Shopping for pleasure: women in the making of London's West End 9781400843534, 9780691044774

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Shopping for Pleasure

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Shopping for Pleasure WOMEN IN THE MAKING OF LONDON’S WEST END

¢ ERIKA DIANE RAPPAPORT °*

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON AND OXFORD

Copyright © 2000 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1SY All Rights Reserved

Third printing, and first paperback printing, 2001 |

: Paperback ISBN 0-691-04476-7

The Library of Congress has cataloged the cloth edition of this book as follows

Rappaport, Erika Diane, 1963Shopping for pleasure : women in the making of London’s West End / Erika Diane Rappaport.

p- cm. Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-691-04477-5 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Consumer behavior—England—London—Sex differences—History. 2. Consumption (Economics)—England—London—Sex differences—History. 3. Women consumers—England—London—History. 4. Department stores—England—London—History. 5. West End (London, England)—Economic conditions. I. Title. HF5415.33.E542L667 2000

658.8'342—dc21 99-28152

, British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available This book has been composed in Adobe Caslon

, Printed on acid-free paper. °°

Wwww.pup.princeton.edu F | | Printed in the United States of America P

- FOR JORDAN >

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° C ON TENT S °

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1X

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS X1 “To Walk Alone in London” 3 INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER ONE

Pleasures of Suburbia 16 “The Halls of Temptation”: The Universal Provider and the

"Young London": The Making of a Suburban Shopping Center 19

The Spectacular Universal Provider 27

“When Ladies Go ‘Shopping’ ” 29

“Our Local Regent Street” 40 CHAPTER TWO

The Trials of Consumption: Marriage, Law, and Women’s Credit 48

Credit: “The Shopkeeper’s Temptation” 50

The Wife's Authority and Husbana’s Liability 55 Consumption on Trial , 65 Ready Money, Married Women, and the Department Store 70 CHAPTER THREE

“Resting Places for Women Wayfarers”: Feminism and the

Comforts of the Public Sphere 74 Pleasure in the Public Sphere 76 “Either Ladies Didn’t Go Out or Ladies Didn’t ‘Go’ ” 79 ‘A Social Ark for Shoppers” 93 “Shopland Is My Club” 101

Female Clubland 85

the West End 108 CHAPTER FOUR

Metropolitan Journeys: Shopping, Traveling, and Reading

The Women’s Press and Consumer Culture 111

“The Best Exhibition in This Modern Babylon” 115

‘Ballade of an Omnibus” 122 The Lady Guides’ London 132 ‘Madame's More Comprehensive Feminine Glance” 126

CHAPTER FIVE |

in Edwardian London 142 “A New Era of Shopping”: An American Department Store

Vill CONTENTS

“London’s American Phase” 144

Selling Selfridge’s 154 ‘A Time of Profit, Recreation, and Enjoyment” 159

“Man’s Best Buying Center” 171 “British Shes Should Shop at British Stores” 172

CHAPTER SIX

“Going Up West” 180 Selling to the Modern Audience 184 “The Romance of a Shop Girl” 192 The Shopper's Character 203 Theater of Desire , 206

Acts of Consumption: Musical Comedy and the Desire of Exchange 178

EPILOGUE NOTES 223 |

The Politics of Plate Glass 215

INDEX 315

BIBLIOGRAPHY 281

- FLRLUS TRATIONS

1. Map of the West End, 1893 2

2. Map of Bayswater, 1863 20

3. Whiteley’s Department Store, ca. 1880s 41 4, The Empress Club. Lady’s Realm, 1899 95

5. The Pioneer Club. Graphic, 1908 97

6. Ladies’ Army and Navy Club. Graphic, 1908 99

7. The Dorothy Restaurant. Lady, 1889 103

8. “Shopping.” Queen, 1893 104

9. “Shopping in Regent Street.” Queen, 1893 120

10. Tottenham Court Road, June 1912 148 11. Selfridge’s Department Store. Builder, April 1909 155 12. “Lady London.” Selfridge’s advertisement, by F. V. Poole, 1909 160 13. “Herald Announcing the Opening.” Selfridge’s advertisement,

by Bernard Partridge, 1909 163

14. “Leisurely Shopping.” Selfridge’s advertisement, by Stanley Davis, 1909 164 15. “Selfridge’s by Night.” Selfridge’s advertisement, by T. Friedleson, 1909 164

16. Photograph of Selfridge’s Opening Day 172 17. Ada Reeve as the “Shop-Girl.” Sketch, December 1894 199 18. “The Lady Who Bargains, But Never Buys.” Woman’s World, 1889 207

19. “A Tab.” Drapers’ Record, 1897 208 20. Opening Chorus, Our Miss Gibbs. Play Pictorial, 1909 209

21. Gertie Miller as Mary Gibbs. Play Pictorial, 1909 211 22. Swan and Edgar’s window after the Suffragette attack, 1912 216

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°- AC K NOWLE DGM™M ENTS *

THE INTELLECTUAL GUIDANCE and friendship of many individuals at several institutions have made the research and writing of this book a true pleasure. This

project began as a doctoral dissertation at Rutgers University and in part is a product of its uniquely stimulating scholarly community. My greatest debt is to my adviser, John Gillis. John read, commented on, and discussed several drafts with tremendous care and enthusiasm. His advice and friendship at every stage have been absolutely invaluable. Victoria de Grazia initially provoked my interest in the history of consumer culture. Her extensive knowledge, incisive criticism, and personal warmth during the past decade have strengthened the arguments in both the dissertation and the book. I am also indebted to Bonnie Smith and Cora Kaplan for their reflections on the structure of the thesis. Special thanks must be given to Judy Walkowitz for her guidance during my first years at Rutgers and for introducing me to the pleasures of studying Victorian London. Her scholarship and teaching inspired me to write a dissertation on gender and urban history and pursue a career as a feminist historian. Long after we both left Rutgers, Judy graciously read and criticized parts of the revised manuscript. While at Rutgers,

I had the opportunity to take courses from the late E. P. Thompson and from Leonore Davidoff. I hope my work reflects in small part their compassion for their historical subjects and their commitment to social history. The women’s history program at Rutgers provided an intellectually challenging and yet supportive environment. First and foremost, I would like to thank Maureen McCarthy and Tori Smith. ‘Their friendship has sustained me from my very

first day at Rutgers. Tori shared her own work on gender, representation, and Victorian culture and painstakingly read the dissertation and a final draft of this manuscript. Thanks also to Polly Beals, Joe Broderick, Joy Dixon, Sharla Fett, Gretchen Galbraith, Beth Rose, Scott Sandage, Pamela Walker, and Susan Whitney. I am tremendously grateful for their reflections on the thesis and for the pleasure of their company. This project could not have been written without the financial support and inspiration I received while a student fellow at the Rutgers Center for Historical Analysis. Victoria de Grazia skillfully brought together an exceptionally strong and interdisciplinary group of scholars committed to studying consumer culture. While I greatly appreciate the help from everyone who listened to, read, and commented upon my work, I would especially like to thank Rachel Bowlby, Timothy Burke, Belinda Davis, Ellen Furlough, Ellen Garvey Gruber, Jennifer Jones, David Kuchta, and Kathy Peiss. Each offered detailed criticisms, but also shared his or her own ideas about the ways in which the concept of “consumer culture” has and has not illuminated key historical questions.

XU ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My colleagues at Florida International University were very helpful during the

time I was in Miami. I owe particular thanks to Daniel Cohen, Mitchell Hart, Alison Isenberg, Joel Hoffmann, John Stuart, Mark Szuchman, and Victor Uribe for carefully reading and discussing sections of my manuscript. Alison and Mitch were especially careful readers whose comments helped me place my study of Victorian London into a broader context. My new colleagues at the University of California at Santa Barbara also deserve my gratitude for bringing me to such a beautiful and peaceful place to finish a book. They gave me the time and resources that I needed to complete this project. — Over the years, I have also been privileged to receive suggestions and comments from Peter Bailey, Leo Charney, Margot Finn, Susan Kingsley Kent, Deborah

Epstein Nord, Maura O’Connor, Ellen Ross, Vanessa Schwartz, and Angela Woollacott. Two scholars deserve special mention for their guidance and friend- ship during the past several years. Lisa Tiersten tirelessly read every chapter of the manuscript and pushed me to think about the specificity of “English” consumer culture and urban development. Lisa’s research on gender and urban consumer culture in late-nineteenth-century France also helped me to consider the role of politics in shaping consumer society. Geoffrey Crossick’s vast knowledge of the history of retailing, the lower-middle classes, and Victorian London made his criticisms and interest in my work indispensable. Several archivists and librarians lent me their time and assistance. Individuals

at the British Library, the Guildhall Library, Westminster City Archives, the Fawcett Library, Glasgow University Business Records Center, Harrod’s Department Store, Rutgers University, and the New York Public Library were especially helpful. Fred Redding was very accommodating, giving me free reign in Self-

ridge’s archive and offering me dozens of cups of tea. The Interlibrary Loan departments at Florida International University and the University of California at Santa Barbara have retrieved hundreds of books and articles for me. This project received financial assistance from the Council for European Studies, Rutgers

- University Graduate School and Department of History, Florida International University, and the University of California at Santa Barbara. _ Lastly, this book could not have been written without the enthusiasm and love of my family, especially my husband, Jordan Witt. Jordan showed unbounded patience and humor as we discussed every facet of this manuscript. His companionship in the United States and in England, editorial help and creative suggestions, friendship and love have made my work and my life a true pleasure. A portion of chapter 1 appeared as “ “The Halls of Temptation’: Gender, Politics, _ and the Construction of the Department Store in Late Victorian London,” Journal of British Studies 35, no. 1 (January 1996): 58-83. A shortened version of chapter 2 appeared as “‘A Husband and His Wife’s Dresses’: Consumer Credit and the Debtor Family in England, 1864-1914,” in The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, ed. Victoria de Grazia with Ellen Furlough (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), and part of chapter 5 appeared

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS X11 as “‘A New Era of Shopping’: The Promotion of Women’s Pleasure in London’s

West End, 1909-1914,” in Cinema and the Invention of Modern Life, ed. by Leo Charney and Vanessa R. Schwartz (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

Santa Barbara, California July 1998

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98 CHAPTER THREE , “the promoters would probably have been tabooed by Society as ‘fast’ in the present day there is a distinction between being fast and being independent.”!” One of the Queen’s reporters appreciated a new club for its lack of a “ ‘fast’ or excessively ‘strong-minded’ element” and because “nothing in the associations or the circumstances of the ladies who are proposed for election which would debar them .. . from attending Her Majesty’s Drawing-Rooms.”!6 Clubwomen, like Whiteley’s

department store shoppers, were thus characterized as independent public indi- | viduals who were neither sexually nor socially disruptive. The women’s press thus supplanted the inherently and explicitly threatening images of self-supporting, _

all-female urban institutions with a benign portrait of luxurious urban homes populated by apolitical and asexual ladies of fashion. According to the finde siécle _ press, the clubwoman was modern but not daring. She enjoyed her autonomy in

the public realm without being considered “fast” or even feminist. Oo | ‘The depiction of clubs as luxurious and cozy homes reflected, sanctioned, and_ advanced a shift in their nature. By the 1890s, but especially after the turn of the century, women’s clubs were no longer necessarily liberal, feminist, or progressive. Indeed, some like the Empress were commercial institutions that also had become venues for the reconstruction of an increasingly diverse and troubled ruling class. England’s elite women defended their power and position by forming associations such as the Primrose League and joining conservative imperialist clubs such as the Ladies’ Army and Navy Club, the Ladies’ Empire Club, or the “avowedly

political” Ladies’ Carlton Club.’ The latter, for example, sought to unite“women of good social position ... who are earnest supporters of the Unionist cause,” “favored tariff reform,” and wanted to “counteract socialism.”!”8 The Ladies’ Army ©

and Navy offered its over thirty-five hundred members the privileges befitting

England’s officer class, including a tent at Ascot, balls at the Ritz Hotel, and a famous all-female billiard room. The clubwomen who played games, smoked, dined, and politicked in their magnificent clubhouses were among the pillars of

English society. They formed clubs to protect, not question, England’s ruling

class (fig. 6).!” a :

Some women criticized the direction that the English club movement had taken, arguing that clubs were no longer significantly politically or socially en- _ gaged. The Canadian Margaret Polsen Murray complained that Englishwomen _ “enjoy their club in their own way, as a restful luncheon or tea-room, warmed up by an occasional lecture or discussion on a public question, its membership well fenced by society barriers.” A few years later, Annie Swan Smith, who published =

the journal Woman at Home, despaired that English women’s clubs were poor _ imitations of their American counterparts. She felt that with but a few exceptions, they were “mere places of rendezvous, in which the real essence of club life created

by unity of purpose and community of interest is conspicuous by its absence.” Smith and Murray found London’s clubs disappointing because they did not fulfill Cobbe’s dream of creating a collective community of women that would then aid women’s entrance into the public sphere. Yet what Smith and Murray had not understood was that the very idea of. women forming clubs in the urban center was a sign of sweeping changes in

6.

“RESTING PLACES FOR WOMEN” 99

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“RESTING PLACES FOR WOMEN” 105 period, but here it is important to note that clubs were partly responsible for introducing the idea of public dining and a greater degree of informality between the sexes. Heterosocial amusement became most closely associated, however, with

the restaurants and large hotels that became fashionable during the Edwardian period. Restaurant dining became a fashionable pastime after the Savoy Hotel opened in the Strand in 1889. Its owner choose Cesar Ritz as the main chef, since Lily Langtry advised him that “Ritz will attract the ladies.” The hotel also established a rule that unescorted women were not permitted. Likewise, the Trocadero had a written code that excluded “strange ladies” from being admitted when they were alone or in pairs.”' Of course, a male diner could invite any companion without trouble. Once prostitutes plied their trade less openly, the catering industry constructed their own vision of history, which asserted that the large, modern restaurant and hotel had emancipated women and introduced a new moral tone into public life. For example, a promotional booklet published in 1900 proudly if inaccurately claimed that “it seems scarcely credible that until the Savoy Restaurant was opened . .. there was not a single restaurant in all London where a man could take his wife or daughter.”’? A pamphlet printed in connection with the opening of Joseph Lyons’s ‘Trocadero Restaurant prefigured Foucault's formulation of repression and the production of desire. Lyons was venerated as the champion of “free trade in pleasure”: My experience teaches me that restraints, checks, and grandmotherly legislation in connection with amusement have always encouraged vice and vicious pleasures; whereas free trade in pleasure has been of an enormous advantage, socially, intellectually, and morally, to the people at large. In this good, healthy want, Joseph Lyons and his friends have been spirited pioneers.’

The narrative that the mass market had initiated a modern notion of public life based on the “free trade in pleasure” quickly entered Edwardian popular culture and has become a truism of much recent historiography.’ Yet restaurant and hotel proprietors, department store magnates, journalists, and clubwomen had been making much the same argument in slightly different forms since the 1860s.

Nonetheless, by 1900 quite a few observers believed that because they sold heterosocial pleasures, restaurants were leading to the decline of the single-sex club.’ In 1906, a well-known gourmand wrote, “The restaurants have done more towards killing the clubs than any other species ... [and] the gentler sex have indirectly assisted. ... Ladies can and do dine at the restaurants to-day ... and the man of gallantry gives his dinners where ladies can be part of the party.”?° In contrast to the leisure industry, class-specific and single-sex institutions increasingly appeared out of date, unfashionable, and simply boring. Even feminists no longer found clubs the thrilling institutions that they had once been. Although the suffragist Adelaide Drummond had so enjoyed her club in the 1870s, in 1909 she wrote that “the necessity for them, which existed at the time of their introduc-

tion has passed away.” They met a particular need in later Victorian London, when “it was hardly possible for women to frequent restaurants; and no shops had

106 CHAPTER THREE tea-rooms, reading-rooms, and lounges.””’ This attitude, especially within the feminist community, contributed to the slow decline of female clubland during and after the First World War. Although some clubs like the Lyceum did quite well until the 1930s, most had trouble riding out hard times.*® As the Lyceum went into liquidation in 1933, the receiver reported that its subscription had been too low to maintain its services and to pay the high charges for rent and rates. When its membership dropped during the Depression, the Lyceum could no

longer raise funds to cover its debts.’ }

Despite its remarkable success, female clubland all but disappeared by the 1930s. The expansion of mass catering and entertainment, the declining financial |

position of the middle and upper classes, and the shifting nature of feminism contributed to its ultimate failure. Its demise was also a testament to the changing conceptions of and attitudes toward modernity. Although the clubs were once at _ the forefront of social change, by the early-twentieth century they represented the past. As heterosocial and cross-class interactions became the hallmark of modern urban life, single-sex institutions like clubs looked like a throwback from the age

of separate spheres. : |

Women wayfarers, however, no longer lacked resting places in the city. Establishments that served their bodily needs were everywhere, and many were among England’s most successful businesses. These enterprises had begun in the 1860s and 1870s when local government, philanthropic groups, feminist organizations, and entrepreneurs each tried to construct female public places. Though governmental efforts met with little success, the feminist community effectively built — public spaces for the urban woman. Once established, however, they met with a good deal of competition from the department store, tea shop, hotel-and restau-

rant. Feminists must take some of the blame for this development, since they encouraged women to shop and had frequently argued that clubs were the perfect shopper's resort. Department stores, hotels, and other mass caterers responded by advertising their manifest superiority to the club. Urban women both gained and lost with this expansion of commercial “resting —

places.” They certainly were no longer thwarted from exploring the metropolis because they could not find a place to eat or rest. Yet their public identities had in some ways narrowed. The numbers of women working and visiting London continued to grow, but the vision of shopping and the possibilities of public life became slightly more restricted. In the clubhouse, shoppers interacted with workers, listened to or participated in debates, and became involved in what Cobbe believed was a wider public sphere. In “Shopland Is My Club,” female participation in public life and club culture was relegated to the sphere of consumption. Entrepreneurs and advertisers did not single-handedly collapse the diverse

, meanings of public life that had existed in the late- nineteenth century, however. As we will see in later chapters, feminists and other progressives continued to find ways to expand and complicate its meaning. However, the feminist community unwittingly played a role in the construction of modern commercial culture

and its gendered meanings. Neither feminists nor conservative critics ever

“RESTING PLACES FOR WOMEN” 107 challenged the perception of the urban shopping crowd as a feminine entity. Clubwomen also upheld class-based hierarchies and helped ensure that the West End would retain its exclusivity even as many aristocratic and bourgeois families could no longer afford to live there. ‘This made clubs seem less progressive and modern than restaurants or department stores, which were championed as caterers to the millions.

- CHAPTER FOUR -°* Metropolitan Journeys: Shopping, Traveling,

and Reading the West End

The Summer of 1895 was remarkable for the number of Americans who visited

England; it was estimated that at least two hundred thousand were in London. ... [T]Jourists could be counted by scores along Piccadilly, thronging the shops in Oxford and Regent Streets, and wandering through the National Gallery, St. Paul’s and Westminster ... the women beautifully dressed consulting

the inevitable Baedeker.'

THIS PORTRAIT of beautifully dressed American tourists gazing at a Baedekerinflected metropolis, “thronging” the shops, and “wandering” through museums and other repositories of England’s public memory could easily have described a summer afternoon in London of the 1990s. It was, however, the impression of Mary Krout, an American who published her memories of the English capital city in 1899 under the aptly chosen title 4 Looker On in London. Three urban types—the consumer, the writer, and the reader—populated Mary Krout’s London. This chapter follows these three spectators as they travel through the lateVictorian and Edwardian metropolis, a city defined by looking and traveling, reading and writing, shopping and sightseeing. As the title of Krout’s book implies, fin de siécle London was often understood as spectacle, marketplace, and commodity. Its shops, museums, and even its churches made it ripe for colonization by foreign consumers, especially female Americans. Tourists, like shoppers, sought “new” experiences, wanted to see “old” Europe, and wished to purchase “unique” objects. They were also a part of the urban spectacle. Even Krout described the “beautifully dressed” tourist as a site to be looked at and enjoyed. _ Clubwomen had viewed these urban travelers not as spectators or spectacle but as speakers, writers, and readers. At the center of nearly every club was a reading room fully stocked with books, newspapers, feminist journals, and fashion periodicals. Many clubwomen made their living as writers and editors and were especially prominent in the feminist press and the “ladies’ papers.” Clubs aided this community of writers who, in turn promoted female-oriented metropolitan institutions.” As we have already seen, many of these journalists created a positive image of the women’s club and similar venues. This effort was part of a wider move, as we will see in this chapter, to develop a new genre of urban literature directed at the female middle classes. At the same time that the clubs, department stores, restaurants, and other. resting places appeared in the streets of the West End, women’s magazines, guidebooks, and the daily papers offered female readers a way of imagining themselves enjoying and mastering this built environment.

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 109 Similar forces produced both this spectacular city and a new form of middleclass women’s work. During the late 1880s and 1890s, a group of bourgeois women sought to professionalize their urban expertise by forming a business called the Lady Guide Association. This group’s goal was to expand the employment opportunities for newly educated but unemployed middle-class women by hiring and training them as professional shoppers and urban guides. These Lady Guides would then navigate uneducated tourists and shoppers through modern London. After the 1880s, then, several new forms of urban guidance became available to bourgeois women. Each promised to make the commercial city intelligible and pleasurable. During this period guidebooks and newspapers, works of fiction, history, and social science presented many, often contradictory visions of the metropolis. Judith Walkowitz has shown, for example, that by the mid-1880s the more visible political and physical presence of working men and all classes of women in the wealthy districts of the city had led to a proliferation of urban narratives in which class and gender could no longer be understood in a straightforward manner. Neat divisions between a dark, poor, and sinister East End and a glittering and wealthy West End gave way to more complex readings of the city. Walkowitz has argued, however, that the dominant narrative during this period was one of social crisis and class and gender conflict.’ Indeed, in the 1880s West End complacency was quite literally shattered as the unemployed struck its plate-glass windows and demonstrated in its streets. One middle-class commentator, noting the encampment of unemployed men in the West End in October of 1886, captured the sense of crisis when he wrote, “ “The finest site in Europe,’ had been turned into a ‘foul camp of vagrants.’ ”* A few years earlier, Irish nationalists had set off bombs in the Local Government Board Offices, the Underground, Victoria Station, and

even Scotland Yard.’ The anxieties of the English populace eventually centered upon the frightening figure of Jack the Ripper stalking and mutilating East End

prostitutes in the autumn of 1888. At the same time, the separate spheres of bourgeois gender ideology were being repeatedly crossed by feminists and dandies

in London’s streets and in the works of Wilde, Ibsen, Gissing, Stevenson, and the New Woman authors.° Social investigations, newspaper exposés, novels, and personal forays into the slums of Victorian London forced the middle classes to see the problems of urban industrial society and to hear the “bitter cry of outcast London.”’ Journalists such as W. T. Stead publicized a metropolis that embodied class, gender, and racial difference, social decay, and urban crisis. As Walkowitz has shown, Stead’s bifurcated image of urban women as either dangerous or endangered served to contain women’s newfound independence. After reading Stead’s exposés in the Pal] Mall Gazette, for example, one woman remembered that “parents became conscious that they had not realized how wicked the world was, and here were their daughters going into the danger zones with a new independence.”® Yet while parents were reading about “modern Babylon” in the daily papers, female readers also

encountered tales in the pages of fashion magazines and feminist journals of dauntless heroines who safely and fashionably traveled alone in the city. While in

110 CHAPTER FOUR | certain texts London seemed to devour daughters, other facets of the media presented young women as at home in and even in control of the city. This was not just an alternative vision—rather, the dangerous and glamorous cities were intersecting and building each other. Middle-class women played two roles in the glamorous metropolis. They acted the part of the voyeur who traveled in, gazed at, and wrote about the urban spectacle. They were also among the desirable objects on display in this marketplace. George Gissing presented both figures in several novels, but Nancy Lord, the heroine of In the Year of Jubilee (1894), best captured this duality. A resolutely modern girl, Nancy begged her old-fashioned father to allow her to celebrate the Queen’s Jubilee, to “go about” London’s “main streets—to see the people and the illuminations.” She rejected her father’s prohibitions and plunged herself into urban life, roaming the “imperial” West End, wandering London’s “highways” as they “reeked and roared in celebration of Jubilee.”’ After abandoning her companions, her “sense of freedom soon overcame anxieties.” Nancy thus participated in a festival of civic, national, imperial, and commodity culture. While walking London’s streets, she celebrated Victoria’s reign, England’s hegemonic imperial status, and her own independence. Gissing’s mixed feelings about the urban crowd, women’s independence, and the spectacle soon rose to the surface, nevertheless, with this characterization of Nancy as she wanders the streets alone: “Nancy forgot her identity, lost sight of herself as an individual. She did not think, and her emotions differed little from those of any shop-girl let loose. The ‘culture,’ to which she laid claim, evanesced in this atmosphere of exhalations. Could she have seen her face, its look of vulgar abandonment would have horrified her.”! George Gissing and Mary Krout both dramatized the ambiguous position of the single urban woman during a period when dozens of outposts had been built _ in the name of her pleasure, comfort, safety, and improvement. This chapter will consider how this female figure and her city materialized in the mid- and lateVictorian women’s press, especially in expensive “ladies’ papers” such as the Queen

and the Lady. These journals sought to normalize urban women’s position by keeping them from making spectacles of themselves. Magazines and the Lady Guide Association promised to chaperon women through a pleasant, organized, and enticing urban realm. After the turn of the century, mass-produced shopping guides and women’s pages in the large daily newspapers sold similar guidance at prices working- and lower-middle-class pleasure seekers could afford." Women’s magazines and the Lady Guides invented an “authentic” London of churches, royal palaces, and other features of what might be labeled the “historical” city.” They also asked readers and visitors to purchase a “modern” London of restaurants, clubs, theaters, and department stores.’ The historical and modern cities merged, however, into one compelling consumer-oriented experience. Tour-

ists and shoppers alike wandered through, looked at, and purchased London’s offerings. Yet while licensing female independence in the commercial city, these guides also managed the city and its inhabitants, rationalizing consumption and consumers. Magazines told ignorant and frightened female shoppers that by following prescribed routes, visiting the right places, and consuming the correct

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 111 goods they could remake themselves as skilled consumers. They could learn to avoid the ruses of wily merchants and the attentions of male pests, and travel effortlessly through a metropolis that catered to their every want. Reading, looking, and shopping converged in this metropolitan journey. Shopping was written as urban exploration and visual pleasure, as consuming goods and experiencing an ideal London.” Ladies’ magazines and Lady Guides rewrote women’s urban vision and the vision of urban women. They created the fléneuse, a female urban stroller who was at home in the city, who enjoyed walking in and writing about the urban crowd and the city’s shops. Her journey may be identified as one of “the new stories of the city” that, Judith Walkowitz has suggested, “competed, intersected with, appropriated, and revised the dominant imaginative mappings of London.”» This narrative stimulated consumption, encouraged an urban sensibility, and supported bourgeois political and social ascendancy while it rewrote women’s place in the social and cultural life of the metropolis.

THE Women’s Press AND CONSUMER CULTURE

Like the department store, women’s magazines were the product of and the showcase for the fruits of England’s industrializing and free-trade economy. They were also sites of cultural production, generating class, gender, and national identities while selling goods and fashionable lifestyles. In contrast to the department store, however, the women’s press was also a public forum in which concerns associated with consumerism and the tense social relations that accompanied modern urban life could find expression. In letters and editorials on shopping, kleptomania, and women’s debts, for example, a mild critique of consumption emerged alongside

its promotion. The women’s press was then a commodity and advertisement, a | venue for consumption and its criticism. Recent scholarship has stressed the crucial role women’s magazines played in constituting the female reader as a consumer."® Christopher Breward, for example, has written that the late- Victorian fashion press created and sustained an “intensified consumer literacy” among middle- and lower-middle-class women, acting as “detailed and comprehensive guide[s] to the range of fashionable goods available.”!” Journals did not treat consumption and femininity in precisely the same manner, however. The class level of the intended readership, for example, influenced editorial approaches to the topic of consumption. Women’s papers kindled the flames of consumer desire, but they did not do so all in the same manner or in a straightforward fashion. Products of multiple authors and readers, they generated contradictory images of women and consumer culture. Advertising, fashion plates, fiction, and editorials projected a range of femininities in addition to that of consumer, and even that identity had many faces.’* Whatever their differences from one another, however, magazines advanced the expansion of consumerism because they addressed the female reader as a consumer.” They all promised readers that buying and reading magazines could improve their “natural” femininity.

112 CHAPTER FOUR | Women readers were trained, then, to browse deftly through magazines, the shops, and the urban realm. In many ways, female periodicals grew from a set of circumstances similar to those which had given rise to the department store. Although journals that directly targeted the female reader appeared first in the eighteenth century, technological, economic, cultural, and social changes inspired a tremendous expansion of the genre during the second half of the nineteenth century. Scholars have esti-

mated that somewhere between 50 and 120 new women’s magazines were founded between 1880 and 1900.” As in newspaper and journal publishing generally, this growth was sparked by the removal of the advertisement and stamp duties in 1853 and 1855 and the taxes on paper and rags in 1860 and 1861. Compulsory education, the mechanization of paper making, type casting, and typesetting as well as the introduction of fast rotary presses and increased advertising revenue laid the foundation for a press that catered to the “millions.”” The Queen stood out as one of the success stories in this competitive world of female periodical publishing. Never the most widely read, it was the most prestigious of the women’s papers.” In September of 1861 Samuel Beeton founded the journal with Frederick Greenwood’s help as editor. Beeton and his wife, Isabella, had been extremely successful with their earlier publication, the Englishwoman’s

Domestic Magazine, a two-penny monthly that Cynthia White has labeled the “first ‘cheap’ magazine to be produced for women of the middle classes.”* With the EDM’s notes on cookery, fashion, and household management—many of which were written by Isabella—its serialized fiction, and “Practical Dress Instructor,” a forerunner of the paper dress pattern, its circulation peaked at about fifty thousand by 1860.” Flushed with his good fortune, Beeton launched the Queen, a sixpenny illustrated “class” weekly for ladies. Beeton announced in the prospectus that the magazine would be for “educated women what certain highclass journals are for men—recording and discussing from week to week whatever interests or amuses them.” It would therefore include “a large number of original

articles on the daily life of society ... on books, music and the theatre .. . [on] amusements which ladies most pursue, at home and abroad . . . and on /a mode.”»

Beeton believed that this mix of “news” and entertainment would appeal to a readership of comfortably well off middle- and upper-class “ladies.””° For all periodicals, however, there was always a gap between the intended audience and the actual readership. Price, layout, and content partly influenced a magazine’s market. It was also quite common for domestic servants and dressmakers to read hand-me-down issues. Quite a few men also read such journals. For example, Charles Cavers, an elite Bond Street dressmaker, recalled that in the early- twentieth century he read the fashion press, including the Lady and Vogue, to see what his buyers were reading and wearing.”’ Readers would obviously have approached these texts differently. If some picked up the Queen to read about the world they inhabited, others would have seen a utopian realm far removed from their everyday experiences. All readers, nonetheless, would have been influenced by the way in

which these texts presented consumption and femininity. At base, papers were directed at a female readership united by their supposedly natural inclination to

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 113 consume goods, so that despite the many ways in which class differences appeared , in these texts, gender was always fundamental and shaped by and through one’s relationship to goods. Like other ladies’ papers, the Queen glorified women’s role in the domestic sphere by cultivating an elite version of the Angel in the House. The first issue, for example, assured readers that “When we write for Women we write for Home.” Greenwood explained, “We shall offend very few when we say that women have neither heart nor head for abstract political speculation. . . . ‘Therefore our survey of foreign affairs, and of politics generally, will be recorded in a few notes.” That being said, the journal did report on public issues, including international, national, and feminist politics. The “Notes of the Week for Ladies,” for example, reminded “ladies” that although they were not and should not become members of Parliament, “that is no reason why they should not take an interest in its proceedings,” and applauded the attentive female spectators who frequented both houses of Parliament.” If its famous fashion plates and advertisements illustrated a corseted and crinolined female body, the Queen also followed this woman as she voyaged abroad, visited countless public amusements, and investigated the homes of Spitalfield’s silk weavers.*°

This mixture of domestic advice and public affairs did not initially prove profitable, however. Within a year, Beeton sold the magazine to Edward William Cox, a barrister who had already acquired more than a dozen “class” periodicals.*" Greenwood went on to found and edit the Pal] Mall Gazette, in which, before W. T. Stead took over as editor, he introduced the sensational exposés that became synonymous with the journal and the New Journalism.” After Greenwood’s departure, Cox chose “a lady” editor. Although her identity remained anonymous, as was the common practice, Helen Lowe filled the post from 1862 until 1894. The daughter of the dean of Exeter, Lowe had published poetry and two anonymous travel books that narrated the adventures of “Unprotected Females” in Scandinavia and Italy. After she came onboard, Lowe continued to write this genre in serialized form, beginning a series in 1862 entitled “An Unprotected Female’s Tour in Switzerland, or A Lady’s Walk across the Sheideck and Wengern Alps.”*® Probably due to Lowe’s influence, the image of the spunky female wanderer braving the elements was a regular feature of the journal. She spent more time traveling in the city, however, than she did abroad. A tradition of anonymity makes it difficult to identify all of the Queen’s authors, though those we do know about were among the top-ranking names in Victorian and Edwardian journalism. Edmund Yates, one of the pioneers of the new jour-

nalism, wrote as “the Lounger” for the [/ustrated Times, “the Flaneur” in the Morning Star, and “Mrs. Seaton” in the Queen.» As “Jack Easel,” Charles Locke Eastlake authored a series of twenty articles in the late sixties that were the basis of his immensely popular Hints on Household Taste in Furniture, Upholstery and Other Details. Mrs. M. E. Haweis, Dorothy Peel, Eliza Davis, and Mrs. Talbot Coke, and even Eliza Linton also contributed to the journal’s fortunes. These authors helped the magazine gain what Peel called “great prestige,” causing “Advertisers [to] humbly ask for space in the paper.”*

114 CHAPTER FOUR | The women’s press was not unlike the women’s clubs in that it served as a home of sorts for both progressive and conservative writers. Female authors were , not as well paid as male journalists, and few became editors in their own right, but especially after the 1880s the magazines provided a source of income for educated women at time when few other options existed. Peel, who described herself as a Tory in favor of women’s equality, eventually earned as much as eight

hundred pounds a year as editor of the journal’s household department.*” Her colleague, Mary Haweis, was deeply involved in progressive politics. Haweis was an active clubwoman, worked for the franchise and the advancement of women, _ and held a salon with her husband, the Reverend Haweis, in their Welbeck Street home.*® The women’s papers aided the expansion of this diverse but growing female professional class. These women in turn clearly stimulated the expansion

of the press.”” ,

The Queen's achievement excited others to launch similar periodicals during the latter part of the century. Thomas Gibson Bowles began the Lady in 1885, for “women of education,” with the assertion that it would “cover the whole field of womanly action.”” It included the same mixture of fashion advice, fiction, society gossip, household management, and female pastimes that the Queen had blended into a successful production. Bowles also added features on middle-class women’s work and hired “a barrister” to write the “Law for Ladies” column. Readers could glean investment advice from “Spare Money” and parliamentary news in “From the Ladies Gallery.” In 1886 the journal instituted a “Purchase Agency” that would shop for readers for a 5 percent commission.*' One could also buy and

sell old clothing through “The Lady Exchange and Sale Column” or find paid work through the journal’s “Employment Column.” In 1895 a new female editor, Rita Shell, transformed the journal from a “class” journal into a mass-market magazine. She increased the journal’s circulation in part by dropping “public” topics such as parliamentary and legal news and adding more features on cooking,

fashion, household management, and romance.” a During the same period, explicitly feminist periodicals such as the Englishwoman, edited by Ella Hepworth Dixon, also published news about women’s

work, politics, and consumption. Women’s pages in the daily press similarly | blended consumption and politics. ‘The “Woman’s World” column in the Sz. James

Gazette, for example, covered all of these subjects in just one day in 1893: children’s party dresses, children’s yoke styles, a charitable sale run by the Princess of Wales and the duchess of Teck, crystallized party decorations, announcement of — the 1894 Woman’s Suffrage calendar, the annual report of the Women’s Trade Union Association, and, finally, a recipe for German Chocolate Cake.* Politics were integrated into the everyday life of the middle-class woman, as the fight for the suffrage and search for a good chocolate cake recipe both belonged to the

“woman’s world.”“ |

Though progressive politics were advertised in such mainstream journals, many ,

women’s magazines presented women’s politics as naturally conservative, royalist, and imperialist. ‘These journals sought their own legitimacy and a wide readership, in part, by allying themselves with the monarchy and the empire. Female periodi-

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 115 cals even implied that improvements in middle-class women’s employment, education, political rights, and consumption aided the project of empire building.* In constructing an elite feminine “English” identity, for example, Bowles guaranteed that “The Lady will be essentially English. It will be written in the English tongue; and the subjects to be dealt with will be treated from an English point of

view, and with reference to the necessities of the English method of life, the English genius, and the English character, habits, and customs.”*° When the Gentlewoman was founded in 1890 its editor similarly declared that although it “knows no party politics . . . [it] is Royal, Loyal, and Constitutional.””” The Queen’s title and its cover emblem illustrating Windsor Castle also marked it as royal and loyal. At times, then, these magazines blatantly asserted that women’s public presence sustained English national traditions and imperial preeminence. These commodities, of course, also served as handmaidens to England’s economy and consumer culture. Despite their many differences, virtually all these magazines relied upon and aided the growth of the advertising and fashion industries, while their layout and content constituted readers as consumers.

“THE Best EXHIBITION IN TH1s MopERN BABYLON”

From its inception the Queen devoted a good deal of attention to London. In contrast to magazines directed toward a solidly middle- or lower-middle-class audience, the Queen spent relatively less time with “the minutiae of family relationships” than with the minutiae of the commercial metropolis.* In doing so, it addressed the reader as both a shopper and urban explorer whose territory was primarily, though not exclusively, the West End. In this text, shopping, traveling, and reading became “modern” activities that mapped class, gender, sexual, and national identities onto the spaces of Victorian London. In its first issues in the 1860s, the Queen represented the city through the eyes of the flaneur, an observer and stroller whose home was the streets and arcades of the European metropolis, who made a living “botanizing on the asphalt.”” As Raymond Williams and others have observed, the flaneur has most often been characterized as “a man walking, as if alone, in its [the modern city’s] streets.”*” By the 1860s, however, one could no longer assume that modern stroller and writer was masculine. While many an English flaneur ventured to the East End of London and represented it as an unknown territory, a dark continent, a place of study and reform, in the 1860s the Queen turned this rambler westward and changed his sex. As a sightseeing tourist, browsing shopper, and magazine reader, this flaneuse charted a spectacular West End of commercial pleasures. She consumed London through what Anne Friedberg has identified as a commodified, mobilized, and ephemeral gaze.”! Feminist scholars have debated whether and how women could achieve a real or imagined position as ffaneuse. Some have maintained that middle-class women’s exclusion from public space meant that the literature and painting of modern life represented a wholly masculine perspective. Griselda Pollock, for example, has

116 CHAPTER FOUR written that the flaneur symbolized “the privilege or freedom to move about the public arenas of the city observed but never interacting, consuming the sights through a controlling but rarely acknowledged gaze. The flaneur embodies the gaze of modernity which is both covetous and erotic.” Like Williams, Pollock saw this figure as “an exclusively masculine type.”” In Susan Buck-Morss’s reading

of Benjamin, the flaneur was also a masculine subject whose counterpart, the prostitute, was “the embodiment of objectivity, not subjectivity.” For these authors, modern urban relations were visual and sexual. Men gazed at women and women transformed themselves into objects to be looked at.** In this view, the fianeuse could not exist, not so much because she was literally barred from public | life, but because when she went public she became the prostitute, a commodity,

or object of the gaze. ,

Others, however, have shown that bourgeois women were “in public” and did actively construct a vision of modernity.” Moreover, their presence, as well as other economic, social, and cultural changes, destabilized the confident position of the faneur. As Walkowitz writes, the scale and nature of urbanization turned the territory of the flaneur into “an unstable construct.” The forces that welcomed the bourgeois woman into the city thus threatened her male counterpart. Of course, the flaneuse was hardly a stable subject. As Deborah Nord has shown, quite a few middle- and upper-class women—including Elizabeth Gaskell, Flora Tristan, Beatrice Potter Webb, Margaret Harkness, and Amy Levy—adopted the persona of writer and urban observer. Their work was constrained, Nord writes, by their inability “to make themselves invisible and ignored,” and by their consciousness of transgressing acceptable class and gender norms. Yet these authors placed a “female subject into a cultural and literary tradition that habitually relegate[d] her to the position of object, symbol, and marker.”’ When the flaneuse walked in and wrote about the Victorian streets, she stepped out of her proscribed

role into male territory. ,

We have already seen that the history of the ffaneuse was tied to the transformation of the commercial spaces of the metropolis. She appeared in the city’s shopping streets, its clubs, restaurants, and department stores.** In some respects, these

institutions and the ffaneuse produced each other and were the consequence of similar economic, social, and cultural forces. ‘The idea of the independent woman _ in the city emerged coterminous with, if not before, the department store, restaurant, or club. She took shape, for example, in Charlotte Bronté’s peripatetic Lucy Snowe, who mastered London by achieving a bird’s-eye view from the top of St. Paul’s and then “wandered wither chance might lead,” and “got into the heart of city life [and] saw and felt London at last.””’ Lucy’s gaze was controlling, pleasur- , able, and mobile. She alternated between transporting her body through urban space and moving her gaze while remaining physically stationary. Lucy Snowe thus possessed the city through both a panoptic and panoramic gaze. At the same time, women like Lucy also captured the attention of others. “Faces of Fortune,” a columnist in Henry Mayhew’s journal the Shops and Companies of London (1865),

was both disgusted and delighted by the hordes of “pretty women of London” who “go out and see what is being worn.” These women, however, in their “enrap-

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 117 tured gazing, push[ed] and jostle{d] the philosopher most rudely, so that deep meditation” became “almost impossible.” This faneur then regained his countenance, concentration, and masculinity through his voyeuristic objectification of Oxford Street shoppers, commenting that “you may see more pretty faces in one hour than you would meet in any other country in a six months’ voyage of discovery.”°! His voyeurism was thus in part a response to feeling “pushed” and “jostled”

by the female crowd that had invaded his terrain. | William Whiteley had a somewhat different reaction to this female crowd. If “Faces of Fortune” achieved his masculinity by gazing lustfully at female shoppers,

Whiteley did so by trying to take their, or at least their husband’s, money. In 1863, the same year that Baudelaire published his famous essay “The Painter of Modern Life,” the young Whiteley became a fléneur and roamed the streets of London in search of an appropriate location for his shop. Whiteley evidently settled upon Westbourne Grove after standing in the street one afternoon and counting a large number of prosperous female passersby.” Although he later claimed that he created this market, in some sense a market of wealthy women already wandered Bayswater’s streets in the early 1860s. Whiteley characterized public women as consumers, not as the sexual objects that journalists like “Faces of Fortune” so desired. Whiteley’s vision was nonetheless built upon notions of gender difference as he played the role of father/husband who protected and provided for these shoppers. He became the Universal Provider who built a home for urban women. William Whiteley, “Faces of Fortune,” and Charlotte Bronté treated the flaneuse differently, but each reveals the very ambiguous relationship that these urban types had to the modern city and bourgeois culture. Bronté’s heroine most resembled the classic flaneur. Her London adventure

came at a moment in which she was homeless and en route to France to find employment. Lucy Snowe was at home in the city precisely because, like the bohemian, she had no permanent place within bourgeois society.® She represents, then, the archetypal “ffaneur ... on the threshold, of the city as of the bourgeois

class.”°* While her gaze attempts mastery and control of the city, her walking suggests her “lack” of a place.” Although Lucy Snowe stood on the periphery of bourgeois life, a very different vision of the flaneuse originated in the mid-Victorian women’s magazine. The rest of this section will chart how the early issues of the Queen placed her at the center of the city and its bourgeois culture. From its first issues in the 1860s, the Queen fashioned its readers as urban spectators and ramblers. It published numerous articles, probably written by male journalists, on London’s shops, exhibitions, amusements, and streets. There were many ways the city could have been presented during this period, but the Queen most often described London as a great exhibition. This metaphor reflected the city’s social, economic, and cultural geography, but it also drew upon older traditions in which London was conceived as the world’s marketplace and the streets were seen as “democratic island[s].”° It also was a testament to the reflexive relationship between the Great Exhibition of 1851 and its 1862 sequel and the metropolis during these years.

118 CHAPTER FOUR During the 1860s, the Queen developed this metropolitan exhibition in many articles and editorials on London’s topography, history, and public amusements.” These pieces delineated and circulated the meaning of the metropolis as a site of display that was theoretically free for anyone who sought to walk its streets. In 1861, for example, a two-part essay exploring the architectural and social history of Regent Street presented a panoramic vision of this delightful “lounge” through which “every variety of the human species passes and repasses along its broad and fair expanse.”* The author of this series adopted the role of flaneur, explicitly expressing a “desire to lounge about the great thoroughfare in [an] aimless, wayward fashion. Glancing . . . at the triumphs of art and manufacture in the brightcoloured shop windows.”” ‘Two years later, the Queen again pictured this “roadway

of Vanity Fair” as the “epitome of the world ... [which was] better than any treatise on philosophy.” In Regent Street, we are told that “each shop is a study,” and again we hear that they represent, “the triumphs of art and manufacture.”” Not surprisingly, the 1862 International Exhibition garnered a great deal of the Queen’s attention. Numerous lengthy articles and detailed illustrations obsessively described the Exhibition halls’ design and even published statistics on the feet of pipes, gutters, girders, and railings. Although architectural circles saw the South Kensington structure as one of the ugliest buildings in London, the magazine

treated the exhibition spaces as a product of industrial genius, a symbol oftheage =» of improvement.” The author of an 1866 article, “Shop Windows,” published in the Queen simply regarded London’s shops and its exhibitions as interchangeable, asking, “After all, what are the Great Exhibitions but a sort of collective window display?”” This upper-class women’s magazine thus contributed to the development of what Tony Bennett had described as an “exhibitionary complex.”” In conceiving of the city as exhibition, the Queen viewed the West End as

remarkably similar to the urban sketches of George Augustus Sala and the authors , who published in Mayhew’s Shops and Companies of London. Such “male” sketches _

provided an important model that female journalists followed. It is important to investigate briefly the common tropes and strategies these authors used to describe shops and shopping in these sketches, some of the most commonly cited sources on commercial London. Mid-Victorian journalists like Sala often emphasized how the aggregate of London’s shop windows exhibited the products of a free — trade and of an imperial and industrial economy.” Although the aristocracy pa_ tronized these shops, many journalists believed that London’s emporiums, like the Great Exhibition, displayed bourgeois enterprise. Mayhew explained, for example, that his new journal was intended “not only [to] exalt work and manufacturing skill,” but to “uphold the dignity of Trade itself,” for English retailing was “the talk and marvel of Europe.”” In one typical essay, West End shopping streets _were said to be “bordered with gold, and bound on each side by glittering edges as rich as the jewels and precious ornaments fringing the costliest robe that ever a monarch wore.” They were “the best exhibitions in this modern Babylon of ours _...an endless source of pleasure ... [an] ever-changing kaleidoscope of fancy and amusement.”” Though described as jewels in a monarch’s robe, the shops

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 119 also had a democratic quality, since their windows could be freely enjoyed by anyone who chose to look. Another journalist similarly reported in the Lezsure Hour in 1865 that “the shops of London in the aggregate constitute a museum which puts all others to scorn, and exhibit of a thousand things of general interest which are not to be found in the index of the cyclopedia.””” Window shopping allowed one to read London as an encyclopedia, museum, or exhibition. It was not to be read as straightforward narrative, but as a “repository of knowledge.”” In any order, though, London’s shops represented capitalism and wealth. One oft-quoted author made this point by writing in 1864: “There are few people who have not been struck with the magnificence of the London shop-fronts. ‘They

form one of the most prominent indications of the grandeur and wealth of the metropolis.”” When writing about London’s commercial culture, male journalists conveyed both their excitement about urban change and their ambivalence about their place in the city. G. A. Sala and his fellow male journalists constructed their “masculine” identities through their admiration of English productive skill, by ogling female shoppers, and by delineating between female shopping and male lounging. In typical fashion, one author who wrote about London’s shops first had to tell his readers that he possessed a “horror of shopping. ... My instincts in a manner react against it; and the result is that I rarely enter a shop.” He dreaded “spending money over the counter,” though his “lady friends” seemed to “take to shopping naturally, and really seem to revel in it.”*” Both sexes might look into shop windows, but only women were thought to want to go inside and buy something. There were thus several spectators in such journalistic expeditions through the mid-Victorian West End. The ffaneur gathered useful information about human psychology, bourgeois productivity, and retailing skill, while the female shopper became a desirable object who was seduced through her own consumerist gaze. And yet, while the shopper was seduced by goods, the ffaneur had to protect himself from becoming overwhelmed by his desire for shoppers (fig. 9).®' The fianeur's opposition between rational and irrational, intellectual and sensual looking reflected the journalist’s equivocal attitude toward consumption and vigilant maintenance of gender difference while he walked with women in the West End. When wealthy women read such sketches they imagined themselves walking through the city, adopting the position of voyeur and thereby disrupting Victorian class and gender ideology. Nevertheless, their ramble also extolled bourgeois enterprise and maintained an image of women needing protection in the public realm. Indeed, female editors and journalists often placed themselves in the chaperon’s role, ensuring that they would help readers have a safe and pleasurable journey through a respectable city. Female journalists, like their male counterparts, also displayed ambivalence toward the city and other ramblers. The flaneuse assuaged such feelings, however, by distancing herself from other urbanites, especially prostitutes, male workers, irrational wanderers, and ignorant shoppers. If the prostitute was central to the flaneur's pleasure, the Queen assumed that streetwalkers inhibited the pleasure and freedom of the flaneuse. Articles and edi-

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_ torials repeatedly called for the removal of “vice” from the theater, pleasure gar_ dens, and other entertainments. Others directed readers toward safe and respect-

able areas of the city. In 1861 a column on public amusements, for example, = , observed that Cremorne Gardens were “now visited by ladies to whom the demimonde is quite unknown, and who indeed enter the pleasant grounds without © necessarily coming into contact with that improper hemisphere.”"” Another happily noted that “the stage has improved,” but still condemned some productions _ for “pandering to the lowest appetites of the lowest natures” and for “effacing the | line between vice and virtue.” These articles simultaneously wrote about public amusements as dangerous and welcoming for elite women. They acknowledged

the immoral trade that occurred in such settings but implied that reading the

Queen would help “respectable” urban women avoid impropriety. =

; _ Like male journalists, female authors often forged their autonomy in contrast |

_ to an ignorant or passive gaper. Among the journalists to do so was Lady Beatrice Violet Greville, who, in an 1880 essay “Shop-Windows,” exhorted the English public to take up “that delightful amusement which the French call fl@neur’:

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 121 In this busy and bustling city, where people seem. scarcely to allow themselves time to breathe, much less to pursue that delightful amusement which the French call flaneur |stc], ... few either care or dare to know its delights. Yet the

student of human nature who walks about intent on seeing everything must inevitably discover a rich mine of wealth and solve one or two quaint psychological problems.”

Greville took readers with her as she walked through London’s streets, looked in its shop windows, and contemplated the human behaviors that each window suggested, Like the writers of dozens of similar essays, she established an analogy between reading, walking, looking, and window shopping and turned author and reader each into a “student of human nature,” able to “see everything” and “solve one or two quaint psychological problems.” Reading shop windows while leisurely strolling through London afforded this faneuse—as author and implied reader— the pleasure derived from comprehending humanity. In “Shop-Windows,” Greville opposed her own rational speculative gaze to that of a female shopper in front of a draper’s window. In the middle of the essay, she condemns London’s “merchant princes” for seducing women by stuffing the windows of their “huge palaces” with “lace trifles, gaudy ribbons, satins, delicate frills and confections and head dresses” and other “articles that sparkle and dangle and shine and attract.” As she put it, the draper’s window sings out to its victims: “Come and be dressed. .. . Come and put off your own individuality and put on the livery of your master, the despot of civilization—Fashion.” Though the shopper’s gaze was quite unlike the author's detached contemplative looking, the narrator, as if to stop her own seduction, hastily moves on. Then, quoting Hazlitt, she claims to have been “a silent spectator of the mighty scene of things, not an object of attention or curiosity in it; taking a thoughtful, anxious interest in what is passing, not feeling the slightest inclination to make or meddle in it.”* “ShopWindows” thus presented two modes of looking, one thoughtful and the other irrational, with the latter being associated with femininity and the fashion system. In Greville’s essay, though, both of these lookers were female. A frequent contributor to the women’s press, Greville understood how hard it was for an urban woman to be “a silent spectator ... not an object of attention or curiosity” in London’s streets. In her memoirs she recalled her own discomfort while traveling alone through the West End. On these jaunts she remembered, “Men would often try to speak to one, but when they saw it was distasteful, generally gave it up.”*” This admission revealingly shows an ambivalent Greville acknowledging the threats to her freedom and proclaiming her own autonomy. As the author of “Shop-Windows,” Greville constructed that autonomous persona in opposition to the uneducated, irrational, passionate shopper. Yet when she literally roamed London’s streets, Greville could not avoid her own position as the object of a voyeuristic male gaze. She expressed, then, the dynamics of modern feminine identity as John Berger saw it; she is both the surveyor and the surveyed.” By the time authors like Greville wrote about shopping and the urban center in the 1880s and 1890s, the West End was not the same place that it had been

122 CHAPTER FOUR in the 1860s. New shopping centers such as Bayswater competed with older areas such as Regent and Bond Streets. Department stores, restaurants, clubs, and tea shops had joined smaller specialized shops and confectioners in the newer and older West End. A more complex and extensive system of public transport now brought a larger market of shoppers to the city; and, as Mary Krout had explained,

many had come from as far afield as North America. | ,

The fin de siécle West End and the women’s press became both more diverse and more devoted to consumerism. As the city and urban crowd were being remade, the women’s press was undergoing a similar transformation. By the mid1880s, the Queen relied so heavily on advertising revenue that, according to Margaret Beetham, advertisements filled virtually half of its pages.” At the same time that the papers sought new ways to advocate consumerism, they also hired greater numbers of women journalists. Ironically, female writers made their way into the public sphere by selling a utopian commodified view of both the public and private. spheres. Though, as Beetham explained, women’s journals constructed the “female body out of commodities,” they also represented that body as always on the

move in the city.” : “BALLADE OF AN OMNIBUS” |

In the 1880s, journals like the Queen still described London as an exhibition, but

they also presented it as a “real” feminine arena in which women wandered, worked, shopped, dined, and clubbed together. By and large, editors presumed that they were selling to a commuting, suburban, and provincial readership, basi-

cally the same women that William Whiteley and Frances Power Cobbe had hoped to serve. Since the expansion of the railway in the 1840s, W. H. Smith _ had instituted bookstalls in railway stations, making it his business to turn commuters into readers.”! Newspaper and periodical publishers had likewise changed the form and content of their product for rapid superficial reading consistent with a less domestic lifestyle. Shorter articles and numerous illustrations became the

hallmark of journals directéd toward this traveling public. The act of reading as well as the nature of the reading public and its literature had altered with transformations in the nature of travel. The interplay between new lifestyles and _ new literature was not unidirectional, however. Women’s magazines changed form _ to attract the attention of the commuting public, but they also attempted to turn

female readers into riders. | Oo Oo , Especially after the mid-1880s, magazines like the Queen and the Lady spent quite a bit of effort convincing women that they should ride London’s trains, omnibuses, and Underground. This involved persuading readers that riding such conveyances was safe and respectable, that it was comfortable and easy, and that it could be a pleasurable and even poetic experience. It also required a challenge to the class prejudices that associated mass transport with the masses. Indeed, when retailers spoke of wealthy and aristocratic customers as “carriage trade,” they _

were merely reiterating society's perception that there was a connection between _

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 123 class and conveyance. At the time that Dorothy Constance Peel started writing articles for Arnold Bennett’s Woman in the 1890s, she remembered that “nice girls” from the suburbs were now going “about by themselves” and becoming “independent by the help of the train,” but “grand ladies” still would have never ridden in an omnibus.” A lady’s sexuality and her respectability, so closely linked with her social status, were also intertwined with how she traveled. Though times were changing, this was still an age when Society ladies and young women who ventured to the top of a ’bus or traveled alone in a hansom cab were thought to

be “fast.”” |

Not only could she be considered “fast,” but a woman who rode public transportation was also in danger of making a spectacle of herself. ‘The Saturday Review, for example, continued its critique of the modern urban woman in 1881 with an article that lambasted female omnibus riders who were “going a-shopping” in the middle of the day. The author described these shoppers as “barbarians dressed in silk and sealskin” and as “the smiling cockatoo, all brown curls, fat cheeks, and velvet hat, who is going to buy things in Regent street.” Somewhat bewildered, this writer wondered, “Who are they, these women, where do they come from? Have they husbands? Are there men in love with them? What are they like in the domestic circle, seeing they are so ill-bred, so rude, so incapable of common respect in public?”” The writer assumes female ’bus riders are shoppers, is disgusted by his/her proximity to this crowd of strangers, and clearly is worried by an inability to judge their character or social position. Outside of the domestic circle and dressed in silk and sealskin, these women assumed an anonymous identity. Such a view of the traveling woman as both ridiculous and dangerous competed, however, with the common belief that she placed herself in danger.

Throughout the second half of the century, the railway and other forms of public transport stirred anxieties about social mixing and the fast pace and disorder of modern life. According to Ben Singer, the illustrated and comic press in the United States popularized a frenetic and frightening portrait of public transport as symbolic of the chaotic nature of the modern urban environment.” In England

as elsewhere, public transport was linked to the positive and negative sides of modernity. Trepidation about the changing nature of social relations and urbanization often focused on stories of assault and railway accidents. This was particularly true, according to Wolfgang Schivelbusch, after one brutal murder in a rail-

way compartment in the 1860s. The private compartments common to British trains meant that travelers could be quite isolated. Railway companies made halfhearted attempts to provide female-only carriages, since female passengers were thought to be particularly vulnerable. The Board of Trade launched several inves-

tigations in which it considered but failed to do much about the security of the solitary female traveler.” The ladies’ papers considered the question of female safety in some detail, but nearly universally concluded that commuting was safe and respectable. When “a TRAVELLER’ asked the Lady why English trains did not set aside “ladies only”

compartments, the journal answered that this experiment had been tried in the early eighties, but had failed because women seemingly preferred to travel with

124 CHAPTER FOUR . men.”’ An 1887 leading article further proclaimed that “the risk which a woman incurs while travelling alone in England is almost infinitesimal. ... At no period of our history has travelling been safer than it is now, and in no country perhaps is a woman more secure from insult.” The Queen dutifully reported assaults and robberies, but also asserted that “we conceive of the dangers of ladies travelling

alone have been greatly overrated..... There is no doubt that a woman is much safer from assault or violence in a railway carriage than when walking alone on the street.””? Moreover, the fashion press proposed that middle-class female trav-

elers could avoid becoming the endangered heroines of Victorian melodrama. Armed with a consumer-oriented urban knowledge gained by reading magazines, one could evade the dangers and the discomforts associated with urban existence. _

Women’s journals tended to characterize public transport as a service that one should judge on the basis of efficiency, price, and comfort. Basically, these , papers advocated that readers should make informed choices among a selection of possible products. Articles explored the pros and cons of London’s tramways and omnibuses and the suburban and Underground railway systems. One editorialist, for example, complained in 1893 that waiting for or riding on London’s suburban railways was a very uncomfortable experience.“ A few months later, _ though, the journal reported that “ladies travelling alone” would find that carriage design was improving, and soon they could ride in complete comfort and privacy.'"' The journals condemned companies for not catering to women and championed those which provided “smooth,” “well-lighted,” and “luxurious” services.!” The Lady's “transport news” paid particular attention to developments that aided suburbanites’ access to the West End. For example, it advised readers that a new omnibus route had opened between Baker Street Railway Station and Piccadilly Circus in 1888 and remarked that it would be “the greatest possible boon to the inhabitants of St. John’s Wood, South and West Hampstead, Brondesbury, etc.” But a few years later, it still found that there was not enough affordable and efficient railway access from the western suburbs to Oxford Circus, the heart of shopper’s London.™ Bourgeois women’s comfort was understood in more than just physical terms. Indeed, it had as much to do with being able to distance oneself from the lower classes as it did with plush or warm waiting rooms. ‘The women’s press often exhorted transport companies to take note that women’s pleasure and safety would increase if male working-class riders were better regulated. An editorialist in the Queen complained that overcrowded railway carriages compelled “ladies living in the country” to travel with “men in soiled garments, covered with clay or brick rubbish, or reeking with odours of stale fish.” This writer called upon transport companies to police the railway class system with vigilance so that respectable — women could ride to and from London with comfort. In other words, women’s comfort was understood as a kind of public privacy or distance from the smells and sights of working men. Their leisure or pleasure was premised upon a separation from the lower classes and the world of labor they inhabited. If women did not want to travel with working men, they were thought to enjoy looking at them, albeit from a safe distance. The ’bus in particular provided a

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 125 source of literary inspiration because of the way it allowed one to gaze upon humanity. Unlike the train, the omnibus moved riders slowly through the city streets, offering them a panoramic view of London’s buildings and people. For example, Helen Hamilton's essay “Concerning the Bus” used these “democratic vehicles” as a vehicle to describe human diversity.’ The pleasure these riders derived from looking at and writing about the urban populous was matched by the satisfaction they gained from being able to “explore London thoroughly.”"” The Lady, for example, published a series called “London Locomotion” in 1891 so that women might feel more comfortable in omnibuses and trams and on the Underground, and visitors could become more intrepid as

they sought out “the wonders and grandeur of the miles of buildings of London.” “London Locomotion” described the history of the public transport system and took readers on journeys through London’s “chief thoroughfares.”"” The author noted that not only was it now respectable for women to travel around London, viewing its sights from the top of a ‘bus, but by 1891 the “fair sex” had forced “the sterner sex. . . to take refuge inside!”'"” W. Pett Ridge similarly waxed eloquently about how London’s new “beautiful” electric cars were among the improvements that allowed the “Londoner” to become better “acquainted with London,” and even threatened to make him or her “patriotic,” that is, proud of his or

her capital." Amy Levy’s poem “Ballade of an Omnibus,” which she published as part of 4 London Plane-Tree (1889), is worth quoting in full because it brings together this sense that buses afforded their riders visual access to the city and its crowd. The poem begins with the quote, “To see my love suffices me” from Ballades in Blue China,

Andrew Lang’s poem that he published in the early 1880s, and then continues: Some men to carriages aspire; On some the costly hansoms wait; Some seek a fly, on job or hire; Some mount the trotting steed, elate, I envy not the rich and great, A wandering minstrel, poor and free, I am contented with my fate— An omnibus suffices me.

In winter days of rain and mire I find within a corner strait; The busmen know me and my lyre From Brompton to the Bull-and-Gate. When summer comes, I mount in state The topmost summit, whence I see Croesus look up, compassionate— An omnibus suffices me. I mark, troubled by desire, Lucullus’ phaeton and its freight The scene whereof I cannot tire,

126 CHAPTER FOUR | The human tale of love and hate, The city pageant, early and late

Unfolds itself, rolls by, to be A pleasure deep and delicate. An omnibus suffices me. Princess, your splendour you require, I, my simplicity; agree neither to rate lower nor higher. An omnibus suffices me.”

The omnibus sufficed Levy because, like the women’s club, it gave her access to her love, London. Watching and writing about the city pageant from this “democratic vehicle” afforded this wandering minstrel a deep and delicate pleasure.

The London Underground’s poster campaign launched in 1908 similarly turned riding through London into an artistic subject. Many posters such as “The Way for All,” “Always Warm and Bright,” and for “Business or Pleasure” closely linked public transport with the idea of visual pleasure and urban access.'* Londoners were asked to “travel into the heart of the shopping centres,” and were told that there were “stations everywhere throughout our pleasuredome.”'* The Underground crowd was colorful, heterogeneous, and respectable, and middleclass women’s comfort was depicted as a “milestone of progress.”’” One 1915 poster simply beckoned: “Look, Shop, Travel, Underground.” Female travelers in London’s pleasure dome and shopping center came to symbolize progress and modernity. These posters solidified the perception of London that women’s maga-

zines and other promotional material were developing. ,

One might wonder why such campaigns and upper-class women’s magazines spent so much time encouraging readers to patronize and enjoy public transportation. Female journalists and writers may have been, like Levy, using the bus and train as a vehicle to write about their sense of freedom in the city. But there might also have been commercial interests behind this attention. Though editors’ motives went unrecorded, their preoccupation with transport coincided with their increasingly tight relationship with the advertising industry. It was not strictly necessary for readers to travel to London to buy the commodities that the journals advertised, but the magazines implied that the best products and the greatest pleasure could be had only in the West End. By cultivating readers as riders, the

press encouraged a curiosity in a metropolitan lifestyle; this, in turn, necessitated | the purchase of more magazines and more commodities.

“MADAME'’S MorE COMPREHENSIVE FEMININE GLANCE”

At the same time that female periodicals urged readers to travel to the city, they also started publishing detailed and specific guides to the city’s shops, restaurants, clubs, and amusements. This development paralleled a shift we saw in the Bayswater Chronicle during this period. During the late-seventies and especially in the

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 127 eighties, the wanderings of the urban stroller turned into “advertorials,” or editorials that advertised specific places and products.’” In female periodicals, the advertorial author typically presented herself as a ffaneuse who possessed a discerning knowledge of goods, shops, streets, and neighborhoods. Readers were not asked to identify with this urban navigator but to need her services. There was an unstated implication that without the flaneuse, readers would wander the shops aimlessly, would lose themselves in the crowds, be consumed by commodities, and make a

spectacle of themselves. The hopeless shopper and the educated flaneuse thus strolled arm in arm in the late-Victorian fashion press. Though magazines vowed that readers could become the latter, they also warned against being the former. In the end, readers learned that the rational consumption and looking the flaneuse embodied were a form of urban knowledge that could be gained only through reading and buying women’s magazines. Throughout these years, the ladies’ papers published dozens of columns with names such as “A Day’s Shopping,” “Sketches from Oxford Street,” and “Shopping Expeditions.” These shopping narratives organized the city. They ordered and defined shoppers, shops, and streets, taking readers on a semiotic journey in

which they essentially read the metropolis. These shopping narratives had the elements of what Michel de Certeau has defined as a travel story: “stories of journeys and actions ... marked out by the ‘citation’ of the places that result from them or authorize them.”"* Rather than providing a map of the shopper’s metropolis, these shopping narratives were “tours” in which the narrator became a metropolitan guide whose knowledge was contrasted to the ignorance of a country

matron or helpless husband and, by implication, the reader. As de Certeau explained it, the map is a “totalizing stage” in which the narrator or producer has disappeared, while the tour follows the narrator as he or she makes sense or constructs places out of diverse spaces.'” Advertorials were always written as tours in which an educated guide/author wandered with an innocent rambler/reader. For example, the author of “Shopping in London,” published in the Lady in the summer of 1888, identified herself as an expert who had “pioneered many a country cousin through her shopping and sightseeing.” She promised the “hopelessly unpractical” ladies who “do not know much about London and have vague ideas with regard to its geography” that she would teach them to properly navigate the city, and thus become fashionable and modern. The essay began by satirizing a “Mrs. Greenwood,” who “comes up from the Manor House, Cloverleigh,” for “a nice long day’s shopping.” Mrs. Greenwood implored the author to join her because she claims to know nothing of the ways of the city. She demonstrates this by blathering on that she must visit her “lawyer in Lincoln’s Inn Fields, then to Whiteley’s and the Army and Navy Stores.” She wants a bonnet from “that nice shop next to Swan and Edgar's, and there’s one near Knightsbridge, . . . [and wants to] go to a shop somewhere near Cheapside and look at boys’ suits.” After which, “as everything in London is so close together,” she hoped to visit the Academy, the theater, make a call in Hampstead and another in Kensington. Mrs. Greenwood’s inability to map the city, to conceive proximity and distance, eventually leads to her complete loss of self-

128 CHAPTER FOUR control. The poor woman loses “her head in the first large drapery shop she enters” and falls “in love with a mantle most becoming to a tall, graceful, plausible shop-

girl, but utterly unsuited to adorn the stout, rather dumpy form of the Squire’s wife.” She becomes “hopeless to control, makes a dozen selections only to unmake

them a minute later, loses her idea of colors altogether, and if let alone would choose something striking in moss-green, relieved with draperies of prawn-pink and bead embroidery, which would give the natives something to talk of for years

if she wore it to church after her return.”!° |

After painting this pathetic picture of the unskilled consumer wandering through a disorienting metropolis, the author instructed readers how to avoid becoming Mrs. Greenwoods. They learn where and how to shop and are especially

warned against bringing one’s spouse shopping. Husbands, we are told, make “the confusion” of shopping “worse confounded”; the “masculine mind is too uncompromising, and apt to stigmatise as waste of time this gratuitous acquirement of knowledge.” While window shopping, “Monsieur only sees what is before him in the window,” but “Madame’s more comprehensive feminine glance has at once adapted the draperies and folds to her own requirements.” According to this author, a husband’s ignorance relegated his window shopping to mere staring, while “Madame’s more comprehensive feminine glance” turned draperies into dresses. For women, controlled consumption came from wandering London’s streets and studying its shop windows. “Many an idea,” the author recalled, “have I acquired by a leisurely stroll through some of the best shopping streets.” This solitary ramble did not separate women from their domestic lives. Rather, walking and shopping in the city enhanced the beauty of the domestic sphere. By gazing at Liberty's windows in Regent Street, for example, readers could obtain hints “of the very thing required to brighten up the drawing room.””' With her “com-

prehensive feminine glance,” Madame navigates the city to “brighten up” the : domestic realm.

This comprehensive glance contrasted to the vacant staring of the country cousin and the shopping husband. These two characters often appeared as foils to the professional urban navigator and rational consumer. An early issue of the Lady, for example, published an exposé entitled “Shopping Husbands,” describing these freaks of nature as “nervous amateurs” and “poor, confused, discomfited creature[s].” They shopped not because they liked the pursuit but because they

| were “selfish” individuals who treat their wives “as a child unfit to have the management of money.”’” It was simply seen as unnatural for a man to want to shop. “As a rule,” one journalist explained, “men shop to get only the things they want.

Even the effeminate masher-creature does not do quite as much of this as the ordinary woman, while the manly man does not do it at all.”’% The love of shopping served as a fundamental marker of gender difference. As one writer put it, “Shopping in London possesses an indescribable fascination” for all women from

rich “fair mondain” to “the country cousin.” | Skill, however, was another matter. One journalist bluntly explained, “There are several types of the genus shopper . . . those who know their own minds and those who do not.”’” All women might like shopping, but women’s magazines

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 129 would have gone out of business if all women believed they were good shoppers and essentially knew “their own minds.” Instead, they conceptualized shoppers through a series of binary oppositions—urban/rural, skilled/unskilled, rational/ irrational—that were common to Victorian culture. These were not fixed categories, however. One had to study to acquire the “comprehensive feminine glance,” and learn “what is worth seeing” from reading “the newspapers.”’” “Round the Shops,” a regular series published in the Housewife, began, “Ladies are popularly

supposed to be immensely fond of shopping ... but shopping is nothing but a misery to the person who has little time and money, and no knowledge of where to go for what she wants.” To help ignorant shoppers learn where to go and how to shop, one of the Housewife’s reporters described what “she ha[d] seen” on her

latest shopping trip.” Another “expert” maintained that she “obtained that knowledge very early in life,” before she ever had been to London, by “studying her Mother’s old map of London.” Now, when shopping in “different quarters of London, the old map rises up before me.” Her essays would then describe “Mother’s old map of London,” to her readers, since “a knowledge of London localities really is part of a polite education.” To become a good shopper then required education in urban geography as well as fashion sense. Such articles guiding shoppers to and through the city were especially common in the late 1880s, at almost the exact moment of the Ripper hysteria. These shopping guides seemed almost deliberately designed to combat the image of London emerging from the media frenzy surrounding these murders. Instead of the city appearing as an extremely dangerous place for women, it was portrayed as both a safe and satisfying arena for female adventure. For example, between 1888 and 1889, the Lady published a dozen “Shopping Expeditions,” which adopted an eyewitness mode of description and asked readers to follow the author into the city.’”” These trips took readers all over London, but Regent Street, Oxford Street, Bond Street, and Sloan Street were most often cited as the center of the shopper’s

metropolis. Occasionally suburban shopping districts, the City, and even the East End and South London were explored, but the southern part of the West End, the area of male clubland below Piccadilly, was never mentioned as a place to walk or shop. While these narratives clearly benefited West End shops, they also worked

against the idea of the department store. Rather than suggesting that women should buy everything under one roof, these expeditions implied that one needed to go to countless shops and walk all over the city to find the right goods. One adventure, for example, followed a shopping flaneuse through Piccadilly, Regent Street, and into Vere Street, where the author “had a peep at one of Marshall and Snelgrove’s side windows, and saw that it was one mass of the loveliest crimson silks and plushes.” She then walked north to Mmes Edmonds and Orr at 47 Wigmore Street because a friend asked her “to go and get some of their very special combination garments.” After which she took a quick trip “into Donegal House to inspect Mrs. Ernest Hart's wonderful development of Irish industries” and “Messrs. Debenham and Freebody’s ‘Oriental Shop’ . . . and marvelled much

at the lovely things there displayed for presents.” Finally, she “called at Mr.

130 , CHAPTER FOUR Helbronner’s, 300 Oxford Street, to have a peep at the lovely alter frontal he has just completed for St. James Church, near Worcester.” This trip, like so many

others, implied that shopping was an individual act of urban navigation, of perceiving the sights and mastering the streets of the city. These fictional shoppers explored an intensely feminine, commodity-filled urban marketplace that was well stocked with quality goods at fair prices.’** They rarely encountered pushy crowds, unpleasant strangers, or nasty shopkeepers. — They were never tired and never had sore feet. “Shopping Expedition LX,” for example, published in the Lady just before Christmas in 1888, followed a Victo- — __ rian matron throughout the West End in search of appropriate presents for her friends and relations. She began her Christmas shopping in New Bond Street, © then went on to Berkeley Square, Bruton Street, Regent Street, and finally ended her expedition at Debenham and Freebody’s in Wigmore Street. She bought and admired sweetmeats, bonnets, hats, cakes, cherries, silks, toys, fans, handkerchief sachets, curtains, cocoa, a tennis racket, and a tea cozy. These shopping expeditions reworked older urban representations and clichés. Phrases such as “ ‘Sir,’ said Dr. Johnson, ‘let us take a walk down Fleet Street’ ” and “ ‘Madam,’ say I, to my frivolous contemporary, ‘let us take a walk down Sloan Street,’ ” were extraordinarily common.'” The author of “A Day’s Shopping” in

the feminist journal the Eng/ishwoman similarly wrote, “I am never tired of prais- , ing London. Does it not contain the concentrated essence of all good things — ... the best books, pictures, music, plays, lawyers, doctors, preaching, speaking, singing, teaching. .. . And are not our shops the best in all the world?” The beauty and diversity of London’s shops, she wrote, served as a reminder “that London,

beloved London is the market of the world.” ,

Instead of looking backward to famous eighteenth-century ramblers like James Boswell and Dr. Johnson, other narratives relied upon the metaphors of imperial | exploration, social reform, and urban ethnography, which were becoming popular

means to map late-Victorian London.’* For example, one shopping trip took a ! respectable bourgeois matron into the netherworld of the shops near Moorgate _ Station. This intrepid shopper recalled, “I thought I must have descended to the lowest depths of Philistinism. ‘Where will she want me to go next?’ I mentally ask; ‘to Curtain Road, or Barbican, or Mile End, or some of the places where people go about slumming.’ ”!° When writers implied that areas such as Finsbury _ Pavement were only for the adventurous, the West End appeared all the more respectable, safe, and elite. Though these texts took readers slumming, they reinforced the difference between the wealthy West End and London’s poorer regions. —

The women’s press frequently satirized the discourse and practices of social reformers. “Saturday Night in a West End Suburb,” for example, caricatured the

narratives of urban exploration: : The Eastern Part of London has been searched for local colour, and the realistic life of the “other half” as carefully as if the scenes were laid out a thousand miles from civilization. The Rembrandt-like effects of light and shade, of colour and costume, belonging to this strange lower London, so foreign and so picturesque,

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 131 have been minutely chronicled. We may expect soon to hear of personally conducted exploration tours to that other world, fenced off from the West-End by miles of thickly inhabited houses.

This city was simultaneously figured as a dark, uncivilized continent, a piece of art, a stage, and a tourist sight. We are told that from the top of a "bus King’s Road offered a spectacle thought to exist only in London’s eastern half: “There is no need to tread the Deserted City streets to find local colour. ... The West End can show scenes as exuberant in ruddy colour as the East.” Because of the distance and perspective which the ‘bus afforded, this ethnographer claimed to be far removed from the “jostling crowd of working-class women in rusty black, some carrying baskets, some string bags, and other armfuls of vegetables, obtained after

much chaffering.”’° The ’bus offered a perspective to the female viewer that turned a working-class marketplace into an exotic spectacle. As consumers, then, middle-class women occupied the voyeuristic position of the “English” masculine urban traveler. ‘They went on “expeditions” in search of “local colour,” “hunted” for bargains, and successfully completed “hard shopping campaigns.” Most women, one article noted, enjoyed shopping in part because of the “love of the chase . . . and the element of chance.”'’ This language drew upon those activities which defined upper-class masculine subjectivity: warfare, travel, exploration, hunting, and even gambling. Shopping, like these activities, constructed class and racial as well as gender differences. Shopping narratives also created and reflected the social divisions that crisscrossed British society. Rather than presenting the city as divided along a straightforward east-west axis, these shopping expeditions implied that each street and shop could subtly signify social position. “Sloan Street,” we are told, was for “the average middle-class woman who has a fair amount of money to spend, who lives in one of the smarter suburbs easily accessible, let us say, from Victoria, and who likes to have what is stylish and chic.”’’ Dover Street, however, that “smart Petti-

coat Lane of the West End,” was “the first great shopping rendezvous of the season.” It was home to elite dressmakers, luxurious women’s clubs, and shoppers as “intent upon seeing as being seen.” The congregation of “Society” and “crowds

of fair femininity ... gliding alone in motors and carriages” was simply “not a sight to be missed.”'’ Reading about shopping and this elite crowd no doubt stoked the anxieties of social climbers who were unfamiliar with the ways of Soci-

ety. Here again, though, journals calmed uncertainty by bringing guidance to parvenus. At times journalists made this argument explicitly: “In these days of nouvelles riches such [fashion] information is doubly valuable because the lucky women who have suddenly come into money are chary of confessing their ignorance—and nowhere is the information safer than at Jay’s.”!”° The point, of course, was that the distinctions between appropriate and inappropriate behaviors and commodities were extraordinarily subtle and changeable. This was especially true with regard to newer institutions and amusements such as restaurants. In addition to articles on shopping expeditions, journals like the Lady published guides to establishments that would cater to “ladies” as well as

132 CHAPTER FOUR men. These articles were something like the modern restaurant review in that they described the food, decor, and services that each establishment provided; — but they also commented on the respectability of each dining room. In 1888 the series “Where to Lunch When Shopping,” recommended restaurants and promoted the very idea of having “lunch out.” Its editor explained: “In the general advance of everything connected with the convenience and comfort of ladies visiting or residing in London, the most important item in a day’s shopping—luncheon—has not been forgotten.” The Lady's readers would have no doubt which places they might patronize “without a thought of being considered ‘fast.’ ”’ The next year, “The Lady at Dinner” admired the drama of restaurants that, in contrast to the home, presented a spectacle of “light, life, colour and an endless change of

scene and costume.” 7

Magazines thus bestowed the West End with its identity as a shopping and entertainment center and a tourist sight. Though women’s magazines appro- _ priated many modes of urban representation, portraying the city as labyrinth, tourist site, encyclopedia, or exhibition, each strategy implied that shopping gave one visual access and mastery of the urban scene. At the same time, magazines also stimulated new consumer-oriented anxieties. They instructed readers to travel perhaps far from home to be fashionable and modern, and told them that there were myriad, subtle, yet important differences between shops, streets, and neighborhoods, and that these distinctions might shift with the season and even the time of day. Missing appropriate cues could lead to a badly fitted dress or it could result in being mistaken as “fast” or even “fallen.” The modern woman purchased more and more magazines so that she might chaperon herself through

the late-Victorian city. Between the late 1880s and the early years of the new century, she could also hire a Lady Guide to take her to the fashionable and respectable West End. If she really knew her city, however, she might even find

work as an urban guide. } Tue Lapy Guipes’ LONDON , In December of 1888 a meeting was held at the Royal Society of British Artists to discuss a new scheme for middle-class female employment.'* This gathering launched the Lady Guide Association, an organization dedicated to refashioning |

public life in late-Victorian London. The group’s stated goal was to hire un- | employed but well-born women as travel agents, tour guides, chaperons, and professional shoppers. These “ladies” would then “guide” visitors on sightseeing _ and shopping trips through London. The Association’s offices would also serve as a meeting or resting place, a club of sorts, for these ramblers during their hectic day in town. This organization of bourgeois women thus hoped to transform England’s capital city into a comfortable, intelligible, profitable, and pleasur-

able arena for themselves and for others. This organization facilitated and em- | bodied the transformation of the late-Victorian metropolis into a tourist site

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 133 and shopping center, an arena for female work and leisure, and a symbol of liberal achievement. Indeed, the Lady Guides participated in a heated debate about women’s place in the commercial city. Their history reflects two tangled—even clashing—visions

of urban women that we have seen emerging during the later part of the nineteenth century. At the same time there was a growing acceptance that bourgeois women could and should occupy the public streets and spaces of the metropolis, there was also a heightened sense of the dangers they faced when doing so. In one respect, the LGA was one of the many responses to the intense anxiety that characterized urban gender relations during these years. Although the connection was never made explicit, it is perhaps no coincidence that the Guides were formed only weeks after Jack the Ripper claimed his last victim. If the media representation of the Ripper murders cast the city as a dangerous place for women, the LGA and the shopping expeditions described above challenged this narrative by presenting London as a respectable, consumer-oriented pleasure center. Instead of attacking the source of crime, the Lady Guides challenged the image of the city as criminal. They portrayed urban women as neither dangerous nor endangered, but rather as respectable consumers. The LGA imagined no great divide between consumer and producer, however. They argued that the modern urban woman was also a worker whose job was to map the spaces and meanings of the metropolis. Their attitude toward the city was less a product of any feminist or socialist politics than an outgrowth of a liberal, commercial, and imperial sensibility. Of course, as Antoinette Burton has recently suggested, such positions were by no means mutually exclusive. The Association promoted itself by holding public lectures and by publishing booklets and their journal, Progress: The Organ of the Lady Guide Association. Brief supportive editorials also appeared in magazines such as the Lady and the Queen,

in mainstream newspapers, and in guidebooks. In each of these locations, the LGA argued that it would benefit unemployed middle-class women, London’s pleasure seekers, and the city itself. Although there is quite a bit of difference between journalistic urban guides and real Lady Guides, this organization's history brings to light some of the underlying tensions, motivations, and themes that appeared in the periodical press. One of the most compelling of which was that the Lady Guides’ founder argued that a properly navigated London would help women become rational consumers and would teach foreigners, Americans, Europeans, and colonial subjects to feel England’s cultural, economic, and political superiority. [his nationalistic argument had been and continued to be present in the ladies’ papers; the LGA used this argument, however, to justify its existence. When lecturing to an audience of potential supporters, the LGA’s founder and president, Miss Edith Davis, repeatedly emphasized London’s symbolic potential, describing it as “the chief representative” of England and the “pride” of its “countrymen.” She believed that London could serve as exhibition of Englishness and English national superiority. When foreigners visit London, she maintained, they feel “a sense of security, [and]... knowledge that they are in the midst of a nation avowedly the most liberal, free, honest and hospitable.” She further asserted that

134 CHAPTER FOUR “the wide-spread fame of the great Metropolis as a city of wonders has filled the © heart of strangers with a longing to see and know, to feel themselves at home,” and to understand “the glories under the rule and guardianship of the greatest Sovereign in the world.” The “city of wonders” conveyed what Davis believed were core facets of Englishness: monarchy, liberty, and hospitality. —

Yet Davis admitted that this reading of the city was not an obvious one. In order to justify a need for the Guides she had to acknowledge that London was

difficult to navigate and that its pleasures were not self-evident. Its size, complex- , | ity, and diversity, she suggested, often led to unrewarding and expensive visits. However, with a Guide’s aid, strangers would “avoid the loss of time and money which occurs through not knowing the right omnibus, the right train, the correct cab fare, and the difference of prices in shopping in Bond Street, Westbourne Grove, or the City, and so on.” They would also “be introduced to all the buildings, sights, picture galleries, entertainments (instructive and social), shops, &c.”!° Davis was arguing that if shopping and sightseeing were conducted efficiently, foreigners would understand that they were in the world’s most “liberal” and “honest” nation. She also implied that showing strangers that London’s commercial

culture signified English national superiority was women’s work. While many argued that tourists and shoppers were frivolous and aimless creatures, Davis proposed that these consumers gained important political lessons during their urban rambles. ‘This was an easy argument to make, since during the previous year advertisers, entrepreneurs, and government officials had turned London’s streets into an exhibition of English imperial and commercial culture. The Queen’s Jubilee celebration in 1887 had been a key moment in which commodity culture and imperial identity had merged.’ Davis did not merely see London as a context for imperial display; she implied that its streets, shops, and

historical sights were the very fabric of such spectacles. BS If Davis recognized that strangers needed to be properly guided to see this | spectacular city, she also felt they required a place where they could gratify their private needs. She spoke of the Association’s Regent Street office, for example, as “a place of welcome to our foreign country sisters and brothers, their introduction, the passport to their freedom, the open sesame to their enjoyment.”"” Despite such hyperbole, the offices included not much more than a money exchange, a safe for clients’ valuables, a lavatory, a small restaurant, and various reading and writing rooms.'” The Queen reiterated Davis’s views, calling these offices “a centre in the metropolis where all strangers and visitors shall call upon their arrival, make known their wants, ask advice, receive information upon any and every point, [and] find comfortable reception rooms where they can receive friends, tradespeo-

ple, and others.”° The offices were thus central to the Association’s vision of hospitality. It was not enough to guide visitors to London’s comforts; one had to

provide middle-class clients with a home away from home. The LGA offices were part of the tremendous expansion of urban amenities that (as we saw in chapter 3) remade the late-Victorian West End. Along with , various types of eateries, women’s clubs, and shops, travel agencies such as Ameri-

can Express and the Great Eastern Railway Company’s American Rendezvous

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 135 began to sell urban guidance and domestic comforts to an increasingly mobile and

even foreign bourgeoisie.’ The LGA’s offices were virtually indistinguishable from those of American Express or the American Rendezvous, but their exclusive use of female guides was a significant departure from the practices of their competitors. Some of the services the Guides performed were not available at American Express. Lady Guides were hired as temporary housekeepers, chaperons, and hostesses.

Davis emphasized that because they were “ladies by birth and education,” her employees could act in any capacity where the “manners of a /ady” were required. She noted, for example, that one of her Guides had recently helped “a young lady” entertain guests after a dinner party by providing “a little music” and “pleasant manners.” The Queen recommended that a suburban mother might hire a Lady Guide to watch her children so she might “enjoy a day’s shopping and revel in the sales undisturbed by thoughts of her babies.”’”’ If she were unable to “revel in the sales,” a Guide could do her shopping for her. Its shopping department was even staffed by, as one brochure explained, a Guide that had been “Certificated for Shopping.”’** In addition to asking for domestic help and urban guidance, then, one could hire a well-born but highly trained lady with fashion sense. While other forces were telling women that shopping was a leisure activity, the Lady Guides defined it as women’s work. This idea had been developing at least since the 1870s, when both fashion and feminist journals began to publish letters from women who either wanted to become or to hire a London commission agent. In one such letter a reader of the feminist paper the Woman’s Gazette wrote, “I often wished I knew someone in London to whom I could write and ask to execute my orders,” since relatives and friends frequently “complain[ed] of the time that is taken up by executing such requests from country cousins.” Of course, one could write directly to the shops, but this woman explained that “ladies in the country do not always know what are the best shops for their purpose.” A similar letter

from “A Londoner” bemoaned, “Everyone who lives in London knows what a nuisance it is to be continually bothered by one’s friends and relations in the country to execute commissions for them.”'* Other letters also documented the woes of unemployed women and of annoyed Londoners and their country cousins.’ Each resented the way in which an informal women’s culture had become central to the nation’s distribution system. These writers all recognized shopping as work for which one should be financially compensated. The LGA shared this conviction, hoping to professionalize what was more typically perceived as a female duty or pleasure. The Guides focused on teaching bourgeois women the skills needed for professional employment in England’s growing service sector. Davis made it perfectly clear from the outset that she would hire any well-born woman, whether married, single, or widowed, if she were properly educated and passed an examination in her particular area of expertise.’ To those critics of middle-class female employ-

ment, she responded that guiding gave ladies “fair remuneration for fair work without usurping man’s prerogative.”” The Graphic likewise defended the Guides against critics who scoffed at “the idea of women guiding men! As if they were

136 CHAPTER FOUR not doing so in thousands of cases, every hour of every day!” Ironically, while it seemed acceptable that women could guide women and mixed parties all over the metropolis, Davis assured skeptics that she “allows no woman to occupy the place more fitted for a man. Thus, its Departments of Money Exchange, House Agency, accountant, and so forth have gentlemen for their direction.”*' While Davis felt women could and should have careers, she was not overturning all gender hierarchies. She did not offer her female employees the higher paid, more professional, and presumably higher status positions in the organization. A fictional tale, “The Ladies Guide’s Valentine,” illustrated the nature of male resistance and attraction to this new type of woman worker. It also points to the way in which female guides derived their legitimacy from being contrasted with ignorant male and female visitors. Published in the February 1891 issue of the Lady, the story begins when a brother and sister, Hartley and Henrietta Grainger, have realized that although they have traveled to London together, they do not wish to visit the same city. Henrietta yearns to go “sightseeing” and Hartley wants to attend a series of scientific lectures. On the verge of tears, Henrietta finds she must “smother her girl-like longings ‘for a good time’ ” after her brother tells her “in somewhat melancholy tones, “I would not disappoint you for the world, but you might just as well ask your spaniel to conduct you over London. I am quite hopeless in these matters. I don’t even remember where the Royal Academy is— somewhere in Kensington I suppose.’ ”’” Henrietta responds to this admission of

ignorance by asking if she might hire a Guide to help with their visit. Hartley agrees to accompany his sister and the Guide anywhere except to the very heart of commercial London, the “waxwork shows and—the milliner’s.”?®

When Hartley finds that his sister has hired a Lady Guide, he cries out that such a figure must be “Monstrous!” and asks, “Who would wish to place a lady in such a position?” The Lady Guide, Miss Morrison, “sweetly” responds, “We cannot choose our work. ... When a woman is left unprovided for, she has to do that for which she is best fitted.”"* Hartley's scientific bent persuades him to accept this Darwinian explanation of the rise of a new subspecies of female and agree to be guided by a woman. For several weeks, Dorthea Morrison guides the Grainger siblings through London, and because of her Cambridge degree and the fact that she is the niece of a famous professor, even introduces Hartley to London’s scientific community. The story thus constructs London as a sphere for female autonomy and independence while maintaining a clear sense of gender difference. The narrative initially sets up an opposition between a male London of science and rationality and a female London of consumption and, presumably, irrationality. Dorthea’s scientific understanding undercuts this dichotomy; yet, by the end of the story gender difference reasserts itself in the form of heterosexual pleasure as Hartley

and Dorthea fall in love. With the marriage that is assumed to conclude the story, we find that Dorthea’s work and her sweet character have returned her to her proper class and her proper sphere. Although the tale is clearly intended to promote the LGA and its version of the New Woman worker, it also implied that such work was a temporary means by which appropriate class and gender

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 137 norms might be preserved. Nonetheless, the story challenged bourgeois gender ideology by showing a respectable solitary woman working in the public spaces of the metropolis. As this tale suggests, many observers assumed that although families went on trips together, they would not want to see or do the same things while away from home. One article amusingly noted that men are simply terrible guides, for “even when they are ‘on duty’ husbands have been known to express impatience if they are kept waiting outside or inside of shops, while brothers have a bad reputation for shirking their fraternal duties, reserving their attentions for other fellow’s sisters.” Female Guides, however, would “never grumble . . . even assist and encourage that delightfully long shopping, that delicious lingering over bargains, that hesitation between competitive shapes and colors, which so beautifully fill up women’s thoughts when let loose in the happy hunting-grounds of Oxford Street, Regent Street and Piccadilly." The Guides thus capitalized upon commonly held beliefs about gender and consumption. For most Victorians urban shopping, whether defined as work or leisure, belonged to the world of women. Its terrain, the “happy hunting-grounds of Oxford Street, Regent Street and Piccadilly,” was not, however, an exclusively female or bourgeois world, and therefore could never be assumed to be an entirely safe or respectable place. As we have seen, many areas of the West End contained both savory and unsavory characters and transactions. Even the most elite and aristocratic enterprises involved unregulated liaisons between buyers and sellers. Arthur Munby, notorious for his interest in Victorian working women, was fascinated by the mixture of respectable and unrespectable behavior in West End shops. He enjoyed flirting with shop girls, who he believed were also part-time prostitutes. In his notebooks, for example, he recalled being followed in Regent Street “by two shabby furtive looking girls, and importuned in the usual manner,” but then he excitedly discovered that “they were not prostitutes—oh no! They were work girls, working at Mitchell’s the artificial florist in Oxford Street: and when work is slack they turn out onto the streets for a living. Now Mitchell’s is the fashionable shop where I went, with Ned Anderson ... & Fanny Meredith and other bridesmaids, to buy wreaths and veils for Ned’s Wedding.” This image of working women as selling more than flowers delighted male strollers like Munby while making all women vulnerable to male harassment and charges of solicitation when they walked West End shopping streets.'® Although some observers worried that the Lady Guides would suffer indignities while wandering through London, others welcomed them because they could make the city respectable. The Spectator, for example, admired the Guides because they could “meet single and unprotected young ladies at the stations, and deposit them in safe, clean, and respectable lodgings.”'* The Daily Telegraph explicitly commented that ladies who know “several foreign languages and have the topography and curiosities of London at their fingers’ ends” will protect “ignorant and inquisitive strangers” from “the harpies who walk by day or the adventurers who prowl at night.” She will lead clients “to fair-dealing merchants, and warn them off from the haunts of rogues. If we think of restaurants alone, there are places in

138 CHAPTER FOUR the centre of London associated in minds of men about town with scenes of _ midnight dissipation. No honest man would like to see a lady enter such places, yet a stranger in London visiting them by daylight might not detect their objec-

tionable character.”!” | , — | The Lady Guides were thus understood as masters of the subtle distinctions _

between the respectable and unrespectable, the fashionable and unfashionable West End of the 1880s and 1890s. Profiting from the complexities of fin de siécle urban life, they became detectives able to read the “contested terrain” of the lateVictorian street.’ The class and gender tensions that plagued the late- Victorian metropolis ironically opened a space for the LGA. Rather than reforming the behavior of urban men, they suggested that guidance and knowledge allowed women to maintain their respectability and avoid harassment. Instead of confronting the cultural, social, or economic conditions that made women vulnerable on city streets, the organization treated sexual harassment as a personal, indeed an

intellectual question. ,

The Guides were not only a solution to these problems. Their existence also reflected the new belief that bourgeois women’s independence in city streets was a welcome sign of modernity. During the 1880s, many commentators noted how the time-honored institution of the chaperon was a bit old-fashioned.’ Margaret Fletcher, for example, remembered that it was during these years that “escorts were beginning to be thought unnecessary.” Girls could, as she put it, “companion one another.”'” An 1882 article entitled “Walking Alone,” published in the Queen,

remarked that “although a generation ago it was not considered proper ... for young ladies of good style and repute to walk the streets of London ... at the present day a chaperon is the last thing desired of the modern girl, who loves liberty more than safety.” According to this journalist, the modern girl relied on “her own courage and cleverness ... to carry her out of dangers and difficulties of which her mother, when her age, was not supposed to know even existed.” The

modern girl was thus cognizant of the dangers that awaited her, but pretended, according to this author, to be “unconcerned” on “her lonely walks through the crowded West-end streets.”'”? A view was developing that knowledge, confidence, and expertise could make the city a safe and pleasurable place for “modern” middle-class women and girls. ‘This conviction, coupled with the lack of consensus on the chaperon issue, garnered support for the Guides. They could be accepted as modern chaperons perfectly suited for guiding modern girls. The Daily Telegraph told readers, for example, that “many a father anxious to allow his daughter freedom, but too old to follow them about and not liking to let them go alone, will welcome an active and judicious Lady Guide as the very thing long wanted.”!” If the last decade of the nineteenth century gave birth to new ideas and reactions to women’s independence, it also was a moment when a great many strangers— especially Americans—were coming to and shopping in London.'” As early as the 1880s, American women were an acknowledged aspect of the West End consumer scene. In 1884 the Standard, for example, noted: “It is often remarked by our Transatlantic cousins that they can come to Europe to travel, enjoy good things and buy presents, for the same money that it would cost them to stay quietly at

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 139 home.”’”? Because England was a bargain for Americans, English retailers had come to believe that, as one trade journal commented, the American woman possessed a “national love of shopping.”!””

The Lady Guides served modern girls, American tourists, and female shoppers.'”* Many a “satisfied customer” pointed out that the Guides allowed them to see more of London than if they had only read their Baedeker. An American, for example, wrote, “Ihe LG you furnished me with . . . has enabled me to see many more places and objects of interest in the four days, than I could have seen in

twice the time with the aid of Guide Books Only.”’” A Mr. T. L. Chadwick explained that “both my wife and I are much obliged to you and the Lady Guide for the care and attention to my daughter.” The countess of Aberdeen’s children evidently “enjoyed their expedition to the Tower extremely,” and a Pennsylvanian asserted that the Association “appeals to all travelled and un-travelled people alike.” Such apparently vocal support led one journalist for the Queen to comment in 1894 that “the lady guide has come to stay.”"” Nevertheless, the Lady Guides disappeared by 1902.'* A correspondent for the Englishwoman believed that despite the association’s value,

the public seems to prefer to lionise itself when it comes to London: to do its own shopping, to take its own tickets for concerts and theatres, to engage its own houses, rooms at hotels, or apartments, to meet itself at the railway stations. . . .

Our country cousins will go to the wrong shops in blissful ignorance. . .. American cousins will rush unguided through England, missing the best things to be seen. .. . Our cousins German, as well as other foreigners, will murder our language, and get cheated for their pains.’*

Although this journalist blamed the Guides’ failure on consumers, it is not at all clear what led to their demise. The market of visitors seeking guidance certainly did not decrease. Davis may have lost interest in or could not raise enough capital to sustain the organization. Her staff may have accepted more stable, higher paying employment, which was increasingly available after the turn of the century. The likely explanation is that the business failed precisely because the services they had provided became so accepted and accessible. Guidebooks, businesses such as American Express, and even professional shoppers remained ever present features of urban commercial culture into the 1920s and 1930s and beyond.’ The LGA’s importance, however, was not its successes or failures, but rather how it fit within the economic, cultural, and social transformations taking place in the late-Victorian metropolis. The growth of commercial culture and more diverse public identities for middle-class women meant that cities such as London became attractions. [he LGA helped produce this attraction by constructing safe havens and exciting sights for shoppers and tourists. In doing so, they transformed both London and notions of proper gender roles. As modern consumer cultures colonized and reconfigured metropolitan landscapes across Europe and America, women were most frequently understood as passive consumers or objects of exchange. The Guides certainly constructed their female clients as shoppers. However, they did not see this identity as passive or women as objects necessarily

140 CHAPTER FOUR consumed by male urban strollers. The Lady Guides argued that a commodified, indeed feminized, London symbolized liberal achievement and national superiority and that viewing the city was a modern, respectable amusement. | By the Edwardian period, several cheaply priced shopping guides further democratized the West End and served to replace the Lady Guide.’® Some of these shopping guides attempted to distance themselves from the advertorial or adver-

tisement by suggesting, as Edith Davis had, that “guides” pointed to shops or places because of their true value and not because the owners had paid the authors to “puff? them. For example, in the preface of the 1906 guidebook Ofivia’s Shopping and How She Does It: A Prejudiced Guide to the London Shops, the author — directly challenged both the women’s magazines and guidebooks for not meeting

the needs of shoppers. “Shops should be criticised like pictures or plays,” Olivia explained. “Instead they are merely boomed in advertisement. ... Few women are at all impressed with the vapid flatteries of shops to be seen in ladies’ papers, and simply ripe for a shop Baedeker which discriminates and chooses for them.”!* Baedeker’s and other guidebooks met this challenge by devoting greater space to _ London’s shops, shopping streets, restaurants, and entertainments.'*’ By the fin de siécle, commercial guidance was as abundant as the goods that filled a depart-

ment store window. ,

| Cheaper forms of urban guidance even targeted the lower-middle- and working-class consumer. For only a penny the 4.B.C. Amusement Guide and Record directed readers to London’s museums, dramatic and musical events, shops, restaurants, and even women’s clubs.!®* The West End could also now be purchased in the daily newspapers such as the Pa// Mall Gazette, the Evening News, Daily Chronicle, and Daily Mail. Every week newspapers took lower-class readers wan-

dering through West End streets in search of bargains or simply to enjoy the display of shop windows. For example, in May of 1907 the Evening News sponsored a contest for the “reader who maps out a model course of enjoyment which costs exactly £1.” The paper also described the pleasures of suburban shopping, which the editor wrote was now as enjoyable as “the happy hunting grounds of

the West End.”!” The Pall Mall Gazette began a weekly series, “Shopping and Shopland,” which promised to betray the “secrets of the smart” and show the masses how the wealthy navigated “the maze of West End shopping.”’”! The paper also addressed the pleasure-seeking foreign tourist. In 1909 it began a new series “designed to guide the stranger in the social intricacies of London,” to show the visitor “the London of the Londoner.”!” ‘The Edwardian press constituted a huge and growing readership as wanderers moving through the commodified spaces of the metropolis. A new era of publishers, advertisers, and entrepreneurs fully exploited the belief that readers could be

transformed into a crowd of shoppers. As we turn to the American department store mogul Gordon Selfridge, we can see how his monumental store was literally built upon the vision of shopping and the urban woman that the clubwomen, the women’s press, and Lady Guides had constructed during the previous half century.

In 1909, when Selfridge opened his department store, Londoners also realized

METROPOLITAN JOURNEYS 141 that their city was not as “English” as Edith Davis had confidently claimed. By this period, the center of the empire was colonized not only by foreign shoppers and sightseers, but also by foreign entrepreneurs. The linkages between consumption and Englishness that women’s magazines and the Lady Guide Association had forged were torn asunder as a maverick draper from Chicago moved into Oxford Street.

. C H AP TER FIVE . “A New Era of Shopping”: An American Department Store in Edwardian London

“THOUSANDS OF WOMEN besiege the West,” trumpeted a Daily Express headline

on March 15, 1909. The Standard similarly proclaimed this day in early spring the beginning of “Woman’s Week in London.” It was sale season, and as dozens of journalists cheerfully told their readers, the West End belonged to the women of Britain, the Empire, and foreign lands. ‘This was no ordinary sale week, however, for it began with the spectacular opening of Gordon Selfridge’s new “American” department store in Oxford Street and the sixty-year jubilee celebration of Harrod’s in Knightsbridge. Never before had retail competition reached such heights, nor had it ever demanded such public attention.” London’s shopkeepers went to extraordinary lengths to sell their wares in the spring of 1909, spending enormous sums on store decorations, special entertainments, and advertising. In turn, London’s journalists covered the story with great enthusiasm and hyperbole. These efforts, a “lady correspondent” wrote, benefited women because they turned mere “shopping” into “a fine art.” Advertising and opening ceremonies, she argued, expanded the very meaning of shopping: “From Times immemorial woman

has shopped ... [but] it is only since Monday that we have understood what the word really means.”* Expressing a similar delight in novelty, a Daily Express reporter declared that Londoners were witnessing the dawning of a “new era of shopping.” Despite such assertions, the West End had been associated with shopping, femininity, and modernity long before the 1909 opening of a new department store in Oxford Street. Decades of economic, social, and cultural transformation had produced this “new era of shopping.” Yet Selfridge’s London opening and rival celebrations in older English shops allowed Edwardians to reflect upon how commercial, class, and gender changes had remade their capital city during the previous decades. ‘Though Londoners would have been familiar with grandiose commercial architecture, lavish interior decor, rationalized organization, store services, and publicity, they were not accustomed to the scale and intensity with which Selfridge constructed his commercial palace.” Nor had they encountered a retailer, especially a “foreigner,” who talked about himself and his shop with such ardor and confidence. Even the Universal Provider had taken years to gain an international reputation. Both entrepreneurs had, however, inspired diverse reactions and ignited a vigorous rivalry within the West End business community.

Like Whiteley before him, Gordon Selfridge compelled journalists, business ex- |

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 143 perts, and consumers to rethink the value of mass consumption and publicity, the pleasures of the city, and the nature of bourgeois femininity. As the “lady correspondent” had declared, shopping had been identified with women for some time, but the meaning of this activity was by no means stable. For much of the Victorian era, shopping had been seen as a wasteful, indulgent,

immoral, and disorderly pastime. In the early 1870s, Londoners could easily imagine that William Whiteley had undermined the foundations of middle-class culture by disregarding the separation between different types of commodities, between men and women, and between “ladies” and “prostitutes.” Whiteley’s store was an extremely modest venture in comparison with Edwardian giants such as Selfridge’s or Harrod’s. It nonetheless had inspired fearful visions of “ruined” shopkeepers and “ruined” women. The economic and legal restrictions placed on married women during these years and the proximity of the feminist and retail communities also underscored the shopper’s reputation as virago. To a certain extent, the image of the deranged and disorderly shopper remains with us today, but as we will see, this figure did not haunt Edwardians.in the same way as she had in the past. If anything, she was characterized as more ridiculous than harmful. Selfridge left nothing to chance, however. He and other entrepreneurs and journalists and, as we will see in the next chapter, theatrical impresarios assiduously worked to dispel the public’s reservations about department stores and female shoppers. They built upon the ideas of earlier businessmen and women, reformers and feminists who had characterized shopping as a respectable female pleasure. Selfridge, like Whiteley, professed that shopping was pleasurable because of its public setting. He idealized this public sphere as a site of personal

exploration, self-fulfillment, and independence. At the same time, he also characterized the department store as a comfortable resting place in which urban women’s bodies could be satisfied, indulged, excited, and repaired. Shopping, he repeatedly stated, promised women access to a sensual and social metropolitan

culture. While this understanding of gender, pleasure, and the department store was similar to that of William Whiteley, the growth of print advertising enabled Selfridge to enlist the mass media to his cause and to broadcast his message faster and farther than Whiteley could have imagined. Selfridge was thus able to adopt new forms of publicity to promote his vision of femininity, shopping, and the metropolis.

Gordon Selfridge garnered such attention because of his American background, his seemingly novel business methods, and his status as the most vocal entrepreneur of his generation. He audaciously claimed that he had singlehandedly torn down the walls of conservative British shopkeeping and professed that his store was a “modern” public sphere devoted to the pleasure of ladies. Through the deft use of advertising and newspaper publicity, Selfridge argued that the department store had uniquely generated a new female urban culture.

He represented the department store as emancipating women from the drab and hidebound world of Victorian commerce and gender ideals. The subtext, of course, was that an American businessman had liberated English women from

144 CHAPTER FIVE

fied emancipation. | |

old-fashioned English men. Liberation did not just bring pleasure; pleasure signi-

Selfridge’s success came not from radical innovation, but from his careful deployment of already accepted ideas. He was particularly skilled at convincing others that he was ahead of his time. In other words, he persuaded the British public that he had introduced “a new era of shopping.” Jackson Lears has recently observed in his study of American advertising that businessmen and advertisers

did not “ ‘invent’ the culture of abundance; they refashioned its conventions.” This chapter investigates one aspect of this refashioning. It charts how entrepreneurs, editors, and journalists wrote a compelling narrative about consumption, novelty, pleasure, and women and the city. In this story the department store became the agent of female emancipation and pleasure and the symbol of the

modern metropolis.’ |

“LONDON’S AMERICAN PHASE” | Harry Gordon Selfridge, a middle-aged Wisconsin native, arrived in England in 1906 flushed with the confidence that Edwardian London contained all he needed to make his fortune. Somewhat ironically, this American viewed the English capital as the land of opportunity. His perception stemmed in part from the belief that there were fundamental differences between English and American retailing. Like many others, Selfridge presumed that English methods were “backward” in contrast to more “progressive” American approaches to selling. At the same time, he also cherished what he imagined were quintessential English values, most fundamental among these a persistent faith in the gospel of free trade. Finally, Selfridge was also mesmerized by the sheer size of London’s domestic and transient population. Selfridge’s assessment of London’s retailers as old-fashioned and its shoppers as unsatisfied influenced the type of enterprise he would build and the

way he would talk about it. “Mile-a-~Minute Harry,” as he had been known, had been one of the leading “brokers” or creators of American consumer culture.’ For over twenty-five years, he had participated in making an economy and culture geared toward the consumption of vast quantities of commodities. As the second in command of Marshall Field’s department store in Chicago, Selfridge claimed responsibility for many of the famous emporium’s innovations. He introduced the first restaurant and bargain basement and targeted children as consumers by starting a “children’s

day” and building an entire “children’s floor.” Selfridge claimed responsibility for having hired a famous window-display artist to design Marshall Field’s spectacular show windows. He also believed in advertising, writing a good deal of Marshall Field’s copy himself.’ Like many of his contemporaries, Selfridge hoped that luxurious decor and architecture, amenities and entertainments, as well as extensive — publicity would encourage patrons to reimagine the way they viewed shopping. In such colorful, light, and shimmering environments customers would see buying not as an economic act, but as a social and cultural event. Making shopping into

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 145 entertainment also helped Marshall Field’s to crush its competitors in what William Leach has described as the retail wars of the 1890s."° After a long and profitable career in Chicago and with $2 million in the bank, Harry Gordon Selfridge came to London hoping to reap similar profits from the English middle classes. Selfridge choose England because of his professed affinity for its culture and especially its economic ideals, later confessing, “London is the capital of the only big Free Trade country in the world. I can buy merchandise there and put it on my counters more cheaply than anywhere else.”’’ For some time, English retailers such as D. H. Evans had reminded “American and Colonial visitors” of the financial advantages of shopping in “Free Trade England rather than High Protection France.”” Selfridge, like American shoppers, seems to have been enticed by this same promise of cheap goods. No doubt he was encouraged

by the Liberal victory in the 1906 general election, which ensured that, for a time at least, England would cling to the free-trade principles that were being abandoned elsewhere. Selfridge had good reasons for believing that England offered cut-rate prices and an “immense” market of customers.” Edwardian England, in fact, presented Selfridge with both a challenge and an opportunity. The crowning of a pleasure-loving king and the spectacular society

that surrounded the court had injected new life into the luxury trades.” Yet Edward VII lent a glamorous and indulgent aura to an age otherwise marked by tremendous social, political, and economic upheaval. The Boer War had severely damaged British confidence overseas, while closer to home, Irish discon-

tent, constitutional crisis, labor unrest, and the militant phase of the struggle for women’s suffrage brought about what George Dangerfield famously called “the strange death of Liberal England.”” In many respects, the social, economic, and political crises of the late 1880s appeared with new force in the first years of the new century. Despite Selfridge’s confidence in London’s market, many Edwardians were still intensely poor. The social investigations of Rowntree, Maud Pember Reeves, and others revealed that a huge proportion of the population lived in dire destitution. A steady rise in prices after the midnineties meant that the poorer classes may have felt their penury even more severely. The Edwardian working classes lived in an inflationary era that made it extremely difficult to make ends meet. Workers also experienced a plateau in wage increases, sharp wage cuts, and severe unemployment.’® The gap between rich and poor may have been wider than ever as a newly wealthy plutocracy was finding its way into the circles of power. While Edward VII and the tea magnate Sir Thomas Lipton went yachting together, many British could scarcely afford the types of goods that had made Lipton rich.’ Despite the dismal conditions of London’s poor, businessmen like Selfridge often focused on the sheer size of the city’s population when they considered its market for mass-produced commodities. The population of central London had continued its steady decline, but Greater London now swelled to well over 7 million people.'* Motorcars and the motor bus were rapidly replacing horse-drawn transport, while the expansion and electrification of the underground railways, commuter railways, and electric tramways carried literally millions of suburbanites

146 CHAPTER FIVE to and from the urban center each day.” As the “Tube” began to penetrate the

West End, access to its shopping and entertainment centers dramatically increased. For example, after the Central Line opened in 1900 approximately 100,000 people a day rode some or part of the way from Shepherd’s Bush to the _ Bank. With stations at Holland Park, Notting Hill Gate, Queen’s Road (renamed Queensway in 1946), Lancaster Gate, Marble Arch, Bond Street, Oxford Circus, Tottenham Court Road, British Museum (closed in 1933), Chancery Lane, and Post Office (renamed St. Paul’s in 1937), the Central Line could not have been better placed to serve the main West End shopping districts, especially Bayswater and the shops along Oxford Street.” The advent of such modes of transport was a necessary precondition for the type of mass market that Selfridge wished to entice to his store. “Electric cars,” noted one retail expert in 1912, had improved trade by bringing shoppers to the main thoroughfares of towns and by affording “ladies opportunities of visiting drapers’ shops without having to walk long dis- _ tances.””! The geographer H. J. MacKinder captured the emergence of this subur-

ban, commuting nature of urban life when he wrote in 1902: | In a manner all South-Eastern England is a single urban community; for steam and electricity are changing our geographical conceptions. . . . The metropolis in its largest meaning includes all the counties for whose inhabitants London is “Town,” whose men do habitual business there, whose women buy and spend © there, whose morning paper is printed there, whose standard of thought is determined there.”

By the first years of the new century, the expansion of cheap and fast modes of transportation meant that the West End had simply become “Town” for southern England. This trend had been long in the making. Indeed, mid-nineteenth-century observors similarly reported the presence of suburbanites and other visitors

occurred. |

traveling to the city center. The difference now was the ease with which this

In May 1907 the Evening News printed a series of articles and letters from suburban women on the relative merits of shopping in their neighborhoods or in the West End. Women from Clapham Common, Wimbledon, and other areas of suburban London acknowledged that their local shops were “up-to-date” and

| fine for “a hurried dress or hat alteration,” but most agreed that going to the West End was special. Mrs. Whilton from Wimbledon was particularly adamant. She wrote that since “we have the cheap District Railway to Victoria ... in a few minutes time one is in the thick of the sales. It is lovely. I never do my shopping in our suburb if I can help it.”” Another correspondent observed home that although she did not live there, the West End was familiar territory. “We prefer,” she wrote, “to take an excursion straight to the West End ... where we know where to go and can get exactly what we want rather than run the risks incurred in trying new and unexplored territory.”** Such women constituted the “immense” market that so excited Gordon Selfridge. Of course, by this period the West End was filled with shops and newer forms of mass entertainment. Cinemas, organized spectator sports, and mass circulation

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 147 newspapers such as the Daily Mai/ vied with music halls and public houses for people’s free time and discretionary income.” By 1909 London already had ninety cinemas, a number that mushroomed to four hundred by 1912.” Arnold Bennett’s 1907 novel, The City of Pleasure: A Fantasia on Modern Themes, was a prescient tale in which the mass leisure industry had remade urban life as an amusement park. This description of the amusement park, the “City of Pleasure,” could also have been a portrait of the Edwardian West End. Its streets were lined with multifarious buildings, all painted cream—the theatre, the variety theatre, the concert hall, the circus, the panorama, the lecture hall, the menagerie, the art gallery, the story-teller’s hall, the dancing-rooms, restaurants, cafés and bars, and those numerous shops for the sale of useless and expensive souvenirs

without which no Briton on holiday is complete. ... Add to this the combined effect of the music of bands and the sunshine, and do not forget the virgin creami-

ness of the elaborate architecture, and you will be able to form a notion of the spectacle offered.”’

The West End was similarly a multifarious nexus of commercialized pleasures.

Its streets literally bore the mark of the new advertising age. Posters, electric signs, and store windows had transfigured the cityscape into a riot of swirling commodities. For example, in a 1912 photograph of the corner of Oxford Street and ‘Tottenham Court Road, Dewar’s Whiskey, Schweppe’s Soda Water, Bovril, Crosse and Blackwell, Pears’ Soap, Oakey’s Knife Polish, Blogg’s Brewery, the Excelsior Theatre, the London Fur Co., J. P. Restaurant’s Tea Rooms, and the London Underground filled the visual field of the pedestrian, motorist, and commuter (fig. 10). Victorian sketches had imaginatively constructed the consumer as urban traveler. In Edwardian London, posters, electric signs, and public transport turned the urban subject into a reader and consumer. Thomas Burke, for example, recalled that “it was a habit of mine, as soon as I could read, to spell out all the

advertisements when riding in trains and buses and trams. ... Almost the first entrants in the troupe of memories are—Nixey’s Black Lead; Reckitt’s Blue; Hinde’s Curlers; Sapolio; Epps’ Cocoa; Brook’s Soap and Monkey Brand; Frame Food; and Whelpton’s Purifying Pills.””

This “city of pleasure” was increasingly associated with a mass crowd and heterosocial amusement. Several memoirs recalled that working- and lowermiddle-class consumers enjoyed a day or night “in Town.” In 1908, E. B. Chancellor somewhat romantically mused that Piccadilly Circus, the center of the West

End’s entertainment district, was the place where “east and west meet ... on common ground.” Three years earlier, an article in the Queen, “The Changing West End,” had characterized Piccadilly in similar terms. Though many still regarded the street as a male preserve, this journalist claimed that “Picadilly is, indeed a wonderful conglomeration of great mansions, clubs, hotels, and shops where the great, the learned, the rich, and the business man and woman are to be found side by side as it were.”*” Although far from a democratic public sphere in which all could meet on equal

terms, the Edwardian West End entertained a diverse crowd. At the same time,

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“4 NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 165 new form of open, licit sexuality.’ A distinct form of modernity was constructed then through the promotion of a capitalist-inspired heterosexual culture. Both store advertisements and newspaper publicity situated the department store within the commercial spaces of the metropolis. For example, in 1912 a Callisthenes column explained that “abroad, it is the cafés, which are the familiar, lovable places where the populace resort to .. . to meet their friends, to watch the world and his wife, to take a cup of coffee, or drink a glass of lager or absinthe.” However, in London “it is the Big Stores which are beginning to play the part of the charming foreign café; and ... it was Selfridge’s who deliberately began to create the necessary atmosphere.”'* Department stores, these ads implied, offered middle-class women a simulacrum of social spaces they had rarely entered and that had been until recently tinged with associations of the sexual marketplace. Gordon Selfridge went further, however, and encouraged bourgeois women to experience city life by themselves, to take up the position of that modern urban character the flaneur, or, in this case, the flaneuse. Advertising drew upon the portrait of female urban explorer that had been developed in novels, magazines, and newspapers since at least the mid-nineteenth century, but then argued that the flaneuse should always include the department store in her ramble. “What a wonderful street is Oxford-street,” claimed one ad, for “it compels the biggest crowds of any street in London.” “When people come here, they feel they are in

the centre of things. ... Oxford Street is the most important highway of commerce in the world.” Advertising itself was characterized as the modern manifestation of flanerie in “An Ode to London in the Spring, The Gentle Art of Advertisement.” This “ode” privileged the pleasures of an urban walk over a country stroll: Although the country lanes are sweet

And though the blossom bloss, |

Yet what are these to Regent Street Or even Charing Cross? So catch a train, and thank your stars That there are trains to catch And make your way this very day To London, with dispatch ... 1°

Selfridge’s advertising adopted the idea of the flaneuse developed elsewhere, but unlike her other manifestations, she typically meandered through the different departments at Selfridge’s and gained her distanced bird’s-eye view of London and its swarming tide from the store’s roof garden. She was also asked to come home. In the department store women could enjoy the pleasure of men’s company, could experience the pleasures of flanerie, but could also experience social and yet domestic pleasures of the aristocracy and wealthy bourgeoisie. These ads represented the department store as both a public and private place. For example, in Lewis Baumer’s opening-week advertisement, “At Home,” middle-class shoppers were invited to a gathering of fur-wrapped

166 CHAPTER FIVE and elegantly coiffed Society ladies. The picture and caption played on the two meanings of being at home. The illustration represented the formal ritualized sense of the term as a social event, while the text reminded readers of the comfortable domestic connotation of feeling “at home.”!*” Other ads similarly portrayed Selfridge’s as a formal “event” in the Season’s calendar. “Shopping,” at Selfridge’s,

one ad explained, “has all the appearance of a Society gathering. ... It holds a recognised position on the programme of events, and is responsible sartorially for much of the success of each function that takes place.”"* These sorts of advertise- _ ments drew readers into the “private” sphere of West End elite culture. They implied one could be a part of Society if one consumed the right goods at the

right shop.”

Gordon Selfridge and his commercial artists designed and publicized the department store, then, as a blend of elite and mass culture, mirroring the world of Ascot and the amusement park." Ads and articles described the store as a carnival, a fair, a public festival, a tourist sight, a women’s club, and a pantomime. Several pieces compared Selfridge’s to the Crystal Palace or the Franco-British Exhibition. The Daily News even touted the department store as a “new White City ... especially for women.”'*' This carnivalesque atmosphere heightened in July, when Selfridge displayed the Bleriot airplane, the first to fly between France and England, on the roof of his store. Despite his competitors’ accusation that he was engaging in a cheap American publicity stunt, huge crowds rushed to his rooftop.” The Daily Telegraph reported that “the public interest in the monoplane yesterday was immense. Throughout the entire day, without cessation or diminution, a constant stream of visitors passed into Selfridge’s and circled round the ~ historic implement.”'’* The stunt proved so successful that Selfridge eventually opened a rifle range, putting ground, and skating rink on the top of the store. Shopping was exciting and thrilling because it was “modern,” but also because it could carry shoppers back in time. Selfridge even claimed that his emporium recaptured the sociability of the early-modern marketplace with its mixed-class and mixed-sex culture. In 1913, for example, Selfridge discussed his store as a modern reincarnation of “the great Fairs” that flourished before “small shops began to do business behind thick walls and closed doors.” With his own romantic vision of the history of commerce, he continued: We have lately emerged from a period when merchandising and merrymaking | were kept strictly separate. “Business was Business.” ... But to-day... stores— _ the modern form of market—are gaining something of the atmosphere of the old-time fair at its best; that is, before it became boisterous and degenerate. The sociability of Selfridge’s is the sociability of the fair. It draws its visitors from far

and near... to sell to them or merely to amuse and interest them.'“ | Selfridge posited that mass retailing reunited elite and popular culture, which he

argued had been separated during the Victorian era. This rift had limited the pleasures of shopping and urban culture. This argument might be said to have been part of the larger denigration of all things Victorian that so marked earlytwentieth-century culture. Albeit for very different purposes, Gordon Selfridge

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 167 and the artists and writers of Bloomsbury shared an interest in defining the Victorians as repressed and themselves as liberated. In particular, Selfridge claimed that he not only satisfied women, he emancipated them. Several ads closely replicated the arguments of feminists and clubwomen except that Selfridge painted his shop as the ideal female “rendezvous” or

public meeting place. In a Callisthenes column, “Where Shall We Meet,” for example, the store was marketed as a haven for shoppers stranded in an unfriendly and supposedly inhospitable city. Before Selfridge’s, the ad claimed, women had to resort to “a cold and draughty waiting-room at a railway station” or perhaps “a

bleak, dusty, congested traffic-centre, such as Oxford Street.” This supposed lack of an “ideal rendezvous in London” was “called another of woman’s wrongs.”

While “the City man had a number of favoured resorts ... the poor ladies ‘out shopping’ have been at a single disadvantage.”'*® By building a “private” place in public, Selfridge later told one of his executives, “I helped to emancipate women. ... I came along just at the time when they wanted to step out on their own.”'° Gordon Selfridge clearly knew that his store was not the only place for women to meet, eat, or rest while in town. Before he opened Selfridge’s he had studied London’s other stores and women’s clubs to gain a sense of what types of venues were popular with London’s women. Yet he cultivated a feminist image and was an outspoken supporter of women’s suffrage and female business capabilities. Whether or not he genuinely saw himself as aiding women’s emancipation, such claims were a successful advertising strategy. This approach appealed to “progressive women” and gave the department store a modern and “progressive” appearance. This feminist image essentially inverted the relationship between women’s growing freedoms and the department stores. Though stores had in fact benefited from women’s increasingly public lifestyles, such ads made it appear as though

the stores had created a hospitable public space for women and that this was equivalent to their “emancipation.” Many ads characterized the department store as bringing greater equality between the sexes, classes, and nations. When Selfridge advertised his restaurants and other “resting places,” he maintained, for example, that such amenities served both individual and social needs. He marketed the main restaurant, which could seat up to three thousand patrons a day, as the largest and best in London.'”’ It was said to have “excellent” food at “popular prices.” Few luncheon and tearooms in London were thought to have finer decor.’”” After lunch, patrons were encouraged to rest in the library, reading, and writing rooms. French, German, American, and Colonial reception rooms also welcomed foreigners and allowed English shoppers to travel to foreign lands. The German shopper, for example, could relax in a dark oak reception room decorated with old tapestries and designed to be a replica of a “sitting room in the Fatherland.” A fatigued or ill shopper had the choice of a first aid room, which “looked very dainty and inviting,””' or she could take a “rest cure” in the Silence Room. Here, talking was forbidden so “customers may retire from the whirl of bargains and build up energy.”? Double windows excluded “street noises,” while soft lights and chairs with deep cushions enabled

168 CHAPTER FIVE shoppers “to find peace and recuperation.” While the shopper rested, a maid and

“skilled needlewoman” were always available “in case of any little accident toa button or hook-and-eye which might have occurred during the rough and tumble

of a day’s shopping.” Shopping was thus likened to a “rest cure” that reduced rather than increased anxiety. Underlying this nurturing image, however, lay the more traditional view of the city as dangerous and dirty and the female body as weak and in need of comfort and protection. Although Selfridge encouraged women to enter the city, like a good Victorian patriarch, he also protected them once they were there. _ Selfridge promised these women more than comfort, however. He offered them a space for legitimate indulgence. Modern shopping was more than just buying, but it was also more than “just looking.”’* Shopping was a visual culture of, as William Leach has put it, “color, glass and light,” but it also was a bodily culture stimulating all the senses.’ Its decor and displays allowed one to feast one’s eye and enjoy the feel of fine fabric. Its restaurants and services invited shoppers to “treat” themselves to “delicious” luxuries. Even a visit to the bargain basement could become a sensual wonderland for the frugal shopper: “What a shining feast for the eyes are the ribbon tables; what filmy piles of blouses are here... . What a forest of silken and velvet flowers; what delicious scents are wafted to us from that mound of tinted soaps.” In this passage, materials provided “feasts” for the eyes, while colors and scents were “delicious.” Oral, tactile, and visual pleasures defined and amplified one another in kinesthetic array. All appetites were united —

in a single desiring body. ,

Many early ads focused on the orally gratifying aspects of shopping. Shoppers were enticed with bonbons and sweetmeats packaged in replicas of famous Italian

monuments, buildings, and statues in three different types of marble.’ Sweets became “wonderfully nourishing,” a “benefit,” even a “necessity,” which made “an appetising and delicious appeal to every visitor in the Store.””® The American-

style soda fountain, a unique temptation, stood at the center of the store’s oral _ appeal. Luxurious ingestion almost became the heart of the consumer experience. A typical ad showed how the soda fountain transformed women who “hated shopping” into avid practioners of the art. Two “large iced strawberries” could thoroughly reform a woman who had found shopping “frightfully boring” and another who thought it “a most decadent development” and a “hotbed of frivolous, sense-

less adornment.” |

As if to contain the radical possibility of asking women to indulge in such public, bodily pleasures, Selfridge’s also was frequently imagined as a huge glori-

fied bourgeois household, sustaining family life in the heart of the city. After , defining “afternoon tea” as “the chief ritual to the household gods,” an “unrivalled —

and unassailable” custom that had “long since stood the test of time ... one of the mainstays of family life,” an advertisement reminded shoppers that “even when away from home, the solace of afternoon tea cannot be dispensed with.”'® This ad both created and used preexisting domestic associations of afternoon tea with family, stability, and tradition in order to connect a new American-owned

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 169 store with notions of bourgeois Englishness, to make local customers feel at home and visiting tourists feel English. Sensual pleasures were thus given moral validity when placed within the language of domesticity and Englishness. Selfridge’s thereby became a home away from home, offering its customers space for what had been considered private forms of socializing. One journalist reported that women were even inviting their friends to formal shopping parties.

This reporter claimed that these “parties are a new thing, which have sprung into existence to meet a new need.... The parties are small, select, numerous, and earnest.” They included buying, but emphasized dining and browsing with friends. Selfridge marketed public dining, a common activity for nearly forty years, as new, modern, and fun, as an updated image of Victorian women’s culture. Here, female friendship, like the family, became a vehicle for legitimizing consumption. Selfridge and his supporters walked a tightrope between praising and denigrating the home and often did both at once. Indeed, Gordon Selfridge believed that women were responsive to the “sensuous appeal of beauty” of his store because they had “little opportunity of escaping the deadening routine of homelife.”! His advertising reflected this notion and figured the private home as lonely and isolating. “Women needed Selfridge’s,” according to one ad, “to break the monotony that had invaded and made dull a daily round.” Selfridge’s provided “the variety which is the spice of life.”!** “I was lonely,” complained one housewife, “so I went to Selfridge’s . . . one of the biggest and brightest places I could think of. I wanted

crowds ...a happy place... ‘home’ in the open... caught up in a whirl of these jolly human, little businesses; made part of the crowd; all sense of isolation swept away.”'** Another ad similarly presented the bourgeois home, in contrast to the department store, as lonely, isolating, and especially dull. “I have a friend, and I want to meet her. Where shall the meeting-place be?” asked one character in this ad. “At my home? I don’t think so: women spend so much time among their own all too familiar chintzes,” she complained. This consumer “wanted a place with music, where there were plenty of things to see, and a companionable sense of crowds.”’© If Selfridge’s offered lonely housewives companionship, the department store also provided them with privacy and solitude, as several journalists pointed out. It was the absence of the shopwalker that was the key to the “new sensation” of shopping at Selfridge’s. “Safe from the tyranny of the shopwalker,” the editor concluded, “shopping becomes what shopping should be—a matter for individual speculation, for individual choice, and for individual satisfaction.”' Selfridge’s opening campaign, daily advertisements, Callisthenes’ column, and the free publicity in countless newspaper articles formed a chorus that loudly sang the pleasures of shopping. Everything about Selfridge’s was characterized as a pleasure. The services and entertainments the store offered, the spectacle it physically presented to passersby and shoppers, and the treatment customers received from employees all made Selfridge’s department store a unique female pleasure center. Selfridge’s ads and publicity basically implied that all the pleasures of the city could be found in this new store. Under one roof, one could find restaurants,

170 _ CHAPTER FIVE tea shops, women’s clubs, and entertainments. “Selfridge’s is a city epitomised—

a compact concentration of the most attractive shops, of all the comforts and conveniences of modern life open to everyone,” opined a Daily News reporter. It is perhaps all too easy to fit the story of Selfridge’s into a well-worn narrative about gender relations in which a dashing stranger swept British maidens off their feet. However, this story is not as simple as it appears. Women helped create, finance, and promote the business, and Selfridge’s also tried to appeal to, or one might say constitute, the male consumer. Thus the store both articulated and yet __ undercut any simplistic dichotomy between male producer and female consumer. Female employees, journalists, and copywriters contributed to the making of Selfridge’s, while women apparently were increasingly investing in these large shops. In April of 1909 the Financial News ascertained that between 12 and 15 percent of all the shareholders in the leading drapery and furnishing establishments in London were women. It thus concluded that “the lady investor wields a huge and constantly—increasing power in the financial affairs of the world,” since she could influence store policy as shareholder and as shopper.’ A phenomenal 49 percent of Selfridge’s private investors were women, a fact the Drapery Times attributed to the store’s unprecedented advertising campaign.’ More surprisingly,

although many were listed only as married women, spinsters, and widows, many of the small investors were domestic servants, nurses, governesses, and schoolteachers. While more research needs to be done on the role of these female capi-

talists, it is obvious that, as with the Victorian family firm, women were the

, “hidden” investors in public companies in the early-twentieth century. Indeed, they were not so hidden that financial experts failed to recognize their economic

significance.” Ironically, in addition to drawing bourgeois ladies to his store, Selfridge’s advertising may have also attracted working- and lower-middle-class women to invest in his concern. Presumably, they too would profit from its success. The growth of such businesses relied then on women as workers, investors, and shoppers. Women also played an informal role in the promotion of these ventures. Word of mouth was extremely important in establishing or ruining a store’s reputation, and in this sense women could wield considerable influence on a business’s success. For example, in 1910 a Mrs. Stafford of Museum Cottage, Oxford, re-

ceived a postcard from “Nannie.” On the back of a picture of a London hotel read , this short note: “Shall leave London tomorrow at 1.45, arrive at Oxford at 3. Am ; just off to Selfridges to tea with Annie Coleman. Had a PC. [postcard] from Aunty. Much Love, Nannie.”'” By 1910 the store was already a household word for a network of women. Nannie’s postcard advertised an entire matrix of urban commercial activities including the system of public transport, a hotel, and a de_ partment store. Postcards, letters, and gossip thus also contributed to the imaginary creation of the West End. When “Sallie” sent her sister in Shropshire a postcard in 1911, she told of visiting the zoo and witnessing a motor accident, but she also exclaimed, “I have been to see the shops, they are lovely.”’”’ Nannie , _ and Sallie both experienced and promoted, if they did not financially profit from, West End commercial culture.

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 171 “Man’s Best Buyinc CENTER” But was that West End as dominated by women as Selfridge’s ads and newspaper

reporters had implied? The media surely presented the city as given over to women. A recurrent image of the sales season was of London’s West End occupied by an army of female shoppers. Under the headline “Stores’ Carnival, London’s

Great Shopping Week” the Dai/y Mai/ told its readers: “he women of London are preparing for a week of pure joy. ... All the tubes and motor-omnibuses and horse vehicles of London will take ladies by the thousand to see the fascinating displays of these establishments.”’” Another reporter wrote that “the West End was given over to women” and that their laughter and the “rustle of silken skirts” enlivened the sound of buses crawling through the slush of the streets.’ Military language often peppered these reports, emphasizing a sense of invasion of the city by an “army in furs and feathers.”’”* This image of the shopping hordes was indeed a ubiquitous means of describing shoppers, particularly during sale season.'” However, a photograph of Selfridge’s on opening day reveals quite a different image of this crowd (fig. 16). If one looks closely at this picture, few silken skirts, furs, and feathers may be seen. Instead, darkly suited men crowded the sidewalk

outside of the store. London’s men may have come simply to see what the fuss was about. They may also have come because Selfridge’s was one of the first department stores to directly target the male consumer. From the start, Selfridge’s had also pushed itself as “Ihe Man’s Best Buying Centre.” Instead of describing the lingering pleasures of shopping, however, Selfridge’s appealed to male custom-

ers by emphasizing the convenience with which “you may clothe yourself from head to foot in an entire outfit of fashionable ready-made clothing in a twinkling

of an eye, whatever your size and shape.” Men were not really expected to browse, but to buy something easily and quickly, in a “twinkle of an eye,” and then leave as soon as possible. J. F. W. Woolrich’s ad “The Man’s Best Buying Centre” played with this difference between male buying and female shopping. In this advertisement men like women meet their friends at Selfridge’s, but they do so outside the store. They do not drink tea, flirt with women, or otherwise enjoy themselves. The text focuses on men’s dislikes rather than their pleasures. Men supposedly liked Selfridge’s because it diminished rather than extended their shopping: “With intimate knowledge of Men’s Dislikes as well as of their predilections in Shopping we have planned the Departments that are devoted to their service with an eye to avoid the one and minister to the other. Gentlemen whose desire in entering a shop is to make a purchase quickly and depart as soon as possible will find Selfridge’s exactly to their mind.” In another ad a wife asks her husband if he will come Christmas shopping with her. He replies as any average, virile middle-class male would: “Shopping! Rather not. Now look here, dear, you know how I hate and loathe the beastly shops. ... No, I simply won't go; well, if I do, I want you to clearly understand that I won't go inside and I won't carry parcels. I simply—

172 CHAPTER FIVE

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lL ee lOeetrieer— crrss=s« 192. The House That Everywoman Knows this point are Bowlby, Just Looking, Miller, The

(London: Harrod’s, 1909). oe Bon Marché, Williams, Dream Worlds, Chaney, 193. “Brochure of Progress” (London: Har- “The Department Store as a Cultural Form’; rod’s Stores, 1911), Harrod’s in-store Archive. Abelson, When Ladies Go a-Thieving, Benson, 194. Daily News, November 23, 1911, 3. Counter Cultures, and Leach, Land of Desire.

195. Daily Express, November 22, 1911, 5. 207. H. Gordon Selfridge, The Romance of For a full discussion and illustrations of the | Commerce, 2d ed. (London: John Lane the

new store, see “Current Architecture: White- | Bodley Head, 1923). :

-CHAPTER SIX , |

Acts oF CONSUMPTION |

1. Our Miss Gibbs, produced by George carnations and two distinct homes. The first Edwardes, constructed by J. T. Tanner, written Gaiety at 354 Strand was built in 1862, sigby “Cryptos,” a team consisting of Adrian nificantly altered in 1886, and finally closed Ross, Percy Greenbank, Ivan Caryll, and Lio- down in 1903. A new Gaiety Theater was nel Monckton. Add. mss. 1909/3, British Li- | opened in Aldwych in 1903. Our Miss Gibbs brary, Lord Chamberlain’s Play’s (hereafter was performed at the new Gaiety, which was LCP). First performed at the Gaiety Theater, managed by George Edwardes at that time. January 25, 1909. The Gaiety had several in- | The play manuscripts used in this chapter were

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 273 nearly all from the British Library, Lord sis” of the West End theater in the twentieth Chamberlain’s Plays Collection. The scripts century. This process was slow, complex, and were often slightly changed after this version never total, however. For contemporary dewas submitted for approval; however, in many scriptions of West End theater, see Robert cases they are the only surviving copy. Machray, The Night Side of London (London: 2. There has been very little scholarship on John Macqueen, 1902), 89. Besant, London in musical comedy, despite its popularity. For a the Nineteenth Century, 188-91. brief overview, see Raymond Mander and Joe 10. William Archer, The Theatrical World of Mitchenson, Musical Comedy: A Story in Pic- 1894 (London: Walter Scott, 1895), 355. tures (New York: Taplinger, 1970); and Peter 11. Michael R. Booth, Theatre in the VictoBailey, “ “Naughty but Nice’: Musical Comedy = rian Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University and the Rhetoric of the Girl,” in The Edwar- Press, 1991), 7.

dian Theatre: Essays on Performance and the 12. There are no equivalents to Faye E. Stage, ed. Michael R. Booth and Joel H. Dudden’s Women in The American Theatre: AcKaplan (Cambridge: Cambridge University tresses and Audiences, 1790-1870 (New Haven:

Press, 1996), 36-60. Yale University Press, 1994); and Richard 3. Kaplan and Stowell, Theatre and Fashion. _ Butsch’s “Bowery B’hoys and Matinee Ladies:

Kaplan and Stowell explore many facets ofthe The Re-gendering of Nineteenth-Century

relationship between theater and fashion. American Theatre Audiences,” American Their book and Bailey's recent chapter, Quarterly 46, no. 3 (September 1994): 374“Naughty but Nice,” touch on some of the 405 for studies of gender and theater audiences same themes of this chapter, but from slightly for Britain. In particular, the invention of the different perspectives. For Oscar Wilde’s ne- _ matinee and its effect on the class and gender gotiation of the relationship between consum- _ of audiences merits further study. erism and theater, see Regina Gagnier, Idylls of 13. John Hollingshead, “Good Old Gaiety”: the Marketplace: Oscar Wilde and the Victorian An Histortette and Remembrance (London: Public (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Gaiety Theatre Co., 1903), 25. —

Press, 1986). 14. Indeed, some matinee audiences were 4, Several recent essay collections examine condemned as frivolous conspicuous consum-

the social, cultural, and economic history of ers sporting oversized, highly ornamented English theater; see Richard Foulkes, ed., Britz- + matinee hats. However, at the Court Theatre, ish Theatre in the 1890s: Essays on Drama and home of the New Drama of the 1890s, matinee

the Stage (Cambridge: Cambridge University audiences were filled with New Women. See Press, 1992); Booth and Kaplan, The Edwar- Dennis Kennedy, “The New Drama and the dian Theatre; and Judith L. Fisher and Stephen New Audience,” in Booth and Kaplan, The Watt, eds., When they Weren't Doing Shake- Edwardian Theatre, 130-47. speare: Essays on Nineteenth-Century British 15. Bloom, Victorian Vinaigrette, 74-77. and American Theatre (Athens: University of 16. Zuzanna Shonfield, The Precariously

Georgia Press, 1989). Privileged: A Professional Family in Victorian

5. H.J. W. Dam, “The Shop Girl at the London (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

Gaiety,” Sketch (November 28, 1894), 216. 1987) 22, 43. 6. Bailey, “Parasexuality and Glamour,” 17. Hughes, 4 London Girl of the 1880s, 166; and Bailey, “ “Naughty but Nice.” Onthe 15-16. erotic nature of Victorian theater more gener- 18. J. P Wearing, “Edwardian London ally see Davis, Actresses as Working Women. West End Christmas Audiences, 1900-1914,” 7. For an excellent analysis of the emer- in Fisher and Watt, When They Weren't Doing gence of Broadway and New York nightlife, see Shakespeare, 230-40.

Lewis Erenberg, “Impresarios of Broadway 19. Michael R. Booth, “East End and West Nightlife,” in ‘Taylor, Inventing Times Square, End: Class and Audience in Victorian Lon158-77; and William R. Taylor, “Broadway: don,” Theatre Research International 2, no. 2 The Place That Words Built,” in Inventing (February 1977): 99; Dagmar Hoher, “The

Times Square, 212-31. Composition of Music Hall Audiences, 18508. Adorno and Horkheimer, Dialectic of 1914,” in Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure,

Enlightenment, 144. ed. Peter Bailey (Milton Keynes and Philadel9. John Pick, The West End: Management phia: Open University Press, 1986), 74-92; and Snobbery (Sussex: John Offard, 1983), and Dagmar Hoher Kift, The Victorian Music chaps. 4-9. Pick argues that West End theater Hall: Culture, Class, and Conftict, trans. Roy managers made a deliberate decision to exclude —_ Kift (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

working-class audiences from the “artistic” 1996), 62-74. Class segregation was primarily theater and that this ultimately led to the “cri- produced by the differences in seat prices. A

274 NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX good seat at a West End theater cost between _taurant attached to the theater. Hollingshead, 5s. and 10s. 6d., but the gallery at the Crite- “Good Old Gaiety,” 41. Late-Victorian entrerion, for example, still cost only 1s. Pick, The preneurs frequently had financial interests in West End; J. C. Trewin, The Edwardian Theatre many aspects of the entertainment business.

(Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976), 9. Frederick Gordon, for example, had been a 20. Thomas Purnell, Dramatists of the Pres- proprietor, director, or member of the board of ent Day (1871), cited in Booth, Theatre in the directors of Bovril, the Gordon Hotels, and the

Norte Age, 13. large furnishers Maple’s. He directed the 21. Newman, Many Parts, 64. transformation of both the Holborn Restau-

ally chap. 5, “The G hy of S S ; ,

22. Davis, Actresses as Working Women, es- rant and Frascati’s into public companies in the

ety y 4 Th, a © Wcography OF ocx In OO- — 1880s and 1890s. His overseas interests in-

crety ane 2 Neatre. , cluded African mining ventures. For the de23. Machray, The Night Side of London, 84. tails, see Gordon’s obituary in the Financial See also Tracy C. Davis, “Indecency and Vigi Times. March 24. 1904. 3

lance in the Music Halls,” in Foulkes, British 34. Dail Mail A i) 14. 1909. 66. See

Theatre in the 1890s, 111-31. see Actresses J »are sprelinked a ennneein , the way that theseAlso entertainments

Women, 154-58; JosephCalendar, Donohue, L 1914 ;, “asThe,Working aEmpire anorTheatre ondon’s Social (London: Savoy of Varieties Licensing Wj , otel, 1914), #942.11.31, General CollecControversy of 1894: Testimony of Laura Or- Westm; City Archives, C -

miston Chant before the Theatres and Music 10" he cal i on dL be Save

Halls Licensing Committee,” Nineteenth Cen- 98 Upon the calendar issued by the Savoy = tury Theatre 15, no. 1 (Summer 1987): 50-60; Hotel Company the previous year, the Queen and Karl Beckson, London in the 1890s:.A Cul- noted that the calendar gives an excellent idea

tural History (New York: W. W. Norton, Ae 1913, Jon Sane 1190. wor of London enjoys 1992), 110-28. itself.” June of28,

24. Olsen, The Growth of Victorian London, . ponavia, London Pefore I Fe eee m 16. . I am borrowing this phrase from 25. Building News 57 (1889), 311, as cited Agnew, World Apart, 33.

in Olsen, The Growth of Victorian London, 304. 37. Stowell and Kaplan have recently 26. W. Macqueen-Pope, Carriages at shown how the alliance between retailing and Eleven: The Story of the Edwardian Theatre the theater inspired audiences and managers to

(London: Hutchinson, 1947). see the latter as a promotional venue. They also 27. For the architectural history of London argue that the “New Drama” of Ibsen, Shaw, _ theaters, see Victor Glasstone, Victorian and Granville-Barker, and feminist playwrights reEdwardian Theatres: An Architectural and Soctal acted against the staging of consumption and Survey (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, gender relations within mainstream drama. For

1975), esp. 98-114. Other details may be the suffrage response, see Kaplan and Stowell, found in Diana Howard, London Theatres and Theatre and Fashion, chap. 5. Jan McDonald

vest a . 950 (London: Library at As-the simaany argues thet the achallenge Oran being so produced Court Theatre

28. ‘Tracy C. Davis, “Edwardian Manage- the growing commercialism of the West End. ment and the Structures of Industrial Capital- The “New Drama,” 1900-1914 (New York: The ne noon and Kaplan, The Edwardian Grove Press, 1986), 5. Also see Simon Trussler,

let alee ats , The Cambridge Illustrated History of British

aoe ee o room um 58) 108 Edwardian — Theatre (Cambridge: Cambridge University ondon. ThurCHINSOn, , , Press, 1994), 260. Of course, this division was © 30. In a very brief visit to London in 1898, not so clear at the time. Actresses in avant-

Dr. S. A. Ellison and another couple visited d ducti mes fren b fall and the Lyric Theatre, Her Majesty’s Theatre, the P ohic P aI ue eed od the ‘in peau - y

Duke of York’s Theater, the Tivoli, and the *#S/0nably attired an the play $ mis-en=scene Empire. Dr. S. A. Ellison, “A Trip to Europe, could be as richly materialistic as that of com-

April 9th-June 5th, 1898,” Ellison Collection, mercial theater. < of sctorial

New York Public Library. 38. For an analysis of the pictori aspects 31. Quoted in Gagnier, Idylls of the Market- or nineteenth century drama, as Varin lace, 103. e1sel, CALI ZALIONS. arrative, tczioriadi, an

P 32. Mario Borsa, The English Stage of To- Theatrical Arts in Nineteenth-Century England Day (1908), as cited in Booth, Theatre in the (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).

Victorian Age, 15-16. | See also Michael R. Booth, “The Metropolis 33. In November of 1878 the mass caterers on Stage,” in Dyos and Wolff, The Victorian

Spiers and Pond opened the new Gaiety Res- Cty, 1:211-24. 7

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 275 39. Percy Fitzgerald, Principles of Comedy 48. Patrice Petro has observed that the and Dramatic Effect (Tinsley, 1870) cited in image and meaning of women’s cinema specta-

Booth, Victortan Spectacular Theatre, 15. torship should be read in relationship to the 40. In discussing Wilde’s The Importance of _ illustrated women’s magazines, since together

Being Earnest, Gagnier points out that the these media constructed the female viewer/ “material images on stage are a direct mimesis reader as consumer. Patrice Petro, Joyless of the audience.” Idylls of the Marketplace,111. Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representa-

41. In an interesting episode in the late tion 1n Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton nineties, Sims urged drapers to keep their win- | University Press, 1989), 90.

dows lit after hours. This campaign served a 49. A.B.C. Amusement Guide and Record, twofold purpose: it would make the West End March 7, 1896, 3. both more spectacular and more moral. Sims 50. Lady, February 25, 1890, 225. and his fellow authors were deeply invested in 51. Sphere, July 9, 1910, 11. the moralizing potential of the spectacular me- 52. Lady, January 11, 1894, 43.

tropolis. London’s drapers responded some- 53. For an extreme example of this tenwhat negatively, however. “Lights of London,” dency see the review of The Forty Thieves at Drapers’ Record, October 24, 1896, 195, and Drury Lane in The Era in early 1887, repro-

“More Lights in London,” 202. duced in Booth’s Victorian Spectacular Theatre, 42. Mander and Mitchenson, Musical Com- 161-71.

edy, 14. 54. Advertising page, Play Pictorial 13, no.

43. Kaplan and Stowell’s Theatre and Fash- 80 (May 1909). ion does an excellent job surveying the nature 55. Evra, August 13, 1881, as cited in Booth, of this relationship, but does not fully consider Victorian Spectacular Theatre, 69.

how the theater and fashion industry devel- 56. “Dress and Democracy in the Drama of

oped a view of the consumer/spectator. To-Day,” Lady's Realm 26 (May-October 44, WDTY, October 30, 1880, 687. 1909): 43-44. 45. Ibid. Haute couture and mass produc- 57. Christopher Pulling, They Were Singing, , tion and distribution developed together and quoted in James Laver, Edwardian Promenade both were a product of a growing capitalist (London: Edward Hulton, 1958), 92. For the economy. Steele, Fashion and Eroticism, 80. multiple meanings of cross-dressing on the 46. “Beauties in Shop-Windows,” BC, _ stage, see J. S. Bratton, “Beating the Bounds: April 6, 1878. See also “Society Beauties Pic- | Gender Play and Role Reversal in the Edwartures Sold in Shop-Windows,” BC, March 30, dian Music Hall,” in Booth and Kaplan, The 1878. For the image of actresses as prostitutes, Edwardian Theatre, 86-110. For a broader culsee Davis, Actresses as Working Women, esp.69- tural analysis, see Marjorie Garber, Vested In-

101. Even in Edwardian London, actresses ¢erests:_ Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety and fashion models were sometimes thought (New York: Routledge, 1992). For a discussion to be women of easy virtue. Fora model’s remi- _ of gender as performance, see Judith P. Butler, niscences, see Lou Taylor, “Marguerite Shoo- | Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of bert, London Fashion Model, 1906-1917,” Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990). Costume: The Journal of the Costume Society 17 58. Davis, Actresses as Working Women, 107. (1983): 105-10, 109. For the growing respect- 59. Duff-Gordon, Discretions and Indiscreability of actresses, see Kathy Peiss, “Making —szons, 24. Also see Kaplan and Stowell’s analysis

Up, Making Over,” in de Graziaand Furlough, of Lucile’s career in Theatre and Fashion, esp. The Sex of Things, 321-22. On the mass circu- 39-43. For another history of Lucile and her lation of the actress’s image see Elizabeth Ann famous sister, Elinor Glyn, see Meredith McCauley, 4. A. Disdért and the Cartes de Visite Etherington-Smith and Jeremy Pilcher, The Tr’ Portrait Photograph (New Haven: Yale Univer- Girls: Lucy, Lady Duff Gordon, the Couturiére, sity Press, 1985); and Avril Lansdell, Fashion a and Elinor Glyn, Romantic Novelist (London:

la Carte, 1860-1900: A Study of Fashion Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986). These deThrough Cartes de Visite (Aylesbury: Shire _ signers generally sold to society’s elite, actresses,

Publications, 1985). and courtesans, but the respectable and unre47. For a discussion of this practice, see spectable clientele never met one another face “Abuses of Advertisement,” Queen, February _ to face. Steele, Fashion and Eroticism, 76.

21, 1903, 310. Even the famous male imper- 60. Duff-Gordon, Discretions, 41-43. While sonator Vesta Tilley was used to sell Pond’s Lucile later claimed that the stage had inspired Vanishing Cream. See the advertisementinthe her first dress design, Paul Poiret believed Daily Graphic, March 28, 1911, 17. Loeb dis- that he had acquired “his taste for colour ... cusses the actress as “commercial heroine,” in amidst the phantasmagoria of pinks, greens,

Consuming Angels, 95-99, and velvets” that he witnessed as a child at the

276 NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 1889 Paris Exhibition. Poiret, My First Fifty 79. Herzog, “Powder Puff,” 137.

Years, 18. 80. Jane Gaines, “The Queen Christina _ 61. Duff-Gordon, Discretions, 47. In 1909 Tie-Ups: Convergence of Show Window and

she claimed to have earned approximately forty Screen,” Quarterly Review of Film and Video

thousand pounds. Studies 11 (1988-89): 35. | 62. Cecil Beaton, The Glass of Fashion 81. Jeanne Allen, “The Film Viewer as (1954; reprint, London: Cassell, 1989), 32. Consumer,” Quarterly Review of Film Studies

: 63. Duff-Gordon, Discretions, 76. 5, no. 4 (Fall 1980): 482. Allen expands 64. Ibid., 68. Charlotte Herzog quotes cos- _ this argument in a later article, “Fig Leaves in

tume historian, Elizabeth Jackimowicz, who Hollywood: Female Representation and wrote that each of the famous designers Cha- | Consumer Culture,” in Gaines and Herzog, nel, Poiret, and Worth claimed to have origi- Fabrications, 122-33. In this article she exnated the first fashion show. Lucile, then, must _ plores how the intersection between film and , be added to this list. Charlotte Herzog, “‘Pow- consumerism played out in the 1926 film Fig der Puff? Promotion: The Fashion-Show-in- Leaves. the-Film,” in Fabrications: Costume and the 82. On the relationship between theatrical Female Body, ed. Jane Gaines and Charlotte production and the birth of the cinema, see Herzog (New York: Routledge, 1990), 134. Nicholas A. Vardac, Stage to Screen: Theatrical 65. Duff-Gordon, Discretions, 74-76. Method from Garrick to Griffith (1949; reprint, 66. “Blue Blood and Business—Lady Duff- New York: Benjamin Blom, 1968). On the Gordon’s Fashion Salon in Paris,” Dai/y heterogenous nature of early cinema audience

Graphic, April 6, 1911, 13. in the United States, see Hansen, Babel and 67. “Good Window Display,” Retail Trader, Babylon, chap. 2.

September 27, 1910, 24. 83. Lary May, Screening Out the Past: The 68. “The Show Window,” Retail Trader, Birth of Mass Culture and the Motion Picture

October 25, 1910, 18. , , Industry (Chicago: University of Chicago 69. Culver, “What Manikins Want,” 106. Press, 1980). .

70. Fanny Douglas, The Gentlewoman’s 84. On the soaring costs of theatrical proBook of Dress, Victoria Library for Gentle- ductions, see Pick, The West End, especially women Series (London: Henry and Co., 1895) — chaps. 7-9.

3. 85. Abigail Solomon-Godeau, “The Other 71. Florence Hull Winterburn, Principles of | Side of Venus: The Visual Economy of FemiCorrect Dress (New York: Harper Brothers, nine Display,” in de Grazia and Furlough, The 1914), 15. Sex of Things, 114. — 72. “How to Advertise Bread—The Value 86. Theresa de Lauretis, A/ice Doesn't: Fem-

of Newspaper Advertising—The Newspaper, inism, Semiotics,Cinema (Bloomington: Indithe Baker’s Shop Window,” Progressive Confec- ana University Press, 1984), 4. See also her tioner 1, no. 1 (January 1911): 9-10. There Technologies of Gender: Essays on Theory, Film,

were many different ways that the emerging and Fiction (Bloomington: Indiana University , field of consumer psychology conceptualized Press, 1987).

the consumer. Bowlby began to explore this 87. Laura Mulvey, “Visual Pleasure and topic in Shopping with Freud, 94-119. Narrative Cinema,” Screen 16, no. 3 (Autumn

73. Queen, April 26, 1900, 681. 1975): 11. For the novel see Bowlby, Just

74. Anonymous, The Show Window, LCP, Looking, Jeff Nunokawa, “Tess, ‘Tourism, and add. mss. 1927/7. First performed at the Not- the Spectacle of Women,” in Rewriting the tingham Hippodrome, February 24, 1927. Victorians: Theory, History, and Politics of Gen-

75. Campbell, The Romantic Ethic, 47. der, ed. Linda M. Shires (New York: 76. On cinema and its relationship to con- Routledge, 1992), 70-86; and Thomas Richsumer culture, see Friedberg, Window Shop- ards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian Enping, and the introduction and essays in Char- gland, 206. Tracy Davis and Peter Bailey ananey and Schwartz, Cinema and the Invention of lyzed the construction of the female body as Modern Life, Petro, Joyless Streets, Miriam object of the male gaze in the Victorian theHansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in the ater. They do not, however, show how this American Silent Film (Cambridge: Harvard construction was related to the emergence of a University Press, 1991); Gaines and Herzog, culture of consumption or theorize about the

Fabrications. construction of a female spectators’ reaction.

77. Drapers’ Record, March 12, 1898, 629. Davis, Actresses as Working Women, 105-37, — 78. Charles Eckert, “The Carol Lombard _ Bailey, ““Naughty but Nice.’” For the Ameriin Macy’s Window,” Quarterly Review of Film can theater, see Robert Allen, Horrible Prett-

Studies 3, no. 1 (Winter 1978): 4. ness: Burlesque and American Culture (Chapel

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 277 Hill: University of North Carolina Press, sure into a heterosocial entertainment. See

1991). Women in Public, 79-80. 88. Herzog, “Powder Puff,” 158-59. _ 103. Shonfield, The Precartously Privileged,

89. Mary Ann Doane, “Film and the Mas- 217. querade: Theorizing the Female Spectator,” 104. This discussion summarizes Jeffrey H.

Screen 23, nos. 3—4 (1982): 80. Huberman’s analysis in Late Victorian Farce

90. Mary Ann Doane, “The Economy of (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, Desire: The Commodity Form in/of the Cin- 1986). Also see Jessica Milner Davis, Farce ema,” Quarterly Review of Film and Video (London: Methuen, 1978).

Studies 11 (1988-89):25. 105. English burlesque was tamer than its

91. Hansen, Babel and Babylon, 4. American counterpart; it was a variety show of 92. John Hollingshead, “Theatres,” in Lon- broad comedy and strip-tease dancers. Howdon in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Walter Be- ever, late-nineteenth-century English bursant (London: Adam and Charles Black, lesque usually featured a chorus of working-

1909), 205. class women exposing their legs at some point _

93. George Rowell, The Victorian Theatre, in the performance. On English burlesque, see 1792-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- _V. C. Clinton-Baddeley, The Burlesque Tradisity Press, 1978), 143-45; Trewin, The Edwar- tion in the English Theater after 1660 (New dian Theatre, 160-62. “The Romance of a York: Benjamin Blom, 1971); John D. Jump, Shop Girl” is the title of B. W. Findon’s article — Burlesque (London: Methuen, 1971). on Our Miss Gibbs in the Play Pictorial 13, no. 106. “At the Gaiety,” Saturday Review, Oc-

80 (May 1909): 102-25. tober 30, 1909, reprinted in Max Beerbohm,

94. Richards, The Commodity Culture of Around Theatres (New York: Knopf, 1930),

Victorian England, 15. 2:722.

95. Agnew, Worlds Apart, 11. 107. The KOW Girls also took their name

96. Buci-Glucksmann, “Catastrophic Uto- because Waller had played a cowboy in Edwin

pia,” 221. Royle’s, 4 White Man at the Lyric that year. 97. Halttunen has shown that American Kaplan and Stowell, Theatre and Fashion, 125. theater began to laugh at rather than overtly 108. PMG, April 12, 1909, 12. condemn fashion’s excesses as early as the 109. M.A.P, April 17, 1909, 71. 1840s. Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted 110. “The Selfridge of Stageland: Queen’s

Women. Theatre as Public Rendezvous,” Daily Chront98. Charles Petrie, The Edwardians (New _ cle, September 17, 1913.

York: W. W. Norton, 1965), 39. 111. This Way, Madame, first performed at 99. For the early years of the theater, see the Coronet Theatre, September 2, 1913, John Hollingshead, Gaiety Chronicles (Lon- LCP, add. mss. 1913/30 don: Archibald Constable, 1898); Hollings- 112. H.J. W. Dam, “The Shop Girl: At the head, “Good Old Gaiety.” For Edwardes’s man- Gaiety,” Sketch, November 28, 1894, 216. On agement see Stanley Naylor, Gaiety and George his career also see London American, April 3, Grossmith: Random Reflections on the Serious 1895, 6.

Business of Enjoyment (London: Stanley Paul, 113. H. J. W. Dam, music by Ivan Caryll 1913); and W. Macqueen-Pope, Gaiety: The- with additional numbers by Adrian Ross and atre of Enchantment (London: W. H. Allen, Lionel Monckton, The Shop Girl, first per-

1949). formed November 22, 1894, Gaiety Theatre.

100. Cited in Derek Parker and Julia LCP, add. mss., 53562. Parker, The Natural History of the Chorus 114. Ona male worker’s attempt to raise his Girl (London: David and Charles, 1975), station via flirtation, see Robert Buchanan and

52. Charles Marlowe, The Romance of the Shop101. In “ ‘Naughty but Nice,’” Bailey does walker, first performed February 27, 1896 at

an excellent job analyzing the many facets of | the Royal Colchester, LCP, add. mss., 53594u.

the Gaiety Girl phenomenon, including their 115. Bailey, “Parasexuality and Glamour,”

status as workers, stage personas, and public 166-67. ,

images. These different facets coalesced to 116. Yet this tension between workers and produce a new product: commodified sexuality. their boss, Septimus Hooley, never entirely More work needs to be done, however, on the _ disappeared. In fact, when the play was revived Gaiety Girl as burlesque actress prior to the in 1920, this scene was extended and Hooley’s

advent of the musical comedy. response was a good deal more vicious than it

102. Lady, October 28, 1886, 344. Mary had been in 1894. In the later version, Hooley Ryan briefly examined the transformation of | answers his employee’s complaints by calling the theater from a site of male homosocial lei- _ them “pilferers of petty cash,” “pinchers of pre-

278 NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX cious patterns,” and “lunch-time loungers.” Educated Young Men of the Middle Class (LonRevised version and lyrics by Arthur Wim- don: P. S. King, 1912), 82. In the midseventies peris, music by Herman Darewski, The Shop reform groups such as the Ladies Sanitary AsGirl, first performed at the Gaiety, March 25, sociation and local organizations such as the

1920. LCP add. mss. 1920/7. Brighton Association in Favour of Seats be117. For a discussion of the Gaiety Girls hind Counters had attempted to improve

who became peeresses, see Laver, Edwardian working conditions in the department stores

Promenade, 76-77. and small shops. Woman's. Gazette (April 118. Taylor, “Marguerite Shoobert, Lon- 1876): 100-101; (May 1876): 124.

don Fashion Model,” 110. 129. Sir Joseph Hallsworth and Rhys J. Da119. James Gardiner, Gaby Deslys: A Fatal vies, The Working Life of Shop Assistants: A Attraction (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, Study in the Conditions of Labour in the Distrib-

1986), 106-7, 140. | | utive Trades (Manchester: National Labour

120. Lancaster, The Department Store, 183. Press, 1910), 77-78. Lancaster suggests that Whiteley’s behavior 130. Harley Granville-Barker, The Madras perpetuated the store’s immoral image. _ House, ed. Margery Morgan (London: Meth121. Daily Graphic, March 27, 1911, 14. uen, 1977); and Cicely Hamilton, Diana of

122. Standard, March 19, 1914. | Dobson's: A Romantic Comedy in Four Acts 123. Kaplan and Stowell, Theatre and Fash- (New York: Samuel French, 1925). On the

ton, 183-84. treatment of mass commerce and images of 124. This point has been suggested by Peter female sexuality in socialist and feminist

Bailey’s analysis of mass culture in “Ally Slop- _ theater, see Kaplan and Stowell, Theatre and

ers Half-Holiday: Comic Art in the 1880s,” Fashion, 108-14, 122-29, and 152-82; History Workshop Journal 16 (Autumn 1983): Gagnier, Idylls of the Marketplace, McDonald,

4-31. The “New Drama’, Sheila Stowell, 4 Stage of | 125. E. B. Ashford, “Women in the Dis- Their Own: Feminist Playwrights of the Suffrage

tributive Trades, Displacement Study,” Wom- Era (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan en’s Industrial News 20, no. 73 (April 1916):9- Press, 1992); Dennis Kennedy, Granville14. The Drapers’ Record commented in 1895 Barker and the Dream of Theatre (Cambridge: that there was “a growing tendency on the part © Cambridge University Press, 1985); Harry M.

of drapers to give more and more employment Ritchie, “Harley Granville-Barker’s The to women in the lighter trades.” July 6, 1895, Madras House and the Sexual Revolution,”

15. Modern Drama 15, no. 2 (September 1972):

126. Miss Fowle, March 1921. Miscellane- 150-58; and Heidi J. Holder, ““The Drama ous unmarked box of short histories at Har- Discouraged’: Judgment and Ambivalence in

rods’ In-Store Archive. _ The Madras House,” University of Toronto

127. This mixture of emotions was present Quarterly 58, no. 2 (Winter 1988-89):

in “the morality of shop girls question” which 275-94. clerics, drapers, and journalists debated around 131. Gissing, The Odd Women. the time of Selfridge’s opening. See, for exam- 132. Stuart Lonalti, The Shop Girl and Her. ple, “Morality of Shop Girls Question,” Daily | Master, Theatre Royal, Leigh, Lancaster, April

News, February 17, 1909, 9. The best work on 19, 1915, LCP #333A.

the female shopworkers in England remains 133. Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic ImagHolcombe, Victorian Ladies at Work, 103-40. ination: Balzac, Henry James, Melodrama, and Lancaster also discusses their history briefly in the Mode of Excess (New York: Columbia Uni-

The Department Store, 137-42 and 177-82. _ versity Press, 1985), 11-12. :

Neither work explores the female work culture 134. Rich Waldon, Just in Time, Royal discussed so thoroughly by Benson in Counter Princess, Glasgow, July 23, 1915, LCP #3586. Cultures or how the feminization of the sales 135. Quoted in Bailey, “Parasexuality and

staff may have been a cost-cutting measure. Glamour,” 166. . For this argument, see McBride, “A Woman’s 136. Owen Hall, The Girl from Kay’, World.” For two general works, see Wilfred B. Apollo Theatre, November 24, 1902, LCP Whitaker, Victorian and Edwardian Shopwork- — #1902/33. Ellipsis in original.

ers: The Struggle to Obtain Better Conditions and 137. Anonymous, The Toy Shop, first pera Half Holiday (Totowa, NJ.: Rowman and formed July 21, 1915, Palace Doncaster, LCP,

Littlefield, 1973); Christina Walkley, The 1915/11. Ghost in the Looking Glass: The Victorian Seam- 138. Paul A. Rubens, Seé/frich’s Annual Sale,

stress (London: Peter Owen, 1981). October 24, 1910, Savoy Theatre. LCP, 1910/ 128. William Paine, Shop Slavery and 26. Selfridge also became the source of farce Emancipation: A Revolutionary Appeal to the in Fred Maitland, Number One “Gerrard’—Or

NOTES TO EPILOGUE 279 Selfridge Outdone, April 25, 1912, Empire Liv- later was held at Girton College, Cambridge,

erpool, LCP, 1912/17. and was opened with a speech by the Fabian

139. Drapers’ Record, September 13, 1890, essayist and author of The Exghteen-Nineties 353. (1913), Holbrook Jackson. Jackson began by 140. Drapers’ Record, February 20, 1897, praising Mr. Gordon Selfridge for having “rev441. olutionized the drapery trade in this country.” 145. Macqueen-Pope, Gatety, 422.

eet Drapers’ Record, October 3, 1899, i B ‘ Cryptos’ Our Mis Gi he -

, . Laver, The Edwardian Promenade, 76. , and orld, the Woman’s World, (1889): World Iswol Bloom; 5-68. trans.University Héléne Iswo skyHélene (Bloomington: ; ; Indiana Press, 1984), 154. soy Drapers’ Record, March 20, 1897, 448" Mikhail Bakhtin, Radelais and His

143. Simmonds, The Practical Grocer 1: 149. Peter Stallybrass and Allon White,

188-89. The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca: 144, See, for example, “A School for Shop — Cornel] University Press, 1986), 30.

Assistants: Gramophone Company's Novel 150. Katherine Mansfield, “The Tiredness Training Scheme,” Dazly Chronicle, December of Rosabel,” in Stories, selected with an intro1, 1922; “Drapery Trade Summer School,” The duction by Elizabeth Bowen (1908; reprint,

Times, August 19, 1924; “Draper’s Summer New York: Vintage Books, 1956), 3-8, 3.

School,” The Times, August 14, 1930. The 151. Ibid., 8. EPILOGUE

Tue Pouitics oF PLATE Giass

1. Daily Telegraph quoted in Votes for 10. “Window Breaking: ‘To One Who has Women, March 8, 1912, 352. For an overview Suffered,” WSPU leaflet reprinted in Jane of the campaign and a discussion of its place Marcus, ed., Suffrage and the Pankhursts (Lonin the history of the struggle for the vote, see don: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987), 183Antonia Raeburn, The Militant Suffragettes 84. In one instance at least, a window smasher,

(London: Michael Joseph, 1973), 166-82; Lady Rhondda’s aunt Janetta, felt so guilty Roger Fulford, Votes for Women: The Story ofa about her act that she went to the very same Struggle (London: Faber and Faber, 1957), 245- shop the next day and bought a five-guinea hat 54; Andrew Rosen, Rise Up, Women! The Mili- to make up for it. See the description of this tant Campaign of the Women’s Soctal and Political incident in Janet Courtney, The Women of My

Union, 1903-1914 (London: Routledge and Time (London: Lovat Dickson, 1934), 165. Kegan Paul, 1974), 157-60. There had been 11. For a discussion of nineteenth-century some window breaking in the West Endin No- —_ London and social protest, see Geoffrey Crosvember of 1911, but that earlier campaign was sick, “The Organization of Space,” in 4 New primarily directed at government offices. For Economic and Social History of Modern Europe, the most recent assessment of suffragette tactics, | ed. Heinz~Gerhard Haupt and Albert Carreras see Cheryl R. Jorgensen-Earp, “The Transfig- (London: Routledge, forthcoming); David uring Sword”: The Just War of the Women’s Social Goodway, London Chartism, 1838-1848 and Political Movement (Tuscaloosa: University (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

of Alabama Press, 1997). 1982), 111-14; and Donald Richter, Riotous

2. Daily Telegraph quoted in Votes For Victorians (Athens: Ohio University Press,

Women, March 8, 1912, 352. 1981).

3. Cited in Emmeline Pankhurst, My Own 12. Tickner, The Spectacle of Women, 190. Story (London: Eveleigh Nash, 1914), 217. Fulford made a very similar argument in Votes 4. Evening Standard quoted in Votes For for Women, 118.

Women, March 8, 1912, 354. 13. Richardson, Laugh a Defiance, 43. At

5. Datly Graphic, March 2, 1912, 6. the Lyons café, however, a group of men threw ,

6. Standard, March 4, 1912, 12. cups at Richardson and her militant friends.

1912, 331-32. safe haven. |

7. Draper and Drapery Times, March 9, The café could thus hardly be construed as a 8. Draper and Drapery Times, March 16, 14, Tickner, The Spectacle of Women, 190,

1912, 417. Diane Atkinson, The Purple, White, and Green: 9. Mary R. Richardson, Laugh a Defiance Suffragettes in London, 1906-1914 (London: (London: George Weidenfeld and Nicholson, Museum of London, 1992). See also Vicinus,

1953), 39-40. Independent Women, 247-80 and most recently

280 NOTES TO EPILOGUE Kaplan and Stowell, Theatre and Fashion,152- 1922-1945 (Berkeley: University of California

84. Press, 1992); and the introduction and essays

15. Votes for Women (1908) cited in Atkin- in part 3 of de Grazia and Furlough, The Sex son, The Purple, White, and Green, 15. of Things. Also see Belinda Davis, “Home Fires 16. Francis Latham, Is the British Empire Burning: Politics, Identity, and Food in World Ripe for Government by Disorderly Women Who Nar J Berlin” (Ph.D diss., University of MichSmash Windows and Assault Police? (London: — igan, 1992); Erica Carter, “Alice in Consumer

Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent and Co., Wonderland: West German Case Studies in

1911), 20. | Gender and Consumer Culture,” in Gender 17. Courtney, Women of My Time, 174. and Generation, ed. Angela McRobbie and

18. See the exchange between Mr. Pethick- | Mica Nava (London: Macmillan, 1984); Ellen Lawrence and Keith Thomas, the managing Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The director of the Imperial News Agency, “How Politics of Consumption, 1834-1930 (Ithaca: Women Might Get the Vote,” Modern Business Cornell University Press, 1991): Gurney, Co-

3 (July 1909); 4 (August 1909). operative Culture in England; Dana Frank, Pur19. Votes For Women, January 7, 1910, 285. chasing Power: Consumer Organizing, Gender,

20. BC, June 13, 1908. and the Seattle Labor Movement (Cambridge: 21. For an analysis of this in the United Cambridge University Press, 1994); Lizabeth States, see Cott, Grounding of Modern Femi- Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers

nism, 145-74; Rayna Rapp and Ellen Ross, in Chicago, 1919-1939 (Cambridge: Cam“The Twenties Backlash: Compulsory Hetero- _ bridge University Press, 1990), 99-158; Jane sexuality, the Consumer Family, and the Wan- Gaines, “Introduction: Fabricating the Female ing of Feminism,” in Class, Race, and Sex: The Body,” in Gaines and Herzog, Fabrications, 5— Dynamics of Control, ed. Amy Swerdlow and 11; Elizabeth Wilson, “All that Rage,” in K. Lessinger (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1982), 93- Gaines and Herzog, Faérications, 28-38; Stu-

107. art Hall and Tony Jefferson, Resistance through

22. Atkinson, Purple, White, and Green, 27. Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain 23. Christabel Pankhurst, Unshackled: The (London: Hutchinson, 1976); Dick Hebdige, Story of How We Won the Vote, ed. Rt. Hon. Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London: Lord Pethick-Lawrence (1959; reprint, Lon- Methuen, 1979).

don: Cresset Women’s Voices, 1987), 205. 25. This history has yet to be written. 24. Among the many studies to explore the | However, one may wish to consult Sally Alexintersections between politics and consump- _ander’s “Becoming a Woman in London in the tion, see Auslander, Taste and Power, Victoria 1920s and 1930s,” in Feldman and Jones, Me~ de Grazia, How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, tropolts, 245-71.

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BLANK PAGE

° IN DE xX ° A.B.C. Tea Shops, 102~3 Beetham, Margaret, 122, 258n.18, 259n.20,

Ablett, William, 231n.27 259n.26

actresses, 185-86, 200-01, 275n.46~47 Beeton, Isabella, 112

Adelaide Gallery, 35 Beeton, Samuel, 112, 113

Adorno, Theodor, 180, 228n.53 Bell, Laura. See Mrs. Augustus Frederick advertising, 142-144, 156-57, 266-67n.35; Thistlethwayte and consumer culture, 227n.43, 228n.54; Bell, Sir William, 232n.37 and creation of mass market, 173; critical Benjamin, Walter, 28, 31, 116, 235n.92 theories of, 269n.81, 270n.114, 270n.129; Bennett, Arnold, 123, 147, 157, 266n.27 and department stores, 142-44, 156-75, Bennett, Tony, 28, 118 269n.83, 269n.89; impact on West End, Benson, John, 228n.54, 242n.33, 258n.14 147, 148, 173-75; and theater, 180, 185— Benson, Susan Porter, 271n.170 86, 189-90; in women’s magazines, 122, Berger, John, 121 127. See also journalism; newspapers; wom- _ Berners Club, 87-88, 90, 91, 94

en’s magazines Besant, Walter, 22—23, 90, 253n.88

agency, female, 239n.3; 240n.14 Biagini, Eugenio, 236n.100 Agnew, Jean-Christophe, 193; 242n.26 Blackwell, Elizabeth, 90

Albemarle Club, 88-89 Bloom, Ursula, 148, 181, 183 alcohol: in department stores, 30-31, 33-34; Blow, Mark, 196 in public entertainments, 34-36; regulation Blow, Sydney, 196

of, 34, 235n.85, 236n.100 Blumenfeld, Ralph D., 157

Alexandra Club, 96 Blumen, Stuart, 230n.21

Allen, Jeanne, 190 Bodichon, Barbara Leigh Smith, 87

alliances, cross-class, 197, 200 bohemia, 249n.23 American Express, 134-35, 139 Bonavia, Michael, 183

American Rendezvous, 134-35 Bond Street, 151

Americans, in London, 108, 138-39, Bon Marché, 153 153, 183, 205, 264n.171, 268n.69, Booker, Beryl Lee, 246n.124

274n.30 Boswell, James, 10

Anderson, Amanda, 32 Bowlby, Rachel, 11, 160

Appadurai, Arjun, 269n.81 Bowles, Thomas Gibson, 114

Archer, William, 181 Brake, Laurel, 252n.81 Arendt, Hannah, 79 Breward, Christopher, 111 Army and Navy Stores, 196, 268n.64 Brewer, John, 11 Arnold, Matthew, 248n.16, 259n.32 Briggs, Asa, 229-30n.10

Artists’ Franchise League, 219 Brittain, Vera, 266n.31

Asquith, Lady Cynthia, 266n.32 Brompton Road, commercial development of,

audience. See theater 233n.54. See also Harrod’s

Author’s Club, 90, 253n.88 Bronté, Charlotte, 3, 6, 7-8, 116-17, 222 Brooks, Peter, 202-3

Bailey, Peter, 163, 165, 179, 198, 276n.87, Buck-Morss, Susan, 116, 235n.92

277n.101 Burbidge, Richard, 150, 179, 233n.54

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 212 Burke, Thomas, 147, 149 Ballaster, Ros, 258n.18 burlesque, 193-94, 199, 277n.105 Barton, Rose, 3 Burlington Arcade, 151 Bath Club, 254n.118 Burton, Antoinette, 133, 260n.45 Baudelaire, Charles, 117 Butler, Josephine, 77 Baudrillard, Jean, 12

Baumer, Lewis, 165-66 Cabaret Theatre Club, 254n.118 Bayswater: commercial development of, 16- Caird, Mona, 91

19, 21, 25-47; demography, 24-25, Campbell, Colin, 190 232n.37, 232n.46, 233n.49; geography 20, Carlyle, Jane, 245n.92

232n.41. See also Westbourne Grove Carlyle, Thomas, 245n.92 Bayswater Chronicle, 30-31, 33, 39-43, 90-91 Carnegie, Andrew, 153

Beerbohm, Max, 194, 203 carnival, 194, 212-13

316 INDEX Caryll, Ivan, 197 Cott, Nancy, 246n.5_ 72; and development of department store, 44 | 50, 70-72, 240n.11, 245n.11. See also Courtney, Janet, 219 credit ~ Court Theater, 201, 273n.14, 274n.37

cash: attitudes toward use of, 54, 62, 70- county courts, 48, 56, 66, 239n.2, 243n.42—

Cates, Arthur, 268n.58 | coverture, 51, 58, 63-65, 244n.84 Cawston, Arthur, 247n.9 Cox, Edward William, 113

Chancellor, E. B., 147, 175, 249n.23 credit: and aristocratic consumption, 54-55;

Chant, Mrs. Ormiston, 182 attitudes toward, 50, 53-55; as cultural.

chaperon, 138, 264n.171, 266n.31 transaction, 239-40n.5; disputes over, Charity Organization Society, 91 241n.19; and expansion of consumer soci-

charivari, 16-18, 213 ety, 50-51, 53-54, 240n.6; married wom-

Chesterton, G. K., 230n.16 en’s, 63-65, 71-72; and middle-class con- , Christmas shopping, 120, 130 sumption, 50, 54; risks of, 50-51, 54-55;

cinema, 147, 148, 190-91, 276n.81-82 7 and the rural economy, 240n.9; use in retailCity of London, as a retail district, 8 ing, 240n.9; wife acting as husband’s agent, class conflict, between buyer and seller, 204—6 48-49, 51, 56-61; and working-class econclubland, female, 9, 74-76, 85, 87-101, 106. omy, 50, 54. See also cash; debt

254n.118 , 62-63 , 96-99 Criterion Restaurant, 86 See also women’s clubs Creditors’ Bill, 56, 58

clubs, and heterosociality, 92, 95-96, 105, credit reform, and drapery trade, 55, 58-60,

clubwoman: images of, 74, 85, 88, 89, 91-92, | Cremorne Gardens, 120 , Cobbe, Frances Power, 87-88, 90, 91, 106, Criterion Theater, 181, 183

218, 252n.77 Crosby Hall, 86 :

Cobden Club, 96 : | cross-dressing, 275n.57

Cohen, Margaret, 260n.60 Crown, and control of West End commercial

Coke, Mrs. Talbot, 113 culture, 151-53, 236n.102

Come Inside, 195 culture industry, 180

comedy, as critique of consumer culture, 213. Culver, Stuart, 189

See also charivari; musical comedy :

commodity culture, 11, 186, 192. See alsocon- —_ Daly’s Theater, 192

sumer culture; consumption Dam, H. J. W., 179, 184, 196-97 ,

commodity fetishism, 28 - Dangerfield, George, 145

conspicuous consumption, 53, 179, 245n.110 Davidoff, Leonore, 12, 48, 249n.25

consumer. See shopper , Davies, Tony, 262n.91 ,

consumer culture: American, 144-45, - Davis, Edith, 133-36, 139

266n.28; comparison of French and En- Davis, Eliza, 113, 185 oe

glish, 148-151; definitions of, 11, 12-13; Davis, James, 185

English development of, 144-51; and het- Davis, Tracy, 179, 182, 187, 276n.87

erosexuality, 162-65, 178-80, 192-95, | de Certeau, Michel, 6, 127 197-200, 209-14; and identity, 210-12, de Grazia, Victoria, 13

230n.14; and income level, 242n.33; and de Lauretis, Theresa, 191 - | | national identities, 149-50, and Royal spec- Debenham and Freebody’s, 185, 186

consumption Debord, Guy, 11 |

tacle, 233n.69. See also commodity culture; | Debenham and Freebody v. Mellon, 59-62, 64 —

consumer politics, 215-21 , debt: and business failure, 242n.39; familial consumer psychology, 276n.72 disputes over, 14, 48, 59, 65-70, 242n.36;

consumer revolution, 11 husband’s liability for wife’s, 48-49, 51,

consumption: and construction of femininity, _ 55-70, 244n.55, 244n.67, 245n.96; impris-

13; and female emancipation, 220-22, onment for, 53, 242n.29; laws governing, 228n.54; and industrialization, 227.n44; 49, 51, 55-65, 243n.44, 244n.84; litiga-

middle-class anxieties about, 38-39, 47; tion, 48-49, 51, 55-70, 245n.107; and 7

theories of, 11, 12-13; and women’s maga- moral ruin, 241n.21; wife’s liability for, zines, 110-12, 115, 126-32. See also con- 48-49, 51, 55-71. See also cash;

sumer culture; shopping credit

Cooper-Oakley, Mrs., 256n.146 debtor, images of female, 52, 59, 65-68,

Corelli, Marie, 255n.119 , 71-72, 193, 210

cost of living literature, 242n.25 _ Debtor's Act of 1869, 242n.29

INDEX 317 department store: and advertising, 142-44, Faithfull, Emily, 87, 253n.102 156-75; amenities in, 30-31, 33, 36-39, family: control over money, 245n.91; mean101-2, 154, 167-69, 207-8, 237n.112, ings of, 48, 239n.3; as a unit.of consump251n.53, 251n.64, 255n.138-39; as amuse- tion, 70. See also marriage

ment, 164-66; comparison of American farce, 194 _

and English, 267n.39; and competition, fashion industry, 178, 185-92 17-18, 33, 43, 47; and consumer culture, fashion models, 200, 275n.46 28-29, 142-44, 176; and creation of Fawcett, Millicent Garrett, 254n.118 urban markets, 41-42, 237n.127; critic- female rambler. See flaneuse ism of, 37-39, 41, 45-46; definition of, femininity, as performance, 198, 210 234n.82; evolution of, 229n.6, 231n.25, feminist commercial culture, 14, 39, 75-76, 231n.27, 234n.82, 236n.97; as a female 79-80, 82, 85-92, 96-97, 102, 103, 105-7,

arena, 10-11, 143, 159-72; and female 220 emancipation, 167, 265n.7; and feminism, feminists, 75-76, 79-80, 246n.5, and con215-21; and gender identities, 18, 29-31, sumer culture, 148, 219-20, 251n.64, 33, 36-40, 45-47, 142~44, 159-72; and 279n.13; critique of commercial culture, heterosexuality, 179-80, 195, 197-214, 75-77, 79-80, 82—85, 88, 93, 201, 246n.4;

232n.37; and heterosociality, 162-65; impact on West End, 14, 15, 75-76, 79men in, 171-72; and newspaper publicity, 80, 82, 85-93, 96, 215-21, 225n.19; and 43, 142-44, 156-76; as private space, the public sphere, 77-79, 247n.11, 165-66; and public sphere, 143; satire of, 260n.45; and reform of married women’s 195-211; as spectacle, 154-72; as symbol property, 55, 57, 63-64; Selfridge’s use of, of modernity, 40, 44, 46, 144, 161, 176, 167; view of women in public, 76-77, 80, 197; and theater, 155-56, 158-59, 178-80, 82, 85, 87-90, 93. See also Lady Guide As184-89, 195-213; and transformations in sociation; Langham Place Circle; women’s shopping, 142-44, 156~76; use of cash trad- clubs; Women’s Social and Political Union ing, 50, 70-72; women’s contribution to Ferguson, Margorie, 260n.44 success of, 170. See also individual stores; Finn, Margot, 51, 240-41n.14

mass retailing flaneur, 115-22

Deslys, Gaby, 200 fianeuse, 3, 6-7, 108, 110-11, 115-22, 127D. H. Evans, 216 32, 165, 225n.22, 260n.55. See also Lady Dickens, Charles, 6 Guide Association; women writers; Dickins and Jones, 245n.11 women: in public dining rooms, ladies. See restaurant dining Fletcher, Margaret, 138

Dixon, Ella Hepworth, 114, 255n.119 Flint, Kate, 258n.19

Doane, Mary Ann, 191 Flood, James, 38-39 :

Domosh, Mona, 231n.24 Foucault, Michel, 4, 19, 77, 105, 260n.60 Doré, Gustave, 6, 77, 268n.14 Friedberg, Anne, 29, 115, 260n.51 Dorothy Restaurant, 102, 103, 154, 256n.146 _—‘Friedelson, T. 162-64 Drummond, Adelaide, 88, 105

du Maurier, George, 254n.107 Gagnier, Regina, 275n.40

Duff-Gordon, Lady Lucile, 187-88, Gaiety Girls, 193-94, 199, 200, 277n.101

275n.59, 276n.64 | Gaiety Restaurant, 86, 274n.33

Gaiety Theater, 178, 181, 192, 193-94,

E. & R. Garrould’s, 150 272n.1

Eastlake, Charles Locke, 113 , Gaines, Jane, 190 economy: decline of, 149, 229n.9; Edwar- Garside, Patricia L., 257n.11

dian, 145, 265n.16 Gaskell, Elizabeth, 116 Eley, Geoff, 230n.13 Gatti’s restaurant, 35 : Edwardes, George, 178, 179, 192, 193-94 gaslight, 261n.72

Empire Theater, 182 gender, middle-class ideals, 5-6, 12, 19, 23,

Empress Club, 94-96, 98, 254n.115 30, 36, 45, 48-49, 143, 193, 220-21,

Englishwoman, 114 224n.16, 232n.32, 232n.36. See also sepa-

Englhishwoman’s Domestic Magazine, 112 rate spheres Englishwoman's Year-Book, 246n.2 gender conflict, between buyer and seller, entrepreneurs, and urban improvement, 33- 204-6

37, 39-44 Gillow’s, 185, 187 275n.60 Glennie, P. D., 257n.13

exhibitions, 27-29, 117-18, 234n.70, Gissing, George, 6, 110, 202, 250n.45

318 INDEX Gluckstein, Montague, 103 Kaplan, Joel, 178, 195, 201, 273n.2, 273n.37,

Gordon, Frederick, 86, 274n.33 275n.43, 275n.59 Grand, Sarah, 91, 255n.119 Kearns, Gerry, 257n.13

Granville-Barker, Harley, 202 Kensington High Street, 151

Greenwood, Frederick, 112, 113, 259n.32 Kerr, Robert Malcolm, 58 Greville, Lady Beatrice Violet, 120-22 Kettledrum Tea Rooms, 95, 254n.116

Grossmith, George, 195 kleptomania, 53, 241n.22 Grosvenor Crescent Club, 96 Knightsbridge, 151 Grosvenor Gallery, 34-35 Krout, Mary, 108, 110 ground landlords, 151-52, 267n.56-57 .

Ladies Army and Navy Club, 98, 99,

Haagen, Paul H., 243n.44 256n.158

249n.27 257n.159

Habermas, Jiirgen, 12-13, 78-79, 228n.53, Ladies Automobile Club, 255n.129,

Hall, Catherine, 12, 48 Ladies Carlton Club, 98

Hall, Owen. See Davis, James Ladies County Club. See Tea and Shopping

Halttunen, Karen, 277n.97 Club

Hamilton, Cicely, 202 Ladies Empire Club, 98 Hamilton, Helen, 125 Ladies International Club, 95 Hansen, Miriam, 191 Ladies Sanitary Association, 82, 84 Harkness, Margaret, 116 Ladies Tea Association, 102

Harrison, Brian, 78, 248n.19 Lady, 110, 114-15, 122-25, 186, 260n.42

Harrod, Charles Digby, 72, 233n.54 Lady Guide Association, 14, 109-11, 132Harrod’s, 101, 142, 150, 174, 201, 233n.54; 41, 264n.182 in Our Miss Gibbs, 179, 206-7, 209-12 Lancaster, Osbert, 45 Harvey, David, 225n.25, 226n.25 Langham Place Circle, 75, 80, 87. See also

Harvey Nichols, 151 feminists

Hatchard’s, 246n.124 Langland, Elizabeth, 232n.36 Haweis, Mary, 113-14 lavatories, for women, 75-76, 79-85, Haug, Wolfgang, 269n.81, 270n.129 Latham, Francis, 219

Heal’s, 150, 174-75, 246n.115 251n.53, 251n.55-59 Hebron, Sandra, 258n.18 Leach, William, 145, 158, 168

Herzog, Charlotte, 190, 191, 276n.64 Lears, T. J. Jackson, 144, 157, 158, 228n.54,

Hollingshead, John, 181, 192 241n.18, 266n.28 |

Horkheimer, Max, 180, 228n.53 Lefebvre, Henri, 6, 225n.17 |

hotels, for women, 86, 105, 252n.69. See also leisure: attitudes toward, 248n.16; and radical individual hotels; mass catering; restaurant politics, 248-49n.20; and social control,

dining 248n.16; working-class women’s, 248n.17

House of Lords, 61-62 leisure time, and consumer society, 266n.25

Hubbard, Louisa, 80, 82, 246n.2 Levine, George, 261n.66

Hughes, Molly, 181, 246n.123, 250n.40 Levy, Amy, 89-90, 93, 116, 125-26, 253n.82,

Hunt, James Henry Leigh, 87 253n.86, 254n.107 | Huxley, Thomas, 87 Lewis, John, 151, 267—68n.57 Lewis, Rosa, 256n.151

Ibsen, Henrik, 184 Lewis’s, 234n.83

Liberty, Lasenby, 215-16

Jackson, Holbrook, 279n.144 Liberty’s, 150-51, 174-75, 185, 216-17 !

Jack the Ripper, 109, 133 Lindsay, Sir Coutts, 34-35 James, Henry, 6, 183 Linton, Eliza Lynn, 32, 113, 92-93, 100, Jay’s Mourning Warehouse, 151, 204, 216 252n.77, 259n.39 Jefferys, James, 234n.83 | Loeb, Lori Anne, 227n.43, 228n.54 |

Jerrold, Blanchard, 77, 248n.14 London: American impact on, 14, 39, 142-

John Barker’s, 151 45, 149-50, 176, 272n.180; as a commerJohnson, Paul, 50 cial center, 8; dangers for women, 7, 45,

Jolly v. Rees, 56-57, 59, 61, 244n.45 | 109, 121, 133, 137-38; expansion of con-

journalism: and feminism, 215; and the the- sumer culture, 248n.15; as a female arena, ater, 184-87. See also advertising; New Jour- 3, 7; as an imperial capital, 133-34, 152nalism; newspapers; women’s magazines 53; lack of amenities, 76; population of, 24, |

Junior Denison Club, 90, 91 145; as a sexual marketplace, 10; as specta-

INDEX 319 cle, 108-11, 115-22, 125-32, 134. See also Monico’s restaurant, 35 West End | Mort, Frank, 12 London suburbs, social geography, 22-25. See Mrs. Robertson's Tea Shop, 102

also Bayswater Mulvey, Laura, 191

Lowe, Helen, 113, 260n.42 Munby, Arthur, 137

Lyceum Club, 100, 106, 255n.132 music hall, 181, 248n.20 Lyons Corner House, 148, 174, 255n.147 musical comedy, 15, 178-80, 192-201, 203-

Lyons, Joseph, 103, 105, 195 13; and identity, 178-80, 194-95, 197-99,

Lyons Tea Shops, 103 203, 210-13. See also theater Mansfield, Katherine, 213-14 Nash, Percy, 201

marketing, and social investigation, 230n.10 Nava, Mica, 260n.55, 265n.5 marriage: and shopping, 246n.124; and wom- necessaries, definitions of, 51, 60, 66, en's status as consumers, 73. See also family 945n.99. See also debt married women’s property: drapers’ attitude New Albany Club, 254n.118 toward, 55, 58-59, 62-64, 73; reform of, New Bond Street, 102

55-58, 62-64, 244n.48 New Drama, 184, 274n.37

Married Women’s Property Act of 1870, 56, New Journalism, 113, 259n.32

57; 58 ; Newman, T. C., 182

Married Women’s Property Act of 1882, 63- New, Melvyn, 89, 253n.82, 253n.86

64 newspapers: and commercial culture, 40-43;

Marshall and Snelgrove's, 150, 204, 216, and representations of London, 140,

246n.124 , 257n.11; and shopping, 140. See also adver-

rane Tea . we vn 3 tising; New Journalism; womarsnall, Jeanette, 11; journalism; en’s magazines Marx, Karl, 28 New Woman, 136, 201, 202, 210, 250n.45,

also hotels; aur inin ‘chtineal 6

_ “hoe ne > } 56, anes . See 273n.14; and club movement, 89-93 Massingberd, Mrs., 91, 253n.100, 253n.101 Near eales Koren “8 116. 253n.82

mass market, 18, 145-46, 150, 154, 184, 193, 361n.78 yee”? ~~ sae ane 17-18. 29-30. 39. See age NOt Philip G., 231.23, 235n.83 ev epartm ane on mraitis o » 97. 0 ASO Northcliffe, Lord, 157, 159

matinee, 181, 273n.13, 273n-14 Norton, Caroline, 244n.84 Mayhew, Henry, 6, 116, 118-19, 235n.89, |

2615 5 Oe Dena May, Phil, 254n.107 ae McDonald, Jan, 274n.37 Our ms O00 178-79, 186, 192, 200, 206— McDowell, L., 231n.30 ) an

McKendrick, Neil, 11 Owen, William, 251n.53

Meade, L. T,, 253-54n.103 Oxford Street, 151, 154, 165, 173, 175-76

meal times, changes in, 80-81 -

Meller, Helen,202-203 247n.12,all, 248n.16 pane vam,territory, 202 tory.60— 86-87 melodrama, as masculine Melville, William, 202 Pankhurst, Christabel, 219-20

men, and consumption, 10, 51-53, 61, 66, Pankhurst, Emmeline, 215 69, 112, 119, 128, 129, 171-72, 224n.10, Panton, Ellen Jane, 46, 238n.142, 239n.154 241n.15, 241n.23, 271n.178. See also de- Parkes, Bessie Rayner, 87

partment stores Partridge, Bernard, 162, 163

Men and Women’s Club, 253n.86 Peel, Dorothy Constance, 113-14, 123,

men’s clubs, 74, 78, 86-87, 96, 100, 242n.34, 262.91

249n.22-23, 252n.71, 254n.112, 257n.2 Peiss, Kathy, 248n.17

Metropolitan Board of Works, 38-39 Perkin, Harold, 227n.44 Miller, Gertie, 186, 200, 211 Perkin, Joan, 245n.92 Miller, Michael, 231n.23 Peter Robinson’s, 150 Mitchell, Sally, 254n.103 Petro, Patrice, 275n.48 modernity, 6, 40, 106, 116, 156, 165, 184, Philo, Chris, 257n.13

248n.14; and female mobility, 80, 83, 183 Piccadilly, 147; as masculine territory, 86, 100

Monckton, Lionel, 197, 200 Piccadilly Circus, 147

320 INDEX Pioneer Club, 90-92, 96, 97, 101, 253n.90, resting places. See lavatories; restaurants; tea

253n.98, 253n.103 shops; women’s clubs |

plate glass, 234n.79, 261n.72 retail competition, 142, 145, 173-75, 207 pleasure, constructions of, 4, 77, 105, 143, retailing: and class-segregated markets, 151;

159-69, 178-80, 248n.17 comparison of American and English, 144,

Plumb, J. H., 11 150-53, 173, 268-69n.79; evolution of,

Poiret, Paul, 234n.70, 275n.60 150-51; relationship to theater, 234n.79. political economy, view of the consumer, 36, See also department store; mass retailing

237n.110 retail revolution, 11-12

Pollock, Griselda, 115-16, 248n.14, 260n.55 —- Richardson, Mary, 216, 279n.13

Ponds, Christopher, 86, 274n.33 Richards, Thomas, 11, 28, 192

Poole, F. V., 160-61 Ritz, Cesar, 105

Poovey, Mary, 18, 232n.36 Ritz Hotel, 86, 105 Portland Estate, 151 Robinson and Cleaver’s, 151, 216, 236n.102

poverty, statistics of, 145 Ross, Adrian, 197 Primrose League, 255n.127 Ross, Ellen, 50

property, meanings of, 48-49, 55 Routledge, Florence, 90 prostitution: images of, 31-32, 53, and mar- Rubin, G. R., 56 ketplaces, 235n.87, 235n.89, 235n.92; and Russell Club, 254n.118 restaurant dining, 105; 235n.88; in the the- Ryan, Mary, 277n.102

ater, 120, 182; in West End, 137. See also |

women in public Sala, George Augustus, 6, 19, 21-23, 25, 26,

public house: catering to women, 248n.19, 78, 118, 119, 230n.17, 249n.22

252n.68; commercialization of, 236n.101. - Sandage, Scott, 239-40n.5 See also mass catering; restaurant dining Sandringham Club, 95, 254n.117 public places, lack of for women, 80-85, 88 Savoy Hotel, 86, 105, 256n.151, 274n.34 public space, 225n.17 225n.25; and identity, Schivelbusch, Wolfgang, 18, 123, 262n.96—

193, 212, 218 Schreiner, Olive, 91

public sphere, 230n.13, 249n.25, 250n.31; Schwartz, Vanessa, 260-61n.60

and consumption, 12-13, 250n.31; gen- Scobey, David, 44 ,

dered construct of, 18-19, 75-80, 106, Scott, Joan, 13

221-22, 249n.27; as romantic space, 163- Selfrich’s Annual Sale, 204-5 65; working-class aspects of, 248n.19 Selfridge, Harry Gordon, 101, 140-41, 200, public transportation, 123, 145-46, 232n.45, 204-5, 217, 220, 255-56n.139, 278n.138, 233n.53; and expansion of consumer cul- 279n.144; impact on London commerce,

ture, 145-146, 157, 182-83, 248n.15, 142-44, 149, 154, 176; relationship to the 262n.113~14, 266n.19; and urbanization, press, 156-59; view of London, 144-45, 24-25, 230n.21; and women, 122-26; 150, 153. See also Selfridge’s department 123-24; 262n.91, 262n.96, 262n.102, Selfridge’s department store, 14, 101-2,

62m A13 1. der identity. 212 266n.32, 272n.182; advertising, 156-72,

puueity, and gender identity, 269n.89-90, 269n.93, 270n.99-101,

Queen, 110, 112-15, 117-20, 122, 124, eg eee tae 259n.29, 259n.32, 260n.42 268n.72, 268.n75; finances, 268n.71,

Queen’s Theater, 196 opening day, 142-44, 155-56; reactions to, 142-43, 158-59, 173-75, 195-96, railway fiction, 262n.91 204-5; and the theater, 178-79, 195-6, Raverat, Gwen, 250n.31 201, 204-5. See also department store;

reader, as consumer, 111-12, 147, 156-58, mass retailing :

213, 258n.19 Sennett, Richard, 250n.31

ready money. See cash separate estate, 57, 63-64, 240n.13. See also

Reeve, Ada, 198, 199 married women’s property

Regent Street, 9-10, 118, 151-53, 248n.15, separate spheres, 6, 12, 13, 19, 22-23, 36, 48,

261n.84, 268n.58, 268n.63 52, 76, 106, 109, 224n.16, 260n.55; and ur-

restaurant dining, 34-35, 75-76, 86, 102-3, banization, 231-32n.30, 232n.32; and 105-6, 131-32, 248n.15, 250n.40, 251- urban planning, 247n.12. See also gender 252n.56, 255n.147. See also hotels; mass ca- _ sexual harassment, 45, 137-38, 202, 262n.91,

tering; tea shops; women’s clubs 262n.96

INDEX 321 Shanley, Mary Lyndon, 57 spectatorship, 260n.60; and consumer culture,

Shaw, Flora, 259-60n.39 28-29; female, 14, 108-11, 115-22, 125Shaw, Gareth, 231n.25, 240n.11 32, 179, 185-92, 275n.48, 276n.87; and Shaw, George Bernard, 202 gender difference, 187, 191-92; male, 21,

Shaw, Richard Norman, 152, 268n.63 115-22, 179, 187, 191-92, 194, 197-98,

Shell, Rita, 114 203; and the theater, 179-80, 184—86; and

shop assistants: gender of, 278n.125; working tourism, 108-11, 257n.14

conditions, 201-2, 278n.127-28 Spencer, Turner and Boldero, 236n.97

shop girl, 194, 198-99, 209-14 Spiers, Felix, 86, 274n.33

shop hours, 52 Stallybrass, Peter, 212

shop windows, 118-22, 152-53, 155-56, 163, Stannard, Mrs. Arthur, 255n.119

234n.79, 275n.41 Staves, Susan, 240n.13

Shop-Sotled Girl, 202 Stead, W. T., 109, 113

shopkeepers, and retail competition, 16-18, Steel, Flora Annie, 255n.119 29-31, 34, 229n.5, 229n.8, 231n.23, 234- Stevenson, Dr. James, 83-85

35n.83, 235n.84, 235n.87, 237n.116, Stewart's, 250n.40

238n.13, 229n.5, 272n.180 St. James’s, as masculine territory, 249n.23 shopper, images of, 4-6, 10, 18-19, 21, 30- Storch, Robert, 17 33, 35-40, 42-43, 44-45, 48-53, 62, 71- Stowell, Sheila, 178, 195, 201, 273n.2, 73, 116-17, 123, 127-32, 143, 160, 162, 273n.37, 275n.43, 275n.59 165-171, 193, 203-9, 218, 221, 224n.10, Studio Afternoon Tea Rooms, 102

237n.111 suburbanization, 14, 22-23

shopping, 51-52, 62, 226n.41, 227n.41; defi- suburban woman, 23, 74, 89, 93, 127-28, nitions of, 5, 142, 217, 221-22; and gender 135, 146, 232n.32 identities, 15, 19, 21, 31-33, 37-38, 209; suffrage, women’s, 58. See also Women’s So- | as female leisure, 14, 31-33, 37-38, 42-43, cial and Political Union 47, 142-44, 156, 160—70, 173-75, 207-9; Swan and Edgar’s, 151, 216 as spectatorship, 28-29, 158-72, 260n.51; suburban centers, 9, 22, 146, 231n.27; and — Taylor, William, 18, 79 theatergoing, 179, 181, 183-84, 186, 196; Tea and Shopping Club, 94, 101 and tourism, 126-32, 158n.14, 260n.51; tea shops, 75-76, 95, 102-3, 104, 247n.8, and urban space, 6, 127-32; as women’s 255n.142, 255n.147, 255n.148. See also

work, 135. See also consumption; depart- mass catering ment stores; Lady Guide Association; shop- Tebbutt, Melanie, 50

per, images of The Girl from Kay’s, 204

shopping crowd, images of, 131, 172-75, The Shop Girl, 179, 192, 196-201, 203, 209,

238n.136, 271n.175 277-78n.116

shopping streets: and class difference, 131, The Shop Girl and Her Master, 202 151; as contested terrain, 44-47, 239n.146; The Show Window, 189 and public protest, 16, 109, 215-21, 238- The Suffrage Girl, 201 39n.146; in West End, 8-9, 151. See alsoin- The Toy Shop, 204

dividual streets theater, 148; audience, 179, 181-84, 273-

shops. See department store; individual stores 4n.19, 277n.102; and consumer culture,

Showalter, Elaine, 92, 252n.71, 259n.38 14-15, 178-80, 184-93, 212, 274n.37,

Sickert, Mrs. Cobden, 96 275n.43, 275n.45; districts, 180-83,

Sims, George, 184-85, 275n.41 273n.9; as female arena, 196; industry,

Singer, Ben, 123 178-81; and journalism, 184~87, relation-

Sitwell, Georgiana, 250n.36 ship to the market, 192, 212-13; and sexu-

Smedley, Constance, 90 ality, 178-80, 182, 183, 187, 192-95, 197Smiles, Samuel, 53, 55, 56 213, 277n.101, 278n.130

Smith, Adam, 237n.110 theaters, West End, 182. See also individual

Smith, W. H., 122 theaters

society, changes in, 255n.126 This Way, Madame, 196

Society of Women Journalists, 253n.89 Thistlethwayte, Augustus Frederick, 59

Solomon-Godeau, Abigail, 191 Thistlethwayte, Mrs. Augustus Frederick, 59,

Somerville Club, 90-91 244n.59

spectacle, and consumption, 185-92, 213; Thompson, E. P.,, 17 female, 191, 203, 210, 212, 276n.87; Thompson, F. M. L., 24

male, 195 Thrift, N. J., 257n.13

322 INDEX Tickner, Lisa, 219 238n.136; and construction of femininity, toilets, public. See lavatories partment store

Tilley, Vesta, 187, 275n.47 29-31, 33, 37-43. See also Whiteley’s de-

tourist industry, growth of, 77, 257n.13 Whiteley’s department store, 40, 79, 81, 85,

tourists: in London, 133~41; in theater 87, 101, 174, 196, 232n.37, 232n.45,

audience, 181, 183; as urban spectators, 233n.54, 237n.125, 246n.123, 255n.138, 108-9, 110-11, 122. See also Lady Guide 263n.151, 268n.69; acquisition by Self-

Association ridge’s, 200; and debt dispute, 66-67; evolu-

trade journals, 244—45n.54 tion of, 16-17, 27, 29-30, 33, 36, 37-38,

Tristan, Flora, 116 43, 235n.84, 238n.138; ready-money pol-

Trocadero Restaurant, 86, 105, 255n.147 icy, 70-72. See also department store; mass

Twain, Mark, 45-46 retailing | Wiener, Joel, 259n.34

urban guidance, 109-11, 139-40, 264n.185- Wilde, Mrs. Oscar, 91 |

87. See also Lady Guide Association Wilde, Oscar, 6, 89, 187, 198, 275n.40, urban narratives, 108-11, 117-22, 125-32, 252n.81

140, 261n.66 Williamson, Judith, 270n.114 urban reform, 76 Williams, Raymond, 115 Utopian Club, 254n.118 Williams, Rosalind, 240n.6

Wilson, Christopher, P., 258n.16

. Vagabond Club, 255n.119 Wilson, Elizabeth, 6, 23, 225n.22, 260n.55

Veblen, Thorstein, 53, 69, 245n.110 window shopping, 118-22, 128, 163-64 :

Vere Hall Rooms, 82 Winter, James, 76, 232n.32

Vicinus, Martha, 100, 253n.84, 253n,102 Wolff, Janet, 260n.55

voluntary associations, and middle-class iden- = _Woman’s Gazette, 80, 82-83, 85, 135, 250n.31

tity, 249n.21 women: in local government, 251n.58,

253n.100; in public, 6, 23, 31-35, 80-85,

Walker, Henry, 30-31, 33, 39, 42, 91, 88-89, 94-96, 98-101, 148, 181, 220-22,

235n.85, 253n.93 225n.20, 233n.69, 250n.36; in theater audiWalker, Lynn, 251n.56 ence, 181-83, 193; working in London,

Walkowitz, Judith, 7, 45, 109, 111, 116, 132-40. See also flaneuse,; Lady Guide As-

225n.19, 253n.86, 247n.11, 248n.17 sociation; shopper

Waller, Lewis, 195 ] women’s clubs, 74-76, 87-88, 93-94, 108,. Wanamaker, John, 156 167, 246n.2, 256n.158; American, 247n.8, Ward, Mrs. Humphrey, 90 255n.130; competition with shops, 93, Waring and Gillow’s, 150 101-2, 207-8; criticisms of, 76, 92-93, Waring, Samuel, 150 254n.107; decline of, 105-6; and female Warner, Marina, 160 emancipation, 74-76, 87-93, 100; and feWebb, Aston, 152, 268n.64 male leisure, 74-76, 87, 89, 94-96, 101-2;

Webb, Beatrice Potter, 116 and female political culture, 90-91, 96, 98;

Webb, Sydney, 91 and female writers, 90; in hotels, 255n.129; Wells, H. G., 202 | and lesbianism, 92, 253n.102; for shoppers, Westbourne Grove, 16, 18-19, 21, 213, 220, 88-89, 93-96, 101; and the suffrage, 232n.37, 232n.46, 233n.54; commercial de- 253n.90, 253n.103; and West End commervelopment of, 25-27, 40-43, 233n.64. See cial culture, 75—76, 85-88, 93-96, 98, 100-

also Bayswater 2; and women’s work, 74-76, 85, 89-91,

West End: as contested terrain, 31, 137-38; 96, 246n.1, 251n.62

early history of, 8-9; expansion of commer- Women’s Freedom League, 219 cial culture, 34, 76-77, 101, 134-35, 139, women’s magazines, 14, 112, 259n.20; circula142, 146-51, 173~—75, 178-83; as female tions, 259n.22, 259n.24, 260n.42; and con-

arena, 142, 146, 148, 159-61, 170-71, struction of London, 110-11, 115, 117-22, 173-75; growth of heterosocial amuse- 124-32; and consumption, 110-12, 115, ment, 147-48, 162-65, 178-83; meanings 258n.16; and female politics, 114-15; and

of, 7, 9-10, 218; as a site of consumption, femininity, 113-14, 258n.16, 258n.18, , 3-4, 7-10, 15; in twentieth century, 221, - 260n.44; and promotion of clubs, 96, 98;

See also London and public transportation, 122—26; and res-

White, Allon, 212 taurant dining, 131-132; and shopping,

White, Cynthia, 112, 259n.29 110-11, 126-32; and support for female enWhiteley, William, 16-19, 21, 27, 117, 142- trepreneurs, 250n.46; and urban guidance,

43, 197, 200, 213, 217, 220, 230n.16, 126-32

: INDEX 323 women’s movement. See feminists Woolf, Virginia, 175 Women’s Social and Political Union, 215- Woolrich, J. F. W., 171 18, 220-21, 279n.1, 279n.10. See also working class consumption, 44-45, 140,

feminists 266n.17

Women’s University Club, 90, 253n.87 Writers’ Club, 90, 253n.88, 253n.89 women writers, 6-7, 90-91, 113-14, 116,

253n.84, 253n.89, 255n.119, 259n.38, Yates, Edmund, 113, 259n.35

260n.38. See also flaneuse Yerkes, Andrew, 149

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