten CA 1.3.508 a. CA 1.2.394–395. 32 K a dletz-Schöffel, Metternich, T 1, 259–260. 33 Jacquin / L ittrow, Bericht, 60–61. 34 Cited in Rumpler, Mitteleuropa, 274. Also see Br auneder, Leseverein. 35 K er nbauer, Wissenschaft, 91. 36 Stachel, Bildungssystem, 133 and Höflechner, Auswirkungen, 152 – 155. 37 Meister, Reformen, T. I, 68. 38 Rumpler, Mitteleuropa, p. 276–277  ; Buchm a nn, Politik, p. 107 – 108. 39 Cited in Rumpler, Mitteleuropa, 269. 40 M a isel, Alma Mater, 16–23. 41 [A non y mus], Die Aula, p. 257, and UAW, Konsistorium, Fasz. III, No. 232 from 1848. 42 UAW, Schriften-Sammlung zum Revolutionsjahr 1848, Inv. 148.134. 43 [A non y mus], Die Aula, 257. 44 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 115 and Mikoletzk y, Das Jahr 1848, 24–25. 45 Mikoletzk y, Das Jahr 1848, 25. 46 Perger, Straßen, 19, 134. 47 Meister, Reformen, T. I, 69.

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48 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 67, and UAW, Konsistorium, Fasz. III Nr. 416 from 1848. 49 [A non y m], Barrikaden. 50 Buchm a nn, Politik, 117. 51 Buchm a nn, Politik, 117. 52 UAW, Konsistorium, Fasz. III Nr. 751 from 1848. 53 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 114. 54 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 29. 55 Rollett, Briefe, 1852 No. 3 (online http://gams.uni-graz.at/­ archive/get/o:rollett.1852/sdef:TEI/get#L.3, accessed March 19, 2014). 56 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 117. 57 UAW, Personalakt Christian Doppler PH PA 1035, fol. 38– 39. 58 Buchm a nn, Politik, 118. 59 Zitiert nach  : Widm a nn, Studium, 126. 60 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 116.

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Kurt Mühlberger

Towards A “New University” The Era of Reforms 1849 – 1873

“

… the stormy winds of a new era battered the decayed constructions of outdated institutions into utter collapse”.1 March 1848 was undoubtedly a watershed in the history of Austrian education. The imperial commission of study was replaced by an independent ministry of public education. On March 30, the newly appointed first minister of education Franz von Sommaruga announced academic freedom (following vociferous demands to that effect) and promised a “transformation” of “all branches of national education”. The minister modelled his thoughts on the “blossoming universities of Germany” that offered a “thorough scientific education”. However, he stated that the reform would have to be “designed and executed” with “prudence and ripe consideration”. In reality, no decisive innovations sprung up out of nowhere. It took decades for the Viennese Alma Mater Rudolphina to shed the mediaeval habits that were ingrained in its statutes and its daily life, for a legal form to be established for the sought-after “new university” on the basis of scholarship, for new dynamic forces to invigorate it and for the university to receive fitting “sites of knowledge” in the urban cityscape. Innovative, research-led science and teaching had until that point not been among the tasks that the monarchy expected of the universities. Moreover, scholarship as an exercise of enlightenment was of interest only where its results might be usefully applicable for the state. The Austrian universities were thus mere sites for teaching or communicating safe and “permitted” knowledge. The “teaching manuals” and “lecture books” had to be approved by organs of the

state. The curriculum included only what had been passed on for centuries, what had been adopted from others and what had been approved by the political and ecclesiastical powers. Such work did not have to be entrusted to scientifically educated, critically thinking researchers. The academic authorities were, in fact, “know-it-alls” with encyclopaedic learning who conveyed their gems of knowledge to the “gentlemen students” in lectures that were brought forth with varying degrees of rhetorical talent in order to have them repeated back to them as faithfully as possible at a later date. The university supplied the necessary resources for these tasks  : libraries, lecture halls, preparation rooms and examination rooms, sometimes a compendium of teaching materials. There were no departmental rooms or classrooms, no research rooms, few laboratories, no study rooms.2 Some rooms were provided for the university administration, the rector, the counsel and the deans  ; this included the required meeting rooms as well as representative halls (aulas) for grand and sometimes public events (which were otherwise held in a church), such as the inauguration of the rectors, elections, enrolment celebrations, disputations, graduations, etc. Between its 1365 founding by the Austrian duke and the nineteenth century, the honourable Alma Mater Rudolphina had undergone fundamental statuary changes and decisive encroachments on its autonomous rights. However, the mediaeval structures of its statutes and traditions were maintained under the guise of sovereign or state reforms until the revolutionary year of 1848, even as late as the law on university organisation was passed in 1873.

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The Habsburg duke Rudolph IV had originally founded a studium generale Viennensis, meaning a sovereign’s school of higher learning legitimised to teach by the pope as well as a privileged community of teachers and pupils, the universitas doctorum, magistrorum et scholarium Wyennensis.3 The foundation patent includes statutes that were based on the example of Paris. There evolved a conglomerate of corporate communities and legal entities with their own representatives and treasuries  : the four faculties (arts, medicine, law, theology), the four academic nations (Austrian, Rhenish, Hungarian, Saxon), the colleges (Herzogskolleg [Duke’s College], Juristenschule [School of Law], Haus der Mediziner [Medics’ House], Poetenkolleg [Poet’s College]) as well as student houses with their own heads, representatives and officers who each administered separate treasuries under the supervision of a faculty.4 These were all united under the joint roof of the university. Until 1783, the university was the competent court for all its “supposita” (all teachers, pupils, workers, etc. enrolled in the register). The degree courses, on the other hand, were administered only by the corporate faculties, who also awarded Doctor and Magister titles. It was not until 1775 that graduations were overseen by the university represented as one by the rector. 5 Since the middle ages, the Habsburg university foundation and its rights and privileges had been confirmed by each newly enthroned sovereign and emperor with specific adjustments in accordance with the times. From the incisive sixteenth century reforms passed by Ferdinand I until the eventual complete redesign by Maria Theresa and Joseph II, this system made it possible for the university of Vienna to be turned into a state institution. The education policy in Josephine late enlightenment was guided by how useful the degree courses would be for the training of state officers. Scholarly research as an end in itself was not within the scope of Austrian universities or their professors. Yet, although the state had incorporated the university’s actual purpose of education, its faculties and academic nations were able to retain their corporate character.6

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Each of the four academic nations celebrated an annual mass on the day of their patron saint in St. Stephen’s church or the university church. The richly illuminated and decorated sheets of their grand registers include the names of young Habsburg archdukes and future regents as honorary members, partly written in their own hands. The time-honoured nations were reformed as late as 1838, when their administrative structure was modernised according to “patriotic considerations”. Until the preliminary university reform was passed in 1849, it was the four procurators of the nations as the leading representatives of the university corporations who traditionally elected the rector magnificus.7 The Austrian faculties were conceived as doctorate colleges in juxtaposition to the professorial faculties at German universities.8 They were essentially “graduate associations“  : corporations that were largely peopled by doctores non legentes who were not engaged in teaching activities  : particularly doctors, advocates, notaries, officials, teachers, clerics, etc. Their involvement was limited to the dean’s participation in strict examinations, the administration of trust funds and general educational lectures. The Faculties of Law and of Medicine additionally attended to Witwen-Societätscassen (Society of Widows Funds). 9 Gerard Van Swieten’s reforms (1749 / 53) had created additional state “departments of study”. University curricula were no longer directed by the corporations but entrusted to state-appointed directors of study. From 1760 onwards, they also acted as consultants to the newly established Studienhofkommission (imperial commission of studies), the predecessor of the ministry of education. At the faculties in Vienna and Prague, vice directors were in charge of the state “departments of study” (the teaching staff), with the entire curriculum and all examinations under their control. They also chaired the faculty meetings, the strict examinations and oversaw adherence to sovereign decrees.10 The professors were officials paid by the state. Their activities were limited to teaching and examination. Professors were banned from holding academic functions after 1760. As a result, doctors who

did not teach were appointed to the faculty boards, the university consistory (senate) or any academic function (dean, rector). Their powers were, however, rigorously limited, unable as they were to go beyond the administration of funds and participation in strict examinations. The state had overall control over studies.11 Any modernisation of the Catholic Austrian universities was halted by the lack of academic freedom, which would have been a prerequisite of innovative research and scientific independence. Academic freedom and confessional tolerance had led the German reform universities in Halle, Göttingen and Jena to great success since the eighteenth century  ; this development was recognised among the Habsburg monarchy. The government sent the future member of the imperial commission of study Johann Melchior von Birkenstock (d. 1809) to Göttingen in 1772 in order to investigate their curriculum and attract young Catholic scholars from Germany to Austria. Birkenstock declared that “Catholic Göttingen” was the aim of Austrian university policy.12 His suggestions for modernisation fell on deaf ears and the notion of “Austrian national education” was devised, whereby the universities were to serve as “training schools” for the Austrian “great state”. Josef von Sonnenfels (d. 1817) spearheaded this idea and fought a bitter battle on university policy against his opponent Birkenstock.13 It was eventually decided that the traditional means of instruction be retained, which were essentially based on the sixteenth century Jesuit ratio studiorum. These means did not provide room for any degree of divergent opinions or methods. They furthermore entailed the despised annual and semester examinations as well as the out-dated competitive examinations for the new appointment of professors that failed to focus on scholarly qualities.14 The Austrian educational system remained conservative, Catholic and isolated from contacts abroad during the Metternich police state era. A fear of revolutionary movements and torpor in outdated traditions thwarted several positive attempts that were made during the Vormärz era to modernize the educa-

tional system and the universities.15 German critics described university life in Vienna and Prague as hopelessly behind the times. Thun’s advisor Karl ­Ernst Jarcke (1801 – 1852) passed an essentially scathing judgement on Austrian university scholars in the Vormärz period  : “The spirit of scholarship has taken leave of the country’s institutions of higher learning and as long as can be remembered […] there has not been an Austrian professor with renown in the German, let alone European, sphere. Most university scholars are not known beyond the magic circle of their own location”. Jarcke’s criticism is often considered “exaggerated”, but it was not entirely unfounded.16 The revolutionary events of 1848 created greater pressure to fundamentally reform further education and universities in Austria. Concessions were speedily made and comprehensive plans for a “new university” were put forward that centred on the grammar schools and the faculty degrees, particularly those of the Faculty of Philosophy. “The most important and momentous of all changes to the Austrian universities is doubtlessly the move of the Faculty of Philosophy away from its Vormärz position and into utterly equal standing with the other faculties,” concluded church historian and Vienna rector Karl Werner († 1888) in his review. What had previously been a preparatory course for the “upper” faculty courses was now an independent academic faculty, which was able to “adopt all of those subjects that are part of what is known as general and free education…”. Moreover, the departments introduced as part of this faculty provided for the first time at the University of Vienna a direly needed “educational school for grammar school teachers” as well as an infrastructure for research-led teaching.17 When the new minister of education Leo Graf Thun-Hohenstein entered into office on July 28, 1849, the reform plans were complete and the powers in charge established. The basis for reforms of the grammar schools and universities had in particular been prepared by Franz Exner, a philosopher who had been called to Vienna from Prague († 1853) and Hermann Bonitz, a classical philologist from the Ma-

Towards A “New University”  139

Fig. 1: Memorial for Leo Graf von Thun-Hohenstein in the arcaded courtyard, unveiled in 1893. In his position as Minister of Culture and Education (1849–1860), Thun-Hohenstein was able to politically enforce the university and secondary school reforms formulated by Franz Exner and Hermann Bonitz in the neo-absolutist era and thus lay the groundwork for Austria’s higher education system. The statue was carved by Karl Kundmann. Together with the busts of Exner and Bonitz, it is part of the “educational reform group”.

rienstift grammar school in Stettin († 1888).18 They aimed to politically enforce the liberal reforms that had in part already been propagated in the year of revolution and were tainted by the whiff of revolution even at the outset of a neo-absolutist era. The preliminary law on the organisation of academic authorities initially came into power on September 30, 1849  ; it was to be evaluated every four years.19 The four academic nations that had hitherto had the right to elect the rector were excluded from the organisation of the university.20 The faculties

140  Kurt Mühlberger

were divided into bodies of professors and of doctors. The professors’ bodies were to play the main role. While professors had previously been banned from taking on academic positions, they now had their own professorial deans. The doctoral bodies also remained part of the faculty and continued to elect their own doctoral dean. The complete exclusion of the old corporations was inevitable. This “interim arrangement” remained in place until the definitive organisation law was passed in 187321  : it had had to pass through numerous discussions and quarrels between the representatives of traditional, privileged corporations (doctoral colleges), the progressive supporters of the Prussian type professorial university, the supporters of the “Catholic character” of the University of Vienna and the liberal renewers who supported research-oriented teaching. As early on as the revolutionary year, the course was set to approach a “new university” of the Prussian model. It was fixed in law under minister Thun (1849 – 1860), although leading figures in Austria continued to feel unable to identify with the German ideal of the university  ; they included Andreas von Baumgartner (minister of finance, president of the Academy of Science), Karl von Krauss (minister of justice), Alexander von Bach (interior minister).22 The most important advances included the political acceptance of “free science”, the concession of limited academic freedom and the combination of research and instruction. This principle was laid down in article 17 of the 1867 constitution  : “Science and teaching are free”. The success of the reform hinged, however, on a solution for the delicate issue of staff, which was also an issue of generational change. Several of the elder, established professors found it hard to fundamentally change their style of work and fully adopt research-led teaching. The habilitation examination was introduced and the institute of associate professors was created as early as in 1848.23 It was the aim of these reforms that a future scientific elite be raised in Austria  ; the Habsburg educational institutions had been unable produce such elites. It would of course take some time for these measures to bear fruit.24 The associate professor salaries were paid from

Fig. 2: Portrait bust of philosopher Franz Exner in the arcaded courtyard, unveiled in 1893. Exner was called from Prague to the newly established ministry of education in Vienna in 1848. There, he attended to the planned reform of secondary schools and the philosophy degree course. Bust by Karl Kundmann

Fig. 3: Portrait bust of classical philologist Hermann Bonitz in the arcaded courtyard, unveiled in 1893. Bonitz was called to Vienna in 1849, where he established the Department of Philology and History (the first “Seminar” department in Austria) and worked on the plans for the organisation of secondary schools together with Exner.

college funds that had been re-introduced in 1850. These monies helped to extend the curriculum, so that students would be able to chose from a range of seminars, thus making it possible to claim rudimentary academic freedom.25 In order to swiftly raise the academic standards, excellent persons had to be invited from abroad, in particular from Germany.26 Thun initially exercised a strictly Catholic cultural policy and thus excluded Protestants from being called up for subjects with ideological character. It was only when he saw that his aim of an ideological re-education had failed after 1854 that he ceased to base his “scientific regenera-

tion” of the university teachers on considerations of denomination. In contrast to schools, the universities were excluded from the 1855 concordat. From then on, Protestants were also able to be made professors on the basis of their scientific qualifications alone. These Protestants included, e. g., the historian Theodor Sickel and the geologist Eduard Suess (1857).27 The ministry had to allow for the rapid process of differentiation taking place among the scientific disciplines. Numerous newly established professorships, departments and clinics required adequate rooms, including modern facilities such as specialised libraries, laboratories, scientific collections, observatories,

Towards A “New University”  141

etc. This applied in particular to the new Faculty of Philosophy, which had adopted the former “medical ancillary sciences” (mineralogy, zoology, botany and general chemistry), thus emphasising its new standing.28 Thun’s term in office (1849 – 1860) oversaw the onset of a fruitful “founding period” which was to step up during the liberal period under minister Karl Stremayr (1867 – 1879). The development of scientific institutions was vigorously pursued  ; the prestige of the sciences in Austria had never been so great. Although the subsequent increased nationalisation of the entire educational system stretched the monarchy’s budget, the University of Vienna was essentially able to continue its institutional growth as the “flagship” of Austrian higher education until the onset of the First World War. At the Faculty of Catholic Theology, chairs were established for canon law (1856) and decretal law (1856) as well as at the end of the century four new departments that covered study of the new testament, the history of the church, fundamental theology, canon law and pastoral theology (1899). The Faculty of Law introduced chairs for German law (1851), international law (1848), Austrian mining law (1850), Hungarian private law (1853) and national economy (1855). At the Faculty of Medicine,29 new introductions were the Department of Physiology (1849), the clinic for skin and genital disease (1849), the 2nd medical clinic (1850), the children’s clinic (1851), the Department of Histology and Embryology (1854), the ear clinic (1863), the psychiatric clinic (1870), the Department of Medical Chemistry (1871), the 2nd women’s clinic, the 2nd ophthalmic clinic (1874), the 2nd throat, nose and ear clinic (1875), the Anatomy Department (1886), the dental clinic (1890), the central Department of Radiology (1898), the Department of Dermatology (1912) and finally, shortly after the First World War, the Department of the History of Medicine (1920). Most new institutions were established within the Faculty of Philosophy. This faculty was extended to include the Department of History and Philology (1850), the Department of Physics (1850), the De-

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partment of Mineralogy (1850), the Department of Meteorology (1851)30, the Department of Geography (1853), the Austrian Institute of Historical Research (1854)31, the Department of Zoology (1863) the Department of Zootomy (veterinary anatomy) (1863), the 2nd chemistry department (1970), the Department of History, the Department of Mineralogy and Petrography, the Department of Palaeontology, the Department of Geology, the Department of Plant Physiology and the 2nd Department of Physics (all of these in 1873), the Department of Art History (1874), the Department of Ancient History (1876), the Department of Romance and English Philology (1877), the Department of Education (1878), the Department of German Philology (1881), the Department of Slavic Studies, the Department of Oriental Studies (1886), the Department of Music, the Austrian Institute of Archaeology (1898), the Department of Indo-German Studies (1900), the Department of Theoretical Physics (1902), the Department of Eastern European History (1907), the Department for Radium Research, the Department of Anthropology, the Department of Prehistory (1910) and the Department of Philosophy (1914).32 The number of academic staff grew notably  : numerous professors were called to the university and many associate professors passed the habilitation examination. During minister Thun’s term of office, the number of instructors at the Faculty of Philosophy increased threefold. 33 The student numbers at the University of Vienna initially fell slightly by about 300 enrolments. This will have been due to the removal of the two-year compulsory preparatory course in philosophy from the university. This course was henceforth included in the grammar school curriculum, which now had eight years of instruction. The number of approx. 1800 students in 1848 / 49 rose steadily to reach approx. 2300 in 1860. When the new Main Building on Ringstrasse was inaugurated on October 11, 1884, 5721 students were enrolled at the university  : “the highest number that our Alma Mater has reached since its foundation” as theologian Hermann Zschokke was able to report as the first rector of the

Extension of the teaching staff (excluding assistants) 1898 – 1860 – 1898 1848 Professors

1860 Assoc. ­Professors

Professors

1898 Assoc. ­P­rofessors

Professors

Assoc. ­Professors

Theol.

07

—

09

—

10

—

Law

12

05

16

04

24

25

Med.

16

10

17

25

62

90

Phil.

11

06

27

25

66

76

new palace of knowledge on Ringstrasse. At the turn of the century, the student body already numbered more than 6000.34 When the revolution was crushed in October 1848, the “old university district” on Stubentor was occupied by troops under the order of Alfred Fürst zu Windischgraetz. They militarily occupied the Aula building, which was then the university’s main building. The reforms that were initiated under minister Thun cleared the way for the modernisation of the University of Vienna and introduced an era in which the Alma Mater Rudolphina grew into a respected site of scientific research and instruction. Its physical appearance still had to be adapted to the new demands of modern science. Before that was achieved, the students and their university teachers had to overcome long distances between the various sites of teaching and research that were spread throughout the city.

Endnotes 1 Fr a nk furter‚Thun-Hohenstein und Bonitz, 3. 2 The Faculty of Medicine fared better for rooms and space particularly after the mid-eighteenth century. Note, e. g., the botanic garden, the anatomy theatre, the clinics in the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus etc. See Billroth, Über das Lehren und Lernen, 40ff. 3 Wording on the circumscription of the great seal of the University of Vienna, founded by Rudolph IV in 1365 (see p. 20, Fig. 3). 4 See Wink ler, Die Rechtspersönlichkeit der Universitäten, esp. 5–26. 5 End of the separate jurisdiction of the university, August 4, 1783  : K ink 2, 591, Nr. 191. On promotions, April 26, 1755. ibid., 561 Nr. 152.

 6 Höflechner, Nachholende Eigenentwicklung, 93 – 108, esp. 93–95.  7 Mühlberger, Relikte aus dem Mittelalter, 11 – 12, 25–27.  8 K ink 1 / 1, 480.   9 See Schneller, Historische Darstellung, 12f.: “Although the presidents at the faculties acted as imperial commisioners, the corporative status of the university had not been brought into question […]” and 1832 “confirmation of the other privileges and of the university’s standing as a spiritual corporation.” 10 On the directors of studies, see K ink 1 / 1, 462–463, 468– 469, 480  ; ibid. 2, Nr. 134. On the imperial commission of study (March 23, 1760) see ibid. 1, p. 483. See Meister, Studienwesen, 47f. 11 Government decree from November 29, 1760. K ink 2, 570 Nr. 162. Professors were banned from acting as “seniors” from as early as 1757. ibid. 1, 480, note 628. 12 On this  : Lentze, Die Universitätsreform, 47f. 13 On this  : Meister, Die Idee einer österreichischen Nationalerziehung, 1ff.; Gerson Wolff, Das Unterrichtswesen in Österreich unter Kaiser Josef II. (Vienna 1880), 6ff.; see Engelbr echt 3, 80f. 14 See K er nbauer, Wissenschaft , 51–252. 15 See Höflechner, Nachholende Eigenentwicklung, 93– 95. 16 Cited in Höflechner, Zum System Wissenschaft, 485. See Ogr is, Die Universitätsreform, 12 – 16 and in the appendix, 29–37  : “Memorandum by Jarcke on the tasks of a minister of education in Austria, August 5, 1849”. 17 Wer ner, Bericht, 9 – 10. See Mühlberger, Das »Antlitz«, 67 – 102. The medical faculty was in a much better position with its clinics and departments since the eighteenth century. 18 Lentze, Die Universitätsreform, 33–35. 19 Ministerial decree October 30, 1849, RGBl. 401  /  1849 (Thaa, p. 69–77). The general regulations for study followed a year later on October 1, 1850. Beck-K elle, Nr. 365 , 449–467. 20 Mühlberger, Relikte aus dem Mittelalter, 11–31.

Towards A “New University”  143

21 Beck-K elle Nr. 18, 23–29 (RGBl. 63 of 27.4.1873). 22 Lentze, Die Universitätsreform, 218–225. 23 A first “provisional prescription” for habilitations at the Faculty of Philsophy was decreed as early as July 6, 1848 (Heintl, Mitteilungen, Nr. 128, p. 79–81). See BeckK elle Nr. 187, 169 – 172 on the rules for habilitation, December 19, 1848 and February 11, 1888. 24 Decree dated December 19, 1848. See Franz Ex ner, Die Reform des öffentlichen Unterrichts in Oesterreich. In  : Constitutionelle Donau-Zeitung 20, 22, 25, 28 dated 20.,22., 26. und 29.4.1848. In  : Meister, Entwicklung und Reformen 2, 228–240, esp. 228. 25 Geschichte der Wiener Universität von 1848 bis 1898. FS Franz Josef I., ed. Akademischer Senat der Wiener Universität (Wien 1898), 39–42. College fees after 1850 were one guilder per semester per weekly hour. 26 See Höflechner, Österreich   : eine verspätete Wissenschaftsnation  ?, 97 with note 7. 27 Mühlberger, Das »Antlitz«, 82–87. 28 See Egglm a ier, Naturgeschichte, 221  ; Höflechner, Differenzierung des Fächerkanons, 310–312. 29 New departments and clinics were established at the Faculty of Medicine even in the first half of the nineteenth century, such as, e. g., the Department of Forensic Medicine (1804), the pathology and anatomy department (1811), the first ophthalmic clinic (1812 ), the second surgical clinic (1842). See Mühlberger, Die Universität Wien, 49. 30 Established as “Centralanstalt für meteorologische und magnetische Beobachtungen”. 31 Under the direct auspices of the ministry, being the Austrian Institue of Historical Research (Schule für österreichische Geschichtsforschung). See  : Lhotsk y, Geschichte des Instituts, 29–34. 32 On new chairs and departments, see Ga ll, Alma Mater, 23f.; ibid.; Kaiser Franz Joseph, 175  ; ibid., Kleiner Führer, 18f. 33 Geschichte 1848, 261, 270, 402–407. See Engel­ br echt 4, 235. Übersicht über die akademischen Behörden…Studienjahr 1898 / 99 (1898)  ; Taschenbuch der Wiener k. k. Universität für das Jahr 1848 (1848). 34 Völlmeck e, Österreichische Hochschulstatistik, Heft 550A, tables A.5.3–4.

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Julia Rüdiger

Siteless Knowledge ? The University’s Dislocation and the Search for a Site for the New Building

T

he 1848 revolution brought about a decisive rupture for the university. On the one hand, the reforms demanded by the students and professors in March 1848 were speedily met by concessions made by the first minister for education Franz Freiherr von Sommaruga.1 On the other hand, the Akademische Legion’s (Academic Legion) continued resistance led to a great lack of trust towards the university. The Neue Aula (New Aula) in the University district, where the members of the Akademische Legion had barricaded themselves after the university had been closed down in May 1848, served as the symbolic centre of the revolution forthwith. When the revolution of October 1848 was put down, the Aula was occupied by the military and turned into barracks. It was deemed politically impossible to allow the (potentially rebellious) students to return to this charged space. Thus, when the Alma Mater Rudolphina resumed its operation in March 1849, it did so largely without a site, without an institutional centre  : the various institutes were provisionally accommodated throughout the city.2 The Faculties of Law and of Philosophy as well as the chemistry laboratory were housed in the Theresianum. The Department of Physics had to go as far afield as Erdberg, quite a distance from the city centre, to find a fitting accommodation. The Faculty of Medicine, which was divided among its two new home sites of the Josephinum and the former Gewehrfabrik (firearms manufacture), fared better. The Faculty of Theology was the only one to be able to remain within the university quarter, being located in the imperial seminary Stadtkonvikt (the former Akademisches Kolleg).

Leo von Thun-Hohenstein, minister of education as of July 1849, worked towards an improvement of the university’s accommodation issues in the course of the university reforms he aspired to. His first achievement in this regard was the Reunification of all University Lectures, which made it possible for the faculties of law and philosophy to also hold their lectures in the Stadtkonvikt.3 A few years passed before Emperor Francis Joseph eventually decreed that a new building was to be erected for the university on May 7, 1854.4 As the Faculty of Medicine had greatly benefited from its vicinity to the general hospital, it was announced in June 1854 that “the ministry (had) for this purpose turned its attention to the site reserved for royal imperial state buildings in front of the royal imperial firearms manufacture and the Schwarzspanier Haus on the glacis”.5 The new Main Building was eventually inaugurated in 1884  : in the meantime, the university plans passed along a difficult, meandering path of sites, allocations and stylistic issues. In the course of these thirty years, the members of the university and the students had to make do with their provisional accommodations. The initially intended site near the former Gewehrfabrik reveals a characteristic of Vienna’s exceptional urban planning situation in the 1850s. In contrast to most other European (royal) cities, Vienna had retained its fortifications and the large empty spaces outside of the town walls.6 The ground plan of the first design by Eduard van der Nüll and August von Sicardsburg, who would later go on to plan the opera house, shows a trapezoid complex that fits perfectly into the described lot and the future course of the street. Despite being erected in the suburbs

Siteless Knowledge  ?   147

Fig. 1: Eduard van der Nüll/August von Sicardsburg, first design for the university, site plan, 1854. This site plan from 1854 shows the first university design for a site directly on the glacis by the architects who would go on to design the opera house. The project was thwarted by Heinrich von Ferstel’s desire to erect the Votivkirche church on the glacis in front of the Schottentor city gate.

rather than within the already narrow confines of the inner city, the building would nevertheless have been architecturally distinguished by dint of its position immediately on the glacis with the main façade facing the city (Fig. 1). The immediate surroundings are marked by captions defining the outer courtyard of the general hospital (as “hospital”), the Gewehrfabrik (“for university purposes”) and the Josephinum, thus underlining the direct proximity to the provisional and future accommodation of the medical faculty. This new main building was, after all, to primarily house the Faculties of Law and of Philosophy, the administration, the Festsaal (celebratory chamber), the library, as well as the Department of Chemistry. The Gewehrfabrik was to be adapted for the students of medicine, the astronomers hoped to receive their own observatory on the outskirts of the city and the meteorologists and their special

148  Julia Rüdiger

equipment were already well housed in the suburb of Wieden.7 The interior partitioning contained in this 1854 design (Fig. 2) interestingly points to a future architectural development  : although the rooms follow a strict interior pattern that is rather reminiscent of uniform functional buildings emanating from the civil construction authority, the complex of two courtyards with corridors surrounding the yards would eventually leap into significance with Gottfried Semper’s Zurich Polytechnikum. A competition for the design of the Votivkirche church was staged as the duo of architects worked on their design  : at the end of May 1855, the competition winner was revealed to be their pupil Heinrich Ferstel. The originally intended lot opposite the Belvedere convinced neither the architect nor the highest juror, the Bavarian King Ludwig I.; the winner of

Fig. 2: Eduard van der Nüll/August von Sicardsburg, first design for the university, ground floor plan, 1854. The trapezoid floor plan of the first design exactly fits into the existing street grid and the line of buildings (which was yet to be extended on the right side). The wide main façade faced the city, thus giving the planned building a representative status.

the competition was thus allowed to choose a lot on the glacis. Ferstel chose the area between Schottentor, Währingerstraße and Alserstraße, directly in front of the planned university main building.8 In March 1856, the university construction consortium was informed that the plans for the university would have to be adapted so that the building would form “the background in a broken line for the Votivkirche, the front of which will reach as far as the upper street”.9 This spacial connection of church and university was welcomed by those in charge at the ministry of education, perceiving as they did the additional advantage that both institutions could thus also be ideologically united into a civitas universitatis, making use of the influence of the Catholic church in order to soften the impact of the Prussian-inspired university reform.10 The architects in charge also initially agreed that the two buildings would not af-

fect each other negatively. Taking their lead from the neo-Gothic design of the Votivkirche, Sicardsburg and van der Nüll designed a composition of several elements that also bore neo-Gothic decoration and that were grouped around the church’s choir like a corona. A bird’s-eye view of the project found on the edge of the two architects van der Nüll and Sicardsburg’s large format city extension plan shows the varying degrees of emphasis placed upon the buildings in this group arrangement (Fig. 3).11 The three-storey central wing that is positioned on the axis behind the choir surrounds a large courtyard with a trapezoid ground plan. The clearly lower yet also three-storey wings with three lightwells each develop at angles onto two extensive side buildings. The façades of these buildings that face the Votivkirche as well as the radial streets are, like the main façade, accented with five-axis projections  : their design with tracery

Siteless Knowledge  ?   149

Fig. 3: Eduard van der Nüll/August von Sicardsburg, second design for the university in an isometric projection of different parts of the town. In order to accord the plans for the Votivkirche church and the university, the architects Sicardsburg and van der Nüll designed a building that was to segmentally surround the choir of the church. The neo-Gothic type university façade was to provide a fitting background for the high neo-Gothic Votivkirche.

windows, pinnacles and turrets is informed by that of the Votivkirche. The van der Nüll and Sicardsburg university project thus provided the ideal neo-Gothic backdrop for the Votivkirche. The central building was to house the Faculties of Law and of Philosophy as well as the Festsaal, lecture halls and the administration. Two side buildings were initially to house the library on one side and the Departments of Chemistry and of Physics on the other side, but this plan had to make way on

150  Julia Rüdiger

practical grounds  : in particular the fear of unpleasant odours and the danger of fire emanating from the Department of Chemistry led to the decision to house it in a separate building, as was the case for other specialist subjects in the natural sciences. The Akademie der bildenden Künste (Academy of the Fine Arts) could have instead occupied the second wing as a counterpart to the library.12 The arrangement of the structures appears to have retained its validity in future planning stages, as this

Fig. 4: Imperially approved urban development plan, 1860. The official urban development plan from 1860 adopted the floor plan of the second university design as a definitive component. In 1862, Heinrich von Ferstel (the Votivkirche architect) retracted his agreement for this joint building plan.

distinctive ground plan appears as university building in almost all plans submitted for the urban development competition of 1858 (with the sole exception of that by Theophil Hansen and Ludwig Förster), including eventually the great imperially approved urban development plan of 1860.13 (Fig. 4) The onset of construction work was delayed for financial reasons as well as internal disagreement within the university with regard to the allocation of rooms. Newly elected rector Andreas Ritter von Et-

tingshausen thus formulated that “the achievement of a university building or possibly more fittingly several (albeit neighbouring) buildings to house all university studies” was one of the most important goals of his term.14 In his inaugural speech of October 1861, he then went on to note the effects of the “unfortunate fragmentation of our university locations”, which he deemed “an obstacle to academic activity that must be deeply deplored and obstructs especially those who are most diligent and inquisitive.” The rec-

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Fig. 5: Heinrich von Ferstel, design for the area around Votivkirche church, c. 1862. To replace the arch-like frame around the choir, Ferstel designed an almost square frame for Votivkirche. The Renaissance-style façades of these buildings were to provide a harmonious contrast to the church design. The outermost block on the longhouse side was not erected, giving greater visibility to the sacral building.

tor thus stressed that he did not want “a presentation of expensive palaces, but merely a practicable building”, and optimistically recalled the promises state minister Anton von Schmerling had made in his accession speech.15 The rector’s open acknowledgement of there being a choice between having several neighbouring buildings or one main building indicated that the van der Nüll and Sicardsburg project was on uncertain ground. Indeed, the Ministry of Education ordered the university consistorium in December 1861 to adapt the 1856 space allocation plan to the current needs “as sparingly as possible for the

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treasury”, in order to “find a quick solution to this highly i­mportant issue for the healthy development of university life at the centre of the empire.”16 Negotiations started but soon stalled as the university consortium replied that “all submitted rooms are ­indispensable”.17 Even though the three architects had originally not anticipated any rivalry between the church and university buildings, Ferstel did eventually fear an artistic detraction from his design and presented a counter design for the area surrounding the choir.18 Ferstel arranged six polygonal building lots of residential houses in such a way that they framed a rectangular space around the choir, replacing the Gothic style corona (Fig. 5). At the same time, the architect and departmental councillor of the urban development fund Moritz Löhr advised a new lot for the university (the site where in fact Theophil Hansen’s stock exchange would later be erected), reasoning that in this other location, “the architecture can move freely and in greater mass, surely a most important issue for a monumental structure of such a size”.19 This advisory report clearly indicates, firstly, that the urban development fund still aimed for a monumental structure despite all endeavours to cut investments and, secondly, that the intention to include the university on the Ringstrasse had emerged as soon as the early 1860s. In May 1863, the planners distanced themselves again from the idea of a representative new building and gave preference instead to the idea of fundamentally refurbishing the former Gewehrfabrik. This plan drew immediate resistance from the Viennese city administration, which was hoping to be able to present a magnificent university palace at the university’s 500th anniversary celebrations. It was thus announced on July 31, 1863 that “the approaching celebration of the university obliges the council to speak up for its conviction, shared by the entire population of Vienna, that it must be a considerable part of the festivities that a magnificent general building for all parts and institutions of the university be safeguarded.”20 Nevertheless, the jubilee year of 1865 had to make do without a representative new building  :

not even a ground plan or indeed a site had been agreed by that time, and the negotiations once again ground to a halt. The university consortium decided to re-enter negotiations as late as December 1866 in order to achieve either the immediate start of construction work or the return of the former university building, which had in the meantime already been turned into the Austrian Academy of Science’s headquarters.21 The media joined in and also increased the pressure in August 1867 as the Neue Freie Presse demanded that those in charge “take leave of the baroque idea to build the entire university at once”.22 Shortly afterwards, emperor Francis Joseph issued a new demand to the minister of justice Baron Anton Hye von Gluneck, who had temporarily been put in charge of the educational sector, to find suitable locations. The minister presented seven possibilities in the autumn of 1867, still including the Gewehrfabrik with additional buildings.23 The list did not include, however, the initial location behind the Votivkirche  ; yet the local part of the Presse am Sonntag nevertheless reported on November 17, 1867 that the consortium of the University of Vienna had decided to “retain as most fitting the lot assigned to the university behind the Votivkirche.”24 Hye von Gluneck once again voiced his doubts in December 1867, saying that the “University building (…) (would) always take a second place next to the Votivkirche, and yet it would befit the honour of a university to also dominate as a building.”25 Notwithstanding, the emperor approved the application to build on this lot and in the following session of the university building committee, the architect Heinrich Ferstel was commissioned to begin with the preparatory work for the new building.26 While the nomination of a new architect breathed new life into the initiative to erect a new university building, hopes for construction work to begin as soon as the spring of 1868 were dashed. It was to take another five years until first sod was turned – on a different lot.27

Endnotes  1 Lentze, Universitätsreform, 29–31.  2 Mühlberger, Universität 1848 – 1884, 8.  3 Ibid.  4 Ga ll, Die Alte Universität, 119  ; Bericht des Universitäts-Syndicus Karl von Heintl, 20. März 1867 (= Quelle aus UAW, Akad. Senat 34, Sonderreihe S60, Bauakten 1854– 72) 5. 5  5 Erlass des Unterrichtsministeriums vom 17. Juni 1854 (Z.9411), cited in  : Bericht des Universitäts-Syndicus Karl von Heintl, 20. März 1867 (= Source from Universitätsarchiv, Akad. Senat 34, Sonderreihe S60, Bauakten 1854–72) 5.  6 Mollik / R eining / Wur zer Ringstrassenzone, 45–61.  7 Hoffm a nn, Architekten, 50–51.  8 Wibir a l /  M ikul a, Ferstel, 14.  9 Erlass des Unterrichtsministeriums vom 31. März 1856 (Z.18160), cited in Bericht des Universitäts-Syndicus Karl von Heintl, 20. März 1867, 8–9. 10 Ch a r le, Grundlagen, 57–58. 11 In terms of architectural typology, this design is positioned between constituting an assembly of buildings and one monumental building, as the strong division into individual structures takes away from the monumental effect despite the great ground area when compared to the later monumental buildings on the Ringstrasse. Also see Hoffm a nn, Architekten, 52–53. 12 Wibir a l /  M ikul a, Ferstel, 45. 13 See Mollik  /   R eining  /   W ur zer, Ringstrassenzone, ­Tafeln 47–52. 14 Inauguration speech by Rector Andreas Ritter von Ettings­ hausen, in  : Wiener Zeitung, 22. Oktober 1861, 2832–2833. 15 Ibid., 2832 16 Bericht des Universitäts-Syndicus Karl von Heintl, 20. März 1867, 11 – 12. 17 Ibid., 12 – 13 18 Wibir a l /  M ikul a, Ferstel, 40. 19 Wibir a l /  M ikul a, Ferstel, 46. 20 Cited in Wolf, Universitätsbau, 51. 21 This donation to the Austrian Academy of Sciences was particularly painful for the university. See Julia Rüdiger’s contribution on the new Main Building, this volume, p. 163. 22 Neue Freie Presse, 17. August 1867, 2, Sp.3. 23 Neue Freie Presse, 3. November 1867, 6, Sp.1. 24 Lokalanzeiger der Presse, 17. November 1867, 1, Sp. 2. 25 See Wolf, Universitätsbau, 54. 26 2. Sitzung des Universitäts-Baucomités, 11. Februar 1868, UAW, S60, Schachtel 34  ; siehe auch Allgemeines Verwal­ tungs­archiv, Akten des Ministeriums für Kultus und Unterricht, 416 ex 1868. 27 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 38–48.

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Julia Rüdiger

The Minor Monumental Building The Department of Chemistry as the First Post - 1848 University Building

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he head of the Department of Chemistry, Professor Josef Redtenbacher had accepted his post at the University of Vienna in 1849 on the condition that a modern laboratory be erected for him within three years. He was the first to submit his building program in January 1868, only four weeks after the imperial decision was passed to build the university on the site around the Votivkirche  : after almost twenty years, he wanted to finally have his departmental building. Yet he would not live to see the Department’s completion.1 The increasingly experimental nature of the research conducted by the Chemists bore the danger of fire as well as emanating hazardous fumes. As a result, it was recommended as early as in the 1830s that the Chemistry laboratories be separated from the other university buildings. The renovation of a former guardroom into Justus Liebig’s first independent laboratory in Gießen served as a model.2 The building type that was developed for Chemistry Departments as a result comprised three zones  : the lecture halls, the laboratories for practical exercises and the apartments for the professor and the assistants.3 Heinrich Ferstel, who had already been entrusted with preparatory plans for the university buildings, travelled to several places in Germany together with Josef Redtenbacher in the spring of 1868  : on this journey, they visited not only Justus Liebig’s former laboratory in Gießen and his new one in Munich but many other locations where students of Liebig had developed the building type. Upon his return, the architect described the institutions he had seen in Berlin and Bonn as particularly noteworthy. Both had been planned in conjunc-

tion with the Chemist August Wilhelm Hofmann, a former student of Liebig. Construction on the departmental building in Bonn began in 1864, when Hofmann had initially followed the call to Bonn from London. This building was already in use when Ferstel visited.4 However, Hofmann had left from the post shortly after construction had begun in order to go to Berlin, where another departmental building was erected at his bidding. This building was almost completed at the time of Ferstel’s visit.5 The ground plans of both departments display the threefold division as described above. In Bonn, the entire left wing is reserved for collections and the professor’s apartment, including a representative assembly hall. This wing is separated by a driveway from the neighbouring teaching building, which is conspicuous for its numerous laboratories. The large lecture hall is situated in the centre of the large courtyard between the professor’s wing and the teaching building  : it can be accessed from both sides. The department in Berlin has an auditorium framed by two courtyards and is accessible to students directly from the main entrance via a straight set of stairs, while professors were able to enter it directly at ground level from the apartment wing, which joins up irregularly with the back of the building.

Next three pages: Fig. 1: Heinrich von Ferstel, Department of Chemistry, floor plans, 1874. The floor plans of the Department of Chemistry clearly show the building’s clear division into two parts: the wide front part with the lecture hall between two courtyards and several laboratories served teaching activities. The lower annex accommodated the teaching staff residences.

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Fig. 2: Heinrich von Ferstel, Department of Chemistry, side façade on Hörlgasse, 1874. While the teaching wing is richly decorated, the low residential tract is kept in more simple renaissance forms and furthermore recessed from the street.

Although Ferstel still failed to present a binding plan for the complete university site in the Votivkirche area, his and Redtenbacher’s thoughts on the Department of Chemistry matured swiftly. Construction work on the Department of Chemistry building began in August 1869, at a time when there was already reason to hope that the Main Building would be given a site directly on the Ringstraße.6 Ferstel had designed an arrangement with two courtyards and an additional apartment wing on the back. This wing had a small square yard and faced Wasagasse, somewhat set back from Hörlgasse (Fig. 1). A central aspect of the building’s functionality was the recessed balconies facing the courtyards, which served a double purpose  : they allowed access to fresh air and provided spaces for conducting fire-hazardous experiments. Redtenbacher had seen such balconies in Bonn and in Berlin and asked Ferstel to include them in Vienna on two floors on either side of the main staircase. As in the two departmen-

tal buildings conceived for the famous Liebig student Hofmann, the Viennese department also included a large auditorium that was situated between teaching and living wings, so that it could be accessed easily from both sides. The students used the main entrance on Währingerstrasse and then descended a half staircase, while the professor was able to enter the lecture hall on the ground floor and at the back from a corridor in his apartment. The side wings housed the student laboratories, which were also accessible from both sides. The lecture hall and the student laboratories thus served as meeting points between the parts of the building that were functionally separated. The division of the professor’s spheres into teaching on the one side and his private life on the other was to add to the professionalization of the teaching profession.7 Ferstel had to adapt the apartment wing after Redtenbacher’s death, when the one head of the department was succeeded by two professors who now needed to be housed in the same space.

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Fig. 3: Heinrich von Ferstel, Department of Chemistry, main façade, 2014. Heinrich von Ferstel referenced to his Ringstrasse buildings for the k. k. Österreichische Museum für Kunst und Industrie and the Kunstgewerbeschule with the differently shaded visible bricks and the terracotta decorations. The main portal is further accentuated with Tuscan columns and a richly ornamented terracotta frame.

A side view of the Bonn departmental building clearly accentuates the professors’ apartment wing by way of mighty pylons. The extended teaching wing has the appearance of an appendix. The apartment building of the Viennese departmental building, on the other hand, is deliberately set back (Fig. 2). “The separation into a teaching and a living wing is accentuated by the great decline in the terrain towards Wasagasse. Thus the living quarters’ first floor is facing the teaching building’s ground floor.”8 This focus of representation is reflected in the façade design  : the teaching wing is decorated in more elaborate detail. The visible brick in nuanced colours and red terracotta decorations shapes the appearance of the building. The façades are employed to further differentiate between the two parts of the buildings. In contrast

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to the living quarters, the teaching building (it faces Votivplatz) is richly ornamented, particularly so along the upper storeys. The entrance is accentuated with two Tuscan columns framing the portal (Fig. 3)  ; these columns support a small balcony. The portal itself is repeated in the shape of the ground floor windows, albeit with a different decorative design. Two allegorical figures are leaning over the spandrels along the portal curve, extending a trombone (possibly Pheme) and another lost object to one another. The portal is further accentuated by the coloured paint applied to the motifs on the frame and jamb. The division of the storeys is emphasised horizontally by way of a terracotta frieze above which a cornice surrounds the building. The arched windows in the upper floor are inserted between Tuscan order brick

Fig. 4: Heinrich von Ferstel, Department of Chemistry, section through the right interior courtyard, 1870. The section through the courtyard of the teaching wing shows the open loggias for experiments involving poisonous chemical vapours, an innovative solution at the time. The drawing was signed by Ferstel and dated 1870.

pilasters. Above these, the terracotta frieze displays medallions bearing the initials of Emperor Francis Joseph in alternation with name cartouches, in between these a repeated pattern of putti and equine fantasy creatures. The attic zone accentuates the centre of the façade once more with a small aedicula showing a coloured double eagle coat-of-arms, which identifies the departmental building as a state building. The name cartouches bear the names of significant chemists throughout history, denoting the purpose of the building and at the same time giving the Viennese department its place in a long-standing international tradition. Heinrich Ferstel argued that his remarkable decision to design the departmental building in brick served a double purpose. Firstly, the simple look and

visible brick communicated that it was a functional building. Secondly, however, “the fact that it is the first building of the long awaited new university” demanded that “the aesthetic aspect not be utterly forgotten”.9 The Department of Chemistry’s location meant that the building would have to stand its ground not only against the Votivkirche that was being erected at the same time, but also against the apartment buildings in the surrounding streets, which displayed an increasingly monumental style. Ferstel considered a stone building unfit for the purpose, as that material was “reserved for great monumental buildings”. Instead, he opted to accentuate the raw brick building with artistic detail, thus expressing monumentality as well as functionality.10 The red brick building was thus going to provide a

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Fig. 5: Heinrich von Ferstel, Department of Chemistry, decoration in the residential building courtyard, 1874. The interior courtyard of the residential building was originally decorated in the manner of northern Italian renaissance with sgrafitto ornamentation. These endurable yet cost-effective façade decorations were used for numerous buildings on the Viennese Ringstrasse, including at a later date the rear façade of the University of Vienna’s new Main Building.

contrast on the one hand to the tracery of the neoGothic church and on the other to the plastered façades of the apartment buildings, whilst at the same time displaying high artistic quality by way of style and detail.11 Ferstel had already employed this approach in his design for the k. k. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie (Imperial Austrian Museum for Art and Industry) and the neighbouring school of applied arts. These two early designs provide an insight into Ferstel’s hierarchy of building structures. The museum is recognizably a monumental building with

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its contrasting use of red brick and conspicuous light natural stone window and door frames. By contrast, Ferstel uses red terracotta ornaments on the building for the School of Applied Arts and also later that of the Department of Chemistry  : the buildings are subordinated. The terracotta ornaments were further supported by what Ferstel named as his stylistic models in a commentary he contributed to the Allgemeine Bauzeitung  : The “Italian fifteenth century building design […] formed the designs that we are copying now exclusively from that very material  ; it has shown us the way […] in numerous examples.”12 Ferstel turned to the Italian Renaissance buildings for his choice of material  ; he also took formal guidance from Roman Renaissance palaces. The window frames of the Palazzo della Cancelleria and the Palazzo Giraud-Torlonia may be made of stone, yet their form differs only in details from that of the Department of Chemistry’s ground floor windows. The double pilasters that provide an order to the upper floor, on the other hand, are informed by Italian high Renaissance building design.13 Ferstel also used another style element that was to him and his contemporaries clearly reminiscent of the Renaissance  : Vasari had already lauded sgraffitto as a low-cost but permanent ornamental technique.14 Gottfried Semper rediscovered it in the nineteenth century and Heinrich Ferstel was the first to use it in Vienna on the k.k. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie.15 The Department of Chemistry courtyard walls had originally also been decorated with sgraffiti, different concepts being applied in each of the yards. Ferstel signed section views of the teaching building’s yards that show demure medallions with dancing female figures (Fig. 4)  : two in the spandrels above the ground floor recessed balcony and six on the outside wall of the large lecture hall. The walls around the yard of the living quarters, on the other hand, are decorated throughout. A rich system of candelabras, medallions, figures and fabled animals, strap work and scrolled gable motifs develops over an all-round frieze of mermaids and Neptunesque figures (Fig. 5).

Overall, Ferstel delivered here a notable brick building with clear reference to the Italian Renaissance that allows one to speculate on what Ferstel’s never-to-be-completed plans for the university building on the sites surrounding the Votivkirche might have looked like. Thus, Ferstel’s concept for those buildings of the university that would be considered of higher standing (administration and library, located directly behind the church choir) must be imagined similar to the k. k. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie  : a formal design with stone ornamentation would have expressed the greater importance. The eventual site directly on the Ringstrasse, however, raised the pressure for yet more representation, so that Ferstel had to adjust his concept to do justice to the idea of a great monumental building. Among the buildings of the Viennese university, that of the Department of Chemistry clearly takes on a key role. Being the first new building to have been erected for the University of Vienna after 1848, it became a manifest sign of progress in the long debate about the new main building for the university. To its architect, who had initially only been tasked with the preparations for the main building, the Department of Chemistry building provided an opportunity to prove that he would be able to oversee the erection of a representative and innovative university architecture. Thanks to the journey that Ferstel undertook together with Josef Redtenbacher, he was able to adapt the newest functional developments in laboratory architecture for the Viennese departmental building and thus symbolically demonstrate the University of Vienna’s modernity. With its Renaissance elements, Ferstel’s design was to hold its own in style and form within the contemporary debate on monumental architecture. At the same time, it left room for development in the main university building.

 4 Nägelk e, Hochschulbau, 253.  5 Ferstel, Chemisches Institut, 45.  6 Wibir a l /  M ikul a, Ferstel, 51.  7 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 230.  8 Ferstel, Chemisches Institut, 45.  9 Ferstel, Chemisches Institut, 46. 10 Ferstel, Chemisches Institut, 46. 11 Also see Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 234. 12 Ferstel, Chemisches Institut, 47. 13 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 234. 14 Thiem /  Thiem, Groteskendekoration, 15 und 43. 15 Semper, Sgraffito-Dekoration, 45.

Endnotes 1 Wibir a l / Mikul a, Ferstel, 49. 2 Stich w eh, Ausdifferenzierung, 149 – 151. 3 Nägelk e, Hochschulbau, 47 and 49.

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Julia Rüdiger

The Main Building An Architectural Victory of Light Over Darkness

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hree whole decades had passed between the emperor’s decree on May 7, 1854 that a new building was to be erected for the university and that building’s inauguration in October 1884 (Fig. 1). The long search for a site matched the freshly reformed university’s simultaneous search for a new identity in the mid-19th century. The Main Building that was subsequently erected after 1873 was equally characteristic of the newly re-endorsed self-awareness of the empire’s first university. While several parties had repeatedly uttered the wish for a purely functional building, Viennese architect Heinrich von Ferstel designed a monumental building every detail of which was destined to communicate a firm 19th century belief in the power of enlightenment held by science. The entire building was dedicated to the motto that was the title of the central Festsaal (ceremonial chamber) image Der Sieg des Lichts über die Finsternis (The Victory of Light over Darkness). Direct architectural citations, stylistic allusions and a sophisticated iconographic scheme for the decorative sculptures and paintings were to instruct the visitors in the understanding the University of Vienna had developed of itself as an institution. However, the history of the design from Ferstel’s commission in spring 1868 onwards shows that it was not given from the start that the building would emerge as a ‘palace of knowledge’. Such a building was made possible when the former military parade grounds on the Josefstädter Glacis were made available  : it was the last sizeable site along Ringstrasse.

Fig. 1: Reception of Emperor Francis Joseph on the university ramp on the occasion of the inauguration of the Main Building on October 11, 1884. Hand-coloured woodcut (1884)

Plans for the Ringstrasse building

The appointment to design the new university building gave architect Heinrich von Ferstel the largest project of his career. In February 1868, he was initially asked to sketch a university building complex near the Votivkirche church. The site behind

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Fig. 2: Heinrich von Ferstel, Design for the site around Votivkirche, 1862. To replace the neo-Gothic segmental arch around the Votivkirche choir, Ferstel suggested a rectangular frame in neo-Renaissance style.

Votivkirche that had originally been reserved for this purpose was subsequently extended to include the former arms manufacture (on the corner of Schwarzspanierstrasse and Währingerstrasse) and the abutting site. A site on what is now Hörlgasse was also part of the grounds. This is where Ferstel realised the only building to have emerged from his earliest plans  : the first building for the department of chemistry. Ferstel himself confessed that he found this uneven ground a particularly difficult basis for the design of an appropriate building (Fig. 2).1 The task was made more difficult by the fact that the representatives of the departments were rather uncertain of their actual requirements, especially the necessary space allocation.2

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In the midst of these dissatisfying circumstances, it seemed possible no later than 1869 that a far more representative site would be made available. Cajetan Felder took up office as the mayor of Vienna in December 1868. Unhappy as he was with the arrested development of the construction plans for the new city hall between Johannesgasse and Weihburggasse, he engineered a plan for what he called a Bürgerforum (citizens’ forum), which was to include the new buildings for the city hall, the parliament and the university.3 His envisaged site were the military grounds on the Josefstädter Glacis, was were no longer in such frequent use. These grounds were in the immediate vicinity of the Votivkirche and the general hospital. The local supplement Lokalanzeiger der Presse published a plan that located the three large buildings on the sizeable site as early as October 1869.4 Ferstel nevertheless had to continue to design plans for the scattered sites behind Votivkirche for the time being  : the emperor did not officially approve plans for the new grounds until July 1870.5 Although this move to the new Ringstrasse location caused further delays, Ferstel was highly satisfied with the design possibilities that were open to him there.6 Furthermore, the municipal council reasoned that “the first university in the empire deserves the best site” and was satisfied with the decision “to build a harmoniously coherent building on the military grounds to meet the requirements of scholarship and the artistic tastes of the court alike.”7 With renewed vigour, Ferstel set off on a journey to visit the traditional universities in Bologna, Padua, Geneva and Rome in spring 1871 in order to find inspiration in these palazzi della scienza.8 The result of this journey was a ground plan sketch in pencil, which already contains features that would go on to be defining characteristics of the Main Building  : the plan shows a large, symmetrical building with four wings and several interior courtyards (Fig. 3). In the very same year, Ferstel presented twelve sheets that showed his first design.9 The ground plan was more detailed and Ferstel delivered the first façade view (Fig. 4 and 5). The façades have a regular structure and window decorations that recall Italian

Fig. 3: Heinrich von Ferstel, preparatory sketch, first floor plan, pencil drawing, 1871. This preparatory design anticipates some of the eventual building’s characteristics, including the four wing arrangement of the tracts around a central courtyard and the distinctive position of the Festsaal.

Renaissance forms. The tapered roof of the central projection as well the the side towers, on the other hand, indicate north European models. The city hall is the key to understanding this sketch  : Ferstel had adopted its roof design for the university façades. In another façade design from 1872, Ferstel referred to the parliament’s Hellenistic design (Fig. 6) in order to establish a line of communication between the three buildings on the citizens’ forum via details of style. The representatives of the faculties and the university construction committee had in the meantime agreed on an updated space requirements scheme. Ferstel’s second design accordingly adapts the space allocation plan and also introduces an altered style for the building. The busy design had been particularly harshly criticised by the professors of the natural sciences, who had demanded a clearer, more sober

façade structure like that of the Zurich Polytechnikum or King’s College in London.10 The planning decision to make the military parade grounds available for the three public buildings (city hall, parliament and university) breathed new

Next page: Fig. 4: Heinrich von Ferstel, first design, elevated ground floor plan, 1871. The façades of the first design are less busy; only the main façade is retracted for the ramp in order to advance again all the more distinctively with the covered driveway and the Festsaal above. Fig. 5: Heinrich von Ferstel, first design, elevation main façade, 1871. The façade elevation of the first design included towers that were intended to create a harmonious balance on Rathausplatz. The university would have combined with the town hall and the Votivkirche church behind it in order to create an impressive skyline of towers along this Ringstrasse segment.

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Fig. 6: Heinrich von Ferstel, second design, façade variant, c. 1872. This version of the façade in the second design stage approximates the style of Theophil Hansen’s Hellenistic parliament design.

life into a debate that had already been raging in the 1860s on the monumentality of the architecture of Ringstrasse buildings. How would the three massive buildings be arranged and designed so the spacious site would not be subordinated or constricted by monotony  ? The Viennese architect Wenzel Herzig summed up the public debate from the point of view of architectural theory, revealing the central points of the discussion.11 Herzig demanded that a monumental building must have a grand and exalted form. The combination of solid materials, recognizable forms and dignified furnishings would ideally result in a variegated yet harmonious arrangement. In the context of an ensemble, the desire for contrast fostered the notion that clearly different styles were to be used for the buildings to be grouped around the Rathausplatz. Numerous designs were entered for the Rathaus in September 1869, several of which employed the

neo-Renaissance style. However, the decision fell in favour of the neo-Gothic design by Friedrich von Schmidt. The Gothic style was deemed particularly fitting for the city hall as a reflection of the zenith of civic life. The encoding of the Rathaus as a Gothic building introduced the notion of framing the Rathausplatz not with stylistically homogeneous buildings but rather with contrasting edifices whose styles were to act as a semantic ref lection of the buildings’ respective functions.12 Theophil Hansen, who preferred a Hellenistic style, argued that this style best represented the Greek attainments in the field of democratic statehood that were relevant to contemporary developments.13 Ferstel’s university building was to adopt Renaissance forms in order to reference humanism and the simultaneous triumph of scholarship. Ferstel adapted the university’s appearance accordingly. The individual tapered towers were re-

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Fig. 7: Rudolf von Alt, presentation sheet, 1873. Rudolf von Alt’s presentation sheet for the Viennese World Exhibition in 1873 does not yet show the eventual façade design, but it clearly demonstrates that Ferstel had by this point developed an independent concept for the university that sought to deliberately juxtapose the city hall and parliament building designs.

placed by corner pavilions and a mighty, domed central projection was introduced to face Ringstrasse (Fig. 7). Gottfried Semper, one of the most renowned architects of his time, was appointed to review this second design. He largely lauded the plans, but criticised the room allocation scheme  : he thought that the library had been given too much space and feared that the large number of individual rooms with windows would curtail the building’s monumental character. Semper thought that the complex was aesthetically and functionally well divided with its administrative wing on the Ringstrasse side, the library at the rear of the building and two teaching wings on the sides.14 (Fig. 8). Semper merely criticised that the room allocation in the upper level lacked connecting routes, as the library and the Festsaal prevented a direct link between the side wings. He thus suggested that the Festsaal be aligned in parallel to the façade in order to open up a connection between the teaching wings. While Ferstel made an effort to meet all other aspects

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of Semper’s critique, he failed to implement this last suggestion despite Emperor Francis Joseph’s explicit demand that Semper’s notes be taken into account for the detailed plan when he gave the building permission in July 1872. This is documented by a comparison of the ground plan of the first design and the plan that was approved in 1874 (Fig. 9 and 10).15

Elaborate pathways through an arcaded courtyard but not the Festsaal

While Ferstel adapted the plans even as building works had already begun, he obviously managed to successfully avoid having to align the Festsaal along the façade. The architect must have been able to provide convincing arguments for the blocked links in the upper storey in order to be able to defy this imperial demand. Ferstel had emphasised the significance of the pathways within the entire arrangement from the very beginning. He wrote in 1872 that “the

Fig. 8: Heinrich von Ferstel, second design, elevated ground floor plan, 1872. After 1872, the shape of the floor plan including the central ­arcaded courtyard was largely in place. However, Ferstel continued to alter the room allocation until 1873. He even retained the idea of wide spiral staircases in the library until the end of the 1870s.

greatest care has to be taken regarding the communication within this building. The entire value of the complex will rest on the success of this solution. It must be possible to reach every single room from the outside via a direct and shortest possible route. Furthermore, all rooms have to have the shortest and most direct connections with each other.”16 Although Ferstel and subsequent authors repeatedly stressed that there was no precedent for such a massive university complex,17 building traditions had in fact been in place for teaching buildings ever since

antiquity. These began with the gymnasion and continued via the early mediaeval and Renaissance college buildings to that important 19th century example of Gottfried Semper’s Zurich Polytechnikum. In his quest for a successful communicative structure within the building, Ferstel initially turned to the “prototype” of Italian university architecture  : the Collegio di Spagna in Bologna and the Palazzo Farnese in Rome, which had been a particularly important point of reference for 19th century neo-Renaissance architects. Both buildings have a central

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Fig. 9: Heinrich von Ferstel, first design, first floor plan, 1871. The university library was originally going to be modelled on the Parisian Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève not only in its organization but also in the design of the reading room with a central division of columns and bookshelves. The concept for a hall with skylight was not developed until the end of the 1870s.

arcaded courtyard. The Collegio’s courtyard arcades provided direct access to the collegians’ rooms inside the building. The Palazzo Farnese had fewer entry points, but its walks still provided access from all sides to the wings and their stairwells. 16th century palace inhabitants would have considered the courtyard a building’s most representative meeting point, the intersection of all its routes.18 Ferstel set off from this crucial notion when he developed his building plan  : he argued that the arcaded courtyard was “the most important means for such a communication, with all stairwells in the house leading away from the arcades.”19

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The arcaded courtyard and the vestibule together do indeed connect all interior wings of the Main Building with each other (even the library was originally accessed from the rear right link of the arcades). In order to provide even further access to the outer teaching wings via this route, Ferstel included an all-round corridor on each side of the upper storey. This idea had been adopted from Semper’s two-court Poly­technikum. In 1878, Ferstel held a lecture on the progress of the building works in which he stressed once again that the arcaded courtyard with its stairwells had been the most appropriate means  : “There are three stairwells on each side as well as a rear stair-

Fig. 10: Heinrich von Ferstel, approved university plan, first floor plan, 1874. This plan was approved by the governor on July 31, 1874, but would still be altered. This is particularly apparent with rerard to the representational chambers, among which the Kleiner Festsaal (minor ceremonial chamber) and the Conversations- und Versammlungssaal für die Professoren u. Docenten aller Facultäten (assembly room for professors and lecturers from all faculties) had to make way.

well to reach the library, so that every point in the building can be accessed swiftly and speedily from the courtyard.”20 However, the issue of the upper storey connections was a different matter. Although the blockade in the upper storey does foster the use of the arcaded courtyard as a communicative pivot, it nevertheless appears to break with Ferstel’s endeavours to create an ideal system of pathways. It is thus important to address the question whether Ferstel may have had

a particular model in mind when he located the Festsaal, just as other educational buildings had inspired his choices regarding the courtyard and the upper floor corridors. The transverse alignment of the Festsaal had a semantic or memorial function. While the university community had accepted most of the lasting makeshift arrangements that came about as a result of the dislocations after 1848, one loss continued to be particularly painful  : that of the Neue Aula, the former main building

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Fig. 11: Julian Niedzielski (?), longitudinal section of the Großer Festsaal , undated. The alignment of the Festsaal was considered a block to the route system even during the planning stage. This longitudinal section through the Großer Festsaal shows one suggestion for a passage through the Festsaal without disturbing its expansive alignment.

that had gone to the Academy of Sciences. The offending fact that the “first university in the empire has to ask the Academy of Sciences for approval to use for its academic celebrations the very ceremonial chamber that was adorned with the emblems of the four faculties on its ceiling” was repeatedly stressed in the course of the negotiations for the new building.21 The site of the Neue Aula had forced its architect, Nicolas Jadot, to place the Festsaal in the centre of the building between the Aula’s front and rear wings (see p. 63, Fig. 5). As a result, the wings of both upper storeys had also been separated from the very onset. This had already been considered a weakness of the structure in the early nineteenth century. The Fest-

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saal was even opened to allow passage in the 1830s, so that the students of law and government would be more easily able to reach their lecture halls.22 Ferstel must have been aware of the disadvantages entailed in this barrier across the building and would certainly not have intended to allow that his new building’s Festsaal be used as a passageway. The semantic character of this arrangement must have been more significant than a thoroughly successful system of pathways. This allusion to the previous centre of the university raises the spiritual value of the institution by establishing its ties to the venerable former building over and above practical concerns of space allocation. The Festsaal constitutes a massive obstacle in Ferstel’s elaborate system of pathways that can be

interpreted as a link to the Alma Mater Rudolphina’s long architectural history. It is significant that the building takes the Festsaal as its centre, with projections on either side and a distinctive elevation with its domed roof and ceiling that would (much)23 later once again be adorned with the allegories of the four faculties. However, a drawing that has recently been discovered in the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv shows that the creation of a link between the left and right wings of the building was considered only a short time after Ferstel’s death (Fig. 11). The drawing shows a cross-section of the chamber that was probably drawn up by Ferstel’s employee Julian Niedzielski. In this drawing, the Senatszimmer and Kleiner Festsaal continue to open onto the pulpit and several seating rows. Behind these, however, there is a large stand which would have vaulted over the courtyard side of the Festsaal, thus creating a corridor underneath. This corridor would have provided easy access from the two Festsaal antechambers to each other.

Fig. 12: Heinrich von Ferstel, cross section of the library, 1877. This cross section of the university library shows the original, basilica-like layout of the reading room. Natural light would have entered the room via the “central nave’s clerestory”.

The library  : an innovative hall

The library lies opposite the Festsaal. Ferstel considered it the second most important room in the building and underlined this with its prominent placement in the central axis.24 The first designs as well as the approved plan included a main library hall which Ferstel had designed as a three-nave, quasi sacral space in reference to the chapels that used to take up this place in early college buildings (Fig. 12). Ferstel originally planned to have shelves raised between slender columns as an expression of his respect for architect Henri Labrouste, whose Parisian library buildings (Bibliothèque Ste. Geneviève as well as Bibliothèque nationale) were characterised by their particularly innovative, centralised depot system.25 Side windows and ceiling lights were to illuminate the reading room. However, Ferstel disliked the open application of cast iron architecture, which would have been indispensable for slender supports. Cast

iron architecture was considered a modern design element in Paris, but the Viennese magazine Der Architekt published a text even in 1902 which opined that cast iron architecture had a purely technical value and no artistic application.26 An 1881 ground plan shows the adaptations Ferstel had made even after building works had already begun. (Fig. 13) The large hall with wall shelves is typologically reminiscent of Baroque libraries, which had mostly been designed as a single space. Ferstel’s inclusion of two pairs of columns on the narrow sides is a reference to the history of the university library and its ties to the Hofbibliothek (see p. 208, Fig. 17). The Ionic pairs of columns are architecturally subordinated to the Corinthian order columns of their prominent Baroque model, while the variation on the theme at the same time expresses independence from the imperial Hofbibliothek.

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Fig. 13: Heinrich von Ferstel, university, upper floor plan, 1881. The reading room was turned into a hall with book galleries on the sides and a large iron and glass construction providing overhead light to the readers as late as 1881, eight years after construction works had begun.

Little attention has so far been paid, however, to the truly innovative element of the reading room  : the large skylight, which had only been possible above such a hall. Ferstel himself had written in 1883 that architects had hitherto failed to make artistic use of cast iron constructions and even that the technique was “gradually (supplanting) the art of the vault”.27 Yet it was he who managed to introduce a technologically highly innovative achievement that had not been seen in library architecture before when he vaulted the reading room with a skylight almost the size of the room’s area. The use of modern glass and

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iron construction for a library reading room of this size must be considered innovative. It shows the skill with which Ferstel was able to combine modern engineering with traditional forms.28 All in all, Ferstel managed to build an innovative, functionally modern library, albeit in somewhat Baroque design. It was enthusiastically received among the experts of his time  : “With his university library, Ferstel has created a masterpiece that fully conforms not only to its artistic but in particular also to its practical demands.”29

Fig. 14: View of the Main Building from the corner of Reichsratsstrasse, 2014. The architect chose a varied façade design around the entire building, with steps in the façade and accents placed with the design of individual axes and attic zones.

Architectural citations from the history of educational buildings

The large building site and the huge space allocation plan demanded a massive university complex. Ferstel had to design façades of a length of either 161 or 133 metres for the resulting edifice. The building as a whole does not follow a specific architectural model, yet Ferstel used a range of forms in the long façade structures that clearly refer to historical buildings (Fig. 14). Having adapted functionally sensible or demonstrative elements that he had found in significant precedents (as mentioned above  : e. g., the transverse position of the Festsaal as in the Neue Aula, the variation on the column pairs in the Hofbibliothek), Ferstel also included architectural citations in the façade. His sophisticated choice of style citations and their placement emphasised once again the Main

Building’s function as a site of teaching and scholarship. Each of the side façades has two three-axis projections crowned with obelisks and mythological figures, which he had seen on the Canale façade of the Biblioteca Marciana. This was Venice’s central place of knowledge, which had been erected from 1536 onwards by an architect whom Ferstel particularly valued  : Jacopo Sansovino. Next to the projections across three axes, Ferstel also used other details for the Viennese Main Building (Fig. 15). The areas around the window openings are structured using a three-dimensional tabularium motif that combines arcades with half columns in front. In both buildings, the protruding part is accentuated with obelisks and attic figures. In Vienna, the same feature is used in order to accentuate the roof area of the long side façades. The details of both buildings’ friezes (putti,

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Fig. 15: Façade detail, 2014. In this section of the façade, Ferstel copied the water-front façade of the Venetian Biblioteca Marciana to the last detail. The reference to this important Renaissance educational building is used by the architect in order to contextualise his university building within a long tradition.

mascaroons as well as the rectangular cartouches that continue around the entire building) are remarkably similar. Even the figures in the arcade spandrels reappear on the main entrance. The heightened main entrance with a protruding covered driveway recalls a prominent building in Paris, the Pavillon de l’Horloge in the Louvre. This pavilion, which the architect Jacques Lemercier had attached to the Eastern wing of the Cour Carré in the 17 th century, was so defining for the appearance of the Louvre that its form was copied for the annexes when the Louvre was extended under Napoléon III. Ferstel cited the Louvre not in the first in-

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stance as a royal residence, but rather as its post-Revolution incarnation as a museum for science and art. The Louvre as a mighty place of scholarship and art constituted an ideal model for the ambitious Viennese university building. At the same time, the formal imitation of the former royal residence in Paris suffused the appearance of the Main Building on Ringstrasse with a grandeur that was quite as the supporters of monumental architecture would have wished.30 The building’s message was further reinforced by architectural references in the courtyard. The ground plan of the court is reminiscent of the early Italian college buildings and even more so the court of the Palazzo Farnese. The elevation of the courtyard façade, however, references the courtyard of the Venetian convent Santa Maria della Carità, which its architect Andrea Palladio had begun to construct in the 1560s but never completed. The Viennese building replicates Palladio’s elevation almost identically in the order of the pilasters, the window shapes and the window pediments. The telling architectural citation was not inspired by the convent but rather by the Accademia di belle arti di Venezia, which was housed there after 1807. The academy was considered to be one of the most significant educational institutions in Venice and was mentioned as commendable, among others, in Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s travel reports.31 Educated visitors to the university building were expected to decode this architectural reference as yet another indication of the high standards the institution has set for itself. The projection in the rear façade (it indicates the location of the library) breaks with the design of the remaining façades (Fig. 16). A sgraffito band interrupts and replaces the all-round relief frieze. Daylight enters the library via the glass roof  : the nine windows on the façade are blind and also decorated with sgrafitto. The sgraffito established yet another link to Italian Renaissance decorative elements. It is a technique that entails the etching of contours into a fresh layer of plaster applied on top of a ground layer in a contrasting colour. It was often used in Renaissance Italy as an inexpensive way of elaborating

Fig. 16: View of the rear façade. The window scheme is interrupted on the Reichsratstrasse façade by the reading room’s arched blind windows. These areas are used for allegorical depictions of various disciplines. Hephaistos and Poseidon flank these seven scholarship allegories on the outsides.

plain façades with highly detailed decoration. In thus breaking the overall façade design, the architect also referred to another prominent educational building. Gottfried Semper, who was considered to have rediscovered the sgraffito technique in the 19th century, had also used this technique on a single façade of the Zurich Polytechnikum building, which was the most important contemporary neo-Renaissance educational building. Originally, the building had been meant to house the University of Zurich as well as the Eidgenössisches Polytechnikum. Semper thus designed one joint façade for the city-facing side as well as individual access façades for each of the institutions. Semper elaborated the south-facing university façade with more architectural detail, while he reduced the degree of decoration on the northern Polytechnikum façade and used sgraffito depictions

of scholarly iconography instead. With this reference to the Polytechnikum, Ferstel included yet another element to reflect the University of Vienna’s high standing and contemporary character. The great number of architectural references must thus not be understood as randomly copied forms, but seen instead as meaningful to the entire project. The reminiscent, memorial-style nature of the citations supports the monumental effect of the Ringstrasse building. They serve as memorial figures that refer to the tradition of education and the university as a cultural asset, thus giving the University of Vienna its own place in a long humanist tradition. The Main Building presents a sophisticated combination of individual design citations and an independent architectural frame that together present a contemporary whole.

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Fig. 17: Josef Tautenhayn the Elder, Birth of Minerva, University of Vienna main façade, after 1880. The “birth of Minerva” is depicted in the pediment directly above the university’s main entrance. Zeus sits on his throne at the centre of the image, Athena (Latin: Minerva) is standing on his right hand side and Hephaistos, leaning on his axe, is situated on his left.

Triumphant scholarship  : the iconographic scheme

Ferstel underlined the formal references to earlier renowned education buildings with a scheme for imagery and sculpture that was to transport the university spirit in order to give a homogeneous impression of the Main Building’s educational affinity. The formal elements outlined above are enhanced by content that makes the most explicit statements on the function and the representative, dignified character of this architecture. The sgraffito fields on the rear façade, the sculptural decoration of the façades

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and attic zones, the arcaded courtyard and the interior furnishing all contain such references. Various iconographic schemes are thus united on and in the Main Building and come together in order to depict the University of Vienna as it would like to represent itself. The university façade scheme clearly centres on the pediment relief Geburt der Minerva (Birth of Minerva) that crowns the main entrance (Fig. 17). Athena (Roman equivalent goddess Minerva) was the Greek goddess of wisdom and war. She is considered the patron of scholarship. Her birth itself is difficult to depict, given the disproportionate difference in the protagonists’ sizes (Athena leapt from Zeus’ forehead after Hephaistos had cleaved the aching head apart)  : accordingly, sculptor Joseph Tautenhayn reduced the scene and merely depicted the three persons next to each other in the centre of the tympanum. The full figure of Athena is visible, standing in full armour next to Zeus, who is seated on the throne and flanked on his other side by Hephaistos with his axe. The corners of the pediment are peopled by further deities, as they had been in the probable model for this depiction, the Athenian Parthenon. This central relief openly depicts the representation of two important factors of the institution  : On the one hand, the birth of Minerva implies the building as a cradle of scholarship, while on the other hand the presentation of Minerva in armour appeals to her role as a protective force under which the institution wants to place itself. The hand-written description of the scheme has been preserved  ; in it, these aspects are laid out once more  : “The large field in the main façade’s central pediment shall depict the birth of Athena from the head of Jupiter with reference to the great Parthenon depiction. As the university itself is the essential birthplace of illumination through scholarship, this must be the appropriate theme for the university’s main tympanum.”32 The motto Universitas litterarum vindobonensis is applied underneath the pediment. In accordance with the Humboldt ideal of the university, it stresses the unity and equality of the disciplines, and is elaborated on in the decorative groups of allegorical fig-

Fig. 18 and 19: Edmund Hellmer, Allegory of Philosophy and Allegory of Theology. Both pediment groups on the left side of the main façade were created by the renowned Ringstrasse sculptor Edmund Hellmer. Together with the allegories of jurisprudence and medicine, they represent the unity of the four faculties at the University of Vienna.

ures representing the four faculties on the Ringstrasse corner pavilions (Fig. 18 and 19). The attic zones between these contain anthropomorphic depictions of the individual scientific disciplines. They include such unusual depictions as those of mining law and of hygiene (Fig. 20). The depictions of a central figure of Minerva, the faculties and the disciplines combine to represent the new notion the University of Vienna had of itself to no longer fall short of the ideal of a humanistic comprehensive university after the 1849 and the 1873 university reforms. All façades carry a sculptural scheme that depicts outstanding scholars from all ages to trace the history of scholarship back to antiquity. Twenty-four scholars are represented on each side as full-figure portraits in the recesses or in profile medallions applied above these (Fig. 19). Another eighty scholars were

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Fig. 20: Allegorical depiction of academic disciplines. The individual figures on the attica balustrade towards Ringstrasse depict personifications of academic disciplines within the four faculties. This image shows from left to right: criminal law, mining law, trade and marine law as well as on the very outside constitutional law.

represented by their names in the cartouches that are part of the all-round frieze. A contemporary newspaper notice elaborates on the allocation  : “The recesses are to contain free-standing figures representing the most important representatives of the four faculties from antiquity” and “the most important mediaeval and Renaissance representatives of these same faculties can be discovered on portrait busts in the medallions. Finally, the cartouches in the main cornice frieze at first floor height are decorated with the names of men who have made excellent contributions to the disciplines in modern times”.33 A thorough consideration of geh Main Building’s sculptural decoration must not omit the three-dimensional images displaying further protagonists of this chronology that are locatet in other locations. An isometric section of the Main Building provides a

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view of the grand staircases, which also have recesses that were to contain larger-than-life figures (Fig. 21). Another site, which is not depicted in this section, is the arcaded courtyard  : as even Ferstel’s plans already provide for, it has actually contained monuments since 1889 (Fig. 22). Ferstel had developed this encompassing scheme together with his mentor Rudolf von Eitelberger, the first full professor of History of Art in Vienna. It was quite in line with the 19th century trend for historiography. Eitelberger argued his point in his 1866 essay Eine Österreichische Geschichtsgalerie 34  : emphasis on a historically tenable line of persons was to make the population aware of history as a source of identity, thus altogether fostering the idea of the state. In the university context, it was then assumed that a history of the protagonists of scholarship and more recent history of the

Fig. 21: Print following Julian Niedzielski, isometric section of the University of Vienna Main Building, 1892. This view of the university interior is particularly informative, as it shows what the stairwell and hallway decoration, which was never completed, would have looked like.

institution itself must also lend itself to functioning a basis for a joint identity. The more distant history of scholarship was represented with the persons shown on the outside of the building  ; the very centre of the university was to become a court of honour for the more recent, glorious history of the institution itself and lead it into the future. The arcaded courtyard, the idealised centre of the pathway system, was thus not only a location where students met current scholars but also a place of encounter with former successful and hence exemplary professors of the university. The arcaded courtyard thus was a space to foster identification both within and with the institution. This function of the arcaded courtyard as a source of identification remains in place  ; on these grounds, the expansion of the court of honour to include female scholars and professors (planned on the occasion of

the 650th anniversary) must be considered the only logical consequence and one that is long overdue. Only the library façade lacks three-dimensional design, bearing a sgrafitto decoration as mentioned above. Its original significance had long been forgotten. The nine blind window fields contain one male figure each on the outside and seven female figures in the centre. They have on them a range of attributes, including books, scrolls, compass, stylus and many others. Most recent research has unearthed an article published in the Neue Freie Presse on October 5, 1884 that made it possible to unambiguously identify these allegorical figures.35 The two figures on the outside are Poseidon and Hephaistos (Fig. 23)  : they represent the diametrically opposed natural elements water and fire. Various scholarly concepts are represented as personifications that are arranged between them.36

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Fig. 22: View of the Arcaded Courtyard. The arcaded courtyard is not only the centre of the route system, but in being such a centre is also a meeting point for research and teaching staff, students and not least offers encounters with their predecessors’ memorials.

The central figure holds a palm bough as an attribute of peace  : it represents triumphant scholarship (Fig. 24). The left hand holds the lantern of knowledge as a sign of triumph, simultaneously recalling the notion of light that is also represented in Minerva. The central axis of the Main Building thus combines two formally different iconographic schemes (main façade and rear of the building) as well as the central image Der Sieg des Lichts über die Finsternis, which is situated on this very axis on the ceiling of the Großer Festsaal (Fig. 25). This clear emphasis on the topic of illumination is telling for the way scholarship viewed itself in the 19th century. Ferstel and the professors of his time had planned this ambitious iconographic scheme in order to employ architecture and decoration to express the role of the university’s Main Building on Ringstrasse as the home of schol-

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arship. It stood for a scholarship that dared to shed light into darkness, to uncover the secrets of nature, mathematics and philosophy with unrelenting research  : a blindfold is pulled from the eyes of exact science in its allegorical depiction (Fig. 26). However, this notion of scholarship was severely dented even as soon as in the late nineteenth century.

Scandal  : Gustav Klimt’s faculty allegories

Karl Köchlin succeeded his colleague and brother-inlaw Ferstel in charge of the university construction upon the latter’s death in 1883. His main focus was placed on completing the rooms that were necessary for the university to take up operations in the building. The decoration of the Festsaal was neglected for

Fig. 23: Sgraffito depicting Hephaistos. The allegorical sgraffito depictions are framed by the figures of Hephaistos and Poseidon, who represent the diametrically opposed elements of fire and water.

Fig. 24: Sgraffito of Triumphierende Wissenschaft (triumphant science). The sgraffito of Triumphant Science raising a torch lies on the same axis as the Minerva image in the main façade pediment and the central Festsaal painting Sieg des Lichts über die Finsternis (Victory of Light over Darkness).

some time, so that the chamber was only decorated with tapestries upon its inauguration. The issue was not taken up again until the 1890s (Fig. 25). The isometric section (Fig. 21) shows one variant of the decoration that was originally planned. The most remarkable difference between this design and the decoration that was eventually executed is the design of the upper walls and transition to the ceiling view. The drawing shows an architrave that links the ceiling to the position of the pilasters and the arched windows between them. The executed design has vaulting cells that form a connection from the small rectangular windows to the vaulted

ceiling. The ceiling coffering and a central painting are merely indicated. According to Rudolf von Eitelberger, Ferstel had already made plans for a ceiling painting scheme, but had not been able to complete the artistic program before his untimely death.37 A sketch by Ferstel has been preserved in his artistic estate  ; it shows the area’s structure (Fig. 27). This sketch differs from the structure shown in the section in that four fields are grouped around one central field. In one of the smaller fields, Ferstel finely sketched a seated allegorical figure (presumably to represent one of the faculties). After all, the assembled members of the university were once again to

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Fig. 25: View of the Großer Festsaal. The Großer Festsaal (major ceremonial chamber) is the representative centre of the Main Building. The dispute over Gustav Klimt’s faculty paintings is still considered one of Austria’s greatest art scandals of the twentieth century. Since 2005, reproduction of the Klimt images, which were destroyed by fire in 1945, have been applied at the places that they had originally been intended for.

Fig. 26: Sgraffito of Exakte Wissenschaft (Exact Science). A putto is removing a veil from the head of a personification of exact science, so that it can recognize the world.

meet underneath the emblems of the four faculties in the new, crosswise Festsaal, like in its predecessor and model in the Neue Aula. While the structure of the fields and coffering were largely executed as indicated in this sketch, the content of the fields was not painted at the time. The commission for artworks did not return to this matter until 1891, when it developed an iconographic scheme for the Festsaal ceiling that provided for “ideal compositions”.38 The ministry of education and culture had stipulated three artists who had already caused a stir and elicited rapture with several

other Ringstrasse buildings  : Franz Matsch, Gustav and Ernst Klimt worked together as the Künstlercompagnie. However, Gustav Klimt’s younger brother Ernst died early in 1892, leaving Franz Matsch and Gustav Klimt to continue Künstlercompagnie alone. Matsch submitted a Baroque style, complex allegorical design for the central painting in 1893. The commission for artworks rejected this design in favour of a simplified image that was to be designed together with Gustav Klimt on the topic “The Victory of Light over Darkness” or “Triumph of Scholarship”. The artists submitted a sketch and were subsequently

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Fig. 22: Heinrich von Ferstel, sketch of the Großer Festsaal ceiling, c. 1882/83. The sketch indicates that Ferstel had intended to decorate the Festsaal with classic, seated allegories of the disciplines with numerous attributes and accompanying figures, like those in the sgraffiti.

commissioned to execute the painting in September 1894. They completed their first studies for the central image and the faculty paintings in 1898. Out of these sketches, the ministry and the university commission accepted Franz Matsch’s designs for Der Sieg des Lichts über die Finsternis and for the theology faculty painting Theologie (Fig. 28). However, three other faculty images Philosophie (philosophy), Medizin (medicine) und Jurisprudenz (law) met with (partly severe) criticism from among the body of professors. The first debate erupted in 1900 when Klimt exhibited the Philosophie painting

in the Secession in Vienna. The painting showed a sphinx with closed eyes emerging from an undefined background on the right. On the left, a group of naked human figures represents ignorant, suffering humanity.39 The figure on the bottom edge, the only one to look out of the painting with open eyes, appears to juxtapose the nebulous void with its sharp gaze. These “blurry forms” and Klimt’s “dreary fantasticism” stood in sharp contrast to the Main Building’s previously executed iconography. Sincere protest from the professors was forthcoming. Instead of a foggy, fantastical creation, they demanded a depic-

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tion that expressed the positivist efforts of philosophy and its proximity to exact science.40 The painting of Medizin (medicine) also offended the professors, contradicting as it did the image the medics had of themselves. Once again, the artist failed to emphasize scientific progress and successes. Instead, he depicted a column of naked human figures as in the previous image, in the midst of whom an anthropomorphic figure of death indiscriminately covers individuals with a veil. The central figure of Hygieia is unable to do anything to prevent this fate. While the professors were, as before, mostly opposed to the way science was displayed in the painting, public criticism was largely aimed at two nudes  : one of a woman seen from below (on the left) and one of a pregnant woman (top right edge of the image). The protest went to the extent of achieving the confiscation of an edition of the magazine Ver Sacrum in which the studies had been printed.41 The presentation of the Jurisprudenz (law) faculty painting in 1901 did not alter the situation. The professors had expected an allegory of dignified justice  ; Klimt’s central protagonist in the middle of the image, however, is an emaciated victim of legal practice tied up in the arms of an octopus. The three goddesses of revenge surrounding this tragic constellation did nothing to improve the impression given of jurisprudence. Justitia, Veritas and Lex appear far away in the background underneath the upper edge of the image.42 Klimt’s Philosophie (philosophy) won the gold medal at the Paris world exhibition and Klimt did have prominent supporters even in Vienna. Yet the commission for artworks was not convinced. They decided in 1905 that the central image by Matsch would be the only one to be included, with the surrounding four fields to be filled with ornamental decoration. It was during the Second World War, in 1943, that an interest in the faculty images arose once again  ; they were to be applied after the end of the war.43 That, however, failed to come to pass as the three faculty paintings were burnt by a withdrawing SS unit in May 1945 with the declared aim to “save” them from the advancing Russian troops. A cooper-

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ation between the Leopold Museum and the University of Vienna eventually resulted in the reunification of the ensemble (albeit as black-and-white reproductions) with the Sieg des Lichts über die Finsternis and Franz Matsch’s Theologie in the Großer Festsaal in 2005, a hundred years after the decision had been taken not to execute this scheme. The eventual inclusion of the formerly so controversial faculty allegories now constitutes vital evidence of the constant change undergoing the understanding of scholarship. Today, the famous artist’s paintings not only stand for his courageous artistry but also serve as a reminder for current scholars that the notion of scholarship is always subject to change, prompting an open mind for innovative trends in arts and science.

Conclusion

This monumental building on Ringstrasse was meant to signal with its entirety and in every detail, in its ground plan, its pathways, its façade design as well as of course the decorative schemes in form and content that this was a home of scholarship and that this scholarship certainly deserved to be housed in a palace. Its architect, Heinrich von Ferstel, placed great trust in the benefits of science, as demonstrated in an excerpt from a speech he held in autumn 1880  : “The discovery and dispersion of positive sciences, their influence on all spheres of life, does not cease to grow. Science gives new stimuli to trade and industry, it is the light of our century. It also falls to scholarship to drive a constant healthy progress in the life of gov-

Next page: Fig. 28: Franz Matsch and Gustav Klimt, Ceiling of the Großer Festsaal, 2005. The ensemble Franz Matsch and Gustav Klimt had originally intended for the ceiling painting was only completed as late as 2005 with the aid of black and white reproductions of the Klimt paintings. Top left: Franz Matsch, Die Theologie (Theology). Top right: Gustav Klimt, Die Jurisprudenz (Jurisprudence). Centre: Franz Matsch, Der Sieg des Lichts über die Finsternis (The Victory of Light over Darkness). Bottom left: Gustav Klimt, Die Medizin (Medicine). Bottom right: Gustav Klimt: Die Philosophie (Philosophy).

The Main Building  189

ernment and of the people. In all social and societal issues, the world is growing – albeit slowly – more intelligent and most of all more humane.”44 He erected the University of Vienna’s Main Building on the Ringstrasse for this light of the century, for its esteem and its ceaseless progress. Endnotes  1 Ferstel, Denkschrift, 5.  2 Wibir a l / Mikul a, Ferstel, 56  ; also 11. Sitzung des Universitäts-Baucomités, July 2, 1869, Universitätsarchiv, S60, Schachtel 34.  3 Spr inger, Kulturleben, 447  ; Felder, Erinnerungen, 350.  4 Lokalanzeiger der Presse, October 1, 1869, 1, Sp. 1.  5 Wibir a l / Mikul a, Ferstel, 57  ; also AVA, Akten des Ministeriums für Inneres, 3513 ex 1870.  6 Ferstel, Neubau, 149f.  7 Wolf, Universitätsbau, 55.  8 Neue Freie Presse, January 27, 1871, Abendausgabe, 4.   9 All preserved in the Wien Museum collection. 10 See Wolf, Universitätsbau, 61–62. 11 Her zig, Ästhetik  ; also Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 142 – 146. 12 Pl a nner-Steiner, Schmidt, 31–32  ; Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 138. 13 H a nsen, Parlamentsgebäude  ; also Wagner-R ieger  /­  R eissberger, Hansen, 114 – 115. 14 Wibir a l, Ferstel, 295–296. 15 AVA, Akten des Ministeriums für Kultus und Unterricht, 9278 / 1872  ; also Wibir a l, Ferstel, 296. 16 Ferstel, Denkschrift, 9. 17 Ferstel, Neubau, 152. 18 Frommel, Römischer Palastbau, 56. 19 Ferstel, Denkschrift, 9. 20 Ferstel, Neubau, 150. 21 Report by university counsel Karl von Heintl, March 20, 1867 (= source from UAW, Akad. Senat 34, Sonderreihe S60, Bauakten 1854–72) 20. 22 K a r ner, Baugeschichte, 23, Wolf, Universitätsbau, 6–7. 23 See subsection Scandal  : Gustav Klimt’s Faculty Allegories, below. 24 Ferstel, Neubau, 151. 25 Ferstel, Bericht, 200. 26 Pudor, Eisenarchitektur, 1. 27 Ferstel, Styl und Mode, 5. 28 Only one other early glass and iron construction for a reading room skylight has so far been documented (in America)  : The George Peabody Library of Johns Hopkins University in

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Baltimore was erected in 1857 by Edmund Lind and also features a large skylight. However, this construction is additionally supported by several inserted longways and crossways riders. 29 Anonym, Die Bibliothek der neuen Universität. In  : Wiener Bauindustrie-Zeitung, Jahrgang 2, 1884, Heft 7 and 8, 83 and 99. 30 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 157. 31 Pignatti, Venezia, 25  ; Burck h a r dt, Cicerone, 364. 32 Entwurf des Fassadenprogramms der Universität, Wienbibliothek, Handschriftensammlung, Inv.-Nr. 23.468. Also Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 172. 33 Anonym, Äußere Ausschmückung der neuen Universität. In  : Local-Anzeiger der Presse, July 10, 1881 (34. Jahrgang, Nr. 188) 11. 34 Eitelberger, Geschichtsgalerie 130. 35 Anonym, Wandgemälde an der neuen Universität. In  : Neue Freie Presse, October 5, 1884, Morgenblatt, 6. 36 See Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 193. 37 Eitelberger, Ferstel, 23. 38 Strobl, Klimt, 139. 39 Schorsk e, Fakultätsbilder, 13. 40 Strobl, Klimt, 153  ; or Schorsk e, Fakultätsbilder, 14 – 15. 41 Schorsk e, Fakultätsbilder, 21. 42 A pk e, Allegorie, 764. 43 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 136. 44 Ferstel, Rede, 51–52.

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Nina Knieling

The University Library as a Repository of Memory for Study, Research and Teaching A brief history of the University of Vienna library sites after 1777

W

hen the University of Vienna gave 2,787 volumes of its books to the Hofbibliothek in 1756, they left a gap in Vienna’s university libraries. It was a singular act by a university in this era of enlightenment and interest in scholarship to attach so little value to the treasures contained in its library  : this was the time when German universities were institutionalising their libraries, which were experiencing a spectacular ascent. Göttingen (1737) was the model example, the University of Halle an der Saale established a library as early on as 1696 and Erfurt University followed suit in 1728.1 The University of Vienna was to institutionalise its own library only some time later  ; the collection was eventually based, as had been the case with other university libraries, on the inclusion of existing library collections.2 University members continued to have several libraries at their disposal, which were located in and around the university. These included the remains of the departmental library collections as well as the Jesuit library in the Akademisches Kolleg and two public libraries located in the Dominikanerkloster monastery  : the Bibliotheca Windhagiana and the Bibliotheca Gschwindiana. These two collections deserve a closer investigation, being, as they are, funded public libraries  : an exception in the German-speaking realm. In Italian towns, on the other hand, such libraries were commonplace and served as examples.3 The patron of the arts and Lower Austrian Regimentsrat Joachim Enzmilner Graf von Windhag (1600 – 1678) had decreed in his last will and testament and subsequent codicills that his extensive collection of books, including the astronomy and mathematics instruments be moved from Windhag

in Upper Austria to the Dominikanerkloster in Vienna upon his death. He further stipulated that rooms were to be established there in order to accommodate the books as a “Bibliotheca publica, as one can see in other places and especially in Milan in the Bibliotheca ambrosiana.”4 Finally, the book-lover decreed that his collection be given the name Biblioteca Windhagiana, and have dedicated posts for a librarian and a clerk. The library was to be overseen by the Landmarschallisches Gericht (marshall court).5 After Windhag’s death, a site abutting to the Dominikanerkloster was purchased from his funds (in accordance with his will) in order to erect there a dedicated library building (Postgasse 4a). The cartouche over the entrance is adorned to this day with a marble oval bearing the inscription  : “Bibliotheca Joannis Joachimi S[acri] R[omani] I[imperii]. comitis ab et in Windhag pro usu publico fundata MDCLX XV III.” (Fig. 1)6 Thus Bibliotheca Windhagiana ad found a location opposite the schola philosophorum. In 1723, another library was added to the same library building, but accommodated in separate rooms  : Field marshall Johann Martin Gschwind von Pöckstein (1645 – 1721)7 had died two years previously and had stipulated this course of action for his library in his last will and testament.8 The Bibliotheca Gschwindiana comprised approximately 15,000 volumes and thus became the second public library to be in frequent use by university members. In 1786, however, Joseph II went against the wills of the two library founders and decreed that the collections be incorporated into the newly established university library.9

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Fig. 1: Inscription of the Bibliotheca Windhagiana inside a Baroque cartouche. The entrance gate of the Bibliotheca Windhagiana in Postgasse 4a has survived to the present day. In the 1770s, it provided access to a collection of more than 30,000 books to interested readers. The collection had previously been held at Schloss Windhaag in Upper Austria and was extended regularly with money from the fund after it had been moved to Vienna. In 1786, Joseph II decreed that the stock be given over to the university library.

The establishment of the university library

Great changes were brought about by the dissolution of the Jesuit order in Austria by imperial decree in 1773. On March 28, 1774, Maria Theresa ordered that the Jesuit libraries be incorporated into public university use. These included the libraries in the former Profeßhaus Am Hof, the Probationshaus at St. Anna10 and the Akademisches Kolleg. The sovereign further decreed that “the low-rise buildings on either side of the library in the Collegio academico on the Hauptmautplatz either be used as study rooms or as an annex to the library hall and thus (the books) may not be used for any other purpose.”11 This set in motion the gradual conversion of the former Jesuit library site into an accommodation for the newly established university library. Further collections were added in 1776 from the dissolved Jesuit monasteries in Wiener Neustadt and in Krems. This incorporation meant that the new university library’s collection soon grew to include approximately 45,000 volumes.12 This extensive collection had to be housed across three storeys in the

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library wing of the Akademisches Kolleg.13 The refectory housed profane literature and the library hall on the first floor held the works on theology.14 This division had been adopted from the Bibliotheca Windhagiana. The room above these also housed library volumes  ; it had previously accommodated the Jesuit scholastics. How did the institutionalization of the newly established university library take place at this new and at the same time old library site  ? A dedicated library fund was established from the assets of the dissolved Jesuit libraries.15 After 1777, this money was administered by the trust fund, but settled separately. In that year, the university library owned the considerable amount of 30,800 fl., which was further increased by monies from the sale of works from the Jesuit libraries and the dissolution of funds like the Windhagsche Stiftung.16 The interest from the trust money (from the Jesuit libraries’ funds, later also from the Windhag and Gschwind funds) became the basis for the library’s endowment, which was used to cover the costs of staff and book acquisition.17 The staff costs included the remuneration of four curators and two library attendants at an amount of 1,000 fl. in 1777. Two curators were responsible for the department of theological books and two curators for the department of profane works.18 At this point in time, the library had fewer staff than the Hofbibliothek despite the tasks and work the library was facing. Moreover, the positions were much less well remunerated.19 Nevertheless, the allocation of posts and designation of tasks reveals a gradual professionalisation of the librarian’s trade and the development of the library into a modern institution. The purpose which the library was expected to fulfil is reflected in the administration of staff and the library’s space allocation scheme. When the library hall was designated in the Akademisches Kolleg and “some existing neighbouring rooms”, it was noted that they were to place “nothing on show, but many items at convenience for study. Good use shall be made of the space available by having several bookshelves in the neighbouring rooms as well as in the window niches (…).”20

The stress that is placed on the demand for a purpose-built reading room rather than a showroom is significant. Both reading rooms were situated in the northeastern wing of the library building. Depending on the books stored on that given storey, the reading rooms were used to peruse either profane or sacred literature. Some of the library staff had already been accommodated in the Akademisches Kolleg, further rooms were made available in the northwestern side wing of the building. However, this area appears to have been hardly used, possibly due to its insufficient adaptation for residential use.21 The university library was ceremonially inaugurated on May 13, 1777 (Fig. 2 and 3). As a public library, its access was not limited to members of the university. Franz Stephan Rautenstrauch (1734 – 1785)22 was given the post of director in chief of the university library in 1775  ; he had set down in his “Instructions for all University and Lyceum Libraries”23 that “everyone is granted access and permission to be given a book at will in order to read or peruse therein”.24 Sources from approximately 1800 report that the reading room next to the first floor library hall was in use, but the ground floor reading room had soon been appropriated for the library administration and as a depository of medical volumes. The remaining reading room provided for 72 readers and was not particularly user-friendly  : in winter, it was so cold that the ink would freeze. As the reading room was overcrowded, queues of waiting readers would often form in front of the library entrance.25 Most travel reports praise the university librarians. Only Robert Townson wrote in a travel report from 1797 on the Viennese libraries that the librarians appeared to “labour under a Carus, a disease common to university librarians,”26 which put them into a state of deep slumber even as their eyes were half opened. The Josephinian dissolutions of monasteries turned the university library into a “transfer site” for monasterial book collections.27 Further extensive book collections from more than twenty Austrian monasteries were transferred to the university library. Joseph II had set the guidelines for university and

Fig. 2: Appendix to the Wienerisches Diarium, May 14, 1777. The inauguration of the library of the University of Vienna took place on Maria Theresa’s sixtieth birthday, May 13, 1777. The Wienerisches Diarium reported on the event on the following day.

lyceum libraries in 1786. These guidelines continued to provide for the adoption of books from dissolved monasteries, but stressed that the books that are taken in ought to primarily include works that are useful to teaching activities, especially in the subjects of physics, natural history and medicine. The philosophical subjects and law were of secondary importance, theology was given the lowest priority. Generally, works that were not considered to serve the pursuit of knowledge (such as devotional literature) were not to be adopted at all. Interestingly, early printed books and anthologies were not desired.28 These cimelia of the monastery book collections were preserved for the Hofbibliothek  ; the university received duplicates in return. This exchange must have been highly disadvantageous for the university

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Fig. 3: Die k.k. Universitätsbibliothek zu Wien […], graphic reproduction, Emil Hütter, 1877. This view of the university library and the university district shows the state of the building in 1777 and places it in the context of the old university quarter before the Jesuit era reconstructions.

library. The university library was able to raise an income of 28,537 fl. 32 kr. from book auctions in 1787 and 1788, and a sum of 3,109 fl. 50 kr. from the sale of large amounts of spoiled books (maculations).29 The growth of the collection was ensured by an imperial decree of December 21, 1781, which ensured that one copy of every book printed in Lower Austria had to be given to the university library.30 Cataloguing, further acquisitions in public auctions as well as donations became more pre-eminent in the coming decades. The emperor also contributed to the university library with book donations from his own private library on occasions when he had purchased several copies of a given work in order to give the surplus books to other libraries.31 In the subsequent period, a series of directors in chief made little effort to engage themselves for the university library’s fortune. Only the first profane head of the library, world history professor Johann

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Wilhelm Ridler (1772 –  1834), made an attempt to address the problems of staff and financial constraints upon his appointment in 1814. The list of issues went on  : overcrowded reading rooms, grievances with the administration of the stacks and catalogues and an enormous shortage of space. The 1811 state bankruptcy had resulted in a currency crisis during which the value of the library endowment had been decimated. It reached a historic low of 2,500 Viennese fl. in the 1820s. Refurbishments of the side wings had already become necessary in 1804 due to the bad building quality of the library building. In 1807, several rooms in the southeastern wing were adapted to be used as apartments for the curator and the two library attendants.32 When the university library was established, it had been intended to make reading desks available in the large library hall. However, these were not usable, particularly so in the winter months. The 72 available desks failed to meet the demands on the library by a long stretch  : up to 500 readers used the library every day in the mid-1820s. Ridler noted that the readers included many candidates for surgery and medicine and that several of them had described the reading hall as a “barrel of herring”.33 In 1821, the library collection had grown to the considerable size of 80,000 volumes  : more space was desperately needed.

The refurbishment of the university library in 1828 / 29

Library head Ridler repeatedly applied for a refurbishment of the library building before Emperor Francis I eventually approved such works in 1820. The works were planned by the Lower Austrian Zivilbaudirektion (civil construction agency)  ; this process took exceedingly long, it was largely completed by governmental architect Karl Pranter.34 Ridler yielded considerable influence both at the design stage and during the refurbishment works. The basic concept of the library works was based on the ideas of Leopoldo della Santa, who had caused a stir with his 1816 text Della costruzione e del regolamento di una pub-

Fig. 4a and 4b: Monumental front view of the library building, graphic reproduction without artist’s name, after 1854 and comparison with a present-day photograph. The new dimensions of the building had obviously not been accorded with the City of Vienna. Nine rods, one foot and three inches (approx. 17 mC) of the area that had been built on was in fact part of the street and thus public ground, as the university was notified in a letter in 1829. In similar cases, the city of Vienna would have calculated a price per fathom of 56 fl. C.M., resulting in an eventual demand of 515 fl. 40 kr. The university replied that this was not within its scope, and the matter was rested.

blica universale biblioteca,35 wherein he abandoned the traditional concept of hall libraries and their unity of book, reader and librarian. He argued that representation had to make way for the practicalities of accommodating the literally inapprehensible dimensions of the constantly growing library collections. Della Santa initiated a spatial separation of the collection, the reading room and the library administration  ; his thoughts stood at the beginning of a path towards the modern closed-stack library.36 The literature on library buildings traces the gradual development of the closed-stack system. The library of the University of Vienna is rarely mentioned therein, despite the fact that this building’s refurbishment turned it into a modern library building even in the 1820s, thus making it one of the earliest practical examples of a separation of library rooms according to functions as imagined by della Santa in his model library.37 The Postgasse rooms have survived until today and now house the University of Vienna archive. (Fig. 4a-b) Other well-known examples of early closed-stack libraries are the Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in Mu-

nich, which was erected in the years 1834 – 1842  ; in this library, however, the bookshelves were still arranged along the walls. The Bibliothèque Sainte Genevieve in Paris was designed by Henri Labrouste and erected between 1843 and 1851. It is a reference library and had additional stack depositories.38 Further examples are the extension of the British Museum in London (erected in 1854 – 1856) and the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (after 1859).39 The university library refurbishment was commissioned by the Lower Austrian government with the aim of creating a building fit for the purpose at the lowest possible cost. The public construction commission was given to the Viennese Stadtbaumeister Joseph Klee (1788 – 1852)40 in April 1827. Klee had submitted an estimate of 45,974 fl.; the furnishing of the library rooms were to cost another 13,330 fl. 42 kr.41 Refurbishment works began in the same year. After the Hofbibliothek had repeatedly complained about the increased number of readers that spring, the Lower Austrian government initiated the establishment of a temporary reading room.42 The Hofbibliothek with its 43 reading room desks was not able to accommodate

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Fig. 5: Former Jesuit refectory. After 1773, the refectory directly underneath the library hall was adapted for the display of books. Today, this ceremonial chamber accommodates the museum room of the University of Vienna archive, which also serves as a lecture hall.

such numbers and introduced a temporary policy of admitting only selected literati for their studies.43 The foundation stone of the new library building was ceremonially laid on August 21, 1828.44 (Fig. 5 and 6) A basement level was excavated underneath the former courtyard on the northeastern side of the library halls and four storeys were added. The previously low side wings were demolished and replaced by a longer, three-storey annex.45 Architect Prantner had obviously been overhasty when he had announced to the Lower Austrian government that one reading room would be ready to open as early as the autumn of 1828. Library head Ridler revised this estimate, stating that “neither has the floor been laid, nor doors and windows built, even (…) important bricklaying work still needs to be done”.46 The time was finally right one year later  : The reading room on the first floor became operational in time for the new

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academic year on October 1, 1829. A reference library was established in order to allow for fast access to frequently used volumes. These 7,000 volumes included the most important reference works and course reading  ; they were kept in locked cases.47 This systematic arrangement of knowledge was a forerunner of the modern open-stack library. However, access to the works had to occur via the library attendant. (Fig. 7) The second reading room was eventually inaugurated in 1859 in order to house the steadily growing number of users. The reading desks on one side of this room were reserved for professors and on the other side for seminarians. Current scholarly journals were also on display in this reading room.48 A book lift was erected between the two reading rooms at a later date.49 (Fig. 8) Two offices for the head of the library and the staff were located on the first floor of the northwestern wing. Like the old library hall,

Fig. 6: Library statutes of the university library, graphic reproduction, c. 1835. This text of the library statutes largely concurs with those of the Hofbibliothek from 1726. In both cases, not everyone is admitted to the library: “Idiota, famulus, iners, fabulator, obambulator exesto.”

the Neuer Büchersaal (new book hall) above the aula rose to a height of two storeys and had a gallery. It provided further room for the display of the library collection and was decorated with an en grisaille painting of Apollo in the sun chariot.50 The late classicist façade of the building adorns the inner city to this day. It was altered only once, when an open air staircase was added after the excavation and regulation of Postgasse in 1847–51, which had resulted in a two meter drop of the street level.51 The inscription “Bibliotheca Academiae Viennensis” used to be visible between the flat central avant-corps and the triangular gable. The new library building had 192 reading desks and accommodated a library collection of 100,000 volumes in 1832. After the currency crisis of the 1810s, the library had to wait until 1827 to receive a “systematic annual endowment” from the scholarship

fund.52 Library director Ridler continued to insist on the systematic arrangement of the library, which was bound to fail and remained incomplete upon his death in 1834. The teachings of Munich imperial librarian Martin Schrettinger on the introduction of a classification number were not implemented until the era of Ridler’s successor, library director Franz Lechner (1838 – 1851).53 This system was to dominate indexing in the coming years  ; its innovation to the library constituted the shift to a running number order system.54 It must be stated, however, that Ridler with his library concept and his relentless drive to realize it achieved a notable example of a model user library. His successor Franz Lechner was the first library director who had learned the trade of the librarian at the Hofbibliothek after completion of his studies and the first not to have been chosen from among the college of professors.

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Fig. 7: Anton Friedrich Büsching, […] Neue Erdbeschreibung, Hamburg 1771–1777. The old and valuable stocks of the university library are now accessible in the reading room Altes Buch. These significant book treasures are being digitalized in no particular order and will subsequently be accessible via phaidra. The acronym phaidra stand for Permanent Hosting, Archiving and Indexing of Digital Resources and Assets. It constitutes the digital repository of the University of Vienna (https://phaidra.univie.ac.at/).

The revolution of 1848 resulted in some important changes for the libraries. These included the relaxation of censorship rules for formerly banned works or works with limited access (erga schedam). This “redesign of public life at the libraries”55 included an extension of borrowing rights, which was introduced in 1849. Until then, only professors had been allowed to borrow books  ; these rights were now extended to local teachers and students.56 An interlibrary loan system was introduced in the 1860s  : first in Lower Austria, later on also in the other crown lands, in some cases even with libraries abroad. Hugelmann noted that “the libraries are removed from their local isolation and brought into regular contact with each other, the book collections held at Austrian university and research libraries have in one fell swoop been merged into a single joint treasure at the disposal of all Austrian teachers and writers  ; each individual library can operate far beyond its own site and as far as to the border of the empire.”57 Loans and the removal of books from the building had been the sole preserve of university professors until that time  ; this was an inconceivable extension of access to the collections. The consumption of knowledge was no longer bound to the library site

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itself  : permeability increased and made an impressive contribution to the democratisation of knowledge. Reader numbers and borrowing frequency consequently grew, as did the number of library staff and the reading room opening hours were extended  ; remarkably, the reading room was open even on Sundays and holidays in 1873 – 1892  !58 Furthermore, the library donations were also gradually increased in the second half of the nineteenth century to reach 15,000 fl in 1878.59 However, the continuing growth of the library collection soon set off a new debate on the use of further rooms as library depositories.

“… in the greatest possible proximity to the university library”  : The location of the Austrian Institute of Historical Research at the University of Vienna

Minister Thun-Hohenstein established the “school for Austrian historical research at the University of Vienna” in response to an imperial decree of October 20, 1854 and gave the post of director to the historian Albert Jäger (1801 – 1891). Adequate accommodation had to be found.60 Jäger had addressed the university consistory to ask for rooms to be used for study and lectures, one room for an archive and library, one room the director and finally one room for the attendant. As cited above, he also explicitly asked these to be in proximity to the university library.61 A low-rise building known as the Stöckelgebäude that was located next to the Akademisches Kolleg building was thus considered for the purpose. This Jesuit service building (Postgasse 7) was initially going to be demolished, but was eventually adapted for use by the Austrian Institute of Historical Research and included a direct link to the university library (Fig. 9)

The university library in the new Main Building on Ringstrasse

Emperor Francis Joseph had authorised the construction of a new university building in 1854. However,

the planning and construction phase for this new “palace of knowledge” was to take three whole decades. The library director submitted a report on a new library building to the ministry of education as early as 1856. In 1863, plans were made to maintain the old university district location, extended by an enlarged Stöckelgebäude.62 Subsequent library directors continued to make efforts to tackle the lack of space. However, the construction of the new university building was still delayed further. An interim solution eventually had to be found. The university library was given three adjacent rooms in the former Akademisches Kolleg in 1856  : the former apartments of the late library director and of the library attendant were adapted into book depositories in 1870 / 71.63 The architects Eduard van der Nüll and August von Sicardsburg submitted a second design for the university building to be erected on the initially intended site between the rear of the Votivkirche and Schwarzspanierstrasse and Garnisongasse. This design included a dedicated university library building in an annex to the Main Building on the Alsterstrasse side of this neo-Gothic ensemble. (See Fig. 3, p. 148) This project was eventually abandoned as too costly and in contradiction to other urban development plans. The design commission was passed on to Heinrich von Ferstel, who soon developed a different design that eventually resulted in the Main Building location as we know it today on Ringstrasse.64 In 1875, library director Friedrich Leithe (1828 –  1896) vehemently opposed a relocation of the university library into the new building on Ringstrasse under the conditions provided. He supported an extension of the library rooms at their current location. He justifiably criticised the concept for the capacity to hold future book collections. Moreover, he feared that the library was in danger of losing its status as a state institution and wanted to counter this perceived threat  : a university library would by a scientific library “open to everyone”.65 Leithe suggested that a course materials library be established in the Main Building in order to compensate for the resulting dis-

tance between the university library and the university. His suggestions went unheeded. The collection was moved into the Ringstrasse building in September 1884. Leithe resigned from his post and took on the position as head of the library at the Vienna University of Technology.66 When Ferstel named the public Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève in Paris as the model for the university library,67 he will certainly have had its combination of a closed-stack library system and representative reading room in mind. Ferstel further named the library of the British Museum, which had also already implemented della Santa’s demand for a tripartite division of libraries into user, stack and administration rooms. Ferstel had initially considered a three-bay basilica type of room (Fig. 10), but eventually designed a single-bay, two-storey room with an innovative glass and iron construction for overhead lighting.68 The reading room eventually provided desks for 296 readers (it can now accommodate 350 readers, see Fig. 17). These desks were assigned according to departments. Two Ionic column pairs refer to the two pillars of Hercules of Emperor Charles VI with his motto “plus ultra”. They certainly stand in juxtaposition to the Corinthian column pairs in the Hofbibliothek,69 but can also be interpreted as a reference to the universitas of scholarship and its departure into a new era. The new Main Building library kept up the separation of specialised and general reading rooms that had already existed in the old university library building. The central reading room was again accompanied by a professors’ reading room with a display of scholarly journals. The university library now had its own catalogue room, staff offices as well as a circulation office for local and interlibrary loans. The latter room had originally been intended for a cloakroom  : unacceptably, this location of the circulation office prevented the library from having its own cloakroom for a long time. Four book depositories were planned. Two of these, the Hofmagazin and the Stiegenmagazin, were not even completed in 1884. They were intended for future additions to the book collection, which numbered approx. 300,000

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Fig. 8: University library floor plan, c. 1828. This floor plan of the university library has a southwest orientation. It shows that the apartment of the custodian, the library attendant and the servant were located on the ground floor. As before, the retained former refectory and the old library hall on the first floor held library stocks, while readers were able to access the two spacious reading rooms via a stairwell from the northeastern wing. The reading rooms were located on the first and second floors and each had an area of 152 mC.

Fig. 9: View of the Stöckelgebäude with pier arch, photograph c. 1905. The pier arch joined the first floor of the Stöckelgebäude with the library wing. The Stöcklgebäude was chosen to accommodate the Austrian Institute of Historical Research for its proximity to the library. When the new Main Building was erected on Ringstrasse, space allocation plans were still forced to consider the need for such proximity. Historian Theodor Sickel (1826–1908) authored a report “On the location requirements of the Austrian Institute of Historical Research” in 1862, which was signed by himself and Albert Jäger. It opens with the following words: “The institute can serve its purpose only as long as it is located in close proximity to the university library.” The institute is now still located in the Main Building on Ringstrasse, next to the university library.

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volumes. However, these depositories were filled up soon after their completion, proving that Leithe had been right to warn that the capacity of the book depositories was too low even sooner than expected.70 A process that continues to this day began after the 1890s  : rooms are continually rededicated in order to accommodate the growing number of books, staff and readers. That such rededications would never suffice to provide the necessary depository area in the long run was recognised as early on as the beginning of the twentieth century. When the library was relocated in 1884, it was expected that its collection would grow by about 7,000 volumes per year. By the early twentieth century, the collection was growing by approximately 30,000 volumes annually  : at the turn of the century, the library already had 500,000 books in its inventory.71

Library buildings must “provide for long-term growth of its book collection and increased user numbers”

When Otto Wagner (1841 – 1918) wrote this sentence, the renowned Viennese architect addressed two basic requirements of modern library buildings.72 They remain valid today, as the search for an appropriate site for the University of Vienna library continues to reemerge throughout the twentieth century. The lack of sufficient room in the Ferstel building has been met with a series of designs for library buildings as well as permanent negotiations for an appropriate site. Despite these dedicated efforts, the realisation of construction projects depends on a range of factors, including acceptance by the political decision-makers (especially when it comes to expensive projects for universities or libraries). Several ambitious projects fell victim to “the great seminal catastrophe” of the twentieth century, the First World War and subsequently the Second World War. The degree to which a library site and building could be considered useful to the university itself was also an important issue. A separation of the university and its central library was considered akin to impending doom for the uni-

versity library and rarely supported by the professors. Interim solutions have frequently been sought by dedicating individual rooms for parts of the collection both within and outside of the university buildings. Other university departments within the Main Building adapted rooms and reading rooms in order to provide temporary relief for the overcrowded depositories. The achievement of optimal use of the existing and added rooms is in the hands of the librarians, their perseverance and creativity. The following paragraphs provide an overview of the library buildings that were planned in the course of the twentieth century. In 1910, the library commission of the Academic Senate debated a suggestion to house the library collection externally in the sixteenth district of Vienna. The proposed building for this purpose was a yet to be erected depository building on the Tabakregie site, which was to be furnished with reading rooms, administrative rooms and employee apartments for the staff. Another plan suggested that a library building be raised on the site of the former orphanage association, where the Embassy of the USA is located today. Otto Wagner was commissioned to make a design for this site in 1910  : it combined two impressive nine storey library buildings to provide plenty of room for depositories with a capacity of three million volumes (Fig. 11). The steel skeleton construction was a juxtaposition to Ferstel’s monumental design  : “the primary function of the building as a book depository (is) the decisive design element.”73 Another university library design was submitted by Wagner in 1914. In this version, he planned a main library building for reading rooms as well as the library administration on the corner of Spitalgasse and Sensengasse. Two annexes along these two streets as far as Währingerstrasse would have housed the depositories. The depositories had an estimated capacity of 4.2 million volumes.74 Wolfgang Rappert considers both Wagner designs to have anticipated the “ten commandments” of library construction formulated by British Architect Harry Fawlkner-Brown (1920–2008)75 on the basis of his experiences in library design.76

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Fig. 10: Heinrich von Ferstel’s university library, elevation, coloured pen and ink drawing, 1777. Even in 1777, when construction works for the Main Building had already begun, the library room designs were not concluded. Ferstel eventually rejected this concept and once again drew library director Friedrich Leithe’s displeasure with the reading room he eventually realized.

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Fig. 11: First design for the university library by Otto Wagner, colour print after a coloured pen drawing, 1910. With this design, Wagner aimed to achieve a functional library building that met the requirements of readers, librarians and books alike. A first suggestion to erect the library instead of the remaining houses on the Mölkerbastei was soon rejected, as not all owners were ready to sell their properties.

The depository location was also a subject of public discourse. Administrative lawyer Karl Brockhausen suggested an underground building underneath Votivpark, including a tunnel that would connect the depositories with the central library.77 Architect Friedrich Ohmann adopted the notion of a Votivpark site and proposed a complex of university buildings to surround Votivkirche, which were to lift the church out of its isolation into a fitting ensemble. The intended construction would have provided space for a range of departments as well as including an annex for the university library.78 However, this proposal (which would, after all, only have constituted an annex) was, like all the others, never realised. The Tabakregie site was by this time no longer available. The city offered a site in the Lainzer Tiergarten grounds at an uncomfortable distance from the university. If this site was

ever seriously considered at all, any such thoughts ceased at the latest with the outbreak of the First World War. After the end of the First World War, the library directors requested that the continuing issue of space be urgently addressed. The Republic of Austria had purchased a city block next to the Nationalbank (Otto Wagner Platz 4a, Schwarzspanierstraße 5) in 1928. The site was not large enough, however  : even with encroachment on Schwarzspanierstrasse, any building on this site would have remained too small for a university library building. Library director Johann Gans criticised the lack of space for adequate reading rooms in the submitted design, as well as the failure to provide for future extensions to the depositories. A site in front of the Nationalbank (Ostar­ richi-Park) was eventually agreed on. By 1931, the first designs were submitted for the project to build

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Fig. 12: Sketch for a “modern great library” (combination of the National Library as well as the libraries of the University of Vienna, the Vienna University of Technology and the Vienna University of Trade) by Werner Theiss. Architect Theiss assumed that he would be able to provide a capacity to store books for the next 200 to 300 years. In fact, present-day stocks of printed works owned by the university library and the national library alone have already surpassed the number of ten million volumes.

Fig. 13: Theiss’ library building, elevation. The use of paternoster lifts and letter chutes were to simplify functionality and book orders and contribute to the speed at which books could be delivered. Otto Wagner had also included a paternoster lift in his design, which was to gradually replace manual book retrieval.

an extension to house the university’s book collection on this site.79 However, Gans was wary of moving from the frying pan into the fire with another library building that was simply too small. Library scientist Georg Leyh entered the discussion and voiced vehement opposition to a division of the library collection along subject areas  : the new building would only have been able to accommodate the natural science and medicine collection. However, he was amenable to the idea of storing so-called “dead” (rarely used) volumes in a subsidiary building.80 Then another plan for a library building became the focus of attention  : its size put all projects that had come before in the shade.81 A merger of the former Hofbibliothek (national library after 1920) and the university library was frequently discussed in the era of the First Republic. The collections had in fact been united in 1756  ; such a unification was repeatedly put back on the agenda even after 1920. Josef Bick was the general director

of the national library both before and after the Second World War. He favoured a remarkable design that would have housed a new academic central library. The plans for this design originated from the novice architect Werner Theiss (1909 – 1945), who wrote a dissertation on the subject that was approved in 1934.82 (Fig. 12) This was a monumental, functional instance of a revival of the Museum Blotianum, based on merging the libraries of the University of Vienna, the Vienna University of Technology as well as the Vienna University of Trade and the National Library. The intended tower in circular casing could have been extended upwards. its hold capacity would have comprised ten million printed volumes, while accommodating 1777 readers in six reading rooms (Fig. 13).83 Theiss’ preference for the tower rather than a low-rise building was based on the flexibility this design entailed for future extensions. Increasing significance was also awarded to fireproofing and waterproofing measures.84

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Several central sites were discussed for the project, including once again the site of the former citizens’ care house between Währingerstrasse, Spitalgasse and Sensengasse as well as the square on the Donaukanal embankment at the end of Schottenring.85 (Fig. 14) The plans were abandoned at the outbreak of the Second World War  ; Josef Bick made another effort to rekindle the plan after the war, but the ministry did not take up the suggestion.86 At the same time in the 1930s, library director Johannes Gans had been in favour of finding a solution on a site that would serve only the university library. One potentially good location in the university’s vicinity was a building on Teinfaltstrasse 8. The building had housed the Allgemeine Bodenkreditanstalt bank before it was taken over in 1929 by another bank, the Creditanstalt, which was forced to declare bankruptcy two years later.87 However, a structural analysis of the building and the costs of a potential adaptation quashed plans to use the site for the university library. The national library, on the other hand, wanted to build a journal depository to be jointly used by the university library and the national library  ; this idea was also not put into practice.88 The devastating developments after the annexation of Austria in 1938 greatly affected the university library staff numbers, which sank even further with the onset of war. It took too long for provenance research to be conducted. Research in recent years has now yielded results, so that it has been possible to properly reconstruct the collection’s growth until 1945 and to make restitutions. 89 In light of the situation, the site issue was of no concern during the wartime years. The focus was firmly placed on the survival of the library’s property. In previous centuries, libraries had repeatedly been evacuated as a preventative measure for fear of the theft of whole libraries as spoils of war. In Vienna, the Reichsministerium decided not to evacuate the national library, but to do so with the university library. More than 1.2 million volumes were relocated to nine sites throughout Lower Austria (such as, e. g., Schloss Therasburg in the Waldviertel region) in the years 1943 and 1944.

Fig. 14: Projected central library site at the location of the (former) general hospital’s large courtyard. Theiss‘ dissertation also lists present-day court 1 of the former general hospital as a possible site. He “adopts the old plan to remove the general hospital from the city centre and put these valuable grounds to another use.”

The university library after 1945

After the end of the Second World War, the bomb-damaged library rooms in the Main Building had to be repaired in order to be able to continue library operations. The return of the library collections proved exceedingly difficult during the occupation period. It was possible to return about 90% of the books to the Main Building, most of these in the years 1945 to 1947. Tons of library stocks were returned to the depositories.90 The rising fortunes of the university library also resulted in further growth of the library collection. The issue of an expansion within the Main Building was put back on the agenda  : more space had to be reserved for the books. However, as in previous years, this was considered a mere temporary solution. The reading room and its abutting rooms’ floor height was raised by 2.5 metres. This created room for an additional depository for 80,000 books for acquisitions to be made in the coming years.91

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Fig. 15: Hallway, library repository, Main Building southern tower. The main library’s repositories now provide room for more than 2.5 million books on thirteen levels in the Main Building. Between 3000 and 4000 volumes are retrieved every day.

The prospects for a dedicated library building were no different in the era of the Second Republic than before. Initially, an initiative by library director Gans called for the design of a new library building to house the main library collection. The ministry of education suggested the bombed-out building on Universitätsstrasse 7 that had previously housed the corps command. According to Gans, the site would have provided room not only for a depository, but would also have granted “space for administrative rooms, newspaper and journal reading rooms, in short for the many requirements of a large-scale library, (…) that do not necessarily have to be housed in the Main Building.” 92 Gans’ considerations

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adopted the mediaeval idea of a “quartier latin”, envisaging the university library as the centre of a group of buildings that were to be acquired in order to be used as departmental buildings. A public invitation for proposals for the construction of the university library was won by the architects Alfred Dreier and Otto Nobis in 1952. The library building was to have a capacity to hold three million volumes. Fortunes changed in 1955  : the new university building was awarded not to the library but to a range of departments at the Faculty of Philosophy, which suffered an equally serious shortage of space inside the Main Building. It was generally agreed that it would be easier to free up these rooms in the Main Building and turn them into depository spaces than to put the existing depository spaces to departmental use. The main library lost its final chance at gaining its own library building.93 When a number of university departments relocated into the Neues Institutsgebäude, the library was given rooms in the mezzanine of the southwest wing in the Main Building that had used to belong to the Department of Palaeontology. The journals were accommodated in the former rooms of the Department of English Studies in the northwest wing.94 The southern and northern tower of the Ferstel building have since been used to house a large part of the main library stocks. (Fig. 15) Additional room was gained when a false ceiling was fitted in the professors’ room, the director’s office and the directorial registry. These refurbishments resulted in the arrangement as we know it today and were completed in time for the anniversary in 1965. They included the entrance hall of the library with attached cloakroom and the conversion of the old journal reading room to house the circulation desk, as well as refurbishments of the “small reading room” and offices of the library administration, which at the time also included the director’s office.95 Any history of the university library must also consider the other university library sites outside of the Main Building. It must be said at the outset that all faculty, departmental and specialised libraries were mandated to the university library in the 1975

Fig. 16: View of the reading room Altes Buch in the Main Building. The reading room Altes Buch was inaugurated in 2013 and provides an appropriate setting to view the old and valuable stocks of the Viennese university library with publication dates before 1910.

University Organisation Act (Universitätsorganisationsgesetz [UOG]).96 The total number of books in their combined collections is much greater than that of the main library itself. The departmental libraries mostly began as small collections that gradually grew as they inherited books from professors or received donations, even of entire small libraries. They often relocated out of the Main Building into new rooms together with their departments and are now spread throughout Vienna.97 Among others, they include the law library, which freed up space in the main library when it moved into the Juridicum.98 In some cases, it was possible to merge several library sites belonging to one field into one discipline-specific library  : that was the case with the German studies library. In 1998, rooms in Teinfaltstraße 8 were eventually rented after the Lower Austrian county library

had moved out. This is the very building that library director Gans had already proposed in the interwar years after it had been vacated by the Bodenkreditanstalt. It now accommodates a total of 300,000 volumes. The branch office was inaugurated in 1999 and now also houses the journal reading room. In the same year, the course collection took up operations in its current location inside the Main Building underneath the Juristenstiege staircase. None of the long-term solutions that have been proposed in response to the shortage of space faced by the main library have been put into practice, including suggestions such as the construction of an underground depository underneath Reichsratstrasse or the arcaded courtyard, which was submitted in 1974 and even the subject of several aborted planning stages after 1986.99 Until today, it has been the practice to rededicate and adapt lecture halls and depart-

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Fig. 17: Large reading room in the Main Building. Even 130 years after the inauguration of the Main Building, the large reading room of the university library has retained its brilliance. It was considerably adapted with the inclusion of a 2.5 meter high intermediary level to create room for a repository for 80,000 volumes to alleviate the shortage of space after the Second World War.

mental rooms in order to provide more room for the university library and its collections. The opening of the reading room Altes Buch in 2013 serves as a recent example. (Fig. 16) Although the library area is steadily growing, its book collection is growing at a disproportionate rate. In 2002, many of the former departmental, specialised and faculty libraries were all turned into discipline-specific libraries. They now make up the DLE (Dienstleistungseinrichtung) Bibliotheks- und Archivwesen service together with the main library and the Archive of the University of Vienna. They are located in 42 different sites.100 In the course of the last thirty years, the library of the University of Vienna has met the challenges of the digital era. It switched from a card index to an online catalogue and implemented the library system ALEPH 500 in 1999. Electronic resources were gradually implemented  : e-journals, databases and

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e-books as well as the Digital Asset Management System Phaidra and eventually on-demand e-books and the university text server e-theses. These services have provided the library users with a wide range of opportunities, with the world wide web contributing to a growing independence of library access from its actual site. The university library is still awaiting several sustaining construction projects. The Bauleitplan Ost (the 2011 Österreichische Hochschulplan101 für die Sanierung und den Ausbau der Universitätsbauten  : plan for the refurbishment and extension of Austrian university buildings) entails plans for the erection of a library at the Campus site. Having been suggested in various forms at several points of the twentieth century, it is not the first time that this idea has come up. The Bauleitplan further includes the intention to build a “joint book and journal depository for all

universities in Vienna”.102 It remains to be seen if these plans will be put into practice. In conclusion, the University of Vienna library sites are in a constant state of flux, as they have always been in order to meet the challenges of looking after a collection that by now numbers over seven million books as well as many objects. (Fig. 17) The maintenance and use of many historic library sites of the University of Vienna has been accompanied by the erection of new buildings to house departments and their discipline-specific libraries.103 Indeed, these sites themselves now serve as a wide-ranging lieu de memoire 104 for the history of the University of V ­ ienna. Endnotes  1 Dolgner, Bibliotheksbauten, 58.  2 Frühsorge, Universitätsbibliotheken, 72. He dates the handover of the library collection to the Hofbibliothek as 1765, in fact it occurred in 1756. The Bibliotheca Windhagiana and the Gschwindiana (see below) were aristocratic libraries due to the status of their founders, but their defining characteristic is the stipulation in the founders’ wills that they be public libraries.   3 E.g., in Florence  : see Ch apron, Bibliothèques.   4 The exact wording of the will is reproduced in Hitzinger, Windhag, here  : 54. The first use of a gallery in the room allocation scheme of a library is ascribed to the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.   5 On Joachim Enzmilner, Graf von Windhag (1600 – 1678), see Oppek er, Windhag. The library catalogue printed in 1733 lists approximately 16,000 volumes. See Gua r ient, Windhagiana  ; As Windhag had supplied funds for extension of the library collection, its volumes doubled in number until the 1770s, as reported in an contemporary source, see Sattler, Briefe, 36. Stattler also provides an exact description of the space allocation in both libraries.  6 Hitzinger, Windhag, 47–48.  7 Wur zbach 60 (1859) 402–403.  8 Cata logus Bibliotheca e Geschw indi a na e.   9 UAW, CA 1.0.195, Reg. Nr. 12 and 13 ad 184. 10 The St Anna pilgrims’ house (Kärntner Straße 37 / Annagasse 3 / Johannesgasse 4 and 4a) was a Jesuit novices and probation home from 1622 onwards. See. Perger, Mittelalterliche Kirchen und Klöster, 252–257. 11 UAW, UB A.1, 1774 – 1, Copy of the imperial handwritten letter to Hofkammerpräsident Leopold Graf Kolowrat on March 28, 1774  ; These and the following copies from the

university library archive for the subsequent years were made by librarian Friedrich Leithe. For the original, see ÖStA, FHKA NHK Dom Bücher 39, Exjesuiten-Akten, 78 ex 1774, fol. 66. 12 Ga ll, Alte Universität, 77  ; Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 30. 13 After 1773, the terms “Akademisches Kolleg” and “refectory” did not apply to the sites’ function under the Jesuits, but they were continued to be used as site and room descriptors. 14 UAW, UB A.1, 1777–2, Intimation der allerhöchsten Entschließung an die Studienhofkommission, 10.5.1777, copy. 15 UAW, UB A.1, 1777–3, Ausweis deren zu denen vormaligen Jesuitenbibliotheken, des Profeßhauses, Collegii academici und Prob(ations)hauses bey St. Anna, dann Krems und NeustadtCollegien gehörigen Activkapitalien, 14.11.1777, copy. 16 UAW, CA 2.1.3340 and CA 1.0.195, Reg. Nr. 12 ad 184. 17 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 30. 18 UAW, CA 1.0.195 Reg. Nr. 6 ad 184. and UAW, UB A.1, 1777–2, copy dated May 10, 1777. 19 On the Hofbibliothek staff numbers under imperial prefect Adam Franz Kollár (in office 1772 – 1777) see Stumm voll, Hofbibliothek, 253, 259f. 20 UAW, UB A.1, 1776 – 1, copy of a letter by the imperial study commission to the Lower Austrian government dated March 27, 1776, fol. 1r. 21 Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 12. 22 Abbot of Braunau in Bohemia, not to be confused with the Austrian writer Johann Rautenstrauch (1746 – 1801). 23 Instruction prescribed for all university and lyceum libraries dated April 30, 1778 reproduced in  : Gr assauer, Handbuch, 171 – 175. 24 Instruktion vorgeschrieben für alle Universitäts- und Lycealbibliotheken mit Hofdecrete vom 30.04.1778, Z. 628 see Gr assauer, Handbuch, 171. 25 Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 12. 26 Tow nson, Travels, 3. 27 The imperial decree of September 23, 1782 states that “in order to reduce transport costs, university and lyceum libraries shall receive the books from dissolved monasteries in the same region as the university or lyceum are located”, duplicates were to be auctioned off and the monies thus attained used for new acquisitions. “However, it goes without saying that (…) those books and manuscripts that the imperial Hofbibliothek choses for its own purpose” will be given to that library.” See Gr assauer, Handbuch, 176 – 177. 28 UAW, CA 1.0.276. 29 Leithe, Universitätsbibliothek, 13. 30 Leithe, Universitätsbibliothek, 17. 31 ÖNB, BAG, Archiv der Fideikommissbibliothek, FKBA030 45, FKBA08018, FKBA13049, FKBA18058. The first act

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named above refers to the purchase of several copies of “Description du Canal de jonction de la Meuse au Rhin” by engineer Amable Hageau, of which the university library received a copy from the private library of Emperor Francis I. http:// aleph.onb.ac.at/F/64AE48F8DEHT5KAMGXCD1HH BARYSPB27L6GKDBRSBYA71LMBGF-01419?func=full-­ set-set&set_number=048567&set_entry=000001&format= 999 (November 5, 2014) On the private library of Francis I, see Huber-Fr ischeis / K nieling / Va lenta, Privatbibliothek. 32 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 45. 33 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 49. 34 Hueber, Zur Entwicklung der Baugestalt. On Pranter, see Hof- und Sta atsschem atismus 1825, 389. Ridler also uses the version “Prantner” in his status reports. 35 The first German translation was produced in 1984  : Sa nta, Universal-Bibliothek. 36 Mehlig, Bibliotheksbau, 9. 37 Leopoldo della Santa, Della costruzione e del regolamento di una pubblica universale biblioteca (Firenze 1816)  ; Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 55. However, it is doubtful that the capacity of the room was in fact exploited by erecting free standing shelves inside the room. 38 Frédéric Barbier stresses that depositories were initially not planned at all. See Bar bier, Bibliothèques, 246. 39 Dolgner, Bibliotheksbauten, 60–61  ; Cr ass, Bibliotheksbauten, 39  ; Eisen, Typologie, 280. 40 Pongratz uses the name Klar, that is a misreading. On Klee see Czeik e 3, 525. 41 UAW, UB.ZB1, Zustandsbericht 1826 / 27  ; Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 54. 42 UAW, CA 1.3.475. 43 ÖNB, HAD, Hausarchiv 28 / 1827 and 34 / 1827. 44 UAW, CA 1.3.489, Pongratz speaks of a “keystone”, this is a misreading. See Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 56. The misreading is already to be found with Leithe. 45 The foundation walls of the side wings were probably retained during the refurbishment. Thomas Kühtreiber was able to locate late mediaeval natural stone masonry when he investigated the building materials of the side wing along Postgasse. See Kühtr eiber, Universitätsgeschichte aus Schutt und Scherben, 185. 46 UAW, UB ZB.1, Zustandsbericht 1827 / 28. 47 Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 23. 48 A k a demischer Senat, Geschichte, 371  ; Alker, Universitätsbibliothek in der Postgasse, 97 – 101. 49 Pongr atz, Universitätsgeschichte, 56. Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 20. 50 UAW, B2914 Leo Schreiner, Geschichte des Hauses der alten Universität (Typoskript s. a.) 51 Dehio, Wien 1. Bezirk, 285. This description of the refur-

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bishment of the university library as a mere casing of the building does not go far enough. The documents clearly show that the walls were largely removed as far as the fundament and re-erected. 52 Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 23. 53 Wur zbach 14 (1865) 289. His diaries of 1838 – 1845, which Pongratz still assumed to have been lost, has survived as a copy in a part of the estate of Franz Lechner  : UAW, 131.128. 54 A lk er, Aufstellung und Signaturen. 55 As the lawyer and statistician Karl Heinrich Hugelmann put it  : ÖBL 3 (1965) 8. 56 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 69. 57 Hugelm a nn Universitätsbibliothek, 157 – 158. 58 On university library use in 1848 – 1897 see Akademischer Senat, Geschichte, 406–409. 59 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 91. 60 UAW, Senats-Sonderreihe S 60  /  1 (GZ 1828 aus 1854) Bauangelegenheiten, Sch. 34, ministerial decree dated November 11, 1854. On the establishment of the Austrian Institute for Historical Research see Lhotsk y, Geschichte. 61 UAW, Senats-Sonderreihe S 60 / 1 (GZ 689 from 1854), Bauangelegenheiten, Sch. 34., handwritten manuscript by Albert Jäger dated November 14, 1854  ; Jäger, Institut, 15. I am grateful to Kurt Mühlberger for pointing me to this reference. 62 UAW, Varia 141.25 63 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 57 and 76. 64 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 27–31. 65 Leithe, Universitäts-Bibliothek, 10. 66 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 86–98. 67 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 103 – 104. 68 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 109 – 110. 69 Rüdiger, Monumentale Universität, 112. 70 Dosoudil, Raumnot, 6. 71 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 104 – 111 72 Cited in  : Jaksch / Fischer / K roller, Bibliotheksbau, Vol. 1, 130. 73 Nägelk e, Hochschulbau, 167. 74 Liebers, Otto Wagner, 129 – 133. 75 http://www.faulknerbrowns.co.uk/#173 (November 5, 2014) 76 R appert, Bibliothek, 100 – 104. 77 Neue Freie Presse (August 04, 1910) 2. 78 Tietze, Ohmanns Entwurf, 161 – 164  ; Theiss, Grossbibliothek, Fig. 29 (after p. 63). 79 ÖNB, HAD, Hausarchiv, Bibliotheksbau Zl. 5680 / 1924 –  1940. 80 Ley h, Zweiteilung, 287f. 81 UAW, UB S.15 Raumnot in der Universitätsbibliothek, Selekt aus den Kurrentakten, 1923–293 / 20–23, several designs by the director of the university library, August Crüwell to

the national library general director Joseph Bick in 1931, and the library commission of the academic senate, and rejection of a new or extension building for the university library at the ninth district site on the basis of the named reasons after report by library director Johann Gans to the ministry of education. See 1923–293 / 26–28. 82 Theiss, Grossbibliothek. 83 Theiss, Zentralbibliothek, 206. 84 Theiss, Grossbibliothek, 67 – 108. 85 Theiss, Zentralbibliothek, 209  ; Further sites that would have necessitated the demolition of residential houses were located on the rear of the town hall and the area around Schlickplatz. See ÖNB, H A D, H ausarchi v, Bibliotheksbau Zl. 5680 / 1924 – 1940, Schreiben der Architekten Theiss / Jaksch, undated. 86 Bick, Zentralbibliothek  ; Stumm voll, Nationalbibliothek, 175. 87 UAW, 131.117.4.3, inheritance Johann Gans, Johannes Gans to federal minister Felix Hurdes, Vienna, February 28, 1946, copy 88 Stumm voll, Nationalbibliothek 2, 106 – 108. 89 A lk er /  L öscher, NS-Zeit  ; Stumpf, Universitätsbibliothek  ; H a ll  /  Köstner, Nationalbibliothek  ; M a lina, Provenienzforschung. 90 Ga ns, Universitätsbibliothek, 360–362. 91 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 152. 92 UAW, 131.117.4.3, inheritance Johann Gans, Johannes Gans to Bundesminister Felix Hurdes, Vienna, Feburary 28, 1946, copy 93 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 153 – 158. The plans are reproduced in  : Jaksch /  F ischer / K roller, Bibliotheksbau, Vol. 2, 71–73. 94 Dettelm a ier, Universitätsbibliothek, 184. 95 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 151 – 163  ; Dettelm a ier, Universitätsbibliothek, 186  ; A new cloakroom was built in during a later construction stage and was completed in 1983. See Jaksch / Fischer / K roller, Bibliotheksbau, Vol. 2, 68. 96 The process of assignment of libraries to the DLE Bibliothekund Archivwesen service has been fluid  : for example, the Centre of Sports Science and University Sports library was included as a discipline-specific library in 2013. See Jahresbericht DLE Bibliotheks- und Archivwesen 2013, 3. http:// bibliothek.univie.ac.at/files/UBW_Jahresbericht_2013.pdf 97 Comprehensively on library construction before 1985  : Jaksch /  F­i scher  /   K roller, Bibliotheksbau, Bd. 2  ; Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 164. 98 Jaksch /  F ischer / K roller, Bibliotheksbau, Vol. 2, 68, 74–84. 99 Dosoudil, Raumnot, 9 – 10.

100 On up to date library statistics, see http://www.bibliotheksstatistik.at/ (November 5, 2014) 101 Hochschulpl a n, 62. 102 Hochschulpl a n, 60. 103 E.g., the Business, Economics and Mathematics library was inaugurated at the new site Oskar-Morgenstern-Platz in 2013, see Jahresbericht DLE Bibliotheks- und Archivwesen 2013, 3. 104 Nor a, Pierre (1984 – 1992)  : Les Lieux de Memoire, 3 vol., Paris 1984 – 1992.

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Julia Rüdiger

The Secularised Upwards Gaze? The New University Observatory on Türkenschanze

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t the end of the nineteenth century, a new observatory – it was inaugurated in 1883 – rose distinctly above its surroundings at the southern-most elevation on the Türkenschanze (Fig. 1).1 The surroundings were largely undeveloped with the exception of the nearby Cottage-Viertel district, development of which had begun in 1873. The monumental observatory with a length of 105 metres and width of 72 metres clearly towered above the few surrounding buildings, which included the Weinhaus church, construction on which had begun only in 1883.2 The cruciform floor plan has a sacral appearance  ; two levels rise above (Fig. 2). The heightened projection and the three conch-like domed towers give the building a lively and varied appearance (Fig. 3). The decorative design of the south-facing “nave” clearly differs from that of the north-facing part of the building. The domes do particularly emphasise the northern tract, but architect Ferdinand Fellner chose to use no elaborate ornamentation on this part. The façade is composed merely by the vertical bricked lisenes and by accents set with differently coloured bricks that form horizontal lines. The simple Roman and Diocletian windows have terracotta jambs. In contrast, the architect marked the façade of the southern wing with additional decoration. He maintains the structure of the lisenes and horizontal band in the brickwork, as well as the pediments on the elevated ground floor windows. In the piano nobile, however, he adds to the appearance with stone window jambs and a frieze underneath the cornice corona (Fig. 4). These details are informed by Heinrich von Ferstel’s design for the façade of the Department of Chemistry on Währingerstrasse, which

was under construction at the time (See Fig.  3, p. 160). The formal differences between the observatory façades reflect the different functions of the building parts. The upper storey of the southern wing was initially almost wholly dedicated to the observatory director’s certainly generous living quarters, while the parts of the building that had simpler ornamentation were considered functional buildings. Even though the actual observatories constituted the uppermost purpose of the building, their ornamentation subordinated them to the director’s living quarters. The same applies, of course, to the elevated ground floor of the southern wing, which housed the apartments of the adjuncts and the assistants as well as the utility rooms. The impression that this is a particularly large observatory holds not only in contrast to the growing Viennese suburb of Währing, but also in international comparison  : it is the largest observatory in Europe to this day.3 The observatory was also excellently equipped. The large refracting telescope in the main dome, which had been produced especially for the Vienna observatory by the Irish expert manufacturers Grubb, was the largest of its kind in the world for some time (Fig. 5).4 Although the new building had some impressive advantages, such as the location with a clear view as well as the stable construction itself, there were also disadvantages to the massive building, which soon emerged. The Viennese building is one of the last to use a cruciform floor plan  ; it then became the norm to separate the domed parts of the observatories from the other (working and living) spaces in order to keep

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Fig. 1: Carl Ritter v. Borkowski / A. Hlavacek, Cottage area on the Türkenschanze Vienna, 1888. The new university observatory rises from the landscape, as yet far outside of the Währing Cottage district, which was only just being developed. The largely empty surroundings on the Türkeschanze had many advantages over an inner-city site: low levels of dust, almost no light interference and few traffic-induced repercussions.

the telescope as far as possible apart from the heat emanating from the rooftops. A closer look at the architectural situation of the previous observatory on the roof of the Neue Aula in the centre of the city shines a light on the functional requirements made of a modern observatory in the second half of the nineteenth century. The first university observatory was built on top of the almost completed Aula building in 1775, after Maria Theresa had gifted the astronomical instruments belonging to the recently deceased imperial mathematician Johann Jakob Marinoni to the university.5 (Fig. 5, p. 63) Although this observatory was so well equipped that its renown as a particularly qualitative institution continued as late as the early

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nineteenth century,6 it was still fast becoming apparent that it did not suffice for the growing requirements of astronomy research. In 1828, observatory director Johann Joseph Littrow wrote that the extension in its original form “never could be used for any scientific purpose due to its extremely weak construction”.7 Thus the director achieved as early as 1825 that the observatory be reconstructed, so that the extension, which was reduced in height, would be statically able to hold the weight of the sensitive and heavy meridian instruments as well as telescopes and also to at least protect them from the vibrations caused by his own steps.8 Although Littrow conceded that “much good and useful work can be done under these conditions”, he

Fig. 2: Ferdinand Fellner / Hermann Helmer, university observatory, floor plans, 1881. The university observatory floor plan with its “nave”, the three “apses” and the large “crossing” recalls church floor plans. This association is further supported by three domes above the “apses” and one mighty dome above the crossing. This astronomy site claims the right to be given equal respect as locations dedicated to a sacral upwards gaze.

Fig. 3: Aerial image of the university observatory, taken from steeple of Weinhauser Kirche church, c. 1888. The observatory rises far above the young trees of the observatory area and the as yet largely undeveloped Türkenschanze. In the present day, most trees have grown to be taller than the building.

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Fig. 4: Ferdinand Fellner / Hermann Helmer, university observatory façade detail, c. 1873. The coloured pen drawing of the southeastern façade brings out the interplay of colours and materials. While the bricks in two shades and the terracotta elements provide the basic colour scheme, light stone ornamentations set clear accents.

still complained that the site itself, surrounded as it was by lively streets within a dusty and sooty city, was not suited for an observatory  : he suggested that a new observatory be built outside of the city.9 Such a building was in particular to have separate fundaments for the heavy instruments, in order to protect these from vibrations. This suggestion was not, however, pressed ahead with in his lifetime, and even his son and successor, Karl Ludwig Littrow, was not immediately successful. While the military occupation of the Neue Aula in the revolutionary year of 1848 constituted a great loss

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for the university as a whole, it gave the astronomers hope that it would speed up a relocation of the observatory away from the city centre. However, the observatory was the only university institution that was able to stay in the Neue Aula during the occupation and thus had to continue to wait for an accommodation that would be suited to academic observation, as lamented by its director Karl Ludwig Littrow.10 Littrow had already issued a paper in 1846, in which he gave a detailed description of the insufficient conditions at the observatory and applied for the resumption of plans for a new building.11 Littrow developed a scheme for the building, including a suggestion for a site, together with Bauingenieur Hieronimus Schaller. This scheme was approved by royal decree in October 1854, but (like the other building plans for the University of Vienna) it failed to be executed.12 It was only in 1867, approximately at the same time as it was endeavoured to tackle the longawaited construction of the main building, that the observatory was discussed again. Littrow submitted an updated plan to the minister of education, Karl von Stremayr, in spring 1873. This plan had been made together with the architect Ferdinand Fellner on the basis of the earlier designs by the civil engineer Schaller.13 While Schaller’s initial design from 1849 had endeavoured to keep the observatory and director’s living quarters apart (Fig. 6), his second stage of planning already united the apartment building and the observatory in a cruciform floor plan (Fig. 7). After Schaller’s death, the young architect Ferdinand Fellner was recommended to the observatory director. His main contribution to the floor plan was an adaptation of the living quarters. He moved the main entrance, which Schaller had placed on the western side, to the south. The entrance was thus aligned

Next page: Fig. 5: Historical photograph of the large refractor, 1883. The large 27 inch refractor is located in the observatory’s central main dome. It was ordered from the Irish specialists Grubb in Dublin and erected in 1883. At that time, it was the largest lens telescope in the world.

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Fig. 6: Hieronimus Schaller, first observatory project, 1849. Hieronimus Schaller’s first design already contains several characteristics of the future building: a central dome above an octagonal ground plan, surrounded by three smaller domes. The compact director’s residential house, however, is separate and only connected to the main building via a small walkway.

with the large domed hall, which could be reached via the grand staircase. The glass roof above the central staircase also allowed for suspenseful illumination  : the staircase led visitors from the dark elevated ground floor directly to the entrance to the observatory in the light, symbolising the illumination through enlightenment gained by the scientific study of nature (Fig. 8). This reference to a secularised upwards gaze with the promise of illumination was heightened further by the evident reference to sacral architecture, reflected in the cruciform floor plan, the high dome on the “crossing” and the apses.

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However, the close proximity of living quarters and observatory was certainly not entirely positive. The decisive advantage of a free standing observatory was the very fact that no chimney in the observatory’s proximity could disturb the view of the sky with smoke or that any reflecting heat from nearby rooftops would cause whirls in the air that could obstruct the view.14 The one observatory that Littrow had named as a model (in Pulkowo) had for this very reason been planned to be as simple as possible.15 The other observatory that was then named as a model for the construction was the observatory that Karl Friedrich Schinkel had planned in Berlin, which was

Fig. 7: Hieronimus Schaller, second observatory project, 1850. Schaller’s second design combines observatory and residential building, so that they form one unit. Access via the southwestern side façade would have continued over a staircase to the long axis, from where the observatory would have been reached on the left and the residential wing on the right.

erected upon the instigation of astronomer Johann Franz Encke and his friend, the scientist Alexander von Humboldt (Fig. 9). It was hard to beat the prominence of this model building, having been initiated by the world-famous natural scientist Humboldt and planned by a renowned astronomer together with the leading Prussian architect. Director Littrow himself had noted in 1875 that “one had to avoid all colossal aspects and erect the new departmental building in such a way that it fully meets the requirements of our day in accordance with the available means”.16 However, he was not guided exclusively by pragmatic and technical con-

siderations and instead decided on the more prominent model, the Schinkel observatory in Berlin. He justified his choice with two reasons  : Firstly, he stressed the practical advantages of a covered access to the observatory. This, however, would have been provided for in Schaller’s first design without quite so much volume. Secondly, he answered the criticism that the situation of the living quarters in the south could disturb the view along the meridian by saying that “this makes no difference under the circumstances, as the living quarters (…) are situated much lower that the observatory is”.17 However, a cross section of the observatory as it was executed shows that

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Fig. 9: Karl Friedrich Schinkel, new observatory in Berlin, 1830. The new observatory in Berlin initiated by Alexander von Humboldt and designed by Karl Friedrich Schinkel provided an ideal model for the ambitious architecture of the projected imperial university observatory in Vienna.

Fig. 8: Ferdinand Fellner / Hermann Helmer, The imperial university observatory, stairwell, 1881. The grand staircase in Fellner’s and Helmer’s project is aligned with the axis and leads from the vestibule directly to the upper storey access to the observatory. The skylight in the stairwell provides suspenseful lighting that leads the visitor from the dark vestibule towards the observatory into the light.

the central dome is not situated much higher than the roof of the southern wing, and that the reflected heat does indeed cause drafts (Fig. 10). His second argument thus has to be classed rather as an excuse. The director was very much intent on achieving this special, very much colossal, building for his observatory. The effect as well as the functionality of the building is described by the Strassbourg astronomer Hermann Kobold in his 1940 letter to future director Bruno Thüring  : “At the Vienna observatory (a palace with attached observatory) it is hardly possible under the current conditions to do fruitful practical work.”18

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The iconological references of the Vienna observatory do, however, go far beyond the sheer desire for monumentality and emulation of the Berlin observatory. The floor plan of the octagonal tambour with square frame clearly references the Florence Cathedral. The colour contrast included in the brick façade and the construction of an entrance tower that is reminiscent of the “campaniles” also imply references to Tuscan early Renaissance architecture. The dome, which was executed by Filippo Brunelleschi, was deemed the “greatest mechanical masterpiece” in the second half of the nineteenth century, going beyond everything that had gone before.19 This feat of arithmetic and construction allowed Brunelleschi into the ranks of an architectural tradition that was greatly admired by the humanists  : the achievements of Antiquity had, amongst others, included the construction of the Pantheon dome in Rome. This allowed Fellner, in turn, to place himself into that very humanist tradition that was to represent the ideal of a new image of university and science driven by reason. Heinrich von Ferstel, the architect of the university’s Main Building and of the Department of Chemis-

Fig. 10: Ferdinand Fellner / Hermann Helmer, imperial university observatory, longitudinal section, 1881. A separate fundament was laid underneath each dome in order to protect the instruments from vibrations. The fundament for the large refractor with a weight of 18 tons is particularly hefty. The fundaments are clearly visible in this longitudinal section.

try building, explicitly referred to the intellectually exemplary humanists and for that very same reason lauded their Renaissance architecture as models.20 It is thus hardly surprising that the young architect Fellner appropriated not only Ferstel’s Renaissance interpretation on the Department of Chemistry building but also the mightiest modern domed structure in Europe for his construction. The Vienna University observatory thus references the centuries of the church’s cosmological interest, in particular Florence as Galileo Galilei’s place of work, as well as its typological pre-eminence in the construction of domed structures. At the same time, however, the Viennese monumental building thwarts this very joint tradition and propagates a secularised image of the upwards gaze quite in the tradition of the positivist trends of the nineteenth century.

Endnotes  1 Vyor a l-Tsch a pk a, Universitätssternwarte, gives a detail­ed history and style analysis of the observatory, here 103.  2 Scheidl, Kirchenbau, S. 68.  3 Müller, Sternwarten, 112.   4 Anonymous, “Der große Refractor der Wiener Sternwarte”. In  : Illustrierte Zeitung, Nr. 2279, 5. März 1887, S.242  ; Steinm ayr, Universitätssternwarte, 242.  5 Steinm ayr, Universitätssternwarte, 176.   6 See K a r ner, Baugeschichte, 23.  7 Littrow, Sternwarte, 5.  8 Littrow, Sternwarte, 7–8.  9 Littrow, Sternwarte, 11 – 12. 10 Littrow, Neue Sternwarte, hier 517. 11 Vyor a l-Tsch apk a, Universitätssternwarte, 94  ; Litt­r ow, Neue Sternwarte, 516–517. 12 Vyor a l-Tsch a pk a, Universitätssternwarte, 94. 13 Vyor a l-Tsch a pk a, Universitätssternwarte, 102. 14 Also see August Köstlin, Die neue Sternwarte der Wiener

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Universität. In  : Allgemeine Bauzeitung, 46 (1881) 12 – 14, here 13. 15 Müller, Sternwarten, 94. 16 Cited in Vyor a l-Tsch a pk a, Universitätssternwarte, 94. 17 Littrow, Neue Sternwarte, 525. 18 Archiv der Universitätssternwarte. I am grateful to DDr. Thomas Posch at the Department of Astronomy at the University of Vienna. 19 Burck h a r dt, Cicerone, 174. 20 Ferstel, Rede, 49–50.

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Richard Kurdiovsky

Beyond the Ringstraße Viennese University Buildings until the End of the Habsburg Monarchy

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he University of Vienna’s main building was inaugurated in 1884. This monumental building on the Ringstraße was designed by Heinrich Ferstel and appears to have fully met the Alma Mater Rudolphina’s needs for architectural representation.1 Its enormous size and impressive monumental appearance on a high basement with a richly accentuated façade and domed avant-corps, the wide arcaded courtyard and the two massive grand staircases on the inside meant that this main building provided everything that encompassed monumentality, grand effect and representation in the nineteenth century. Moreover, it was placed on a site that matched the highest demands  : the Vienna Ringstraße, the grand boulevard of late nineteenth century Vienna, where the state as well as the imperial dynasty and its court, the city itself and private representatives of the grand bourgeoisie had found an excellent stage to present themselves. No other buildings was erected for the University of Vienna until 19182 on a site of even nearly such prominence or dominance in their urban context. These new structures had a formal appearance that was mostly inconspicuous and demure, conforming to conventional, general and easily accepted notions. This concerned the choice of style as much as the lack of defining architectural elements such as towers or domes and, not least, the choice of inexpensive building materials. Where stylistically more innovative trends were picked up on, this was done in great moderation and without questioning traditional roots. “Experiments” of at least rudimentarily executed radical ideas of form were safely tucked away into courtyards or onto wings facing the back and not visible from the street  : they were literally

hidden from the eyes of the public in order to avoid public critique. Accordingly, it was not necessary to employ artistically exposed architects like Otto Wagner for these new buildings  : it is well known that his 1910 and 1914 designs for a new library building, which had been imparted by the university library’s custodian Rudolf Wolkan, were not realised.3 Functionality, modern construction technology and newest technical equipment for the given departments, their furnishing and infrastructure were key. Beyond these practical issues, artistically innovative presentation appears to have been a secondary concern. This article will address but some of the total number of university constructions that were erected before the end of the monarchy  : the university buildings along Währingerstraße and in the vicinity of the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus as well as the Botanical Garden at Rennweg. A publication on the Neubauten für Zwecke des naturwissenschaftlichen, medizinischen, technischen und landwirtschaftlichen Unterrichts an den Hochschulen in Wien 1894 – 1913 (New buildings for purposes of teaching natural sciences, medicine, technology and agriculture at the institutions of higher learning of Vienna 1894 – 1913) was commissioned by the imperial Ministry of Culture and Education in 1913 and printed by the imperial and state printing company in Vienna4  ; this volume included buildings that are not considered in this publication because their institutions (e. g., the Vienna University of Technology and the Vienna University for Natural Resources and Life Sciences) are not a part of the University of Vienna. This text can thus provide only an incomplete treatment of university buildings as an architectural task in the imperial capital and resi-

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Fig. 1: Ludwig Zettl (?), Department of Pathology and Anatomy, Spitalgasse, after 1859. This departmental building, albeit monumental and large, is a typical example for the very demure, graphic-effect oriented architecture in mid-nineteenth century Vienna. (Woodcut, 1860s), University of Vienna archive.

dence city of Vienna before 1918. The buildings that are discussed below and their stylistic presentation nevertheless demonstrate the attitude taken by representatives of the University of Vienna, the relevant ministries and state administrations, their notions of architecture and the resultant potential to leave a defining mark in or indeed subordinate oneself to the urban space.

Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus extensions  : the Departments of Pathology and Anatomy

Following extensions made during the era of Emperor Francis II / I, which had seamlessly continued

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the courtyard concept of the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus (see p. 99–105), the construction of the Department of Pathology and Anatomy (Fig. 1)5 constituted the first architecturally distinctive extension to the hospital complex. The building, which was presumably designed by Ludwig Zettl6, was built on the site of the former gardens of the large poorhouse (courtyards three and five of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus  ; Fig. 2). When the building was erected on the hospital grounds in 1859,7 the Ringstraße plans were nearing their completion. Construction work had not yet begun on the monumental buildings on the ring  : in particular not on the imperial opera house designed by August Sicard von Sicardsburg and Eduard van der Nüll and neither on this

Fig. 2: Area of the former general hospital between Alserstrasse (left), where it abuts the Alserkaserne towards the city, Garnisongasse with Schwarzspanierkirche church (bottom) and Sensengasse (bottom right). The Alserbach (top right quarter of the image) runs where Lazarettgasse and Spitalgasse are in present-day Vienna. Behind the large poorhouse, there is a Baroque garden with tree-lined lanes and a cemetery. The municipal care home Zum blauen Heiland rises on the other side of the Alserbach, at the bottom of the Brünnlfeld area. Excerpt from the bird’s-eye view of Vienna by Joseph Daniel Huber, copper engraving, c. 1770.

new district’s privately financed residences. New notions of architectural façade design that were to widely establish themselves on this large construction site and to result in such styles as the neo-renaissance “Wiener Stil” (inf luenced by Theophil Hansen) were yet to be prominently employed. It is thus hardly surprising that the new building for the Department of Pathology and Anatomy presented common 1850s design  : linear forms, planar division and devoid of any strong plastic articulation. The flat, rusticated façade surfaces are structured by way of slim cornices, above which arched windows at regular distances have narrow entablature profiles that emphasize their rounded shape. The few plastic decorations are largely planar and structured in small

sections. Figural sculpture is only applied in the central avant-corps attic zone. There is no column structure to ennoble the architecture  : a court d’honneur is merely indicated by the soft accentuation of the central avant-corps and the shallow wing pavilions in a demure reference to Baroque palace design. The very site, situated at the rear of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus, did not allow for even an approximation of palatial development within the surrounding urban space. No square or street lead up to the building in order to grant any prominence to the Department of Pathology and Anatomy. The department was literally located on the edges of the city. No monumental building was positioned in its vicinity  : indeed, it was surrounded by social institutions such as the small

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poorhouse Zum blauen Herrgott, which served the “lowest” orders of the poor, who were not even citizens of the City of Vienna. The City of Vienna did at least respond to the new medical departmental building with a reconstruction of its facility  : works on the poorhouse began in 1865 and it was integrated into the site of the new Allgemeines Krankenhaus clinics at the beginning of the 20th century, following its takeover by the Krankenanstaltenfonds (Hospital Fund).8 It is remarkable that this municipal building, while also presenting a fairly shallow façade structure, bears clearly visible sculptural decoration. Presumably as a reaction to the state-owned university building opposite, it shows a Vindobona figure in the attic zone as well as four female representations of the virtues on the central avant-corps, which were created by no less a sculptor than Franz Melnitzky. It does not matter here that a disposition for whole-figure sculpture on architecture had already previously been formed on a state building, namely the k. k. Finanzlandesdirektion designed by Paul Sprenger.

The Währingerstraße Departments of Medicine, first phase of construction  : the Anatomy Department

There followed a Vienna University building site that was situated in an utterly different urban situation. Located on an important radial road and situated on the border between the Alservorstadt suburb and the glacis, it was well connected to the city centre. In the very year of the inauguration of the Ferstel building on the Ringstrasse, the architects George Niemann and Hans Wilhelm Auer (Theophil Hansen’s students and colleagues) submitted a plan for the new Departments of Anatomy, Physics and Physiology9 building. This submission was probably part of a limited competition for an overall project.10 The location was to be the former site of the Gewehrfabrik (arms manufacture) on Währingerstrasse (Fig. 3). The site had originally been divided into several parcels of land, including that of the imperial and royal jeweller Johann Caspar Brenner’s high Ba-

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Fig. 3: Gewehrfabrik site on Währingerstrasse. The empty expanse of the glacis on the left (the line of buildings correlates with present-day Schwarzspanierstrasse), the block-like, high Brenner suburban residence with gardens is visible on Währingerstrasse leading up to the Schwarzspanierhaus firewall. The drop towards Donaukanal is visible on the bottom edge of the picture. Excerpt from the bird’s-eye view of Vienna by Joseph Daniel Huber, copper engraving, c. 1770.

roque garden palace  ; it was purchased by the state in 1785 and reconstructed into an arms manufacture. Typically, the existing buildings were hardly altered and extended.11 The building in the courtyard had been erected in the Vormärz era as a counterpart to the Baroque garden palace on the arms manufacture’s fire wall abutting the Schwarzspanierhaus.12 When the arms manufacture was moved to the arsenal near the Oberes Belvedere in 1852, this central site became available for use by various state offices, lecture halls for the Faculty of Medicine and from 1868 onwards also the newly established Kunstgewerbeschule (School of Decorative Arts). When the latter was able to move into its new building on Stubenring (designed by Heinrich Ferstel and completed in 1877), the space became available to the university  ; within a short distance of both the main building and the medical departments in the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus, the site was, to boot, already owned by the state. However, the interior ministry had obviously had other plans for the university be-

Fig. 4: Moriz Ritter von Löhr, design for an extension building for the University of Vienna on the site of the former Gewehrfabrik, before 1884, version 1 ground floor plan.

Fig. 5: Moriz Ritter von Löhr, design for an extension building for the University of Vienna on the site of the former Gewehrfabrik, before 1884, version 1 first floor plan.

fore the new Anatomy Department found its home on Währingerstraße. Moriz (as of 1865) Ritter von Löhr was the director of the Ministry of Trade construction department from 1857 (a Ministry of the Interior department from 1859)  : he designed undated ground plans for a University of Vienna extension on the former arms manufacture grounds (Fig. 4–7), which might have been for his own purposes13

or as a basis for the competition mentioned above. This extension was to house departments at the faculties of law, medicine and philosophy as well as the Physics Department.14 The perimeter block with one double-loaded all-round corridor was to have a main façade towards Währingerstraße, where a large vestibule would have opened onto a glass-roofed interior courtyard at the centre. Gottfried Semper’s Zurich

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Fig. 6: Moriz Ritter von Löhr, design for an extension building for the University of Vienna on the site of the former Gewehrfabrik, before 1884, version 2 ground floor plan.

Fig. 7: Moriz Ritter von Löhr, design for an extension building for the University of Vienna on the site of the former Gewehrfabrik, before 1884, version 2 first floor plan. Moritz Löhr’s designs may have been made in order to lay the groundwork for plans for a University of Vienna departmental building on the former Gewehrfabrik site.

Polytechnikum (1858 – 1864) was to raise this type of block design into prominence as a general model for university buildings.15 A gate in the side façade on Schwarzspanierstraße would have provided drivethrough access directly into the large courtyard space on the rear, where the Vormärz court building would have remained intact. Another set of plans makes

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slight alterations to the arrangement of rooms and improves the Währingerstraße façade with recessed balconies situated in the spaces between the avantcorps on all floors. Löhr had wanted to house an exceeding number of different scientific disciplines in the buildings he designed, while Niemann and Auer notably limited themselves to the three departments

Fig. 8: George Niemann & Hans Wilhelm Auer, competition project for the construction of a departmental building for anatomy, physics and physiology on the former Gewehrfabrik site, 1884, Währingerstrasse façade elevation.

Fig. 9: George Niemann & Hans Wilhelm Auer, competitions project for the construction of a departmental building for anatomy, physics and physiology on the former Gewehrfabrik site, 1884, Schwarzspanierstrasse façade elevation.

that were expressly addressed in the competition call in 1884. This fact supports the assumption that Löhr designed his plans somewhat earlier and on his own initiative, possibly in order to secure for himself a potential commission. It is certainly noteworthy that there was a competition held before this university building was commissioned (albeit a limited one), so

that the public will have been able to follow the process. The design by Niemann and Auer (Fig. 8 and 9) is clearly informed by Hansen’s designs in style and motif (turret-like corner projections, heightening of the central avant-corps with greater presence of windows in the attic storey, serial window rows, inside

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Fig. 10: George Niemann & Hans Wilhelm Auer, competition project for the construction of a departmental building for anatomy, physics and physiology on the former Gewehrfabrik site, 1884, ground plan. (This project by George Niemann and Hans Wilhelm Auer was probably submitted for the competition for the erection of new departmental buildings on Währingstrasse. Its style is closely reminiscent of that of their teacher and mentor Theophil Hansen.)

courtyards with arcade arrangement). Like Löhr’s design, it intended for the longer Währingerstraße façade to have the more elaborately decorated main front in contrast to the shorter façade on Schwarz­ spanierstraße. However, the Niemann and Auer ground plan (Fig. 10) arranged the building as two parallel blocks that develop away from the Währingerstraße façade and leave space for a courtyard between them, so that the accentuated central avant-corps on the main façade would have fronted an empty space. A wide gate in the central avant-corps would have provided direct vehicle access into this yard, while the smaller gate from Schwarzspanierstraße would have allowed pedestrians to access a large vestibule with a grand staircase.

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The departments were to be fully functionally separated with no inside connection between the two wings  : a solution that it is generally known was suggested by Ferstel for the university’s main building (see p. 165–170). This made it necessary to include separate staircases and access areas for each departmental space, resulting in a labyrinthine (or at least obfuscating) solution for the interior spaces that was probably the reason for the competition jury’s rejection of the design. The architects included a notable construction phase plan in their project. The new building was to be erected in four stages, initially maintaining the Vormärz court building. The central interior courtyard and the complete separation of the two main

Fig. 11: Dominik Avanzo & Paul Rudolph Lange, Department of Anatomy building on the former Gewehrfabrik site, after 1885, Währingerstrasse façade elevation. The building for the Department of Anatomy by Dominik Avanzo and Paul Rudolph Lange displays classical Neo-Renaissance architecture with moderate composition and decoration: it is not a “grand building”.

blocks were to make it possible to use one departmental building while the other was still being constructed.16 This staged construction plan intended that the central part of the desperately needed Anatomy Department be constructed first, followed by stages of two wings each for the physiology, histology and hygiene classrooms. The plan that was to win the competition also included a staged construction plan. It was the design by the architects Dominik Avanzo and Paul Rudolph Lange17, who were already renowned in Vienna for their block building housing the Staatsgewerbeschule on Schwarzenbergstraße. Construction began in the summer of 1885.18 The reports in expert journals and the daily press suggest that the design by Avanzo and Lange (Fig. 11) was not chosen for its aesthetic and artistic qualities as a representative building but for its technical aspects and functionality as a space for research and teaching.19 The very opening lines of the

article in the Illustrirtes Wiener Extrablatt noted that the new Anatomy Department was “no monumental building in the conventional sense“20. In his speech on the inauguration of the new building, the head of the Anatomy Department, Carl Langer von Edenberg did not in fact address architecture but merely the institution itself and its scientific infrastructure when speaking of “this new, splendidly equipped house of science“21. The building was not, however, entirely unrepresentative  : For example, the chosen materials included Untersberg marble for the street façade basement zone, Karstic stone from the Brionian island of Sveti Jerolim (San Girolamo) for the staircase column shafts and even Laas marble for their capitals.22 The upper storeys, however, are executed in exposed brick on the street side, while the courtyard façades are even executed exclusively in brick work “due to the limited means available“23. In contrast, the building’s extraordinary façade length

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Fig. 12: Dominik Avanzo & Paul Rudolph Lange, Department of Anatomy building on the former Gewehrfabrik site, after 1885, cross section. Vestibule, stairwell and lecture hall are aligned along the axis and thus submit to traditional notions of representative architecture like in modern palace architecture. At the same time, however, the architects were able to combine this representative building type with complex requirements of space allocation (providing access to two lecture halls arranged above each other with one staircase): their solution was convincing and functional.

of 21 window segments with slightly protruding central avant-corps was apparent from the first stage of construction. When the second stage of construction was executed in 1903 (by now it was the Pharmacology Department),24 the façade length was extended by another seven axes and the roof silhouette was accented with a turret-like heightening that also protruded like an avant-corps. A counterpiece facing the inner city would have been expected, but was never executed. The architects chose a neo-Renaissance composition for the façade,25 using established patterns in order to meet the conventional expectations of a monumental building. A mighty, rusticating

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basement zone holds a two-storey upper zone in exposed brick ordered by Orth stone inlays  ; a triumphal arch is superimposed on the main portal. Beyond that, the architects abstained from forms that could have created a sense of representation  : They did not use column orders (the most noble form of building decoration) and reduced sculptural elements to a minimum  : the bust of a Minerva over the main gate and the Habsburg double eagle on the short attic zone balustrade. Thus the new Anatomy Department had similarities with conventional bureaucratic buildings such as Emanuel Ritter Trojan von Bylanow’s recently completed Ministry for Agriculture in Liebiggasse (today’s Faculty of Psychology). That building was also “designed in simple, yet dignified style”,26 but employed much more prominent sculptural decoration, even more diversified rustication and window pediments  ; it did not have such a serial appearance as the university building on Währingerstraße. There were average apartment houses in the Ringstraße area that possessed more elaborate façades and even the headquarters erected by the Society of Engineers and Architects together with the Lower Austrian Trade Society in Eschenbachgasse was grander and made prominent use of column segmentation and figural architectural sculpture. The interior room arrangement adhered to established patterns  : following the Königsberg university building by Friedrich August Stüler (1858 – 1862)27, a large vestibule opened to a traversing access corridor followed by the staircase. The two-arm staircase with several flights and landings on the one hand indicated its highly representative origins (Baroque palace architecture)28 and on the other awarded at least some representative value (Fig. 12). In particular, however, the numerous landings allowed efficient access to the different levels of both lecture halls with their rows of seats rising as in an amphitheatre. Located above each other, both lecture halls covered altogether four levels  : the staircase design meant that no further staircases would be necessary. The existing demands on the room arrangement resulted in this decision to house the two lecture halls one above an-

other  : Carl Langer von Edenberg and Carl Toldt had equal standing as professors and thus were to have identical room arrangements, which were to be independent of each other.29 In order to achieve this, Avanzo and Lange used a system of mirroring the rooms on each storey along the central axis. Even the library and the Museum of Anatomy, which served both departments, were integrated into this horizontally symmetrical order  : only the lecture halls had to be arranged vertically.

The Währingerstraße Departments of Medicine, second phase of construction  : the Pharmacology Department and the Physiology Department

When, as mentioned above, the Anatomy Department was added to the Pharmacology Department in 1903 (Fig. 13 – annex),30 the façade concept that Avanzo and Lange had introduced around twenty years earlier was continued, including the exposed brick courtyard façades. The design was interrupted only by the large lecture hall window on the reverse courtyard wing (Fig. 13), which was to provide the greatest possible amount of daylight to enter the interior space beyond. The wide basket-arched window was divided only by narrow metal rods with segmented arch bracing, using shapes that were a technical requirement for the construction. This was at the time already a well known façade feature, e. g., on modern convenience stores. Those, however, faced outwards in order to attract as many potential customers as possible  ; it is notable that the department building window faced an inner courtyard. The novelty of its shape was nevertheless apparent and was to be presented to the public, albeit in a different format  : The Pharmacology Department was pointedly illustrated with a picture of this very courtyard façade in the Ministry for Culture and Education’s 1913 grand publication.31 Contemporary texts on this building astonishingly fail to mention the architects, presumably so because the basic concept had already been shaped and merely required execution. The Construction Department of the Interior Ministry,

Fig. 13: Courtyard Façade of the Department of Pharmacology building on Währingerstrasse, 1903. The Pharmacology Department building adopted composition and materials from the Avanzo Lange building. However, modern building forms and materials were used on the interior in order to meet space allocation requirements.

which had been headed by Emil Ritter von Förster since 1895, was presumably involved in this project. The Vormärz courtyard building was replaced in 1904 by what is stylistically the most noteworthy part of the complex  : the Physiology Department (Fig. 14).32 Among the Vienna University buildings, this is one of those that responded most strongly to the modernist trends emanating from the highly productive group around Otto Wagner at the Academy of Fine Arts. The building was hidden from view for passers-by, but depicted in several publications33 that ensured its presence at least in the media. Its block-like building parts are positioned as in a geometrical composition  : symmetrical in principle, but guided by functionality. The individual parts are differently dimensioned to allow for different lighting conditions and provide the required workspace illumination. The interior room arrangement throughout the wings also reflects functionality  : highly frequented classrooms are separated from individual workspaces, which are positioned in quieter locations. The lecture hall even had its own staircase so that students could access the auditorium and its gallery without causing a disturbance to ongoing research work. Several other details are reminiscent of

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Fig. 14: Wilhelm Rezori (?), Department of Physiology building on Währingerstrasse, 1904

the Wagner circle creations  : the flat roofs appear to be floating, protruding as cornice plates that extend far over the façades, the walls are sparingly decorated with differentiated grooves, further the tectonic design of the lecture hall façades. The walls that remain between the huge window hollows the appearance of pylons and are decorated with entablature-like friezes, they push through the corona of the protruding cornice plates and conclude only at the attic zone as an independent body. The described effect is, however, more impressive in the drawings than in the execution. The modern forms are particularly apparent in black-and-white drawings34  : more so than in the actual realization, where they are not clearly set apart from a smoothly plastered surface, but are situated on a façade that already bears a detailed grid structure resulting from the visible layers of brick, somewhat hiding the radical nature of the design. The actual author of this remarkable design is not known, as the Physiology Department was “built by the Construction Department of the Imperial Ministry of the Interior under the direction of Oberbaurat [Wilhelm Edler] Rezori”35. Subordinated to none but the director Emil Förster, Rezori was one of five Oberbauräte (head architects) who headed eight Bauräte (architects), 13 Oberingenieure (head engineers) and one Ingenieur (engineer).36 Designs known to be by Rezori include his sketch for the Krain County

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Museum in Laibach (1881),37 the main building of the Karl Franzens-University, which he erected together with Carl Köchlin in 1891 –  1895 and the Graz grammar school on Keplerstraße. All of these are late historicist neo-Renaissance designs. In terms of his style, the evidence does not add up to an inevitable conclusion that Rezori must have designed this building in Vienna. He was, however, apparently considered particularly qualified for university buildings within the ministry, probably due to his cooperation with Carl Köchlin in Graz. Köchlin had contributed to the Vienna University main building, was married to Heinrich Ferstel’s sister and directed the Interior Ministry’s Construction Department from 1888 until his death in 1894.

The Währingerstraße Departments of Medicine, third phase of construction  : the Schwarzspanierstraße wing

For the last extension of the departmental building on Währingerstraße (Fig. 15), Köchlin’s son Heinrich Anton Köchlin cooperated with another ministerial department construction consultant, Eduard Zotter. Public construction works were placed under the auspices of the new Ministry for Public Works and its construction department in 1908. The new ministry adopted most of the staff from the Interior Ministry,38 so that Köchlin and Zotter (who had already advanced to Oberbaurat status) were able to work on this extension. Construction was to begin in the autumn of 1913  ; the new building was to house the Histology, Embryology and Neurology Departments   ;39 preparatory plans date from the last months before the eruption of the First World War.40 The location of this site on the crossroads of the busy Währingerstraße (to this day the access route to all of Vienna’s north-western suburbs) and Schwarzspanierstraße as well as Berggasse on the upper edge of the steep fall of terrain down to the Donaukanal would have created an opportunity to introduce a fresh aspect to the cityscape. However, the turret-like heightened side projection of the Phar-

Fig. 15: Department of Chemistry and of Physics on Währingerstrasse, after 1908

macology Department once again failed to be met by a matching counterpiece that would at least have placed a dominant accent on the corner of the building complex. In failing to chose a special detail for the corner (such as a turret-like or domed heightening, an accentuation by way of oriels or even a more elaborate design), the construction did not achieve a design beyond the functional. Once again, the designers appear to have relied on the sheer length of the façade in order to provide the building with a certain dominance among the Schwarzspanierstraße row of houses. It is difficult to assign a style to the new departmental wing  : it is remarkably ambiguous both in its purely functional appearance and its citation of historical details. Its dominant character is that of a strictly functional building. The composition of the building is only marginally shaped by historical references to, e. g., a Baroque palace façade scheme (such as in the form of the clear basement zone). The windows are positioned and sized with regard to the interior room arrangement, remarkably so on the Schwarzspanierstraße façade where smaller windows form a vertical line to indicate the staircase beyond, while a row of large windows show where the laboratories and study halls are situated. The design and choice of motifs is most appropriately described as

a greatly reduced version of neo-Baroque style that takes up notions of Neoclassicism as well as the Heimatschutz style (large saddle roofs interspersed with voluminous hipped roofs that artistically elaborate the roof silhouette like pavilions). Although the design of the new departmental building’s Schwarzspanierstraße façade was extremely reduced (and accordingly inexpensive), with a strict grid system as the dominant aesthetic feature, the architects were still not able to make do entirely without historical style models. These were, however, applied and no longer able to influence the actual body of the building.41 The stripe grooves, heavy Baroque pediments on the windows and cambered gables combine with the strict basic structure of the façade to recall Baroque neo-Classicism of the era of emperor Joseph II. As neo-Baroque, the Baroque style had in recent decades been politically and nationally encoded,42 which aspect gained greater importance than aesthetic considerations.43 In the 1850s, extensions of the Hofburg palace were executed in a style reminiscent of the Baroque in an attempt to establish a specific and accordingly elitist Viennese imperial style. Texts such as Albert Ilg’s 1880 Die Zukunft des Barockstils (The Future of Baroque Style)44 contributed to allowing Baroque design to enter and develop

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within bourgeois architecture  : In his plea for an artistic renewal in the Baroque spirit, the author recognised an Austrian and specifically Viennese high period. Furthermore, the neo-Baroque style lent itself to being used for a distinctive local and national identification, which the internationally popular neo-Renaissance style would not have been able to do.45 Facing the city’s evolution into a modern metropolis, the Viennese awarded their city a Baroque genius loci and simultaneously developed a sentimental reminiscence for the “loveliness” of Alt-Wien (“old Vienna”). A specifically Austrian identity was to be encouraged even by the sheer use of terms such as “Maria Theresa Style”, which linked an awareness of national history with personalities who were held in high public regard. As the bourgeoisie as a wider social stratum adopted the neo-Baroque style, its case for an interpretation as a nationally typical style was strengthened, culminating in a first apex with Ludwig Baumann’s Reichshaus at the 1900 Paris world fair. The neo-Baroque style was presented to the global public quite officially as an Austrian national (almost state) style. Crown prince Franz Ferdinand was instrumental in supporting this style, e. g., when the Ministry of War building was executed by Ludwig Baumann. Modernity, seeking a radical break with the past at the turn of the century, was now looking to retrospectively be included into the genius loci of Biedermeier Vienna with the pre-1910 onset of Neoclassicism. Baroque, on the other hand, “experienced a conservative zenith in the last years of the monarchy, which were ever more strongly shaped by interior political conflicts”46. This zenith was reflected in the period’s Viennese university buildings, albeit whilst maintaining the above-mentioned premise of a reduction and simplification of design details. Prague university buildings of the era spanning the end of the monarchy and the beginning of the First Czech republic were shaped by violent national debates regarding the site as much as the choice of the executing architect and hence the style.47 Viennese university buildings, on the other hand, were designed with a simplification that greatly reduced the potential of clearly national interpretation and did

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not make it possible to perceive an unambiguously nationally encoded building style as had been the case with the Ministry of War.48 Whether this course was decided by the university, the relevant construction authorities or the ministry in charge, it remains that the Viennese university buildings were clearly cautious with regard to politically encodable style.

The Departments of Chemistry and Physics on Währingerstraße

The Schwarzspanierstraße wing marks a stylistic phase that also clearly dominated the construction of the Departments of Physics and Chemistry that had begun a few years earlier on Währingerstraße and Boltzmanngasse (Fig. 16).49 The only marginally earlier start date of the construction (1908) appears to have been decisive in allowing neo-Baroque style to retain the upper hand over the purely functional orientation that is more potent in the medical department building. The arrangement of the building, façade composition and choice of style is similar to other, even functionally utterly different, buildings of the same period in Vienna, including the Konzerthaus concert hall that was erected in 1912 / 13 by Ludwig Baumann, Ferdinand Fellner and Edmund Helmer. These buildings share the use of historical forms that reference local topography,50 the city’s architectural history and an idealised notion of AltWien in order to remain within the city’s genius loci. The new department complex (Fig. 17) is reminiscent of Baroque façade composition in its use of a grooved basement that holds a main zone with colossal lesenes that leads on to a wide band cornice and a further storey of lesser height to be concluded by a mighty roof reflecting the avant-corps of the façade in its pavilion structure and mansard roof execution. Mighty roof gables with a curve silhouette stress particular axes. The main portal of the Chemistry Department, which bears rusticating bundles of pilasters, is crowned by a strutted gable decorated with coats of arms. On the Department of Radium Research, we are confronted by Ionic colossal pilasters and attic

Fig. 16: Karl Freymuth, façade elevation of the Department of Physics building on present-day Strudlhofgasse, before 1913. The large block with its mighty roof sports façades that combine serial rows of windows and storeys with decorative elements that pick up on late eighteenth century Josephinian era panel style, thus making a historical reference to the site’s topography.

Fig. 17: Bäckenhäusel site on Währingerstrasse. Where present-day Boltzmanngasse turns off, there is a small building with mansard roof (the tree-grown areas are now part of the Palais Clam-Gallas gardens). The connection to present-day Strudlhofgasse south of the Maria de Mercedes church with its two towers (part of the former Spanish hospital, on the right) did not yet exist at this point. Otto Wagner’s first university library design was made to replace this complex, which had been used as an orphanage from the 1780s onwards.

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Fig. 18: The Bäckenhäusel frontage building, where present-day Boltzmanngasse meets Währingerstrasse, anonymous photograph from before 1907. The striking position of this Baroque building in the urban context was reinterpreted in the design of the Department of Chemistry building in a form that was appropriate even to the dimensions of a modern city.

zone balustrades with vases and the ridge turret on the Department of Chemistry even ends on a multi-level onion dome. These Baroque style elements are, however, located on a building that has the utterly sober structure of what appears like a perforated panel with an alternation of supporting wall pillars and window openings that are differently sized as needed. Flat projections are developed  : not for functional reasons or to emphasise particular parts of the building (the only avant-corps that is awarded a purpose is that bearing the main gate), but in order to ward off monotony on this large building. Contemporary descriptions once again include the note that the “façades are kept as simple as possible, in accordance with the function”51  : This reductionist attitude is reflected in the great simplification of decorative details on the window parapets and between the upper storey windows, which are once again reminiscent of a historical model, namely the late 18th century geometrical panel style.

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The complex straddling Währingerstraße, Strudlhofgasse and Boltzmanngasse was one of the first projects executed by the Ministry of Public Works. Like other comparable projects, it was completed in phases, between 1908 and 1915. The Department of Radium Research was inaugurated in 1910, the Department of Physics in 1913. Construction work on the Department of Chemistry began that very same year. The annotation of the plans52 reveals that the building works were yet again entrusted to Hans Eduard Zotter as head architect. The plans themselves were drawn up by one of two persons  : Either one of his ministry colleagues, Oberingenieur Karl Freymuth (he signed one of the façade views for the Physics Department)53 or Bauadjunkt Arthur Falkenau, who was employed at the Lower Austrian government (as indicated by an obituary in the Neue Freie Presse).54 The latter had already been responsible for the design of the Department of Botany on Rennweg and had contributed to the Department of

Fig. 19: Franz Berger, Bartholomäus Piekniczek a. o., site plan for the construction of the new university clinics, plans after 1901. Because the new clinics were going to be functional buildings rather than representative architecture, the complex was to be made up of several units that were symmetrical in themselves but were not related to each other in strict symmetry.

Hygiene  ; he advanced to the post of head architect in 1914, possibly as a result of his achievement on the university building on Währingerstraße. The site was that of the former Bäckenhäusel, a service institution for the poor and the sick owned by the Bürgerspital hospital (Fig. 18). The municipal council of Vienna had given this site to the Ministry of Finance in 1869 in exchange for other grounds. As had been the case with the Gewehrfabrik, this made it possible to build a new building on a site that was in the immediate vicinity of the university and already owned by the state, thus requiring no further investment for the grounds. The old Bäckenhäusel was a small house with mansard roof and many small

dormer windows located right on Währingerstraße (on the inner-city side tip of the site). Until it was demolished in 1907, it stood out from its urban surroundings (Fig. 19)  : isolated as it was, this house was visible from afar. It had a notable roof that was unusual in the context of Viennese architecture and thus characterised the view of Währingstraße towards the city’s outskirts. It was a frequent and popular motif for photographs.55 This image of an old Viennese street was monumentalised in the university building in order to create a connection to local history. This influenced the shape of the mansard roof with dormer windows as well as the new alignment (adopting almost without alteration the former gar-

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den wall on Währingerstraße) and the outlook of the new complex’s main façade onto the square created by the widened entrance of Boltzmanngasse onto Währingerstraße and hence facing the centre of the city. This aspect is accentuated by a ridge turret in alignment with the main gate. In contrast to the other university departments on Währingerstraße, this university building was thus able to take a stand in its architectural context  : however, it monumentalised not the institution of the University of Vienna but the memory of a historical place and “the good old times”. Fig. 20: Franz Berger, First Women’s Clinic, opened 1908

The new clinics

As mentioned above, the municipal service building was newly constructed. This new building was located at the foot of the Brünnlfeld, an unoccupied hill that rose to the Linienwall in a northwestern direction and was framed by the Alserbach in the south (Lazarettgasse) and east (Spitalgasse). Today the site is occupied by the Viennese general hospital Neues Allgemeines Krankenhaus. This large and, as elevated, airy area had been included in plans for a lunatic asylum as early as the Vormärz period  ;56 a palatial building planned by Ferdinand Fellner the Elder was completed there in 1848 – 1852 as the top end termination of a spacious park. As the neighbouring Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus was desperately short of space (particularly so in the women’s clinics), the doctors had been discussing plans for an extension since the 1870s. From the 1890s onwards, the university professors increasingly rejected the notion of using the Alser barracks on the city side of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus as a site for such an extension  ; the decidedly bigger Brünnlfeld came ever more into focus.57 Negotiations were entered with the Interior Ministry (in charge of the state health system as of the 1870 Imperial Sanitation Law), with the Lower Austrian government (administrator of the Viennese imperial hospital fund in its regional government function) and with the Ministry of Culture and Education (in charge of the university). In 1901, these re-

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sulted in the Viennese municipal council decision to sell the Alserstadt site to the hospital fund and relocate its service institution to the outskirts of the city  : the Wiener Versorgungsheim (care home) was erected in Lainz in 1902 – 1904. One year later, the Lower Austrian parliament decided to also relocate its lunatic asylum, erecting the Neue Landes-Heil- und Pflegeanstalt (New county mental asylum and care home) in Steinhof in 1907. This made the Brünnlfeld available for the desperately needed new clinics  : a large, mostly empty site in the immediate vicinity of the Allgemeines Krankenhaus university clinics.58 Francis Joseph I laid the foundation stone in 1904  : the women’s clinics on Spitalgasse were completed in the first construction phase and opened in 1908 and the second construction phase was completed in 1911, when the clinics along Lazarettgasse became operational. The eruption of the First World War resulted in a major reduction of the planning and construction works on the rest of the hospital site up to Gürtelstraße. They were taken up again not earlier than 1919. The architects59 entrusted with the plans and execution came from the Lower Austrian government’s construction department. Baurat Franz Berger was made director of the construction administration in 1901  ; he had built up renown as a Viennese hospital architect with his works for the hospitals Franz

Fig. 21: Franz Berger, First Women’s Clinic, elevated ground floor plan. Franz Berger’s design system is particularly apparent in the combination of floor plan and elevation: functional demands dominated over a monumental appearance that was created using hierarchical structures like axial symmetry.

Joseph-Spital in Favoriten, Elisabethspital in Rudolfs­ heim and Wilhelminenspital in Ottakring. He left the administration in 1905 in order to supervise construction works in Steinhof and was succeeded by Bartholomäus Piekniczek  : his designs were presumably decisively influenced by Emil Förster, who, as head of the Interior Ministry Construction Department was also a member of the committee for the construction of the new clinics.60 It was decided from the outset that the new clinics were not to receive representational buildings  : “not monumental, but functional buildings” were needed.61 On the one hand, this conformed to the contemporary demands posited by architectural theory that hospitals were to be built under considera-

tion of “strictest adherence to economical and functional conditions” and avoidance of all superfluous artistic detail.62 On the other hand, it also allowed for a relatively low cost calculation from the outset  : in order to reduce the costs, the existing buildings were not completely demolished but adapted to a new use, such as the central part of the municipal care home building, which was converted into a new entrance building on Spitalgasse. Finally, any expectations that the institution itself would be representatively staged through its architecture could be avoided. The existing palatial appearance of the mental hospital in its spacious park was thus softened by way of closely spaced buildings that segmented the entire area into units, which, albeit geometrically

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Fig. 22: Bartholomäus Piekniczek (together with Emil Förster?), southern façade of the Children’s Clinic, opened 1911. The buildings erected during the second construction phase of the new university clinics once again relied on traditional notions of composition and style, creating monumentality by way of hierarchy: e.g., central projections with axial symmetry, rusticated basement zones and colossal pilaster compositions.

Fig. 23: Bartholomäus Piekniczek (together with Emil Förster?), gate house for the new clinics on Lazarettgasse. The entrance pavilion on Lazarettgasse with its dome, triumphal arch and open staircase turned into a respectable, albeit small, classically modelled gate of honour: classical representational motifs in monumental architecture as legitimised by tradition.

constructed, did not relate to each other via symmetrical axes (Fig. 20). These units were arranged in a combined pavilion and corridor system, the latter not fully isolating the different hospital departments in separate buildings, but rather housing them in long building wings that were accessible via interior corridors. These wings had an inner asymmetry (particularly those of the first phase of construction under Franz Berger) due to the assignment of functions on the interior. Symmetry was derived only from their combination with a mirroring counterpiece  : this made for a varied, almost picturesque impression of the arrangement of buildings that undermined any stiff monumentality. There is a clear style break between the two construction phases. In the first phase of construction under Franz Berger, the buildings achieved a certainly modern character (Fig. 21). Sparingly employed decorations such as on the window edging are borrowed from floral Jugendstil, the use of tiles on the façades and the protruding flat roofs with applied openwork attic zone are reminiscent of Otto Wagner’s designs. The façades are not composed according to hierarchical notions (such as a merely

conventionally deduced emphasis of the centre of the building)  : the composition follows the demands of the ground plan, which defines the position of projections and wings (Fig. 22). The ground plan itself is developed in accordance with the functions of the rooms, so that the façades show a precise equivalence of interior and exterior.63 That is particularly notable in the lecture hall wings. The façades are accordingly organised by means of rows of equally ranked window openings that are nevertheless differently shaped according to the given requirements. Otto Wagner also worked with very similar notions in hospital buildings such as the Lupusheilstätte  ; he, however, subordinates them more strictly than Berger to a hierarchic overall system with aesthetic appearance, such as the notion of a court d’honneur system with axial symmetry. The execution in the second phase of construction, however, was more conservative  : traditionally legitimised representational motifs were applied, eventually returning to design and elements that were taken from monumental architecture (yet applied in a hospital site with defined borders and only interior architectural communication  : the entry ar-

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eas were among the few spots where the buildings were directed towards the surrounding cityscape). Following the established pattern of Baroque palace façades, the façade was hierarchically structured by a separation of the basement zone from the colossal main zone and the use of side and central projections (Fig. 23). Neo-Baroque and Neoclassicist decoration such as segment and triangle gables, mansard roofs, keystones and garland decorations are accompanied by classical, even Doric entablature. The entrance pavilion on Lazarettgasse with its dome, triumphal arch and open staircase turned into a respectable, albeit small, classically modelled gate of honour (Fig. 24). As with the Departments of Physics and Chemistry, the architects sought to join the allegedly typical and hence easily accessible genius loci of Baroque and Biedermeier Vienna  : patients in need of help would be reassured upon arrival from the very outside of the building that they were to be admitted and healed in a familiar (locally typical) environment. The general public was obviously not yet ready to be exposed to radical, modern architecture of the type realised by Josef Hoffmann in his Sanatorium Westend in Purkersdorf, where reduction and sleekness implied the scientific rationalism of medicine and technological innovation64  ; that applies both to the aesthetics and the symbolic message.

The Hygiene Department on Kinderspitalgasse

The Hygiene Department 65 was completed in 1905 – 1908 by Ludwig Tremmel. The building uses easily adoptable, historically legitimised and familiar forms, but does make some references to contemporary modernity. Beyond the Hygiene Department, the house also provided rooms for the General Department of Foodstuffs Investigation, the Department of General and Experimental Pathology and the Serotherapy Department (Fig. 25). Once again, the Lower Austrian government’s Construction Department played a significant role  : Tremmel had been working for them as an architect since 1904 and one of the department’s head engineers, Sylvester

Fig. 24: Ludwig Tremmel, Department of Hygiene building, 1905– 1908. While the Department of Hygiene building structure was guided by modern notions of material and resulting form (reduction of the supporting walls to a frame of individual supports), it was nevertheless composed overall in a very traditional style, with a rusticated basement zone and ennobled upper zone.

Tomsa, supervised the construction works, assisted by the department’s Bauadjunkt Arthur Falkenau. The latter had already been involved in the construction of buildings for the Physics and Chemistry Departments on Währingerstraße and the Department of Botany on Rennweg.66 In contrast to the other sites, the site for the Hygiene Department had no particular history. At the end of the eighteenth century, it was still an utterly undeveloped field and it was not until the Vormärz that the suburb of Breitenfeld was planned and developed there with spaces that gradually grew denser to form an urban zone which was then enhanced with public buildings such as the Hygiene Department. The site was clearly chosen for its proximity to the new clinics and other medical institutions in the area as well as its location within easy reach of the Gürtelstraße. The latter was particularly important to the Foodstuffs Investigation Department, which was accordingly housed in a wing abutting the Gürtel road and had its own gate. The departmental building is a mighty block that is detached on three sides and once again traditionally composed, referring back to Baroque palace architecture. A two-level,

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rusticated basement zone carries a main zone that also has two levels and is decorated with a colossal order with accents provided by staggered central projections on all three sides that have several axes and gable-shaped attic zones. The basement is composed by way of roughly structured rusticated blocks. Composite pilasters are used for the central projection. The band cornice displays the classic running dog motif and the corona cornice takes the form of a console cornice. The architectural style alternates between this fundamentally neo-Baroque structure, echoes of Secessionist design and a functional, modernist approach. Individual elements, such as the triple awning consisting of a filigree glass and iron construction with undulating lines, make a clear reference to Secessionist influence. This is also true for the attic zone decoration of vases and richly filled tympanums, which have been lost. There are also highly innovative technical details, such as the use of “Reformschiebefenster“67, modelled on the Anglo-Saxon sash windows that were in high fashion at the time. The basic treatment of the outside wall was no less innovative  : As we have seen on several other university buildings, Tremmel dissolves the wall of the façade largely into rectangular window openings, reducing its walls to becoming a frame of pillars with quoin-like grooving that serves as an optical consolidation. Contemporary Otto Wagner façades displayed a very similar choice of compositional motifs, as is clearly demonstrated by his 1907 / 1908 sketch68 for a ministry building. In the Hygiene Department, Tremmel does not, however, go as far as Wagner, who took the radical step of abstracting classically legitimised architectural elements to such a degree that he even clad the surfaces of his buildings exclusively with smooth plates. Notwithstanding the comparatively elaborate design of the Hygiene Department, Tremmel remained within the massing set by his building block by following the classical notions of architecture in his design. He did not dissolve the surfaces and silhouettes quite as brashly as, e. g., Johann Emanual Snietiwy did in the neighbouring imperial garrison court on Hernalser Gürtel from 1907 / 1908. Tremmel’s Hygiene Department, as decorated as it was, appeared as a solid and

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accordingly representative bureaucratic building that made do without conventional dignifying motifs like a turret or dome. The location of the department on the Gürtel did mean that it was located on an important Viennese Boulevard, yet that street did not even come close to the prominence and significance awarded to the Ringstraße and is much more sparsely adorned with public monumental buildings. The public buildings even appear to be turning their main façade away from the Gürtel  : it is thus hardly surprising that the Hygiene Department’s main façade also faces a side street (Kinderspitalgasse). Like the KaiserJubiläums-Stadttheater, today’s Volksoper, it has only a side façade running along the more spacious Gürtel. Compared with the other university buildings treated above, the Hygiene Department has a more representative appearance, reflecting, as it does, the notions of monumental quality architecture adopted from the nineteenth century much more clearly in its decorations, architectural styles and (at least implied) materiality. In comparison with the Physics and Chemistry department buildings on Währingerstraße, that may be due not only to the current style but also to the site  : particularly in view of Franz Berger’s clinic buildings. These hospital buildings were located within a space that was clearly delineated from the surrounding city, related to each other rather than their environment. The Hygiene Department, on the other hand, was part of an urban block construction and fully integrated into the urban space in a relatively prominent spot.

The Department of Botany on Rennweg

The setting of the Botanical Gardens of the University of Vienna69 nowadays provides but a rudimentary impression of the urban ambience surrounding the site at the time of its establishment. Maria Theresa had the suburban garden palace purchased from Hugo und Theresia von Heunisch in 1754 in order to establish a Botanical garden for the university under the direction of the professor for Botany and Chemistry, Lorraine Robert François de Laugier.70

Fig. 25: Botanic Garden site on Rennweg. It is situated opposite the former Esterházy garden residence site, which now accommodates the Italian embassy in the former Metternich residence. On the west, it abuts the Salesianerinnenkloster convent. The yet empty spaces on the east are now occupied by the Jacquingasse wing of the Botanic Garden. In the top left, one can recognize the Oberes Belvedere Menageriepavillon.

The neighbourhood consisted of pleasure and garden buildings of the type that made the eighteenth century Vienna suburbs an internationally admired aspect of the city. From 1683 onwards, members of noble families (like the Mansfeld-Fondis / Schwarzenbergs, Savoyen-Carignans, Esterházys, Harrachs, Althans / L obkowitz) as well as religious orders that were close to the Habsburg rulers (like the Salesians) began purchasing vineyards in this area in order to turn them into extended gardens with grand suburban palaces. When the palaces of Belvedere became Habsburg property in 1752, the area gained a “state” presence that is maintained until today, in such forms as, for example, the public gardens. Almost all the privately owned palace grounds of the nobility were, by contrast, divided up and sold in the course of the nineteenth century. The site was chosen for the Botanical gardens to blend in with this noble garden ensemble  : it had the added advantage that the undeveloped spaces in the south of the Hortus Botanicus Vindobonensis (around the “Sandstetten”, today the

middle section of Fasangasse) would be available for generous future extensions. The first botanical garden was directed by Nikolaus Jacquin from 1768 onwards, when he took over from Laugiers as university professor. This garden apparently continued to use most of the Heunisch garden house (Fig. 26)  :71 behind the street-facing ground level buildings, an elongated garden stretched uphill towards a garden pavilion.72 The entire complex was divided in two  : two courts facing the street, delineated on the side by two wings with street-facing gable ends, two parallel garden areas spanning the width of the two courts. This division made it possible to clearly separate the functions both of the wings and the garden parts. The western part of the site is assumed to have been the Heunisch flower garden, with parterre fields and a garden pavilion as the background panorama. The eastern half of the site was to later accommodate gardener apartments and utility rooms towards Rennweg  ; it initially contained a tree garden. The Botanical Gar-

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Fig. 26: Situation plan of the Botanic Garden buildings in June 1837. Director’s residence Rennweg façade in the top left (underneath it a cross section), top right shows the gardener’s house with a cross section underneath that displays the glass house attached on the southern side.

den thus had all the hallmarks of a Baroque decorative garden, including the southward facing glass houses. However, reflecting its function as a research and study location, it bore only little topiary decoration and no parterres de broderie. Rows of plants were identified by numerical classifications displayed on small labelled plates.73 In Joseph Jacquin’s time as director of the gardens between 1797 and 1839, the site underwent some alterations and was thus significantly enlarged (as far as the Linienwall) in 1830  ; its building structures had also been adapted.74 The Baroque buildings that had predated the Western part of the site had been completely demolished and replaced by a block-like, independent residential building for the director, which was lent apparent nobility by its Ionic colossal order pilasters and had its own garden (Fig. 27). The gardener’s wing with stables, depots and other utility

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rooms was given an extra level in order to accommodate the gardener apartments. The two-part structure of the Baroque garden was maintained, but modernised by way of tree-lined landscape style areas in front of the garden pavilion, which as a “Seminariumsgebäude” housed classrooms (Fig. 28). The area that had been gained by the eastwards extension adopted the strictly axial Baroque composition with avenues and flower beds arranged in rows. To counteract the potential sense of endless monotony, the garden was structured by cross axes with fountains and lawns75 ending in a wide rondeau surrounded by avenues, beyond which a more narrow part of the garden continued as far as the street at Linienwall. Individual parts of the gardens were altered and modernised over the course of time  ; the site was marginally reduced in size in order to make way for the newly constructed streets of the neighbouring

Fig. 27: Botanic Garden garden plan, June 1837. Only the smallest part of the Botanic Garden was arranged in the modern form of a landscape garden during the Vormärz era. The Baroque, strictly axial structures must have offered an ideal framework for the systematic presentation of plant collections.

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Fig. 28: Lothar Abel, design for a glass house for the Botanic Garden. Southern façade elevation, undated. Glasshouses combine technical construction with artistic form and are thus one of the most fascinating architectural achievements of the nineteenth century.

Fasanviertel district.76 The Baroque garden pavilion was replaced in 1844 by a new building of twice its width to house the Botanical Museum. Other projects included the construction of new, representative glass houses such as that by the architect and garden artist Lothar Abel (Fig. 29),77 who had close ties with the botanical institutions as a teacher at the Horticultural Association from 1868 onwards and at the University for Agriculture from 1877 onwards. Abel approached garden design from an architectural viewpoint. He placed the glass and iron construction of the glass house, which was composed of seven pavilions and wings that would be used for different climate zones, onto a cubed stone basement level, to be accessed by a two-armed open-air staircase. The terrace structure was to be strictly reflected in incrementally arranged lower glass houses for orchids, cactuses and for the reproduction of plants. The Botanical Museum grew too small to accommodate teaching and research, so that a new building78 (Fig. 30) was erected in 1903 – 1905 to replace the old gardeners’ wing.79 It was architecturally designed by Arthur Falkenau, Bauadjunkt at the Con-

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struction Department of the Lower Austrian government, who we have come across several times already. The institute director Richard Ritter von Wettstein had designed the scheme of rooms and requirements. The ground plan was such that it could be extended in several stages, as had previously been considered for several university institutes. The main façade did not open onto Rennweg, where a fenced front garden was set out to reflect the building’s function. Instead, it faced Praetoriusgasse. A realization of the potential extensions would have placed the main gate into the central axis of the façade, as suggested by the location of the main staircase. Surprisingly, however, the extensions would not have resulted in the formation of a central projection  : the façade would have only been given two side projections set off from the building corners. It can be concluded that axially structured monumentality was not considered a requirement. This is also reflected in the overall lack of monumental elements of composition, in particular of colossal order pilasters. Once again, we are facing an early twentieth century university building that has outer walls that are reduced to supporting pillars.

In the Department of Botany building, this reduction at least occurs only above a very massive rustica basement. The façade decorations mix Baroque-style forms with secessionist motifs such as the protruding eaves and the floral decorative elements on the Rennweg façade that reflect the purpose of the building. None of the buildings and sites treated in this chapter comes even close to the representational significance of Ferstel’s main building. Sites were chosen primarily for their proximity to other university institutions, yet there is no discernible endeavour to erect a university campus like the one in Strasbourg.80 Sites were chosen on pragmatic grounds such as favourable availability (e. g., sites that were already owned by the state, like the garden of the Großes Armenhaus, the Gewehrfabrik or the Bäckenhaus) rather than considerations of urban semiotics or aesthetics. The sites that were found came with their own histories, which were picked up on and continued in different ways  : this includes the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus in the medical district as much as the Department of Botany in the garden district. The new university buildings were stylistically markedly demure  : either they conformed with the current trends (e. g., the Pathology and Anatomy Department), or they very moderately responded to modern trends (e. g., the New Clinics) or returned to neostyles that were legitimised by nation or state (more than anywhere else, neo-Baroque with neo-Classical influence as displayed by the Department of Physics and Chemistry). The floor plan and room arrangement resulted largely from functional considerations and could lead to remarkably modern results even in the elevation. Although highly innovative solutions were found in the planning of the Vienna university buildings, particularly in the hospital buildings, it appears not to have been a consideration to realize modern architecture as part of our notion of the development of architectural styles. Quite the opposite, we can discern a continuous affiliation with conventional forms and notions of architecture, which were “sanctioned” by the state (neo-Baroque) and conformed to the tastes of a wide public (neo-Classical forms) in order to evoke an image of Alt-Wien

Fig. 29: Arthur Falkenau, Department of Botany building with front garden on Rennweg and entrance façade on Praetoriusgasse, 1903–1905. The previous buildings of the Department of Botany had quite inserted themselves into the Baroque garden landscape of the Viennese suburbs in their situation, size and shape. Falkenau’s new building, however, displayed a typical urban construction style of a nineteenth century european metropolis.

and the city’s genius loci. The choice of architects also reflects this intention  : They did not spearhead the international development of modernity (at least not the “modernity” that has been framed as such in the canon of twentieth century architectural history). Their degree of association with this “modernity” does not, of course, say much about these architects’ quality and innovative spirit. It even negates such characteristics as regionalism and local reference, which would have been in contradiction with international modernity. The architecture of the Viennese university buildings was not employed to leave a qualitative sign and set a symbolic case for scientific innovation  : it complied with the given requirements of a university building as set by those who used it.

Endnotes 1 On the university’s need for representation in the urban context, see Sch a lenberg, Universitätsbauten. 2 A study that provides a comprehensive and detailed view of Viennese higher education buildings up to 1918 has yet to be published. Schübl, Standortproblematik gives an overview.

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 3 Pongr atz, Universitätsbibliothek, 117 – 119.  4 Neubauten – Neubauten für Zwecke des naturwissenschaft­ lichen, medizinischen, technischen und landwirtschaftlichen Unterrichtes an den Hochschulen in Wien 1894 – 1913 im Auftrag des k. k. Ministeriums für Kultus und Unterricht dargestellt und der in Wien vom 21. bis 26. September 1913 tagenden 85. Versammlung deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte gewidmet (Wien 1913). See Schübl, Nationalisierung der Universitäten, 26.   5 Archiv der Universität Wien, 135.904 (Holzstich). The building originally had two storeys and received another storey as well as a dedicated lecture hall wing in 1882 (K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 22 and noteA 39).   6 Architektenlexikon Wien 1770 – 1945 (Architekturzentrum Wien), http://www.architektenlexikon.at/de/1338.htm (1. April 2014  : Ludwig Zettl, Werke  : öffentliche Bauten 1860).  7 K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 19 and note 29.  8 K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 91 and 141 – 145.   9 Das k. k. anatomische Institut in Wien. In  : Allgemeine Bau­ zeitung 54 (1889), 35–37, here 35. 10 Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv (AVA), Plansammlung II, A-II-c / 158, Teil 6. 11 And subsequently  : AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 255, Adaptierungspläne von 1786 und 1853. 12 See, e. g., Vasquez-Plan der Alservorstadt der 1830er Jahre (Die Pläne der k. k. Haupt- und Residenzstadt Wien von Carl Graf Vasquez [ed. By Walter Öhlinger] (Vienna / Schleinbach 2011) 37–40). 13 Löhr was director of the interior ministry construction department, which also administered the Stadterweiterungsfonds to finance all state building projects in the Ringstrasse area  : he must have played a central and very influential role in the plans of many state building projects. This has so far only been addressed by research either in general or in detail only with regard to individual construction projects, such as the two imperial museums. 14 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 14. The series of schematic floor plans shows staff apartments and examination halls as well as on the first floor rooms for Pharmacology, Pharmacopeia, Theory of Medicine, the Museum of Anatomy and of Zootomy, Philosophy, Physiology and Advanced Anatomy and on the second floor the Faculties of Law and of Philosophy. The traced series of floor plans show staff apartments as well as on the ground floor exhibition rooms for Zootomy, Mineralogy, Geognostics and Zoology, departmental rooms for History of Art, Histology, Physics, Agricultural Economics and Geography as well as lecture halls for Mineralogy, Geognostics and Zoology, on the first floor examination and lecture halls, departmental rooms for Theory of Medicine and Physics, exhibition rooms for the Department of Physics, laboratories and the dean’s offices and on the second floor

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lecture halls for the Faculties of Law, of Medicine and of Philosophy. The lecture halls had different sizes to accommodate between 50 and 300 persons. 15 Nägelk e, Hochschulbau, 28–32. 16 See project description by George Niemann and Hans Wilhelm Auer on June 9, 1884 (AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 6, fol. 2v). 17 33. Vereins-Excursion. Besichtigung des k. k. anatomischen Institutes durch die Mitglieder des österr. Ingenieur- und Architekten-Vereines. In  : Wochenschrift des österreichischen Ingenieur- und Architekten-Vereines 11 (1886), 323–324. 18 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-C / 158, T. 27  ; Kortz, Wien Anfang 20. Jahrhundert, 179 – 180. 19 It is accordingly often mentioned in the sources that the Anatomist Carl Toldt gave scientific advice for the plans for the Department of Anatomy. Architectural journals paid special attention to aspects of hygiene, which were particularly important in a Department of Anatomy with its dissection rooms and morgues (airing, heating, lighting) (Das k. k. anatomische Institut (note 8), 36–37). One post-war article does not mention the architect at all and only mentions that the Department of Anatomy building was erected according to plans by Prof. Carl Toldt (Walter Krause, Viktor Patzelt, Die Wiener Anatomie ein Opfer des Krieges. In  : Wiener klinische Wochenschrift 58 (1946], Nr. 16, 265–266, hier 266). 20 Das neue anatomische Institut in der Währingerstraße. In  : Illustrirtes Wiener Extrablatt (11. Oktober 1886), 1. 21 Die Eröffnung des neuen Anatomiegebäudes. In  : Neues Wiener Tagblatt (11. Oktober 1886), 4. 22 33. Vereins-Excursion (note 17)  ; K ieslinger, Steine, 358– 359. 23 Das k. k. anatomische Institut, 37. 24 Neubauten, 13. 25 On neo-Renaissance in university architecture, see Nä­g elk e, Gebaute Bildung, 138 – 143. 26 Das neue Amtsgebäude des k. k. Ackerbau-Ministeriums. In  : Allgemeine Bauzeitung 51 (1886), 36. 27 Nägelk e, Hochschulbau, 27–28 and 392. 28 On the reception of the palace architecture, see Nägelk e, Gebaute Bildung, 131–134. 29 Das k. k. anatomische Institut (note 9), 36. 30 Neubauten, 14–17  ; AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 21  : Skizze zur Raumverteilung (for use as Department of Physiology  !) auf Transparentpapier. 31 Neubauten, Fig. On p. 17. 32 Neubauten, 17–20. 33 Kortz, Wien Anfang 20. Jahrhundert, 180 – 181 and Fig. 280–282  ; Paul, Technischer Führer, 340 and Fig. 252  ; Neubauten, 17–20 and Fig. on p. 16 – 19. 34 Kortz, Wien Anfang 20. Jahrhundert, Fig. 282. 35 Kortz, Wien Anfang 20. Jahrhundert, 180.

36 Hof- und Staats-Handbuch der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie 30 (1904), 316–317. 37 Arhiv Republike Slovenije, SI AS 1068, Zbirka načrtov, 11 / 2–4. 38 Hof- und Staats-Handbuch der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie 33 (1907), 330  ; 36 (1910), 416  ; 39 (1913), 428. 39 Neubauten, 13. 40 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 3 and 26. 41 These decorations are marked on the construction plans kept in the AVA  : they must have fallen prey to reductions in the course of refurbishments after the Second World War. 42 Csák y, / C elestini / Tr agatschnig, Barock. 43 War nk e, Barockbegriff, 1213 – 1214. 44 Ilg, Barockstil. 45 On the relative nature of the national appropriation of a style at hand of the example of neo-Renaissance in Prague  : M ar ek, Kunst und Identitätspolitik. 46 Nier h aus, Neobarock, 476. 47 M ar ek, Universität als “Monument”. 48 On the issue of nationalisation of university policy in Cisleithania, see Höflechner, Wissenschaftsnation, 103 – 104. 49 Neubauten, 5 – 12. 50 On references to local history in university architecture in the German empire, see Nägelk e, Gebaute Bildung, 145. 51 Neubauten, 6. 52 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 15, 18 and 21. 53 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-C / 158, T. 18. This elevation was made before 1913, when Freymuth already acted as Baurat  : he signed the sheet as Oberingenieur. 54 Neue Freie Presse (8. Dezember 1927), 10. 55 e.  g., Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Bildarchiv, St 591Brüche.F H (August Stauda), L 25.482-B, L 25.533-B, L 27.315-B and L 27.316-B. 56 Renate K assa l-Mikul a, Kat.-No. 1.19  –  1.20 (Cajetan Schiefer nach Johann Nepomuk von Raimann 1823. Irren-Heilanstalt auf dem Brünnlfeld. In   : Das ungebaute Wien. Projekte für die Metropole 1800 bis 2000, Ausstellungskatalog Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien 19992000, Wien 2000, 44–47 57 K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 29–37. 58 Kortz, Wien (note 18), 227–229   ; Paul, Technischer Führer (note 33), 379–380  ; Neubauten (note 4), 27–44. 59 K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 38–40. 60 K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 50–51. 61 Minister für Kultus und Unterricht an nö. Statthalterei vom 30. Oktober 1895, cited in  : K eplinger, Die “Neuen Kliniken”, 238. 62 Wagner, Verein Lupusheilstätte, 577. 63 Achleitner, Österreichische Architektur, 239–240. 64 Topp, Architecture, 95. 65 Paul, Technischer Führer, 341–342  ; Neubauten, 21–26.

My gratitude to curator Andreas Nierhaus at the Wien Museum for his helpful indication of the plans for the Department of Hygiene in the estate of Ludwig Tremmel. 66 The sheets kept in the AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 87 date from December 1938 and refer solely to never-to-be-realised plans to add a storey to the building. 67 Neubauten, 22. 68 Gr a f, Otto Wagner, 571–572. 69 Berger, Historische Gärten, 133 – 136. 70 A botanical garden had been established at the imperial pleasure palace Schönbrunn shortly before (after 1753) (Berger, Menschen und Gärten, 117 – 118 and note 612). 71 A detailed depiction of the garden in  : Jacquin, Hortus Botanicus. 72 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 5, floor plan from 1798. 73 Petz-Gr a benbauer, Jacquin, 505. 74 AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 5, construction survey from 1837. 75 The cross axis to the Menageriepavillon at the Oberes Belvedere and its framework have been maintained to this day. 76 The Richard Strauss villa and the church Zur dreimal wundertätigen Muttergottes are on former garden grounds, while the site of the residence of Karl Graf Lanckoroński-Brzezie on the corner of Landstraßer Gürtel (destroyed during the war and demolished in the 1960s) was no longer state property. 77 AVA, Planslg., II, A-II-c / 158, T. 19. 78 Paul, Technischer Führer, 340–341  ; Neubauten, 1–5. 79 Alfred Kern designed the building for the art departement of the imperial printing press Hof- und Staatsdruckerei that was erected in place of the former director’s house in 1907 / 1908. Extension plans for a staff building along Mechelgasse were made after April 1939 (AVA, Planslg. II, A-II-c / 158, T. 22). 80 Nägelk e, Hochschulbau, 61–64 and 443–459. On the decentralisation of university construction see Nägelk e, Gebaute Bildung, 134 – 137.

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Julia Rüdiger

The Main Building Twentieth Century Transformations

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he requirements of the Main Building of the University of Vienna changed even during its planning and construction phase in 1870 to 1884. The building and its interior continued to have to adapt to new or altered requirements over the course of the twentieth century and up to the present day. To follow each individual alteration to the building would be far beyond the scope of this text. However, the following paragraphs will highlight the most incisive challenges and the way the building was transformed as a result.

of male students had declined drastically due to wartime conscription, the number of female students rose by comparison. Many of the latter enrolled in one of the nursing courses on offer. After the end of the war, many soldiers returning home flocked to the university  : enrolment in the winter semester of 1818 / 19 (10,515 students) was even higher than it had been in the last peacetime semester in 1913 / 14 (10,441 active students).2

The Auditorium Maximum during the interwar years The Main Building during the First World War

Thirty years after the Main Building had been inaugurated, it faced its first incisive but temporary functional change. The Ringstrasse university building joined the Institute of Technology and the University of Agriculture buildings as a substitute hospital. Approximately 15,000 wounded were treated here between the onset of war and September 1916.1 Entire building parts were rededicated for this purpose. The Faculty of Law wing was used as a quarantine ward, the minor Festsaal (ceremonial chamber) served as an operating theatre, the adjoining major Festsaal was turned into a dinner and recreation room (Fig. 1). Lecture theatres became bed wards. The arcaded courtyard, the walks of which by 1913 already accommodated more than seventy professors’ memorials, was used as a hospital garden for convalescing soldiers (Fig. 2). Teaching activities were reduced, but took place regardless of the circumstances. While the number

Although the Main Building is notably large, it was not able to accommodate all faculties and departments even at the very outset. In particular, a large lecture hall with a capacity of more than 500 persons was needed. The minor Festsaal was used as a lecture hall from 1904 onwards, until the construction of the Auditorium Maximum was decided on in 1935.3 The new hall was to be included in courtyard VI, the second largest interior courtyard from Ringstrasse on the northern side. It offered enough space for a modern lecture hall for up to 800 persons and was even to be equipped with film presentation technology. The Auditorium Maximum was ceremonially inaugurated on December 14, 1936 (Fig. 3). Since then, this heavily used lecture theatre has twice undergone thorough refurbishment  : once on the occasion of the 600th anniversary in 1965 and again in 2005 / 06 according to plans by architect Roger Baumeister (Fig. 4).

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Fig. 1: Großer Festsaal as a relief hospital, 1914. The Main Building was turned into one of many relief hospitals from August 1914 to September 1916. While the Kleiner Festsaal was used as an operating theatre, the Großer Festsaal served as dining hall and recreation room.

Bomb Damage and Reconstruction

The university as an institution suffered greatly as a result of Nazi rule, having lost many significant members of its teaching staff and student body to the persecution of Jews and political opponents. At the same time, the destructive force of the war itself hit the monumental building on Ringstrasse. A total of twenty-six bombs were dropped on the Main Building, destroying about two thirds of the roofs and one third of the walls. The Juristenstiege stairwell and many other parts of the building were badly damaged (Fig. 5). The condition of the building still sufficed, however, for the arriving Red Army to erect a temporary barracks with horse stables inside it.4 However, skilful negotiations led to a speedy

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retreat by the occupational power, so that the University of Vienna was the first educational institution in Austria to take up operations again on May 29, 1945. Studies were hindered not only by the ruins, but also by the fact that the book collections had been stored outside of Vienna since 1943. What was left of the collections still had to be returned to the city. By 1951, the most important reconstruction works as well as return of books were completed (Fig. 6). In the course of these works, the floor of the large reading room was raised by 2.5 metres in order to make room for book repositories.5 It took until the 600th anniversary of the university in 1965 for the library entrance area to be refurbished. Ferstel’s entrance from the rear arcade was closed and replaced by a main entrance on the upper floor. Another book

Fig. 2: The arcaded courtyard as hospital garden, 1914. The arcaded courtyard was used as a calm environment for the recuperation of wounded soldiers in the relief hospital between 1914 and 1916.

Fig. 3: View of the Auditorium Maximum in its inaugural year, 1936. It was decided to insert the Auditorium Maximum into the building in 1935. Beyond being used as a lecture hall, it was also to be equipped with film performance technology.

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Fig. 4: View of the Auditorium Maximum after its refurbishment in 2006, photograph from 2013. Exactly seventy years after its inauguration, the Auditorium Maximum was refurbished, its technical equipment adapted and it was redecorated according to plans by architect Roger Baumeister. The large lecture hall now provides seating for 756 persons.

repository was established on the courtyard level. This obviously curtailed the original concept of the arcaded courtyard as the point of departure for all routes in the Main Building. However, the court of honour in the arcaded courtyard was reconstructed at the greatest possible speed. The memorials that had been removed or damaged under Nazi rule had been restored and erected again as soon as 1947.6

Recent Adaptations

The multitude of functions which the Main Building had to fulfil from the very beginning had proved a challenge even to its architect. New challenges continue to arise. Hence, the Auditorium Maximum was refurbished by Roger Baumeister in 2006 and the

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vestibule (the entrance area, often referred to as Aula) modernised. The new elements include a long porter’s desk, a glass airlock and screens. The new hall welcomes visitors as soon as they step into the building and is meant to facilitate immediate orientation in the building (Fig. 7). Between 2009 and 2012, the main building was (once again in the spirit of openness) modernised according to current safety regulations. These measures included the introduction of wider glass doors to access the main staircases and a new lighting concept for the upper storey as well as new relief stairwells in courtyards III and IV and terracotta yards facing Ringstrasse. The most recent construction project was initiated to mark the occasion of the 650th anniversary. It entails the revitalisation of the former university sports

Fig. 5: View of the bomb-damaged Juristenstiege staircase, 1945. Despite the times the Main Building was hit by bombs, teaching resumed among the ruins as soon as the end of May 1945. Fig. 6: Return of the university library books, 1945. The university library stocks had been stored outside of Vienna during the war and were returned after the end of the war.

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Fig. 7: The entrance area, known as Aula, was lit with gas lamps when it was inaugurated in 1884. Its 2006 refurbishment has turned it into a bright and friendly space.

institute USI in the Main Building’s lower ground floor. The refurbishment of the former gym area was instigated by the Bundesimmobiliengesellschaft (BIG) and the University of Vienna and will take place in 2014 / 2015. Upon completion of the building works, the space (net floor area of 1,400 m2) will house two new lecture halls and a new events centre with cloakrooms, sizeable sanitary facilities and catering facilities. The entire events area will be fully accessible and a direct link between the left and right wings of the building will be included in the lower ground floor on the Ringstrasse side. The first exhibition that will be on show in this new BIG-Veranstaltungszentrum will be opened in the anniversary year  : “DER W IENER KR EIS. Ex aktes Denk en a m R and des Untergangs”7.

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Conclusion

As much as Heinrich von Ferstel strove to maximise the functionality of his pathway system and to optimally adapt the rooms to the teaching staff demands, he could not have foreseen how greatly the number of students and the number of books were to grow in the future. It will thus again and again be necessary to make adaptations to the building in order to make sure that his Ringstrasse building will be able to stay not only a representational but also functional centre of the Alma Mater Rudolphina. These adaptations, if they are well considered and executed, will (or ought to) be able to correspond to the current understanding of the institution of itself and to meet the functional requirements of tertiary education buildings.

Fig. 8: Gunther Palme, lower ground floor plan, 2014. The university’s most recent construction project is the erection of an events venue and new lecture halls in the lower ground floor at the front of the Main Building.

Endnotes 1 2 3 4 5

Tasch w er, Universität im Krieg, 387. Mühlberger, Universitätschronik, 53. Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 153. Mühlberger, Universitätschronik, 54. See further in Nina Knieling’s contribution in this volume on pp. 191–211. 6 M a isel, Denkmäler, 15. 7 Exhibition curators  : Karl Sigmund, Friedrich Stadler  ; Architektur  : Hermann Czech.

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Christoph Gnant

The Refurbishment of the Main Building Aula and Arcaded Courtyard at the Beginning of the TwentyFirst Century

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he Aula1 and arcaded courtyard of the Main Building of the University of Vienna were thoroughly refurbished in 2005 / 06. Heinrich von Ferstel’s original concept to link the Aula, the courtyard and the arcades was eventually realised by the autonomous university. One of the main aims of this refurbishment was to open up the Aula and the arcaded courtyard so that it would be able to function as a meeting place for students and researchers.2 The refurbishments succeeding in removing the area’s “monumental air of a cemetery”.3 The office of architect Roger Baumeister signed responsible for the redesign of the new Aula, which was inaugurated in its new function on June 29, 2006 by rector Georg Winckler “as a manifestation of a further opening of the University of Vienna”.4 Universities are not only places of academic discourse, but also sites for serious political debate.5 In the twentieth century, the University of Vienna has been a site of terrible antisemitic violence and persecution. The history of Austria and its entanglement in totalitarianism and national socialism is also reflected in the university. Since the 1980s (in the context of its 625th anniversary), the University of Vienna has dealt more intensively with its Nazi history and addressed more fervently this dark side of its history.6 The Universities Act of 2002 gave the university autonomy. It has had to address the issue of how to consciously face up to its historical responsibilities as well as the necessity of marking this understanding of its history in its buildings. The University of Vienna of today is aware of its share of responsibility for inhumane, unjust and dishonourable acts committed

during the Nazi era. Several acts of remembrance have taken place in recent years, including the revocation of the Nazi era deprival of academic honours7 and the Memorial Book for the University of Vienna’s Victims of National Socialism on show at the former Jewish prayer room in the Campus of the University of Vienna, which has been refurbished with the art object DENK-MAL Marpe Lanefesch. The University of Vienna rectory instigated the Forum Zeitgeschichte der Universität Wien in 2006, which is dedicated to the systematic research of twentieth century history and other topics.8

The Relocation and Contextualisation of the Siegfriedskopf 9

A memorial known as the Siegfriedskopf has been situated in the University of Vienna Main Building’s Aula since 1923.10 The memorial originated with a discussion beginning within the university as early as December 1914 to erect a memorial to the members of the University of Vienna who had fallen during the First World War.11 This wish was the basis for a plan by the Academic Senate in early 1923 to erect a “temporary” roll of honour, as the memorial could not be financed by the University. At the same time, the Deutsche Studentenschaft suggested erecting a memorial for the “German students of our Alma Mater” who had fallen in the world war. They instigated a collection and were subsequently able to cover the majority of the costs for the memorial.12 The memorial was inaugurated on November 9, 1923 with a nationalist German

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Fig. 1: A memorial for the fallen soldiers of the University of Vienna depicting the “head of the fallen Siegfried” in stone was inaugurated in the university’s Aula in 1923. It was primarily funded by the antisemitic and German nationalist “Deutsche Studentenschaft”. The sculpture was created by Viennese sculptor Josef Müllner.

manifestation which was even attended by a group of national socialist students wearing steel helmets.13 The “Deutsche Studentenschaft” was a radical organisation with a German nationalist and antisemitic outlook and the declared aim of representing all “German Arian” students regardless of their citizenship.14 Among other goals, they wanted to achieve a limit on the number of Jewish students admitted to the University of Vienna.15 The memorial shows the “head of Siegfried after his defeat” and was designed by the Viennese sculptor Josef Müllner, who was also responsible for the design of numerous other sculptures in public places in Vienna.16 The artistic depiction of fabled Siegfried after his “insidious” killing can be interpreted as an analogy of the “Dolchstoßlegende” that claimed that the “heroic soldiers at the front” had been defeated due to “treason in the Hinterland”.17

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In the inter-war period, the memorial was used as a site for demonstrative celebrations among German nationalist fraternities and national-socialist students. In the memorial year of 1988 (50 years after the so-called annexation), it was proposed at the University of Vienna that the victims of the Nazi era should be commemorated on a memorial plaque in the Aula. As a result, the senate decided on June 28, 1990 that the Siegfriedskopf be moved into the arcaded courtyard and a plaque be put up in the Aula which would serve as a memorial for “the victims of war and violence with genuine grief ”.18 The decision by the academic senate, however, led to an exceptionally fierce debate in politics and media19, which even resulted in acts of vandalism20 and is hard to comprehend from a present-day point of view.21 The relocation of the Siegfriedskopf into the arcaded courtyard in the 1990s was further halted by

Fig. 2: Redecoration and contextualisation of the Siegfriedskopf. In 1990, the academic senate passed the decision to move the Siegfriedskopf to the arcaded courtyard and provide a more detailed explanation of its origins. This decision sparked a lively public debate and was put into practice only in 2005/06. The Siegfriedskopf was moved in the course of the fundamental redesign of the Aula and the arcaded courtyard. The memorial was placed into an utterly new context with an artistic concept by Bele Marx and Gilles Mussard (Büro Photoglas). The head was deliberately “toppled off its plinth”, separated into its components (plate, plinth, head) and related to a glass body with critical texts and images. This part of the new memorial is placed underneath a further glass “script sculpture”, which contains autobiographical reminiscences of her years as a student by the Jewish German philologist, educator and writer Minna Lachs (1907–1993), which were also marked by antisemitic attacks.

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objections voiced by the Bundesdenkmalamt (Federal Office for the Conservation of Monuments) as well as unsolved issues regarding the technical procedure of doing so.22 Only after the university was able to autonomously work together with the Bundesimmobiliengesellschaft BIG after the Universities Act of 2002 was it possible to achieve the relocation – after 16 years. It was in rector Georg Winckler and vice rector Johann Jurenitsch’s term of office that, as mentioned above, the memorial was moved into the arcaded courtyard and artistically redefined in the course of the thorough refurbishment and redesign of the Aula from 2005 onwards. Bele Marx and Gilles Mussard (Büro Photoglas) were guided by their artistic concept of particularly emphasising the historical dimension of the memorial.23 Friedrich Stadler (Department of Contemporary History) was in charge of the academic treatment. “Bele Marx and Gilles Mussard “toppled” the Siegfriedkopf from its plinth and surrounded it with an inscription. This inscription dominates the sculpture and describes the antisemitic assaults that took place at the University of Vienna during the 1920s and originated primarily with the very group who had financed the Siegfriedskopf. The inscription sculpture provides a subtle “answer” and “defence” against potential abuses where necessary. It offers an accurate narrative that grows stronger over time.”24 The Bundesdenkmalamt had demanded a shell to protect the memorial from exposure to weather. This shell displays texts and photographs that are contemporary to the statute. The outer shell shows excerpts from the recollections wherein Minna Lachs (1907 – 1993) described as a contemporary witness the antisemitic violence that took place during her university years in the late 1920s.25 The Siegfriedskopf has thus changed with its new form and location (deliberately removed from the building’s central axis)26 to become an object that no longer suppresses or denies history.

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The Redesign of the Aula

The Aula was fundamentally altered and even the porter’s lodge relocated in order to give the University of Vienna a modern entrance area. The central alterations even in the very entrance itself were the opening of the central gate and the erection there of a glass cube with inscriptions that refer to the University of Vienna’s foundation charter. The new lighting concept and colour design lifted the Aula out of its “1920s dullness”.27 At the same time, the new Aula offers more information about the University of Vienna, using plasma screens, a glass banner that stretches between the central columns as well as new information terminals in the side halls.28 The Aula redesign in 2005 / 2006 also allowed for the realisation of the explanatory memorial plaques that had in principle already been decided on in 1990. The former location of the Sieg friedskopf before its 2003 removal was left empty. The alcoves on the right and left side of this open central space now serve as memorial alcoves and contain texts which are to display the values that guide the present-day University29  : In the alcove on the right  : “For the Freedom for Science and the Respect of Human Rights Dedicated to the members of the University of Vienna, who were persecuted or banished because of their world view or affiliation with a religious or social group or because of their advocacy of democracy and an independent Austria In profound sadness The University of Vienna”

On the left side  : “Against War and Violence Commemorating the Victims of National Socialism”

Fig. 3: Der Muse reicht’s. Women were not admitted to the University of Vienna before 1897. As late as 1956, physicist Berta Karlik was the first woman to be made a full professor. In 2009, the University of Vienna confonted the fact that its arcaded courtyard thus holds no memorials for female scholars at the university with an attempt to address this deficit and the phenomenon of centuries of exclusion of women from higher education in an art project. The artist Iris Andraschek applied an inlay of a shadow under the title Der Muse reicht’s (The Muse had had it) to express this failure of society.

Der Muse reicht’s

Yet another issue in the University’s past is the need to address the century-long exclusion of women from the University of Vienna. In the Habsburg monarchy, women were not legally able to fully complete their secondary education with the Matura examination until 1896. Increasing social pressure resulted in first admissions of women as students at the Faculty of Philosophy in 1897. Other disciplines at the University of Vienna followed suit in the course of the twentieth century, the Faculty of Catholic Theology being the last to admit women as late as 1945.30 Support of women and equal opportunities have increasingly been pursued at universities since the

early 1990s  ; universities now aim to achieve gender mainstreaming. This has also left its mark in the arcaded courtyard.31 It has long been considered a serious deficit that the poet Marie von Ebner-Eschanbach is the only woman to be represented among more than 150 memorials for exceptional scholars remembered in the University of Vienna’s arcaded courtyard. Academics and students alike have instigated a range of initiatives to raise awareness of this fact.32 A temporary artistic intervention by Elisabeth Penker saw the design of the bronze bust of an “Anonynmous female scholar”, which was on show for a limited time before the courtyard arcades were refurbished.33 The University of Vienna rectory and BIG held a competition in 2008 / 09 in order to address the Uni-

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versity’s neglect of this issue until that date  : Equal presentation of the achievements of women in scholarship does not have a place in the University’s tribute policy.34 The bronze bust being considered a nineteenth century tribute form, it was decided that the first step of addressing the deficit was to find a new artistic format in which to raise the visibility of female scholars. The artist Iris Andraschek won the competition with her design “Der Muse reicht’s” (The Muse had had it)  : it addresses the omission with the inlay of a shadow cast by the sculpture of Castalia.35 The “idyllic arcaded courtyard” is “posthumously shocked”.36 A broad scholarly discussion accompanied the art project  ; its results are, among other manifestations, shown in the inscriptions on the two plinths nearest the inlay of the shadow. For the University of Vienna, this project was one of many important steps on its way to addressing the equal treatment of men and women.37 The University of Vienna will continue to address this important issue in the twenty-first century. In particular, this includes a treatment of the question of how the visibility of exceptional female scholars can be raised in the arcaded courtyard. Endnotes 1 The Main Building’s entrance area is descibed as a vestibule in this book, which is the correct description from the art historical point of view. However, the entrance area is popularly referred to as Aula, a term that is also used in official documents of the University. This article will use this terms for the sake of clarity. 2 M a isel, Denkmäler, 7. 3 M a isel, Denkmäler, 17. 4 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 84. 5 Unfortunately, university buildings were also sites of violence that was directed, e. g., against Jewish or social democrat students. On the interwar years, see, e. g., Minna Lachs’ recollections  : L achs, Erinnerung. 6 Much has been written on this topic, including  : Mühlberger, Vertriebene Intelligenz  ; Sta dler, Vertriebene Vernunft  ; Heiss, Willfährige Wissenschaft. 7 Posch/Sta dler, Aberkennungen. 8 Please see the informative homepage of the forum “Zeit-

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geschichte der Universität Wien”. This site also contains further references  : http://forum-zeitgeschichte.univie.ac.at/, 5.11.2014.   9 On this, see the comprehensive documentation “Kontroverse Siegfriedskopf ”, http://forum-zeitgeschichte.univie.ac.at/uni versitaet/forum-zeitgeschichte/gedenkkultur/siegfriedskopf/, 5.11.2014. 10 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 108 – 110. 11 Dav y  /   Vašek, “Siegfried-Kopf ”, 9. 12 Dav y  /   Vašek, “Siegfried-Kopf ”, 10. 13 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 108. 14 M a isel, Denkmäler, 20. 15 For more detail on the Deutsche Studentenschaft, see   : Davy / Vašek, “Siegfried-Kopf ” 18–27. 16 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 110. 17 M a isel, Denkmäler, 20. 18 Dav y  /   Vašek, “Siegfried-Kopf ”, 7. 19 The great number of media reactions are elaborately documented in Dav y  /   Vašek, “Siegfried-Kopf ”. 20 M a isel, Denkmäler, 22. 21 The discussion was complicated not least by the fact that the Siegfriedskopf was also used as a memorial for the fallen soldiers of the Second World War during the 1950s, a.o. by Catholic student bodies, see Wel a n, Student in Rot-WeißRot, 21  ; Documentation “Kontroverse Siegfriedskopf ”, Forum “Zeitgeschichte”. 22 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 110. 23 M a isel, Denkmäler, 22. 24 Gilles Mussar d / Bele M ar x, Kontroverse Siegfriedskopf  : http://www.photoglas.com/, 5.11.2014  ; Documentation “Kontroverse Siegfriedskopf ”, Forum “Zeitgeschichte”. 25 M a isel, Denkmäler, 23. 26 M a isel, Denkmäler, 22. 27 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 112. 28 Mühlberger, Palast der Wissenschaft, 84. 29 See documents on the memorial alcoves in the Aula, Forum “Zeitgeschichte“  : http://forum-zeitgeschichte.univie.ac.at/ gedenkkultur/aula-gedenknischen/, 5.11.2014. 30 Comprehensively on this  : Heindl / Tichy, Frauen. 31 Blum  /  Bukowsk a, Muse, 14. 32 Documentation, Der Muse reicht’s  : http://www.dermusereichts.at/, 5.11.2014. 33 M a isel, Denkmäler, 23. 34 Georg Winckler in A ndr aschek, Der Muse reicht’s, 5. 35 Blum  /  Bukowsk a, Muse, 13. 36 Eiblm ayr, Index aus Stein, 20. 37 Blum  /  Bukowsk a, Muse, 14.

Elmar Schübl

A Great Achievement The Architectural Development of the University of Vienna in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century

Y

ou cannot always judge a book by its cover. Façades can be deceptive. As far as the buildings of the University of Vienna are concerned, however, their condition in 1945 was a perfect mirror of the catastrophic situation of the entire Austrian university system after the end of the Second World War. Not a single building had survived this catastrophe unscathed. Its main building, the “palace of knowledge”, had been seriously damaged and served as an allegory for the great loss of substance that had been suffered by the institutions of higher learning and universities in Austria since the beginning of the First World War. Some of the university buildings that now lay in ruins had been built in the time between 1869 and 1914. This period was the time when the University of Vienna was among the top research and education institutions worldwide. It had been designed as a European great power “top university” after the revolutionary events of 1848 and had been established as such in the imperial capital and royal residence city. The University of Vienna attracted intellectuals from all parts of the monarchy and achieved a radiance that shone far beyond the borders of the large Habsburg Empire. The First World War greatly taxed the state budget and prevented a continuation of the monarchy-wide building campaign that would also have benefited the empire’s “first university”. Stagnation during the inter-war years was followed by destruction in the war years of 1944 and 1945. The reconstruction of damaged university buildings, whose architectural and artistic program and grandeur serve as reminders of the high value attached to science in the Habsburg Empire, was largely completed in the

early 1950s. In 1955, the consolidation of the economic situation had begun and Austria regained its sovereignty after ten years of occupation. The Second Republic’s first large new university building project was what is still known as the Neue Institutsgebäude (NIG) of the University of Vienna. Almost half a century had passed between the completion of the chemistry and physics buildings on Währinger Straße / B oltzmanngasse (1914) and the erection of the NIG in 1962. It took until the 1960s for the Austrian universities to even begin to recover from the years since 1914, which had been difficult years in many respects. The Bildungsbericht (Report on Education) issued by the Ministry of Education in 1965 nevertheless still notes that  : “Notwithstanding the undeniable success of reconstruction, any comparison of Austrian tertiary education institutions with comparable institutions abroad is bound to cast a negative light on Austria.”1 It must be remembered that the conditions for a new start could hardly have been any worse in the spring of 1945. The construction of university buildings was paramount to the reconstruction of the institutions of higher learning and universities in the Second Republic. Rooms and buildings are, after all, indispensable for the successful running of education, research and administration. The first challenge was the erection of the required buildings and their facilities, the second challenge was the development into a “university for the masses” as a result of the enormous growth in student numbers from the 1970s onwards. The University of Vienna, being by far the largest university in Austria, was massively affected by this development. While just under 17,300 stu-

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Fig. 1: The building site on Universitätsstrasse, late 1950s. This is where the Second Republic’s first large university construction was erected: the Neues Institutsgebäude (NIG). The primary purpose of the NIG was to relieve the Main Building on Ringstrasse, which was only a short walk away.

dents were enrolled at this university (including the Faculty of Medicine) in 1969 / 70, student numbers had risen to almost 40,000 in 1979 / 80, 65,000 a decade later and 77,500 at the turn of the century. 92,000 students were enrolled in 2013 / 14. This chapter will outline the developments in education and social policy that resulted in a “university for the masses”. It will then go on to address the state’s organisation of university-related construction works. It took a change in that sphere before many organisational units of the University of Vienna could be architecturally well provided for at the end of the twentieth century. The issue of location is also addressed. Finally, three examples (Neues Institutsgebäude – NIG  ; Universitätssportzentrum Schmelz – USZ I & II  ; Universitätszentrum Althanstraße – UZA I & II) will serve to demonstrate the number of

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difficulties that had to be faced before a significant improvement of the architectural infrastructure was in place at the beginning of the 21st century.2

Towards a “university for the masses”

A wave of enthusiasm for education gathered pace in the 1950s and continued unabated before receding in the mid-1970s. It was this enthusiasm that paved the way to a “university for the masses”. The educational campaign that took hold in the second half of the 1950s gained increasing social and political relevance. The view that higher education would result in a higher standard of living spread throughout the population on all levels. This conviction was not limited to economic development but also referred to social

and cultural aspects. The two main political parties, ÖVP and SPÖ, agreed that more and higher education was indispensable in order to tackle the social and economic issues they were facing. Although an expansive educational policy was only possible thanks to steep economic growth, the development of higher education and universities was in fact guided by social policy. In his 1988 final volume of the Geschichte des österreichischen Bildungswesens (History of the Austrian Education System), Helmut Engelbrecht wrote that education policy was sidelined to the margins during that decade  : “the focus is nowadays placed more firmly on balancing the budget as necessary”3. This has not changed in the last thirty years. Austrian university and education policy has for the last century largely been a matter of managing deficits. A central issue that also had a significant effect on education policy in the 1960s was the achievement of demographic change. The ÖVP supported “fairness in opportunities” (Chancengerechtigkeit), while the SPÖ advanced “equal opportunities” (Chancengleichheit). After over forty years of economic and political crises that badly affected the Austrian schools and universities, great expectations were placed on the extension and modernisation of the education system. The political aim to make “full use” of all talents was based on economic interests, but was also linked with the social policy goal to tap into unused talent throughout the country. Regional inequalities were to be reduced. As a result, many institutions of higher education were deliberately established in educationally deprived areas. In 1950, there were 206 schools that qualified their graduates to be eligible for university study upon completion. That number had risen to 516 in 1980, and the number of pupils at these schools had even increased fourfold.4 Not only university buildings were erected  : the construction of federal schools was also a successful chapter in Austria’s recent history, and Engelbrecht even regards it as one of the most notable achievements of the Second Republic.5 The reduction of regional inequalities also characterised the expansion of the university network.6

Fig. 2: Certificate on the laying of the foundation stone for the NIG on Universitätsstrasse (7), December 6, 1958. According to earlier plans, this site was going to accommodate a university library building.

The extension of the general and vocational secondary schools soon resulted in a rise of student numbers, making the university’s lack of space even more apparent. The ministry of education’s 1965 Bildungsbericht notes that the most urgent problem faced by the universities was that of space. “This leap in student numbers meets the higher demand for most highly qualified professionals in state and business, but was also bound to stretch our higher education institutions’ insufficient facilities beyond their capacities. The number of students has far surpassed the normal capacity of the Austrian institutions of higher learning. It is only thanks to the professors’ idealism

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and ability to improvise that the operation of teaching and research has not in fact collapsed, as had to be feared on several occasions.”7 The ministry report further notes that  : “the facilities of the Austrian institutions of higher learning had already been deemed insufficient and below international standards in the phase of relative stabilisation (c. 1954 / 55). Much progress has certainly been made since then, that must not be ignored  : a number of modern, functional buildings for institutions of higher learning have been erected and the equipment of departments and laboratories has been brought up to date and renewed, staff numbers have significantly increased. However, the extraordinary growth in student numbers has drowned out these achievements. The investments would have resulted in a considerable improvement if student numbers had remained the same since 1955, and would have made a significant contribution to raising Austrian tertiary education institutions up to the international standard. Yet the investments were in fact not even sufficient to balance out the difficulties that have arisen as a result of the growth in student numbers. The situation of the Austrian institutions of higher learning must therefore be considered even more serious today than ten years ago.”8 This problematic development has gained considerable momentum and has continued unabated until now. Since 1975, neither the growth in university staff numbers nor the acquisition of premises reflected the growth in student numbers  : as a result, conditions of study deteriorated. Although the rise in graduation numbers was merely moderate, the average length of study increased steadily. The number of university drop-outs rose sharply during the 1980s, as did the number of unemployed graduates and of graduates who could not find adequate employment appropriate to their qualification. University access was not regulated, not least out of concern about the negative effects such a move could have had on the labour market  : the unemployment statistics remain lower when young persons, whose chances on the labour market are especially limited, are enrolled in university studies instead. This temporary “alleviation” is

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also among the tasks that Austrian universities have had to fulfil since the early 1970s. It was one of the reasons for the “opening” of the universities at the time. However, the resulting problems of a “university for the masses” do limit the potential of institutions dedicated to teaching and research, a role that Austrian universities had only taken on in 1848. The Habsburg empire adopted the cornerstones of modern research universities (academic freedom, the close relationship of research and learning and the right of the faculty to choose its members) in the revolutionary year of 1848.9 Modern research universities are characterised by academic pursuit that strives for the constant acquisition of new insights. The academic cognitive process is open and expansive by nature. It is made possible by academic freedom, which aims to support the personal drive for insight. A research university is primarily a place for seeking insights, where teachers and students use their talents in order to “solve the problems of mankind and contribute to the positive development of society and the natural environment”10. This is the first and foremost task of universities, written into law as such in the university law of 2002. The great significance that was granted to scientific insight in the course of the nineteenth century accelerated a process that was to result in the presence of science in almost all spheres of human life. Research science has advanced to being a power of interpretation, design and a “cultural authority of exceeding prestige”11. Scientists started to gain the power to interpret humankind and its social and natural environment, thus replacing religious authorities in that role within the emergent enlightened, knowledge-based societies. This process of secularisation had gained its first important stimuli from the first European universities during the high middle ages12 and was to enter its concluding phase in the twentieth century. Academic freedom was granted in Austria in 1848. Fostering the personal human interest in knowledge as it does, it proved to be the driving force behind the development of specialist differentiation and institutionalisation. An impressive range of teaching and

Fig. 3: The Neues Institutsgebäude in the 1960s, original façade designed by Minister Fritz Bock. The building originally accommodated mostly humanities departments at the large Faculty of Philosophy.

research soon emerged at the University of Vienna,13 which still far surpasses what is offered by other Austrian universities. The range of scientific disciplines is an expression of humankind’s intellectual wealth. The differentiation and institutionalisation of specialisms was also reflected in the erection of university buildings. After all, expansion resulted in higher staff numbers and an accordingly greater number of required spaces. The Austrian university administration had noted this correlation as early as in 1913  : “A range of factors that have emerged in the course of the last decades and continue to develop particularly in the natural sciences, medicine and technology,14 including most of all the transformation of academic pursuit into a large-scale enterprise, have given currency to construction issues. This applies to the organisation and

administration of our institutions of higher learning, whose character and individual development rely on the close connection of research and teaching. Specialization or the combination of disciplines result in new branches of sciences, chairs develop into departments, existing departments and clinics are supplemented by new sections and laboratories  : these new creations and adaptations call for according alterations or extensions to older buildings or even the construction of new, modern, purpose-built houses. Extensions and new buildings are furthermore necessitated almost everywhere by the considerable growth in the number of students and teachers that we have witnessed in the course of the last quarter century.”15 The situation was no different in the 1960s. In the second half of the decade, the ministry ordered a calculation and assessment of the premises available

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to the university. The required space was calculated on the basis of international comparison. The resulting data were the basis for the 1969 design of an extensive building campaign for institutions of higher learning and universities. The results of this “Längerfristiges Entwicklungsprogramm für den Hochschulbau” (long-term development program for tertiary education buildings) were published in 1972. In contrast to the Schulentwicklungsprogramm 1971 – 1980 (school development program 1971 – 1980), it was not, however, passed by the council of ministers. This was detrimental to the budget made available for the building works by the ministry of economy. Nevertheless, the program served as a directive for the development of buildings for Austrian universities in the final third of the twentieth century. The ministry for science and research had been established in 1970  : the predominant view in this ministry was that the scheme had been too generous. As late as 1981, Hertha Firnberg wrote in the Hochschulbericht (Report on Institutions of Higher Learning)  : “In the 1980s, enrolment figures will be an important, but no longer dominant, factor in tertiary education policy.”16 This assessment proved to be wrong.

The Organisation of University Building Construction

University building construction had traditionally been organised jointly by three federal ministries. Space allocations and usage plans were developed in conjunction with members of the university and approved as part of the science portfolio. The budget for construction works, however, was administered by the ministry of economy, which was also responsible for the initiation of the actual architectural design and execution of the construction works. The ministry of finance provided the means  : the amount available for the construction works depended on the economy ministry’s negotiating skills. In this traditional method, the invested amount for construction works was to be covered in full during the period of construction. However, the great

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demand led to the initiation of too many building sites even in the 1960s, so that the annual instalments could not be allocated a high enough sum. That resulted in a number of considerable delays. At the universities, it was joked that instead of constructing new buildings, they were maintaining shell forms. For example, the refurbishment and extension of the departmental building in the Botanic Garden on Rennweg took a whole 14 years to be completed. This was not a large-scale project like the Vienna Juridicum (Department of Law) that was inaugurated in 1984 after a twelve-year construction period. The University of Graz R E SOW I-Centre is comparable to the Juridicum in size and application  : it was completed after only two years of construction and opened its doors in 1996. Construction delays caused increased costs and also resulted in a significant number of makeshift arrangements by the mid1980s. These, of course, increased the costs further. Such “outside leases” often resulted in the division of larger organisational units. These circumstances constituted great challenges for the science ministry’s “space allocation department”, which performed admirably. This department, headed by Franz Loicht, consistently followed a path of meeting requirements flexibly and pragmatically, “combined with a readiness to improvise and continue to learn”17. As of the early 1970s, the space allocation department promoted the use of finance and project execution models that synchronised the investment budget with usage time. Most of the large-scale university projects were based on these models. Projects in collaboration with property developers increased the speed at which premises could be made available to the universities. Compared with the 1970 situation, the University of Vienna eventually had more than doubled its area by the end of the twentieth century. The qualitative improvement of working conditions was even greater. These property developer projects were calculated from the budget of the science portfolio and were thus executed outside of the economy ministry’s university construction program. The weaknesses of this latter program became more and more apparent. The

Fig. 4: The NIG and the Main Building are the two university buildings that have most often been touched by relocations. This soon left clear traces, which were to be ameliorated by regular refurbishments. A thorough conversion, including façade redesign, was conducted in the early twenty-first century on the basis of designs by Laurids and Manfred Ortner.

crisis that affected all federal construction projects, was averted in 1987 by way of an exceptional finance program. The program was based on the assumption that long-lived commodities ought to be subject to long-term financing. The ministry of science had already argued to that effect in the 1960s and summed up the problems inherent in the traditional organisation of federal construction in its 1987 Hochschulbericht  : “In the completion of public works, the material issue is who will hold the rights of access and design and not such traditional values as who holds the title to the property according to civil law. Therefore, the principles of thrift, economic viability and

fitness for purpose ought to govern the choice of usage and finance models, not an adherence to traditional methods.”18 The ministry of science set out a path that resulted first in the establishment of the Bundesimmobiliengesellschaft (BIG, 1992) (Federal Property Association) and then in 2000 in the Bundesimmobiliengesetz (Federal Property Law) that for now completes the thorough reform of state construction and real estate administration. As a result, the creation of university premises has become faster and more cost-effective. However, the quality and range of university construction will remain a matter of political commit-

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ment. They are telling indicators of the significance awarded to the universities within the state’s social policy. University construction is a topic that is always current  : the limited life expectancy of buildings means that it will never come to an end.

The University of Vienna’s Location Issues

The quest for appropriate premises for the University of Vienna is shaped not least by the university’s central location. The buildings that were erected for the university during the last third of the nineteenth century and the early years of the twentieth century were located in an area northwest of the historic centre. This zone covering the outskirts of the first district (Inner City) and a part of the ninth district (Alsergrund) was subject to urban development at the time  ; the high density of Gründerzeit buildings soon limited the area available to the rapidly growing university. After the end of the Second World War, reconstruction projects did nothing to change either the difficult initial situation nor the essential cornerstones for future university extensions. Expansion of the university’s space was an important issue in the early 1960s. The ministry of education commissioned Fritz Purr to compile an overview of the room and area requirements including development suggestions. When the university celebrated its 600th anniversary in 1965, the ministry issued a brochure on “Vienna and its University” that was to inform the population of the development plans. There followed a long, often tenuous process of discussion on sites and the functional relationships between the faculties. The erection of a second large university location or even the new erection of the entire university on the outskirts of the city were among the proposals made, but these ideas were in the end never seriously considered either by the university itself or the ministry. Both agreed in principle that the most traditional university in Austria was to remain at the centre of town, where it could contribute to the capital’s cultural life. That did not simplify the complex issue, involving as it did long-term ur-

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ban development ramifications in an area with an already high building density. The ministry and the university were united in their desire to ensure that the university’s main locations have the greatest possible proximity to each other. This could only be achieved through the purchase of real estate that was in private hands. However, several opportunities to do so were not taken up, because the federal republic was not able to supply the necessary funds. In order to speedily secure buildings and sites for the university, the ministry (unsuccessfully) suggested the establishment of a fund that would be fed by donations from the federal republic, the City of Vienna and benefactors.19 The strategy to extend the main location proved successful as the decades passed.20 47 of the 66 university locations in the capital were part of this central location in 2014. Its “cornerstones” are the main building (Universitätsring 1) in the south, the university Campus (Spitalgasse 2) in the west, the physics and chemistry building (Währinger Straße 38–42, Boltzmanngasse 3–5 / Strudelhofgasse 4) in the north and the Juridicum (Schottenbastei 10 – 16) in the east. Two large new buildings were erected in this area  : the NIG (in 1962) and the Juridicum (in 1984). The adaptation of the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus into a university campus21 (in 1998) is one example out of the numerous adaptations of old buildings that house university units today. Of course it was not possible to provide houses for all university units at the main location. Larger university locations already existed in the eighteenth district (the observatory) and the third district (botanical garden). The sports centre Universitätssportzentrum Schmelz in the fifteenth district, the former location of the Vienna University of Economics and Business in the nineteenth district, the Betriebswirtschaftliches Zentrum (business studies centre) in the twenty-first district, the Vienna Biocenter in the third district and the Universitätszentrum Althanstraße (UZ A) in the ninth district were added in the second half of the twentieth century. The erection and extension of the UZA to house the University of Economics and Business (temporarily) as well as nu-

Fig. 5: The NIG refurbishment included the realization of a Kunst am Bau project on the façade. Artist Eva Schlegel covered the loggia glass of all six floors with writing: on the one hand, the writing asks to be read, while on the other hand it is so blurry that it cannot be deciphered.

merous natural science departments at the university, opened up new perspectives with regard to a use for the Altes AKH. The university campus that was established there became the centre for cultural science departments. The cultural scientists were originally intended to receive a second centre, but the project “Roßauer Kaserne” failed in the early 1990s.22

The “new building” (Neues Institutsgebäude / NIG)

The first large new university building in Austria after 1945 was dedicated to relieving the University of Vienna main building. The reconstruction of the

monumental university building had been completed in the 1950s  ; not a single department housed therein had sufficient space at their disposal. The university library was hardest hit by the lack of space. Even during the planning stage of the main building did the director of the library vehemently but unsuccessfully plead for the erection of a dedicated library building. The rapid growth of the library stock resulted in problems as early on as the turn of the century. These were to be solved with a new building  : Otto Wagner, for example, submitted a generous design for a library building in 1910. The idea was taken up again after the Second World War and Alfred Dreier and Otto Nobis submitted plans to that effect in 1952.

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These plans for a new building failed in the 1950s, as it was more important to address the serious deficits affecting teaching activity  : not least in the face of a lack of lecture halls did the university directors oppose the planned erection of a library building in 1955 in favour of a large departmental building with fourteen lecture halls. The architects Dreier and Nobis were commissioned to plan the NIG, a building with nine storeys (27,300 m2) arranged in wings that surround an interior courtyard. The façade was fashioned according to the ideas of Fritz Bock, federal minister for trade and reconstruction. He had been instrumental in ensuring the speedy realization of this construction project. It was a large-scale project  : the house, which was located in the main building’s immediate vicinity, cost 102 million Austrian Shilling and took just under four years to erect. It was completed in 1962. A refectory with access to a terrace is located in the highest storey, and the three largest lecture halls were located on the basement level. Initially, the NIG (Universitätsstraße 7) housed sixteen departments (largely of the humanities) that belonged to the Faculty of Philosophy. The university library remained in the main building, but benefited from the move for some time  : space was made available for its purposes, including the sacrifice of a grand staircase (Stiege XII) in the 1960s. Since then, the NIG has been the university building that, together with the main building, has been most affected by relocations. These soon left their mark, necessitating regular refurbishments. A comprehensive rededication was considered in the mid1990s. The university imagined that after the UZ A II had taken up operations in 1995 and the Campus had been inaugurated in 1997 / 98, the NIG would be free to be turned into a centre for what was then the Faculty of Integrative Studies. The NIG was to be adapted in stages for that purpose. The plan was delayed for financial reasons, resulting in the NIG even remaining empty for some time. It was finally adapted by the Bundesimmobiliengesellschaft according to plans by Laurids and Manfred Ortner and completed in 2004. These works included a new façade design.23 In 2014, the oldest of the post-1945

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university buildings housed a total of six departments belonging to the Faculties of Social Science, Psychology, Philosophy and Education and of Geoscience, Geography and Astronomy as well as four inter-faculty research platforms and several service institutions.

The Vienna university sports centre Universitätssportzentrum Schmelz (USZ I & II)

Vienna University sports go back to the revolutionary year of 1848. It was in that year that gymnastics lessons were first offered to students on a trial basis. The “physical education teacher training course” (the forerunner of today’s Department of Sports Science) was separated from the sports centre UniversitätsTurnanstalt (U TA, today Universitätssport-Institut, USI) as late as in 1919. After 1945, neither the rooms available for sports in the main building and the former Garnisonsspital hospital nor the abutting university sports ground provided sufficient space for the two institutions, especially as the UTA was to serve the members of all Viennese institutions of higher learning. Following several unsuccessful attempts at a solution, the erection of a university sports centre appeared to be possible in the early 1960s on the former grounds of the sports club Hakoah (established in 1909) and the abutting federal grounds in the Prater. Even then, another option had been the site Auf der Schmelz.24 This area in the fifteenth district was relatively close to the centre and had accommodated a parade ground from 1850 until the inter-war years. The Schmelz had the advantage that it already housed a sports ground on a site that belonged to the federal republic. The ASKÖ (developed out of the workers’ and soldiers’ sports associations) had erected the grounds in the eastern part of the site in 1925. However, the ASKÖ did not want to give up the sports ground but rather extend it. A 40.000 m2 area west of Possingerstraße provided an alternative  : this area, known as “Grabeland” (digging land) had been occupied by allotment gardeners who had not

Fig. 6: The University of Vienna sports centre Schmelz, entrance area. The area “Auf der Schmelz” is fairly central, in Vienna’s fifteenth district (Rudolfsheim-Fünfhaus).

applied for a permission to do so (approved allotments immediately abut the area). Following tenuous negotiations with the City of Vienna, the state managed to achieve a rededication for this site. The site intended for the Universitätssportzentrum (USZ I, Auf der Schmelz 6) bordered on its northern edge on the federal army’s “garage district”. These wooden barracks had been erected by the Wehrmacht during the Second World War and were in use as garages. The ministry of defence and the ministry of education came to an agreement in 1967, whereby this area was to be used as an extension of the USZ and could be developed as such as soon as the army had found an alternative location. The USZ I took up operations in 1973, the building following the plans of Fritz Purr and based on a space and function allocation scheme from 1967.25

One three-storey wing of the building complex housed the areas to be used by the Department of Sports Science, the University Sports Department, the Federal Institution for Physical Education and the Austrian Department of Sports Medicine. Three lecture halls were erected in another wing. The USZ I also has a dinner hall. The sports grounds comprise facilities including a winter track, six gyms and an indoor swimming pool with a hydraulic moveable floor. 380 trees were planted in order to underline the fifteenth district area’s recreational character. The newly created university sports centre out in the open provided a temporary solution to the lack of training grounds. However, the extreme rise in student numbers at all Vienna universities and the generous extension of sports activities on offer soon brought this success to its limits.26 The ministry of

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Fig. 7: The University of Vienna sports centre Schmelz was inaugurated in 1973 and has since been extended twice. The indoor swimming pool with hydraulic moveable floor has been part of the building since the start.

science made an attempt to free up the “garage district” already in the late 1970s. It would take almost another ten years, however, to do so, because the ministry of defence’s demands continued to rise  : the derelict wooden barracks were, for example, asked to be compensated for with a nuclear bomb-proof command and operations centre. The re-dedication of the area by the City of Vienna also proved to be difficult. Another round of tenuous negotiations appeared to be on the horizon, as the district administrators wanted to erect residential housing on the site. In contrast to the negotiations for the USZ I, however, a compromise was reached with relative speed and agreed on in the early 1980s. The City of Vienna agreed to rededicate the site for sports purposes as long as the federal republic (as the owner of the site) agreed to the erection of residential buildings on its immediate borders along Possingerstraße and Gablenzgasse.27 This plan had

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the advantage that the houses erected on the edges of the site screened the sports site off from the streets and their high levels of traffic. The realization of the intended construction works was initiated by the City of Vienna’s 1986 decision to relocate a water reservoir. That had been necessitated by the extension of the underground train line U3  : an existing reservoir along the intended train line was to be adapted into a shopping centre (Johnstrasse). The Schmelz was chosen as the new location for the reservoir due to its elevated situation. The 17.000 m2 area above the reservoir was adapted into an open air ground for university sports in the early 1990s. During negotiations with the property developers in charge of the residential housing project, the ministry of science managed to secure one of the new buildings along Possingerstraße for USZ purposes. The ministry suggested that this buildings also be erected by one of the two housing societies

and be rented to the federal republic at a previously agreed rate. However, the ministries of finance and of economy opposed the execution of this property developer project. The USZ II (Auf der Schmelz 6a) was accordingly completed as a federal construction project, resulting in a delayed start of construction works and greater costs due to the erection of a separate building site. Harry Glück planned the seven-story building that was ready for operation after one year of construction works in autumn of 1994. The extension included two gyms and one dance studio, but mainly housed rooms for the Department of Sports Science (library, classrooms, laboratories and offices).28 The artistically rendered floor tiling in the aula is based on a concept by Helmut Margreiter, showing the allegorical depiction of a Greek Olympian. This was a project of the Kunst und Bau (“art and construction”) initiative of the federal construction department. This arts initiative goes back to the 1970s and aims to offer encounters with contemporary art apart from museums and galleries. The council of ministers decreed the guidelines for the execution of this initiative in 1985  ; it consumed one per cent of the net construction budget.

The Universitätszentrum Althanstraße (UZA I & II)

Professors were already complaining about the lack of space available to the Department of Zoology in the main building at the beginning of the twentieth century. Several attempts to achieve a solution failed. The erection of a new building for the zoology department initially had to do with the realization of the university sports grounds Schmelz in the mid1960s. The site on Sensengasse that would be freed by the move was to house a new departmental building. Then, however, another opportunity arose  : The eighteenth district site of the university observatory was chosen for the premises. It seemed possible that construction on the departmental building designed by Karl Schwanzer and Gerhard Krampf would begin swiftly, after the district administration agreed

the rededication of the area in December 1970. Almost 94 per cent of the observatory area would have remained empty. The project went on to pass through all authorities and the first construction agreement negotiation was held in the beginning of July 1972. The project was ready for realization, but came to a halt shortly afterwards. Initiated by commercial interests, a small citizens’ initiative had established itself to “Save the Observatory Park”. It was greatly enhanced through a campaign in one of the daily newspapers. Its slogan was a conscious deception, however  : the “park” had been a protection zone for the observatory and not open to the public at all. The initiator of the citizens’ initiative had expensive apartments erected on a site on Türkenschanzstraße that was located opposite the observatory site  ; it was their intention to achieve the creation of a public park. The eighteenth district governor had initially supported the project but then changed his mind. The mayor of Vienna, Felix Slavik, felt that he had to conduct a public opinion poll. This poll was the final nail in the coffin of the university’s eighteenth district construction plans. Slavik resigned in 1973. The ministry of science then suggested that the new premises for the zoology department be included in the Universitätszentrum Althanstraße (UZA) project, which was originally intended to be a new building only for the University of Economics and Business. The UZA I was an exceptional construction project in several respects. It was the largest university construction project in Austria during the second half of the 1970s. The site itself was unusual  : the UZA I (Althanstraße 14) was built on a concrete plate above the Franz-Josefs-Bahnhof freight station. The zoologists found it difficult to come to terms with the new site, with the green and relatively calm surroundings of the observatory grounds still fresh in their minds. They doubted that it was possible ensure that laboratory work would be (mostly) undisturbed by vibrations from the operating freight station underneath. The superstructure above the station in an area that was (albeit centrally located) rather suburban in character even at the beginning of the 1970s raised international interest not least because of the

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Fig. 8: Universitätszentrum-Althanstraße (UZA) II took up operations in 1995: it was built in order to house the geoscience and pharmaceutics departments. The UZA I had been built in 1982 for the biology departments.

appreciation it brought to the entire district. The finance model was also exceptional at the time. The total of approx. 3.6 billion Austrian Shillings did not tax the university budget, because it was assigned to the science portfolio, being executed by the trustees for the funding of the University of Economics and Business Studies rather than the ministry of economics. Although the Althanstraße site was borne out of an emergency situation, it developed into an important centre for the natural science departments at the University of Vienna. The first step in that direction was taken with the 1979 decision that the UZA I was to house not only the zoology department, but also four other departments. It was even considered to

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move the Department of Botany there, as this department’s extension of Rennweg was in danger of failure. In 2014, the building complex (having been extended into a “bio-centre” of 39,000 m2 for this purpose) housed ten departments and three further scientific institutions of the Faculty of Life Sciences. The three storey “bio-centre” was designed by the architects Kurt Hlaweniczka, Karl Schwanzer and Gerhard Krampf and erected in 1976 – 1982 in the south of what was then the University of Economics and Business Studies’ new building. A library building acts as a bridge between the two large building parts. The “bio-centre” adopted the linear style with intersecting annexes from the new Business University building and added to it with a model of multi-­

Fig. 9: The UZA I & II were built on a concrete plate above the Franz Josef freight station, thus creating an exceptional site that has since grown into a centre for natural sciences at the University of Vienna.

level low-rise buildings. The architects thus strove to achieve a “biological environment” that could be used for the teaching and research activities at these departments. This possibility had already been considered when the departmental areas and their respective outdoor spaces were allocated. The intersecting annexes constitute links to access the offices and workspaces which are placed in the “side axis”. Highly frequented areas (lecture halls, classrooms and laboratories) are situated in the “central zone”, where the Department of Zoology’s extensive collections are also presented. The departments furthermore have two research greenhouses at their disposal. Although the entire UZA I building complex adheres to the linear building style, the two large building

parts are very different in their outer appearance. The “bio-centre” façade is largely executed in aluminium, while the former University of Economics and Business Studies building complex uses rear ventilated curtain walls as a design element. The Kunst und Bau initiative resulted in several projects for the university’s “bio-centre”  : pictures by Franz Grabmayer and Peter Klitsch as well as the metal sculpture Auffliegender Vogel by Oskar E. Höfinger and the wood sculpture Die Vierergruppe by Josef Schagerl.29 The university site on the bank of the Donaukanal constituted valuable expansion land. The area that still remained available above the freight station was of greatest interest both to the University of Economics and Business Studies and to the University

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Fig. 10: A building component comprising five lecture halls and two departmental libraries connects the Geo- und Pharmazentrum. A teacher’s perspective on the lecture hall, a central site for the transfer of knowledge.

of Vienna. However, it was not large enough to satisfy both universities’ issued demands for space. The ministry decided to extend the natural science centre there, not least because this area was the only realistic site for an expansion of the University of Vienna in the beginning of the 1980s. The “geo- and pharma-centre” takes up about 90 percent of the UZ A II area. This is the reason why the extension project was no longer executed by the University of Economics and Business Studies trustees (which had indeed initially been considered). However, the ministries of science, economy and finance agreed that this project was to be executed with the well-proven property development model. The contractor for this project at a cost of altogether 2.7 billion Austrian Shillings was the Universitätszentrum-Althanstraße-Erweiterungsgesellschaft

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(Association for the extension of the University Centre Althanstraße). The extensive contracts between the contractor and the federal republic were signed in October 1985. In agreement with the ministry of economics, the association contracted the architects Kurt Hlaweniczka, Franz Requat, Martin Schwanzer and Ertan Ilicali to design the building complex with a floor area of almost 88,000 m2. The design was based on a room and function allocation scheme from 1986 that had been extended by a fifth storey in 1988 and was reworked several times before 1990. After a construction period of five years, the UZA II, which was technologically equipped to a highly sophisticated standard, took up operations in 1995. It greatly improved the working conditions at the geoscience and pharmaceutics departments. Other university departments also benefited from the comple-

tion of the UZA II  : After the departments had moved to the Donaukanal location, their previous accommodations (largely Gründerzeit buildings) were free for adaptation. Another positive effect was that it was possible to dispense with several temporary spaces (“external leases”). The UZA II’s basic structure is like that of its predecessor. A central zone from north to south serves as an area for communication and to provide access to the building parts. Nine intersecting annexes (“links”) house the office and research areas supplemented by laboratories, storage and office spaces, etc. These areas are ordered by departments. The main entrance area with three lecture halls is located in the south. It is followed by the “geo-centre”, which comprises five “links”. It was home to seven departments at the Faculty of Geosciences, Geography and Astronomy in 2014. The next area houses five lecture halls and two departmental libraries. The “pharma-centre” beyond it comprises four “links” and in 2014 housed therein seven departments at the Faculty of Life Sciences. The infrastructure of the UZ A  II, which includes a research greenhouse, also provides for four departments of the Faculty of Chemistry, one department of the Faculty of History and Cultural Studies as well as two inter-faculty research platforms and several service institutions. The Kunst und Bau projects include among others sculptures by Johann Weyringer and Franz Xaver Ölzant.30 Endnotes 1 Bildungsber icht 1965, 164. 2 See my study of “Der Universitätsbau in der Zweiten Republik. Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklung der universitären Landschaft in Österreich” (Horn / Vienna 2005). It is largely based on the systematic appraisal of space-related documents held by the ministry of science. 3 Engelbr echt 5, 355. 4 Statistisches Taschenbuch, 12f. 5 Engelbr echt 5, 378. 6 In 1945, Austria had a total of ten universities  : six in Vienna, three in Styria and one in Tyrol. Today, Vienna, Graz, Leoben and Innsbruck remain university cities and have been

joined by Salzburg, Linz, Klagenfurt and Krems. The five re-erections and four new establishments that occurred between 1947 and 1994 included only two in Vienna and seven in Salzburg, Upper Austria, Styria, Carinthia and Lower Austria. Tertiary education institutions were also established in Vorarlberg and Burgenland. The driving forces behind the extension of the universities on a federal budget have always been regional politicians.   7 Bildungsbericht 1965 (note 1), p. 164.  8 Ibid. 174.   9 Minister of education Franz von Sommaruga proclaimed the establishment of academic freedom to students and professors at the University of Vienna as early as March 30, 1848. Speaking in the aula of the Old University, he further announced that the reforms that were to be tackled would be based on the example of the highly successful universities in the German lands. “We want to raise a building of lasting value, like the blossoming schools of higher learning in Germany, which we recognize to be models of thorough scientific education. Academic freedom will be the basis, bound by no limits other than constitutional law.” Cited in  : Winter, Donaumona rchie, 66. 10 Sebök, Universitätsgesetz, 33. 11 Oster h a mmel, Verwandlung der Welt, 1106. 12 Fl asch, Aufklärung im Mittelalter. 13 For example  : Schübl, Erdwissenschaften. 14 This development was also typical for the humanities, which are not addressed here. The Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Vienna, for example, had more chairs in the humanities than the natural sciences in 1938. 15 Neubauten, [iii]. 16 Fir nberg, Hochschulbericht, 5. 17 Ibid. 102. 18 Hochschulbericht 1987, Vol. 1. 19 Wien und seine Universität – Vergangenheit, Gegenwart, Zukunf (Wien 1965) [16f.]. 20 The list of current University of Vienna sites in the annex of this publication (in collaboration with Peter Schintler) provides an insight into the degree of expansion at the university’s main location. 21 See my contribution “From Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus to the Campus of the University of Vienna” on pages 293–300 in this volume. 22 Any hopes to use parts of the Roßauer Kaserne were dashed in 1991. They had been initiated by the university in 1975. These barracks had been erected in a central location as a reaction to the revolution of 1848. After 1945, it accommodated federal police department offices. When these were moved in the second half of the 1980s, several suggestions regarding the future use of the building were made. Although the Roßauer Kaserne is federal property, the City of Vienna

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also laid a claim, hoping to put the then rather derelict building to mixed use (residential, trade, service and culture industries) that would also benefit university institutions. The idea strongly resembled the concept for the revitalization of the Altes AKH. The ministry of economy commissioned Gustav Peichl, Ernst Hiesmayr and Wilhelm Holzbauer in 1987 to make a usage plan that would provide the basis for a two round architectural competition. The significance of this undertaking faded, however, when both the ministry of defence and the ministry of the interior voiced massive demands for space in the early 1990s. – In some ways, the university found an alternative location on Roßauer Lände in 2013. The large office building complex on Oskar-Morgenstern-Platz was designed by Franz Schuster and completed in 1957  : it now accommodates several institutions, most of which are part of the Faculty of Economic Science. 23 See Schübl, Universitätsbau, 139f. 24 The Academy of Fine Arts was to benefit from a construction project on the Schmelz as early as the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1910, Otto Wagner submitted plans for a building for the academy. 25 A federal school building based on Purr’s plans had already been erected south of the USZ open air grounds during the second half of the 1960s. 26 See Schübl, Universitätsbau, 150f. 27 This project met resistance by a citizens’ initiative that remained unsuccessful in its endeavour to create a green space for recreational use. 28 See Schübl, Universitätsbau, 174f. 29 See ibid., 157f. 30 See ibid., 173f.

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From Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus to the Campus of the University of Vienna

T

he Campus of the University of Vienna was established in Vienna’s ninth district during the second half of the 1990s. As an edifice, it is the University of Vienna’s starkest reminder that the Medical University of Vienna was a part of the University of Vienna as its Faculty of Medicine from 1365 until 2003. The Campus is located in the converted and refurbished buildings of the former general hospital, the Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus (A AKH), which had been the home of Vienna’s university clinics since 1784. In 1994, the last university clinic relocated into the new building, which was subsequently officially inaugurated as the new general hospital after a thirty year construction period.1 The new general hospital (Währinger Gürtel 18– 20) is located northwest of the site that is now the Campus (Spitalgasse 2). It was erected by the City of Vienna, who is also the property-holder. The fact that the university clinics are accommodated in this central hospital has given the Faculty of Medicine an exceptional position within university construction issues. The considerable construction costs for the new general hospital were shared equally by the City of Vienna (as keeper of the hospital) and the Federal Republic (as keeper of the university). The construction history of the University of Vienna was significantly shaped by the requirements and demands of the large Faculty of Medicine  : Any future use of the former general hospital site depended on the progress made on the new general hospital, the hitherto largest construction site of the Second Republic. Since the mid-1960s. the university’s greatest hopes and designs were focused on the former hospital site, its courts and buildings covering

an area of 96,000 m2 in the immediate vicinity of the Main Building.

The History of the Former General Hospital  : Poorhouse, Veterans’ Care Home, Central Hospital

The spacious complex of the former general hospital is largely comprised of two or three storey wings that are arranged around nine courtyards. Hellmut Lorenz’s contribution addresses the early history of the seventeenth century construction of and eighteenth century annexes to these buildings, whose primary purpose was to serve as a poorhouse and care home.2 The following paragraphs will provide a brief overview of its development. The first construction phase began in 1693  ; its architect is not known. We do know that the first and second extensions (1730 and 1752) were entrusted to Franz Anton Pilgram, head of what was at the time the largest construction office in Vienna. He was responsible for the wings that abut court 1 on its northern side (courts 2, 4 and 7). The erection of courts 3, 5 and 7 in 1752 essentially constituted a duplication of the system. After completion of this third phase, the spacious poorhouse and care home was able to accommodate 6,000 persons. It did not, however, resemble a hospital yet. In the mid-eighteenth century, the population of Vienna had a number of hospitals to turn to for medical care. It was an organisational reform feat when Joseph II established a general hospital with its first director and royal physician Josef Quarin. In 1783 / 84, the building complex described herein was

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Fig. 1: Construction documentation (No. 4865) from ??? (Archiv????). After clearing and demolition works on the site, conversion was begun in autumn 1995. Some departments were able to move into their new home in the course of 1997, the entire complex took up operations in summer 1998.

adapted for that purpose on the basis of a design by Josef Gerl.3 The general hospital took up operations in the summer of 1784 with a capacity of 2,000 beds. It initiated an era of medical research that was focused on the patients in these beds. It was in this Alserstrasse building that the world-famous Vienna school of medicine emerged and the specialization of individual clinics began.4 Research-led teaching within a functioning hospital resulted in room shortages as soon as the early nineteenth century. In response, the last remaining sizeable empty area on the site (east of court 7) was built on. The three storey building wings that now surround courts 8 and 9 were erected in 1833 / 34 on the site of the former imperial cemetery according to a design by Joseph Mauritius Stummer. These building measures completed the appearance of the site that would in our

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day come to house the Campus of the University of Vienna project.5

Towards a Campus of the University of Vienna

The discussion on what was to happen with the site of the former general hospital entered its decisive phase in the mid-1980s, when a completion of the new general hospital (a true “project of a century”) became foreseeable. The Internationale Gesellschaft für Stadtgestaltung with its seat in Vienna submitted a report on the future use of the site in 1985. Considering the site’s overall suitability, available buildings and green spaces, the report concluded that there was a wide range of potential uses. Financial considerations forced the City of Vienna to abandon its plan

Fig. 2: The Campus of the University of Vienna in spring. The green courtyard spaces are a haven where students and teaching staff can prepare for lessons or simply relax.

to use the buildings (which were owned by the City itself) for residential housing. The conditions set by the Bundesdenkmalschutz (historic preservation office) made it impossible to erect affordable housing on the site. The SPÖ initiated a competition for ideas in 1987, which was won by a citizens’ initiative who supported the maintenance of the historic buildings and the establishment of public gardens in the courts. One defining feature of this “garden city in the city” was its multi-purpose character. The revitalization concept that was eventually carried out for the university corresponds in large parts with the urban planning hallmarks of this local initiative’s design. The ministry of science initiated the idea that the Altes AKH site be donated to the university of Vienna6 in order to circumvent the ministry of economy,

whose traditional university construction system was in a state of deep crisis. In the second half of the 1980s, numerous projects, some of which had already reached the final stages of the design process, had to be postponed  ; even projects that were already underway were temporarily halted. The ministry of science held the view that a successful conversion of the Altes AKH (and Garnisonspital) sites would be more likely if the university itself was able to be oversee the construction works.7 The deed of donation was signed by mayor Helmut Zilk and rector Wilhelm Holczabek on December 7, 1988. The City of Vienna made the donation on the condition that parts of the site would available for public use and the whole grounds be opened up to their urban environment. This condition was instigated not least by vociferous demands made by

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Fig. 3: This photograph shows old and new constructions around courtyard 8. The old buildings date from 1833/34. The area was enlarged in the late 1990s with the addition of conservatory-style annexes on the courtyard side. Their glass façades in various shades of green clearly juxtapose the converted old buildings.

local initiatives to retain the area and put it to a use that would benefit and involve the local community. The university’s development of the property meets those requirements. The representative court 1 contains a large park and much of its built-up area is put to commercial use. With this donation, the City of Vienna fulfilled a responsibility it had accepted even in the year of the university’s establishment. The city fathers of Vienna had declared that they would support and protect the university and its members. The adaptation of the former general hospital site furthermore put into practice an idea that Rudolph IV had already proposed in his deed of foundation  : the creation of a university district, the “pfaffenstatt”. In 1365, this had meant a university district that was to be separated from the citizenry. The Campus of the Uni-

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versity of Vienna that was established approximately 630 years later, on the other hand, is decidedly open and accessible. Twenty-four “gates of remembrance”, some of which were added in the course of the building conversions, have largely been named for renowned academics who studied or taught at the University of Vienna.

The Campus of the University of Vienna  : adaptation and refurbishment of the Altes AKH site

Once the City of Vienna had donated the site to the university, its new owner appointed a board and established a coordination office headed by Richard Fischer. These bodies were in charge of overseeing the conversion of the spacious complex. Matthias Rant

Fig. 4: Lecture hall centre in courtyard 2 at night, designed by Ernst Kopper and Johannes Zeininger. This centre was a part of the large “Campus of the University of Vienna” project that had been completed in 1998. However, funding difficulties delayed the start of construction work on the lecture hall centre until 2001. The centre took up operations in spring 2003.

and his office were appointed to supervise the execution of the construction works. The design was created by a consortium of six architects  : Hugo Potyka (urban planning, outdoor spaces), Friedrich Kurrent and Johannes Zeininger (overall design and heads of artistic design), Ernst M. Kopper (university use and head of technical and business management) as well as Sepp Frank and Rudolf Zabrana (non-university use of court 1). The property developers’ association Edificio was put in charge of the project. In 1990, Potyka issued a report specifying the demands arising out of the urban design context for the use of the former general hospital site. This report provided the basis for a master program that was designed in 1991 together with Kopper and others. This master program set the further course of action for this large university sub-project.8 Every effort was

made to stay within the tight budget.9 Resultantly, some of the plans could not be realised within the framework of the construction project, which was completed in 1998.10 The university had decided to use the site for its cultural science departments,11 which were still distributed throughout the city on several sites in the mid-1990s. Each of these departments had to be found a fitting location within this spacious site that would cater to its specific needs. In order to achieve this, several function groups were developed. Two fundamental problems became apparent as the space and function allocation scheme was completed. The first challenge was the clear imbalance between the size of the outside spaces and the indoor area available in rooms that could actually be put to university use  : courtyards totalling a size of 70,000 m2 were

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Fig. 5: The lecture halls are located at the centre of the building and are surrounded by the bright entrance hall and hallways.

pitted against an indoor area of 27,300 m2 (net area, including additionally erected buildings). The second challenge were the long routes that could not to be avoided in such a large site. The relatively narrow width of the wings (about eight metres) were a symptom that combined both of these problems. As the roof constructions were revealed to be in very good condition, the design did not include any roof extensions. That meant that an otherwise conventional way of extending floor area had to be foregone. The ceiling heights, while impressive, were not high enough to allow for the creation of intermediate storeys. However, most of the rooms allotted to departmental libraries were functionally improved with the erection of galleries. Extensions on the courtyard sides of the buildings abutting courts 2, 8, and 9 in-

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creased the floor area. These conservatory-style additions have glass façades in various shades of green, setting them off from the refurbished old buildings. The extensions are approximately five metres wide and form a second exterior wall on the wings in eastwest alignment, thus providing these extended building parts with double-loaded access routes. Within the old structures, a hall-like room type was prevalent in the former bed wards. They provided the basic structure for the development of three types of rooms that reflect the organisation of departmental life. This typology was developed together with the building’s users. While drawing up their as-built maps, the architects developed a new topography that made it possible to allocate room identifications by a uniform system. This system was based on specifications made by the Bundesbaudirektion with reference to building parts, wings, storeys and window axes. These designations correlate with the identifiers that are now used to aid navigation on the Campus site. A preparation stage as well as a series of demolition works preceded the start of refurbishments in the autumn of 1995. The first departments moved into courts 8 and 9 in the course of 1997  ; operations were taken up throughout in courts 1 to 7 in the summer of 1998. Ernst M. Kopper wrote on the development of this conversion project  : “The 1980s were an era when the demands of the 1970s were to be addressed, an era of civic participation projects, an era of alternative culture projects borne out of democratic involvement, an era of small parts, an era of ‘small is beautiful’, an era when the necessity of ideological dialectic and competition allowed for more than sheer economics and rentability. The 1990s were a time when the Western systems of society had irrevocably won and the new capital was able to develop within utterly new possibilities and free of restrictions. In a European Union that is in principle thoroughly positive but is nevertheless ideologically united lastly on the grounds of the guaranteed free movement of all goods, citizens were domesticated by way of cost cutting, states exhibited their empty pouches, companies accumulated and grew richer and richer, political

Fig. 6: The lecture hall centre’s large hall has a capacity of 450 persons; the smaller hall provides room for 150 persons.

visions were referred to the medics. Such a shift is bound to result in a different attitude to design. It is fitting that this era saw the particular development of the Josephine values, the Spartan simplicity of the large form. It is certainly true that the change in design philosophy has allowed the project to return to its historic identity and that this made it possible for the challenge to be met with a coherent answer.”12 The Campus of the University of Vienna shows that it is possible to beneficially combine the preservation of the historic town with urban renewal. Seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth century buildings were shown to be fit for use by a twenty-first century university. Since 1998, the Campus has been a “green haven” and meeting-place. The refurbished former general hospital has been an enrichment to its urban environment and has brought appreciation to the ninth district of Vienna.

Endnotes 1 Patient care began in 1991 and the monumental general hospital took up full operations six years later. The adage that a hospital is never finished but merely takes up operation is of course also true of the new general hospital, which is one of the most modern hospitals in the world and provides excellent conditions of work for the Vienna university clinics. See Schübl, Universitätsbau, 144 – 146 and 166 – 168. 2 See Helmut Lorenz’ contribution in this volume, see 99– 108. 3 The only new building to be constructed for the general hospital was the “lunatics’ house” designed by Isidore Canevale. Its unusual shape is reminiscent of a fort-like round tower and soon earned it the popular names “Narrenturm” (lunatics’ tower) and “Kaiser Josefs Gugelhupf ” (Emperor Joseph’s pudding). Although this building was a functional part of the (former) general hospital, it essentially constituted a link to the Garnisonsspital on its eastern side, which had also been designed by Canevale. 4 See Schmidt, Wiener Medizinische Fakultät, 7–35.

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  5 See Lor enz, Allgemeines Krankenhaus, 37–56.   6 The ministry had already hoped in the early 1960s that the City of Vienna would donate the Altes AKH grounds to the university on the occasion of its 600th anniversary. However, the construction of the new general hospital was not tackled until 1964, so that a further use of the former general hospital site still lay in the distant future. This may have been a decisive factor in the university’s decision to ask the City not for the donation of the Altes AKH site, but rather for the establishment of an endowment fund. The anniversary fund was endowed with (ATS) 50 million and was presented jointly to the University of Vienna and the Vienna University of Technology, which celebrated its 150th anniversary in 1965 and is celebrating its 200th anniversary in 2015.   7 As did eventually happen for the former City property of the AAKH site. A donation of the federal-owned grounds (Garnisonspital) was thwarted by the ministry of finance and the Austrian Court of Audit.   8 See Pot y k a, Leitprogramm, 17–24.   9 An master rental contract with a rent limit contained the extent of adaptations and prevented the cost explosion that had been feared  ; the net construction costs for the university areas (courts 2 to 9) amounted to (ATS) 673 million. See Ebenbauer, Gr eisenegger & Mühlberger, Universitätscampus 2, 139. The university was able to generate an additional income from long-term rental contracts with commercial businesses who settled in court 1  ; these also contributed to funds for the construction project. The large project was further financially secured through the sale of a small part of the area to the Austrian national bank, which constructed there a print building designed by Wilhelm Holzbauer in the immediate vicinity of its main building, which had been designed by Leopold Bauer. 10 The erection of a lecture hall centre in court 2 had been planned from the outset and was completed in 2003. A second intention was realised in 2005  : The former prayer room in court 6 was adapted into a memorial and remembrance site and artistically designed by Minna Antova. 11 In spring 2014, the Campus buildings housed eleven departments of the Faculty of Philology and Cultural Science (East Asia Studies, South East Asia, Tibet and Buddhism Studies, Slavonic Studies, Oriental Studies, African Studies, Linguistics, Comparative Literature, English Language and Linguistics, Romance Studies, Research into Language Teaching and Learning  ; Musicology), four departments of the Faculty of History and Cultural Science (East European History, Jewish Studies, History of Art, Contemporary History), five inter-faculty research platforms and research institutes (Ethics and Law in Medicine, Viennese Eastern Europe Platform, Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics, International Development, Cultural History of Central and South Asia) as

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well as numerous university service institutions. The buildings in court 1 by now also accommodate altogether four departments of the Faculty of Philosophy and Educational Science (Vienna Circle), the Faculty of Business and Economics (Experimental Economics Research) and the Faculty of Law (History of Law and Constitution, Criminal Law and Criminology). 12 Kopper, Nutzbarkeit, 29f.

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Judith Eiblmayr

Juridicum The Faculty of Law building

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ome years ago, there was a brief window of time when it was possible to view the building of the Faculty of Law on Schottenbastei in Vienna’s first district in its full dimension from an appropriate distance (a neighbouring building had been demolished). The perspective revealed a view of the short side of the mighty building with rounded corners and a reflective glass façade. The Juridicum was able to visually play off its own architectural quality to onlookers able to see the entire façade. (Fig. 1) This temporary perspective best revealed the “vertical urban university” principle that had guided its designers. The departmental wing looks like a tall glass box suspended from the slender shafts of the two lift towers and rises four storeys above street level among historic buildings. Its architect Ernst Hiesmayr1 wrote that it was “a suspended house, not a modernist joke” to sum up his intention of creating a university that was open at street level and transparent. This structural scheme rested on an idea by Prof. Günther Winkler, the University of Vienna Faculty of Law’s contractor. It was executed by Ernst Hiesmayr in his own architectural language. (Fig. 2) The seamless passage from the street into the interior of the building was to be made possible by avoiding the presence of supports on the ground floor. The architect even developed this “dialectic of the issue and its solution“2 to the extent of adopting the slight decline of the street into the building, with the floor being accordingly longitudinally sloped on the ground level. The building foots on four steel concrete lift towers with rounded corners that serve as “pylons“  ; they practically appear to grow out of

Fig. 1: Juridicum, view of the façade through a gap between buildings, 2008. Free view of the narrow side of the rounded corpus of the building. Ernst Hiesmayr’s Juridicum is a modern gem among Gründerzeit buildings.

the ground along Helferstorferstraße. There, the building parts each have a stairwell leading down to the lower storey, which has a depressed forecourt that provides direct street access to the lecture halls. These well-grounded corner pillars support four suspended steel lattice formworks of 9 metres height and 52 metres length. They form a bridge from which the rest of the steel construction building with its reflecting glass façade is suspended (Fig. 3 and 4). “The entanglement of logic and vision resulted in an urban gem, … creating communicative room via the displacement of inner-city space … The building contradicts conventional urban use of space by offering a different, new, attractive quality of interior and exterior.”3

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Fig. 2: Model photograph Büro Hiesmayr, c. 1970. “A suspended house, not a modernist joke.” (Hiesmayr, 1996) The four pylon lift towers hold a lattice framework from which the upper part of the building is suspended.

The History

The University of Vienna’s Main Building fell increasingly short of space requirements in the mid1960s and even the 1962 inauguration of the Neues Institutsgebäude4 on Universitätsstrasse offered no reprieve  : it became obvious that individual departments would have to be moved to new buildings. The Faculty of Law’s shortage of space was met in 1968, when it was given a block on Schottengasse that had been vacated by the former company headquarters of the Austrian high profile business Semperit (which had close connections to the state). Professor Günther Winkler was the faculty’s contractor. He wanted to symbolically tear down the walls of the university  : He wanted to encourage an open dialogue not only within the department and among all those who used the building,

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but even to the outside. By allowing the public to see inside the “lawyers’ house”, he wanted to communicate the equality of individuals before the law. It was clear to him that in order to execute his plan, he would first have to free a site amid the built-up area. So he considered the demolition of the Semperit houses in order to gain 2500 m2 on which to develop the scheme for a new building. He had travelled the world in order to study different university buildings and to learn that the key to his envisaged democratic principle for space could only be found in modern architecture. When it was apparent that his idea was being taken seriously and the buildings were actually demolished, architect Ernst Hiesmayr was commissioned to join him. Hiesmayr had just been called to the Vienna University of Technology as a professor of surface construction (Fig. 5 and 6).

Fig. 3: Stairway leading down to the basement level, Hohenstaufengasse, 2014. The basement lecture halls can be reached directly via stairs from Helferstorferstrasse. The two-storey glass fronts allow daylight to enter the lecture hall foyer.

Fig. 4: View from the interior onto the stairway down to the basement level, Hohenstaufengasse, 2014

The core of the institution was to be the library. This is where teaching staff and students were to encounter each other as equals and share scholarly insights. Until then, the books had been stored by the given departments without open access  : the readers had to make special applications in order to gain access to the knowledge therein. Now, all books were to be made available in one location where they were to be readily accessible in an open stack library. Winkler wanted to undermine the preconception that law degrees were mere “cramming” and create a place that would encourage joined-up thinking and social exchange even in its spatial configuration. “It should no longer be possible for anyone to lock themselves up in their department. The Juridicum is a democratic

building” said Winkler in an interview on the occasion of the 1984 inauguration  : “that means that even the very structure of the building puts into practice the notion that the law is equally accessible for everyone.” His conviction that Ernst Hiesmayr was the perfect architect to give physical form to his structural ideas on the organisation of the study of law was never disappointed.5 The building has now been in use for thirty years  : it has proved him right.

The structure

An utterly autonomous building was placed into the acute angles of the Gründerzeit street grid. Its di-

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Fig. 5: Design sketch Arch. Hiesmayr, c. 1970. Ground floor and basement design sketch for the location of the lecture halls.

Fig. 6: Design sketch Arch. Hiesmayr, c. 1970. Ground floor and basement design sketch (variation) for the location of the lecture halls.

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Fig. 7: Façade sketch Arch. Hiesmayr, c. 1970. The ramp as an element of a dynamic spatial scheme: in this sketch, it was still planned to feature on the base construction façade.

Fig. 8: Model photograph Büro Hiesmayr, c. 1970. This photograph shows the envisaged transparency between exterior and interior. The base construction was to remain free of supports.

mensions and constructive power display independence and yet its rounded corners and a glass façade that ref lects the historic buildings show demure submission to the surroundings (Fig. 7). The streets are illuminated by the reflection of sunlight on the glass façade  : the Juridicum’s positive energy radiates onto the surrounding façades (not only symbolically) so that the structures reflect upon each other across their urban context. The democratic principle

as postulated by Winkler was consistently applied in the construction of the Juridicum thanks among others to the architect Hiesmayr, with whom Winkler shared an understanding that “it was necessary [symbolically] to demolish the walls of Gründerzeit structures”. Even more importantly, however, the authorities (who funded the building) explicitly desired to secure a large-scale project for the Austrian steel industry in the early 1970s. The state thus essentially

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Fig. 9: Ramp from the lecture halls via the entrance hall to the cafeteria, 2014. The ramp leads from the basement to the cafeteria on the entrance hall’s mezzanine level. Fig. 10: Entrance hall rising to two floors, 2014. The entrance area in the two-level entrance hall. It provides a view of the lecture halls in the basement.

promoted architectural innovation as a result of its regulatory economic policy of the time. This provided good ground for structural designer Kurt Koss, who was thus able to develop an elaborate construction that guaranteed that the available space would be put to optimal use. As mentioned above, the suspension of the upper storeys was chosen in order to keep the large space underneath free of supports. This space was divided into four levels. (Fig. 8)

Space allocation

The large entrance hall stretches across two storeys with a lengthwise gallery at the centre that accom-

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Fig. 11: Platforms for informal communication, 2014. The platforms at the stairways serve as meeting points for informal communication with a view onto the street.

modates the cafeteria (Fig. 9 and 10). A ramp leads up to the cafeteria and down to the lecture halls. This element is part of the scheme to create a built environment that fosters movement  : Students emerging from the lecture hall were to continue their thoughts in conversation as they seamlessly and effortlessly stride towards a relaxed coffee to accompany their uninterrupted discussion. The two large library reading rooms (general legal literature) are located on the first floor, while the second floor accommodates the library administration and the Faculty of Law administration, the office of the dean. This marks the end of the semi-public area, where a “noisy learning and teaching environment” gives way to a “calm study and research environment”.6 The four subsequent storeys share the same floor plan  : they accommodate the departments with specialist libraries for the study of particular matters taking up more than a third of the areas. These open

stack libraries are accessed beyond the classrooms from the two staircases and lift towers. The relatively small rooms of the departments are located in the four corner areas. The two narrow sides of the building have considerably sized platforms at the foot of the stairs which are supposed to provide space for informal communication (Fig. 11). Students can withdraw to these spaces from their reading and research in order to chat or use their telephones. These zones are particularly attractive in the lower three storeys, where they are recessed and give a direct view of the street via ceiling-height, rounded glass panes protected by the projecting suspended building part. The artificially lit lecture halls are located in the lower ground floor  ; daylight enters the foyer via the glass walls and the stairs leading down from the street. The ramp, as mentioned above, is a comfortable connection to the ground floor. The latter’s unadulterated 1980s interior design impression ema-

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Fig. 12 and 13: Events venue, top floor, 2014. On the top floor, the bridge construction that holds the suspended body of the building was left to remain visible. With an impressive size, its ultramarine varnish calls up marine associations.

nates from its reddish-brown natural rubber flooring, dark blue metal parts and beechwood elements. Finally, the house has an attic storey, where visitors experience the enormous dimension of the bridge-like construction and can see the suspension principle at work. The space is used for events. The lattice girders divide it into three areas, like the main and side naves of a basilica. However, the central area has a lower ceiling height than the side areas, as the area above houses the centralised air conditioning. The space recalls a nave, but also draws up naval associations  : The view past the angled formwork across the rooftops of the city does indeed create the sense of being on an ocean liner that has been moored in the middle of Vienna. To boot, the steel construction was painted in ultramarine blue. The round pipes of the suspension are also visible, led at an angle from the roof in front of the façade to hold

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the suspended building part like a rope construction, creating a “rucksack-like silhouette“7. The supporting steel parts are filled with water for fire safety purposes  ; as a result, they were able to remain unclad inside the building (Fig. 12 and 13).

The construction

The longevity of this construction is remarkable. Even after three decades of use, the building’s fine details are showing no inappropriate signs of ageing (e. g., there is no corrosion damage). The operational expense are of course higher than they would be in a solid stone building, as is generally the case for glass façade buildings. The heating pipes of the Juridicum are soldered directly onto the inside of the façade construction’s pilaster strips. While this will certainly

Fig. 14: Façade detail, 2014. The rounded glass façade also reflects the surrounding buildings.

cause increased energy consumption, it also emanates a degree of comfort that is not a given in a glass façade building. It is, after all, impossible to compare the disadvantages of higher energy expenses directly with the added value resulting from a more specified architecture. A sophisticated solution that meets the higher needs of the building and creates comfort cannot at the same time be the cheapest solution. The architect and the structural designer engaged in complex considerations for the construction and delivered an innovative solution that was recognised on an international stage with the European Steel Design Award in 1980 (Fig. 14). On the occasion of the building’s inauguration8, architecture critic Otto Kapfinger wrote  : “A brief profile of the Juridicum could sum it up as  : compact, well arranged, with an ambitious concept and close attention to detail“9. In his reply, Ernst Hies-

mayr called this a “fitting brief profile of the house“10. However, Kapfinger also criticised the building when he wrote that  : “It must be questioned whether the complicated idea of the construction has indeed been successfully formed into a natural architecture, an experience of space that remains in proportion to the effort pursued. What ‘language’, finally, does this steel-glass-construction speak  ?“11 He criticised a language of architecture that emanated from the pioneering spirit of the 1960s and yet was not fully executed before the mid-1980s, by which time its true sense had lost its immediate accessibility, being (he thought) already out of date. The critic was right to make this point. However, the positive experiences of thirty years of usage demonstrate that the effort pursued for the complex construction was, indeed, justified. The building has held its promise, both in function and aesthetics. The Juridicum is still an

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urban gem in the inner city of Vienna. It particular physical dimension developed an implicit understanding of modernity that is unequalled in Austria’s university buildings. The teaching staff and students alike are comfortable in the building. The recently retired dean Prof. Heinz Mayer has been working in the Faculty of Law since it moved into this building  ; it is his opinion that the building had been excellent from the start12 and that it has fulfilled its identity-giving function. The alumni of the Faculty of Law see themselves in the first instance as graduates of the Juridicum and only after that as former affiliates of the University of Vienna. University life continues to function within the clearly proscribed spatial structure of the Juridicum as it was intended by its conceptual “inventor” Günther Winkler  : it is culturally open. The architect Ernst Hiesmayr obviously found the right form for the outer shell of the building’s intentions. The sustainability of this architecture is at hand.

Endnotes  1 Hiesm ayr, Juridicum, 4.  2 Achleitner, Österreichische Architektur, 36.  3 Ibid., 35.   4 NIG, Neues Institutsgebäude, Universitätsstraße 4. The original competition design from 1951 by Viennese architects Alfred Dreier and Otto Nobis had intended the building with a differentiated, rather modern demeanour for Viennese standards to house the new university library. However, when Dreier and Nobis responded to pressure from the Faculty of Philosophy to redesign the building for departmental use, the resulting design took on few of the library building’s design elements. The building that was eventually erected in 1960 – 1962 was an office building that was supposed to put the available space to best use. It was not, as one might expect from a university building, in any way representational.   5 Em. Univ. Prof. Dr. Günther Winkler in direct conversation on March 7, 2014.  6 Hiesm ayr, Juridicum, 29.  7 K a pfinger, Juridicum.   8 Grand inauguration on July 4, 1984.  9 K a pfinger, Juridicum. 10 Letter by Ernst Hiesmayr in answer to Otto Kapfinger, undated. Source  : Archiv der Technischen Universität.

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11 K a pfinger, Juridicum. 12 Former dean Em. Prof. Heinz Mayer in direct conversation on March 5, 2014.

Judith Eiblmayr

Study Rooms New spaces for students

The Campus as a space

The university campus system is a tried and tested model that has by now reached Vienna. Indeed, the University of Vienna itself introduced this concept as a new aspect into the urban space when the former general hospital site was converted into the Campus of the University of Vienna. The spacious courtyards of the former general hospital in the Viennese district Alsergrund were opened to the public and have since served as a calm, natural inner-city space interspersed with restaurants and bars. However, the departments remain hidden behind old walls and new glass façades throughout the orthogonal arrangement of buildings, out of the way of onlookers with an interest in the running of the university who may be crossing the courtyards. The University of Veterinary Medicine in Vienna’s Floridsdorf district was erected in the 1990s  : it was also designed as a campus. However, its distance from the city centre and lack of large semi-public areas meant that it had no added value for the public. The University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna took over the University of Veterinary Medicine’s former site in the third district of Vienna. The historic buildings on this site frame calm, green courtyards. However, the site cannot be easily accessed from the surrounding streets  ; hence, it is not perceived as a public space and is accordingly not used by the public. For a year now, Vienna has been able to boast of an internationally renowned university building project within the city. Most the University of Vienna’s teaching and research building have traditionally been located in the inner city. Yet there are ten state uni-

versities located in Vienna  : of these, the University of Economics and Business Studies (W U) positioned itself elsewhere in the urban landscape. The new buildings for the W U were erected in a publicly accessible campus located on the fringes of the Prater park. The university buildings frame an attractive pedestrian zone, where passers-by can stroll and linger. Here, modern high-end architecture stuns its observers with a natural air  ; such spaces are rare in Vienna. A great number of architectural tours of this site are on offer and in great demand  : the new WU campus and modern architecture are obviously a topic of considerable public interest, even among non-professionals. The W U campus system in the Prater is different from the University of Vienna’s Campus space. The buildings permeate the public space instead of hemming it in. One of the architects involved in the project, Laura Spinadel of BUS Architektur, called the space a “walk-along park”. Pedestrians walk from one distinctive building to the next, practically stumbling into them as they protrude into the street space  : these buildings are asking the public to come in. Those who are sufficiently curious to enter one of the buildings will be rewarded with welcoming interior spaces, including new, impressive constellations such as the central hall in Zaha Hadid’s library building. Moreover, they will be quite casually acquainted with a completely new approach to the university as an institution. The public is invited into a new dimension of shared knowledge to replace spaces where hermetic walls contained the guarded the exchange of insights among scholars and students. Universities are increasingly turning into centres of egalitarian communication. Universities used to centre

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on their lecture halls, where scholars were the only ones to be allowed to read from books at a time before the mid-fifteenth century when the reproduction of texts was not yet easily possible. The students listened and noted what they had heard, having to trust the reader at their front to be faithful in his rendition of knowledge. The establishment of the printing press made reproduction of the written word more easily possible, thus reducing the dependence on lectures. Knowledge could be gained from books. At the same time, the lecture itself could now be copied, reproduced and made available to a larger number of interested persons. For a long time, this system defined the university establishments  : lecture halls, departmental rooms and libraries. The main aim of nineteenth century university architecture was representation. Daunting monumental buildings were built as impressive messengers of the notion that “knowledge is power”. The University of Vienna’s Main Building is a good example of this style. It was designed by Heinrich von Ferstel as a neo-Renaissance building and inaugurated in 1884. Among the powerful, it was considered vital that the buildings erected along the Ringstrasse would also include an imposing new presence for the university. Its placement along this grand boulevard removed the institution from the narrow lanes of the inner city district it had hitherto been located in. American universities, modelling themselves on the European examples of Oxford and Cambridge, had foregone the notion of an inner-city organisation as early as 1746. The buildings of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University) were erected amid public parks outside of the town. While the above-mentioned old university models were also situated on the edge of the city, they were self-contained and not open to the public. The green spaces of Princeton, on the other hand, were to provide a semi-public space as a relaxed and neutral setting for informal encounters and the exchange of knowledge. They were to form an “open field” for applied field research. The transmission of knowledge grew beyond the lectures themselves and was democratically shared immediately afterwards, as fostered by this university architecture’s open structure.

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New virtual spaces

The last two decades have seen the development of the internet into a global platform for communication and the storage of information. This has reduced the boundaries of the transmission of knowledge in a manner that could not have been expected. Even though globalization and consumerism may rightly be criticised, it must be noted that industrial overproduction in the computer sector and the pervading spread of smartphones has simplified access to information to such a degree that it is indeed available to “every child”. Every student can rely on their own laptop or notebook. A computer is no longer a luxury item, even in the lower income brackets. The global network provides internet connections throughout, via public “hotspots” or private smartphones. Whichever information is needed, it can be called up from anywhere and at any time, at speed and – as long as ascertained sources are used – it will be scientifically tenable. As a result, lecturers face new challenges in the lecture hall. The audience no longer consists of mere writers who copy down the content of the lecture  : they have become seers who can accurately verify the content via the internet and develop it on the spot as they add their own associations. Factual inconsistencies can be uncovered and challenged on the spot. To gain their students’ alert attention, lecturers need personal profiles. They can no longer rely on the transmission of core information alone  ; that has already taken on a life of its own in the virtual realm  ; it arrives in the lecture halls via new media. New formats (such as MOOCS) have emerged and show that universities are ready to do justice to the newly emerging aspects of knowledge transfer. As a result of this development, lecture halls have lost some of their significance. That circumstance is clearly demonstrated in the new W U campus buildings’ space allocation plans. Lectures have not become obsolete  : quite to the contrary, the lecture halls are architecturally and technically state-of-the-art and provide an excellent teaching atmosphere. The lecture hall centre has an Audimax (large lecture

hall), further lecture halls and class rooms. However, almost the same amount of space is also dedicated to semi-public areas for informal exchange. Workstations on several levels can be accessed directly via staircases from the Aula. In these spaces, students can meet, exchange, chat and / or work on their laptops at the same time. Moreover, small rooms behind glass walls are available for small groups of students to engage in “social exchange”  : to have discussions or work together on a given topic. Zaha Hadid’s library building provides a great number of reading desks as well as informal zones with work stations and study rooms. These developments demonstrate that the value of “social spaces” has risen to catch up with the hierarchical teaching spaces reserved for head-on teaching at universities. They are modelled on examples from private universities as well as state institutions of higher learning such as the Rolex Learning Center that is part of the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL) in Lausanne, Switzerland. This building complex was designed by SA NA A, the Japanese architecture office of Kazuyo Sejima and her former associate Ryue Nishizawa. It offers a campus underneath a protective “umbrella”. Lecture halls, library, conference rooms, dining hall etc. are linked via large, semi-public areas to form a university landscape that is shaded by an undulating membrane. Several openings in this roof allow natural light to enter the yards underneath and thus also the interior of the buildings, creating a transparent atmosphere. The University of Vienna set off to redraw the boundaries in favour of a more informal exchange of knowledge with a building as early as in the 1960s. The Juridicum was planned to include two aspects of openness  : the building itself was to communicate transparency and openness of the science of law to the general public, while the central library inside the “lawyers’ house” was to act as a meeting point for teachers and students. The flat slope leading from the lecture halls in the lower storey up to the first floor café was to be a simple connection as well as a platform where discussion could go on dynamically – in movement – after each lecture. The system proved

itself from the very beginning and continues to function as intended. In Vienna, the building is a solitary precursor of the campus with all its qualities. Universities can no longer appropriately be considered ivory towers. Science has become answerable to society. The space of knowledge has, as described above, steadily moved beyond the hermetic walls of the “tower of knowledge” into the virtual space where it is open for anyone’s consumption. Social spaces have experienced the same degree of delimitation. Today’s students organize themselves via the internet, they network, engage in immediate communication and agree meeting places. This generation knows how to cooperate intellectually and socially. For scholarship, it is the socially most productive approach. Universities have to provide the spaces for this development  : they have to enable “real” spaces for communication. The Main Building of the University of Vienna has its spacious arcaded courtyard to provide an excellent setting for informal encounters between teachers and students. The notion of the campus as most recently created for the W U on the fringes of the Prater park, however, goes one step further and endeavours to engage its surroundings  : the academic society is “going public”. It is to be expected the the University of Vienna will also follow this principle in future new buildings and will also address the need to include outside spaces in the academic realm.

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Harald Peterka

Modern Requirements for University Buildings

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his anniversary volume demonstrates how much the requirements for and demands on university buildings have changed from their beginnings until today. University buildings in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, even the early twentieth century until the end of the monarchy, were an issue of architecture  ; this notion as well as the demands placed on university buildings have fundamentally shifted since then. (Global) architecture may still have a decisive role to play in large projects and new plans for universities such as the Vienna University of Economics and Business project  : the Campus WU, which was inaugurated in autumn 2013 on its new Vienna site between Messe and Prater, was a once-in-a-lifetime project. However, architecture and design enjoy less freedom in contemporary projects. This is due to restrictive budgets as well as the limited availability of locations that concur with the University’s image as an inner-city university. Student numbers, personnel requirements and thus the space required at the University of Vienna have increased continuously in the course of the last 40 years. New buildings have only gone some way to meet these new requirements. The University of Vienna has 65 sites at its disposal in the inner city alone, including many small rented objects. For some years, the University has followed a strategy of concentrating on single sites, consolidating and at the same time extending and developing its portfolio of buildings in modest steps. This strategy has allowed the University of Vienna to secure for itself a considerable operational and economic added value. After the First World War had ended in 1918, imminent poverty reigned in all spheres of life. The re-

nowned German architect Peter Behrens published his Vom sparsamen Bauen, where he propagated the type-casting and use of inexpensive materials. 95 years later (two years ago now), the German Centre for Architecture DAZ in Berlin staged a similarly-minded exhibition with the programmatic title Neue Bescheidenheit  : Architektur in Zeiten der Verknappung (New modesty  : Architecture in periods of scarcity). The most recent economic crisis hit the University of Vienna as it did everyone else  ; cost efficiency has become key in building construction. The erection of a building like the Juridicum is not even conceivable in 2015  : it would be impossible today for the University to enter into a project so technically demanding as well as ambitious in architecture and construction as was the Faculty of Law building that was completed by the University of Vienna thirty years ago after a planning and construction period that had lasted for more than ten years. The university buildings that this article is limited to require, like all other buildings, that their planners make the impossible possible  : They are expected to create an architecturally qualitative building that will leave a mark in the urban cityscape, that meets

Next page: Fig. 1: University building at Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1, 2013. In order to assemble more sites in the inner-city area, the University of Vienna decided to adapt a former office building. This university building was renewed according to plans by the architects Heinz Neumann and Ernst Maurer. Since the winter semester 2013/14, it has accommodated the Faculties of Mathematics and of Business, Economics and Statistics.

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all functional requirements and that can be constructed without an excessive budget. The architects have to submit a design that is both innovative and functional. Beyond the usual functional spaces, the plans will also have to include “meeting zones” where the architecture of the space is expected to initiate spontaneous exchange of information, expert conversations between researchers, teaching staff and students. A particular and frequent challenge for universities is the need to build within existing structures under the above-mentioned conditions. The University of Vienna is committed to sustainability. It endeavours to adhere to climate protection and ecological construction guidelines as is financially viable. As a user, the University of Vienna issues the planners with a series of specifications. These include all official ordinances such as fire protection and accessibility as well as compliance with the effective planning provisions. New buildings are to be conceived with energy efficiency in mind and boast exemplary energy consumption rates. All buildings should have state-of-the-art utilities. Laboratory equipment and furnishing ought to be of the latest standard of technology or comply with the user’s requirements. Last but not least  : The project must be completed within the confines of a tight budget and time frame. The project Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1 was completed in 2013  ; it demonstrates that it is possible even in “periods of scarcity” to meet these requirements and create good architecture. The project will be described in detail later on. The way university laboratories are built has undergone a noticeable change. In this volume, Julia Rüdiger’s article about the Department of Chemistry building on the lower part of Währingerstrasse shows how Heinrich Ferstel specifically fashioned this building for chemical research  : it was isolated, so that it would be situated in separation and at a distance from the other university buildings and furthermore features recessed balconies facing the courtyards for purposes of ventilation as well as to serve as sites for experiments with flammable substances. The scheme of rooms, however, also served purposes that were in stark juxtaposition to the lab-

Fig. 2: A Pre-refurbishment view of the former administrative building of the Allgemeine Invaliden-Versicherungsanstalt, designed by Viennese architect Franz Schuster (1892–1972) in 1955. The former office building was carefully refurbished and converted for its new purpose, including its extension and fitting of a modern façade.

oratory function, including as it did the large lecture hall as well as the obligatory residence of the department’s director. On the street-facing front, the appearance of the chemistry department building is markedly representational (see Rüdiger, p. 160). The Viennese laboratory buildings that were erected during the era of Historicism and in the early twentieth century even as late as the Secessionist period are more akin to a bourgeois city palace or typical Cottage villa in terms of style and construction than they are to industrial buildings of their era such as that of the venerable Viennese steel constructor Waagner-Biro. Furthermore, they were constructed for a fairly long “life cycle”. Modern laboratory buildings are usually made of reinforced concrete with flexible interior drywall divisions. They usually contain a great amount of building engineering and are thus only planned for a usage period of about 35 to 40 years. After such a time, the maintenance of the technical facilities will no longer be feasible. The building

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Fig. 3: University building on Oskar Morgenstern Platz, Skylounge. The university building at Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1 features lecture halls, classrooms, a library and offices as well as a large, modern events venue on the top floor: the Skylounge.

will then be gutted until only its reinforced concrete skeleton remains. It may then be given a new function, which we cannot yet know today. This particular situation of dedicated laboratory buildings does not stand in contradiction to the University of Vienna’s general strategy of elongating the life cycle of buildings by way of accompanying measures such as highly modern control of facility management and energy-optimised refurbishment. A note on building quality  : The Federal Real Estate Act of 29 December 2000 effected the sale of all real estate owned by the Republic of Austria (including University of Vienna buildings) to the Bundesimmobiliengesellschaft BIG. This entailed that the new owners take on all tasks related to general refurbishment of buildings, the fulfilment of legal safety and accessibility requirements, particularly so for the erection of new buildings. BIG’s business aims

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are primarily those of any good businessman  : they are aimed at profit. However, as one of the largest real estate organisations in Austria, BIG understands that it has not only an economic responsibility but also a social one. BIG wants to “actively contribute to public space with high quality real estate and thus make a cultural contribution to our society”. Issues related to the environment and climate protection are as important to BIG as urban planning and architecture are. The architectural quality of public buildings has discernibly risen since BIG has been in charge. This also applies to the more recent University of Vienna buildings that have been erected under the management of BIG. This effect persists even in projects where the University of Vienna has chosen to finance, plan and design without resorting to BIG, such as in the project Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1 in Vienna’s ninth district. This new building and

Fig. 4: Inauguration of the new building at Währingerstrasse 29, start of the winter semester 2012/13. The new university building for the Faculties of Communication and of Computer Science is a prominent new eye-catcher on lower Währingerstrasse: the lively façade and its modern, metallic sheen juxtapose the old rows of buildings on both sides of the street as well as the free-standing landmarks: Josephinum, Palais Clam-Gallas and the second Department of Chemistry building.

the BIG building on Währingerstrasse 29 will be addressed in the following sections.

The extension and refurbishment of Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1 in the ninth district

The new university building on Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1 houses the Faculties of Mathematics and of Business, Economics and Statistics. It is an exemplary building in many ways. The combination of the two faculties sponsors new scientific cooperation, inter-faculty and interdisciplinary learning and research. The site on Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1 constitutes an important step towards the realisation of the desired concentration of university locations. It also exemplifies the practice of building within existing structures  : the project entailed renovating a 1960s

office building and putting it to a new use. All conditions were fulfilled and the time frame and budget constraints were adhered to and still this architecturally interesting yet structurally dated building (it was originally designed by the Viennese architect Prof. Franz Schuster and had been in need of refurbishment) was transformed to meet the requirements for twenty-first century university use. The architects Heinz Neumann and Ernst Maurer found an exemplary solution to the task with a contemporary architectural design that furthermore adds value to the “Rossauer Glacis” neighbourhood. The building’s net floor area is approximately 30,000 m2. The building contains lecture halls, reading rooms, classrooms and laboratories for 7,500 students, a cross-faculty departmental library, a dedicated dining room, meeting rooms and conference rooms as well as workspaces for approximately 800 employees. The refurbishment

Modern Requirements for University Buildings  321

Fig. 5: New building on Währingerstrasse 29 at dusk. The new building’s lecture halls, computer training labs, interior courtyard and joint library provide meeting spaces where students and members of different departments can engage in interdisciplinary exchange.

and conversion concept was developed in conjunction with the Raiffeisen-Holding Niederöster­reichWien, which had purchased the building in 2007.

The new building for communication and computer science on Währingerstrasse 29 in the ninth district

This building with its distinctive façade provides a common home to the Faculty of Computer Science and the Department of Communication (the department is part of the Faculty of Social Sciences). This combination promotes interdisciplinary research, instruction and study. The building is a new construction commissioned by the BIG and took about two years to be built. The architectural concept was devel-

322  Harald Peterka

oped by NMPB Architekten ZT GmbH. Although its sheer size is remarkable, the building has nevertheless been carefully integrated into the existing surroundings. It cites the storey heights and window sizes of the neighbouring Josephine era buildings. The left part of the building is set back from the street on the ground floor and mezzanine level, thus creating an opening  : the entrance area is an invitation to enter the house. The finely modulated front with its sculptural metallic surface juts out and back  : a contemporary “statement” of urban planning and architecture. For the University of Vienna, the building also acts as a highly visible carrier of the message of its own modernity. Particular care was taken with the multi-functional service and communication areas for students. The building contains three large lecture halls (one for 200 persons, and two for 50 persons), twelve classrooms (accommodating 20 to 49 persons), six computer training rooms (accommodating 20 to 30 persons) and seven computerised research labs. The cost-saving decision to forego independent air conditioning for each office space proved to have been an error of judgement as early on as in the summer months of the very first year of usage. The object has a net floor area of approximately 11,000 m2. The ground floor and the two basement storeys contain the departmental libraries for communication as well as for computer science. There is furthermore room to house a branch of the departmental library for chemistry. The new library provides sufficient space for reading areas and approximately 300,000 books. The inner courtyard offers greenery and seating opportunities, where students and teaching staff alike can find some retreat.

A project for the near future  : A new building for the fields of life sciences / biology

As mentioned at the outset, the University of Vienna is an inner-city university. It is gradually extending and concentrating its most important sites in the first and ninth districts. Any new external university site ought to ideally be located within walking

Fig. 6: Interior courtyard, Währingerstrasse 29. The library on the ground floor and both basement storeys unites the departmental libraries of the Departments of Communication and of Computer Science as well as a branch of the Department of Chemistry library.

distance of the Main Building on the Ringstrasse. It will unfortunately not be possible to meet this aim for the planned new buildings for the biological subject areas. It is intended that the departments belonging to the Faculty of Life Sciences (currently located on Althanstrasse in Vienna’s ninth district) will move to the vicinity of the VBC Vienna Biocenter on Dr. Bohr-Gasse in Vienna’s third district. The combination of the departments and this centre with its molecular biology focus would at least fulfil the fundamental desire to form a cluster for all buildings used for the fields of life sciences and biology. The third district address already houses the Max F. Perutz Laboratories, a joint venture of the University of Vienna and the Medical University of Vienna. The transfer of the Althanstrasse complex to the Neu Marx district would create a new and important inner-city site for the University of Vienna.

Modern Requirements for University Buildings  323

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Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014

T

he University of Vienna has approximately 9,700 employees, almost 6,900 of whom are teaching and researching staff. Approximately 92,000 students are enrolled in one of the many courses available at Austria’s largest and oldest university. An impressive range of courses and research activities are on offer at the university. It is currently divided into fifteen faculties1 (comprising a total of 157 departments, institutes and research groups), four centres2 and 22 interdisciplinary research institutions. As a highly complex university organisation, it also includes numerous service units. One absolute requirement for effective teaching, research and administration is the provision of rooms and buildings. These are the locations where the pursuit for insight usually takes place  : sites of knowledge. 73 such sites were in use by the University of Vienna in the spring of 2014  : 66 of these are located in the capital city itself, five in Lower Austria (Langau bei Geras, Marchegg, Bad Vöslau, St. Corona am Schöpfl and Mönichkirchen) and one site each in Upper Austria (Grünau im Almtal) and in Salzburg (Dienten). Most of the sites in Vienna are located in the city’s ninth district (thirty sites) and first district (nineteen sites). Two sites each are located in the eighth district, the eighteenth district and the nineteenth district, while three sites are to be found in the fifteenth district, one in the second district and seven sites in the third district. The following list shows the locations in the order of their address (Viennese locations by districts, followed by sites outside of the capital)  : 1 1010 Vienna, Ebendorferstr asse 10

1010 Vienna, Freyung 6 (Schottenstift) 1010 Vienna, Grillparzerstr asse 7 1010 Vienna, Hanuschgasse 3 1010 Vienna, Hofburg, Batthyanystiege 1010 Vienna, Liebiggasse 5 (former Ministry of Agriculture) 7 1010 Vienna, Postgasse 7–9 8 1010 Vienna, R athausstr asse 19 9 1010 Vienna, R athausstr asse 21 10 1010 Vienna, Schenkenstr asse 4 11 1010 Vienna, Schenkenstraße 8 – 10 (former Parliamentary Club building) 12 1010 Vienna, Schottenbastei 10 – 16 (Juridicum) 13 1010 Vienna, Schottenring 14 14 1010 Vien na, Teinfa ltstr a sse 8 (former Bodencreditanstalt and library of Lower Austria) 15 1010 Vienna, Universitätsr ing 1 (University Main Building) 16 1010 Vienna, Universitätsstr asse 5 17 1010 Vi e n n a , Un i v e r s i t ä t s s t r a s s e 7 (Neues Institutsgebäude – NIG) 18 1010 Vi e n n a, Un i v e r s i tät s s t r a s se 11 (Holding Vienna building) 19 1020 Vienna, Obere Augartenstraße 1a (historic greenhouses in the experiment garden) 20 1030 Vienna, Ca mpus-Vienna-Biocenter 5 (Vienna Biocenter) 21 1030 Vienna, Dr.-Bohr-Gasse 1 (Vienna Biocenter) 22 1030 Vienna, Dr.-Bohr-Gasse 9 (OSC hall, Vienna Biocenter) 23 1030 Vienna, R enn w eg 14 (Department of Botany building) 2 3 4 5 6

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  327

24 1030 Vienna, R ennweg 14b (greenhouses in

50 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 14 (Sports Centre

the Botanic Garden) 25 1030 Vienna, R ennweg 89b (former Reithalle riding hall, Bundessporthalle gym) 26 1030 Vienna, Strohgasse 45 27 1080 Vi en na, A l ser St r a sse 23 (former general orphanage, Herzfelder’sche Familienstiftung) 28 1080 Vienna, Lammgasse 8 29 1090 Vienna, A lth anstr asse 12 – 14 (ÖBB building) 30 1090 Vien na, A lt h a nstr a sse 14 (UZ A I, former Biozentrum) 31 1090 Vienna, A lth a nstr asse 14 (UZ A II, former Geo- und Pharmazentrum) 32 1090 Vienna, A lth a nstr asse 39–45 (UZ A III, former Vienna University of Economics and Business law building) 33 1090 Vienna, Berggasse 7 34 1090 Vienna, Boltzm a nngasse 3 (Former Department of Radium Research building) 35 1090 Vienna, Boltzmanngasse 5 /  S trudlhofgasse 4 (Physics building) 36 1090 Vienna, Boltzmanngasse 9 37 1090 Vienna, Ferstelgasse 5 38 1090 Vienna, Fr ankgasse 1 39 1090 Vienna, Hörlgasse 6 40 1090 Vienna, M a r i a-Ther esien-Str a sse 3 41 1090 Vienna, M a r i a-Ther esien-Str a sse 9 42 1090 Vienna, Oskar-Morgenstern-Platz 1 (former Pensionsversicherungsanstalt, Roßauer Lände 3) 43 1090 Vienna, Por zell angasse 33a (former orangery in the Liechtenstein garden palace) 44 1090 Vienna, Porzellangasse 4 (former k.k. Hofwagenfabrik Armbruster) 45 1090 Vienna, Pr amergasse 9 (Caritas Socialis) 46 1090 Vienna, Rooseveltplatz 2 47 1090 Vienna, Sensengasse 3 & 3a 48 1090 Vienna, Sensengasse 8 49 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2 (Campus of the University of Vienna, former general hospital)

Spitalgasse) 51 1090 Vienna, Thurngasse 8 52 1090 Vienna, Türkenstr asse 23 53 1090 Vienna, Währinger Straße 10 (1st Chemistry building) 54 1090 Vienna, Währinger Str asse 17 (provisional building) 55 1090 Vienna, Währ inger Str asse 25 ( Josephinum) 56 1090 Vienna, Währinger Str asse 29 57 1090 Vienna, Währ inger Str asse 38 (2nd Chemistry building) 58 1090 Vienna, Währ inger Str asse 42 (second Chemistry building) 59 1090 Vienna, Wasagasse 12 (Wasa residence) 60 1150 Vienna, Auf der Schmelz 6 (USZ I) 61 1150 Vienna, Auf der Schmelz 6a (USZ II) 62 1150 Vienna, Grimmgasse 12 – 18 (Bundessporthalle gym) 63 1180 Vienna, Kreuzgasse 74 (Kreuzgasse depot, gym) 64 1180 Vien na, Tür k ensch a nz str a sse 17 (Observatory) 65 1190 Vienna, Fr anz-Klein-Gasse 1 (former Vienna University of Economics and Business Studies main building) 66 1190 Vienna, Gy mnasiumstr asse 50 (Annex of the former Vienna University of Economics and Business Studies main building) 2091 Langau bei Geras, Riegersburg 106 (former Zollhaus) 2293 Marchegg, Wächterhaus Nr. 20 2540 Ba d Vösl au, H a idlhof 1 (Teaching and Research Farm Merkenstein, University of Veterinary Medicine Vienna) 2572 St. Corona a m Schöpfl, Fürtleben 10 (Leopold Figl Observatory) 2 872 M ö n i c h k i r c h e n, S c h a u e r e g g 11 (Self-catering facility Norge) 4645 Grünau im Almtal, Auingerhof 11 (Konrad Lorenz Research Site) 5652 Dienten, Dorf 11 (sport hostel)

328  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

The following list of the 73 university sites in chronological order gives an impression of the structure of the university buildings as it developed. (This development continues to be ongoing. For example, the sites Frankgasse 1 and Maria-Theresien-Straße 3 are included in the list, but will be vacated in 2014.) The chronology was established at hand of the date of building completion (for buildings that were erected for university purposes) or the year in which rooms were first rented for university purposes in existing (often residential) houses and office buildings. As above, the addresses of buildings that were constructed expressly for the university are set in small caps  ; the addresses of buildings that became university sites after conversion and refurbishment works are printed in italics. There are 36 buildings in this category. Rooms have been rented in 37 buildings  ; rental agreements in such buildings have in some cases been in place for several decades, so that these accommodations of university establishments have become a firm part of the University of Vienna’s building infrastructure. The date of erection, conversion or rental (in most cases) as well as the name(s) of the designing architect(s) are listed. These are the results of comprehensive research.3 The data also includes (gross) floor area  : the university currently has approximately 345,000 m2 at its disposal. The units contained in each building are listed in order to provide an impression of the range of research and teaching (as well as services) available at the University of Vienna in the year before its 650th anniversary. These sites of knowledge are used and enlivened by approximately 100,000 people in the capital city of Vienna.

1870 – 1879

1090 Vienna, Währinger Straße 10 (1st Chemistry building) Architect  : Heinrich von Ferstel Built  : 1869 – 1872 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1963, 1998, 2009– 2010

Floor area (gross)  : approx. 40 m2 Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Medicine and Medical Chemistry 1180 Vienna, Türk enschanzstr asse 17 (Observatory) Architects  : Ferdinand Fellner II & Hermann Helmer Built  : 1874 – 1878 Extended  : 1883, 1889 – 1890 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1964 – 1965, 2007– 2008 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 6,800 m2 Faculty of Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy Department of Astrophysics Department of Meteorology and Geophysics Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Alternative Solvents as a Basis for Life Supporting Zones in (Exo)Planetary Systems Service units StudiesServiceCenter Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy

1880 – 1889

1010 Vi e n n a, Un i v e r s i tät sr i ng 1 (Main Building) Architect  : Heinrich von Ferstel Built  : 1873 – 1884 Conversions, refurbishments and extensions  : 1964 – 1969, 1983 – 1990, 1998, 2005–2006, 2014– 2015 Architects  : Hans Hollein, Erich Boltenstern & Josef Oskar Wladar  ; Gerhard Krampf, Ertan Ilicali & Martin Schwanzer  ; Roger Baumeister  ; Gunther Palme Floor area (gross)  : approx. 65,400 m2 University management Rectorate Senate University Board Faculty of Protestant Theology Dean of the Faculty of Protestant Theology Faculty of Catholic Theology

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  329

Dean of the Faculty of Catholic Theology Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Dean of the Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of Ancient History and Studies and Classical Antiquity, Papyrology and Epigraphy Department of History Department of Economic and Social History Department of Contemporary History Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Dean of the Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of European and Comparative Languages and Literatures Department of German Studies Department of Classical Philology, Medieval and Neolatin Studies Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Sociology Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Elfriede Jelinek  : Texte – Kontexte – Rezeption Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Service units Equal Opportunity Working Party Professors’ Appointment Consulting Service Works Council for general university staff Works Council for academic university staff Library and Archive Services Accounting and Finance Students’ Union International Relations Internal Audit Corporate Communications Human Resources and Gender Equality StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies Facility and Resources Management Arbitration Committee StudiesServiceCenter Catholic Theology Teaching Affairs and Student Services Event Management

330  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

1900 – 1909

1030 Vienna, R ennweg 14b (greenhouses in the Botanic Garden) Architect  : Franz von Sengenschmid Built  : 1892 – 1903 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1975 – 1991 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 2,200 m2 1030 Vienna, R ennweg 14 (Department of Botany building) Architect  : Arthur Falkenau Built  : 1903 – 1904 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1977 – 1991 Architect  : Kurt Zöhrer Floor area (gross)  : approx. 6,900 m2 Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Systematic and Evolutionary Botany Department of Conservation Biology, Vegetation and Landscape Ecology Department of Structural and Functional Botany Department of Tropical Ecology and Animal Biodiversity 1910 – 1919

1090 Vi e n na, Wä h r i nger St r a sse 38 (2 nd Chemistry building, 1st construction phase) Architects  : Arthur Falkenau & Eduard Zotter Built  : 1908 – 1910 Conversions and refurbishments   : c. 1975  –   1978, 1989 – 1995 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 16,000 m2 Faculty of Chemistry Department of Analytical Chemistry Department of Biological Chemistry Department of Food Chemistry and Toxicology Department of Organic Chemistry Mass Spectrometry Centre NMR Centre Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Characterisation of Drug Involved Mechanisms

1090 Vienna, Boltzm anngasse 3 (former Department of Radium Research building) Architects  : Eduard Frauenfeld jun., Felix Boyer von Bergof & Adolf Lang Built  : 1909 – 1910 Conversions and refurbishments  : c. 1975 – 1978 Architect  : Fritz Purr Floor area (gross)  : approx. 3,000 m2 Faculty of Physics Quantum Optics, Quantum Nanophysics, Quantum Information 2 872 M ö n i c h k i r c h e n, S c h a u e r e g g 11 (Self-catering facility Norge) Built  : 1911 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1955 – 1956 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 300 m2 Center for Sport Science and University Sports University Sports Department 1090 Vien na, Boltz m a n ng a sse 5 / Strudlhofgasse 4 (Physics building) Architects  : Arthur Falkenau & Eduard Zotter Built  : 1910 – 1914 Conversions, refurbishments and extensions  : 1970 – 1983 Architects  : Fritz Purr & Walter Havelec Floor area (gross)  : approx. 18,500 m2 Faculty of Physics Aerosol Physics and Environmental Physics Computational Physics Dean of the Faculty of Physics Dynamics of Condensed Systems Electronic Properties of Materials Basic Experimental Physics Teaching Faculty Center for Nano Structure Research Gravitational Physics Mathematical Physics Physics of Functional Materials Physics of Nanostructured Materials Quantum Optics, Quantum Nanophysics and Quan­tum Information Particle Physics Interdisciplinary research institution

Research platform Alternative Solvents as a Basis for Life Supporting Zones in (Exo)Planetary Systems Service units StudiesServiceCenter Physics Workshop and Technical Services Vienna University Computer Center 1090 Vi en na, Wä h r i nger St r a sse 42 (2nd chemistry building, 2nd construction phase) Architects  : Arthur Falkenau & Eduard Zotter Built  : 1910 – 1914 Conversions and refurbishments   : c. 1975  –   1978, 1989 – 1995 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 13,000 m2 Faculty of Chemistry Dean of the Faculty of Chemistry Department of Inorganic Chemistry Department of Inorganic Chemistry (Materials Chemistry) Department Materials Chemistry Department of Physical Chemistry Microanalysis Services X-ray Structure Analysis Centre Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Translational Cancer Therapy Research Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Chemistry Workshops of the Faculty of Chemistry 1920 – 1929

1090 Vienna, Wä hr inger Str a sse 25 (Josephinum) Architect  : Isidor Canevale Built  : 1783 – 1785 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1960, 1965 – 1967, 2010 University use since  : 1920 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 500 m2 Faculty of Mathematics Gödel Research Center

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  331

1010 Wien, Liebiggasse 5

1010 Vienna, Liebiggasse 5 (former Ministry of Agriculture building) Architect  : Emanuel Trojan von Bylanow Built  : 1882 – 1883 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2001–2004 Architect  : Georg M. Feferle University use since  : 1924 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 6,400 m2 Faculty of Psychology Dean of the Faculty of Psychology Department of Applied Psychology  : Health, Development, Enhancement and Intervention Department of Psychological Basic Research and Research Methods Service units StudiesServiceCenter Psychology 1940 – 1949

1090 Wien, Frankgasse 1

Built  : 1889 – 1893 University use since  : 1942 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,300 m2 Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Theatre, Film and Media Studies Service units StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies

1090 Vienna, Fr ankgasse 1 Architect  : Emil Förster Built  : 1886 University use since  : 1940 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 400 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of Egyptology

1080 Vienna, Lammgasse 8 Architect  : Hans Berger Built  : 1929 – 1930 University use since  : 1943 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 800 m2 Service units Children’s Office UniClub

1010 Vienna, Hofburg, Batthyanystiege Architect  : Ferdinand Kirschner

1010 Vienna, R athausstr asse 19 Architects  : Ludwig Richter & Emil Schnizer

332  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

Department of Political Science Faculty of Law Research Institute of Legal Policy / Development

1950 – 1959

1010 Wien, Hanuschgasse 3

1010 Wien, Hofburg, Batthyanystiege

1010 Wien, Rathausstraße 19

Built  : 1881 – 1882 University use since  : 1948 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 600 m2 Faculty of Social Sciences Faculty Center for Methods of Social Sciences

1010 Vienna, Hanuschgasse 3 Architect  : Anton Hefft Built  : 1862 – 1863 University use since  : 1953 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 900 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of European Ethnology Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Theatre, Film and Media Studies Service units StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies 5652 Dienten, Dorf 11 (Sports club house) University use since  : 1958 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1990 – 1994 Architect  : Christoph Herzog Floor area (gross)  : approx. 2,500 m2 Center for Sport Science and University Sports University Sports Department

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  333

1960 – 1969

1010 Vienna, Uni v ersitätsstr asse 7 (Neues Institutsgebäude – NIG) Architects  : Alfred Dreier & Otto Nobis Built  : 1957 – 1962 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1999–2004 Architects  : Laurids Ortner & Manfred Ortner Floor area (gross)  : approx. 27,300 m2 Faculty of Philosophy and Education Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy and Education Department of Philosophy Faculty of Psychology Dean of the Faculty of Psychology Department of Applied Psychology  : Work, Education, Economy Faculty of Social Sciences Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology Department of Political Science Department of Science and Technology Studies Faculty of Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy Department of Geography and Regional Research Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Cognitive Science Research platform Life Science Governance Research platform Migration and Integration Research Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Service units StudiesServiceCenter Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy StudiesServiceCenter Philosophy and Education StudiesServiceCenter Social Sciences Vienna University Computer Center 1020 Vienna, Obere Augartenstraße 1a (historic greenhouses in the experiment gardens) Architect  : Franz von Sengenschmid Built  : 1890 University use since  : 1963 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 450 m2

334  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Ecogenomics and Systems Biology 1090 Vienna, Ferstelgasse 5 Architect  : Viktor Siedek Built  : 1889 University use since  : 1964 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 100 m2 Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Political Science

1010 Wien, Rathausstraße 21

1010 Vienna, R athausstr asse 21 Architect  : Anton Adametz Built  : 1880 – 1881 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 40 m2 (Hörsaal) University use since  : 1965 2293 Marchegg, Wächterhaus Nr. 20 University use since  : 1967 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 200 m2 Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Integrative Zoology 2572 St. Corona a m Schöpfl, Fürtleben 10 (Leopold Figl Observatory) Architect  : Wilhelm Modl Built  : 1966 – 1968 Extension  : 1975 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2007–2008 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 450 m2

Faculty of Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy Department of Astrophysics

1970 – 1979

1090 Vienna, Sensengasse 8 Architect  : Leopold Fuchs Built  : 1885 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2006–2008 Architects  : Josef Weichenberger & Johann Posch University use since  : c. 1971 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,600 m2 Faculty of Physics Computational Material Physics Computational Physics Quantum Optics, Quantum Nanophysics and Quan­ tum Information Faculty of Chemistry Department of Organic Chemistry Department of Physical Chemistry 1090 Vienna, Währ inger Str asse 17 (provisional building) Architect  : unknown Built  : c. 1880 Conversions and refurbishments & extension (prefab construction)  : 1970 – 1973 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 4,000 m2 Faculty of Physics Gravitational Physics Isotope Research and Nuclear Physics Faculty of Chemistry Department of Computational Biological Chemistry Department of Theoretical Chemistry 1150 Vienna, Auf der Schmelz 6 (USZ I) Architect  : Fritz Purr Built  : 1968 – 1973 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 15,500 m2 Center for Sports Science and University Sports Office of the Center for Sports Science and University Sports Department of Sports Science

1090 Wien, Währinger Straße 17

University Sports Department Service units Postgraduate Center StudiesServiceCenter Sports Science 1090 Vienna, Boltzmanngasse 9 Architect  : Josef Schmalzhofer Built  : 1914 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1969 – 1972 Architect  : Ottokar Uhl University use since  : 1973 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,300 m2 Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform International Erwin Schrödinger Department of Mathematical Physics (ESI) 1090 Vienna, Maria-Theresien-Str asse 3 Architects  : Andreas Luckeneder & Dionys Milch Built  : 1887 University use since  : 1973

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  335

Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,500 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of History Department of Economic and Social History Department of Contemporary History Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Theatre, Film and Media Studies

1010 Wien, Freyung 6

1090 Wien, Türkenstraße 23

1090 Vienna, Türkenstr asse 23 Architects  : Josef Sturany sen. & Leopold Walter Built  : 1857 University use since  : 1974 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 180 m2 Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics Department of Business Law 1010 Vienna, Freyung 6 (Schottenstift) Architect  : Joseph Kornhäusel Built  : 1826 – 1832 University use since  : 1975 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 500 m2 Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Human Rights in the European Context 1010 Vienna, Postgasse 7–9 Architect  : Karl Prantner sen. Built  : 1827 – 1829

336  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

Conversions and refurbishments  : 1979 – 1980  ; 2002– 2004 Architects  : Alois Machatschek & Gerhard Molzbichler  ; Friedmund Hueber University use since  : 1975 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 3,000 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of Byzantine Studies and Modern Greek Studies Service unit Vienna University Library and Archive Services

1980 – 1989

1010 Vienna, Ebendorferstr asse 10 Architect  : Wilhelm Stiassny Built  : 1883 – 1884 University use since  : 1981 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 500 m2 Faculty of Philosophy and Education Department of Philosophy Service unit Vienna University Computer Center 1090 Vienna, A lth a nstr asse 14 (UZ A I, former Biozentrum) Architects  : Kurt Hlaweniczka, Karl Schwanzer & Gerhard Krampf

1010 Wien, Ebendorferstraße 10

Built  : 1976 – 1982 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2013–2016 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 39,000 m2 Faculty of Life Sciences Core Facility of Cell Imaging and Ultrastructure Research Department of Anthropology Department of Integrative Zoology Department of Cognitive Biology Department of Limnology and Oceanography Department of Microbiology and Ecosystem Research Department of Molecular Evaluation and Development Department of Neurobiology Department of Ecogenomics and System Biology Department of Theoretical Biology Department of Behavioural Biology Large-Instrument Facility for Advanced Isotope Research Large-Instrument Facility for Mass Spectronomy in Life Sciences Service unit Postgraduate Center 1010 Vienna, Schottenbastei 10 –  16 ( Juridicum) Architect  : Ernst Hiesmayr Built  : 1972 – 1984

Floor area (gross)  : approx. 26,400 m2 Faculty of Law Dean of the Faculty of Law Department of European, International and Comparative Law Department of Legal and Constitutional History Department of Constitutional and Administrative Law Department of Commercial and Business Law Department of Civil Law Service units StudiesServiceCenter Law Postgraduate Center 1090 Vienna, Wasagasse 12 (Palais Wasa) Architect  : Peter Hofbauer Built  : 1857 – 1860 University use since  : 1984 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 150 m2 Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics Department of Business Administration 1190 Vienna, Fr a nz-K l ein-Ga sse 1 (former Vienna University of Economics and Business main building) Architect  : Alfred Keller Built  : 1915 – 1917 Extended  : 1954 – 1957 Architect  : Carl Appel Conversions and refurbishments  : 1984 – 1985  ; 2004 Architects  : Kurt Hlaweniczka  ; Helmut Neumayer University use since  : 1985 Floor area (gross)  : 9,400 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of Classical Archaeology Department of Numismatics and the History of Money Department of Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology Vienna Institute for Archaeological Science Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Translation Studies

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  337

Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Behavioural Biology

1010 Wien, Universitätsstraße 5

1010 Vienna, Universitätsstr asse 5 Architect  : Wilhelm Fraenkel Built  : 1878 – 1879 University use since  : 1987 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 700 m2 Service unit Quality Assurance 1190 Vienna, Gy mna siumstr a sse 50 (annex of the former Vienna University of Economics and Business main building) Architects  : Carl Appel & Kurt Eckel Built  : 1971 – 1974 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1986 – 1987 Architect  : Kurt Hlaweniczka University use since  : 1988 Floor area (gross)  : 9,100 m2 Center for Translation Studies Office of the Center for Translation Studies Department of Translation Studies

1990 – 1999

4645 Grünau im Almtal, Auingerhof 11 (Konrad Lo­ renz research site) University use since  : 1990 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,700 m2

338  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

1150 Wien, Grimmgasse 12–18

1150 Vienna, Grimmgasse 12 – 18 (Bundessporthalle) Architect  : Günther Kaufmann Built  : 1988 – 1990 University use since  : 1990 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,300 m2 Center for Sports Science and University Sports University Sports Department 1030 Vienna, Dr.-Bohr-Gasse 9 (OSC-Halle, Vienna Biocenter) Architects  : Ernst M. Kopper & Martin R. Köhler Built  : 1989 – 1992 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 19,300 m2 Center for Molecular Biology Office of the Centre for Molecular Biology Department of Biochemistry and Cell Biology Department of Chromosome Biology Department of Microbiology, Immunobiology and Genetics Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Decoding mRNA decay in inflammation Research platform Marine Rhythms of Life Research platform Quantum Phenomena and Nanoscale Biological Systems

Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Life Sciences

1090 Wien, Althanstraße 39–45

1090 Vienna, A lth anstr asse 39–45 (UZ A III, former law building of the Vienna University of Economics and Business) Architect  : Kurt Hlaweniczka Built  : 1977 Conversions and extensions  : 1990 – 1992 Architects  : Otmar Edelbacher, Peter Hartmann & Erich Schnögass Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,600 m2 (gymns) Center for Sports Science and University Sport University Sports Department 1150 Vienna, Auf der Schmelz 6a (USZ II) Architect  : Harry Glück Built  : 1993 – 1994 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 5,700 m2 Center for Sports Science and University Sport Office of the Center for Sports Science and University Sport Department of Sports Science University Sports Department Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics

1090 Vienna, A lth a nstr asse 14 (UZ A II, former Geo- und Pharmazentrum) Architects  : Kurt Hlaweniczka, Franz Requat, Martin Schwanzer & Ertan Ilicali Built  : 1991 – 1995 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 87,600 m2 Faculty of Physics Aerosol Physics and Environmental Physics Physics of Functional Materials Faculty of Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy Dean of the Faculty of Earth Science, Geography and Astronomy Department of Geodynamics and Sedimentology Department of Lithospheric Research Department of Environmental Geosciences Department of Geography and Regional Research Department of Meteorology and Geophysics Department of Mineralogy and Crystallography Department of Paleontology Faculty of Life Sciences Dean of the Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Drug and Natural Product Synthesis Department of Nutritional Sciences Department of Clinical Pharmacy and Diagnostik Department of Medicinal Chemistry Department of Pharmacognosy Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology Department of Pharmaceutical Technology and Biopharmaceutics Faculty of Chemistry Department of Inorganic Chemistry Department of Biophysical Chemistry Department of Nutritional and Physiological Chemistry Department of Physical Chemistry Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Vienna Institute for Archaeological Science Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Active Ageing Research platform Characterisation of Drug Involved Mechanisms Service units Postgraduate Center Service unit Earth Sciences

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  339

StudiesServiceCenter Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy StudiesServiceCenter Life Sciences Vienna University Computer Center 2091 Langau bei Geras, Riegersburg 106 (former Zollhaus) University use since  : 1995 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 500 m2 Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Microbiology and Ecosystem Research 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2 (Campus of the University of Vienna, former general hospital) Conversions and refurbishments  : 1783 – 1784  ; 1995 –  1998 Architects  : Josef Gerl  ; Hugo Potyka, Friedrich Kurrent, Johannes Zeininger, Ernst M. Kopper, Sepp Frank & Rudolf Zabrana Floor area (gross)  : approx. 50,800 m2 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 1 Architect  : unknown Built  : 1693 Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics Vienna Center for Experimental Economics Faculty of History and Cultural Science Department of East European History Department of Contemporary History Faculty of Law Department of Legal and Constitutional History Department of Criminal Law and Criminology Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Slavonic Studies Faculty of Philosophy and Education Institute Vienna Circle Service units University of Vienna Student Union Postgraduate Center 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 2 Architect  : Franz Anton Pilgram Built  : 1730

340  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Dean of the Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of East Asian Studies Department of South Asian, Tibetan and Buddhist Studies Interdisciplinary research institution Department for Ethics and Law in Medicine Service unit StudiesServiceCenter History and Cultural Studies StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 3 Architect  : Franz Anton Pilgram Built  : 1752 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of East European History Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Slavonic Studies Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Research platform Wiener Osteuropaforum Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 4 Architect  : Franz Anton Pilgram Built  : 1730 Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Near Eastern Studies Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 5 Architect  : Franz Anton Pilgram Built  : 1752 Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of African Studies Department of East Asian Studies Department of Linguistics Interdisciplinary research institution Department of Development Studies

1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 7 Architect  : Franz Anton Pilgram Built  : 1730 Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of European and Comparative Literature and Language Studies Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of Jewish Studies Service unit Vienna University Computer Center 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 8 Architect  : Joseph Mauritius Stummer Built  : 1833 – 1834 Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of English and American Studies Department of Romance Studies Research into language teaching and learning Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies 1090 Vienna, Spitalgasse 2, Court 9 Architect  : Joseph Mauritius Stummer Built  : 1833 – 1834 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of History of Art Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Musicology Interdisciplinary research institution Platform for Interdisciplinary Research and Documentation of Inner and South Asian Cultural History Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Philological and Cultural Studies 1010 Vienna, Teinfa ltstr asse 8 (former Bodencreditanstalt and library of Lower Austria) Architect  : Emil Förster Built  : 1885 – 1887 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1966 – 1967 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,700 m2 University use since  : 1998

Service unit Vienna University Library and Archive Services

1090 Wien, Porzellangasse 33a

1090 Vienna, Por zell angasse 33a (former orangery of the Liechtenstein garden palace) Architect  : Jakob Wohlschläger Built  : 1907 – 1908 University use since  : 1999 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 150 m2 Faculty of Law Department of Constitutional and Administrative Law

2000–2009

1030 Vienna, Ca mpus-Vienna-Biocenter 5 (Vienna Biocenter) Architects  : Ernst M. Kopper & Peter Podsedensek Built  : 1998–2000 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 3,200 m2 Center for Molecular Biology Department of Biochemistry and Cellular Biology Department of Structural and Computational Biology 1180 Vienna, Kreuzgasse 74 Built  : 1883 – 1902 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1999–2000

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  341

1030 Wien, Campus-Vienna-Biocenter 5

1090 Wien, Rooseveltplatz 2

Department of Government Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Social Sciences

1180 Wien, Kreuzgasse 74

Architects  : Michael Szyszkowitz & Karla Kowalski University use since  : 2000 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,200 m2 Center for Sports Science and University Sports University Sports Department 1090 Vienna, Rooseveltplatz 2 Architects  : Heinrich von Ferstel & Carl Köchlin Built  : 1873 – 1875 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2003–2005 University use since  : 2001 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 3,600 m2 Faculty of Social Sciences Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Sociology

342  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

1080 Wien, Alser Straße 23

1080 Vienna, A lser Str asse 23 (former general orphanage, Herzfelder’sche Familienstiftung) Architect  : Ernst Epstein Built  : 1910 – 1911 University use since  : 2001 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 350 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of History Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology

Department of Nursing Science Department of Political Science

1010 Wien, Universitätsstraße 11 1030 Wien, Rennweg 89b

1030 Vienna, R ennweg 89b (former riding hall, Bundessporthalle gym) Architects  : August Sicardsburg & Eduard van der Nüll Built  : c. 1854 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1995 – 1997  ; 2000 Architects  : Diether S. Hoppe  ; Peter Ortner & Erwin Stolz University use since  : 2001 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,500 m2 Centre for Sports Science and University Sports University Sports Department 1010 Vienna, Universitätsstr asse 11 (Holding Vienna building) Architect  : Ludwig Tischler Built  : 1880 – 1881 University use since  : 2003 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 600 m2 Service units Vienna University Computer Center 1030 Vienna, Dr.-Bohr-Gasse 1 (Vienna Biocenter) Architect  : Boris Podrecca Built  : 2003–2004 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,100 m2 (lecture halls)

1030 Wien, Dr.-Bohr-Gasse 1

1010 Vienna, Schenkenstraße 8 – 10 (former Parliamentary Club building) Architect  : Anton Porr

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  343

Built  : 1921 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2005–2006 Architect  : Herbert Beier University use since  : 2006 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 12,100 m2 Faculty of Protestant Theology Dean of the Faculty of Protestant Theology Department for Old Testament Studies and Biblical Archaeology Department of Christian History, Art and Archaeology Department of New Testament Studies Department of Practical Theology and Psychology of Religion Department of Religious Education Department of Systematic Theology and the Study of Religions Faculty of Catholic Theology Dean of the Faculty of Catholic Theology Department of Bible Studies Department of Christian Philosophy Department of Historical Theology Department of Church Law Department of Practical Theology Department of Religious Studies Department of Social Ethics Department of Systematic Theology Faculty of Law Department of Labour Law and Law of Social Security Department of Tax Law Department of Legal Philosophy, Law of Religion and Culture Department of Roman Law and Antique Legal History Department of Civil Procedure Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Religion and Transformation in Contemporary European Society Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Department for Ethics and Law in Medicine Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Protestant Theology

344  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

1010 Wien, Grillparzerstraße 7

1010 Vienna, Grillparzerstr asse 7 Architect  : Theodor Neumayer Built  : 1891 – 1892 University use since  : 2007 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 500 m2 Faculty of Social Sciences Project  : Family Studies in Austria 1090 Vienna, Maria-Theresien-Str asse 9 Architect  : Ludwig Tischler Built  : 1879 University use since  : 2008 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 200 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Department of History Department of Social and Economic History 1090 Vienna, Thurngasse 8 Architect  : Heinrich Kestel Built  : 1908 – 1910

Built  : 2007–2009 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 6,200 m2 Faculty of Philosophy and Education Department of Education Faculty of Philology and Cultural Sciences Department of European and Comparative Languages and Literatures Department of Linguistics Interdisciplinary research institutions Department of Islam Studies Department of Development Studies Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Philosophy and Education 1090 Vienna, Spita lg a sse 14 (Sports Centre Spitalgasse) Architects  : Josef Weichenberger, Johann Posch & Christian Kocevar Built  : 2007–2009 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 3,300 m2 (gyms) Centre for Sports Science and University Sport University Sports Department 1090 Wien, Thurngasse 8

University use since  : 2008 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 170 m2 Faculty of Philosophy and Education Department of Civic Education Department of Education Interdisciplinary research institution Department of Islam Studies 2540 Ba d Vösl au, H a idlhof 1 (Teaching and Research Farm Merkenstein, University of Veterinary Medicine Vienna) Architect  : Sepp Stein Built  : 1985 University use since  : 2009 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 200 m2 Faculty of Life Sciences Department of Cognitive Biology 1090 Vienna, Sensengasse 3 & 3a Architects  : Josef Weichenberger & room8 architects

1090 Vienna, Pr amergasse 9 (Caritas Socialis) Architect  : unknown Built  : 1905 – 1906 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1928  –   1929  ; 1996 – 1997 Architects  : Josef Bittner  ; Manfred Resch, Robert Kratschmann & Partner University use since  : 2009 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 210 m2 Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Government 1090 Vi e n na, A lt h a ns t r a sse 12 – 14 (ÖBB building) Architects  : Karl Schwanzer, Gerhard Krampf, Harry Glück, Kurt Hlaweniczka, Franz Requat & Thomas Reinthaller Built  : 1974 – 1978 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2008–2009 Architects  : Peter Ortner & Erwin Stolz University use since  : 2009 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 400 m2

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  345

Faculty of Life Sciences Core Facility for Micro-Computed Tomography Department of Anthropology 2010–2014

Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Service unit Research Services and International Relations

1010 Wien, Schottenring 14 1090 Wien, Hörlgasse 6

1090 Vienna, Hörlgasse 6 Architects  : Ferdinand Dehm & Franz Olbricht Built  : 1886 University use since  : 2010 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 300 m2 Faculty of Law Department of Constitutional and Administrative Law Interdisciplinary research institution Research platform Human Rights in the European Context 1090 Vienna, Berggasse 7 Architect  : Alois Ignaz Göll Built  : 1826 University use since  : 2010 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 700 m2 Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Dean of the Faculty of History and Cultural Studies Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of Theatre, Film and Media Studies

346  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

1010 Vienna, Schottenring 14 Architect  : Wilhelm Fraenkel Built  : 1873 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2004–2007 Architects  : Silja Tillner & Gerhard Steffel University use since  : 2011 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 120 m2 Interdisciplinary research institution European Law Institute 1090 Vienna, Por zell a ngasse 4 (former k.k. Hofwagenfabrik Armbruster) Architect  : Ludwig Baumann Built  : 1897 Conversions and refurbishments  : 1960  ; 2010 Architects  : –   ; LindnerArchitektur ZT University use since  : 2011 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 2,400 m2 Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies Department of European and Comparative Languages and Literatures Department German Studies Department of Linguistics

Research group Software Architecture Research group Theory and Applications of Algorithms Research group Visualization and Data Analysis Research group Workflow Systems and Technology Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Communication Service units StudiesServiceCenter Computer Science StudiesServiceCenter Social Sciences

1090 Wien, Porzellangasse 4

Department of South Asian, Tibetan and Buddhist Studies Research into Language Teaching and Language Learning Center for Teacher Education Center for Science and Education Research (AECCs) Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Theory and Practice of Subject Didactics Service unit StudiesServiceCenter Teacher Education 1090 Vienna, Währinger Str asse 29 Architects  : Manfred Nehrer, Herbert Pohl & Sasa Bradic (NMPB Architekten) Built  : 2010–2012 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 10,700 m2 Faculty of Computer Science CSLEARN – Educational Technologies Dean of the Faculty of Computer Science Research group Bioinformatics and Computational Biology Research group Cooperative Systems Research group Data Analytics and Computing Research group Entertainment Computing Research group Future Communication Research group Knowledge Engineering Research group Multimedia Information Systems Research group Scientific Computing

1030 Wien, Strohgasse 45

1030 Vienna, Strohgasse 45 Architect  : Hugo Mayer (Karl Korn Baugesellschaft AG) Built  : 1916 – 1918 University use since  : 2012 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 400 m2 Faculty of Law Department of Legal and Constitutional History

The Sites of the University of Vienna in 2014  347

Interdisciplinary research institution Institute for European Integration Research 1010 Vienna, Schenkenstr asse 4 Architects  : Anton Potyka & Hugo Potyka Built  : 1973 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2010 Architect  : Herbert Beier University use since  : 2013 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 1,200 m2 Faculty of Law Department of Criminal Law and Criminology 1090 Vienna, Oskar-Morgenstern-Platz 1 (former Pensionsversicherungsanstalt, Roßauer Lände 3) Architect  : Franz Schuster Built  : 1955 – 1957 Conversions and refurbishments  : 2011–2013 Architects  : Ernst Maurer, Christoph Maurer, Thomas Jedinger & Heinz Neumann + Partner University use since  : 2013 Floor area (gross)  : approx. 30,800 m2 Faculty of Mathematics Dean of the Faculty of Mathematics Gödel Research Center Department of Mathematics Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics Dean of the Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics Division of Business Languages Vienna Center for Experimental Economics Department of Business Administration Department of Finance Department of Business Law Department of Statistics and Operations Research Department of Economics Department of Economic Sociology Interdisciplinary research institutions Research platform Computational Science Center Service units Faculty IT Support StudiesServiceCenter Mathematics StudiesServiceCenter Business, Economics and Statistics

348  Elmar Schübl & Peter Schintler

Endnotes 1 Faculty of Catholic Theology, Faculty of Protestant Theology, Faculty of History and Cultural Studies, Faculty of Philological and Cultural Studies, Faculty of Philosophy and Education, Faculty of Law, Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics, Faculty of Social Sciences, Faculty of Psychology, Faculty of Life Sciences, Faculty of Computer Science, Faculty of Mathematics, Faculty of Physics, Faculty of Chemistry, Faculty of Earth Sciences, Geography and Astronomy. 2 Center for Molecular Biology, Center for Translation Studies, Center for Sports Science and University Sports, Center for Teacher Education. 3 This research was based on the following sources  : documents of the Ministry of Science, the Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, the Niederösterreichisches Landesarchiv and Viennese city administration departments (MA 37 – building inspection  ; MA 7 – culture)  ; reports of the Ministry of Science (incl. Hochschulberichte and Universitätsberichte) and of the parliament, university registers (Staff and course catalogues), notes by the Facility ans Resource Management of the University of Vienna and the Bundesimmobiliengesellschaft as well as the Amtsblatt supplement of the Wiener Zeitung, the architecture database of the Austrian Academy of Sciences as well as academic texts, including  : Österreichische Kunsttopographie (Die Kunstdenkmäler Wiens – Die Profanbauten des III., IV. und V. Bezirkes, 1980), Dehio Wien (I. Bezirk, 2007  ; II.–IX. und XX. Bezirk, 1993  ; X.–XIX. und XXI.–XXIII. Bezirk, 1997) and Friedrich Achleitner’s Österreichische Architektur im 20. Jahrhundert (Vol. III / 1  : Wien, 1. – 12. Bezirk, 1990  ; Vol. III / 2  : Wien, 13. – 18. Bezirk, 1995  ; Vol. III / 3  : Wien, 19.–23. Bezirk, 2010).

List of Abbreviations AFA AFM AFTh AVA

Acta Facultatis Artium Acta Facultatis Medicae Acta Facultatis Theologicae Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs (General Administrative Archive of the Austrian State Archivs) CA Consistorialakt (University Consistorial Act) Cod. Codex FRA Fontes Rerum Austriacarum MUW Matrikel der Universität Wien (Matriculation Registers) MIÖG Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung MÖGW Mitteilungen der Österr. Gesellschaft für Wissenschaftsgeschichte NDB Neue Deutsche Biographie NF Neue Folge ÖAW Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Austrian Academy of Sciences) ÖNB Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (Austrian National Library) ph. Kl. philosophisch-historische Klasse (of the Austrian Academy of Sciences) SB Sitzungsberichte (Meeting Reports) UAW Universitätsarchiv Wien (Archive of the University of Vienna) UB Universitätsbibliothek (University Library)

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Timeline and History of the Buildings of the University of Vienna 1365

1384 1385

1404 1419 1425 1445 1492 1501

1551 1554 1579 1623 1624 1631 1749 1754

Duke Rudolph IV of Habsburg and his brothers Albrecht III and Leopold III sign the founding patent of the University of Vienna on March 12, 1365   Pope Urban V confirms the foundation on June 18, 1365 with the exception of the Faculty of Theology  Duke Albrecht III reforms and extends the University: foundation of the Faculty of Theology Donation of the Duke’s College, Collegium ducale Inauguration of the first Viennese university building, the Duke’s College (present-day location approx. Postgasse 7–9, 1010 Vienna) and the Collegium Iuristarum, also known as Lawyers’ School (present-day Schulerstraße 14, 1010 Vienna)  Galeazzo di Santa Sofia of Padua performs the first anatomy demonstration north of the Alps  Donation of the Haus der Ärzte (Medics’ House) by Master Niklas of Hebersdorf (present-day Weih­burggasse 10, 1010 Vienna)  Inauguration of the oldest Aula building, known as Nova Structura (present-day location approx. Bäckerstraße 13 and 20, 1010 Vienna)  Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (1458–1464 Pope Pius II) propagates instruction in the text of classical antiquity in the university Aula  Student hospital and university library receive their own building: the old Liberey Emperor Maximilian I donates the Collegium poetarum as college of humanist scholarship and  entrusts “arch humanist” Konrad Celtis with the position as head of the institute and crowning poets laureate  King Ferdinand I summons the Jesuit Order to Vienna  Ferdinand I introduces his reformatio nova: salaried full professors at all faculties, stronger sovereign control over the university as well as financial security  Melchior Khlesl, new university chancellor, demands a confession of their Roman-Catholic faith from all graduates  Emperor Ferdinand II’s sanctio pragmatica entrusts the Faculties of Theology and of Philosophy to the Jesuits  Laying of the foundation stone for the new Akademisches Kolleg (Jesuit College) building by Ferdinand II (present-day location Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz 2, 1010 Vienna)  Consecration of the University Church in Vienna (present-day Jesuitenkirche, Dr. Ignaz SeipelPlatz 1, 1010 Vienna)  Maria Theresa’s reforms. Gerard van Swieten introduces directors of study and limits academic freedom Introduction of clinical instruction at the Faculty of Medicine  Establishment of the Botanic Garden on Rennweg, Vienna district of Landstrasse

Timeline and History of the Buildings of the University of Vienna  371

1756

1777 1778 1782 1783 1784

1785 1788 1848 1849 1867 1872

1873 1878 1884 1888 1892 1897

1905 1908 1910

1911

Inauguration of the university’s Neue Aula building by Maria Theresa. Since 1857, the building has housed the Academy of Sciences (present-day Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz 2, 1010 Vienna)   The old university library gives its collection to the imperial Hofbibliothek (present-day Austrian National Library)  Inauguration of the university library with books from the dissolved Lower Austrian Jesuit libraries  Admission of Protestants to secular degree courses  Admission of Jews to the doctorate in Law and in Medicine, abolition of the Immaculata oath Abolition of academic jurisdiction   Introduction of German as language of instruction Inauguration of the general hospital Allgemeines Krankenhaus in Vienna’s district of Alsergrund.  Establishment of clinics. Inauguration of an Anatomy Theatre in the university’s Neue Aula building Inauguration of the Josephinum (Währinger Straße 25, 1090 Vienna)  General abolition of the confession of the Catholic faith for graduates of the secular faculties  Viennese revolution led by doctors and students (academic legion). Defeat and loss of the old university building Alte Universität. University reform under Minister Leo Graf Thun-Hohenstein. Unification of research and teach  ing. Basic principle of academic freedom.  Basic Law on the General Rights of Nationals in the Kingdoms and Länder represented in the Council of the Realm, Art. 17: “Scholarship and its teachings are free” Inauguration of the first Department of Chemistry building, Erstes Chemisches Institut (Währinger  Straße 10, 1090 Vienna). Architect: Heinrich von Ferstel Inauguration of the central institution for meteorology and earth magnetism Zentralanstalt für Meteorologie und Erdmagnetismus (Hohe Warte 38, 1190 Vienna)  Start of construction works for the Main Building (Hauptgebäude) on military parade grounds Universities Act  Inauguration of the observatory, Sternwarte (Türkenschanzstraße 17, 1180 Vienna) built by Ferdinand Fellner II and Hermann Helmer  Inauguration of the new Main Building on Ringstrasse (present-day address Universitätsring 1, 1010 Vienna). Architect: Heinrich von Ferstel  Inauguration of the Department of Anatomy building (Anatomisches Institut, Währingerstrasse 13, 1090 Vienna) Inauguration of the Mensa Academica Admission of women as full students to the Faculty of Philosophy. The Faculty of Medicine ad mitted women in 1900, the Faculty of Law and Government in 1919, the Faculty of Protestant Theology in 1922 and the Faculty of Catholic Theology in 1945  New Department of Botany building: Neues Botanisches Institut (Rennweg 14, 1030 Vienna)  Department of Hygiene building: Hygienisches Institut (Kinderspitalgasse 15, 1090 Vienna) Department of Radium Research building: Institut für Radiumforschung (Boltzmanngasse 3, 1090 Vienna)   Second Department of Chemistry building: Zweites Chemisches Institut, first construction phase (Währingerstrasse 38, 1090 Vienna)   New university clinics: Neue Universitätskliniken (Spitalgasse 23, 1090 Vienna)

372 Timeline and History of the Buildings of the University of Vienna

  Department of Physics building: Physikalisches Institut (Boltzmanngasse 5–7, 1090 Vienna) Second Department of Chemistry building: Zweites Chemisches Institut, second construction phase (Währingerstrasse 42, 1090 Vienna) 1914–1916   Main Building on Ringstrasse serves as hospital for the wounded of the imperial army 1922   Incorporation of the Faculty of Protestant Theology (established in 1821 as Protestantische Lehranstalt, gained faculty status in 1850, the right to confer doctorates from 1861)  Inauguration of the Auditorium Maximum lecture theatre in the Main Building 1936 National Socialists seize power. Persecution and deportation of Jews and political opponents from 1938  among the teaching staff and student body. 45 % of the professors and lecturers were removed from their position. 1943 Libraries and research institutions are moved outside of Vienna 1944  First aircraft bombs hit the Main Building in September. The Main Building was hit by altogether 26 bombs before the end of the war. 1945 Reopening of the university on May 29 1951  Reconstruction of the Main Building and return of the library collections that had been removed during the war   Higher Education Act 1955 1962  Inauguration of the new departmental building Neues Institutsgebäude (NIG) (Universitätsstrasse 7, 1010 Vienna)  600th anniversary celebrations. Participation by 204 universities from across the world 1965 1966 General Act on Higher Education 1968 Leopold-Figl Observatory (2572 St. Corona am Schöpfl) 1973  Inauguration of the university sports center Universitäts-Sportzentrum Schmelz (Auf der Schmelz 6a, A-1150 Vienna)   Universities Act 1975 1980  Inauguration of the new university archive in the old university building Alte Universität (Postgasse 9, 1010 Vienna) 1982  Inauguration of the department of biology center Biologiezentrum Althanstraße (UZ A I, Althanstraße 14 1090 Vienna) 1984 Inauguration of the faculty of law building Juridicum (Schottenbastei 10-16, 1010 Vienna) 1985 Move into the former Main Building of the Vienna University of Economics and Business (WU) (Franz-Klein-Gasse 1, 1190 Vienna) 1988 The City of Vienna gifts the former general hospital site Altes Allgemeines Krankenhaus (approx.   96,000 m2) with its nine historic courtyards to the Alma Mater 1992 Vienna Biocenter, Dr. Bohr-Gasse 9, 1030 Vienna  Universities Act (UG 1993); in power from 2000 1993 1995 Inauguration of the geosciences and pharmacology building Geo- und Pharmazie-Zentrum (UZA II) Inauguration of the Campus of the University of Vienna in the former general hospital. The refur1998  bished old buildings and new constructions become the new home for what was at the time the Faculty of Humanities. 2002  Universities Act (UG 2002). The universities gained the status of autonomous legal bodies under public law (§ 4 UG); in power from 2004. 2004 The Faculty of Medicine is turned into the Medical University of Vienna 1913 1914

Timeline and History of the Buildings of the University of Vienna  373

2006

2012 2013

Main Building: Inauguration of the refurbished and redesigned Auditorium Maximum, inauguration of the redesigned entrance area known as Aula, inauguration of the redesigned arcaded courtyard Move into the former parliamentary club building Parlamentsklub (Schenkenstrasse 8–10, 1010 Vienna)  New building on Währinger Straße 29, 1090 Vienna for the Faculty of Computer Science and the Department of Communication  University building on Oskar Morgenstern Platz 1, 1090 Vienna for the Faculty of Mathematics and the Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics

374 Timeline and History of the Buildings of the University of Vienna

The Authors Judith Eiblmayr, architect, architecture journalist, curator. Studied architecture at the Vienna University of Technology and the University of Michigan, USA, Dr. techn. Many years as a critic on architecture and urban development, cultural history and design for journals and Die Presse. Numerous articles, exhibitions and publications (Der Attersee – Die Kultur der Sommerfrische, with Erich Bernard a.o., 2008  ; Haus Hoch – Das Hochhaus Herrengasse und seine berühmten Bewohner, with Iris Meder, 2009  ; Der Donaukanal – Die Entdeckung einer Wiener Stadtlandschaft, with Peter Payer, 2011  ; Lernen vom Raster – Strasshof an der Nordbahn und seine verborgenen Pläne, 2013  ;). Lives and works in Vienna  ; www.eiblmayr.at.

and is now working for the University of Vienna archive and an FWF project on Die Habsburg-Lothringische Familien-Fideikommissbibliothek 1835 – 1921 at the Austrian National Library.

Christoph Gnant studied history and other subjects and the University of Vienna. Employment in the office of the University Board of the University of Vienna since 2003. Numerous publications on Austria and the Holy Roman Empire. Key research areas  : modern eighteenth century history, university history, contemporary history.

Hellmut Lorenz studied history of art at the University of Vienna, where he gained his PhD and his Habilitation in 1983. Professor of History of Art at the Freie Universität Berlin in 1985 – 1997, from 1997 Professor at the University of Vienna, retired in 2008. Key research, teaching and publication areas  : Baroque era art and architecture in Central Europe, history of architecture, history of art in Vienna.

Richard Kurdiovsky, PhD, is an Art Historian at the

Department of Art and Music History Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Worked for the architecture collection of the Albertina Wien in 1997–2004. Teaches at the University of Vienna. Key research areas  : Wiener Hofburg in the nineteenth century, Central European architecture and garden design from Baroque to the twentieth century, Habsburg monarchy urban culture.

Herbert Karner is an art historian specialised on early

modern topics including Baroque ceiling painting, art and architecture of orders as well as European residence culture. He works at the Department of Art and Music History Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences and is a lecturer at the Department of Art History at the University of Vienna. Nina Knieling studied history in Vienna and Perugia, including historical research, historical ancillary disciplines and archive science at the Austrian Institute of Historical Research at the University of Vienna. She gained her PhD in 2014 with a dissertation on Die Privatbibliothek Kaiser Franz’ I. von Österreich,

Thomas Maisel studied history at the University of Vienna and trained at the Austrian Institute of Historical Research. Since 1988 employed at the University of Vienna archive, which he has directed since 2010. Various publications on the history of the university and archives, co-editor of the series Schriften des Archivs der Universität Wien. Kurt Mühlberger studied history and German stud-

ies in Vienna. He is a Doctor of Philosophy, member of the Austrian Institute of Historical Research, director of the University of Vienna archive (1983– 2010), lecturer in Austrian history at the University

The Authors  375

of Vienna, member of the board of the Österreichische Gesellschaft für Wissenschaftsgeschichte (ÖGW) and the Gesellschaft für Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte (GUW). Key research areas  : university history, the history of education and of science, editing historic sources, archivistics.

(2006–2012)  ; employed at the Kulturamt of the City of Graz (2013–2014), currently lecturer at the Department of History (since 2012) and freelance historian. Key research areas  : history of the university, theory of the science of history, philosophy of history and history of geoscience.

Harald Peterka is a mechanical engineer and studied Facility Management at the Donau-Universität Krems. He was director of facility management at the Austrian Red Cross for fifteen years and subsequently built up his own company, which he went on to sell to the global market leader ISS. He then optimised the economic decisions and organisation in the facility management and purchasing departement for an Austrian bank (BAWAG). In June 2010, Harald Peterka took on the post of director of Facility and Ressources Management at the University of Vienna.

Dieter Schweizer, Doctor of Philosophy and Magister

Artium awarded from the University of Basel, Professor emeritus at the University of Vienna, full member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW) and former founding director of the Gregor Mendel-Institut at the ÖAW. Professional research interest  : cell genetics. Beyond that, he has been fascinated by history of art and architecture since his youth. The rector of the University of Vienna entrusted Dieter Schweizer with the academic management of the Jubilee Office in 2012.

Julia Rüdiger studied art history in Vienna and Paris

Werner Telesko studied history of art in Vienna.

and completed her doctorate degree in Vienna in 2013. Research assistant and lecturer at the Institute of Art History at the University of Vienna between 2007 and 2014. Has been working on a project on scholars’ monuments at the University of Vienna since March 2014. Key research areas  : scholars’ memorabilia, intersections of art and natural science, nineteenth and twentieth century architecture.

Austrian Institute of History in Rome 1988 – 1990, from 1990 Benediktinerstift Göttweig and since 1993 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, where he has been director of the Department of Art and Music History Research (IKM) since 2013. Key research areas  : Baroque iconography, Austrian nineteenth century art.

Peter Schintler studied history, ancient history and

archeology at the Unviersity of Graz  ; teaching assistant at the Department of History (2010–2014)  ; employed at the Grazer Stadtarchiv (2013)  ; research assistant at the Grazer Stadtmuseum (since 2014), key research area  : local and social history. Elmar Schübl studied history and philosophy at the

University of Graz  ; received his habilitation in history of science (2011)  ; project contributor and teaching assistant at the Department of History (1993– 2001)  ; commissioned by the Ministry of ­Science and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Vienna (2001– 2006)  ; contributed to the establishment of the Centre for History of Science at the University of Graz

376 The Authors

Image Credits Agentur KOOP Live Marketing  p. 51 Academy of Fine Arts Vienna, Graphic Collection p. 65 Albertina Vienna, Collections  p. 47, 48, 50, 53, 66, 167 Allgemeine Bauzeitung  p. 156, 157, 158, 159, 162, 217 (top), 223, 235, 236

trative Archive (AVA)  p. 148, 149, 161, 173, 174, 231 (both), 232 (both), 233 (both), 234, 241, 250, 251, 252 Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Cabinet des Estampes  p. 45, 46 Cartography: Caroline Satzer, 2014 (University of Vienna)  p. 18, 26, 324-325 Department of Art History, University of Vienna  p. 100, 101, 103, 151, 184

Architect Gunther Palme  p. 263 Archive of the author (Richard Kurdiovsky)  p. 242 Archive of the University of Vienna   p. 16, 17, 19, 20, 24, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93 (both), 94, 111, 113, 115, 119, 120, 123, 125, 129, 131, 165, 171, 175, 196, 197 (both), 199, 202 (both), 204, 205, 228, 258, 259 (both), 261 (both), 266 (both), 267 (all), 269, 274, 275, 277

Erzbischöf liches Dom-und Diözesanmuseum Vienna; Photo: Archive of the University of Vienna p. 14 Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien  p. 63 Landeshauptarchiv Schwerin (State Main Archive) p. 29 Medical Historical Library, Josephinum Vienna p. 105

Archive of the Universitätssternwarte (Observatory)  p. 216, 217 (bottom), 218, 219, 220, 221, 222 (left)

Museum of Architecture of the Technische Universität Berlin  p. 222 (right)

Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW), IKM  p. 43, 44, 59, 62, 76, 77, 78, 82

Photo: Alexander Ablogin (Medical University of Vienna) p. 98

Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW), Collection Woldan  p. 229, 230, 241, 249 Austrian National Library (ÖNB), Photo: Archive of the University of Vienna  p. 21, 23

Photo: Alexander Arnberger, 2014 (RRM, University of Vienna)  p. 68, 70, 71, 75, 79, 81, 102, 104, 146, 160, 198, 210, 256, 283, 284, 286, 305 (both), 308 (both), 309, 310 (both), 311, 319, 322, 323 and end paper

Austrian State Archives (ÖSTA), General Adminis-

Photo: Lisa Cichocki  p. 343

Image Credits  377

Photo: Thomas Hoys  Frontispiece Photo: Nina Knieling  p. 110, 194, 200, 208, 209 Photo: Paul Landl (University of Vienna, Juridical Faculty) p. 303 Photo: Karl Pani  p. 42, 107 Photo: Franz Pflügl (for the University of Vienna) Front paper,  p. 12, 84, 136, 140, 141 (both), 179, 180, 181 (both), 182, 185 (both), 186 (right), 189, 260, 262, 264, 287, 288, 297 Photo: Peter Schintler, 2014  p. 214, 332 (both), 333 (all), 334, 335, 336 (all), 338 (both), 339, 341 (both), 342 (all), 343 (both on the left), 344, 345, 346 (all), 347 Photo: Gebhard Sengmüller (for the University of Vienna)  p. 295, 318 Photo: Margherita Spiluttini  p. 64, 279, 281, 294 Photo: Wolfgang Thaler  (for the University of Vienna)  Front cover,  p. 8, 56, 60, 98, 106, 154, 164, 177, 178, 192, 226, 272, 292, 302, 316, 321 and back cover University of Vienna, Corporate Communications  p. 186 (left), 296, 298, 299, 320 Vienna University Library, University of Vienna p. 73 Vienna University of Technology, Archive  p. 169, 304, 306 (both), 307 (both) Wien Museum  p. 150, 168 (both), 170, 172, 176, 183, 187 Wien Museum, Photo: Archive of the University of Vienna p. 127

378 Image Credits

Neubauten für Zwecke des naturwissenschaftlichen, medizinischen, technischen und landwirtschaftlichen Unterrichtes an den Hochschulen in Wien 1894 – 1913 (Wien 1913)  p. 237, 238, 239, 243, 244, 245, 246 (both), 247, 253   Werner Theiss, Neuzeitliche Grossbibliothek (Ungedr. Diss. TU Wien 1934)  p. 206 (both), 207 Norbert Wibiral /Renata Mikula, Heinrich von Ferstel (Wiesbaden 1974)  p. 152,  166

Index Abel, Lothar (Architekt)  252 Adametz, Anton (Architekt)  334 Albrecht III.  16, 20 – 23, 25, 37, 38, 371 Albrecht V.  24, 28, 38 Albrecht von Sachsen  16, 37 Albrecht, Johann Conrad von  61, 62 Aldeholcz de Goltperg, Johannes  35 Alt, Rudolf von  170 Andraschek, Iris  269, 270 Appel, Carl  337, 338 Auer, Hans Wilhelm  230, 232 – 234 Augustini, Johannes  33 Avanzo, Dominik  235 – 237 Bach, Alexander von  140 Baumann, Ludwig  240, 347 Baumeister, Roger  257, 260, 265, 329 Baumgartner, Andreas von  140 Beethoven, Ludwig van  126 Beier, Herbert  344, 348 Bellotto, Bernardo (gen. Canaletto)  63 Berger, Franz  243 – 246, 248 Berger, Hans  332 Birkenstock, Johann Melchior von  139 Bittner, Josef  345 Blotius, Hugo  114 Bock, Fritz  277, 282 Boltenstern, Erich  329 Bonitz, Hermann  139 – 141 Boyer von Bergof, Felix  331 Bradic, Sasa  347 Brambilla, Giovanni Alessandro  92, 95, 104, 106 – 108 Burnacini, Lodovico Ottavio  52 Bylanow, Emanuel Trojan von  236, 332 Celtis, Konrad  28 – 30, 39, 113, 371 Charles IV.  15, 25 Charles VI.  61, 70 Clemens VII.  20 Cuspinian, Johannes  36 Dehm, Ferdinand  346 Demus, Otto  73 Dietmann, Johann Maximilian  117 Dietrich, Daniel Christoph  58 Dietrichstein, Franz  48 Dinkelsbühel, Georg von  37

Dreier, Alfred  208, 281, 282, 312, 334 Durandus, Guglielmo (Wilhelm)  21, 23, 38 Ebendorfer von Haselbach, Thomas  112 Ebner-Eschenbach, Marie von  269 Echterdingen de Hamertingen, Johannes 36  Eckel, Kurt  338 Eisner, Joseph  93 Eitelberger, Rudolf von  182, 185 Endlicher, Stephan Ladislaus  128 Enzenhofer, Johann  58 Enzmilner von Windhag, Joachim  193, 211 Epstein, Ernst  342 Ettingshausen, Andreas von  151, 153 Exner, Franz  139 – 141 Fabri, Johann  27, 39, 114, 117, 118 Falch, Conradus  36 Falkenau, Arthur  242, 247, 252, 253, 330, 331 Fauken, Franz Xaver  102, 108 Feferle, Georg M.  332 Felder, Cajetan  166, 190 Fellner, Ferdinand  215, 217, 218, 222, 223, 240, 244, 329, 372 Ferdinand I.  25, 29, 38, 43, 85, 114, 118, 138, 371 Ferdinand II.  43, 48, 49, 85, 114, 371 Ferdinand IV.  52 Ferstel, Heinrich (von)  9, 148, 149, 151 – 153, 155, 159 – 163, 165 – 167, 169 – 180, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 201, 203, 204, 208, 215, 222 – 224, 227, 230, 234, 238, 253, 258, 262, 265, 314, 319, 329, 342, 372 Fischer von Erlach, Joseph Emanuel  100 Fischer, Richard  296 Fischhof, Adolf  129 Förster, Emil  237, 238, 245, 246, 332, 341 Förster, Ludwig  151 Fraenkel, Helmut  338, 346 Francia, Domenico  58, 73 Franck, Johann Theobald  99 Francis II. / I.  93, 95, 104, 122, 196, 212, 228 Francis Joseph I.  133, 144, 147, 153, 170, 200, 244 Francis Stephen of Lorraine  58, 63, 72, 73, 77 – 79, 90 Frank, Sepp  297, 340 Franz Ferdinand  240 Frauenfeld, Eduard  331 Freymuth, Karl  241, 242, 255

Index  379

Frum(m)an, Leonard  30 Fuchs, Leopold  335 Galli-Bibiena, Antonio  51, 53 Galli-Bibiena, Giuseppe  51, 53 Ganneval, Isidore (gen. Canevale)  104, 106 – 108, 299, 331 Gans, Johann  205 – 209, 213 Gars, Albrecht von  19 Gazzaniga, Pietro Maria  83 Gerl, Joseph  102, 294, 340 Gervasio, Agostino  83 Gleiwitz, Nikolaus von  32, 40 Glück, Harry  285, 339, 345 Gmunden, Johannes von  23, 28, 112 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von  122, 178 Göll, Alois Ignaz  346 Grabmayer, Franz  287 Graff, Anton  89 Grünwalder, Ulrich  33 Gschwind von Pöchstein, Johann Martin  193, 194, 211 Guglielmi, Gregorio  58, 72 – 74, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 125 Haiden, Laurenz  26, 33 – 35 Haider, Leonhard  36 Hansen, Theophil  151, 152, 169, 190, 229, 230, 233, 234 Harrer, Johannes  26, 37 Haugwitz, Friedrich Wilhelm von  72 Havelec, Walter  331 Haydn, Joseph  123, 126 Hebersdorf, Niklas von  26, 27, 112, 371 Heczendorf, Leonard von  36 Hefft, Anton  333 Heimbuche von Langenstein, Heinrich  15, 20, 24 Heinrich II. Jasomirgott  72 Helmer, Hermann  217, 218, 222, 223, 240, 329, 372 Herbert, Joseph von  93 Hertzog, Anton  53, 69, 71, 79 Herzog, Christoph  333 Hiesmayr, Ernst  290, 303 – 307, 311, 312, 337 Hildebrandt, Johann Lucas von  101 Hillebrandt, Franz Anton  108 Hlawenczika, Kurt  286, 288, 337 – 339, 345 Hoefnagel, Jakob  24 Hofbauer, Peter  337 Hoffmann, Josef  247 Höfinger, Oskar E.  287 Holczabek, Wilhelm  295 Hollein, Hans  329 Hoppe, Diether S.  343 Huber, Joseph Daniel  102, 229, 230 Hueber, Christof  37 Hueber, Friedmund  18, 26, 38, 54, 67, 117, 212, 336 Hugelmann, Karl Heinrich  200, 212

380 Index

Hunczovsky, Johann  102 Hye von Gluneck, Anton  128, 153 Ilg, Albert  239, 255 Ilicali, Ertan  288, 329, 339 Jacquin, Joseph Franz von  91, 129, 258 Jacquin, Nikolaus von  89, 126, 133, 250, 255 Jadot, Jean Nicolas de  58, 64, 67, 72, 73, 83, 174 Jäger, Albert  200, 202 Jarcke, Karl Ernst  139, 143 Jedinger, Thomas  348 Joseph II.  86, 89 – 93, 95, 96, 99 – 102, 104, 106, 108, 121, 138, 193 – 195, 239, 293 Jurenitsch, Johann  268 Kant, Immanuel  122 Karlik, Berta  269 Kaufmann, Günther  338 Kelhaimer, Andre  26, 37 Keller, Alfred  337 Kestel, Heinrich  345 Khevenhüller, Sigmund Friedrich von   101 Kirschner, Ferdinand  332 Klee, Joseph  197, 212 Kleiner, Salomon  57, 59, 62, 100, 101 Klimt, Gustav  184, 186 – 188, 190 Klitsch, Peter  287 Kocevar, Christian  345 Köchlin, Heinrich Anton  238 Köchlin, Karl (Carl)  184, 238, 342 Köhler, Martin R.  338 Kolb, Koloman  25, 38 Kolberger, Johannes  35 Kopper, Ernst M.  297, 298, 300, 338, 340, 341 Kornhäusel, Joseph  336 Kossuth, Lajos  129 Kowalski, Karla  342 Krampf, Gerhard  285, 286, 329, 337, 345 Kratschmann, Robert  345 Krauss, Karl von  140 Krebs, Burkhard  36 Kurrent, Friedrich  297, 340 Kurz, Barbara  35 Labrouste, Henri  175, 197 Lachs, Minna  267, 268, 270 Lamormaini, Wilhelm  47 Lang, Adolf  331 Lange, Paul Rudolph  235, 236 Langer von Edenberg, Carl  235, 237 Latour, Theodor von   131 Laugier, Robert  89, 248, 249 Lazius, Wolfgang  34 – 36 Lechner, Franz  199, 212

Leithe, Friedrich  118, 201, 203, 204, 211, 212 Leopold III.  16, 37, 371 Leschenprant, Peter  36 Leyh, Georg  206, 212 Liecht, Leonhard  36 Lingkh, Christian  36 Littrow, Johann Joseph von  124, 126, 133, 216, 223 Littrow, Karl Ludwig  218, 220, 221, 224 Lochmair von Haideck, Michel  37 Löhr, Moritz  152, 231 – 234, 254 Löschenkohl, Hieronymus  92 Loyola, Ignatius of  43, 49 Luca, Ignaz de  57, 63, 67 Luckeneder, Andreas  335 Machatschek, Alois  336 Mack, Johann Georg  65 Maister, Georg  72, 73, 83 Maria Theresa  57, 58, 61, 63, 67, 69, 71 – 75, 77 – 80, 83, 86 – 90, 92, 101, 102, 117, 121, 133, 138, 194, 195, 216, 240, 248, 371, 372 Martin V.  28 Marx, Bele  267, 268, 270 Matsch, Franz  186 – 188 Maulbertsch, Franz Anton  58, 80 – 83 Maurer, Christoph  348 Maurer, Ernst  317, 321, 348 Maximilian I.  28, 29, 38, 114, 371 Mayer, Heinz  312 Mayer, Hugo  347 Melnitzky, Franz  230 Menesdorf, Hans von  36 Metastasio, Pietro  73 – 75, 77 – 79, 82 Metternich, Clemens Wenzel von  127 – 129, 133, 139, 249 Migazzi, Christoph Anton von  82 Milch, Dionys  335 Miller, Jakob Gabriel (gen. Mollinarolo)  80 Modl, Wilhelm  334 Molzbichler, Gerhard  336 Münzer, Johann Adam  58 Mussard, Gilles  267, 268 Nehrer, Manfred  347 Neithart, Heinrich  36 Neumann, Heinz  317, 321, 348 Neumayer, Helmut  337 Neumayer, Theodor  344 Niedzielski, Julian  174, 175, 183 Niemann, George  230, 232 – 234, 254 Nobis, Otto  208, 281, 282, 312, 334 Nüll, Eduard van der   147 – 150, 152, 201, 228, 343 Ohmann, Friedrich  205, 212 Olbricht, Franz  346

Ölzant, Franz Xaver  289 Ortner, Laurids  279, 282, 334 Ortner, Manfred  279, 282, 334 Ortner, Peter  343, 346 Öttl, Josef Anton  85 Ötzesdorfer, Kristof  33, 34, 36 Pacassi, Nicolo  108 Palme, Gunther  263, 329 Pazmàny, Peter  35, 36 Penker, Elisabeth  269 Penz, Johann Adam von  72 Peuerbach, Georg von  23 Pfanzagl, Kristan  33, 40 Pici de Maczen, Johannes  37 Piekniczek, Bartholomäus  243, 245, 246 Pilgram, Franz Anton  101, 102, 108, 293, 340, 341 Podrecca, Boris  343 Podsedensek, Peter  341 Pohl, Herbert  347 Polonus, Andreas  35 Posch, Johann  335, 345 Potyka, Anton  348 Potyka, Hugo  297, 300, 340, 348 Prantner, Karl  198, 336 Puelinger, Wilhelm  30 Purr, Fritz  280, 283, 290, 331, 335 Quarin, Joseph  102, 293 Randekk, Johannes von  19 Rant, Matthias  296 Rauch, Johannes  26, 36 Rautenstrauch, Franz Stephan  195, 211 Rechperger, Wilhelm  47 Reckendorfer, Paul  73 Redtenbacher, Josef  155, 159, 163 Regiomontanus, Johannes  23 Reinthaller, Thomas  346 Rembold, Leopold  122 Reningen, Bernhard von  36 Requat, Franz  288, 339, 346 Resch, Manfred  345 Rezori, Wilhelm  238 Ribi, Johann  16, 37 Richter, Ludwig  332 Ridler, Johann Wilhelm  196, 198, 199, 212 Rinner, Hans  30 Rollett, Alexander  132, 134 Rottmayr, Johann Michael  71 Rudolph IV. the founder  9, 14 – 22, 37, 138, 143, 296, 371 Santa, Leopoldo della  196, 197, 201, 212 Schaffer, Joseph  99, 100 Schaffer, Peter  99, 100

Index  381

Schagerl, Josef  297 Schaller, Hieronimus  218, 220, 221 Scherding, Sigismund de  36, 37 Scheyb, Franz Christoph  72 Schlegel, Eva  281 Schleusinger, Eberhard  37 Schmalzhofer, Josef  335 Schmeltzl, Wolfgang  22 Schmidt, Friedrich (von)  169, 190 Schnizer, Emil  332 Scharndorf, Konrad Arnold von  36 Schrotenlawer, Udalricus  35 Schuster, Franz  290, 319, 321, 348 Schwaiger, Johannes  26, 37 Schwanzer, Karl  285, 286, 329, 337, 345 Schwanzer, Martin  288, 329, 339 Semper, Gottfried  148, 162, 163, 170 – 172, 179, 231 Sengenschmid, Franz von  330, 334 Sicardsburg, August von  147 – 150, 152, 201, 228, 343 Sickel, Theodor  141, 202 Siedek, Viktor  334 Sommaruga, Franz von  147, 289, 130, 137 Sonnenfels, Josef von  89, 95, 139 Spiluttini, Margherita  294 Sprenger, Paul  230 Stadler, Friedrich  268 Steffel, Gerhard  346 Stein, Sepp  345 Steinhausen, Werner Arnold  44 Stella, Tilemann  29, 38 – 40 Stiassny, Wilhelm  336 Stolz, Erwin  343, 346 Stremayr, Karl  142, 218 Stubenvoll, Wolfgang  48 Stummer, Joseph Mauritius  294, 341 Sturany Josef  336 Suess, Eduard  141 Swieten, Gerard van  77, 80, 87 – 89, 96, 97, 102, 117, 123, 138, 371 Szyszkowitz, Michael  342 Taler, Georg  35 Tannstetter, Georg  30 Tautenhayn, Josef  180 Testarello della Massa, Johannes  52 Tettnang, Kaspar  28 Thavonat, Ignaz von  100, 101 Theiss, Werner  206, 207, 212 Thun-Hohenstein, Leo von  132, 139, 140, 143, 147, 200, 372 Tichtl, Johannes  37 Tillner, Silja  346 Tischler, Ludwig  343, 344

382 Index

Toldt, Carl  237, 254 Tomsa, Sylvester  247 Trautson, Johann Joseph  62, 72, 74, 79 Trauttmansdorff, Ferdinand von  126 Tremmel, Ludwig  247, 248, 255 Trönl von Kelhaim, Urban  37 Uhl, Ottokar  335 Urban V.  16, 371 Urban VI.  20, 21 Villinus, Leonhard  113 Wagendrüssel, Paul   33, 40 Wagner, Otto  203, 205, 206, 212, 227, 237, 238, 241, 246, 248, 255, 281, 290 Walter, Leopold  336 Wann, Paulus  34, 35 Wassakowski, Barthélmi Nathanael  51 Weichenberger, Josef  335, 345 Weintridt, Vincenz  122 Weißenburger, Rupert  34 Weitra, Kolman von  37 Werner, Karl  139 Wettstein, Richard von  252 Weyringer, Johann  289 Winkler, Günther  303 – 305, 307, 312 Winckler, Georg  265, 268, 270  Wladar, Josef Oskar  329 Wohlschläger, Jakob  341 Wolkan, Rudolf  227 Wolmuet, Bonifaz  43, 44, 113 Würfel, Niklas  23, 36 Zabrana, Rudolf  297, 340 Zeiller, Franz von  95 Zeininger, Johannes  297, 340 Zettl, Ludwig  228, 254 Zilk, Helmut  295 Zingl, Georg  37 Zöhrer, Kurt  330 Zois, Michel  33 Zotter, Eduard  238, 242, 330, 331 Zschokke, Hermann  142

JULIA RÜDIGER

DIE MONUMENTALE UNIVERSITÄT FUNKTIONELLER BAU UND REPRÄSENTATIVE AUSSTATTUNG DES HAUPTGEBÄUDES DER UNIVERSITÄT WIEN

Die monumentale Universität stellt die erste Monographie zum Hauptgebäude der Universität Wien dar, die dem Leser das facettenreiche Gebäude aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven erschließt. Dieses Bauwerk des ausgehenden 19. Jahrhunderts zählt zu den prachtvollsten Bauten an der Wiener Ringstraße. Gemeinsam mit Parlament und Rathaus wurde es ab 1870 für den letzten großen Bauplatz an der Ringstraße geplant. Auf bauend auf eine eingängige Planungs- und Baugeschichte werden die typologischen, stilistischen und ikonographischen Wurzeln und die daraus folgenden künstlerischen Aussagen freigelegt. Das Ergebnis dieser Zusammenschau eröffnet dem Leser ein überraschendes Bild einer Architektur, die aus der zeitgenössischen Wissenschaftsanschauung heraus gewachsen ist. 2015. CA. 260 S. CA. 180 S/W- UND 20 FARB. ABB. GB. 280 X 210 MM. ISBN 978-3-205-79654-1

böhlau verlag, wiesingerstrasse 1, 1010 wien. t: + 43 1 330 24 27-0 [email protected], www.boehlau-verlag.com wien köln weimar

MARIANNE KLEMUN, HUBERT SZEMETHY, FRITZ BLAKOLMER AND MARTINA FUCHS (EDS.)

1365 – 2015 – 2065 “ONCE THERE WAS A STUDENT”: OTHER STORIES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA

The book sets itself the task of capturing, in a concise form, the 650-year history of the University of Vienna, as seen through a number of different windows. It understands itself as a fresh new model of science communication: interesting, readable but at the same time highly reflected. The figures in the action are freely invented, but the context in which they live is analysed from a serious and research-related viewpoint. In 14 stages, the stories focus on the students’ perspective, the different modes of knowledge acquisition over the course of 650 years, and the spatial changes to the university within the city of Vienna. They examine the complexity of learning beyond the traditional history of institutions, personnel and academic disciplines, and reflect critically on important developments of the university. 2015. CA. 172 S. CA. 48 S/W-ABB. GB. 210 X 135 MM. ISBN 978-3-205-79703-6

böhlau verlag, wiesingerstrasse 1, 1010 wien. t: + 43 1 330 24 27-0 [email protected], www.boehlau-verlag.com wien köln weimar