Simonides: Epigrams and Elegies: Edited with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary 0198850794, 9780198850793

Citation preview

Simonides Epigramsand Elegies

Edited with Introduction,Translation,and Commentary by DAVID SIDER

OXFORD UNIVERSITY

PRESS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY

PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © David Sider 2020

The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2020 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of tlie above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016,United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2020930748 ISBN 978-0-19-885079-3 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

Preface My greatest thanks go to Deborah Boedeker and Ettore Cingano, sinequibusnon. The librarians of New York (NYU and Columbia), London, and Washington D.C. were helpful as always, but my greatest thanks go the staffs of the manuscript reading rooms in Venice and Heidelberg where I read the two main sources for the GreekAnthology;and to Daniela Colomo and James Brusuelas, who eased my way in viewing the relevant papyri in Oxford, where also Martin West and Peter Parsons answered questions about the papyri they had edited years earlier. Help in seeing and confirming difficult readings in other papyri was provided by Giuseppe Ucciardello, Cornelia Romer, and Charles Crowther. The staff at the Epigraphical Museum in Athens were also helpful as I read and photographed the relevant inscriptions. I am always happy to thank Dirk Obbink for help in all ways; this now includes a month's stay on his houseboat on the Hinksey Backwater while I was in Oxford for the papyri. Others who were generous with their time, specialized knowledge, and forthcoming works were George Baroud, David Blank, Peter Bing, Beth Cohen, Joe Day, Francesco de Angelis, Claudio De Stefani, Marco Fantuzzi, Lucia Floridi, Arianna Gullo, Theodora Hadjimichael, Regina Hoschele, Sara Kaczko, Jan Kwapisz, Andre Lardinois, Kathleen McNamee, Kelly Macfarlane, John Marincola, Carol Mattusch, Sarah Nooter, Andrej Petrovic, David Pritchard, Kurt Raaflaub, Richard Rawles, Mary B. (Molly) Richardson, Fred Schreiber, Alan Shapiro, Henry Spelman, Michael Squire, and Peter Wilson. After thanking Chiara Ricciardone, Greta Gualdi, and Ricarda Meisel for last-minute checking of the typescript, it remains to do the same to all those at OUP who led this book through publication: Charlotte Loveridge and her temporary replacements Georgie Leighton and Karen Raith saw it through the initial stages, including its refereeing by two anonymous readers. Joe Matthews supervised after that and among other things helped produce a lovely dust jacket (with the help of my wife Sandra). Tim Beck was first copy editor of this text with all its difficult editorial demands, not least the use of four distinct fonts. It then passed on to the inestimable Leofranc Holford-Strevens, who, as he did earlier with my book on Philodemus' epigrams, slowed me down considerably with his learned and always pointed queries. It is a privilege to be subject to his grilling.

Contents List of Figures Introduction 1. The Scope of this Work 2. Birth and Death 2.1. Life 3. Sirnonidean Anecdotes 4. Works

5. EAEI'EIA

ix

1 1 1 4

10

15 17

6. Textual Transmission 6.1. Elegies 6.2. Epigrams 7. Meter 8. Aelius Aristides 9. The Plan of this Edition

22 22 25 33

Text, Translation, Commentary

45 47

Epigrams Elegies and Sympotica

37 41

239

Bibliography I. Abbreviationsand BriefReferences 2. Editionsof SimonidesContainingEpigrams 3. Other ScholarsCited in CriticalApparatuses 4. ManuscriptEpigramSources 5. Editionsof Some FrequentlyCitedAncient Texts 6. SecondaryLiterature

417 417 419 420 420 422 422

Concordances

455

1.

Epigrams

2. Elegiesand Sympotica

GeneralIndex

455 457 463

List of Figures Figure 1. Thessalian ruling families.

7

Figure 2. e;\i::yciovand e;\i::yela.

17

Figure 3. Common hexameter line shapes in Simonides and Homer.

34

Figure 4. Harmodius and Aristogeiton arranged chest to chest (composite photograph).

56

Brian B. Shefton, "Some iconographic remarks on the Tyrannicides:' AJA 64 (1960) fig.4.

Figure 5. Parian drachma dating to during Simonides' lifetime depicting a kneeling goat.

206

Digital image courtesy of the Getty's Open Content Program.

Figure 6. Sympotic lament depicted on a vase: YOMANY-{arm}YO~.

305

2

Staatliche Antikensammlungen 2646: ARV 437, no. 128.

Figure 7. A woman ladling wine from a stamnos into a phiale. Attic stamnos, c.450-440

BCE.

Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 21.88.3. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1921;www.metmuseum.org.

369

Introduction 1.

THE SCOPE OF THIS WORK

This volume complements Orlando Poltera's text and commentary on Simonides' lyrics. For the most part, this means those poems in elegiac distichs now called epigrams or elegies (and sometimes both by different ancient and modern authors), but Simonides also employed several other metrical patterns involving dactyls and iambs, which are included here for the sake of completeness, since they are properly absent from Orlando Poltera's edition of Simonides' lyrics.1 Some fragments, so short that it is impossible to know whether they are elegiac or lyric, have already been collected by Poltera under the rubric "Incertum utrum ex elegiis an ex epigrammatis" (F 318-27). 2 Only one of these is included here, along with an argument for its possible elegiac origin (el. 106). 3 This volume also includes a lyric skolion (ep. 111) and a possibly lyric passage omitted by Poltera (ep. 91), a skolion whose sympotic performance is like that of the elegies and riddles already included. 4 In other words, all works attributed to Simonides in antiquity should now be found in either this or Poltera's volume.

2. BIRTH AND DEATH The fullest ancient biography is that of the Suda s.v. .Eip.,wv{txrys,under three distinct "Simonides" lemmata, scattered over several entries in Poltera SL, who has the richest selection of testimony, and whose T(estimony)-numbers will be 1 They are ep. 27 hex Ipent I3 ia I3 ia I hex, ep. 29 hex I hipp,ep. 38 4 da I ith I 3 ia" ep. 58 hex I 3 ia" ep. 61 3 ia, ep. 63 hex Ipent I3 ia, ep. 64 rzdleeIrzdlee 14iaA> epp. 69,703 ia, el. 53 4 da \ ith Ipe \ ar'1,ell. 88, 108, 109, 110, 112 hex, el. 92 hex I4 trA.In addition, severalsingle-hexameterlines are quoted, any of which could have been followedby a pentameter: epp. 33, 51, ell. 87, 97, 97, 99, 109,110,112 2 Addingto the difficultyof distinguishinggenresof smallpassagesis Simonides'allowinghimself yap, 95.3 KAEEvv6v. severallyrictouchesin his epigrams;e.g.1.1~v{Ka,40.3 ap,Epaas,47.1 a.AA.a 3 Of the others, note in particular F 319 KV/1-aTa /1-ETpEtv, 320 aKvcf,ovOUTa6evTa,323 cf,vg,µas c58µ1(on which see Poltera Langage200-1), as wellas F 332 oaµaatp,{Jparns(sc. .E1rapn1), 4 Also missing in Poltera is a lyric fragment quoted by Aristides, el. 113, on which, see below, pp. 37-41.

Introduction

2

given here. From these we learn that Simonides was born to Leoprepes (so too Callim. fr. 64.8-9 Pf. Lµ,EJ/1co;7TplrrEos... K ~"iovav8pa, "I the son ofLeoprepes") in Ioulis, one of the four ruling cities of the island of Ceos. 5 Simonides and Leoprepes' genoswere the 'Yt\tx{8ai (cf. Callim. fr. 222 oKc'ios 'YA{xov vi1Tovs= T 43).6 His nephew was Bacchylides (Strabo 10.5.6 Meineke= T 40, Steph.Byz. 9.79.2, Syrianus in Hermog.47.3 Rabe, Anon. in Hermog.7.982.6-8 Walz); Suda s.v. BaKxvM8ris calls him merely avyycv~s. Pindar (born c.522 BCE) was said to have been younger than Simonides and older than Bacchylides (Eustath. Pind. 25.29-31; Anon. v.Pi.5.5), but the latter statement is questionable. Absolute dates of birth and death and his age at death are also provided by the Suda (supported in part by others): yiyovE 8' E7TtTrjs 7TEVTYJKOaTijs EKTYJS ot\vµ,ma8os (56th, 556-552), Ot8J t/3'(62nd, 532-528) ycypacpaat. Kal 1TapETElVE µ,ixpt Trjs ori' (78th, 468-464), {3wvs ETYJ1T0'(89).7 The first date given for his birth taken together with his time of death is perfectly consistent with what is known of his activities and his age at death. That is, if he was born in the first year of the 56th Olympiad, 556, he would have died eighty-nine years later in 467, the second year of the 78th. This closely agrees with the Marmor Parium's report of his death at age 90 in 468/7 (T 49, which mangles the printing of the epigraphical numbers): acp'ov EVAlyos 7TOTaµ,o'is o,.\{0osE7TWE,Kal .Etµ,wv{8riso 7TOlYJTTJS ETEAEVTYJaEV {3wvs ETYJ P:LiLiLiLi(90), ETYJ HHII (205) apxoVTO',}10~vrial 6JmyEv{8ov.8 This perfect fit, of course, may well have been manufactured years after his death without access to the facts, but accords so well with what is known that it has become the orthodoxy, apart from the minority view espoused by Luigia A. Stella, who argues for the Suda's second, later birth date.9 See ep. 24, introduction, on whether Simonides was able to write on the battle ofEurymedon. Someone born in the 62nd Olympiad would have his eighty-ninth year in 443, later than any piece of evidence places him. Stella championed this later date in part because Simonides seemed to her too active for a man in his 70s, an argument that offers too many counterexamples ancient and modern to be accepted. (She was 40 years old when she wrote this.) In either case, Simonides was listed among those poets active in old age.10 Her other arguments are equally weak: (i) his nephew Bacchylides was several decades younger, but 5

The others being Carthaea (on which see ep. 108b ), Poieessa, and Coresia. See IG xii.5 609.102-3, Ioulis, fourth century fin., a list of 'Y,\,x{oai, the first name being Aew1TpE1TTJS, a namesake of our poet's father. 7 According to Euseb. Chron.01. 55/1,2 (560 BCE) = T 47b Po, Simonides was born the year Stesichorus died-or enjoyed his floruit; cf. Georg.Cedr. Chronogr.287.8-9 £T77a{xoposTE0v77Ke. £,p,wv{o77s ~Kp,a~e. These kind of chronological correlations are the least trustworthy; cf. M. Kivilo, EarlyGreekPoets'Lives(Leiden 2010) 84. Cf. e.g. Eus. 01. 29.1Archilochuset Simonides et Aristoxenusmusicusinlustreshabentur,with Kivilo p. 131. 8 More than ninety years, according to Luc. Macrob. 26. 9 L. A. Stella, "Studi simonidei 1:Per la cronologia di Simonide;' RFIC 74 (1946) 1-24. 10 Hieron. Epist. 52.3 ad poetas venio, Homerum, Hesiodum, Simonidem, Stesichorum,qui grandes natu, cygneum nescio quid et solito dulcius, vicina morte cecinerunt;Theophylactus Eunuch. 331.19-20 Gautier oil yap I:ip,wv{o77s~ 'J1T1T{as Eyw, T~V /J,V~/J,TJV lfxwv K0,7TtTOVy~pws dKµ,6.,ovaav. 6

Birth and Death

3

probably by thirty-six years (not the fifty claimed by Stella), not an unlikely figure if Simonides' younger sister gave birth soon after marriage at the typical age of 17-18; (ii) supposed references to Simonides in Pindar, less sure today than when Stella wrote, prove nothing, since, even if true, they need not have been written while Simonides was still alive.11 Simonides was buried in Acragas, as recorded by Callim. Aet. fr. 64.3-4 P£ = T 51 (the SepulchrumSimonidis,in which a tombstone speaks in the voice of Simonides) Jµ,6v Kon aijµ,a, T6 µ,ot 1Tpo1T6t\riosEx[w]av I [Zijv'] }1.KpayaVT'ivot E'cfvt[o]v a,6µ,Evot.12 Acragas, only allied with (or under the control of) Hieron at the time of their near-contemporaneus deaths, is not an obvious choice for a Hellenistic biographer. Whether Simonides' death in Sicily comes at the end of a continuous stay there (on which, see below), as is often believed, remains to be proved. The safest course is to imagine Simonides fulfillingthe many commissions that must have come his way, travelling to games and then to the cities of some patrons, such as Tegea, celebrated for itself or for its citizens in epp. 23, 29, 35. See further Molyneux 224-36, A. J.Podlecki, "Simonides in Sicily;'PP34 (1979)5-16. Between birth and death, anecdotes of various sorts present a picture of Simonides as an exemplary wandering poet, whose journeys to various places throughout the Greek world can be sorted out only within broad parameters. 13 The equivalent of chronological Mozartean Kochel numbers is beyond our means, although some few poems can be at least dated, even if only approximately. Occasionally a terminuspost or ante is possible; e.g. the encomium (or encomia) he wrote for Eualcidas of Eretria would have been composed before his death in 498, a date known from Herodotus, and it is not unreasonable to suppose that Simonides went to Eretria to teach the chorus the words, music, and choreography of his song. 14 Some poems concerning Ceos have been thought to date from his youth, before he first left, such as those in praise of Ioulis (Him. Or. 27.26 = T 41 11 These and other of Stella's arguments are adequately disputed by Molyneux throughout his book. Note too that Simonides can criticize the long dead Mimnermus. 12 One might, however, consider an oblique reference here on Callimachus' part to the Theoxenia in honorof the Dioscuri held in Acragas (see the scholia to Pi. 0.1) and to their patronage of Simoni des, mentioned elsewhere in his Tombof Simonides.For other Simonidean allusions by Callimachus, see B. Acosta-Hughes, Arian'sLyre (Princeton 2010), eh. 5, "Simonides recalled: Limitations of a poikilosoriginal"; Hunter in B-S 242-54; S. Barbantani, ThreeBurials(Alessandria 2010), 45-52. 13 On the subject in general, see R. Hunter and I. Rutherford (eds), WanderingPoetsin Ancient Greek Culture (Cambridge 2009); on Simonides in particular, pp. 130-5 of E. Bowie's chapter "Wandering poets, archaic style;' as well as Aristoph. Pax 697-9, where Sophocles is said to be turning into Simonides, Kipoovs lfKaTiKliv E7Tt pmos 1TA€0,("he'd even go to sea on a wicker mat to make some money"). Undatable visits may be assumed for each of the four major game sites, where he would be ready to accept commissions; see further below. 14 Hdt. 5.102.2-3 = T 54 7TOA,\ovs ailTWVo[ IUpaai ef,ovevova,,a.\.\ovs TE ovop,aaToVs,EVOEIi~ Kat Eoa.\K{li77vaTpaTTJYEOVTa 'EpeTplEWV,UTEdon ~ 'Iov>..ls(Wernsdorf, ~ 1r6Ats or 1r6AEtS codd.) Ja1rovoaaTat. Schmid-Stahlin GGL 506-7; others believe Chamaeleon 37 Martano = 34 Wehrli/Giordano (ap. Athen. 10.456c = T 108), who says that ep. 108b, set in Carthaea, was composed in Simonides' youth (I:iµ,wv£011vETt vEov), i.e. while he still lived on Ceos, but, as will be argued more fully below, background information of this sort is likely to come from a part of the poem not cited; in which case, it would have been the adult Simonides himself who said something like "when I was young back in Ceos:' 15 The details of Simonides' death were not enriched with the kind of detail that ancient biographers invented for Anacreon or Aeschylus. The sources do agree that he died in Sicily,however, and tend to place this at the end of a long visit with Hieron of Syracuse: Syrian us in Hermog.1.86.10-11(= Tzetzes Chil. 1.624.10-11) unconvincingly has Simonides leaving Athens (presumably soon) after his dithyrambic victory in 477/6 for Syracuse and dying there shortly afterwards: rpaal0€ aVTOVfJ,ETQ, T~VVlK1JV 7TAEV..tyovEVl:tKE>dq, TEAEVTijaat. Tzetzes Chil. 1.24.637Leone oDTos oI:iµ,wv£811sfJ,€VJv l:tKE>dq, Bv~aKEt,an aside with no meaningful context, is almost certainly an unjustified extrapolation from Aelian, his acknowledged source here: Kai oiJKwKV1JY)Ktd(aq>YJK{a MSS) ~ fLEAfoaia (if not fLEAwauf; µ,l"Awaa Photius, Lex.Seg.) ~ µ,iKpo"Aoy{a.47 There is obvious confusion here of cases (nom. or acc.), accents, 48 and the insects and their homes ( aq>Y)Kta{and µ,E"Awaia{ are wasp nests and bee hives, respectively), as well as confusion between the abstract Ktµ,{3iK(E){a ("stinginess;' of character; cf. Eustath. ad Il. 533.14K. rjBovs) and the more literal home of kimbikes.Reading Kiµ,{3iK{a ( or perhaps Kiµ,{3iKia) 49is the easiest way to regularize at least the first part of the entry, as suggested to me by R. Rawles, so that the original was "swarm of kimbikes:swarm of wasps or bees;' but the essential point for my larger argument is that a kimbix was originally some sort of flying buzzing insect whose busy back-and-forth motion was used metaphorically of similar human activity.50 This allows for the possibility that Xenophanes was criticizing Simonides not for being a skinflint with money, but rather for some aspect of his verse that Xenophanes found excessively and annoyingly petty. The -it ending alone could convey an insulting meaning in addition to its denominating insects; cf. M. Karali, "The use of the dialects in literature;' in Christidis A History of Ancient Greek(Cambridge 2007) 989. The stem ( a )µ,iKpo"Aoy-, which also later became a synonym for stinginess as well as for greed, appears in the one account that bothers to give a reason for Simonides' being called a kimbix: schol. ad Aristoph. Pax 697 fLEfLVY)Tat[sc.

Aristophanes] onaµ,tKpo"A6yos~v, oBEv8EvoaVY)S K{µ,{3iKaav-rov 1Tpoaayopdm. 51 Originally, however, as might be guessed, (a) µ,iKpo"Aoy-referred more generally to a certain pettiness of character, as is seen consistently in the earliest occurrences of this word, in Plato and Isocrates. 52 It was Theophrastus who popularized the new meaning "stingy" by making µ,iKpo"Aoy{a one of his Character traits. 53 Ifl am right in this speculation, the charge of being a kimbix was altered by the later tradition into the more common slander that Simonides was greedy.54 A clear distinction exists between niggardliness and greed, however often this is ignored in our testimony on Simonides, 55 but it was, not surprisingly, known to that great categorizer Aristotle. 56 None of the traits that Theophrastus ascribes to the mikrologosdemonstrates greed: he is never said to want more; only to hold on (with great fear of being cheated) to what he already has. 57 The most likely point of Xenophanes' attack, therefore, is more literary than personal. Simonides is being criticized for some aspect of the way he wrote, which Xenophanes regarded as excessively petty or nitpicking. This is not in

12

Eranos 53 (1955) 125-40; D. Burton, "Response and composition in archaic Greek poetry:' Antichthon45 (2011)58-76. 46 In I. Bekker, AnecdotaGraeca1 (Berlin 1814)1-476. 47

All three sources end their definition with ~ oiaarpo..6yov, 2.9.26-33 Rabe. 67 See immediately below. 68 These are all likely to be later; e.g. a dithyramb named Memnon (PMG 539 = F 351Po). Note in particular Prise. De metr. Ter.24 (3.428 Keil = T 12) Simonides in i1r'il.pTEµ,ia{1.p vavµ,ax{q,in dimetro catalectico. 69 In addition to the previous note, cf.e.g. schol. ad Eur. Med. 9 8n o,!~E~aa{AwKE T~s Kop{v0ov ~ M~8Eia,Ei5µ,71Aos iaTopE'i: Kail:,µ,wv{oris,Pl. Rep.331eT{'P'f/S TOVl:,µ,wv{8rivMyovm 6p0wsAEyELv -rn:.pl OiKat.oaVv?Js; Q71,,~ S'Os,,,.Q-rd. Od1ro01,86vai 8£Ka1,6v EaTt. 70 Suda s.v.l:,µ,wv{o71s· yeypa1rTaL avTtj> Llwp{l'J, 8taAEKTl.f) ~ Kaµ,~vaovKaiLlapdov~aatAE{aKTA. He also wrote epigrams in Doric for dedications in Corinth, Sparta, etc., and inserted some Doric forms in the generally Attic-Ionic elegy on Plataea. Some of these have been atticized in the course of transmission in book form. 71 e.g. Eudemus fr. 90 Wehrli ap. Simplic.Phys. 754.9 (T 71)iv 'O>..vµ,1r{ai 1:,µ,wv{l'Jov Tovxp6vov wsaocpA

I

\

'\'

"'

\

\

"\

\

Kal ..,.,u\Oµ,ovaos 'l')V, Kat TOVS 1TEpl L-1.VaKpEOVTaKat ~lP,WVlO'l')V Kat TOVS a1111ovs 1rot'l')Tas oDTos ijv op,ETa1rEµ,1r6µ,cvos-and so would perhaps not seem to be the first choice for Antenor's statue (so Merritt 356). By 477, on the other hand, he had written several poems in various meters for the Athenians at the behest or at least instigation of Themistocles (Plut. Them. 5). It thus seems more likely (though still far from proved) that Antenor's inscription did not make the broad claims for establishing Athenian democracy that this stone does, and that Simonides composed this epigram (both distichs, since this has been doubted) for Critius and Nesiotes. When Pausanias toured Athens, he saw both Antenor's and Critius' statues reunited, thanks to either Alexander or Antiochus (sources vary). This would have called for another dedication, part of which may be extant ( ChiosInscr.273): arijaat TOVT'ia6K?J[UEV14.B?Jva{owtv14.pwTo-]

yEfrovos alxµ,?JT[oiJµ,vijµ,a Kai 54pµ,o/3{ov,] v oi' KTO,VOV 0.VDpaT1ip9,[VVOV

-=

-=--

,PVXO.S 1rap8'fJµ,oati:"Atpublic expense;' yes, but at this early date, not long after the overthrow of the Pisistratids, the real sense would be the more forceful "paid for by the people:' If the poem is indeed by Simonides, this would be the earliest instance of the word, which became quite common throughout the fifth century: 12 x in Thucydides alone; note in particular 2.35.1 (Pericles' funeral 1rapaCJKEVaCJ0Evrn; cf. Aristoph. Av. 395-6; oration) TOVTacpovT6v8E 877µ,oa[q, Hdt. 1.30.5;JG i3 1154(460-450, burial at public expense-877µ,oa[q,-of a foreigner 1rpotEv{as apETijS TExaptv ). Its use here is well explained by F. Jacoby, "Some Athenian epigrams from the Persian wars;' Hesperia 14 (1945) 160 n. 15 and the signal honour "Nobody in a later age would have invented a 877µ,oa{q,, of a public grave suits the time: the battle was the first military feat of the new democratic armY:' Cf. CEG 143.2 (Coryra, 625-600) T68E 8' avT88µ,os i!1ro{Et.There is no reason to weaken the word to mean merely "in/for the public;' as it does e.g. at Stes. fr. 173 Finglass TotaDEXP~ Xap{Twv 8aµ,wµ,arn Ka,\,\iK6µ,wv I vµ,vE'i:v,where 8. is defined by the scholia and lexica as Td 877µ,oa{q, 486µ,Eva. There is, furthermore, a particular political point made by the use of this word, because "before the late-sixth-century reforms of Clisthenes, Athens did not have a publicly controlled army or any institutional means for mobilising soldiers"; D. Pritchard, "The symbiosis between democracy and war: the case of ancient Athens;' in id. (ed.), War, Democracy and Culture in Classical Athens (Cambridge 2010) 8; more specifically, as Pritchard says (per litt.) "the victories of 506 were the first campaigns of Athens' new public army of hoplites. Before Cleisthenes Athens probably did was superflunot have a public army:' "Later, such information [i.e. 877µ,oa{q,] ous"; W. D. Pritchett, Greek State at War IV (Berkeley 1985) 165. Our poem is thus assuredly contemporary.

62

aijµ,a: Almost without exception this word when inscribed on the monument to which it refers is marked with TOVTo,T6DE,or an equivalent to a deictic pronoun (such as the name of the dead); cf. 11 and 49. Here, however, instead of "this stone (which you see);' it must mean "a stone was erected" (elsewhere). Exceptions to the general rule can be explained otherwise; e.g. CEG 34 (Attica, c.530) 1T0Tlaijµ,' d:ya0ov Kat awcppovos dv8pos I [86.KpvK]arnptov, where aijµ,a has a strong generalizing sense. CEG 141(Aetolia, fifth century?) appears to be "[Someone] fashan exception: [-]pixtvas Tot aaµ,a, cp[,\EIlo,\E[µ,a'i:'i!1rov~]077, ioned a tomb for you, dear P( t?)olemaeus;' but this was carved around a marble plaque, rather than on a tombstone, so conceivably here too there is a reference to a tomb located elsewhere. The famous epitaph that begins aijµ,a paaiK,\E[as may be a metrical label, part of the first hexameter, but syntactically complete in itself (CEG 24 = 4.6.2 Ecker; Attica, c.540); but see J. Svenbro, Phrasikleia (Paris 1988) 23 (p. 17 of the English trans.), who parses otherwise; D. Sider, "Pyrwias leading the dance;' forthcoming. Thus, what we have here is one monument informing the reader of yet another monument located many miles away-one undoubtedly with its own inscription. Since the first major battle of this conflict was near the Euripus, those Athenians killed under Dirphys were taken there for burial with their fellow Athenians. Cf. Hdt. 5.77.1 BoiwToi DE TOtCJl XaAKtDEVCJl po770EovatE1TlTOVEvpmov . .:4077va[oiatDEl8ovat TOtlS po770otis Only then did l8ogE1rp6TEpovTotai BoiwTo'i:ai ~ To'i:atXa,\KiDEvai i!mxEtpEEtv. the Athenians cross the Euripus to engage the Chalcidians on their own territory. Our monument, therefore, was erected in Athens to call attention to the burial near the Euripus, probably on the Euboean side. For comments in one poem on the tomb/epitaph in another cf. Sim. 531 PMG = F 261 Po Twv iv 6JEpµ,01rvAaisKT,\,which alludes at unusual length to the sense of the tomb of those fallen at Thermopylae, and PMG 581 = F 262 Po, where Simonides criticizes Cleobulus for daring to think that the maiden on the Midas tomb (and Cleobulus' epitaph beneath) would last forever; cf. G. Markwald, Die homerischenEpigramme (Meisenheim 1986) 34-83. 2 Evpl1rov:The straits between Boeotia and Euboea, not very wide but known

for their tricky tidal currents; cf. A. Ag. 190-1 1raAipp6x0ois iv AvM8os T61rois, Eur. IT 6-7 aµ,cp/8tvas &s 0aµ,' Evpmos 1TVKva'i:s I avpats J,\[aawv KVaVEava,\a aTpEcpEt, Callim. HDel. 44-5 CJD DEUTEtvo'i:o 1rap' otvv I l8paµ,ESEvpfooto 1r6pov Kavax778dpEoVTos, Philippson RE 6.1282-3. Hesiod made only one round trip across (WD 654-5).

63

KEXVTai:In Homer this verb is to be taken almost literally: dirt is "poured" over the grave site; here, it is an epicism applied to a conventional fifth-century stone monument, as in CEG 139.2 (Troezen, c.500?) [T]ovTo 8' Jrn'i:poi aaµ,a XEav The image of "heaped-up glory" ( [d0a] vaTov KEXVTatKMos) papEa CJTEvaxovTES. applied to the Danaans in el. 11.15 quite clearly alludes to the death that produced this glory. 3 ovK d8£Kws:A striking enjambment, signaled in the translation by the emdash. In epic enjambment, the link is always to the preceding line, by definition; so M. Parry, "Enjambment in Homeric verse;' in his The Making of Homeric Verse (Oxford 1971)253 n.1; sim. C. Higbie, Measure and Music: Enjambment and Sentence Structure in the Iliad (Oxford 1990) 4. In elegiac verse, however, this should be expanded to include the preceding distich; cf. Theogn. 5-7, where Ka,,\,\iaTovin 7 line picks up CJE in 5. For enjambed advv. in Homer, cf. S. E. Bassett, "The so-called emphatic position of the runover word in the Homeric hexameter;' TAPA 57 (1926)138-40. For enjambment linking distichs, cf. Barnes, op. cit. (above, intro., n. 165).

Epigrams:2

64

Epigrams:3

There is clear litotes here: "absolutely the right thing to do:' Cf. CEG 550 (Athens, c.350 BCE) 'YJAOLa(E) 'E)..,\d, 1TaO"a7T00Et0' Jv dywaiv, I Ev0ta, OUK a8tKw,, 726, HHHerm. 316, Eur. fr. 839.6 (lyric); M. R. Falivene, "11codice di D{KYJnella poesia alessandrina;' QUCC 37 (1981) 87-104; K. J. Dover, Greek PopularMorality (Oxford 1974) 181-2. epaT~v: Not a word or notion one could reasonably apply to oneself in other languages, but cf. Theogn. 1131d,\,\' YJ~YJV JpaT~v d,\orp6poµai, rj µ' emllEL7TEi. Included here are ideas of "charming, lovely, erotic:' One of the Nereids is rpv~v JpaT~ (Hes. Th.259); Demeter lies with Iasius epaT'fj rpill6TYJTL (ibid. 970). Note also 40 (an epitaph addressed to "grave illness"): Tt D~ tf;vxai:ai p.,EyalpEL, , 0pw7TWVEpUT'[J ~ 41 EpaTYJ', ' ~ "P \ TE/\O',aKpov LOELV. ~ av 1TapVEOTYJTL fLEVELV, Y/!'Y/> 7TpLV I

'

\

I

I

I\

,,

4 TPYJXEt'T}v: This form can remain; it and related forms appear several times in the chief MSS of the Hippocratic corpus for adjj. in -6,, -Ei:a, -6 (e.g. Aer. 24

[2 x] ), where editors alter to the Attic ending, as well as in Ap.Rh. 2.375;Rhianus fr. 76.1Powell= AP 7.315.1(where again Schneidewin altered to TPYJXEtav ), in all of which it and TPYJXEtav are metrically equivalent. H. Kiihlewein, Hippocratis opera1 (Leipzig 1894) lxxxvi, reports that he was all prepared to print -Et'YJand -ELTJV, when he was told by Wilamowitz that he should not! The plaintive sound of the two etas in TPTJXELTJV echoes that found in eDµ~0YJp.,Ev. For the thought (not the form), cf. Pi. I. 4.16-17 dAA'ap.,Epq,ydp Jv µ{q, I TpaxEi:a virpd, 1ToMµow TEO"aapwvavDpwv Jp~fLWO"EV p.,aKaipav EO"TLUV. Bravi adduces Euphorion fr. 73 ' .::.i ip'f'vv ,I.. , \ ~ ' 'E,v,.,oqJ p ava TPTJXEiav V7T KEKovwTo. C.n A I

I

713.2 (K61rpos) (all from the fourth century). Note the nice distinction at CEG 10.6 (the Potidaea epigram) al0~p fLEVtf;vxd, il1TEDEgaTo, awµ[arn DEx0wv; CEG 549 awµa fLEVJv0aD' EXELa6v, Ll{rpillE, yai:a 0av6vTo[s], I µvfjµa DEafjs EllL7TE', 77aai DiKawa6vYJ,. The idea found here, that the dead receive the cloud of war (~ death) is thus quite striking, although Vergil applies it to the still living Aeneas: A. 10.809-10 Aeneas nubem belli. .. lsustinet.

3

'"

A Simonidean idiom or the work of a clever forger?

A

65

I

1roMµov8e[aµevo, vecf,lATJvi This metaphorical use of vErpEAYJ!vErpos is common from Homer on; note esp. Il. 16.350 ~ Od. 4.180 ~ Theogn. 707 0avaTov DEfLEllav vErposdp.,rpEKallvtpEv; inll.17.243 1ToMµow vErpos1rEpt1TavTaKall67TTEL, the cloud is more literal, as it is in the Pindar passage in the previous lemma, although Pindar also has some metaphorical clouds: Aa0as ( 0. 7.45) and 1T11.06Tov (fr. 119 M). This becomes a topos; cf. JG ix.12 2:340.11(Acarnania, second-first century BCE) dAA'XtDa aK6nov Tip.,Ellav vErposdµrpiKa1l61rTEL-SOmuch so that the phrase could to be reduced to the one word "cloud"; cf. GVI 1536 = Meletos Inscr. 470 (third century BCE) vErpEllTJxap{EvTa fLElla0pa, I A~0'Y/a~v yEvE~v rpapwiv JaKtaaE; or "cloud" can be omitted, as in the Marathon epigram (SEG 56.430 = T-M iii), DEXO"O,fLEVOL 1T61lEfLOV. Note, though, that these metaphorical clouds, like real ones, are the subject of the verb for conceal, etc. "Receiving" something representative of death seems to be a Simonidean idiom; cf. 6.3-4 (a0Evos,which Boas 220 thinks was influenced by the phrase in our poem), 19.2 (µoi:pav). Contrast the sepulchral inscriptional epigrams, where the earth/tomb/land (representing death) "receives" the person: CEG 469 and 490 (yai:a), 509.2 (Tarpos), 576.2 (K6vis),

3 FGE, 132 B, 100 D JG i3501A (Etym.Magn. 6286), JG i3501B (Etym.Magn. 6287/87 a), CEG 179, DAA 168,

173, ML 15, FH 145, 72 Pr, 7 Pe la-bKa P.Oxy.2535 s, ~ ' ' \ I " I ,, p "P OEO"fL'{J EVUXIIVOEVTL O"WYJpE \ \ /\ " C 0 \ \ TOVTPL1TOOOS TOVTOKai E1TEypa'f'avovoµ,aan TUS 7T0/\ELS oaai s vyKa EI\OVaaiTOV

use a word that modifies Trojans the three times it appears in Homer.

~

~

I

~

Meyicn·{a: Hdt. 7.219.lff.tells the story:

~

f3apf3apov¥aT'YJaavTOava0'Y)µ,a,Apollod. In Near. 97. This gave Page the opportunity to say that "Herodotus does not actually state that Simonides composed it;' but he was constrained to admit that "the implication of the context here and common sense make it virtually certain that Herodotus meant, or at least believed, that Simonides was indeed the author for whose inscription he was responsible"; so too Boas 9. It is, however, all but impossible to believe that the vainglorious Simonides would commission another poet to compose lines in honor of his friend Megistias. There is, moreover, at least one other place where Emypacfmv has as subject both poet and commissioner; cf. [Pl.] Hipp. 228d

T0£0tDEEVBEpf1,01TVATJOl Jovat 'E"A"A~vwv rrpwrovf-1,EV Oµ,avns MEywr{'YJ,JaiSwv ¥aw0at aµ,a ~OLaipt 0avarov . ... 221µ,aprvptov Se' ESrd ipa EtppaaETOVµ,e'"A"Aovra f-1,0L Kai TODE OVKJ"AaxwrovTOVTOV rre'ptye'yovE,OTtKai TOVµ,avnv 8s El7TETO rfi arpanfi raVTTJ,MEyiar{'Y)vrov llKapvijva, AEyoµ,EvovEivat rdve'Ka0Evdrro ME"Aaµ,rroSos, TOVTOV Etrravra EK TWV ipwv Ta µ,e'"A"Aovra aipt EK/3a{vEtv, ipavEposJan AEwv{DYJS drrorre'µ,rrwv, iva f-1,YJ avvarr6AYJra{ aipt.oDEdrrorrEµ,rroµ,Evos avros f-1,EV OVKdrre'At7TE, TOVDErraZSaavarparEVOf-1,EVOV, J6vra oi µ,ovvoyEve'a, drre'rrEf-1,!pE.

It is a bit of a mystery why C (the learned corrector of the Palatine Anthology), who labels the epigram EKT7)S taTop{as 'Hpo86Tov, should alter (unfortunately by obscuring) the form he found (which seems to be MEywTe'os)to the Attic MEywTtov. Did he find this in his copy of Herodotus?

~ , ' [ "T ' / ELS' E/\EYElOV ,, ,.., UVTOV , ,..,1TOL'Y)fl,,UTa / TUVTa avTOS SC. l1T1Tapxosl EVTELVUS Kai\ Knowledge of Simonides' role would be EmDE{yµ,aTaT7)S aocp{as E1re'ypaipEV.

maintained in Sparta as well as elsewhere. On Herodotus' account in general, cf. P. Vannicelli, "To each his own: Simonides and Herodotus on Thermopylae;' in J.Marincola (ed.), A Companion to Greek and Roman Historiography ( Oxford 2007) 315-21. 1 µ,viu;,aT08e:Cf. CEG 62 µ,v-ijµ,aT6◊E Alve'ov aocp{aslaTpoiJ ap{aTOV,as well as the two examples [Pl.] Hipp. 229a-b gives us of the inscribed elegeia placed by Hipparchus on herms throughout Attica (see previous lemma), each of which begins µ,v-ijµ,aT68' 11r1rapxov. Usually µ,v-ijµ,aand a-ijµ,a are essentially syn~ / / > / onyms, b ut cf. C'EG83.1 µ,v'Y)µ,a T [I> oo EOT > E'] 1ri\ aaµ,an KELp.,Evov avopos apiaTov, where the former must refer to the upper portion of the entire structure and the latter here thought of as primarily the grave, just as in Thuc. 1.93.2 aT-ijAaia1ro Cf. too CEG 505.1 ElKi 81.ptYJv(7.223.2) and then as "Persians;' which here is strictly true, as Xerxes lost two brothers in the battle. The Greeks used Medes and Persians interchangeably; cf. E. Hall Inventing the Barbarian (Oxford 1989) 59. See further below, pp. 82-3. 2 E1repxei6v: The river just north of Thermopylae: ¥gw DEllv,.\wv d0vs

79

4 ovK ETAYJ: In epic, this verb is almost always negated; in Homer e.g. sixteen out at line-end, 9 x); similarly in Hesiod and of eighteen times (ov81. ns ETAYJ Apollonius of Rhodes. Here, though, it serves as a powerful litotes, ov and 1Tp0Ai1TE'i:v combine to say "he dared to remain:' As Bowra, "The epigram on the fallen of Coronea;' CQ 32 (1938) 81, says of this passage, "The word [TAaw] belonged to the traditional language of soldierly virtues:'

o

l:1TEPXEios EK8{8waiv;Strabo 9.4.17. Herodotus had mentioned it earlier in describing the lay of the land on the way to Thermopylae (7.198.2). In Homer Menesthius is the vZosl:1TEPXEL0t0 8u1TETEos 1T0Tap,o'i:o (Il. 16.174), whose adj. suggests that crossing it for the Persian army was not easy, although Paus. 10.20.6-21.1 recounts how a broad area was crossed by taller Gauls, who also knew how to swim. Nowadays the river meanders sluggishly. Cf. Soph. Ph. 491-2 Tov Evpoov I l:1TEPXEi6v. More importantly, it was considered a border of ancient Hellas, which makes the crossing a moral as well as a riverine transgression; cf. Il. 23.138-46, where Achilles mentions the unlikelihood that he will be able to sacrifice a lock of his hair to the Spercheus on his return home; R. H. Simpson and J.F. Lazenby, Catalogueof Ships in Homer's Iliad (Oxford 1970) 128-9. The Spercheus is not, however, comparable to the Scamander (as argued by Derderian 130-1 and supported by Petrovic), a conceit that would allow (not very reasonably in any case) Megistias to be comparable to Achilles. D.S. 11.5.4says that the Persians sent out scouts to Thermopylae while camped by this river; more details at Paus. 10.20.6-21.1, who describes how the Greeks tried unsuccessfully to prevent the Persians from crossing it. And the Messenger at A. Pe. 787 mentions that the Persians crossed the Spercheus in their ignoble retreat through Greece.

~yeµ,6vas: Since, strictly speaking, Pausanias alone was leader, Stein conjectured ~yEp,6va,but that the word is not to be taken too literally is shown by el. 11.14 aylµ,axoi Llavaot, "the leading [i.e. best] fighters;' despite the strict definition, as in ~yl.µ,axos· 1ToMµ,apxos(Suda). That the phrase is roughly equivalent to "the leading men (or more specifically the officer class) of Sparta'' is indicated also by el. 11.32.

1rp0Ai1re,v:In his account of the episode, Herodotus translates this generally poetic word for "desert" (Homer, Theognis, Sophocles, but also Thucydides) (see above, on 1 MEyiaTta). into his own favorite word, a77/.,.\i1TE

6 7 FGE,28 J,155 S, 95 B, 120 D 112G

KTEtvav:See on 1.2 KTELVE.

EVKMasala KEKEV0E, AEwvt8a, oi'fl,ETaaE'i:o T6TEp' EKTEAEaai. (Pr 3)

ay'YJpaTcp I -•. eli>..oyt1111:Later epigrammatists tend to favor pentameters where the words before the midline caesura and the line-end either agree with each other or are in apposition, but, since there was never a tendency to avoid this, examples are found from all periods; cf. C. M. J. Sicking, Griechische Verslehre 33-7; G. 0. Hutchinson, "Pentameters;' in E. Sistakou and A. Rengakos (eds), Dialect, Diction, and Style in Greek Literary and Inscribed Epigram (Berlin 2016) 119-37. Examples in the Simonidean corpus occur

In general, see J.P. Vernant, "La belle mort et le cadavre outrage;' in G. Gnoli andJ. P. Vernant (eds), La Mort, les marts dans lessocietesanciennes(Cambridge and Paris 1982) 45-76. 2 EK1ravTwv: Masc. ("noi tra tutti;' Bravi). Page finds this construction abnorKpov{OYJSZEVS aAyE' EOWKEV, 4.95-6 mal, but cf. Il. 18.431oaa' EfLOlEK7TUCT€WV

I

Epigrams:8

Epigrams:8

elsewhere at epp.15.4, 16.4, 20.2, 26.2, 42, 2, 49.2, 60.2, 62.2, 65.2, and ell. 25.2, 94.2, 99.8, 10.

1 aaf3EaTovKIIEos:A metaphor from fire; cf. scholl. ad Il. l.599, Od. 4.584, the latter line being XEV')l.yap,EfLVOVl Tvp,{3ov,Zv' aa/3EOS, > ,t_> > \ 0€ OVOE TE0vaai a..,, apET'Y) Ka0'V1TEp Kv8a{vova 'dvayEl 8wp,aTOSJg)l.{8w. I

87

I

*AP 7.251 [CJTOVaiJTOV (sc. l:iµ,wv{oov)APl 3•.s.22 f. 31' (s.a.n.) VEcposKVUVEOV Bava-rovtranspos. Friedemann (1816) 287 Bava-rovPPl 2 dµ,cpE/36).ov-ro Bava-roi'Ahrens (3w-rol'Camerarius 4 j[{oEwC j[{l,a Pl j[{oov?P

aµlEJJ,JJ,EVOl I KE£aw0ai, A. Ag. 872 x0ovos Tp{µ,oipovx>-.aZvav... >-.af3wv, with Fraenkel's note.

3 ovoJ Te0vaai 0avovTes: Not a violation of Meyer's first law, since ou8E is proclitic. For the basic idea that the dead live on in the memory of those for whom they fought, cf. 26.3-4, PMG 531 = F 261 Po, Tyrtaeus (above), AP 7.255.3 ([Aeschylus])= 4 Lorenz swov 8J cf>0iµ,Evwv 1TEII.ETai KMos.Geffcken Studien 34 n. 58 compares 26 JJ,VYJJJ,Eta 0av6VTWVI atf;vx' Jp,tf;vxwv, and more generally Gorgianic wordplay, esp. 62 B 6 DK ad fin. Toiyapovv auTwv a1To0av6vTwv o 1T60osOUavva1TE0avev,d)o.),.' d0avaTOS OUKEVd0avaTOlS awµ,aai sfiOUSWVTWV; cf. A. Cho. 504 ou TE0VYJKasou8E 1TEP0avwv, Fehling Wiederholungsfiguren 290-1; JG ii/iii2 3838 ELK6va T~v8' avE0YJKEIlo/1.VaTpaTOSav-rov a8EAcp6v,I fLVYJfLOOVVYJV 0v'Y)TOV awp,aTOSa0avaTOV.

Epigrams:9

Epigrams:9

88

apeT~: It is probably better not to personify here,

I \ I " \ • \ A EWVLOEW '" ' -'-0EVTUS I ,, 0at 1Tpo-repov TEI\EVT1).aSa pvaaµ,E0a Jae.'E>.>.aSa pv6µ,E0aPlut. 'E>.MS'/Spvaaµ,rnPav. 'E>.>.aS' Jpvaaµ,E0aReiske

Stranger, once we lived in the well-watered city of Corinth; now Aias' island Salamis holds us. With ease we captured Phoenician ships and Persians and Medes, and so saved holy Greece. Boas 67-8, Wil. SuS 192-4, Bravi58-60 A. Boegehold,"The Salamisepigram:' GRBS 6 (1965)178-86. Tacpoc:; Twv Kopiv0{wv:' S. N. Dragoumes, "JJiµ,wv{SovJ1r{ypaµ,µ,aKai 6 Jv JJa>.aµ,'ivi MDAI(A) 22 (1897)52-8. F.Perrandini Troisi and S. Cagnazzi,"La tomba dei Corinzi a Salamina:'RSA 37 (2007) 61-75. V Garulli, Bybloslainee (Bologna2012)63-72. 0. Hansen, "On a Corinthian epitaph from Salamis;' EAntiquite Classique60 (1991) 206-7. A. J. Podlecki,"EpigraphicaSimonidea:' Epigraphica35 (1973)28-9. A. Wilhelm, "SimonideischeGedichte;'JOAIWien 2 (1899)227.

I II

Plutarch and Favorinus testify that this is the epitaph for the Corinthian dead at Salamis, who were buried there. Favorinus: Jv I:a,\aµ,i'vi ~p{aTEvaav ot Kop{v0wi Kai -rijs v{KYJSaZ-rwi Ka0Ea-r'Y/aav(continued in the next paragraph), Plutarch: EVOEI:a,\aµ,i'vt 1rapd T~V 1r6,\iv EOWKav[sc. Ol 14.01/vai'oi]av-roi's 0atf;ai T€

\ > 0avov-ras ws
i.>dµ,axos oJ 1Tapo(vvEi (fr. 809 Pf.); Palumbo Stracca 63 n. 5. Evx6µ,Evai:A present participle fits the interpretation given above; i.e. "the women stood in prayer" = "they sang a prayer in chorus:'The aorist is in accord with the view that earn0Ev has the image as subject: these (depicted) women were placed here because they (the women themselves) had prayed, as in the Bacchidas monument quoted in the previous lemma. K{mpi8i: On the Acrocorinth, where Aphrodite, more chthonic than Olympian, Paus. was seen as the protector of the city, her statue was "armed" (w1TAiaµ,EvYJ, 2.5.1,who probably saw only a post-146 BCE work), as was another of her on Cythera (id. 3.23.1).As later Roman coins show, this entailed, at the least, her carrying a shield, but the actual images probably gave her additional weaponry; cf. Quint. 2.4.26 cur armata apud LacedaemoniosVenus?;C. K. Williams II, "Corinth and the cult of Aphrodite;' in Del Chiaro and W. R. Biers (eds), Corinthiaca(Columbia, Mo.1986) 12-24. 8aiµ,ov£q,:Regularly as here, modifying Aphrodite (and specifically defended by Boas 64 n. 40), until Plutarch's paraphrase Ev(aVTo... oaiµ,6vwv EiJX~vled Wilamowitz 664-5 (approb. van Groningen) to construe as an adverbial dat. (cf. Pi. 0. 9.110-11Tovo' avEpa oaiµ,ov{q,YEYUfLEV EVXElpa,Suda s.v. oaiµ,ov{q,· oaiµ,ov{ws), and then Bernadakis to conjecture oaiµ,6via = oaiµ,ov{as EiJxas, in which he is followed by Page, Campbell, and Bravi. "No deity is, or could be, described as oaiµ,6vws;' says Page, to which he should add "by mortals;' as gods in Homer often so address each other. There is, though, one mortal who does

r Epigrams:18

116

Epigrams:19

so, Helen at Il. 3.399, when she addresses none other than Aphrodite as oaip.,ov{Y/ while blaming her for her own (erotic) actions in Sparta and Troy: oatp.,ov{YJ,,r{ fLETavTa 1uAa{wt ~1rEpo1rEvELv; in any case, the common use of this word as a voc. is quite distinct from its other uses, a point well made by E. BruniusNilsson, Llaip.,6vtE(Uppsala 1955) 140-1; cf. further E. Dickey, GreekForms of Address (Oxford 1996) 141-2. It is tempting to think of Daimonia as an otherwise unknown epithet for Aphrodite, as suggested by an anonymous referee of Brown, 6 n. 5, and to print Llaip.,ov{q,,the sense of which would be something ... 1'1cf,poo{ like "she who makes people oaip.,6vw,"; cf. Hes. Th.987-91 al.0ovTa TYJ... VYJ01T6/\ov p.,vxwv, 1TOl~aaTOoa{p.,ovao'i:ov.Word order makes it difficult to take the word as oaip.,6viat, applying to the women, as argued by Brown (whose discussion of the .matter is the most thorough), following Brunck. And the presence of LIAIMO NIA! in the three distinct transmissions of the text further argues against introducing a conjecture here. In any case, Hecker's KaOEp.,6viis inappropriate for a deity.

3 yap: The logic is strained, but is not so incomprehensible as to suggest a lacuna (Bergk). The particle explains not what has been said, but, as often, addresses an implicit statement or question, here whether the women were successful; see Denniston GP 61-2. Togocf,6po,a,v: The Persians/Medes, so called also at 25.1, Aristot. 1.2 FGE, oracle ap. Hdt. 9.43, Dionys.Perieg. Descr.orb.1067.

l~ov/\ETo:However attractive the word play with 4 M~ooi, may be (see e.g. Budin 339-40), it has to be noted that p.,~oop.,attakes an infinitive only once> ,J.. > p 1.. 0 • 130 . - 2 LI.apt, ... E7Tt'l-'Epotaa Ttp.,avKat a1TtaTOVEp.,YJaaTO 1TWTOV Ef1,f1,EVat TO VI

I

\

\

>I

1

1

"

\

1roAAaKi,-and is therefore unlikely to do so here. There is, furthermoreor J(3ovl\ETo-no "ambivalence" to be read into whether with Jp.,~aaToN.p.,~OETo the negative here, as argued by L. Kurke, "Pindar and the prostitutes;' Arion 4.2 (1996) 65, 74); rather, ov ... J(3ovl\ETois to be understood as litotes with ovadherescent (as reflected in our translation); see Smyth GreekGrammar §2692 for the range of verbs taking this construction. 4 'EAAavwva.«p6110Aw: Corinth's impressively high acropolis, about 1000 ft

above the ancient town, can excusablybe described as the acropolis of Greece, at least by its own citizens; cf. further van Groningen 19 n. 1. (The Athenian Acropolis is only 200 ft above the floor of the theater of Dionysus.) Budin 339 makes the attractivesuggestion that the epigramand the image were erected on the acropolis. 11po86µ,Ev: Cf. Epicharm. fr. 100 Kaibel = 99 D Rodriguez-Noriega, where, as

here, the sense of the verb is "lose": 8{AcpaKaTETWVYELT6vwv TOt,'EAwatvfots cpv11aaawv 8aiµ,ov{w,; Wade-Gery , a1roµ,Evov oE x

ov..aaavTes: As in 16.3 (where Ursinus conjectured EloMaavTEs).

Cf. Il. 20.289 aaKOSTOOl1)pKEoiv{aaq, 0ovpos L'lp77si{;aKaDt,Callim. HDel. 95 a'tµ,an AoDawv I Totov, Theocr. 22.171-2 a'tµ,an ... lyxrn Aovaat, V. G. 3.221 lavit ater corpora

sanguis.

126

Epigrams:22

Epigrams:22

22

they would have been quick to adopt this new form of fighting, even if evidence is scarce. This, then, is no chronological hindrance to authorship by Simonides, despite the argument of earlier editors to consider the earliest possible (and most likely) battle involving Athenian cavalry that this stone can refer to is a confrontation between Athens (along with Argive allies) and Spartans in 457 at Tanagra (so Wilhelm; cf. the similar wording in JG i 3 1149,quoted below, which the Argives erected after this same battle). More recent scholarship, however, has moved the origins of the Athenian cavalry back to the late sixth century; cf. A. Alfoldi, "Die Herrschaft der Reiterei in Griechenland;' Antike Kunst Beiheft 4 (1967) 13-47; I. G. Spence, The Cavalry of Classical Greece (Oxford 1993) 9-12. But even if chronology permits Simonides (as Stella argues (Introduction, pp. 2-3), the expression Kv◊os l!xovTESraises serious doubts (see comm.), as well as the odd use of 1ToMµ,ov (which is not adopted here); see also Bertelli, Garulli, and Tentori Montalto, who dates it to the Peloponnesian war. The four-bar sigma drawn in the sketch of this now-lost inscription, if accurate, would be a very early lapidary example, but not impossibly so (fourbar sigmas had long been common on vases); see Bertelli 53-60; S. V. Tracy, "Down dating some Athenian decrees with three-bar sigma: A palaeographical approach;' ZPE 190 (2014) 105-15, who, while interested in the end of the three-bar sigma rather than the beginning of the four-, rightly emphasizes the minimal value that these two forms have for dating purposes; Molly Richardson per litt. was very helpful on the shapes of inscribed sigmas. On the battle with Tanagra, see Thuc.1.107-8; D.S.11.80; N. G. L. Hammond, A History of Greece to 322 B.C.3 ( Oxford 1986) 294; Petrovic. The Spartans celebrated their victory by dedicating a golden bowl at Olympia (vtrns ¥vEKa; cf. CEG 366), but although Athens may have lost the battle itself (which they denied, according to D.S. 2.80.6, but cf. Thuc.1.108.l Jv{Kwv AaKE◊aiµ,6viot), they weakened Spartan forces enough to keep them from invading Attica-reason enough to praise the cavalry in this poem. Another possible occasion is a battle with Thessalian forces against Sparta in 431 (Thuc. 2.22.2), as argued by Opsopoeus, Schneidewin, and A. von Domaszewski, Der Staatsfriedhof der Athener (Heidelberg 1917) 18, but few agree. S. Cataldi, "I rapporti politici di Segesta e Alicie con Atene nel V secolo a. C:' in Secondegiornate internazionali di studi sull'areaelima (Pisa 1997) 321, dates the inscription to the late 430s or even the early 420s. The indications of Doric are unlikely to be a later addition to a poem that appears to be have been commissioned by Athens, where the stone was found (Wilhelm 221); see further Petrovic 185-6.

49 FGE,45 J,Incert. 2 S, 108 B, 117 D JG i3 1181,GVI14, CEG4, 5 Pe, T-M xi LxalpET', apiaTijES 7TOA.Ef-L4) µ,iya.J KV◊OLS LKovpol J40ava{wv ¥toxol .>.avwv p 'Ellll1vwvPl µ,apvaµ,Evot Pl µ,apvaµ,EVot vel (3apvlapis SegreAnn. Scuola arch.Atene 15-16 (1932-3) 301 µ,ax6µ,EvoiP

Farewell, young Athenian leaders with your great glory in battle, superior in horsemanship, you who once lost your youth on behalf of your country and all its fair dancing places when you fought against a huge number of Greeks. Bravi 85-7 L. Bertelli, "L'epigramma per i morti di Tanagra (JG i2 946 = Simon.117 D. 2 );' QUCC 6 (1968) 52-98. V. Garulli, Byblos lainee 56-63. A. Wilhelm, "Simonideische Gedichte;' JOAJ Wien 2 (1899) 221-7.

An inscription now lost, but the surviving sketch shows that it was written stoichedon (and possibly in scriptioplena; see below), which helps confirm the readings of the codd., but not at the end of verses, where the lines were ragged; SeeOn 2 i7T7TOaUV(!,, \Y!:,O

OlJYNA ) It,OlJO APNAME (The letters on the stone are underlined and only traces of the initial kappa and rho are visible.)

XAIPETAPI2JTEE2JITOAEMOIMErAKY!:,02JEXONTE2J KOPOIA8ANAIONEX2JOXOIHIITIT02JYNAI HOIITOTEKAAAIXOPOITEPIITATPI£:,02JOAE2JATHEBAN ITAEI2JTOI2JHEMANONANTIAMAPNAMENOI Since the Greeks learned at great cost the efficiency of the Persian cavalry (Hdt. 9.69, 21.4 llEpawv l7T7TOf-LUXWV, 6.3-4, 19.8 €7T' av0pdJ7TOVSl7T7TOf-LUXOVS Uvai),

127

1 xa,peT(e): Appearing on tombstones either to greet passers-by (CEG 80, Attica, 475-450 xalpETE oi 1TaploVTes= CEG108) or, as here, to salute the dead; for a variation, cf. CEG 127 (c.500, Phocis) xa'ipE Xapwv, a meaningful soundplay for the deity, who, as the poem goes on to say, releases men from their toil.

128

Epigrams:22

apiaTijes: As in Homer, "those especially valorous in battle;' a word that appears is more comnowhere else in early inscribed verse, where the verb dpwTEVEiV yas Taaoe 770,\,\ovdpwTevwv mon; cf. CEG 112,118(Thessaly, c.475-450) V77Ep ¥0ave,145 (Corcyra, c.600) aaµa T68' )lpvu£8a. xapo1TosT6v8' wAwev L'ip77sI I ' ' , , 'A '00ow pofaWi ' ~ I 770/\/\0V \ \ ' apwTevovTa , / ' 1Tapa vavaiv E77 L-1.pa KaTa (3apvaµevov aTov6fwaav ,/._ I > 6pwvleads us to favor -cp6pwv over -(36,\wv, each of which appears only later in authors who favor recondite words from famous predecessors; for the former, cf. e.g. Ap.Rh. 2.1000 aKovTo/36,\oi Xa8~aiai, for the latter Opp. Cyn. 3.135 aKovTo/36,\wv all;,77wv. 3-4: This couplet receives particular vilification from editors, who fail to understand its point. Page, e.g., misinterprets it to mean "reminders of the dead, the lifeless of the living;' which is indeed gibberish. The lines, however, taken twice: "this earth are rather to be unpacked as follows, with fJ,VYJfLEta covers not a 1memorial of spearmen now dead but 2one, although itselflifeless

Llav8is a-ra8w8p6µ,os Jv0a8E KEtTal I e //3 I > os 1rarepwv aya wv eare..l'avwae 7701\tV. I

e~

149

,I_I

I\

*AppPl2 Pl Jb1.3f. 82' (1Jiµ,wv03ov) 1 6JE6yv17rov Schndw. 6lE6KpirovPl 6lE6KpirovwS' laiSwv Friedmann De med. syll. 2 1raAaiaµ,oavvasPl 1raAaiµ,oavv17s tent. West Gnomon50 (1978) 3 (coll. Tyrt. 12.2) dv{oxov Schndw. 3 µ,opas Brunck 4 1r6AivPl 86µ,ovvel 1ra.rpavtent.Bergk

pentam. 328

Regard and recognize Theognetus, the boys' winner in the Olympic games, the skilled leader in wrestling: beautiful to see, his athletic skill no less than his form; him who crowned the city of his noble forefathers. Bravi 103-5 A. Kohnken, "Epinician epigrams;' in Bing-Bruss 299-300.

aov 1rpoai8wv yvw[aer]ai ~v[opEav]; cf. M. Tentori Montalto, "Thpigramma di Xenokles (JG i31200);' RCCM 57 (2015) 11-23. The tense of the participle rules out oratioobliqua,which would be "Know that you beheld;' since this kind of . address to the viewer takes place in the present.

eEoyv'YJTOV: Here, strictly, his statue, the object of the verbs. Since the transmitted name Theocritus does not fit the meter, there can be no better conjecture than Scheidewin's Theognetus, the wrestler who won the boys' wrestling match in 476 in Olympia, where a statue of him holding a pine cone and a pomegranate was made by Ptolichus of Aegina (Paus. 6.9.1 = DNO 498) 6Jeoyv~rq; DEAlyw~rn

~ < ~ C > > [,\wv:Paus.

6.14.13also names Philo of Corcyra as winner in the boys' foot race, quite possibly the same person when younger, although Moretti and Ebert are properly skeptical. If not the same, though, then a family relationship can easily be assumed. Preger's notion that Christodorus 228-40 (AP 2), a description of the statue of a wrestler named Philo or Philammon or Milo, is the same athlete has been adequately disposed of by Ebert and Page. Philo may be the father of the pentathlon victor named in 28. ovaµ,':For the rare elision at the bucolic diaeresis, see on 1.1 yEvE0:Probably nom., especially before the strongly marked Elµ,i U; cf. CEG 91.1 < avopos apiaTE.VCJaVTOS E.V 1\/\aoi TWVE.'f' E.aVTOV 71r1rfovJ1.pxe8{K'Y)V ~OE.KEKE.V0E. K6vis, " I >osI K6,\xwv ESaiav Kvavias .Evµ,77,\riyaoas KTA., and the Callimachus epigram quoted just above. On the

Epigrams:39

Epigrams:40

other hand, "one is almost tempted to say that nobody who prints wcpEAEv here is fit to edit Greek epigrams" (Page ad loc.).

6 K1:v1:0L.Tacf,o,: For the pluralia tantum, cf. Soph. OT 987 Kai µ~v µ,l.yas 0aA.aaaav· mi T~V p,EV ELS Ml.yapa 7Tpoaf3paa0E'iaavMEyapE'is avEA.6µ,EvoiKTA;cf. schol. ad Pi. I. hypothesis c 'lv \ I /3v11~. TWVDE7T0t'Y)TWV [sc. TWV8i0vpaµ,{3wv]Tq>f-LEV a' f3ovs €1Ta011ov ~v, Tq>DE/3' dµ,ef>opd1s, Tq>DEy' Tpayos, schol. ad Aristoph. Ra. 357, Suda s.v. rnvpoef>ayov. Note also Pi. 0. 13.19 f3oYJAaTq, ... 8i0vpaµ,f3pqi (with scholion), which Schneidewin and Pickard-Cambridge 6-7 also regard as evidence for the awarding of a bull.

2 a-b -rp£1ro8as:A bronze tripod was awarded to the tribe of the successful chorus and then dedicated in a temple. One such tripod is depicted on an Attic skyphos of c.460 (Athens MAcr 504), with the inscription AKAMA[NTI.E]; cf. P. Amandry, "Trepieds d'Athenes: I. Dionysies;' BCH 100 (1976) 17-18; CEG 270.3-4 = DAA 323 = 97 Ka 1r]11EfoTots DE[x]opoi'sEgw KaTa cpv[AaI dv8]pwv vi[Krj]aa{cp7Jai1r[Ep]iTp{1ro8os,53.5, 54.2, el. 88.2, Lysias 21.1, schol. MQ ad Aeschin. Tim. 10 (T 112Ierano ). Tzetzes' v{Kaswas written by a late author who did not understand what the winning of bulls meant. On these objects, see P. Wilson, The Athenian Institution of the Khoregia ( Oxford 2000) 198-205. a -r6v8' I b 8' Each version has elision at the caesura. (A postpositive like DE only rarely occurs immediately after a major caesura.) In early elegy elsewhere at Xenoph. 8.4 W, Theogn. 1278, ep. 759 Kaibel; cf. M. Treu, "Von Pentameterdiharesen;' QUCC 6 (1968) 111.

avOEµ,evai:The simplex 0£µ,Evaiappears in Homer, Pindar, et al., as well as in 53.2 (with tripods as object); the complex form dva0Eµ,Evaioccurs elsewhere only in inscriptions from Ionia (7 examples) and in late Christian authors; this particular syncopated form is found only in Suda s.v. LIapET{ov(again with a tripod as object)• Tov Tp{1ro8'dv0Eµ,EvaiJgEKaTov/1.tTpwvKai 7TEVT~KovTa Ta/1.aVTWV LlapET{ovxpvaov Tas ◊EKaTa..i,.pwv] >..i,.puvSchndw. 4 8apE,.{ovP Suda (in lemmati et in textu) 8apHKoiJ0. Muller 8aµ,apETfovBentley Phalaris459 (paeon pro dactylo) 8apEwiJAp.B 8aµ,apETovet 8aµ,apfras-Bergk d>..>..o,.pfov Lewy Llaµ,apET{ov (contra metrum) Reiske 467, p. 24

197

I say that Gelon, Hieron, Polyzelus, and Thrasybulus, the sons of Deinomenes, set up this tripod (or these tripods) 3from one hundred litrai and fifty talents of D--- gold, as a tithe of the tithe.

or 3

'after conquering the foreign folk, and that they offered an allied hand to the Greeks in the cause of freedom. •••

Boas 128-31, Wil. Sus199-200, Bravi 77-80, Molyneux 220-4

Two four-line poems have been transmitted with almost identical initial distichs. The latter version is introduced by the scholion to a Pindaric epinician to Hieron with the words (ad P.1.79) cpaai [better: cpaai, see below] 8il Tov FE>.wva TOVSa8e>.cpovs riaishould receive a recessive accent when they begin a clause, just like ¥an; cf. Tyrannion 1fr. 9 Haas f3ap6vwv oTvpavvtwv cpijµ,iypacpEtf3apVT6vwsAloAtKW'TEpovoiov "cf>ijµ,iydp oliv Ka'TUV€vaat"(Il. 2.350), a practice followed by West in his edition of the Iliad; see his preface, p. xx. It is true that this gives this word more emphasis than is called for, but this may be the price to be paid for composing aline that continues with nothing but proper names. More interesting is the question who the "I" is, since the reference to "the tripod" argues against this being an oggettoparlante. And if so, the poem will have not been inscribed on it; even less likely for the version with the pl. tripods. It can be presumed that the speaker would be evident to the viewer. If, as we have seen to be likely, this poem celebrates the same victory as do the tripods, a possible answer is Dike (pace Bravi 80), a statue of whom was erected along with Gelon's tripod: I'Et\wv LIELvoµ,Ev[ws] I avE0rJKE,.,,'.Q1r6t\t\oviI " , I'TOVTpmooa Kat 'T'rjVN'tKrJVEpyaaaTo ' , IB'iwv i.lA wowpov " , " M t ;\,riaws ,:;.,vpaKoaws. vws (IGASMG V 66); Athen. 6.231e LaTopovai ydp oVTot Koaµ,ri0ijvai To Ilv0iKov I

,

"

I

I

l€pov tm6 'T€ 'TOVI'6yov Kat 'TOVfJ,€'Td 'TOV'TOV Kpolaov, fJ,€0' ovs tm6 'T€ I'EAWVOS Kat 1Epwvos 'TWVEtK€ALW'TWV, 'TOVfJ,EV'Tpt1ro8a Kat NtKrJV xpvaov 1T€1TOL'rjfJ,€Va ava0€V'TOSKa0' ovs xp6vovs 8€ptris E1T€a'TpU'T€V€ 'T'fj'E;\;\6.8i, 'TOV8' 1Epwvos Td oµ,oia. (In the inscription, IJvpaK6aws is shorthand for "the ruler of Syracuse;'

because the tyrant Gelon, originally of Gela, never claimed the title of king; see T. J.Dunbabin, The Western Greeks[Oxford 1948] 427.) I'EAwv', 'Upwva, IloXv{ri.:\ov,

0paav{3ov.:\ov: Fitting names into hexameters

goes back to early epic, but the challenge is greater when the name are not fictional and hence malleable, if not wholly made up for the occasion, like Hesiod's Nereids or Homer's Phaeacian youths. Cf. 28.2. The Deinomenids were more closely knit than most powerful families (there were also two . ' ' µ,vpta ' 1TaV'Tf!~ K€1\€V I\ 0OS VfJ,€'T€pav ' ' ' ' I VfJ,V€LV, ' ~ sisters; Cf. Bace h . 5.31- 5 €fJ,OL apE'TaV \ , 0' €Kan N'tKas I xal\K€Oa'T€pvov \ , "A I i.!A €WOfJ,€V€VS KVaV01TI\OKaµ,ov 'T' rtp€OS, q

I

lines that Maehler ad loc. thinks alludes to the battle of Himera); see the genealogical chart in Dunbabin 483. Note, however, the evidence for this fraternal feeling does not include the imaginative reconstruction of FDIII 4.198[3] = CEG347 EVlIlv0[oZ], I[as EV€K€VvtKaS 1Epwv a]vE0rJK€V [av]~'l'.[n], I [nµ,dv avt~aas LIELvoµ,E]vEos yEvEi, conjectures Hansen does not even see fit to record in his apparatus. Each brother could have dedicated one or more tripods, each offering (group) with the (essentially) same initial distich but with a distinct second one, for which a rough comparison would be

ayEpwxoi 1ra't8Es,

199

3 EKaTov .:\i,.,pwv:The litra was a small Sicilian coin, the Agrigentine example worth an Aeginetan obol, according to Aristotle in his Agrigentine Constitution (fr. 476 Rose = 479 Gigon); cf. M. Lejeune, "Le nom de mesure ;\{,.,pa: essai lexical;' REG 106 (1993) 1-11.For this and almost all our ancient information on the litra, see Pollux 4.173-5, 9.79-82, who also quotes from, i.a., Sophron fr. 71 KA awaai 8' ovDE,.,ds860 ;\{,.,pas 86vaµ,ai. Although Aristotle also says that for some unknown offense a fine of fifty litrai was assessed, which suggests that this was not altogether a trivial amount, nonetheless, the 100 litrai mentioned in this epigram cannot have been worth bragging about, especially when followed by the far more substantial fifty talents. Reading ¥gfor Eghardly helps. Page, harsh on this distich in general, reserves his most acerbic comments for this phrase, with which it is hard to disagree, although maybe it is not ignorance on the part of this author but his acceding to a Deinomenid habit of pricing their offerings; cf. SIG 35C (474/3) [16.pwv o LIELvoµ,E]yws avE0rJKE; 7TEvl[TEKovTa TaAavm],

E77Td µ,va't.

t8ap€Tiovt: To the victors belong the spoils, a tithe of which should go to the gods, but Muller's Dareic, i.e. Persian, gold (EKA~0riaav DEL.lapEtKoi ovx ws oi \ ~ ,y ' ' A I ~ ~ I C \ ' \ \ ' ',I..' ' I \ 1Tl\€W'TOL VOfJ,L':,OVatv, a1TO i.1ap€t0V 'TOV ,!;!,Epc,ov1Ta'Tpos, al\/\ a'f' €'T€pov 'TWOS 1raAat0TEpovf3aaiMws, Harpocr. s.v. L.lapELK6s)would be the appropriate source

for an offering made by mainland Greeks, not Sicilians, who would not have had the opportunity to raid Persian camps. Hence the attempts to convert the codd:s reading into some form of Damareta, Gelon's wife (and Theron's daughter), who was supposed to have gathered gold from the women of the town for conversion into coinage that came to be called the Damareteion (=10Attic drachmas); cf. Pollux 9.85 ~ L.1riµ,ap€'T'rjI'EAWVOSoliaa yvv~, Ka'Td 'TOV1rpos 'TOVSAt{3vas 1r6A€fJ,OVa1ropovV'TOSaV'TOV 'TOV K6aµ,ov ahriaaµ,1.vri 1rapd 'TWV yvvatKWV, I , ' ',/, A I I ' " \ I avyxwvwaaaa voµ,wµ,a EKo'f'aTo; u d a s.v. i.lrJfJ,apE'TEWV· voµ,wµ,a Ev ,:;.,iKEI\Lf!-, v1ro I'l..:\wvos Ko1rl.v, Em8o6aris avT(p Llwiapl.TrJS TTJSyvvaiKos EtS avTo 'TOV K6aµ,ov. Another version has it that the Damarateion was produced from the

s

melted-down crown offered by the Carthaginians to Syracuse after their loss at Himera-a disputed tale, although given some credence by P. Green, Diodorus Siculus, Books 11-12.37.1(Austin 2006) 81 n. 106. Bentley was willing to accept 8apETtov as a paeon in place of a dactyl, "constrain'd of mere necessity:' Of the conjectures offered along these lines, Bergk's LI aµ,ap/.,.,as( the gold "of Damareta'') is perhaps easiest but is not compelling. Damarete (if not another woman with this name) is also credited with a poem entitled Trefoil; Athen. 15.685b. See 0. Hultsch, "Demarate (1)" and "Demareteion;' RE 4 (1901) 2031-4. 8EKaTav: As noted above, this is a puzzling phrase. One regularly 4 Tas 8Edms as appositive acc. occurs thirty dedicates something as a tithe, and DEKU'TrJV

200

Epigrams: 55

Epigrams: 55

times in CEG I alone, but who boasts of giving a hundredth? Even if the gen. were one of source-cf. CEG 326 MavnKA6s µ,' av/B'YJKE ... apyvpoT6gc.pI Tas DEKaTas-, the fraction remains the same, although 326 does show that one can openly give less than a tithe. Could-and this is admittedly a desperate attempt to solve this difficulty-the answer be hinted at in Suda s.v. LIEKUT'YJV Janaaai· T~S TWVI:vpaKova{wv OEKUT'YJS 1Tollv1Tponµ,dnEp6vaE 1Towvµ,Evos,suggesting that there is a allusion here to this celebration of the tenth of the month-which would argue against this distich's being the work of a late and ignorant Hellenistic author. 3' {36.pf3apavi«~aaVTas l0v'YJ: Syracuse won major battles against both Etruscans

at Himera in 480 and (under Hieron) Carthaginians and Etruscans at Cyme in 474; cf. Pi. P.1.71-3 lllaaoµ,ai VEV ETEpov f.1,EposTY)Sypa'f'YJS To Es apt /4 p 10.25.2 ES > > \0 ovn / TO \ OlKTJJJ,U >I \ \ I \ > EKEt ypa'f-'Et, aus. TOVTOovv EGE/\ TO JJ,EV avµ,1rav TO EV " t. ,1. "1\ , , , , \ 'E\ \ , OEs tq, T'f/S ypa'f-'YJS /\LOS TE EOTLV EUI\WKVtaKat U7T07T/\OVS O 1\/\TjVWV. A

/

A

A

A

A

','

A

,

,

,

\

,

aKp61roAw:The fortified city, as opposed to, say, its ayop~, as distinguished at

Od.8.503-4.

[63] 52 FGE, 64 J,188 B, 152 D 129 Pr, 34Eb

IIv0ta Dts, NEµ,Eq,Dts, 'O.,\vµ,1r{q, EOTEI

\

I\

Epigrams:{68}

Epigrams:{69}

describes in ecphrastic detail this bronze statue of a young winged Eros armed with bow and arrow, EToi1-ws... DEZgaiK{v1Jaiv. The sources are collected by M. Muller-Dufeu, La sculpturegrecque (Paris 2002) 480-521 (502-7 on this statue). See also A. Pasquier and J.-L. Martinez, Praxitele (Paris 2007) 36-8, no. 19; A. Corso, TheArt of Praxiteles(Rome 2004) 244-81. For another anecdote aboutPhryne and Praxiteles' Eros, see Paus.1.20.1.Praxiteles' fourth-century date obviates Simonides as author of the epigram; Bergk treats it as the work of Praxiteles himself. Phryne's beautiful (and naked) body figures in two wellknown anecdotes, once when Apelles chose her as his model for Aphrodite after she stripped in front of the citizens of Eleusis, the other when Hyperides, defending her in court, stripped her before the jury to win over their sympathy; on Phryne in art, see further C. Keesling, "Heavenly bodies: Monuments to prostitutes in Greek sanctuaries;' in C. Faraone and L. MacClure (eds), Prostitutesand Courtesansin the Ancient World(Madison 2006) 59-60, 66-71. Realism in painting and portraiture, of which this epigram is a rather clever example, was an explicit aim in Hellenistic art, as we can see from several anecdotes and epigrams. The stories surrounding Phryne no doubt begin at least as but their presence in the largely fictional early as Hyperides' 1rEpi pvv'Y)s, Hellenistic biographical tradition can be traced to Idomeneus of Lampsacus (c.300 BCE); c£ A. Angeli, "Per una ricostruzione della biografia di Idomeneo di Lampsaco (P.Here. 463 col. ix 1672 coll. x 21-:x:i13);' Proc.16th Intern. Congr. Papyrol. (Chico 1981) 115-23. In other words, our epigram is very likely of Hellenistic date, although Diehl, taking Athenaeus' J1riypm{;Eliterally, ascribed the epigram to Praxiteles himself, when all Athenaeus probably meant was that the sculptor either inscribed it himself or had it inscribed.

xpvaijs :4po8{T'Y)s;-,is occasionally exploited by poets; this same bilocation

The subject of many epigrams: AP 5.15,6.317,6.355, 9.756, 12.56, I IIpa[i-ri>..'Y)s: 12.57,16.159-62, 16.166-8, 16.203-6, 16.262.

[69]

228

8i1JKp£(3wa1:v: Normally, the truth (aKp{ffoa, d>..170Ew)ancient artists aimed for is one of photographic realism; see J. J. Pollitt, The Ancient Views of Greek Art (New Haven 1974) 117-38; E. Kosmetatou, "Vision and visibility ... in Posidippus' Andriantopoiika;'in B. Acosta-Hughes et al., Labouredin Papyrus Leaves(Washington, DC 2004) 187-211.Here, however, the accuracy is not that of a visible object, but rather in the visualization of Praxiteles' eros in the form of Eros ("argutum hoe;' Jacobs); see below, on "Epwm. Hence, the detailed ecphrasis found in other epigrams on art objects would be inappropriate here. [Luc.] Am. 14 applies the words ~Kpi(3wµhoi pv0µ,o{ to Praxiteles' Cnidean Aphrodite. See further I. Mannlein-Robert, "Epigrams on art: voice and voicelessness in ecphrastic epigram;' in Bing-Bruss 251-71. "Epw-ra:Split into two, one the emotion, the other the divinity of this emotion, a division made explicit with 3 Jµ,EZo.•• Jµ,i. This duplication, inherent in ordinary language and thought-c£ Mimn. 1.1W T{s 8J(3{os,T{ 8JTEp1rvovaTEP

229

can be found in Leonidas 89 HE (APl 206): ewmEESTOV"Epwra µ6vov 0EovEVKv0EpE{71s d1r' apxEr1)1TOV, atovr: oi3xlrEpov ypa1TTOV d,\,\' BvIIpafLTEAYJS lyvw 0E6v,Bv1TEpi cJ>p6vn

i>EpK6µEvos acpErEpwv ,\6rpov l8wKE1r60wv,

where 3 ov . .. 0E6vis Eros himself and 4 AvTpov represents the statue. 2 J.pxl-rv1rov:The first, and hence original, model for later copies, such as the

figure on a seal. Empedocles (31 A 56 DK) is said by Aetius 2.20.13 to have spoken of two suns, one of which was apxiTv1rov, possibly Empedocles' actual word. Cf. Leonidas 89.2 HE, quoted above. 3 (3a>..>..w: Clearly superior to the banal T{KTw (paceJacobs and Page, who see no

way to choose between the two readings), it lends extra point to Praxiteles' powers of realistic portraiture. The poem combines ancient views of vision where images radiate from the object seen, with the picture of Eros the archer. One way or the other, Eros casts forth his charms; cf. Il. 5.97-8 Jn-ra£vETo KUf1,7TV/\a T6ga, Kal (3aAE.

4 d-r1:vit6µ,1:vos: Eros is so beautiful that people will stare until their eyes hurt; cf. Posid. 15.7-8 A-B 1rws o >..i0ovpyos [who peers intently at his stone while r ' ' Ef.LOY1JUE ' ' ' carving TUS UTEVL'::,ovaas OVK Kopas;

. ]I ' '

57 FGE,75 J,185a B, 164 D

a.OE;» «BaKxa,» «T{s DEVLVgiaE;» «.EK61ras.» «T{s 8' JgEf.1,'Y)VE, BaKxos ~ l:K61ras;» «.EK61ras.» «T{s

3 ia

*AppPl60 = Pl IV•4.4 f. 45v(.Eiµwv{8ov) *})' 8' 4 (.Eiµwv{Sov) "Who's she?" "A Bacchanf' "Who sculpted her?" "Scopas:' "Who aroused her so, Bacchus or Scopas?" "Scopas:' Simonides could not have written on the fourth-century sculptor Scopas, on whom see A. F. Stewart, Skopas of Paras (Park Ridge, N.Y. 1977); M. MullerDufeu, op. cit., 462-81 (469-72 on this statue); D. Katsonopoulou and A. Stewart (eds), Scopasof Paras and His World (Athens 2013). On epigrams in dialogue form, see W. Rasche, De Anthologiae Graecaeepigrammatis quae colloquiiformam habent, (Munich 1910);M. L. del Barrio Vega, "Epigramas dialogados: origenes y estructura;' Cuadernos de Filolog{aClasica23 (1989) 189-201.

Epigrams:{70J

Epigrams:{70J

This same statue in Parian marble was celebrated also in AP 9.774 (Glaucus 1 GP):

Helios, seventy cubits in height ( -105 ft), was one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, erected by Seleucus in 282 BCE, well after Simonides' death. To go no further than our sources for the epigram, Constantinus says: J,\0wv OEEVTfj 'P604_JKa0ELAEV TOVKOAoaaovTOVEVmhfi LGTU/J,EVOV. ayai\µ.a OE~v

230

'A {36.Kxallap{a ph, EVEtpVXWUE S' clyAV1T'TUS' 'TOV M0ov•dv0pcf:;aKEL S' J.isf3poµ,ial;,oµ,eva. Ji I:K61Ta,d 0E01TOlOS' Ep.,~aa-ro -rexva 0aiJµ,axiµ,aipo6vov 0vu£Saµ,aivoµ,evav,

1

TOV~Mou xaAKOVV,KExpvawµ.l.vov (J,7T() KEq>aA:rys EWS'7TOOWV, EXOVvif;os 1T~XELS1T \ µ.apTvpEL ,..._ ' Kai 1r11aTos ava11oyws Tov v'l'ovs, Ka0ws To\ E1riypaµ.µ.a To 1rpos TY)V f3aaiv TWV7TOOWV alJTOVyEypaµ.µ.l.vov, EXOVOVTWS·«70», to which Strabo adds ~

\ ~ I KELTal OE vvv V1TOGELGµ.ov BCE ] 7TEGWV 1TEplKl\aG TWV yovaTWV. \

-and was described in detail by Callistratus Descriptiones2.2 Jv yap Tfj olKdq IC, I < \ 10 \ ) \ '0 I ) /3 I >v,\i\ov Y)S1rp0Tap.,wvaµ.ef>l.~a xai\Kw. Its stem, in the a-grade, J,\a{Y)s,IKopµ.ov o' EKp{~ is that of g6avov, and its stem, *ks, "scratch, comb;' shows up elsewhere in the a-grade as Koaµ.l.w, which also means to put in final shape.

\

I

'

I

~0

58 FGE,Anon. 58b HE, 83 J,185b B, 165 D

3 ia

*AppPl82 = IV• 12.4 f. 52v(I:iµ,wv{Sov) Constantinus VII Porphyrogenitus De admin. imp. 21.61-2 Moravcsik Georgius Cedrenus compendium historiarum 1.755.13-14 Bekker

I

I

\

\

\

\

aVTEv:For the general thought, cf. I.Napoli 2.130.9-12 = 2.223

Cougny: ElKa{aov KEV0Et KUAAOS VEOV, wK>.rn1raTpa, Tvµ,{3os,Kai ef>pov8ov awµ,a M>.oyxEK6vis, d>.>.' dpETa/3toTOSald ,wafoi /J,ETWTl, ,/;vxas µ,avvova' EiJKAEa awrppoavvav.

3-4 llf>-.,ov a T, ap,817-\os I "Oaaa K,0aipwv6s T': Ossa and Pelion, both in Thessaly, are not so far apart that Lycas could not have hunted on both;

235

4 oi.ovoµ,o,: Both "solitary" and "sheep- rearing" are possible renderings of this word. Elsewhere in epigrams, the latter meaning alone is found: APl 291 (Anyte

3 HE) tf>pitoK6µ,q,T60€ llavi Kai aDA.taaiv 0ETONvµ,, K,\E{a0EVES,EJgE{vcp µ,oZp' EKLXEV 0avaTOV OLKaOE v6aTOV 7TA.a(6µ,EVov· yAVKEpov0€fJ,EMPYJV) API 3b25.7 f. 96V(Eaµ,{av) 1 s~om. P cf>O,av PI cf>{,\YJV P µ,a-dpa Pl /,lYJTEpaP 2 OEpasStadtm. OEpYJS PPl C KaOEµ,6vaSalm. 4 aav (aut aa{) ut vid. p a0 PlC Kaoaµhav PPl KYJOaµ,EVYJV

These are the very last words spoken by a tearful Gorgo as she caressed her dear mother's neck with her hands: "May you remain here by father's side and give birth to another daughter, one to tend to you in your old age:' An epigram ascribed either to Simonides or one of two Hellenistic poets, Simmias or Samius, homonymy near or exact being a common cause of misattribution; cf. W. Speyer, Die literarischeFiilschungim heidnischenund christlichenAltertum: Bin VersuchihrerDeutung(Munich 1971) 37-9. As usual, there is little on which to base a firm conclusion. The pathos of a young person dying before a parent and the formulas that were established on stone allow this to have been composed at any time before Meleager. Cf. e.g. CEG97.3-4 (Attica, fifth century): µ,v~µ,YJV yap dEiOaKpVTOV Exavaa ~lliK{asTfjs afjs Kl\a{ELd1rocf>0iµ,EvYJ,,

A parallel, which some take as model, is Anyte HE 7 (AP 7.646): l\ata0ia 0~ TctOE1TaTpicf>{,\'{) 1TEpiXEL°pE {3a11avaa i{1r' 'EpaTw x11wpa2sOctKpvai11€l{3aµ,Eva· «Ji 1TctTEp, av Tat ET' Elµ,{,µ,Ella, o' lµ,ov oµ,µ,aKal\V1TTEl ~OYJd1rac/>0iµ,EvYJ, Kvavrnv 06-vaTas.»

1 I'opyw: The surface grammar allows this to be the name of the mother, but the sense of the epigram as a whole makes the true syntax clear. 4 aov: Both K1JOEµ.wv and K~ooµ.ai regularly take a gen., which seems to be P's reading before C obliterated (Stadtmiiller allows for aoi, which is also possible; cf. Aristoph. Vesp.731 EW'wrpEMvµ.oi K1JOEµ.wv ). Although a personal possessive adj. with yijpas is rare, it cannot be ruled out; cf. Eur. Ale. 658-9, Or.549, 631. 1r0Aicpy~pa'i: This collocation also in Theogn. 173, Pi. I. 6.15, Eur. Supp. 170, Ion 700, Ba. 258, Erechth.fr. 369 N. If aov or ao{ is read, this phrase would be "in hoary old age"; cf. Il. 18.434-5 o p,Ev o~ y~pai" ,\vypq, I KEtTai Jvi µ.Eyapois, Aeschrion 1HE (AP 7.345). «ai>oµ.Evav:The participle can stand as an (admittedly rare) instance of present participle expressing purpose; cf. Xen. Hell. 2.4.37 l!1rEp,1rov ... EK Tov aaTEws Myovrns onKTA,KG 1.141-2, 2.86. (It is no argument against «aoEp,6va that it is applied to a woman, despite LSJ's simple cl;cf. Soph. Ant. 549, where Antigone calls Ismene a kedemon.)

Elegies and Sympotica

ELEGIES

Suda s.v.

.Eiµ,wv{OYJS (T

3 Po) provides evidence of such an elegiac poem this title/description, but before the publication of P.Oxy. 3965 it was assumed that this was a mistaken reference to the undoubtedly lyric fragments on this same battle; cf. Prise. De metr. Ter. 24 (3.438 Keil) Simonidesin i1r' 11pTEµ,w{cp vavµ,ax{q, in dimetro catalectico[PMG 533 = F 249 Po]. Afterwards, it was equally easy to recognize that Simonides could well have written two poems for different occasions in different places on this important engagement between Persians and Greeks; and that, furthermore, he could have narrated the more important events in each poem (such as the Boreas episode discussed below). Molyneux 156-73, although writing before the elegiac poem was confirmed, is still worth reading for his survey of the historical evidence.

oi' i11EyE{aswith

1

w2

6 S, le Ge-Pr, 212 B

Schol. ad Ap.Rhod. 1.583 o[rn' &.vlpas, Apollonius Lex.Hom. oil1rovai· oia1rovovaiv, EvEpyofoiv, Panyassis 16.4-5 PGE = 12 Matthews Jv 0oos \ av11p ' \ I'vaµtvas ' OtE7TWV "D,\,\ .c, 1)C1tVOVTE I > ',\ I >