Shanghai Filmmaking : Crossing Borders, Connecting to the Globe, 1922-1938 [1 ed.] 9789004279346, 9789004279339

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Shanghai Filmmaking

China Studies Edited by Glen Dudbridge Frank Pieke

VOLUME 29

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chs

Shanghai Filmmaking Crossing Borders, Connecting to the Globe, 1922–1938 By

Huang Xuelei

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Yongyuan de weixiao (Forever Smiling, 1937) production team (courtesy of Liu Jianxiang 劉建享, Liu Na’ou’s grandson). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Huang Xuelei  Shanghai filmmaking : crossing borders, connecting to the globe, 1922–1938 / by Huang Xuelei.   pages cm. — (China studies ; volume 29)  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN 978-90-04-27933-9 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-27934-6 (e-book) 1. Mingxing Motion Picture Company—History. 2. Motion picture studios—China—Shanghai—History. I. Title.  PN1999.M56X84 2014  384’.806551132—dc23 2014019817

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual ‘Brill’ typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1570-1344 isbn 978 90 04 27933 9 (hardback) isbn 978 90 04 27934 6 (e-book) Copyright 2014 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Global Oriental and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Contents Foreword  vii Paul G. Pickowicz Acknowledgements  xi Figures, Charts, and Tables  xiii Conventions and Abbreviations  xv Introduction: Shanghai Filmmaking: Border-crossing Practices  1

PART 1 Production  21 1 The Business  23 2 Players of the 1920s: Interconnecting, Mediating  69 3 Players of the 1930s: Contestation? Collaboration?  103

Part 2 Product  139 4 The Medium: Inside Glocal Mediascapes  141 5 The Narrative (I): Melodrama as a Social Form  176 6 The Narrative (II): Melodramas Fit for All  200 7 The Meaning: Toward a Sentimental Education  224 Epilogue: Toward a Glocal Viewing Public  266 Appendix 1: Filmography  283 Appendix 2: Mingxing Personnel  316 Bibliography  320 Index  367

Foreword A mere thirty-five years ago, worldwide scholars of modern Chinese culture knew next to nothing about Chinese cinema. China was only beginning the long process of recovering from the devastating ravages of the Cultural Revolution, Chinese films made before and after 1949 were under a cloud and all but inaccessible, relevant archives and repositories were essentially off limits to independent researchers, and such future filmmaking luminaries as Chen Kaige, Zhang Yimou, Gu Changwei, and Tian Zhuangzhuang were just beginning their undergraduate studies at the Beijing Film Academy. There was very little high quality scholarly work to read, universities around the world did not offer courses on Chinese cinema, and Chinese films (old as well as new) were rarely on exhibit at international festivals and retrospectives. Now, to put it mildly, the study of Chinese cinema is one of the hottest and most dominant subfields of modern Chinese cultural studies and one of the fastest rising preoccupations of global film studies in general. Not that long ago, research on modern Chinese literature virtually monopolized academic research on modern Chinese cultural developments. These days, one gets the impression that scholarly interest in Chinese cinema is on the verge of overtaking or perhaps has already overtaken interest in modern Chinese literature. Exciting new film-related publications abound, courses on Chinese cinema are popular and essential components of university curricula, and the global exhibition of Chinese films is commonplace. But this bright picture of the current state of Chinese film studies is simply too good to be true. The fact is that the overwhelming thrust of present-day scholarly attention to Chinese cinema dwells on brand-new or fairly recent Chinese film productions. Beginning with the spectacular rise of the so-called fifth and sixth generations of Chinese filmmakers in the late 1980s and 1990s and continuing with the extraordinarily absorbing advent of underground and independent filmmaking in the last twenty years, scholars of Chinese cinema have tended to privilege the study of current (and often genuinely sensational) film productivity. Many will ask: “What’s wrong with a research agenda of this sort?” The problem is that our preoccupation with the present seriously distorts our understanding of the truly complicated dynamics of Chinese filmmaking. In brief, the complexities of current Chinese filmmaking are rarely located in the longer and broader context of Chinese filmmaking, a history of filmmaking that began just after 1900. How would a deeper knowledge of the film culture of the 1920s, 1930s, 1940s and all the decades of the 1949–1976 Mao era alter the ways in which we analyze and understand the characteristics of Chinese films produced in recent times? Again and again, one hears tantalizing scholarly claims about this or that “new” development in current Chinese filmmaking. Quite often, however, developments that are heralded as “new” are not new at all. They were central components of Chinese film

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productivity in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, not to mention aspects of the Soviet-style, state-directed film industry that was so deeply rooted in the decades after 1949. The stunning transnational distribution and exhibition of Chinese films in the 1920s and 1930s is only one example of a crucial dimension of present-day Chinese film culture that is not “new.” If the early years of Chinese filmmaking are so important, why have they been all but ignored? One answer is the obvious allure and contemporary importance of present-day productions. But it is also the case that it is much more convenient to do research on current films. The films are readily available, the filmmakers are quite accessible, and the buzz about the latest products is easy to monitor. By sharp contrast, doing in-depth research on the crucially important early years of Chinese filmmaking is extremely difficult. All the well-known filmmakers and film personalities of the 1920s and 1930s are dead. Most of their films have vanished, and the few that survive are not always easily accessible. Furthermore, unearthing primary micro-data about the knotty details of the early film industry requires long-term and extremely painstaking archival research in not-always-user-friendly archives in China. It is for these reasons that the arrival of Huang Xuelei’s careful and nuanced study of the rise of the legendary Mingxing Film Studio in the 1920s and 1930s is so refreshing and welcome. Of course, Shanghai Filmmaking is not the first English-language study of the earliest years of Chinese filmmaking. Zhang Zhen, Chris Berry, Zhang Yingjin and others have made highly meaningful contributions. But Huang’s book is a uniquely penetrating and multifaceted contribution to our knowledge. Shanghai Filmmaking is successful in large part because it showcases interdisciplinary scholarship at its very best, building as it does on respected research traditions staked out by such leading figures as Leo Ou-fan Lee and Perry Link. For openers, Huang’s conceptual approach is historical in the broadest sense of the term. Naturally her work is keenly sensitive to the main concerns of cultural historians, but it is also inspired by the strategies deployed by social historians, political historians, and even economic historians. Furthermore, the research is highly informed by the imperatives of anthropological inquiry, cultural studies paradigms, cognitive science concerns, and what might be called the sociology of culture. Huang’s interdisciplinary style is clearly linked to her card-carrying membership in the influential Heidelberg school of Chinese studies. Thanks to the rich interdisciplinary nature of Huang’s approach, she has been able to piece together in detective-like fashion the complicated jigsaw puzzle of early Chinese film production dynamics. The result is a multi-faceted picture that allows us to see something very close to the total structure of the industry, including many hitherto unappreciated central components. Needless to say, we learn about the glittering films turned out by the Mingxing Studio and the stars who functioned as matinee idols in the 1920s and 1930s. But perhaps more importantly, we also learn about

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how this extraordinary famous film studio actually operated. We discover how film ideas were developed by studio heads, how screenwriters navigated swirling waters, how investors were cultivated, how films were promoted and distributed, and how movies were received by the print press, government officials, and the public. In addition to learning about the films, the actresses and the actors, we get a close look at a fascinating array of behind-the-scenes industry professionals whose key roles in the dazzling movie world have been poorly understood. More than anything else, we get an intimate and personal close up of the complex and sometimes conflicted collective of people who struggled to make Mingxing China’s first spectacularly successful film studio. In a word, Huang puts an intimate human face on the cultural brokers who constructed and ran the industry. The detailed picture contained in Shanghai Filmmaking allows Huang to challenge many stereotypes associated with early-era Chinese filmmaking. Instead of thinking in terms of rigid, one-dimensional analytical categories with clear “boundaries,” she prefers to explore various kinds of “border crossings” that were at the very heart of early Chinese filmmaking. Is it really true, Huang asks, that 1920s Chinese filmmaking had no meaningful connections to the passionate and didactic missions of the New Culture and May Fourth Movements? Is it really the case that pre-war pioneers of the Chinese film industry fell into such clear, uncompromising, and antagonistic political categories as “lightweight moneymakers,” “rightists” and “leftists”? Were there really no meaningful working connections between the worlds of Chinese theatre (both traditional and new-style), modern Chinese literature, and commercial Chinese filmmaking? Is it useful to argue that early Chinese filmmaking culture should be understood as either “local,” “national,” or “global”? Is it helpful to argue in temporal terms that the films of the 1920s were trivial works of mass entertainment, while movies of the 1930s were politically engaged and serious? How does early-era Chinese cinema look if we consider the impact of non-canonical and inaccessible works that survive today only in the form of screenplays, studio documents, government commentaries, fan magazine chatter, and critical reviews? Is it really true that melodrama was an essentially inflexible and formulaic mode of representation? What did the film audience think about the challenges of modernity, the relationship between self and society, and the imperatives of national salvation? Huang argues convincingly that the story of early Chinese filmmaking was much more complicated and messier—and thus far more human—than the pictures allowed by any neatly framed, one-dimensional narrative that does not consider the total structure of the industry. Huang understands that filmmakers who were unable to sell tickets and attract audiences at a time of profound social and cultural transformation were unlikely to get many more opportunities to make films. Mingxing and many other early-era film studios were deeply implicated in China’s larger quest to achieve modernity.

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Huang Xuelei invites readers to go on an intimate, detailed, behind-the-scenes tour of the world of early Chinese filmmaking, a delightful tour that will familiarize readers with the unforgettable personalities and practices responsible for the remarkable Mingxing story. When this special tour is over, readers will know much more about the complex origins of Chinese filmmaking and how these origins help us better understand the complicated world of Chinese filmmaking today. Paul G. Pickowicz University of California, San Diego

Acknowledgements This book began as the PhD dissertation I completed at the University of Heidelberg in 2009. My greatest debt is to my advisor Barbara Mittler, an exceptionally committed mentor who has provided invaluable help at every stage—from my days as a beginning doctoral student to the start of my time as an early-career researcher. I have benefitted tremendously from her instruction, encouragement, and never failing support, and have always been inspired by her lively spirit, professionalism, and kind heart. I am also most grateful for the supervision I received from Anne Kerlan. Her expertise in early Chinese film history was very helpful for the development of the ideas and arguments foregrounded in this study. My heartfelt thanks also go to Nanny Kim and Xiao Zhiwei. Nanny shared my joys and anxieties during the process of dissertation writing, read my earliest drafts, and provided crucial help in terms of language use and writing skills. Zhiwei generously shared rare materials he collected in archives and libraries in the past two decades. I also wish to thank the following scholars and friends who provided me with various kinds of help: Li Daoxin, Rudolf Wagner, Catherine Yeh, Joachim Kurtz, Michel Hockx, Chen Mo, Hsu Chen-Chin, Chen Jianhua, and Xu Meimei. The library housed at the Institute of Chinese Studies at the University of Heidelberg—and librarian Anne Labitzky-Wagner—deserve special thanks. The library is an extraordinarily warm place that not only houses a large collection of books, periodicals and microfilms, but also offers free use of facilities (including an extremely helpful microfilm scanner) and is open 24 hours a day to all bookworms. My study owes a profound intellectual debt to this wonderful place. My dissertation project was supported by a Completion Scholarship and a travel grant awarded by the Graduate Academy of the University of Heidelberg. In 2010 my dissertation was awarded the Ruprecht Karls Prize and I want to thank the jury of Stiftung Universität Heidelberg for its generosity. A 2009–2011 post-doctoral fellowship from the Institute of Modern History at Academia Sinica in Taiwan allowed me to concentrate on revising my dissertation for book publication. The lively academic environment there provided fresh inspiration and stimulation for this study. I thank Yu Miin-ling, Yu Chien-ming, Wang Chaohua, Chang Li, Wu Jen-shu, Lien Ling-ling and all the members of the Urban Studies Group for their timely feedback and encouragement. Final revisions and editing were initiated in Nantes and Vienna and completed in Edinburgh. I appreciate the pleasant working environments at the Nantes Institute for Advanced Studies and the International Centre for Cultural Studies in Vienna (IFK). I appreciate the generous funding I received from the School of Literatures, Languages and Cultures at the University of Edinburgh to cover copyright fees. I am extremely fortunate to have such superb colleagues as Natascha Gentz and Julian Ward in the Department of Asian Studies at the University of Edinburgh. And I am deeply

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grateful to Paul Pickowicz for his warm support during the final stages of manuscript preparation. The third section in Chapter Four is a slightly different version of my article “From East Lynne to Konggu lan: Transcultural Tour, Trans-medial Translation” published in Transcultural Studies 2 (Dec. 2012, 48–84; DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.11588/ ts.2012.2.9127). I thank the editorial board of Transcultural Studies for permission to republish the article in this book. I also thank Qin Higley and Thomas Begley, my editors at Brill, for working on this book with such professionalism and enthusiasm. And I am most grateful for the generous feedback provided by anonymous reviewers. Last but not least, I wish to take this opportunity to thank my friends and family for their companionship and support. Special thanks go to Sun Liying and Wu I-wei, my long-term comrades in Heidelberg. I will always treasure warm memories of the times we spent in Heidelberg coffee shops chatting about big, small, funny and sad things. I also thank all the members of the Popular Culture Research Group that thrived under the charismatic leadership of Barbara Mittler as well as all the like-minded friends who participated in the Victorian and Late Qing Reading Group in Taiwan. The friendship and comradeship I always felt in these groups infused the daunting tasks of writing a book and embarking on an academic career with large doses of fun. Words are not enough to express how important my dear friends Jialin, Yan, and Rachel are to me. My dear sister’s exceptional professional expertise made it possible for me to deal with all the illustrations contained in this book. Finally, and most importantly, I thank my parents for their unconditional love.

Figures, Charts, and Tables figure Caption 1.1 1.2 1.2a 1.2b 1.2c 1.2d 1.2e 1.2f 1.2g 2.1 3.1 3.2 4.1a

4.1b 4.2 4.3a 4.3b 5.1 5.2 5.3a 5.3b 6.1a 6.1b 6.2 6.3 7.1a 7.1b 7.2

Mingxing’s first office on Guizhou Road (MB 7.1, 1936)  59 Mingxing founders and important personnel  62 Zhang Shichuan (MB 5.1, 1936)  62 Zheng Zhengqiu (MT 29, 1928)  63 Zhou Jianyun (MB 7.1, 1936)  64 Bao Tianxiao (Libai liu 22, 1914)  65 Hong Shen (MT 13, 1926)  66 Xia Yan (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Xia_Yan.jpg. Accessed 17 March 2014)  67 Liu Na’ou (MB 5.1, 1936)  68 Front page of Xinwenbao (8 March 1926)  90 Group photo of the Mingxing Script Committee: Ouyang Yuqian (middle), Liu Na’ou (right), Huang Tianshi (left) (MB 3.1, 1935)  136 Cartoon “Daoyan xiansheng guo wuguan” (Five Hurdles a Director Has to Pass) (MB 1.3, 1935)  137 1881 poster of East Lynne (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/ var1994001797/PP/. Accessed 30 Oct. 2012. Courtesy of Library of Congress, US)  167 Book cover of 1935 Konggu lan (Courtesy of Shanghai Library, China)  167 A still from 1926 Konggu lan (MT 8, 1926)  168 Illustration in 1909 No no hana (Courtesy of National Diet Library, Japan)  174 A still from 1926 Konggu lan (MT 8, 1926)  174 Opening scene of Way Down East (dvd snapshot)  184 Reunion scene in Orphan (MB 2.4, 1934)   186 Lillian Gish (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2006680363/. Accessed 17 March 2014)  187 Wang Hanlun (Yingxi shenghuo 1.3, 1931)  188 Huang Junfu (Yinxing 13, 1927)  209 Yang Naimei (Yingxi zazhi 2.1, 1931)  210 A still from Kuangliu (Liangyou 73, 1933)  215 A still from Yongyuan de weixiao (MB 7.5, 1936)  220 Ad for Fendou de hunyin (XWB 9 Dec. 1928: 1)  226 Ad for Yuren yongbie (XWB 26 Nov. 1931: 20)  227 Stills from Zuihou zhi liangxin (MT 1, 1925)  230

xiv 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 7.9 7.10 7.11 7.12 7.13 1 2a 2b

figures, charts, and tables A still from Yehui (MB 6.5, 1936)  236 Stills from Haitang hong (MB 6.1, 1936)  237 A still from Qingchun xian (Liangyou 100, 1934)  240 Stills from Xiangcao meiren (MB 1.5, 1933)  241 A still from Tieban honglei lu (MB 1.4, 1933)  243 A still from Guohun de fuhuo (Linglong 2.66, 1932)  246 Typical modern woman and playboy in Chanhui (Dianying yuebao 10, 1929)  252 A Shanghai dance hall in Er dui yi (MB 1.4, 1933)  252 Xu Lai in Chuanjia nü (MB 2.6, 1935)  253 Zhao Dan in Shidai de ernü (MB 1.5, 1933)  259 Yuan Muzhi and Chen Bo’er in Shengsi tongxin (MB 7.3, 1936)  261 A photo by Robert Capa (International Center of Photography/ Magnum Photos)  267 Theater program (XWB 27 May 1933)  270 Theater program (XWB 31 Jan. 1935)  270

Chart Caption 1.1 1.2

Cinema Administration of the Nanjing Government  47 Mingxing’s Enterprise Structure  54

Table Caption 1.1 1.2

Exhibition of Early Mingxing Films  36 A Balance Report of Mingxing  45

Conventions and Abbreviations 1.

2.

3.

4.

Chinese characters are provided for all Chinese names, terms, and titles in the main text when they first appear. For the names of cities and towns, Chinese characters are only provided for lesser-known names. Shaanxi is used for 陝西, and Shanxi for 山西. Film titles are given in pinyin and Chinese characters when they first appear. English translation and dates of production are provided in parentheses. Afterwards, only pinyin and dates of production are given. A filmography that contains all Mingxing films is provided in Appendix 1. For citations of secondary literature, only authors, titles and page numbers are given in footnotes (if in Chinese, only pinyin is given). For primary literature— chiefly journal/newspaper articles in Chinese, I give full citations (in pinyin) for ease of reference. Full bibliographical information is only given in the ­Bibliography. The following abbreviations are used in the notes:

DS MB MT MY MXNB SB SMA XWB YHWZ YHYZ ZDFZS ZWD ZWDJB ZZDY

Diansheng 電聲 Mingxing banyuekan 明星半月刊 Mingxing tekan 明星特刊 Mingxing yuebao 明星月報 Fan Yanqiao, “Mingxing yingpian gongsi nianbiao 明星影片公司年表” Shenbao 申報 The Shanghai Municipal Archive (Shanghai dang’an guan 上海檔案館) Xinwenbao 新聞報 Rui Heshi, et al., eds., Yuanyang hudie pai wenxue ziliao 鴛鴦蝴蝶派文學 資料 Wei Shaochang, ed., Yuanyang hudie pai yanjiu ziliao 鴛鴦蝴蝶派研究 資料 Cheng Jihua, et al., Zhongguo dianying fazhan shi 中國電影發展史 Dai Xiaolan, et al., eds., Zhongguo wusheng dianying 中國無聲電影 Zheng Peiwei, et al., eds., Zhongguo wusheng dianying juben 中國無聲電 影劇本 Chen Bo, et al., eds., Zhongguo zuoyi dianying yundong 中國左翼電影 運動

Introduction

Shanghai Filmmaking: Border-crossing Practices

Any cultural field is like a garden of forking paths.1 In the early spring of 1922, Bao Tianxiao 包天笑 (1876–1973) was about to take up the editorship of Xingqi 星期 (Sunday), a fiction weekly published in Shanghai by the Dadong Publishing House (Dadong shuju 大東書局).2 Fiction lovers of the day were able to read Bao’s works on many occasions. For example, the novels he translated by the English writer Henry Rider Haggard ( Joan Haste, 1895) and by the Italian writer Edmondo de Amicis (Heart: An Italian Schoolboy’s Journal, 1886) were widely read at the time.3 In the summer of the same year, Zheng Boqi 鄭伯奇 (1895–1979), who was studying literature in Japan, spent his summer holidays in Shanghai. During these few months, he co-edited two journals launched by the Creation Society (Chuangzao she 創造社), a literary group founded by his friends Guo Moruo 郭沫若 (1892–1978), Yu Dafu 郁達 夫 (1896–1945), and some others in 1921 in Tokyo with an objective to “create a new Chinese literature.”4 In 1922, Liu Na’ou 劉呐鷗 (1905–1940), a writer who would later stand out as a member of the Japanese- and French-inspired literary school called ‘New Sensationalist school’ (Xin ganjue pai 新感覺派), was studying at Aoyama Gakuin, a Japanese Christian high school. After graduation he would take undergraduate courses in English literature at Aoyama College and French language courses at the French Jesuit Aurora University (Zhendan daxue 震旦大學) in Shanghai.5 In the years to come, Bao Tianxiao, Zheng Boqi, and Liu Na’ou would cross the border of the literary field and come together at a commercial film company in Shanghai, the Mingxing 明星 (Star) Motion Picture Company (here­ after Mingxing), which was founded in the spring of 1922 and soon became the leader of the Chinese film industry. This book explores this cultural field of early Shanghai filmmaking, which can be envisioned as a garden of forking 1 I borrow the imagery of ‘the garden of forking paths’ from Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges’s 1941 short story “El jardín de senderos que se bifurcan” (The Garden of Forking Paths). See Jorge Luis Borges, El jardín de senderos que se bifurcan. 2 See the ad in SB 28 Feb. 1922: 17. 3 Bao Tianxiao, Chuanying lou huiyi lu, vol. 1, 205; vol. 2, 460. 4 Xu Youchun, ed, Minguo renwu da cidian, 1481. For the importance of the Creation Society in the history of modern Chinese literature, see C. T. Hsia, A history of modern Chinese fiction, 55–56; 93. 5 Xu Qinzhen, Modeng, Shanghai, xin ganjue, 159–60.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi 10.1163/9789004279346_002

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Introduction

paths. Following the lead of anthropologist Georgina Born, I treat Mingxing as a ‘symptomatic institution,’ i.e. “sites in which are condensed the particular problematic to be examined” and reading out from which “a wider field of institutions and practices” can be analyzed.6 I share this anthropological perspective and look at Mingxing as a historical organization, standing symptomatically for a historical problematic about popular cultural production and the power of this new form of visuality in a time of drastic change in China. The modern development of cultural production in the west is usually associated with the Industrial Revolution when a veritable cultural industry developed and the public of potential consumers expanded. This cultural industry manufactured and circulated books, periodicals, art works, plays, and many other goods and symbolic goods for popular consumption.7 The cinema joined this kingdom in the late nineteenth century and soon became a quintessential expression of the industrialized and commercialized cultural commodity. Western colonial expansion and international trade brought film to China immediately after its invention, and a local film industry soon developed. Shanghai filmmaking developed in this matrix of global cultural production and distribution. As a part of the global cultural field, Shanghai filmmaking involved a series of border-crossing practices. This book aims to bring to light the forking paths of this garden and to show how historical agents involved in Shanghai filmmaking crossed ideological, medial, and geographical borders, which are, more often than not, artificial. Artificial borders have been drawn and redrawn. Let us look at the after-life stories of Bao Tianxiao, Zheng Boqi and Liu Na’ou as represented in the existing literature. Bao Tianxiao is immediately associated with the so-called ‘Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School’ (Yuanyang hudie pai 鴛鴦蝴蝶派, hereafter Butterfly), a pejorative label imposed on a type of popular fiction in Republican China.8 Bao’s cultural identity, thus, is inseparable from the supposedly ‘old style’ of this ‘school’ and the ‘frivolous’ nature of Shanghai’s commercial print culture. Zheng Boqi, through his connection with the Creation Society and leftist literary organizations in the 1930s, is counted among the ‘new’ camp of intellectuals, creators of the canon of modern Chinese literature.9 Liu Na’ou’s public persona is associated with literary modernism and cosmopolitan culture due to his cultural activities under the 6 Georgina Born, “The social and the aesthetic: methodological principles in the study of cultural production,” 99. 7 Cf. Pierre Bourdieu, The field of cultural production, 112–13. 8 Cf. Perry Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies. 9 Ge Fei, “Dushi xuanwo zhong de duochong wenhua shenfen yu luxiang.”

Introduction

3

banner of the New Sensationalist school.10 In a word, Bao, Zheng, and Liu have exemplified different styles of writing and different political orientations. My study will show, however, that in the actual field of cultural production these accepted labels lose much of their ability to reflect the border-crossing practices of the historical figures. To be sure, border-crossings are anything but unusual; they are intrinsic to human life and history. But at the same time, humans are pattern-seeking beings and like to make sense of the world through categorization. Old patterns are always subject to reevaluation in the development of science and humanities. But old patterns can be stubborn. This book rethinks this problematic through an exploration of the particular historical arena of Shanghai filmmaking. My research defines itself, first and foremost, as a historical delineation of early Chinese cinema. The discipline of film studies has witnessed a ‘cultural or theoretical turn’ since the mid-1960s. A large corpus of studies has emerged, stimulated by what film scholar David Bordwell has termed ‘Grand Theories’ such as film-based semiotics, psychoanalysis, feminism, and post-­ structuralism.11 Concomitantly, text-based and criticism-based approaches also dominated recent scholarship on Chinese cinema.12 While Bordwell has proposed a ‘middle-level research’ which engages in “in-depth, problem-driven inquiry” without “overarching theoretical commitment,” Zhang Yingjin has also pointed to the lack of concrete studies of production (industry) and consumption (audience), two ‘underdeveloped areas’ in Chinese film studies.13 Film historian Sumiko Higashi even called for a ‘historical turn’ in film studies in a special issue of Cinema Journal in 2004.14 My book resonates with these scholarly concerns and involves a historical revisit of early Chinese film culture with an emphasis on filmmaking. Looking across fixed borders, this study also inquires into the broader social importance of film as a new form of mass medium: Which roles did Shanghai filmmaking play in circulating new knowledge and ideology via an image- and narrativebased language? Which functions did Shanghai filmmaking undertake in the 10 11 12

13 14

Shu-Mei Shih, “Gender, race, and semicolonialism: Liu Na’ou’s urban Shanghai landscape.” See David Bordwell, “Contemporary film studies and the vicissitudes of Grand Theory,” 3–26. Yingjin Zhang, Chinese national cinema, 9. For the text-based research on early Chinese cinema, see Paul Pickowicz, “The theme of spiritual pollution in Chinese films of the 1930s”; Chris Berry, “Chinese left cinema in the 1930s”; Ning Ma, “The textual and critical difference of being radical,” among many others. Bordwell, “Contemporary film studies and the vicissitudes of Grand Theory,” 3; Zhang, Chinese national cinema, 9. Sumiko Higashi, “In focus: film history, or a Baedeker guide to the historical turn.”

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Introduction

national and global project(s) of modernity? How did Shanghai cinema foster a ‘glocal’ viewing public at concrete and psychological levels? To find answers to these old or new questions entails new perspectives. This introductory chapter first outlines how three old borders came into shape in historical and theoretical configurations of Chinese cinema, how recent scholarship has modified these old paradigms, and how this study moves beyond these borders and throws new light on this field. The second part of this chapter introduces the structure of the book and the methodology and source materials it employs. 1

Old Borders, New Paradigms

1.1 Across Political Borders: Butterflies? Left-wingers? Right-wingers? The Frankfurt School’s criticism of film as ‘the central sector of the culture industry’ is influential.15 Accepting the classical Marxist analysis of society, they link Culture Industry, a term used for the first time by Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer in 1947, to a political criticism of capitalism. In Adorno’s view, the total effect of the culture industry is ‘anti-enlightenment’ and ‘mass deception.’16 The Frankfurt School theorists offered deep insights into the nature of mass cultural production, but when applied to varied historical situations their argument is not always tenable. Historian Steven J. Ross has aptly pointed out that the Frankfurt School theorists only focused on “the movie industry of the 1930s and 1940s, when a powerful Hollywood studio system was in place, and assumed it had always been that way.”17 When motion pictures were imported to China in the late nineteenth century, it is interesting to note that, contrary to Adorno’s argument, film was often regarded as a tool of didacticism or ‘enlightenment’ (qimeng 啓蒙) in its broader sense.18 As we know, in the face of western military, economic, and cultural challenges, Chinese intellectual and political leaders initiated wide-ranging social reforms in search of national strengthening starting in the late nineteenth century. ‘Enlightening the masses’ (kai minzhi 開民智) figured prominently in their reform agendas. For example, Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873–1929), the preeminent reform intellectual, advocated using fiction as a didactic tool 15 16 17 18

Theodor Adorno, The culture industry, 87. Ibid., 88, 92. Steven Ross, Working-class Hollywood, 267. For studies that stress the concept of ‘enlightenment’ in China, see He Ganzhi, Zhongguo qimeng yundong shi; Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese enlightenment; Li Hsiao-t’i, Qingmo xiaceng shehui qimeng yundong; and Wang Zheng, Women in the Chinese enlightenment.

Introduction

5

in 1902.19 Liang’s opinion also spread to the emerging field of cinema. For example, Zhou Shoujuan 周瘦鵑 (1895–1968), a popular writer, stated in a 1919 article in Shenbao 申報, the leading daily newspaper in China: “Fiction is not the only tool to enlighten the people. The shadowplay (yingxi 影戲, i.e. film) is another important key to this mission.”20 Lu Jie 陸潔 (Jie Fu 絜父, 1894–1967), a film director, wrote in 1921: “It has been a commonsense recognition that shadowplay has the power to improve social morals and to promote popular education.”21 This discourse had its far-flung repercussions. An official history of Chinese cinema, Zhongguo dianying fazhan shi 中國電影發展史 (A History of the Development of Chinese Cinema, hereafter Fazhan shi), published in 1962 in Beijing, picks up this thread. In this work written principally in line with the ideological orientation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), so-called ‘leftwing cultural workers’ (zuoyi wenyi gongzuo zhe 左翼文藝工作者,22 hereafter Left-wingers) are said to be the ones who employed the cinema as a weapon to enlighten the masses. The whole story presented in this book suggests that filmmaking in the 1920s was predominantly a speculative venture and films of this period were extensively adapted from popular Butterfly stories, including the novels written by Bao Tianxiao, and remained largely untouched by intellectual trends. Only in the 1930s did the Chinese film industry awake to the deepening national crisis mainly because a coterie of Left-wingers, including Zheng Boqi, joined the Shanghai film studios and produced movies on ‘serious’ themes. At the same time, the rival camp of so-called ‘hack writers of the Nationalist Party’ (Guomindang yuyong wenren 國民黨御用文人,23 hereafter Right-wingers), such as Liu Na’ou, made films promoting the ideology of the Nationalist Party (Guomindang, hereafter GMD). This cultural field of filmmaking, thus, is envisioned as a battlefield where the CCP and GMD fought against each other.

19 20 21 22 23

Liang Qichao, “Lun xiaoshuo yu qunzhi zhi guanxi,” Xin xiaoshuo 1.1 (Oct. 1902). Zhou Shoujuan, “Yingxi hua (1),” SB 20 Jun. 1919: 15. Jie Fu, “Zhongguo yingxi zhi mengya (2),” Chunsheng ribao 8 (8 May 1921). ZDFZS, 201. ZDFZS, 396. Taiwanese film historian Du Yunzhi called pro-Nationalist writers and filmmakers youpai 右派 (Right-wingers). I adopt this term as convenient shorthand. See Du Yunzhi, Zhongguo dianying shi, 127. Throughout this book the terms Butterfly, Left-winger and Right-winger only refer to what conventional histories (primarily Fazhan shi) have designated and defined as such. In other words, I do not use them as descriptive terms to evaluate particular filmmakers and films. In order to underscore this specific usage, I always capitalize and italicize these terms.

6

Introduction

This narrative is certainly politically biased. But it is not entirely an invention of Communist film historians. It has an intimate connection to the discourse on enlightenment started by late Qing reform intellectuals. More directly, it is part of the master narrative of modern Chinese literature and culture originating in the intellectual project associated with the May Fourth Movement of 1919. The general goal of this project was to establish a ‘new culture’ (xin wenhua 新文化) through the introduction of western knowledge and concepts while criticizing Chinese tradition.24 The canonization of ‘May Fourth’ and ‘new culture,’ particularly after the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949, has simultaneously marginalized other styles of cultural expression, including so-called Butterfly literature.25 The standard account of Chinese film history is part and parcel of this grand narrative. This ‘May Fourth paradigm’ has left its enduring legacy, despite many critical responses to it.26 In Chinese film studies, Fazhan shi and its innumerable spinoff publications still remain the main source of reference for this field.27 Its apparent partisan position may have been ignored, but its influence is still visible even in scholarly studies within the last three decades. For instance, literary historian Leo Ou-fan Lee wrote in his 1985 essay that the tradition of ‘socially conscious’ cinema, comparable to the May Fourth literary tradition of ‘social realism,’ was first established in the early 1930s and this May Fourth literary tradition “had apparently little effect on the burgeoning film industry which in the 1920s remained a commercial enterprise for urban popular entertainment.”28 Though he rejected the official view that the CCP provided the main thrust for this change, the distinction which he made between the popular and the serious is consistent with the official history. This distinction was reasserted in more recent studies. In Pang Laikwan’s 2002 monograph on the Left-wing Cinema Movement, she suggests the ‘mutual apathy’ between 24

25 26

27

28

For the earliest comprehensive study of the May Fourth Movement see Tse-tsung Chow, The May Fourth Movement. For a concise overview of the event, its implications as well as existing scholarship on this topic, see Rana Mitter, A bitter revolution, 3–40. Rudolf Wagner, “The canonization of May Fourth.” For recent scholarship that aims to challenge the ‘May Fourth paradigm,’ see Milena Doleželová-Velingerová, The appropriation of cultural capital; Kai-wing Chow, Beyond the May Fourth paradigm; Michel Hockx, Questions of style; among others. For a brief review of this field see Hockx, Questions of style, 2–6. Publications that appeared in Taiwan and the US in the 1970s include Du Yunzhi, Zhongguo dianying shi; Jay Leyda, Dianying/Electric Shadows. Survey histories published in mainland China after the 1980s are numerous. See Zhong Dafeng and Shu Xiaoming, Zhongguo dianying shi; Lu Hongshi, Zhongguo dianying shi. Leo Ou-fan Lee, “The tradition of modern chinese cinema,” 7.

Introduction

7

the movie industry and the Chinese intelligentsia in the 1920s and the divide between the 1920s ‘commercial cinema’ devoted to ‘romantic subjects’ and the 1930s ‘left-wing cinema’ that treated ‘the political theme.’29 It is understandable that the 1920s is not the focus of her investigation, but statements of this kind illustrate the enduring influence of Fazhan shi. Borders between ‘entertainment’ films and ‘serious’ films, between the so-called Butterflies, Left-wingers, and Right-wingers, and between the 1920s and the 1930s, thus, were drawn, asserted, and repeated. Two reasons may have contributed to this situation. First, the 1930s films have gained far more attention than the 1920s ones because most of the 1920s films are lost. Paul Pickowicz has noticed this imbalance and has pointed out that the 1920s is one of the three most ignored periods in Chinese film studies.30 Second, few studies, if any, have seriously considered the mechanism of cultural production and the agent of commerce. Therefore, textual analyses of the so-called left-wing films of the 1930s have provided the main content of our picture of early Chinese cinema. This picture, however, is partial. My study introduces a new paradigm that allows us to reexamine the picture. By exploring the cultural production at Mingxing as continuous commercial practices across the divide of the 1920s and the 1930s, this study analyzes the consistent and persistent patterns, styles, and messages in filmmaking and film artifacts across assumed ideological borders. I will show that the bosses applied the same rules to recruit their creative staff, no matter whether he/ she was labeled as a Butterfly, a Left-winger or a Right-winger in later years (in Chapters 2, 3). Most of the films, irrespective of the different ‘categories’ they were later assigned to, applied the same melodramatic mode (Chapters 5, 6), and conveyed messages generally consistent with popular intellectual discourses, such as marriage according to one’s own will, the emancipation of women, and national sovereignty (Chapter 7). Modernity was not the solo project of May Fourth intellectuals and Left-wingers, but rather involved the collective efforts of a wider range of people with varied backgrounds. In this historical context, the film medium did assume the mission of ‘enlightenment’ and the Frankfurt School theory about the Culture Industry fails to account for these historical specificities. Looking at Shanghai filmmaking as continuous cultural practices transcending particular political categories, we can gain new insights into the role of the film medium in this big picture of cultural production in Republican China. 29 30

See Laikwan Pang, Building a new China in cinema, 23, 31, 92–93. The other two periods are the wartime period (1937–1945) and the early state socialist era (1949–1976). See Paul Pickowicz, “From Yao Wenyuan to Cui Zi’en,” 43.

8

Introduction

1.2 Across Medial Borders: Print, Stage, and Cinema A Shanghai resident in the 1920s had a variety of choices for entertainment and cultural consumption. Browsing the ad pages of Shenbao on, say, 15 February 1922, the reader would be reminded that it was time to buy the latest issue of Libai liu 禮拜六 (Saturday), the most popular fiction magazine which promoted itself with such eye-catching slogans as: “You can choose not to take a concubine, but you have no choice but to read Saturday.” (Ningke buqu xiao laopo, buke bukan Libai liu 寧可不娶小老婆, 不可不看禮拜六). Or his/her attention might be drawn to the novel Aiji yiwen lu 埃及異聞錄 (A Record of Exotic Things in Egypt), translated by Lin Qinnan 林琴南 (Lin Shu 林紓, 1852–1924), the most prominent translator of western popular fiction including La Dame aux Camélias and numerous others. If he/she preferred to spend the night out, he/she could patronize the Dangui First Stage (Dangui diyi tai 丹桂第一臺) to appreciate the art of Peking opera, or go to the New Stage (Xin wutai 新舞臺) to watch Jigong huofo 濟公活佛 (Living Buddha Jigong), a play of a new theatrical genre modeled on western theater. He/she could also visit the city’s most famous amusement centers (youle chang 遊樂場), the Great World (Da shijie 大世界) and the New World (Xin shijie 新世界), which housed multifunctional theaters, dance halls, skating rinks, and a variety of bars, teahouses, shops, and gardens. Or, he/she could watch a movie at one of the five movie houses which ran ads in this newspaper.31 Cinema was a main feature of this dazzling map of popular entertainment. Filmmaking was closely interwoven with the cultural businesses of publishing and theater. For example, Saturday authors—including Bao Tianxiao and Zhou Shoujuan—would become screenwriters, and the novels of Lin Qinnan or his fellow writers would be put on the screen, as was the case with Henhai 恨海 (Sea of the Regret) by Wu Jianren 吳趼人 (1866–1910). Operas and plays would be frequently adapted for the screen. The actual borders between different media and cultural forms were never clear-cut. The cultural production of printed matter, stage plays, and films was a matter of mutual influence. But academic studies have tended to place certain media products and phenomena within narrow disciplinary boundaries. The print press has garnered much attention. European historians have probed the print press’s function as ‘an agent of change,’32 or as a ‘business of enlightenment’33 in Europe’s transition to modernity. Moreover, scholars have developed theories and critical perspectives on the vital role of print in, for 31 32 33

For the ads mentioned here, see SB 15 Feb. 1922: 18, 3, 12, 9, 12. Elizabeth Eisenstein, The printing press as an agent of change. Robert Darnton, The business of enlightenment.

Introduction

9

instance, forging a bourgeois ‘public sphere’—a domain of social life in which public opinion can be formed, as Jürgen Habermas defines it—in Western Europe in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century,34 or, in creating what Benedict Anderson has termed ‘imagined communities’ which facilitated the growth of nationalism around the world.35 Taking issue with these influential theories, China historians have examined, for example, ‘Gutenberg in Shanghai,’36 ‘a newspaper for China,’37 and many other cases,38 to inquire into the role of the print press in China’s social transformation in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Compared to the rich scholarship on print culture, a much smaller number of book-length studies have been devoted to Chinese theater during the same period. Some of the work has centered on the influence of Japan’s modern theater on Chinese stage reforms and on the interaction of modern Chinese theater with social reform and political movements.39 Many of the issues addressed in this corpus of work on publishing and theater were also profoundly important in the cultural field of cinema during the same period. Some studies have dealt with the interplay between cinema, print and theater, and their overlapping concerns. An early article written by Chinese film scholar Zhong Dafeng 鍾大豐 introduces the close kinship between early Chinese cinema and the civilized play (wenming xi 文明戲), a new theater genre which absorbed elements from western theater.40 In his 1999 monograph Shanghai Modern, Leo Ou-fan Lee places cinema within a ‘special cultural matrix’ in 1930s and 1940s Shanghai, along with journals, books, and other kinds of print culture.41 He demonstrates that Hollywood film culture, contemporary print culture, and traditional Chinese narrative aesthetics worked together to shape the film audience’s taste and further influence the Chinese film narrative. This film narrative, in return, left traces in the language 34 35 36 37 38 39

40 41

Jürgen Habermas, “The public sphere,” 398; Habermas, The structural transformation of the public sphere. Benedict Anderson, Imagined communities. Christopher Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai. Barbara Mittler, A newspaper for China? Rudolf Wagner, Joining the global public; Joan Judge, Print and politics; Xiaoqing Ye, The Dianshizhai Pictorial, etc. Siyuan Liu, Performing hybridity in colonial-modern China; Huang Aihua, Zhongguo zaoqi huaju yu Riben; Yuan Guoxing, Zhongguo huaju de yunyu yu shengcheng; Liu Ping and Krista Van Fleit Hang, “The Left-Wing Drama Movement in China and its relationship to Japan”; Li Hsiao-t’i, “Opera, society and politics.” Zhong Dafeng, et al., “From wenming xi (civilized play) to ying xi (shadowplay).” Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai modern, 82.

10

Introduction

and form of written literature, particularly the novels of such urban writers as Liu Na’ou.42 Zhang Zhen develops the theme of cinema, urban experience and Chinese modernity at greater length in her 2005 monograph An Amorous History of the Silver Screen. With the aim to write a ‘sensorial history’ or a ‘materialist cultural history’ of early Shanghai cinema, she employs what she terms a ‘historical intertextual analysis’ and examines cinema alongside photography, theater, popular fiction, intellectual discourses, and urban settings of teahouse and playhouse.43 Based on this intertextual mapping, she contends that early film culture in China “generated a mass-mediated social and aesthetic experience and an inclusive vernacular modernity.”44 These studies have painted a richly-textured picture of early Chinese cinema and its transmedial engagement with other forms of popular culture. But this picture chiefly brings to light the cultural texts that interwove a web of words, images, symbols and meanings. What remains underexplored is how this web of texts and intertexts came into being in actual cultural operations. My study explores Mingxing as a microcosm of the larger field of popular cultural production and takes a close look at the dynamics of transmedial cultural practices. I argue that the prominent agent for cinema’s transmedial experiences was the people, i.e. the cultural producers. I will analyze the dynamic elements which drove them across the borders of publishing and theater and into the new field of cinema (Chapters 2, 3). Based on this foundation, I then examine the production of several films that were adapted from or interacted with written and stage works in multiple ways (Chapters 4, 5, 6) and discuss a wide array of themes and meanings in Mingxing films which constituted lively dialogues with intellectual discourses usually conveyed in print (Chapter 7). In this way, I suggest that cinema joined the print and theater worlds and that its role in fostering social change should be reconsidered. 1.3 Across Geographical Borders: The Local, the National, the Global Zhang Shichuan 張石川 (1890–1953) was on a dull train trip from Beijing to Hankou to sell Mingxing films. It was early 1923 and by that time Mingxing had only produced several short comedies and one feature-length film. Finding markets was certainly crucial to the survival of the infant business. Therefore, Zhang Shichuan and Zhou Jianyun 周劍雲 (1893–1967), the two founders and managers of Mingxing, travelled frequently to Beijing, Tianjin, Hankou and

42 43 44

Ibid., 91–114. See Zhen Zhang, An amorous history of the silver screen, 3, 31, xxxi. Ibid., xxx.

Introduction

11

several other big cities which possessed movie theaters.45 On this train trip to Hankou, Zhang invented a story. A film version of the story would later be produced and become a huge box-office success and a milestone in Chinese film history. The film was Gu’er jiuzu ji 孤兒救祖記 (An Orphan Rescues his Grandfather, hereafter Orphan). It was premiered on 21 December 1923 at the Shenjiang 申江 Theater, a newly renovated movie palace located in Shanghai’s International Settlement. It then showed at theaters run by a Spaniard named Ramos, the city’s cinema mogul. In the following years, the film travelled in and beyond China, reaching Suzhou, Nanjing, Tianjin, Beijing, Hankou, as well as Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia.46 A decade later, film scholar Gu Jianchen 谷劍塵 (1897–1976) remarked that the film ushered in “an unprecedented national film movement” (guochan dianying yundong 國產電影運 動).47 For its local, national and overseas audiences, the film was engrossing for many reasons (to be elaborated in Chapter 4). One thing that gripped them, according to a contemporary reviewer, was a last-minute rescue that resembled the famous frozen river rescue scene in Way Down East (1920), D. W. Griffith’s classic melodrama that enthralled its Chinese audience in the early 1920s.48 These snapshots about this early Mingxing film suggest that Shanghai filmmaking was entangled, economically and culturally, with a set of wider networks beyond local and national borders. Shanghai cinema was a component of the city’s flowering urban culture, but it was more than a local business. Shanghai cinema did function in a manner Gu Jianchen has called a ‘national film movement,’ but it interweaved profoundly with the global field of popular cultural production, Hollywood in particular. The existing categories of the local (Shanghai), the national (China) and the global have given rise to some conventional ways to understand Chinese cinema. Three paradigms, or tendencies, have emerged in relation to the three parameters. When discussing Chinese cinema under the rubric of Shanghai, the cinema is usually associated with urban culture and Chinese modernity. There is no denying that Shanghai was the hub of the early Chinese film industry. Out of 55 film companies in 1934, 48 were in Shanghai.49 The city has been described 45 46

47 48 49

Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 16. For example, it was screened at a YMCA in Suzhou (XWB 12 Feb. 1924: A1) and at the Public Lecture Hall in Nanjing (XWB 15 Feb. 1924: A1). Also see Yu Muyun, Xianggang dianying shihua, 143; Huang Ren and Wang Wei, eds., Taiwan dianying bainian shihua, 36. Gu Jianchen, “Zhongguo dianying fada shi,” 1364. Wu Ming, “Guanying Zhongguo yingpian zhi shangque,” SB 10 Jan. 1924: 18. Rudolf Löwenthal, “The present status of the film in China,” 89.

12

Introduction

as ‘key to modern China,’ or ‘China’s gateway to modernity,’ and has ­generated sustained interest in both academia and the popular mind for decades.50 Several scholarly books on Chinese cinema also focus on Shanghai. The 1999 edited volume, Cinema and Urban Culture in Shanghai, 1922–1943, edited by Zhang Yingjin, aims to inquire into “a fascinating part of a general cultural history of Shanghai.”51 This cultural history has also been dealt with in two books discussed above: Leo Lee’s Shanghai Modern and Zhang Zhen’s An Amorous History of the Silver Screen. Lee’s focus is “the urban milieu of Shanghai cinema” and he argues that film culture contributed its share to “the construction of a Chinese modernity.”52 Zhang Zhen’s book also takes “Shanghai cinema” as its subtitle. We have seen that both books stress the transmedial and intertextual relationships of Shanghai film culture. Needlessly to say, these interrelated media forms and cultural phenomena were characteristic of urban culture. In short, this paradigm places cinema within the theoretical and historiographical frameworks of urbanization and modernization. Shanghai did play a central role in the development of early Chinese cinema culture, and cinema was predominantly an urban phenomenon and a symbol of modern lifestyles. But our brief discussion of the film Orphan has revealed at least two other aspects that fall outside of the Shanghai paradigm and relate to the national. Zhang Shichuan and Zhou Jianyun’s train trips suggest that their business of filmmaking relied largely on a national market. Gu Jianchen’s remark on Orphan’s impact on the ‘national film movement’ suggests that contemporary intellectuals perceived Shanghai cinema predominantly in national terms. In other words, films made in Shanghai were first and foremost defined as a Chinese national cinema. These aspects, certainly, are not unusual. The national paradigm is the most time honored approach to look at film history. The concept of national cinema arose in Europe in the 1920s and 1930s against the backdrop of Europe’s struggle against Hollywood influences. Film scholars and industrial leaders in France, Germany, and other European countries defined each of their own ‘national cinemas’ by establishing some sort 50

Rhoads Murphey, Shanghai, key to modern China; Marie-Claire Bergère, Shanghai: China’s gateway to modernity. For the expanding scholarship on Shanghai, see, to name a few, Frederic Wakeman and Wen-hsin Yeh, eds., Shanghai sojourners; Frederic Wakeman, Policing Shanghai; Hanchao Lu, Beyond the neon lights; Sherman Cochran, ed., Inventing Nanjing Road; Lee, Shanghai modern; Catherine Yeh, Shanghai love; Yue Meng, Shanghai and the edges of empires; Wen-hsin Yeh, Shanghai splendor; Alexander Des Forges, Mediasphere Shanghai. 51 Yingjin Zhang, ed., Cinema and urban culture in Republican Shanghai, 12. 52 Lee, Shanghai modern, 82, 96.

Introduction

13

of ‘unique and self-contained identity.’53 The ‘Chineseness’ of the cinema was also an obsessive concern of the earliest Chinese film scholars. For example, in one of the earliest volumes on Chinese film history, published in 1927, the author Cheng Shuren 程樹仁 ‘excavated’ the origins of the idea of motion pictures and found them in Chinese traditional folk dramas, including the art of hand shadow puppets (shouying 手影) and leather shadow puppets (piying 皮影).54 This obsession persisted. Several Chinese film scholars in the 1980s also took great pains to trace Chinese cinema’s unique aesthetic traditions. Hong Kong film scholar Lin Niantong 林年同, for example, proposed a theory of Chinese cinematic language centering on the long take, deep focus, medium shot, and some distinctive diegetic features. He contends that the conceptual root of these visual styles is Chinese philosophy and traditional art including theater, painting, and Chinese gardens.55 This strand of historical and theoretical exploration asserts Chinese cinema’s ‘national specificity’ in cultural terms. Another strand has established Chinese cinema’s ‘national history’ along geopolitical lines. The aforementioned official history Fazhan shi epitomizes this kind of historical writing with its aim to achieve a standard interpretation of a national cinema. The political separation between the mainland and Taiwan after 1949, one ruled by the CCP and the other by the GMD, complicated the Chinese narrative of a single national cinema. Taiwan published its own version of the ‘national history’ of Chinese cinema in 1972 based on the political agenda of the GMD regime, offering opposite views and interpretations on many of the same films, filmmakers, and events.56 Further, Hong Kong’s status as a British colony until 1997 and its thriving film industry make it a special case that defies the larger category of Chinese national cinema.57 This complicated geopolitical situation led to the recent trend of c­ ritical interrogation of ‘Chinese national cinema’ as both a conceptual framework

53

Andrew Higson, “The concept of national cinema,” 55; also cf. Jubin Hu, Projecting a nation, 5–10. 54 Cheng Shuren, “Zhonghua yingye shi” (in Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p.). 55 Cf. Lin Niantong, Jing you; Lin Niantong, Zhongguo dianying meixue; Lin Niantong, “A study of the theories of Chinese cinema in their relationship to classical aesthetics.” For more studies in this direction, see Wong Ain-ling, “Shilun sanshi niandai Zhongguo dianying dan jingtou de xingzhi”; Chen Xihe, “Shadowplay: Chinese film aesthetics and their philosophical and cultural fundamentals.” 56 Du, Zhongguo dianying shi. 57 For major publications on Hong Kong cinema, see Poshek Fu and David Desser, The cinema of Hong Kong; Stephen Teo, Hong Kong cinema; David Bordwell, Planet Hong Kong.

14

Introduction

and a corpus of film works.58 Rey Chow has questioned ‘the problem of Chineseness’ and the theoretical inadequacy of simply pluralizing the term ‘Chineseness.’59 Yeh Yueh-yu suggests replacing the term ‘Chinese cinema’ with ‘Chinese-language cinema’ (huayu dianying 華語電影) in order to eschew the narrow definition of ‘China/Chinese’ in political terms.60 Chris Berry has raised the term ‘national agency’ as a way to rethink cinema and the national. He suggests “recasting national cinema as a multiplicity of projects, authored by different individuals, groups, and institutions with various purposes, but bound together by the politics of national agency and collective subjectivity as constructed entities.”61 Despite this rethinking, two recent books still link cinema and the national and reassert the significance of ‘the national’ as a framework.62 This national paradigm is a valid way of addressing certain aspects of early Chinese film culture. For contemporary intellectuals like Gu Jianchen and Cheng Shuren, by hailing the ‘national film movement’ and by tracing the Chinese origin of the film medium, they shared the anxiety of their European counterparts about the need to claim a national identity against the economic and cultural ‘encroachment’ of Hollywood. This nationalistic discourse echoed the Zeitgeist of 1920s and 1930s China. But at the same time, another contemporary writer, Zhou Jianyun, argued that it was not completely accurate to call Chinese cinema ‘domestically produced cinema’ (guochan dianying 國產電影) because Chinese filmmaking relied heavily on imported equipment and raw material.63 We are also reminded of the lastminute rescue scene in Orphan which smacked of Griffith. These remarks call into attention the fact that Shanghai filmmaking was inseparable from the global in this historical period of colonial expansion and international trade. Not only did cinematographic equipment come from Europe and America, but Chinese diasporic audiences in Southeast Asia made up one of the largest target markets for Shanghai-made films. Hollywood’s influence was certainly permeating, and translated stories from English, French, and Japanese were transformed into Chinese films. It is impossible to envision this cinema as purely national. It was intrinsically global in nature in economic, technical, and cultural terms. 58 For a concise overview of recent scholarship see Zhang, Chinese national cinema, 1–7. 59 Rey Chow, “Introduction: on Chineseness as a theoretical problem.” 60 Yueh-yu Yeh, “Defining ‘Chinese.’” 61 Chris Berry, “If China can say no, can China make movies? Or, do movies make China?” 62 Zhang, Chinese national cinema; Hu, Projecting a nation. 63 Zhou Jianyun, “Zhongguo dianying de qiantu,” ZWD, 722.

Introduction

15

Needless to say, ‘global’ is a buzzword these days. The use of the global paradigm, too, has been a recent trend in Chinese film studies. Understandably, most studies apply this global parameter to understand contemporary Chinese cinema.64 The most influential theory about early cinema’s global and modernist nature is Miriam Hansen’s theory of ‘vernacular modernism.’ Her examination situates the rise of cinema in the historical moment of “modern life,” i.e. “the violent restructuration of human perception and interaction” effected by industrial-capitalist modes of production and exchange, modern technologies, and the rise of metropolises, as well as “an emerging culture of consumption and spectacular display.”65 Based on cinema’s position in this historical landscape, she argues that “classical Hollywood cinema could be imagined as a cultural practice on a par with the experience of modernity, as an industrially-produced, mass-based, vernacular modernism.”66 Thanks to Hollywood’s global distribution networks, she further argues, Hollywood not only circulated images and sound, but also “produced and globalized a new sensorium.”67 Following Hansen’s theory, Zhang Zhen has probed the Chinese articulation of this global sensory vernacular in An Amorous History of the Silver Screen, as discussed above. My study will demonstrate that early Chinese cinema’s global feature was displayed not only in its aesthetic embodiment but also in industrial and cultural practices. “History,” as Alexis de Tocqueville sees it, “is a picture-gallery containing a host of copies and very few originals.”68 In brief, Tocqueville suggests that many historical actions, scenarios and dramas are repetitive to a varying degree. We could expand this assertion and argue that this gallery also contains works that develop, interpret, and reinterpret the themes of the originals and the copies. All originals, copies, and repainted works make up a cultural field like a garden of forking paths. This study envisions early Shanghai filmmaking as such a garden, with old borders and new paradigms intertwined and entangled. Bearing in mind all the complexities, this study guides readers to explore this garden along crisscrossed paths and across existing borders through focused ‘field research’ of a particular filmmaking enterprise: Mingxing. The three relationships in the political, medial and geographical spheres discussed above thread 64

65 66 67 68

See Rey Chow, Sentimental fabulations, contemporary Chinese films; Yingjin Zhang, Cinema, space, and polylocality in a globalizing China; Michael Curtin, Playing to the world’s biggest audience. Miriam Hansen, “America, Paris, the Alps,” 362–63. Miriam Hansen, “The mass production of the senses,” 65. Ibid., 71. Alexis de Tocqueville, The old regime and the revolution, 88.

16

Introduction

my narrative in this book. I seek to show how variegated historical forces, agents, and dynamics crossed assumed divides and worked together to paint a picture, which was an original in its own time. 2

Navigating along the Production Line

Sociologist Ian Jarvie poses four major sociological questions about cinema: Who makes films, and why? Who sees films, how and why? What is seen, how and why? How do films get evaluated, by whom and why? These questions “progress chronologically through the manufacture of a film from conception and production, to sales, to distribution, to viewing and experience, to evaluation.”69 Inspired by this perspective, film historians Robert Allen and Douglas Gomery ask the same series of questions in their inquiries into what they term ‘social film history’ as a branch of general film history.70 This book navigates the cultural field of Mingxing following these sociological/social historical questions. It consists of seven chapters under two parts focusing, respectively, on the production and the product. Each chapter addresses one or more issues relating to the fluid borders in the political, medial and geographical domains. Part One examines the question who makes films and why, by investigating Mingxing’s economic and industrial operation (Chapter 1) and its staff (Chapters 2, 3). Four ‘tour guides,’ all of them Mingxing’s managers and film producers, will lead readers through the world of cultural production inside the company. Chapter One traces Mingxing’s business history through the eyes of its general manager Zhang Shichuan. The industrial history of film is an underexplored subject. Corporate histories of individual film studios are rare, especially in Chinese film studies.71 Our ignorance of cinema’s economic aspect is related in part to the long-standing aesthetic and cultural orientation 69 70 71

I. C. Jarvie, Towards a sociology of the cinema, 14. Robert Allen and Douglas Gomery, Film history, 38. For corporate histories of Hollywood film studios, see Richard B. Jewell, RKO Radio Pictures; Rob King, The fun factory (about Keystone); Tino Balio, United Artists: The company built by the stars; Balio, United Artists: The company that changed the film industry; Richard Schickel and George C. Perry, You must remember this (about Warner Brothers); Gomery, The Hollywood studio system. There are two monographs on the company histories of early Chinese film studios: Poshek Fu, China forever (about Shaw Brothers); Huang Wangli, Haishang fushi hui (about Wenhua 文華). Both speak little about business operations of the two companies. As for studies on Mingxing, there are two articles and a Ph.D thesis: Dong Lifu, “Mingxing dianying zhipian gongsi chutan”; Sun Lei, “Mingxing

Introduction

17

of film studies and in part to the paucity of business data. In this respect historians of Chinese cinema have faced especially serious material losses due to war and political unrest.72 Nevertheless, there is still a considerable amount of available (and mostly underutilized) data that allow a piecing together of a picture of Mingxing’s economic history. These data include archival materials such as the company’s business records (annual reports to stockholders, pamphlets for soliciting investment, bank loan agreements),73 government documents (censorship files, conference proceedings); publicity materials such as promotional journals;74 as well as other miscellaneous sources including fan magazines, theater advertisements, and others. Drawing upon these primary materials, Chapter One outlines the industrial environment of early Shanghai filmmaking. Empirical evidence debunks the ideologically laden story provided in Fazhan shi. Mingxing’s history points to the serious efforts of its managers in the 1920s to establish a limited liability company and a ‘vertically integrated’ system of production, distribution and exhibition following the Hollywood industrial mode. It was not simply a speculative enterprise. The 1930s saw more interactions in financial areas with the GMD government; Left-wingers could not take all the credit for the development of the industry, though they did make their contributions to film production. Actual business conduct crossed man-made political boundaries. Moreover, Shanghai filmmaking depended on extensive glocal networks to function, including local personal resources, networks of distribution and exhibition in China and Southeast Asia, and equipment and raw materials from Europe and America.

72

73

74

yingpian gongsi, 1922–1937”; Ai Qing, “Zhongguo dianying shiye de kaituo zhe.” None of the three studies satisfactorily presents an original picture of Mingxing’s history. In the US, corporate records of major studios have been recovered and collected by academic institutions. See Allen and Gomery, Film history, 40, 133. For the situation in China see Zhang, Chinese national cinema, 9. The business records of Mingxing are mainly kept in the Shanghai Municipal Archive (Shanghai dang’an guan 上海檔案館), including its statutes (SMA, Y9-1-457); fifth, seventh and eighth annual reports (SMA, Y9-1-459; Y9-1-460; Y9-1-461); and documents concerning a bank loan (SMA, Q55-2-1371). Another Mingxing corporate record was kept by the Nationalist government’s Ministry of Industry (Shiye bu 實業部), now available in the Archives of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica in Taiwan (17-23-01-7230-008). Other kinds of information—such as a chronology of Mingxing, announcements calling for investment, etc.—can be found in film yearbooks, newspapers, etc. Mingxing published three promotional journals: Mingxing tekan (May 1925–Jan. 1928), Mingxing yuebao (May 1933–Sept. 1934), and Mingxing banyuekan (Apr. 1935–Jul. 1937).

18

Introduction

Chapters Two and Three look at people, the managers and the creative staff in particular. I employ the phrase ‘cultural brokers’ to characterize this group of people. In discussing transcultural flows of concepts and metaphors, Rudolf Wagner applies this term to refer to a type of person with both western and Chinese backgrounds, who facilitated transcultural exchanges of ideas, images, and symbols through translation, writing and other forms of cultural articulation in late imperial China.75 I argue that the people active in such popular cultural production as filmmaking expanded the social roles of cultural brokers in Wagner’s sense. The border-crossing cultural activities of these people played a significant role in mediating connections between the intellectual and entertainment worlds, and between the sophisticated system of ideas and an accessible store of visualized popular knowledge. In Chapter Two, Zheng Zhengqiu 鄭正秋 (1889–1935), Mingxing’s cofounder and leading screenwriter/director, guides readers to navigate the 1910s world of publishing and theater, a space where Mingxing’s five founders were actively involved and where they crossed paths and gathered together to found Mingxing. This picture shows how their transmedial activities paved the way for their business of filmmaking by means of accumulating useful cultural capital including personal networks and stories suitable for film adaptation. Then Bao Tianxiao takes readers on a visit to the early years of Mingxing’s cultural production. On this tour readers will encounter a number of Bao’s colleagues—some popular writers and journalists who were later labeled as Butterflies as well as the dramatist Hong Shen 洪深 (1894–1955) who would be associated with the Left-wing camp. This tour illuminates why these people crossed the border of the literary sphere and how they interacted across ideological divides. Through the eyes of Xia Yan 夏衍 (1900–1995), a Left-wing writer working for Mingxing in the 1930s, Chapter Three looks at the Left-wingers and their supposedly political ‘opponents,’ the Right-wingers. This mapping sheds light on their shared territories of undertakings and interpersonal connections. Taken together, the two chapters tease out an invisible web of power relations at work. Commercial imperatives, interpersonal networks, and nationalistic discourses combined to constitute the inner dynamics of Shanghai filmmaking throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Part Two examines the product, answering the question what is seen, how and why. Closely related to the master narrative of Chinese film history, a number of Mingxing films, mostly the so-called Left-wing films, have become

75

Rudolf Wagner, “China ‘asleep’ and ‘awakening,’” 92–94.

Introduction

19

classics and received much academic attention.76 Ian Jarvie, however, has boldly proposed that “sociology must involve the study of trash.”77 A small stock of canonical works is not an adequate sample for an inquiry into the broader field of cultural production. This book extends its attention to a wider range of lesser-known films and explores what these nameless films represent. Mingxing released altogether 193 feature films (143 silent, 50 sound) and only 25 have survived, among which only 10 are publicly available in VCD/DVD format (see Appendix 1). However, a large corpus of printed materials exists, such as film synopses and scripts, silent film intertitles (zimu 字幕), publicity texts, stills, and reviews.78 These largely ignored materials throw important light on an unexplored world. This part focuses on three aspects of the films: characteristics of the medium, narrative mode(s), and meanings. Chapter Four explores the ways in which Mingxing filmmakers experimented with the new medium through studies of its earliest short films and two early features: Zhang Xinsheng 張欣生 (1923) and Konggu lan 空谷蘭 (Orchid in an Empty Valley, 1925). Zhang Xinsheng was based on a real-life murder case, which figured extensively in newspapers, tabloids, popular literature, and on stage. Shanghai filmmaking joined other cultural forms and met the popular desire for the sensational in its own specific fashion. Konggu lan was adapted from a 1860s Victorian bestseller entitled East Lynne. I trace this story’s transcultural and transmedial journey from the west to Japan and China and argue that the film medium joined a global trend for popular consumption of sensation plus sentiment facilitated by the development of the cultural industry on a global scale. This argument is reinforced in Chapter Five, which examines the melodramatic narrative mode adopted by most Mingxing films. A comparison of Orphan and Way Down East, both box-office hits in Chinese film markets, demonstrates the connections in terms of film narrative, public appetite, and popular psychology between China and the outside world. Chapter Six provides close readings of three films written, respectively, by a Butterfly, a Leftwinger and a Right-winger. This reading further illustrates the popularity of melodrama across ostensibly different political genres.

76

For example, Laogong zhi aiqing (Laborer’s Love, 1922) by Zhang Zhen (1999), Nü’er jing (A Bible for Daughters, 1934) by Paul Pickowicz (1991), Malu tianshi (Street Angel, 1937) by Ning Ma (1989), Shizi jietou (Crossroads, 1937) by Chris Berry (1989), among others. 77 Jarvie, Towards a sociology of the cinema, xv. 78 Many of these texts are published in Mingxing promotional journals (MT, MY, and MB). Some are reprinted in ZWDJB and ZZDY.

20

Introduction

Chapter Seven maps out the meanings conveyed in Mingxing films. A thorough reading of the screenplays and synopses of Mingxing films show that themes that fall under three categories recur: domestic and gender issues; labor, class and the ills of society; and revolution and nationalism. And two thematic motifs run throughout many Mingxing films: the antithesis between city and countryside, and the relationship between love and revolution. I argue that these issues and motifs resonated with the contemporary Chinese intellectual discourse on modernity and national salvation and addressed the inner tension of the Chinese viewing public. In this sense, Shanghai filmmaking can be understood as part of the nationalist project that had been sweeping modern Chinese history for a long time. The Epilogue briefly addresses the question of who sees films, how and why. I sketch out the distribution and exhibition networks of Shanghai films throughout China and in Southeast Asia. Applying data from various reports about movie-going experiences in provincial cities and abroad, I provide a preliminary look into the reception end of Shanghai cinema. The brief investigation concludes the story of Mingxing and offers further insights into the meanings of popular cultural production for the changing of worldviews and outlooks of ordinary people in a rapidly changing world.

Part 1 Production

∵

chapter 1

The Business On 18 February 1922, on the front page of Xinwenbao 新聞報, one of the leading Shanghai daily newspapers, there was an advertisement:1 As motion pictures are spreading around the globe like a tidal wave, we Chinese ask ourselves: do we want to play a role on this world stage? We have considered this issue, and we have decided. We have recognized that motion pictures meet the spiritual needs of the audience and represent genuine values of new life. We are convinced that motion pictures can be an important supplement to education in the family, in society and in schools. Moreover, we have realized that if we do not rally to action, foreign movies will flood China. We hasten to found this company because we are eager to gain some face for our Chinese people. Yet, making motion pictures is not easy! Our company can only get started when the right talents in screenwriting, directing and cinematography have been brought together. Otherwise we are doomed to repeat the failures of our forerunners. Most fortunately, we now have in hand not only talents well-versed in filmmaking, but also people versed in business management in the entertainment industry. Therefore, we are determined to start. Honorable readers! Do you sympathize with our cause? If you do and would like to invest, you are more than welcome. Capital is fixed at 100,000 Yuan, divided into 20,000 shares at 5 Yuan per share. Our founding members will purchase one half, i.e. 50,000 Yuan, and the remainder is reserved for investors. For more information please contact our preparatory office. This was Mingxing’s first public statement. At the point of posting this ad, Zhang Shichuan dared not think too optimistically about the future. Their only purpose was to raise funds through zhaogu 招股 (the sale of initial membership interests), a method prevalent in the contemporary Shanghai commercial world especially among small businesses.2 I would suggest that this text 1 “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi zhaogu qi,” XWB 18 Feb. 1922: A1. The announcement appeared in XWB from 18 to 23 February and in SB from 19 to 24 February. 2 For example, the founders of the Sincere and Wing On Department Stores also solicited public subscription of their company stock in order to raise funds in the mid-1910s in Shanghai. See Wellington K. K. Chan, “Selling goods and promoting a new commercial culture,” 27. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi 10.1163/9789004279346_003

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captures some essentials of Shanghai filmmaking in its infancy. First, Zhang and his fellow pioneers of this enterprise were conscious of having ‘the globe’ in mind. They were aware of their immediate rivals, i.e. foreign films from Europe and America which were dominating the Chinese film market. In this and other ways Shanghai filmmaking was inextricably connected to global networks of technical and cultural flow. Second, Mingxing was not established with major investment by powerful industrialists or capitalists, but with a small fund raised by its founders and prospective shareholders. This feature was characteristic of the financial situation of the early Chinese film industry. Third, while the text has obvious pragmatic goals, it clearly incorporates great claims about the function of film as a tool for education and nationalist efforts. Admittedly, these points can be read as rhetoric that buttresses the call for investment. Nevertheless, this study will show that such ‘rhetoric’ is highly significant. This chapter focuses on the economic and industrial development of Mingxing by looking through the eyes of Zhang Shichuan, Mingxing’s general manager throughout its history. He is in the best position to act as such a guide. I first present a brief sketch of the Chinese film world in 1922, the arena within which Mingxing was founded. This sketch will reveal the cosmopolitan character of cinema and the connections of the film world to the literary and theatrical fields. 1

1922: A Panorama

Ten years had passed since Zhang Shichuan dabbled in this trade by assisting two Americans to produce films in Shanghai. At that time he barely had any knowledge about this foreign novelty. Born in 1890 as the eldest son of a silk merchant in Ningbo 寧波, a coastal city renowned for its mercantile tradition, Zhang Shichuan (Fig. 1.2a) lost his father at age fifteen and had to quit school and travelled to Shanghai to earn money for his family. Thanks to his two uncles, Jing Runsan 經潤三 and Jing Yingsan 經營三, both powerful ­comprador-merchants in Shanghai, he worked during the 1910s for several western-run trade agencies as well as entertainment companies owned by his uncles. It was also with his uncle’s recommendation that he stepped into the untrodden territory of filmmaking in 1913 and thus became one of the first Chinese film directors by sheer coincidence. At the time film was little more than an exotic plaything to most Chinese.3 3 For Zhang Shichuan’s biography see He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 110–11; Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai”; and Liu Siping, Zhang Shichuan cong­ ying shi, 1–2.

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A nineteenth-century invention, motion pictures travelled around the globe along with numerous western goods and technologies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Not surprisingly, China was dragged into the global film market when pioneering western showmen brought this novelty to China in the late 1890s to explore its profit-making potential. Within two decades, movie exhibition in China shifted from a mobile business to a burgeoning industry. While screenings initially took place only in teahouses, gardens or makeshift tents, nickelodeon-style theaters and modern movie houses emerged in the late 1900s.4 The penetration of film was largely confined to treaty ports and large interior cities. By the summer of 1922, as an American government report indicates, motion pictures had finally reached Kiangchow (Jiangzhou 絳州) in Shanxi Province—about 900 miles (1,448 kilometers) from Shanghai. With a tanner’s yard as the setting, a projection machine supported by a pile of boxes and a shaky table cast flickering images on a sheet for an audience which had paid a little less than two cents a head for seeing the new magic.5 But in cities like Shanghai, things were different. By 1922, Shanghai counted over twelve major movie houses, most of which were operated by foreigners and located in the city’s foreign concessions. The Hongkew (opened in 1908), Victoria (1909), Olympic (1914), Carter (1917), China (1917) and Empire (1921) were owned by Antonio Ramos from Spain, the Apollo (1910) by S. G. Hertzberg from Portugal, the Helen (1913) by A. Runjahn, a British national, the Donghe 東和 (1914) by a Japanese, and the Zhongguo 中國 (1920) by another Spaniard named B. Goldenberg. Only the Isis (1917) was owned by a Chinese named Zeng Huantang 曾煥堂.6 Newspaper advertisements indicate that a small number of ill-equipped neighborhood cinemas run by Chinese were also in operation.7 What kinds of films were on hand for early Chinese movie-goers? If Zhang Shichuan felt like watching a movie on 15 February 1922 and consulted the Shenbao ad pages, he would have found that five movie houses were offering films: the Apollo, Helen, Isis, and the Chinese-owned Gonghe 共和 and Hujiang 滬江. The films on their programs were all foreign: a feature film (The Greatest Question, dir. D. W. Griffith, 1919), a five-reel romance, several detective serials, a one-reel short comedy starring Charlie Chaplin (1889–1977), a 4 Xuelei Huang and Zhiwei Xiao, “Shadow Magic and the early history of film exhibition in China,” 50–53. 5 C. J. North, The Chinese motion picture market, 1. 6 See Shanghai Tongshe, ed., Shanghai yanjiu ziliao xubian, 533–35, 541–42. 7 For example, Hai shen lou 海蜃樓 (Mirage Chamber) Theater located in the Chinese area, see SB 22 Jul. 1916: 13.

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British comedy, and some newsreels.8 These programs reflected the latest trends in filmmaking in America and Europe: the initial rise of feature films, the wide popularity of detective and romance serial films, and the attractiveness of slapstick comedies. Zhang Shichuan and his fellow movie-goers in China could view these movies shortly after they were released in their home countries. For example, The Greatest Question premiered on 28 December 1919 in New York,9 and it arrived in China only one year later. Big names including Chaplin, Harold Lloyd (1893–1971), and Pearl White (1889–1938) also became household names for Chinese film fans.10 Zhang and most Chinese moviegoers were perhaps unaware of the fact that they were members of this global viewing community. While movie theaters mushroomed, domestic filmmaking lagged far behind. In 1922, apart from the newcomer Mingxing, there were only two film studios in China: the Shanghai Shadowplay Company (Shanghai yingxi gongs 上海影 戲公司) and the Film Department of the Commercial Press (Shangwu yinshu guan 商務印書館), which released altogether four feature-length films and three shorts, mostly adapted from traditional fairy tales.11 Sporadic filmmaking experiments were initiated in China in the 1900s. By the end of the 1910s, a small number of Chinese-owned film companies had emerged. Most were short-lived and turned out short comedies, newsreels, Peking opera films, and short features, none of which made much business sense.12 But changes were lurking in the air in the early 1920s. Three feature-length films finally attracted a large audience. Yan Ruisheng 閻瑞生, based on a sensational real-life case, had a week-long run at the Olympic Theater in July 1921, grossing over 4,000 Yuan. This was a remarkable sum considering the initial capital of the Shanghai 8 9 10 11 12

SB 15 Feb. 1922: 12. Except for The Greatest Question, most film titles were given only in Chinese and their original titles are hard to identify. http://www.silentera.com/PSFL/data/G/GreatestQuestion1919.html. Accessed 8 March 2013. For a discussion of the popularity of early American and European films in China, cf. Chen Jianhua, “Zhongguo dianying piping de xianqu,” 183–95. See “Filmography 1905–July 1937” in ZDFZS, 525, 523. Some of the major attempts included the Huanxian 幻仙 Company founded by Zhang Shichuan in 1916, the China Film Research Society (Zhongguo yingxi yanjiu she 中國影 戲研究社) founded in 1920, and the Xinya 新亞 Company founded by Guan Haifeng in 1921. Each produced only one film. In 1919 Zhang Jian 張謇, a reputable gentry-merchant, founded the China Film Ltd. Co. (Zhongguo yingpian zhizao gufen youxian gongsi 中國 影片製造股份有限公司) with an initial capital of 100,000 Yuan, but it shut down four years later and only produced a Peking opera film, a short comedy and some newsreels. Cf. ZDFZS, 16–17, 23–49.

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Shadowplay Company was only 1,000 Yuan.13 The romance film Haishi 海誓 (Sea Oath, 1921) and the detective plus thriller film Hongfen kulou 紅粉骷髏 (Beauties and Vampires, 1921) also won considerable commercial success.14 This was encouraging and indicated that domestic films, if properly made, would not be short of audiences. As an American observer noted, Chinese people were “natural motion-picture fans by temperament” because of their wellknown fascination with theater.15 But precisely who patronized movie theaters in China around 1922? What was the social composition of the early movie-going public? Zhang Shichuan perhaps was not a regular patron of first-tier foreign-managed theaters, which were frequented mainly by foreigners from the business and diplomatic communities as well as some Chinese who wished to see foreign films for reasons of official position, financial interest, educational background, or merely “for the recuperation of jaded minds.”16 Yet movies were by no means enjoyed only by the privileged few, but rather had won widespread appeal for people like Zhang—the lower-middle social strata, including shop clerks, workers, small merchants, and housewives. Mingxing’s co-founder Zhou Jianyun observed in 1922: “In the last five years, the power of moving pictures is rising like the morning sun. It has even become a hot chat topic for women and children.”17 Guan Ji’an 管際安 (1892–1975), a journalist and editor, provided a more concrete example: “A Chinese housewife once said, if Pearl White came to Shanghai she would be happy to pay as much as ten Yuan for a chance to see her in person.”18 We do not know if Zhang Shichuan was one of Pearl White’s loyal fans. Many serial films starring Pearl White were screened in Shanghai in the late 1910s and early 1920s, including The Perils of Pauline (1914). This early Hollywood film star was warmly addressed as Bao Lian 寶蓮, referring to ‘treasure and lotus’ in Chinese, and captivated her Chinese audiences.19 This illustrates the extent to which motion pictures had aroused popular passions in China’s urban areas. 13

Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p.; also see Yingjin Zhang, Chinese national cinema, 21–22. 14 Wang Hanlun, et al., Gankai hua dangnian, 23, 26. 15 North, The Chinese motion picture market, 1. 16 See Jay Leyda, Dianying/Electric Shadows, 24. The source Leyda quoted is M.-c. T. Z. Tyau, China awakened (New York: Macmillan, 1922). The author was an English-educated Chinese writer. 17 Zhou Jianyun, “Yingxi zazhi xu,” Yingxi zazhi 1.2 (25 Jan. 1922): 7. 18 Guan Ji’an, “Yingxi shuru Zhongguo hou de bianqian,” Xi zazhi 1922, rpt. in ZWD, 1314. 19 For her widespread popularity in Shanghai see Yingxi zazhi 1.1 (Apr. 1921).

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The lower-middle stratum of urban residents constituted a substantial part of consumers of urban popular entertainment. Tickets for first-run cinemas were expensive, but there were affordable options for the lower-middle class. For instance, the Isis Theater charged a three-tiered admission of 0.2 to 1 Yuan for each show, while the Gonghe Theater located in the Chinese area charged 0.12 to 0.5 Yuan and the Hujiang charged only 0.1 to 0.3 Yuan.20 With 0.3 Yuan, Zhang Shichuan’s wife, for instance, could buy roughly 500 grams of beef, or ten eggs, or 2,000 grams of cucumbers.21 With 0.2 Yuan, Zhang’s native-place friends from Ningbo, for example, could spend a day at the Great World, the city’s most popular amusement center, visited by fifteen to twenty-five thousand people daily during its golden age.22 Seen in this light, the Gonghe and Hujiang Theaters were affordable for Shanghai residents with medium incomes. People of this class, large in number, would make up the majority of Chinese films’ audience in the years to come. They were mostly of rural origin and received limited education, yet they were not illiterate. Intellectuals despised their allegedly ‘vulgar’ cultural tastes and named them, pejoratively, ‘petty urbanites’ (xiao shimin 小市民).23 It was their tastes, however, that Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues always catered to. Another important movie-going group was made up of writers, journalists, editors, and college and high school students. Some in this group would become Zhang Shichuan’s colleagues or business rivals in the film industry. Zhou Jianyun, for example, described himself as “a Peking opera fan, and film fan as well.”24 Movie-going was also one of the favorite pastimes of Bao Tianxiao.25 Cheng Bugao 程步高 (1894–1966), a student at Aurora University, later a film director at Mingxing, showed great zeal not only for movies but also for the foreign fan magazines available only at a few western-run bookstores in Shanghai.26 Zhou Shoujuan was such a passionate movie fan that it almost became his daily routine to patronize the Helen Theater to see an episode of 20 21 22 23

24 25 26

SB 15 Feb. 1922: 12. Shrimp sold at 0.35 Yuan/500 g, beef 0.3 Yuan/500 g, egg 0.03 Yuan/each, cucumbers 0.08 Yuan/500g. See SB 4 Jul. 1923: 18. See Hanchao Lu, Beyond the neon lights, 115. For their admission fees see ads in SB 15 Feb. 1922: C9. For a contemporary essay about this group’s cultural taste, see Mao Dun, “Fengjian de xiaoshimin wenyi,” Dongfang zazhi 30.3 (1 Jan. 1933). For scholarly discussions of xiao shimin, see Lu, Beyond the neon lights, 167; Zhang, An amorous history of the silver screen, 64–65. Zhou Jianyun, “Yingxi zazhi xu”. Bao Tianxiao, Chuanyinglou huiyi lu xubian, 653. Cheng Bugao, Yingtan yijiu, 134.

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a detective serial film after work in the mid-1910s.27 I will examine some of these writers at length later; suffice it to say here that these early film fans of the educated class were to play a significant role in bridging the film and literary worlds. As movie-going was steadily growing in popularity, for someone like Zhang Shichuan who was thirsty for fresh knowledge about the new medium, opportunities to read film-related contents in the press increased as well. In the late 1910s, an irregular film column appeared in Shenbao’s ‘Unfettered Talk’ section (Ziyou tan 自由談), along with more conventional contents involving theater reviews, short essays, and serial novels. Zhou Shoujuan was one of its columnists and wrote fourteen essays under the title “Talking about Shadowplay” (Yingxi hua 影戲話) in 1919 and 1920.28 Some lesser-known and short-lived journals also ran special sections on film, including a literary journal entitled Xinsheng zazhi 新聲雜誌 (New Voice Magazine, 1921–1922) and the theater newspaper Chunsheng ribao 春聲日報 (Spring Voice Daily, 1921). In April 1921, Yingxi zazhi 影戲雜誌 (Motion Picture Review), arguably the first Chinese film magazine, published its inaugural issue, introducing new knowledge about foreign movies and actors/actresses to movie fans. Having received a considerable amount of exposure in the press, film also captured the attention of the traditional gentry. At the end of 1922, ten reputable gentry-scholars and educators organized a film censorship board under the Jiangsu Education Association (Jiangsu sheng jiaoyu hui 江蘇省教育會), an influential non-governmental organization in the late Qing and the early Republic.29 In the near future Zhang Shichuan would have to deal with this board on many occasions whenever a film was completed. The board based its evaluations on three principles: first, films that “agree with educational principles and have positive impacts on society” will be praised; second, films produced purely for commercial reasons will not be criticized if they contain no fundamental flaws; and third, films “injurious to the customs and mores of society” will receive appropriate censure.30 In fact, the board had no legal power over the film industry. These principles were more moralistic than practical. Nevertheless, the establishment of this board demonstrates the recognition of the traditional Chinese elite of cinema’s power and their attempt to exert a moral influence on it. Considering the symbolic capital these elites 27 28 29 30

Zhou Shoujuan, “Libai liu yiyu,” Libai liu zhoukan 502 (6 May 1933). Chen Jianhua, “Zhongguo dianying piping de xianqu,” 177. Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, “Dianying shencha hui,” n.p. For the Jiangsu Education Association, see Gu Xiuqing, Qingmo Minchu Jiangsu sheng jiaoyu hui yanjiu. Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p.

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possessed, Zhang Shichuan dared not ignore these ‘principles’ in his filmmaking practices. This is a panoramic view of the film world in China in 1922. By 1922 motion pictures had won considerable audiences from different social classes in China’s urban areas and received a good deal of attention from opinion leaders in the press as well as traditional elites. Western entrepreneurs held sway over the business of film exhibition, and the commercial success of a few domestic productions indicated the potential profitability of filmmaking. In one of the earliest accounts of Chinese film history published in 1936, Zheng Junli 鄭君 里 (1911–1969) made a perceptive observation: “The prerequisites for the development of a domestic film industry were in place in the early 1920s. A number of intellectuals (especially students returning from abroad) . . . came to realize the economic and cultural importance of cinema, and mastered necessary technical knowledge.”31 When posting the fund-raising ad in February 1922, Zhang Shichuan had no way of knowing that the year of 1922 witnessed the dawn of a glowing epoch of the Chinese native film industry. What concerned him most was whether his ad in Xinwenbao and Shenbao could bring in enough money to establish the film company they had named Mingxing, or bright star. 2 Birth In the autumn of 1921, it appeared that money could be earned easily. Zhang Shichuan was determined to join the crowd investing in the stock market. Having obtained support in the amount of 2,000 Yuan from his father-in-law, a wealthy businessman, he rented an office on Guizhou Road, successfully persuaded several friends to join, and posted ads in local newspapers to solicit investment for his enterprise which he named the Mutual Stock and Produce Exchange Company (Datong riye wuquan jiaoyi suo 大同日夜物券交易所). From the ads running between 19 October and 4 December 1921 in Shenbao, we learn that some of his comrades were precisely those who later co-founded Mingxing: Zheng Zhegu 鄭鷓鴣 (1880–1925), Zheng Zhengqiu, and Ren Jinping 任矜萍 (1896–?).32 But to their disappointment, the bubble burst. The upsurge of speculation in the stock market led to a disaster: among 112 exchange companies registered by the end of November 1921, only 12 survived in

31 Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” ZWD, 1392. 32 See SB 19 Oct. 1921: 1.

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March 1922.33 Zhang Shichuan was bitter. But he had quick wits and quit the collapsing market immediately.34 What could he do with 2,000 Yuan that was less risky? The idea of making films crept into his mind. Passers-by walking along Guizhou Road in February 1922 must have felt bewildered seeing the signboard hanging outside the former Mutual Exchange’s office change overnight to ‘Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi 明星影片 股份有限公司,’ or ‘Star Motion Picture Producing Co., Ltd.’ (its own English name).35 Mingxing’s history began with a preparatory office that started operation at this site. The head of the office was Ding Boxiong 丁伯雄, whose background we now have no knowledge of. Zhang Shichuan was vice-manager, and other members included Zheng Zhengqiu, Ren Jinping, Zheng Zhegu, Zhou Jianyun, and several others whose names never appear in any written records about Mingxing history.36 Within the next few months several steps were taken to prepare for founding the company. Fundraising was certainly most crucial. To address this problem, their first step was to post investment ads in local newspapers from 18 to 24 February 1922, as shown in the opening of this chapter. Their second action was to put together a special issue in Yingxi zazhi. This issue features two articles introducing their new enterprise. In one article, the author claims that Mingxing will benefit “not only its stockholders but also our country when its productions replace foreign movies showing at both western and eastern cinemas.”37 In another article Zheng Zhengqiu states that it is the duty of Chinese intellectuals to “revitalize the Chinese art field which has lacked in liveliness and vigor for so long” and “Mingxing feels obligated to assume this responsibility.”38 Another means of publicity was to wine and dine local journalists at a first-rate restaurant on 19 February 1922.39 This kind of publicity

33 34 35 36

37 38 39

Ding Richu, ed., Shanghai jindai jingji shi, vol. 2, 239–40. For a contemporary account see Hawks Pott, A short history of Shanghai, 253–54. He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 115. Ibid. For its English name see the cover of Yingxi zazhi 3 (25 May 1922). The other six persons are: Zhang Shichuan’s younger brothers (Zhang Juchuan 張巨川 and Zhang Weitao 張偉濤), Shu Weixuan 舒慰萱, He Maotang 何懋堂, Zhan Songshan 詹松山, and Ding Zhixin 丁治新. See XWB 18 Feb. 1922: A1. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi zuzhi yuanqi,” Yingxi zazhi 3 (25 May 1922): 10. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Mingxing gongsi faxing yuekan de biyao,” Yingxi zazhi 3 (25 May 1922): 9. “Mingxing gongsi yan baojie ji,” SB 20 Feb. 1922: 16.

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initiative always seems to work in China, even today. News reports about Mingxing soon appeared in Shenbao and Xinwenbao.40 Another activity was to set up an acting school, the Mingxing Shadowplay School (Mingxing yingxi xuexiao 明星影戲學校), in order to recruit and train the studio’s own actors and actresses. According to its ads, the school would have two classes, a day-class from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. for women students, and a night-class from 8 p.m. to 10 p.m. for men. An excellent teaching staff and two headmasters, a Chinese and a foreigner, were promised. Students were required to follow strict moral codes and be prepared to dedicate themselves to the cause of pure art.41 This call for students reportedly met with an enthusiastic response, with over 300 candidates coming for an entrance examination held in April 1922. Candidates and bystanders even blocked traffic in the intersection of Nanjing and Guizhou Roads where the school was located.42 In the end, 87 students were enrolled (including 17 women). The school opened on 14 April 1922, with Zheng Zhengqiu as headmaster, Zheng Zhegu, Zhou Jianyun, and Tang Hao 唐豪 as teachers. Seven courses were on its curriculum: screenwriting, directing, performance, film theory, photography, developing and printing techniques, and makeup skills.43 However, teaching quality was perhaps not as ‘excellent’ as promised. One disappointed student, Li Pingqian 李萍倩 (1902–1984), who would become a Mingxing film director in the 1930s, wrote that he broke off his university studies to enter the acting school ‘for art’s sake.’44 But only three months later he felt ‘disappointed’ and ‘bored’ and dropped out.45 It is understandable that, possessing only limited knowledge and experience in filmmaking themselves, the teachers failed to meet the expectations of a passionate and keen young man. This fact also suggests that the grand ideas advanced by Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues existed alongside a much more prosaic reality and limited resources. Six months later, only 34 out of 87 students completed the courses and some joined Mingxing.46 40 41 42 43 44 45 46

For example, “Choubei zhong zhi Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” SB 21 Feb. 1922: benbu xinwen 16; “Mingxing gongsi yanke,” XWB 21 Feb. 1922: D3. See ad in SB 19 Feb. 1922: 2. This account is based on the recollection of Dong Tianya 董天涯 (one of Mingxing’s founding staff). See Tan Chunfa, Kai yidai xianhe, 243. MXNB. Li Pingqian, “Guoqu zhi zhuishu yu jianglai zhi xiwang,” Xiandai dianying 2 (1933), rpt. in ZWD, 349. Li Pingqian, “Guanyu dianying de yifeng xin,” Dianying yishu 1 (1932), rpt. in ZWD, 385. MXNB.

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No available source indicates precisely when the preparatory office ceased operation and when Mingxing was officially declared open. Mingxing’s start was less than auspicious. Ding Boxiong and another four members of the preparatory group quit during the first few months.47 Even worse, efforts to solicit investors were a total failure. In the end it was Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhengqiu, Zhou Jianyun, Ren Jinping, and Zheng Zhegu who collected 10,000 Yuan (less than US $5,000) from their own pockets and started up the ­company.48 Needless to say, it was a small sum. By comparison, in the same period a school for the education of American children in Shanghai was erected at a cost of $500,000 and an American community church was built at a cost of more than $200,000.49 For a film production company, initial capital of 10,000 Yuan was barely sufficient to produce two feature-length films, as the average production cost per film was about 4,000–6,000 Yuan in the 1920s.50 But in the world of the entertainment industry, Mingxing was not alone when it came to shortage of funds. For instance, its future competitor Tianyi 天一 (Unique Film Productions) was also founded with 10,000 Yuan in 1925.51 Zhou Jianyun always bemoaned reluctance of Chinese capitalists to invest in the entertainment business due to their long-standing prejudice against the trade.52 Founded on a weak financial basis and defining itself as an independent commercial enterprise that “did not—and will not—accept any financial aid from any political party,”53 Mingxing’s survival relied nearly exclusively on 47

48

49 50 51 52 53

Ding Boxiong, Shu Weixuan, He Maotang, Zhan Songshan, and Ding Zhixin never appear as the founding members of Mingxing in any document about Mingxing history. See “Mingxing gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi,” ZWD, 31–48; MXNB; Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan; Gu Jianchen, “Zhongguo dianying fada shi,” ZWD, 1362; He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 115. There are three versions about the amount of the original capital. It is said to be 40,000 Yuan in “Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi” (ZWD, 32), and 50,000 Yuan in MXNB. But Zhang Shichuan’s wife stated that it was “about 10,000 Yuan raised by the five founders,” though they announced to the public that they had collected 50,000 Yuan. See He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 115. Considering the fact that the first two documents were compiled by the publicity division of Mingxing, it is highly likely that the compilers glamorized the company’s own history. He Xiujun’s version appears more credible. One Yuan equaled approximately 0.53 US dollars in the 1920s. See North, The Chinese motion picture market, 16. Arnold, et al. eds., China: A commercial and industrial handbook, 515–56. See Zhang, Chinese national cinema, 30, 45. See an interview with Shao Zuiweng: Sha Ji, “Zhongguo dianying yiren fangwen ji,” ZWD, 1234. Zhou Jianyun, “Zhongguo yingpian zhi qiantu,” ZWD, 725. Lu Xiaoluo, “Mingxing gongsi jinkuang lueshu,” MY 2.5 (1 Dec. 1934): 38.

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box-office income during its early years. Venturing into this uncharted territory, Zhang Shichuan and his comrades were faced with unclear prospects. The following two years were trial and error. 3

Trial and Error, 1922–1923

The news that French general Joseph Joffre (1852–1931) would make a visit to Shanghai was emphasized in local newspapers for several days.54 This seemed a suitable subject to record on film. On 8 March 1922, the day General Joffre arrived in Shanghai, Zhang Shichuan’s production team was on site early and recorded with their camera the grand welcoming procession. The result, a short newsreel shown at the YMCA in Shanghai in early April, was the first ‘film’ made by Mingxing.55 But Zhang and his colleagues certainly had greater ambitions. If they had sufficient capital, photographic materials, equipment, and technology were easily available in 1920s Shanghai. The US government provided its citizens desiring to do business in China with such information in a handbook:56 The United States supplied 398,000 taels’ worth of photographic materials to China out of a total importation having a value of 1,741,000 taels in 1923. A well-known American manufacturer of cameras and photographic supplies is making good progress in this market, and China is considered to have great possibilities in the future for the sale of this class of material. The main competition at present comes from Germany. Moving-picture cameras, films, and projectors are in increasing demand as the motion picture becomes more popular. However, Mingxing could hardly afford any of those expensive imported photographic supplies. Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues had to mobilize all their personal resources before everything was in place: a plainly equipped film studio rented from Italian merchant Enrico Lauro, a motion-picture camera, a print machine and a darkroom supplied by a British man named Goodall, who also worked as cameraman, assisted by Zhang Shichuan’s brother Zhang

54 55 56

See “Xia Fei jiangjun xingcheng,” SB 4 Mar. 1922: 6; “Huanying Xia Fei,” SB 5 Mar. 1922: 15. Shanghai Tongshe, ed., Shanghai yanjiu ziliao, 498. Arnold, et al., eds., China: A commercial and industrial handbook, 121.

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Weitao.57 Zhang Shichuan took up the role of director and Zheng Zhengqiu worked as screenwriter. Actors and actresses were mainly graduates of Mingxing’s acting school. Zheng Zhegu and Zheng Zhengqiu also played leading roles in early productions.58 In the summer or early autumn of 1922, they started making films. Audiences allured by a Shenbao ad for ‘Chinese comic moving pictures’ (Zhongguo zizhi huaji yingpian 中國自製滑稽影片) might have felt disappointed after sitting in the Ramos-run Olympic Theater to watch two short slapsticks produced by a film company they had never heard of—Mingxing. One piece was entitled Huaji dawang youhu ji 滑稽大王游滬記 (The King of Comedy Visits Shanghai), which describes a fictitious visit of Charlie Chaplin to Shanghai. The other one, Laogong zhi aiqing 勞工之愛情 (Laborer’s Love), was more Chinese in nature, telling a comic romance story between a fruitpeddler and an old doctor’s daughter. Showing between 5 and 8 October 1922 at the Olympic, the two films were not rerun at other major theaters in Shanghai in the following months. This was indicative of their limited appeal. Much the same can be said of the third short film Danao guai xichang 大閙怪戲場 (Disturbance at a Peculiar Theater), a similar slapstick comedy (see Table 1.1). Zhang Shichuan and his dismayed colleagues finally breathed a sigh of relief when they saw people pouring into local cinemas to watch their fourth release, the feature-length film Zhang Xinsheng based on an actual court case that had caused a great sensation. Despite the initial poor attendance when shown at the Olympic in early 1923 with admission between 1 and 1.5 Yuan, subsequent exhibitions at lower prices (0.2–0.8 Yuan) attracted large crowds.59 By 5 March, box-office income amounted to over 6,000 Yuan.60 The total length of the run was 27 days at six Shanghai theaters (see Table 1.1). But Mingxing was still hovering on the brink of bankruptcy,61 until the phenomenal success of Orphan rescued the company. Immediately after a preview, a theater manager from Southeast Asia purchased a print of Orphan at the high price of 8,000 Yuan.62

57 See MXNB. 58 “Filmography” in ZDFZS, 529. 59 “Ge yingyuan eryue zhi huigu,” SB 6 Mar. 1923: 17. 60 596.4 Yuan at the Olympic, 3,182.6 Yuan at the Empire, 1,562.3 Yuan at the Carter, and 1,341.2 Yuan at the Hongkew. “Zhang Xinsheng yingpian yingyan zhi jingguo,” SB 8 March 1923: 17. 61 MXNB. 62 MXNB.

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Premiered on 21 December 1923, the film had an incredible run for almost 100 days at ten Shanghai cinemas (see Table 1.1). Table 1.1

Exhibition of Early Mingxing Films

Title

Theater

Running Period

Length of Admission run (day) fee (Yuan)

Huaji dawang youhu ji Laogong zhi aiqing

Olympic

5–8 Oct. 1922

4

R* 0.6, 0.9, 1.2 Y 0.8, 1.2, 1.5

Danao guai xichang Wantong three newsreels

Olympic Empire Hongkew China Carter

26–28 Jan. 1923 28–31 Jan. 1923 1–2 Feb. 1923 3–4 Feb. 1923 5–6 Feb. 1923

12

0.7, 1.2, 1.5 0.2, 0.4, 0.6 0.1, 0.2, 0.3

Zhang Xinsheng

Olympic Empire Carter Hongkew China Gonghe Carter Carter

16–19 Feb. 1923 27 22–25 Feb. 1923 26–27 Feb. 1923 28 Feb.–4 Mar. 1923 4–7 Mar. 1923 8–11 Mar. 1923 12–15 Mar. 1923 9–10 Jan. 1924 27 Feb. –3 Mar. 1924

1, 1.2, 1.5 0.3, 0.5, 0.8 0.3, 0.5 0.2, 0.4 0.3, 0.4 0.3, 0.5

Hongkew

5–11 Mar. 1924

Zhabei Fajie

12 Jul. 1924 18 Jul. 1924

Shenjiang

21–25 Dec. 1923

Gu’er jiuzu ji

Empire Carter

26–27 Dec. 1923 28 Dec. 1923– 3 Jan. 1924 4–8 Jan. 1924

97

0.2, 0.3 R 0.2, 0.4 Y 0.3, 0.5 R 0.2, 0.3 Y 0.3, 0.5

R 0.3, 0.5, 0.7, 1 Y 0.4, 0.7, 0.9, 1.2 R 0.2, 0.4, 0.6 Y 0.3, 0.5, 0.7 0.2, 0.4, 0.6

37

The Business Title

Theater

Running Period

Hujiang

9–13 Jan. 1924

Gonghe Zhongguo Zhabei Zhongguo

14–17 Jan. 1924 19–20 Jan. 1924 5–10 Feb. 1924 9–11 Feb. 1924

Hujiang Empire

12–14 Feb. 1924 19–26 Feb. 1924

Carter

27 Feb.–4 Mar. 1924

Hongkew

5–11 Mar. 1924

Length of Admission run (day) fee (Yuan)

Nanshi 13–16 Mar. 1924 Zhabei 20–23 Mar. 1924 Zhongguo 24–27 Mar. 1924

R 0.2, 0.3, 0.5 Y 0.3, 0.4, 0.6

0.2, 0.3 R 0.2, 0.4 Y 0.24, 0.48 0.2, 0.3, 0.7 R 0.2, 0.4, 0.6 Y 0.3, 0.5, 0.7 R 0.2, 0.4 Y 0.3, 0.5 R 0.3, 0.4 Y 0.4, 0.6 0.2, 0.3 0.2, 0.3

* R–Richang 日场 (day sessions); Y–Yechang 夜场 (night sessions) Source: ads in SB and XWB.

As mentioned in the Introduction, the Orphan story came to Zhang Shichuan’s mind when he was on a dull train trip looking for new markets for Mingxing films outside Shanghai.63 Zhang Shichuan and Zhou Jianyun travelled frequently along China’s main railways in those years. Even the earliest short films were screened at the YMCA in Nanjing, the Kaiming 開明 Theaters in Beijing and Tianjin, and a Japanese-run theater in Dalian.64 Zhang Xinsheng was shown at no less than three theaters in Beijing, two in Tianjin, one in Hankou, one in Ji’nan, and one in Nanjing.65 The number of cities and towns where 63 64 65

Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 16. “Mingxing yingpian jiang yunwang waibu,” SB 8 Oct. 1922: 16. According to an investigation conducted by the Shanghai Municipal Police, the film was screened at the Olympic Theater, Empire Cinema, China Cinema, Chapoo Road Cinema,

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Orphan was shown was even larger: in addition to major Chinese cities including Suzhou, Nanjing, Tianjin, Beijing, and Hankou, it also reached Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia.66 The handsome profits Orphan earned allowed the previously shaky business to expand and to gain a firm foothold in the industry in the years to come. 4

Expansion, 1924–1925

It was a breezy spring day. The western-style house at 332 Avenue Joffre, the main street of the French Concession, greeted its new master and the guests attending an inaugural ceremony.67 It was 27 March 1924, only three months after Orphan’s premiere. Moving out of its original office in a cheap ‘pavilion room’ (tingzi jian 亭子間), Mingxing relocated in this stylish western-style house (yangfang 洋房) and was to embark on a new phase of expansion. Its acting school initiated a new recruitment for students of both sexes, free of tuition.68 New blood was infused: cameraman Wang Xuchang 汪煦昌 and makeup artist Xu Hu 徐琥 joined the staff. Both were returned students who had studied film production in France.69 Beginning in September 1924, an expansion program was launched. Expensive foreign photographic facilities which Zhang Shichuan dared not imagine in the spring of 1922 were now affordable. The latest motion picture equipment was ordered from the US, France, Germany, and Britain, at a cost of 50,000 Yuan.70 By 1 January 1925, Mingxing owned seven movie cameras (one American brand Bell & Howell, one French brand Debrie, one German brand

66 67 68 69 70

Carter Road Cinema (all belonging to the Ramos Amusement Company), the Koong Wo Cinema (Chinese City), and the Woochow Road Cinema in Shanghai, Ka Ming Cinema (Chinese City), Ka Ming Cinema (outside the Chinese City), Tsoong Tien Sien Cinema (Chinese City) in Beijing, Sing Ming Cinema (Japanese Concession) and Sien Jui Sien Cinema (French Concession) in Tianjin, Isis Cinema (French Concession) in Hankou, and Tsinanfu Cinema in Jinan. See a letter written by the Commissioner of Police of the Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) to the acting secretary of the SMC, dated 30 July 1923, SMA, U1–3-2401, 5. For newspaper ads see “Zhang Xinsheng xingjiang yun Jin,” SB 24 Feb. 1923: 17 and the ad for its exhibition at Nanjing Huayuan Hotel in SB 17 Mar. 1923: 2. See footnote 46 in the Introduction. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi qianru xinwu,” SB 27 Mar. 1924: Benbu zengkan 1. See the ad in XWB 13 Mar. 1924: D1. “Liu Fa dianying jishi Wang Xuchang lueli,” SB 2 Apr. 1924: Benbu zengkan 1. Also see “Zhongguo dianyingjie xiaoxi” in Dianying zazhi 1 (May 1924). “Kuaiman wuxiandian,” Dianying zazhi 5 (Sept. 1924).

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Ernemann, etc.), four printers (Bell & Howell and Debrie), fourteen mercury vapor lamps, and nine carbon-arc lamps.71 At the same time, a glass-wall studio was under construction on a four-mu (2,668 m2) plot on Hart Road in the International Settlement at a cost of over 10,000 Yuan.72 Completed in early 1925, the studio was unrivaled in China, allowing filming that did not depend on daylight and weather conditions.73 To accelerate production, fifteen vacancies for actresses were advertised in January, promising monthly wages from 50 to 300 Yuan.74 The acting school reopened in April, with places for forty new students. Shen Gao 沈誥 and Hong Shen, both of whom had studied theater in American universities, were invited to teach at the school.75 A more vital step was Mingxing’s take-over of an opera house, converting it to be its own first-run theater. The former Shenjiang Stage (Shenjiang yi wutai 申江亦舞臺), with a seating capacity of about 1,180, was now refurbished and renamed the Palace Theater (Zhongyang daxiyuan 中央大戲院). It re-opened on 24 April 1925.76 Zhang Shichuan proudly announced that the Palace Theater was to serve the interests of the Chinese film industry, which had been long suffering from the foreign monopoly of the Chinese film markets. Therefore, priority was given to Chinese films, while foreign films would be screened with Chinese subtitles.77 The theater later earned the name of ‘the palace of Chinese films’ (guopian zhi gong 國片之宮), and served as Mingxing’s first-run theater until it was too old to serve the purpose in 1933. Along with such major progress in the exhibition sector, efforts were also made to enhance publicity. From May 1925 onward, accompanying the release of each new film, a promotional journal was published, featuring star photos, stills, screen scripts and synopses of particular films.78 May 1925 saw another milestone: Mingxing officially registered with the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce (Nongshang bu 農商部), with a registered capital of 100,000 Yuan 71 See SB 1 Jan. 1925: Yuandan zengkan 18. The brand names are given in Chinese: 倍而好 (Bell & Howell), 杜勃溜 (Dubrie), 安尼美 (Ernemann), and an English brand 滾利斯韋 (I cannot identify its original name). 72 “Kuaiman wuxiandian,” Dianying zazhi 5 (Sept. 1924). 73 Dianying zazhi 10 (Feb. 1925), 12 (Apr. 1925). 74 “Mingxing yingpian gongsi zhaopin nü yanyuan,” XWB 10 Jan. 1925: A1. 75 See ad “Mingxing yingxi xuexiao xuzhao nannü xinsheng,” XWB 18 Apr. 1925: A2; and Dianying zazhi 12. 76 See Shanghai tongshe, Shanghai yanjiu ziliao xubian, 547, 561–63. Also see its ad in XWB 22 Apr. 1925: A1. 77 “Zhongyang da xiyuan kaimu xuanyan,” XWB 22 Apr. 1925: A1. 78 29 issues were published under the title Mingxing tekan (Mingxing Special Issue) between May 1925 and January 1928. See MXNB.

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raised successfully by the sale of company shares (zhaogu).79 This was a hardwon success. Between 1923 and 1925, Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues invested a great deal of effort into zhaogu campaigns. The first successful step was to persuade three powerful figures of the Shanghai business community— Fang Jiaobo 方椒伯, Yuan Lüdeng 袁履登, and Lao Jingxiu 勞敬修—to become Mingxing shareholders. With these ‘merchant elites’ as directors of Mingxing’s Board of Shareholders, Zhang Shichuan felt much more confident and continued posting ads to raise more funds.80 Another useful channel was personal resources. For example, Zhang Shichuan and Zhou Jianyun travelled to South China and attracted a substantial investment of 30,000 Yuan by Mai Junbo 麥君博, a photo shop manager in Guangzhou.81 Now Mingxing was officially established as a limited liability company. It issued a statute in which its organizational structure, shareholders’ rights and responsibilities, the method of calculating annual dividends, and other related matters were specified.82 Names of shareholders were listed in the appendix of this document. We can find on this list some famous names, including Shi Liangcai 史量才 (1880–1934), the editor-in-chief of Shenbao, and the Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Co. Ltd, one of the most successful enterprises in China. By this time, Mingxing was no longer a nameless film studio barely capable of making short comics, but a respectable enterprise that had earned a certain degree of attention. Significant improvements in equipment, personnel, finance and administration having been made, the number of releases now soared. Nine feature films were produced in 1925, whereas the total number of its output in the first three years was only six. 5

Consolidation, 1926–1930

All of a sudden Zhang Shichuan found himself surrounded by rivals. The Shanghai film industry experienced a sudden boom in 1925 and 1926. The number of Chinese-run film companies climbed from 31 in 1924 to 141 by

79 80 81 82

MXNB; also see “Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi,” ZWD, 33. See, for example, “Mingxing yingpian gongsi kuochong zhaogu tonggao (disan hao),” XWB 18 Jun. 1924: A1. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi,” ZWD, 34. “Mingxing gufen youxian gongsi zhangcheng,” SMA, Y9–1-457. No publishing date is given. It was probably published in 1925.

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the end of 1926.83 But only a minority survived cut-throat competition. Tianyi (founded in 1925) was among the fortunate few. Its success was closely linked to a genre called ‘costume drama films’ (guzhuang pian 古裝片), usually adapted from traditional Chinese folk tales, plays, and popular novels.84 Films of this kind soon won a large audience, especially in Southeast Asia (referred to as Nanyang 南洋 in Chinese), where laborers and merchants dominated its Chinese diaspora communities.85 These areas had long been the largest market for Shanghai-produced films and functioned as a more reliable source of income than war-stricken mainland China.86 Tianyi’s success with this genre engendered a costume drama production trend which swept the Chinese film industry throughout the late 1920s.87 Two related genres were soon developed: the martial arts film (wuxia pian 武俠片) and films about immortals and demons (shenguai pian 神怪片). Between 1928 and 1931, nearly 250 of the 400 Shanghai-produced films fell into these genres.88 Zhang Shichuan might have felt perturbed. Mingxing’s reputation was established by so-called ‘social films’ (shehui pian 社會片) featuring contemporary stories. But Tianyi’s costume dramas were winning over his audiences. Immunity from this market craze was hardly possible. Zhang Shichuan was perturbed by one other thing: his son’s addiction to martial arts fiction. Outraged when he found another thick book in his son’s room, he leafed through the pages angrily. But to his surprise, he could not help being enthralled by the story.89 The book was entitled Jianghu qixia zhuan 江湖奇俠傳 (Chronicle of the Strange Roving Knights) written by Xiang Kairan 向愷然 (1889–1957, also known as Pingjiang buxiao sheng 平江不肖生). Zhang decided to put it on the screen immediately and named the film Huoshao Hongliansi 火燒紅蓮寺 (The Burning of the Red Lotus Temple). To his even greater surprise, the film became a legendary success, adding additional fuel to the craze he initially hesitated to follow. Released in eighteen feature-length parts over three years (1928–1931), the film initiated a mania for burning 83 84 85 86 87

88 89

See Zhou Bochang, “Yinian jian Shanghai dianyingjie zhi huigu,” SB 1 Jan. 1925: Yuandan zengkan 17; Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p. ZDFZS, 83. Xu Chihen, “Hushang ge zhipian gongsi zhi chuangli shi ji jingguo qingxing,” ZWD, 89. Zhou Jianyun, “Zhongguo yingpian zhi qiantu,” ZWD, 730. For studies on the topic, see Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” 1407–16; Lu Hongshi, Zhongguo dianying: miaoshu yu chanshi, 100–14; Jia Leilei, Zhongguo wuxia dianying shi; Chen Mo, Zhongguo wuxia dianying shi. 30 were released in 1928, 85 in 1929, 69 in 1930, 43 in 1931, and 14 in 1932, see Shen Yun, Zhongguo dianying chanye shi, 52–53. He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 129–30.

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scenes. Numerous films followed on its heels and featured burning scenes. These became known as ‘burning films’ (huoshao pian 火燒片) and emerged as a distinctive ‘genre.’90 This fad waned in 1932 only after government intervention on the basis of eliminating ‘superstitious’ and ‘harmful’ elements in films.91 Though characterized as ‘chaotic,’92 the second half of the 1920s was significant in economic and institutional terms for the development of the Chinese film industry in general and for Mingxing in particular. Lucrative returns consolidated Mingxing financially, allowing Zhang Shichuan and his comrades to take further steps in the direction of ‘vertical integration,’ the Hollywood industrial mode of integrating production, distribution, and exhibition. One step was the formation of the Palace Theater Company (Zhongyang yingxi gongsi 中央影戲公司) in April 1926 with capital of 100,000 Yuan invested by Zhang and a few others.93 This was the first Chinese-owned cinema chain, consisting of seven Shanghai movie houses, including the Palace and four theaters originally owned by Ramos: Empire, Carter, China, and Victoria (renamed New Palace).94 In the old days Chinese films had to go through strict selection procedures before being permitted to be shown at Ramos’ theaters, and a large portion of box-office earnings fell into Ramos’ pocket. Now the Palace chain prioritized the exhibition of domestic productions.95 The speakers addressing the company’s opening ceremony stressed this point with a sense of nationalistic pride. But the substantial benefits which Mingxing could gain from this theater chain were more important for Zhang Shichuan. In the office building on 35 Jinkee Road 仁記路, where the Palace Company was located, a film distribution company opened on 26 June 1926. The com90 91

Ibid., 131. See “Jiaoyu Neizheng bu jinzhi Hongliansi yingpian geji zhi yingyan” (29 Jun. 1932), in Jiaoyu Neizheng bu dianying jiancha weiyuanhui gongzuo zong baogao, 61. For a detailed discussion of the prohibition of films of this genre, see Zhiwei Xiao, “Constructing a new national culture,” 190–93. 92 See Bihua, “Jinhou de Zhongguo dianying jie,” Yingxi shenghuo 1.9 (31 Mar. 1931): 1; Gu Jianchen, “Zhongguo dianying fada shi,” 1369; Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” 1407. 93 See XWB 1 Apr. 1926: A1. 94 The four cinemas were initially rented at 60,000 Yuan per year and were later purchased by the Palace Company at 800,000 Yuan. See Shanghai tongshe, Shanghai yanjiu ziliao xubian, 536–38; “Zhongyang yingxi gongsi zuzhi zhi jingguo,” in Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p.; Zhou Jianyun, “Zhongguo yingpian zhi qiantu,” ZWD, 724. 95 See the ad for the opening of the company in XWB 1 Apr. 1926. Also see Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p.

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pany, whose name was Liuhe 六合 (United Film Exchange), was jointly established by Mingxing and three other Shanghai film studios.96 In the following months, branch offices were set up in Tianjin, Hankou, Beijing, Chongqing, and Wuhu,97 and distributed Shanghai-made films to cities and towns along coastal and railway lines. Liuhe’s ambition to capture the inland provincial markets was spurred by its rival Tianyi, whose dominance in Southeast Asia seemed untouchable. Driven by this goal, Liuhe helped local merchants build many movie theaters with funds coming partly or entirely from its member companies including Mingxing.98 Zhang Shichuan and his fellow film entrepreneurs perhaps did not realize that this strategy laid the corner-stone for the circulation of a body of image-mediated knowledge to a wider public in hinterland China. This joint distribution company did not last long, however. Only three years later it was disbanded due to conflicts of interests among its members.99 Zhang and the other Mingxing executives soon organized another distribution company named Huawei 華威 (literally, ‘China’s glory’). The company also sold film and radio equipment and built additional provincial theaters in Wuxi, Ningbo, Hankou, and other cities.100

96

There are several different versions about the members of Liuhe. According to an ad in XWB on 25 Jun. 1926 (the day before the opening of Liuhe), four studios were included: Mingxing, Shanghai, Da Zhonghua baihe 大中華百合, and Shenzhou 神州. An ad in Shenzhou tekan (no. 4, 1926) shows that Minxin 民新 was also a member of Liuhe in addition to the aforementioned four studios. See ZWD, 103. According to Dianying yuebao (no. 1, Apr. 1928), Liuhe also distributed films produced by Huaju 華劇 and Youlian 友聯. In an announcement that declared the closing of Liuhe, we find that the members of Liuhe included Shanghai, Mingxing, Da Zhonghua baihe, Minxin, Huaju, and Youlian (Shenzhou not included). See Dianying yuebao 11&12 (Sept. 1929). It is likely that different studios joined and withdrew at different points over the years. Because of this complicated situation, the seven film companies (Mingxing, Shanghai, Da Zhonghua baihe, Shenzhou, Huaju, Youlian, and Minxin) appeared in different combinations in secondary accounts by Xu Chihen (1927), Fan Yanqiao (1936), Du Yunzhi (1972), Li Suyuan and Hu Jubin (1996), Zhang Yingjin (2004), and Shen Yun (2005). 97 Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p. 98 See ad in XWB 7 Aug. 1926: A1; “Liuhe yingpian yingye gongsi guanggao,” Dianying yuebao 1 (1 Apr. 1928). 99 See “Liuhe yingpian yingye gongsi qishi,” Dianying yuebao 11&12 (Sept. 1929). Lu Jie noted the conflicts between the member companies in his diaries. See Lu Jie, Lu Jie riji zhaicun, quoted in Shen Yun, Zhongguo dianying chanye shi, 52. 100 See “Huawei maoyi gongsi qishi,” Dianying yuebao 11&12 (Sept. 1929); “Shanghai shangye chuxu yinhang yingpian ye diaocha,” SMA, Q275-1-1949, 34–53.

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Zhang Shichuan’s film kingdom was expanding, but he envied his Hollywood counterparts who possessed their own distribution and exhibition networks.101 In a strict sense Mingxing never managed to establish a vertically-integrated system. The Palace Theater Company, Liuhe, and Huawei were independently registered companies (not Mingxing subsidiaries), though their close ties to Mingxing were obvious. The main impediment to full vertical integration was their lack of capital. Calls for fresh investment were the most persistent endeavors of Zhang Shichuan and his comrades throughout the early years of Mingxing’s existence. On 9 October 1926, for example, Mingxing ran a wholepage advertisement in Xinwenbao to appeal to investors, offering the sale of 40,000 shares at 10 Yuan per share.102 Zhang had a wonderful blueprint in mind: 120,000 Yuan for constructing a new office building and a glass-wall, steel-frame studio, 100,000 Yuan for cinematographic equipment, 50,000 Yuan for film production, and 130,000 Yuan for building movie theaters in inland China.103 This grand plan, unfortunately, bore no fruit. Zhang was embarrassed and never allowed this abortive plan to be recorded in the company history compiled by his own publicity department.104 Time went by quickly and the end of 1930 drew near. If Zhang Shichuan took stock of the past five years of Mingxing at this time, he must have felt good about the steady progress despite ceaseless financial problems annoying him at the same time. Production increased steadily: nine films were produced in 1925, eleven in 1926, thirteen in 1927, fifteen in 1928, sixteen in 1929, and seventeen in 1930. By late 1926, Mingxing had 26 leading performers (thirteen female) and four production teams, under the direction of Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhengqiu, Hong Shen, and Bu Wancang 卜萬蒼 (1903–1974).105 In 1927 it moved into new premises on Route Doumer and owned two studios allowing two production teams to work simultaneously.106 The company’s balance report shows that between 1924 and 1930 a deficit appeared only once in 1927. Generally speaking, their business was running at a profit (see Table 1.2). In 1928, after having raised an additional amount of 200,000 Yuan, Mingxing 101 See Douglas Gomery, The Hollywood studio system. 102 XWB 9 Oct. 1926: A1. 103 Yan Duhe, Mingxing yingpian gongsi tianzhao xingu jihua shu, quoted in Sun Lei, “Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 150. 104 “Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi,” ZWD, 33. Also see MXNB. 105 See XWB 9 Oct. 1926: A1. For the four production teams see Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p. Also see Gong Jianong, Gong Jianong congying huiyi lu, 71–72. 106 MXNB. See “Mingxing yingpian gongsi juan,” Ministry of Industry, 17–23–01–72–30–008, Academia Sinica.

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registered with the Ministry of Industry and Commerce (Gongshang bu 工商部) of the new Nanjing government.107 Table 1.2

A Balance Report of Mingxing (Mingxing linian yingye tongji 明星歷年營業統計)

Year

Income (Yuan)

Expenditure

Profit

1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933 1934 1935

212,396.91 245,930.33 431,144.62 356,562.58 551,810.97 708,357.37 559,313.57 829,149.74 687,837.58 727,097.60

155,001.92 264,958.74 383,751.03 331,056.79 526,305.03 688,370.54 606,634.29 914,837.13 680,809.77 669,553.45

57,394.99 41,393.58 25,505.78 25,505.93 19,986.83

7,027.81 57,544.15

Deficit

19,028.41

Remarks

Nov. 1924–Feb. 1926 Mar. 1927–Aug. 1928

47,320.62 85,687.39

Source: MB 7.1 (16 Oct. 1935)

Zhang Shichuan felt no hostility towards Chiang Kaishek and the Nanjing government. When Chiang’s army won victories over local warlords in the Northern Expedition (Beifa 北伐), Zhang Shichuan was excited and joined the victory parades in Shanghai in March 1927, shooting reels of celebratory events and public speeches by Chiang.108 Like many of his contemporaries, he wished that Chiang’s victory and the establishment of the Nanjing government in April 1927 would lead to the reunification of China after a chaotic period of warlordism. The shifting political circumstances were going to affect their business, however. In the name of nation-building, the Nanjing government tightened its control over the film industry, principally in the form of censorship. Meanwhile, the sources of capital for the film industry were now less dependent on shareholders and more dependent on banks, many of them under government control. New situations brought new hopes, and also new challenges. What was the new government going to do with film? How to deal with its regulation? It is important at this point to take a look at the interaction between the Shanghai film industry and the government. This short detour 107 MXNB. 108 The newsreel was shown on 29 March 1927. See XWB 29 Mar. 1927: A1.

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will help us better understand Mingxing’s business operations in the 1930s when politics increasingly permeated commercial practices. 6

A Detour: Mingxing and the Nationalist Government

On 29 April 1933, Zhang Shichuan, escorted by two government officials, led a fifteen-person production crew on a journey to Jiangxi. They were performing a ‘glorious’ task allegedly under Chiang Kaishek’s personal order, that is, making a documentary about Chiang’s extermination campaign directed at the Communists ( jiaofei 剿匪) in Jiangxi.109 Zhang was flattered and he believed that fostering a good relationship with the government would do no harm to their business. By that time the Nanjing government had developed a bureaucratic system to regulate film-related matters. Film companies had to learn how to deal with it. By the mid-1930s the system was fully developed (see Chart 1.1).110 At the highest level was an administrative bureau directly affiliated with the GMD’s supreme propaganda organ, the Propaganda Department. Subordinate to this bureau were two censorship boards for reviewing screen scripts and films. Closely connected to these bodies was a semi-governmental organization that promoted educational cinema. This group was founded in Nanjing in August 1932 and soon developed a nation-wide network of branches and membership.111 Top government and party officials including Chen Lifu 陳立夫 (1900–2001) and Pan Gongzhan 潘公展 (1894–1975), both of whom had relations with Mingxing, filled the key positions in these organizations. Nanjing’s film officials pursued carefully defined political agendas when establishing this system. One of their prime concerns was to regulate the film industry in ways that served the party’s political goals, particularly the unification of China and the building of a strong nation. For instance, for a time their top priority was to ban dialect films and films on superstitious and pornographic subjects which were deemed subversive to nation building.112 Instead, 109 For a detailed journal of this journey, see Wang Qianbai, “Ganxing jishi,” MY 1.3 (1 Jul. 1933), 1.4 (1 Aug. 1933). Unless otherwise noted, the following account about this journey is based on this source. 110 For information about the bureaucratic system, see Zhongyang xuanchuan weiyuanhui dianying gu, ed., Zhongguo Guomindang zhongyang xuanchuan weiyuanhui zhaoji quan­ guo dianying gongsi fuzeren tanhuahui jinian ce (hereafter Jinian ce), Mar. 1934. Also cf. “Nanjing dianying xingzheng jiguan gaikuang,” DS 5.14 (10 Apr. 1936): 349. 111 See “Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui huiwu baogao” (1932); Fang Zhi, ed., Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui diwujie nianhui tekan (May 1936). 112 Xiao, “Constructing a new national culture.”

47

The Business Cinema Advisory Commission/ Central Cinema Administration Bureau

Central Film Censorship Board

Central Film Script Censorship Board

National Educational Cinematographic Society of China

Chart 1.1 Cinema Administration of the Nanjing Government

they encouraged the production of socially responsible films with didactic values. For example, in his address to the 1934 conference on cinema affairs, Chen Lifu stated that “our country needs the film industry to take up the role of educators” and films should be “seventy percent educational and thirty percent entertaining.”113 Meanwhile, Zhang Shichuan and his fellow industry leaders were trying desperately to get the government to pay attention to their demands and concerns. For example, at the aforementioned film conference, industry leaders urged the government to develop a tariff policy that addressed the growing encroachment of imported movies, to reduce bureaucratic red tape in film censorship, to offer financial aid to the industry, and to ensure more effective administration at the local level.114 As a journalist observed, the concern of the film industry was nothing more than wishing that the authorities would “sympathize with the difficulties of the industry” (tixu shangjian 體恤商艱).115 In a word, the film industry and the GMD government were locked in a relationship of mutual need. The newly-founded regime, whose rule remained precarious in many realms, was in need of support from the film industry in both ideological and practical terms. Before 1936 there was no state-run film studio to serve the needs of government propaganda and policy priorities. As government officials increasingly realized the impact of moving images, they saw a frequent need to make newsreels or documentaries featuring political, 113 “Dianying shiye zhidao weiyuanhui changwu weiyuan Chen Lifu xiansheng yanshuo,” in Jinian ce, 46. 114 Jinian ce, 43–53. 115 “Disan ci dianying tanhua hui xiangji,” DS 5.17 (1 May 1936): 406–7.

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military, and official activities. As a leading film studio with professional equipment and an experienced staff, Mingxing was often summoned on such occasions. For example, between 1927 and 1929 Mingxing produced a series of short films for the Public Utilities Bureau of the Shanghai Municipal Government (Shanghai shi gongyong ju 上海市公用局) about municipal efforts to improve the city’s infrastructure, ferry services, and waterworks.116 Mingxing film crews were also frequently invited to Nanjing to shoot, for example, ‘anti-Japanese speeches’ given by the Prime Minister and senior officials.117 Zhang Shichuan did not see tasks of this kind as undesirable. As an astute Ningbo merchant, he knew well that these opportunities could be exploited to serve his own corporate interests. For example, newsreels shown before feature films sometimes functioned as an extra attraction. A revealing example was the newsreel about the wedding ceremony of Chiang Kaishek and Song Meiling 宋美齡 (Soong May-Ling). More space was allotted in newspaper advertising to this piece than to the film shown afterwards.118 In the case involving the making of the aforementioned anti-Communist documentary, a journalist conjectured that it was the result of the ‘active contacts’ of Mingxing managers with Nanjing, rather than Chiang’s order.119 This perspective suggests that this project was not deemed a disagreeable one. Standing on the deck of a steamship sailing up the Yangtze River towards Jiangxi, Zhang Shichuan was in a pleasant mood as he looked at his film crew hustling about.120 He made full use of the voyage: the sound engineer recorded a track of steamship whistles and the cameraman shot a few reels of the picturesque scenery. Both would be used in their own films under production. Zhang Shichuan and his crew arrived in Nanchang on 2 May 1933 and started working the next day. They first recorded a speech by the head of the Jiangxi provincial government in order to mobilize his people to combat the Communists. Afterwards they went to a public stadium to shoot a gathering of local peasant volunteers responsible for transporting military supplies to the front. This was followed by Chiang Kaishek’s speech to his soldiers at the Martyrs’ Cemetery. The focus of the second day of filming was Chiang’s wife (Song Meiling) and a women’s relief association she organized. They shot association members packing comfort gifts, visiting the injured, and Song’s speech 116 SMA, Q5-3-3264, 21 Dec. 1927. 117 Wang Qianbai, “Ganxing jishi” (I), MY 1.3 (1 Jul. 1933): 1. 118 See XWB 3 Dec. 1927: A1. 119 Yingxi shenghuo 220 (5 Mar. 1933). 120 See a photo of Zhang and his colleagues in Wang Qianbai, “Ganxing jishi” (I), MY 1.3 (1 Jul. 1933): 2.

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to wounded soldiers. The film crew then travelled through a rugged area to the front, where they recorded Chiang’s talks to his officers, officers addressing their soldiers, and the speeches of ordinary soldiers. They also shot exterior scenes including a fortress outside the town, soldiers in the trenches, marching troops, and the remains of civilian houses allegedly destroyed by Communists. Back in Nanchang after shooting additional speeches Chiang delivered to his subordinates, they departed for Shanghai on 14 May. Chiang Kaishek certainly benefited from their work. The topics recorded by Mingxing (speeches, popular support, relief activities, soldiers and troops, enemy crimes) were typical of wartime propaganda and the documentary would be shown to soldiers for propaganda purpose. Chiang years later noted in his diary his realization of the importance of films as an educational tool to circulate ‘modern knowledge’ (xiandai hua zhi changshi 現代化之常識).121 This project also benefited Mingxing. First, in addition to the ‘by-products’ (the sound track and scenery footage) to be employed in upcoming productions, Zhang Shichuan received an unexpected ‘order’ to produce an anti-Communist film for the Jiangxi provincial government.122 This kind of order could bring in additional income and was certainly welcome. Second, Zhang believed that this task gave him glory and ‘face’ (mianzi 面子) and helped him establish a closer personal tie with Chiang and Nanjing’s senior officials. This, he supposed, would help his business.123 And it did. Government offices and high officials assigned additional tasks to Mingxing soon after, though no hard evidence points directly to a causal linkage to the Jiangxi project. In August 1933, only three months after their journey to Jiangxi, Zhang Shichuan was pleased to receive a request from the Ministry of Railways concerning a proposed travel documentary to showcase famous historic sites and the natural scenery along three major railways of China (Jinpu 津浦, Jiaoji 膠濟, and Longhai 隴海).124 Since the sponsor promised free accommodation and transportation, this opportunity had to be fully exploited. Zhang soon arranged for writers to prepare three screen scripts set in Mount Tai (Taishan 泰山), Mount Hua (Huashan 華山), and Xi’an, famous scenic sites along the routes. A team made up of Mingxing’s leading actors/actresses and production staff, forty in total, was formed. During the journey they completed on-location 121 See Gao Sulan, ed., Jiang Zhongzheng zongtong dang’an: shilue gaoben, vol. 38, 436 (dated 25 Sept. 1936). 122 Wang Qianbai, “Ganxing jishi.” Unfortunately no further information about the plan is available. 123 He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 143, 155. 124 MXNB.

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shooting for the three films: Huashan yanshi 華山艷史 (Romance on Mount Hua), Dao Xibei qu 到西北去 (Go Northwest), and Taishan hongmao 泰山鴻 毛 (Feather on Mount Tai).125 Zhang Shichuan’s strategy of establishing close ties with Nanjing paid off. Some government officials even functioned as members of Mingxing’s Board of Directors. These included Pan Gongzhan, the official of the GMD’s Shanghai Municipal Government, and Lin Kanghou 林康侯 (1876–1949), an official of the Ministry of Finance.126 In 1934, Mingxing produced an educational film, Yinshui weisheng 飲水衛生 (Drinking Water Hygiene), in response to a request from Chen Lifu, who provided a script he had written himself.127 These efforts were rewarding. In June 1936, Mingxing got a large mortgage of 160,000 Yuan from the government-controlled Communication Bank (Jiaotong yinhang 交通銀行), with Chen Lifu’s brother Chen Guofu 陳果夫 (1892–1951) as the guarantor.128 This large sum was of vital importance to Mingxing’s survival because from 1931 onward Mingxing was increasingly stuck in desperate economic situations. 7

1931: A Year of Troubles

1931 was a year of troubles. Drowning in piles of thorny issues concerning debts, staff salaries, and lawsuits at the end of the lunar year of 1931, Zhang Shichuan bitterly acknowledged this irrevocable fact. During that year Mingxing sustained three devastating blows.129 Following cinema’s gradual transition to sound in the late 1920s, Mingxing produced the first Chinese sound film Genü Hong mudan 歌女紅牡丹 (Sing-song Girl Red Peony) in 1930 at the expense of 120,000 Yuan. Opening at the Strand Theater (Xinguang 新光) on 15 March 1931, the film piqued popular curiosity and attracted a substantial audience. But it was not a real sound film; it only employed soundon-disc technology supplied by Pathé Records. Its success was soon outshone by two real sound films that used synchronized sound-on-film technology 125 For reports about the journey see “Beixing tongxun,” in MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933), 1.6 (1 Oct. 1933). 126 See “Mingxing yingpian gongsi juan,” Ministry of Industry, 17-23-01-72-30-008, Academia Sinica. 127 Beiyang huabao 1106 (6 Jun. 1934): 3. 128 See “Jiaotong yinhang Shanghai fenhang chengzuo Mingxing yingpian gongsi yakuan de wanglai wenshu,” SMA, Q55-2-1371, 9–10. 129 “Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi,” ZWD, 34–35.

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produced by the Huaguang and Tianyi companies. In order to catch up with his rivals, Zhang Shichuan decided to invest more to upgrade his equipment. In July 1931, he sent Hong Shen to the US to purchase the latest technology. Hong soon signed a contract with a US company that supplied the sound-on-film technology and purchased equipment for making sound and color films. He also hired several technicians, to whom Mingxing had to pay high salaries. Aware of the old saying ‘no pain, no gain,’ Zhang Shichuan spent a prodigious amount of money—200,000 Yuan—without hesitation. Unfortunately, the equipment Hong purchased was of poor quality.130 Even worse, the first film produced with the latest hardware and technologies turned out to be another severe blow to Mingxing. The film was Tixiao yinyuan 啼笑因緣 (Fate in Tears and Laughter, hereafter Fate), an unanticipated trouble-maker that almost devastated the company. Fate was intended to be a block-buster. Zhang Shichuan had good reason to expect high returns from it. This ‘supremely popular’ novel, written by the famous novelist Zhang Henshui 張恨水 (1895–1967), was “probably the most widely read Chinese novel in the first half of the twentieth century.”131 Initially serialized in Xinwenbao in 1929 and 1930, the novel was published in book form in 1931 and was reprinted numerous times. It was also broadcasted on radio, performed on stage, and circulated in comic books and various other media.132 Zhang Shichuan quickly sensed its business potential. On 18 September 1930, Mingxing announced in local newspapers its decision to make a film in six episodes based on the novel.133 To ensure a high quality production, Zhang pulled out all the stops: a budget of 1,200,000 Yuan, famous stars to play the leads (including Hu Die 胡蝶, better known as Butterfly Wu, 1907–1989), the latest equipment, and two-month exterior filming in Beijing.134 The first episode premiered on 26 June 1932 at the Nanking Theater, one of the first-class movie theaters in Shanghai normally reserved for Hollywood movies.135 Three days later, however, movie-goers arriving at the theater 130 For Mingxing’s attempt to produce sound films, see MXNB. For Hong Shen’s trip to the US, see Bihua, “Hong Shen zuo chen fanguo,” Yingxi shenghuo 1.32 (22 Aug. 1931). The American company was called Multicolor. The American technicians included cameramen Jack Smith and James Williamson, sound technician Sydney Lund, and others. 131 Perry Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 22, 12. 132 For the popularity of the novel, see Zhang Mingming, “Youguan Tixiao yinyuan de ersan shi,” YHYZ, 222–36. Also see Huayan Yigai, “Tixiao zhongzhong,” YHWZ, 234. 133 “Mingxing yingpian gongsi kaishe Tixiao yinyuan qishi,” XWB 18 Sept. 1930: 5. 134 See serial reports in Yingxi shenghuo 37–45 (26 Sept.–21 Nov. 1931); also see Hu Die, Hu Die huiyi lu, 60–74. 135 See ad in XWB 26 Jun. 1932: 20.

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witnessed a strange scene: next to the huge poster of the film was an announcement declaring that the screening of Fate had to be discontinued by order of the Supreme Court. The reason was that a business rival had sued Mingxing for breach of copyright. The manager of the rival company, Gu Wuwei 顧無爲, had registered ahead of Mingxing a copyright for the screen adaptation of the novel, despite the fact that Mingxing had procured authorization from the author Zhang Henshui. After a long process of legal negotiations, they agreed to an out-of-court settlement. Since Gu Wuwei had secured protection from mafia boss Huang Jinrong 黃金榮 (1867–1953), Mingxing had to seek an equally strong protector—the Green Gang head Du Yuesheng 杜月笙 (1888– 1951). With Du as intermediary, Mingxing gained a nominal victory at a heavy price: 100,000 Yuan for Du’s ‘protection’ and Gu Wuwei’s ‘losses.’136 In late September 1932, Fate finally returned to the silver screen.137 But Fate, or fate itself, did not give Zhang Shichuan a chance to reap his just reward. Its box-office achievement was barely average.138 Film critics said that the film was mediocre, lacked a gripping plot and outstanding acting.139 A more decisive reason might be the Japanese invasions of Manchuria and Shanghai in September 1931 and January 1932. The Japanese occupation of Manchuria cost Chinese films their markets in Northeast China and the 1932 bombing of Shanghai destroyed sixteen movie theaters among a total of 39. Furthermore, wartime recession took a toll on people’s spending power.140 Coming out at such an inopportune time and embroiled in so many unexpected troubles, 136 The case caused a sensation at the time and was mentioned in many memoirs and essays. See He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 134–37; Zhang Mingming, “Youguan Tixiao yinyuan de ersan shi,” 230–31. For primary evidence, see newspaper announcements by both parts in XWB 8 Nov. 1931: 1; 9 Nov. 1931: 2; 30 Jun. 1932: 3; 1 Jul. 1932: 6; 2 Jul. 1932: 7; 4 Jul. 1932: 7. For news reports in the popular press, see Zhong Li, “Guangmang sishe, quanguo zhumu de Mingxing yingpian gongsi zhi beicheng dazhan,” DS 1.6 (6 May 1932): 1, 1.7 (7 May 1932): 1; “Tixiao yinyuan zhi falü wenti,” DS 1.31 (31 May 1932); Hu De, et al., “Mingxing zhi Tixiao yinyuan turan tingying zhi jingguo yu neimu,” DS 1.61 (30 Jun. 1932). 137 The second episode showed from 25 September, the third from 18 October, the fourth from 21 October, the fifth from 18 December, and the sixth from 23 December. See ads in XWB on corresponding dates. 138 See Shen Jun, “Mingxing gongsi zhi xin celue,” DS 166 (14 Oct. 1932); Chen Sishan, “Mingxing gongsi tongku de huiyi,” DS 3.12 (6 Apr. 1934): 229. 139 Meng Jue, “Erji Tixiao yinyuan,” DS 150 (27 Sept. 1932); Qian, “Sanji Tixiao yinyuan,” DS 171 (19 Oct. 1932). 140 Zheng Junli analyzed the impact of the Japanese invasions on the Chinese film industry in Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” ZWD, 1429.

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Fate was doomed; Zhang Shichuan had to recognize this poignant fact. Along with these crises, Mingxing suffered another blow in late 1931. Its plan to buy a twenty-mu (13,334 m2) plot for constructing new studios was aborted, incurring a loss of 100,000 Yuan. By this time, Mingxing had a total debt reportedly as high as 600,000 Yuan.141 This was a real headache. The ‘year-end transition’ (nianguan 年關) between 1931 and 1932 was not easy for Zhang Shichuan. But his troubles continued. 8

Ups and Downs, 1933–1935

The passage of time did not provide a magic cure for Mingxing’s economy. Near the end of 1932, Zhang Shichuan was ashamed of being unable to pay staff salaries.142 Measures were taken to boost production, the prime remedy for rescuing Mingxing from bankruptcy. At an emergency meeting held on 14 October 1932, the leadership made six decisions, and the first was “to call for screen scripts and to recruit performers.”143 A month later, another stimulus plan was launched with three goals: to recruit creative personnel, to solicit further investment, and to speed up production.144 Output did increase substantially in 1933, with 23 feature-length films turned out. But they failed to generate sufficient profits to meet financial demands. A deficit of 85,687.39 Yuan was registered in 1933 (see Table 1.2). Additional fuel was added to the fire: in late 1933 a foreign finance company, the American Commercial and Exchange Bank (Chinese name: Huizhong yin gongsi 匯眾銀公司), sued Mingxing for its failure to pay off a debt of 450,000 Yuan.145 At the time Mingxing was caught up in dire straits. At this juncture, a timely savior appeared: Zimei hua 姊妹花 (Twin Sisters), a film written and directed by Zheng Zhengqiu. It was a marvelous box-office success and set a new record, running consecutively for sixty days at the Strand 141 142 143 144 145

“Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi,” ZWD, 35. “Mingxing gongsi fenqi faxin, bu jingqi zhong zhi yimu,” DS 203 (20 Nov. 1932). Kai Mola, “Mingxing gongsi de yige jinji huiyi,” Yingxi shenghuo 90 (16 Oct. 1932). “Bu jingqi zhong zhi Mingxing gongsi beicheng jieyi,” DS 195 (12 Nov. 1932). Only the Chinese name ‘Huizhong yin gongsi 匯眾銀公司’ is given in Chinese newspaper reports. Its English name is based on Jay Leyda. See Leyda, Dianying/Electric Shadows, 90. For details of the lawsuit, see “Mingxing qianzhai bei gaoshang fating,” DS 496 (21 Sept. 1933); “Mingxing yu Huizhong yin gongsi de guansi,” DS 498 (23 Sept. 1933). Zhou Jianyun’s account differed slightly from the Diansheng reports. Zhou said that the finance company sued Mingxing out of revenge because Mingxing declined its takeover proposal. See Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong,” MB 6.2 (1 Aug. 1936).

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Theater in Shanghai in early 1934.146 It reached a total of 53 Chinese cities (in eighteen provinces) and ten foreign cities (in six countries), grossing over 200,000 Yuan.147 The spring of 1934 was approaching with vastly boosted company morale. A revitalization program was soon launched in April with an aim to improve administration and production qualities.148 Board of Stockholders Board of Directors

Screenplay Unit

Direction Unit

Secretariat

Marketing Division

General Service Division

Production Division

Stage Management Unit

Central Administrative Office

Art Unit

Cartoon Unit

Cinematography Unit

Accounting Unit

General Affairs Unit

Film Print Unit

General Affairs Unit

Publicity Unit

Storage Unit

Chart 1.2 Mingxing’s Enterprise Structure source: MY 2.5, 1 dec. 1934

After reorganization, a three-tiered structure was established (see Chart 1.2). At the highest level were the Board of Stockholders, Board of Directors, and the Central Administrative Office. Subordinate to these boards were three divisions, the Production Division consisting of seven units (Screenplay, Direction, Secretariat, Stage Management, Art, Cartoon, and Cinematography Units), the General Service Division consisting of three units (Accounting, General Affairs, and Storage Units), and the Marketing Division also consisting of three units (Film Print, General Affairs, and Publicity Units). By that point Mingxing had grown to be a medium-scale enterprise and its organization as a limited liability company was in good shape. However, Zimei hua and the revitalization program failed to thoroughly revive Mingxing’s economy. The end of 1934 was not easy to pass either. Mingxing executives had to ask for advances of box-office incomes to meet 146 XWB 10 Feb. 1934: benbu fukan 4; XWB 13 Apr. 1934. 147 MXNB. 148 MXNB, also see Qi Shi, “Mingxing fuxing tongzhi hui zhi bianxiang Zimei hua qinggongyan,” DS 3.13 (13 Apr. 1934): 251.

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expenses that usually piled up at the end of a year.149 A more vexing issue was that Mingxing was urged to leave its current premises since the lease had expired. Still, Zhang Shichuan was an ambitious Ningbo merchant by nature. Expecting a concrete expansion of growth, he and his comrades decided to purchase a large property (22 mu/14,666.7 m2) with 100,000 Yuan.150 On a late spring day in 1935, Zhang said farewell to the old office where he had spent eight years devotedly running his business, going through ups and downs, and experiencing mixed feelings ranging from complacency to disappointment.151 The new premises were situated in the Fenglin qiao 楓林橋 (Maple Grove Bridge) area outside the foreign concessions. The location pre-determined Mingxing’s destiny, which will be discussed later. Since the new studio on the new site was still under construction, they purchased a studio with 45,000 Yuan from another film company for temporary use.152 The new studio, 120 feet (36.6 m) in length, 60 feet (18.3 m) in width, and 30 feet (9.1 m) in height, was finally completed in June 1936. It was said to be “the largest film studio in China.”153 This may be true. Mingxing stood atop the 55 Chinese film studios in a report on the Chinese film industry published in 1935 in Chinese Economic Bulletin.154 But financial problems never ceased. In August 1935, shortly after moving to the new premises, Mingxing authorities announced a staff reduction of over 100, among a total of 300.155 The payment of staff salaries was routinely delayed.156 In September, 15% to 34% average reductions in salary were announced.157 All were signs of the company’s weak economy. Under the circumstances, its Studio II was set up in July 1936. Its immediate goal was to boost revenues. 149 “Mingxing gongsi jingji jiongpo zhi yiban,” DS 4.10 (15 Mar. 1935): 198. 150 Yingtan, “Mingxing yingpian gongsi die bei susong,” DS 3.39 (10 Oct. 1934): 764. For the information about Mingxing’s new office site see MXNB, and Yingtan, “Mingxing jiepan Yucheng quanbu shengcai,” DS 4.21 (24 May 1935): 417. 151 See “Mingxing rizhi,” MB 1.3 (16 May 1935): 20. 152 Yingtan, “Mingxing jiepan Yucheng quanbu shengcai,” DS 4.21 (24 May 1935): 417. 153 MB 7.1 (16 Oct. 1936); “Close up,” MB 3.6 (1 Jan. 1936); “Mingxing sheying chang xunli,” DS 5.29 (24 Jul. 1936): 712. 154 “Cinema enterprises in China,” Chinese Economic Bulletin 16.5 (2 Feb. 1935): 105–6; quoted in Rudolf Löwenthal, “The present status of the film in China,” 89. 155 “Shanghai shangye chuxu yinhang yingpian ye diaocha,” SMA, Q275-1-1949, 96 (dated 25 Aug. 1935); for the number of Mingxing staff, see 90. According to a Diansheng report, the lay-offs amounted to 200. See Mi Tan, “Mingxing gongsi caiyuan 200 yu ren,” DS 4.33 (16 Aug. 1935): 676. 156 “Mingxing gongsi zhi suoxin fengchao,” DS 4.34 (23 Aug. 1935): 702. 157 Man, “Mingxing gongsi choulao zhidu genben gaibian,” DS 4.36 (6 Sept. 1935): 741.

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Studio II

In the official history of Chinese film, the founding of Studio II (Mingxing erchang 明星二厰) marked “Mingxing’s rebirth under the influence of CCP underground organizations and progressive film workers.”158 But Zhang Shichuan’s real motivation was perhaps more economic and personal than political. Three factors are worth considering. First, once the main studio on the new site was completed in June 1936, Mingxing had two studios on separate sites allowing for two film crews to work simultaneously. This made the founding of Studio II materially possible. Second, as previously mentioned, in June 1936, Mingxing got a loan of 160,000 Yuan from the Communication Bank.159 This large sum provided the financial underpinning of the plan. Third, a personal factor was involved. The relationship between Zhang Shichuan and Zhou Jianyun had long involved a note of discord, especially after the death of Zheng Zhengqiu in 1935, the person who acted as mediator.160 While Zhang was general manager responsible for production, Zhou was in virtual control of finances for many years. Both were unhappy with the division of power. With the founding of Studio II under the total control of Zhou and with Studio I left in the hands of Zhang, this problem could be resolved.161 Officially, the founding of Studio II was announced as part of a gigantic initiative launched on 1 July 1936.162 As Zhou Jianyun explained to a foreign reporter, the first goal of the program was to speed up production, now permitted by newly established Studio II along with the original one. The initiative also encompassed a plan to seek the best stories selected by “a special committee consisting of the country’s foremost scenario writers and directors.” Another item on the program was an attempt to recapture lost markets in overseas Chinese communities. For this purpose, Mingxing was preparing to produce a film with Chinese players, Chinese settings and stories, and English

158 ZDFZS, 425–26. 159 See “Jiaotong yinhang Shanghai fenhang chengzuo Mingxing yingpian gongsi yakuan de wanglai wenshu,” SMA, Q55–2-1371. For newspaper reports, see “Mingxing gongsi xiang Jiaotong yinhang ju’e jiekuan,” DS 5.25 (29 Jun. 1936): 604. Also see “Mingxing gongsi guangyan baoren ji,” DS 5.32 (14 Aug. 1936): 804. 160 See “Yi yintuan touzi Mingxing shiwu wan, Zhou Jianyun yu Zhang Shichuan jue xieshou hezuo,” DS 4.50 (20 Dec. 1935): 1120. 161 “Zhang Shichuan yao Zhou Jianyun jiaochu jingji quan,” DS 5.14 (10 Apr. 1936): 344; “Zhou Jianyun lingchuang xin tianxia,” DS 5.1 (1 May 1936): 404. 162 For the program, see “Mingxing gongsi gexin xuanyan,” MB 6.1 (16 Jul. 1936).

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dialogues. Most important, Zhou added, was the need to improve technique, including better music, clearer dialogue and better photography.163 Though the program was ambitious, Mingxing’s Studio II had a very brief life. Seven months later, it was shut down with a huge loss of 100,000 Yuan. Only four films were produced: Shengsi tongxin 生死同心 (Unchanged Heart in Life and Death), Qingming shijie 清明時節 (Around Qingming Festival), Shizi jietou 十字街頭 (Crossroads), and Malu tianshi 馬路天使 (Street Angel).164 A journalist speculated about three possible reasons for the loss: first, film production fell far behind schedule; second, film markets were shrinking; and third, the films released did not sell well.165 The Mingxing story was coming to an end. 10 Epilogue Standing across the Zhaojiabang River 肇嘉濱 watching the flames soar up into the sky, slowly devouring the buildings and the studio, Zhang Shichuan’s heart ached. It was 13 January 1939. Mingxing’s Japanese occupied premises had caught fire. On 7 July 1937 the full-scale Sino-Japanese war broke out. A month later Shanghai was caught in war and fell into the hands of the Japanese imperial army after a fierce three-month battle, leaving the International Settlement and the French Concession unoccupied until December 1941. Located in the city’s Chinese sector, Mingxing’s new business premises were occupied by the Japanese and used as barracks following the fall of the district. The company virtually ceased operating from then on.166 Nominally it still existed, and traces of its nominal existence were left. After an initial period of war-time chaos, the spring of 1938 saw renewed popular passion for entertainment as the city gradually settled in the new environment. Four Mingxing films produced immediately prior to the war appeared on the screen: Guta qi’an 古塔奇案 (A Strange Case in an Old Pagoda), 163 “Star Motion Picture Co. seeks new era for Chinese movies: launches program to speed up production, improve photography, scenarios and direction; rents new studio” (10 Jul. 1936), in “Shanghai shangye chuxu yinhang yingpian ye diaocha,” SMA, Q275-1-1949, 88. 164 “Bannian lai kuishi shiwan yuan yishang, Mingxing yi er chang shixing hebing,” DS 6.6 (5 Feb. 1937): 321. 165 Ibid. 166 Thanks to the archival files that contain correspondence between Mingxing and the Communication Bank between 1936 and 1941, we learn a lot about the last period of Mingxing’s existence. See “Jiaotong yinhang Shanghai fenhang chengzuo Mingxing yingpian gongsi yakuan de wanglai wenshu,” SMA, Q55-2-1371.

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Si ­qianjin 四千金 (Four Daughters), Yeben 夜奔 (Escape at Night), and Muqin de mimi 母親的秘密 (Mother’s Secret). All were screened at the Lyric Theater (Jincheng 金城) between February and July 1938. Zhang Shichuan was reconsidering his filmmaking strategy in March. Having rented a studio previously owned by Tianyi and renamed it Datong 大同, the name of his short-lived stock exchange company, Zhang Shichuan summoned some of his old employees and produced a horror film, Kongbu zhi ye 恐怖之夜 (A Horrible Night).167 This was the only film Mingxing produced after the outbreak of the war. Also at this time, Zhang was delighted that Huoshao Hongliansi, the previously banned martial arts serial, was once again permitted to be shown in GMD controlled areas because the government was aware of the war-time hardships facing the film industry. The movie-going public once again enthusiastically flooded into movie theaters to view the film.168 Lucrative box-office revenues enabled Zhang Shichuan to pay the salaries due his employees, and he planned to restart his business.169 But the plan never materialized. Suddenly it was 13 January 1939, the day Zhang Shichuan painfully watched his business—in which he had put his money, time, energy, passion, and dream—being devoured in fire, with its large studios and workshops completely destroyed. News reports reveal that when the French Fire Brigade arrived at the scene soon after the fire was reported, Japanese officers refused the help and took a threatening attitude towards the French fire-fighters. Chinese brigades arrived later and were unable to go into action owing to a lack of water. No effort was made to bring the fire under control by the Japanese and the blaze was still in full swing some four and a half hours after it had first been noticed. The origin of the fire was a mystery.170 Although some efforts to restart the business were made thereafter (and even after the war), Mingxing never managed to reopen.171 Zhang 167 For information about the Datong Studio, see SMA, Q55-2-1371, 76. Also see “Mingxing jia Datong sheying chang kaipai Kongbu zhi ye,” DS 7.8 (15 Apr. 1938): 149. The film was directed by Wu Cun and premiered on 1 June 1938 at the Lyric Theater. See XWB 31 May 1938: 10. 168 “Huoshao Hongliansi 18 ji tongguo,” DS 7.12 (13 May 1938): 227. 169 Zhu Ming, “Mingxing fuxing youwang,” DS 7.30 (16 Sept. 1938): 584. 170 “Fenglin qiao Mingxing gongsi sheying chang fenhui,” SB 14 Jan. 1939: 16. Also see “Japanese soldiers point rifles at French firemen during blaze” (14 Jan. 1939), SMA, Q2751-1949, 88. 171 For example, it was reported that Zhou Jianyun, Hu Die and Zheng Chaofan planned to restore Mingxing, but failed. See “Hu Die yu Zhou Jianyun, Zheng Chaofan deng choubei fuxing Mingxing gongsi,” Qingqing dianying 16.17 (20 Jun. 1948).

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Shichuan and his fellow executives did not officially announce when Mingxing was closed down, but it is reasonable to consider 1938, the year it produced its last film, as the last year of its existence. 11

Mapping the Business

Figure 1.1 Mingxing’s first office on Guizhou Road (MB 7.1, 1936)

To adorn their office in the cheap ‘pavilion room’ on Guizhou Road, Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues hung a map of China on one of the walls. The only available photo of the office (Fig. 1.1) does not tell us if there was a world map on another wall. But we have learned that Zhang did have China and the world in mind, and his Shanghai-based filmmaking business did reach out to the whole nation and the globe. To conclude this chapter, let us ‘map’ Zhang Shichuan’s business in a literal sense, that is, re-look at Mingxing’s history on a world map. This mapping will reveal a dense geographical web of connections at various levels of the business. This mapping can start with the realm of production. Undoubtedly money issues were always most vital to the company’s development. The locations where Mingxing obtained funds were not limited in Shanghai. The largest portion of investments in the early years came from a photo shop manager in Guangzhou. The most timely loan came from the Communication Bank in Nanjing in 1936. Another important figure in Mingxing’s tumultuous economic life in the 1930s was the American Commercial and Exchange Bank,

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a Shanghai-based American bank. Whereas the source of funds was principally local and national, film technologies and equipment came mainly from abroad. The earliest movie cameras and printers which Mingxing possessed in 1924 were American, French, German, and British brands, and the earliest sound equipment—albeit of poor quality—was purchased in the US. Mingxing cooperated with Pathé Records of France to produce its first sound film Genü Hong mudan in 1930. Meanwhile Zhang Shichuan was working with an international staff and collaborators, including Italian merchant Enrico Lauro who rented his studio to Mingxing, British cameraman Goodall, British circus actor Richard Bell who played the role of Charlie Chaplin in one of the early Mingxing films, an American photographer whose name was Carl Louis Gregory (1882–1951), American technicians Jack Smith, James Williamson, and Sydney Lund, not to speak of the Spanish theater tycoon Antonio Ramos and several French and American educated professionals including Xu Hu, Shen Gao, and Hong Shen. Zhang Shichuan and his comrades also relied heavily on local resources. They successfully enlisted some of the most powerful personages: Fang Jiaobo, Yuan Lüdeng, and Lao Jingxiu from the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce, Green Gang head Du Yuesheng, and Nanjing government or party officials including Pan Gongzhan and Chen Guofu. The locations where Zhang Shichuan and his crew shot films were scattered all around the country too, including Suzhou in Yuli hun 玉梨魂 (Jade Pear Spirit, 1924),172 Hangzhou in Konggu lan (1926),173 Beijing in Tixiao yinyuan (1931), Tonglu in Tieban hong­ lei lu 鐵板紅淚錄 (Iron Plate and Red Tears, 1933),174 Mount Tai in Taishan hongmao (1934), Mount Hua in Huashan yanshi (1934), and Qingdao in Jiehou taohua 劫後桃花 (Peach Blossoms After the Misfortune, 1936),175 to name just a few. At the conceptual level, Zhang Shichuan learned from the west the ‘modern’ way to run a film enterprise: Mingxing was organized as a limited liability company, managed nominally by an elected Board of Directors. Shareholders’ meetings were held on a regular basis,176 and operating reports were presented 172 173 174 175 176

Cheng Shuren, et al., eds., Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p. Bao Tianxiao, Chuanying lou huiyi lu, 657. Wu Xueyun, “Tieban honglei lu waijing zai Tonglu,” MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933), n.p. “Mingxing rizhi,” MB 2.6 (1 Oct. 1935): 16. Announcements or news reports about Mingxing shareholder meetings can be found in local newspapers. See XWB 21 Feb. 1926: A1; XWB 27 Nov. 1929: 2; XWB 4 Jun. 1932: 7; and XWB 28 Mar. 1933: 3.

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to shareholders annually.177 Furthermore, substantial efforts were made in the direction of vertical integration, the classical operational pattern of the American film industry. Liuhe and Huawei, the joint distribution agencies founded in 1926 and 1929 respectively, served as Mingxing’s distributors, and Mingxing was in practical control of the Palace theatrical chain founded in 1926. Many movie theaters in provincial cities were financed by Mingxing. The issue of precisely where Mingxing films reached will be discussed in the Epilogue. Suffice it here to list the cities and areas we have encountered in this chapter: Suzhou, Nanjing, Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Ji’nan, Hankou, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia, where Mingxing’s earliest films were shown. The most distant places where Mingxing films were shown included Russia and several European countries. In 1935 Konggu lan was selected as one of the eight Chinese films to enter the International Film Festival in Moscow.178 After that, it was brought to Europe and shown in Berlin, Paris, and Milan to selected audiences including Chinese students and local film industry leaders and employees.179 This is an incomplete mapping of Mingxing’s border-crossing business practices. The following two chapters tap further into the dense webs of connections in terms of the people engaged in Shanghai filmmaking.

177 See “Mingxing gufen youxian gongsi zhangcheng,” SMA, Y9-1-457; Mingxing annual reports (SMA, Y9-1-459; Y9-1-460; Y9-1-461). 178 “Zhou Jianyun Hu Die zai Su’e,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 11, 14. 179 For the showing in Berlin see MB 1.2 (16 May 1935): 19; in Paris see MB 1.6 (1 Jul. 1935): 10.

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Figure 1.2 Figure 1.2a

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Mingxing founders and important personnel Zhang Shichuan (MB 5.1, 1936)

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Figure 1.2b

Zheng Zhengqiu (MT 29, 1928)

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Figure 1.2c

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Zhou Jianyun (MB 7.1, 1936)

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Figure 1.2d

Bao Tianxiao (Libai liu 22, 1914)

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Figure 1.2e

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Hong Shen (MT 13, 1926)

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Figure 1.2f

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Xia Yan (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Xia_Yan.jpg. Accessed 17 March 2014)

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Figure 1.2g

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Liu Na’ou (MB 5.1, 1936)

chapter 2

Players of the 1920s: Interconnecting, Mediating Zheng Zhengqiu was informed by a servant of the visit of a guest. It was an ordinary day in early 1913. The guest was Zhang Shichuan, whom he had known for a while. Zhang made the visit to discuss a proposition. Two American friends of his uncle, Yashell and T. H. Suffert, had taken over a small film company and planned to make a film based on a stage play which was very popular with Shanghai audiences.1 Zheng Zhengqiu was a renowned theater critic and was writing diligently for local newspapers at that time. He had many friends in this circle including the actors of the play. Zhang Shichuan’s proposition, on behalf of Yashell and Suffert, was to ask Zheng to introduce these actors to the Americans. This plan did not work out, but films still needed to be made. Zheng, Zhang and several others thus invented some short comic stories, recruited actors, rented a house with a yard, and produced several ‘shadowplays.’ This event gave birth to the so-called ‘first Chinese short feature film’ (Nanfu nanqi 難夫難妻, The Difficult Couple) and the ‘father of Chinese cinema’ (Zheng Zhengqiu), information that is contained in standard accounts of Chinese film history.2 This event was also the prelude to the cooperation between Zhang Shichuan and Zheng Zhengqiu on filmmaking throughout the following two decades. Seen in this light, the visit—along with the numerous visits, meetings, and encounters that defined interpersonal networks—was important. Looking through the eyes of three tour guides—Zheng Zhengqiu, Bao Tianxiao, and Xia Yan, this chapter and the next piece together a picture of the people who founded, managed, or worked for Mingxing in diverse ways. While these figures conventionally fall into separate categories, i.e. Butterflies, Left-wingers, and Right-wingers, my study will render visible various interconnections and power relations that united them. The Mingxing story—or the story of early Chinese cinema in general—involves double games of power. On the one hand, the official version of the story provided in Fazhan shi resulted from a game of power. Although it was written as an official history s­ upposedly 1 See Zheng Zhengqiu, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” ZWD, 398; also see Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.3 (16 May 1935): 10–14. The film company was called Yaxiya 亞西亞 (its own English name was China Film Company), founded in 1909 by a Jewish-American, Benjamin Brodsky. The play was entitled Heiji yuanhun 黑籍冤魂 (Wrong Ghost of an Opium Victim). 2 ZDFZS, 18–19; Tan Chunfa, Kai yidai xianhe. For a revisionist study of Nanfu nanqi, see Huang Xuelei, “Nanfu nanqi yu ta de jingdian hua.”

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi 10.1163/9789004279346_004

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in line with the ideological orthodoxy of the Communist Party, the writing process was more complicated than assumed. It mirrored the volatile political climate of the early Mao era. The project was sponsored by Xia Yan, the Vice Minister of Culture (Wenhua bu 文化部) between 1953 and 1966.3 Since Xia’s film career started in Shanghai in the 1930s, his political rivals—mainly those with career backgrounds in Yan’an—could easily accuse him of following the ‘bourgeois cultural and artistic line’ (zichanjieji wenyi luxian 資產階級 文藝路線). Therefore Xia and his associates felt the urge to defend themselves by stressing the ‘leftist’ orientation of their 1930s films.4 The publication of Fazhan shi reflected this political need. By creating what Xiao Zhiwei calls ‘the myth of leftist cinema’ and simultaneously devaluing so-called Butterfly and Right-wing productions, Xia Yan and his political allies attempted to cast themselves as revolutionary heroes in order to win, or at least survive, the power struggles.5 This is the invisible game of power hidden beneath the ‘official’ narrative of Chinese film history. On the other hand, there was another game of power in which the real historical figures participated. This game differs from what the official historians tried to make us believe. This chapter and the next seek to debunk the widely accepted ‘myth’ and to tease out the power relations at work in the real historical temporality. Defining these Mingxing people as ‘cultural brokers,’ I attempt to reveal how their individual life trajectories converged across media and ideological borders and how interconnected personal lives contributed to the mediating dynamics of Shanghai filmmaking. This chapter focuses mainly on the 1920s. It begins with a summary of the standard story about relevant figures. This is followed by a new look at these people based on contemporary source materials. These people include (1) five founding members of Mingxing; (2) Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen, the first two screenwriters; and (3) a group of publicists and screenwriters conventionally labeled as Butterflies.

3 See Shen Yun, “Xia Yan shengping nianbiao (disi gao),” 50–51. 4 For the Yan’an-Shanghai cleavage, see Paul Clark, Chinese cinema, 129ff. For the ‘anti-rightist campaign’ in the film world, cf. Hu Jubin, Xin Zhongguo dianying yishi xingtai shi, 11, 135; For political attacks on Xia Yan, see Benkan bianjibu, “Pipan Xia Yan tongzhi de zichan jieji wenyi luxian,” Dianying yishu 3 (1966): 8–16. 5 Zhiwei Xiao, “Sanshi niandai ‘zuoyi dianying’ de shenhua.”

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1 Speculators, Butterflies: The 1920s in the Standard Story When Zheng Zhengqiu joined Zhang Shichuan in venturing into the business of filmmaking, he must not have expected that he would be described as a ‘speculator.’ The decade between 1921 and 1931 is characterized as ‘chaotic’ (hunluan 混亂) in Fazhan shi.6 It is said that a host of “compradors, bandits, small merchants or capitalists, and returned students” flocked to this new territory and founded film companies merely as a kind of speculative venture.7 Even worse, film company bosses secured ideal allies among Butterfly writers. The so-called ‘Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School’ (Yuanyang hudie pai) is a vague and controversial term in modern Chinese literary history. It initially referred to a corpus of classical-style love stories that emerged in the late 1910s and was limited to a small group of authors. But the scope of the term was broadened in the 1920s and almost all kinds of popular fiction were included under the rubric thereafter.8 The flourishing popular press was a hotbed for spreading such stories.9 A standard reference book about this ‘school’ counts 495 writers as Butterflies, among whom the most prominent were Xu Zhenya 徐枕亞 (1889–1937), Li Hanqiu 李涵秋 (1873–1923), Bao Tianxiao, Zhou Shoujuan, and Zhang Henshui.10 The stories of this ‘school’ appealed to a large readership. According to Perry Link’s study, the most popular Butterfly stories might have been read by 400,000 to 1,000,000 readers in Shanghai alone during the 1910s and 1920s, a time when Shanghai’s population grew from around 1.4 to 3.2 million.11 However, this ‘school’ endured a long-standing pejorative image starting in the 1920s primarily due to criticisms from so-called May Fourth intellectuals. Under nationalist and modernist banners, May Fourth intellectuals stated that Butterfly novels were ‘counter-progressive’ in all respects: their styles and form were ‘old-fashioned’ and their content involved ‘feudal ethics’ ( fengjian daode 封建道德).12 For example, Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881–1936) compared Butterfly novels to traditional ‘talent-meets-beauty’ (caizi jiaren 才子佳人) pulp f­iction.13 6 7 8 9

ZDFZS, 50. Ibid., 54. Perry Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 7–8. Prominent examples include the popular fiction journal Libai liu, the Shenbao column ‘Ziyou tan, the tabloid newspapers Jingbao 晶報 (Crystal) and Luobinhan 羅賓漢 (Robin Hood), among others. 10 See YHYZ, 4. 11 See Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 16. 12 Qu Qiubai, “Lun dazhong wenyi,” YHWZ, 799. 13 Lu Xun, “Shanghai wenyi zhi yipie,” YHYZ, 5.

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A Ying 阿英 (1900–1977) called Butterfly writers “evil sons of feudalism” (fengjian yuannie 封建冤孽).14 Moreover, these writings were deemed a product of the ‘corrupt’ modern city of Shanghai.15 Butterfly writers were even depicted as ‘literary beggars’ (wengai 文丐) and ‘literary prostitutes’ (wenchang 文娼) who provided nothing but escapist entertainment for money.16 This negative stereotype was adopted in the official narrative of Chinese film history. It was claimed that the Butterfly school manipulated the Chinese film industry in the 1920s: a majority of the films produced during the period was either directed or written by Butterfly writers or adapted from their novels. Many leading figures of the ‘school’ worked for Chinese or foreign-run studios and some of them even founded their own film companies. Films of this kind embraced the hallmarks of Butterfly literature by focusing on “eating, drinking, men and women” (yinshi nannü 飲食男女), “devils and demons” (guaili luanshen 怪力亂神), and “feudal ethics.”17 This unfavorable image was reinforced in the memoirs of some film veterans published in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). As film critic and writer Ke Ling 柯靈 (1909– 2000) wrote, cinema, Butterfly fiction and the civilized play (wenming xi) were a mirror of the corrupted city life of Shanghai, a place where ‘feudalism’ and ‘colonialism’ were mixed.18 Film director Sun Yu 孫瑜 (1900–1990) recalled that when he returned to Shanghai from America in 1927, he was astonished when he noticed that the May Fourth ‘revolutionary spirit’ did not extend to Chinese films at all, which were instead full of ‘imperialist’ and ‘feudal’ ideas.19 These ideologically overloaded narratives appeared under particular political circumstances and, needless to say, the picture they painted is skewed. By discrediting 1920s cinema as a ‘speculative’ venture and ‘low’ entertainment, their hidden political agenda was to glorify the so-called Left-wing project of filmmaking in the 1930s. If we return to the historical site untarnished by these political narratives, can we discover suppressed aspects of those ‘speculators’ and Butterflies? What social meanings can the previously veiled picture suggest? These are questions to be explored in the following stories surrounding Zheng Zhengqiu, Bao Tianxiao, and their colleagues.

14 15 16 17 18 19

Qian Xingcun, “Shanghai shibian yu Yuanyang hudie pai wenyi,” YHYZ, 76. Zheng Zhenduo, “Zhongguo xin wenxue daxi: wenxue lunzheng ji daoyan,” YHWZ, 805. C.S., “Wenchang,” YHWZ, 740. ZDFZS, 56. Ke Ling, “Shiwei Wusi yu dianying huayi lunkuo,” 339. Sun Yu, “Wusi yundong yingxiang xia de sanshi niandai dianying,” T3.

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73

Speculators? The Five ‘Tiger Generals’ or Hujiang 虎將

Zhongguo yingxun 中國影訊 (Chinese Film News), a fan magazine of the 1940s, published a series of articles about the Mingxing founders under the title “Mingxing Five Tiger Generals” (Mingxing wu hujiang 明星五虎將).20 As the term ‘tiger generals’ (or charismatic leaders) suggested, Zheng Zhengqiu and his comrades appeared in these pages not as speculators, but as the heroic pioneers of the Chinese film industry and as symbols of the glories of pre-war Chinese cinema. But in the 1910s they were neither ‘speculators’ nor heroes. They were aspiring young men and their life paths happened to converge at certain points in the cultural landscape of Shanghai. Zheng Zhengqiu (Fig. 1.2b) was born in 1889 into a wealthy merchant family that ran an opium business in Shanghai.21 His father was a jinshi 進士 degree holder (a graduate of the highest-level civil service examination) and served as a local official during the last years of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). Zheng Zhengqiu received a classical education in his early childhood and later studied at a western-style school, the Yucai Public School (Yucai gongxue 育才公學). After graduation he started managing the family business, an opium wholesale store. But he had little business talent and the store incurred huge losses under his management. His father then purchased an official position for him in Hubei under the jurisdiction of Zhang Zhidong 張之洞 (1837–1909). With no zeal for politics either, a mere one or two years later Zheng left his post and returned to Shanghai. His true fascination was with theater. This fascination was soon to blossom into a successful career. Zheng Zhengqiu’s strength lay in his intellectual power. Zhang Shichuan once said: “Zhengqiu’s brain plus my energy” was vital to Mingxing’s success.22 Complementing Zheng’s ‘brain’ was Zhang’s entrepreneurial flair. We learned about Zhang’s biography in the last chapter. He was a typical Ningbo merchant, diligent, shrewd, and pragmatic.23 He seldom camouflaged this trait. For good luck in business he even changed his name, replacing the original character

20 21 22 23

“Mingxing wu hujiang,” Zhongguo yingxun 1.13 (14 Jun. 1940), 1.14 (21 Jun. 1940), 1.15 (28 Jun. 1940), 1.16 (5 Jul. 1940). “Zheng Zhengqiu xiansheng xiaozhuan,” MB 2.2 (1 Aug. 1935): 5; Mu Zi, “Zheng Zhengqiu shengping xinian.” Zhang Shichuan, “Ku Zhengqiu laoge,” MB 2.2 (1 Aug. 1935): 6. Susan Mann Jones, “The Ningpo pang and financial power at Shanghai,” 74.

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shi 蚀, which means ‘loss in business’ in one of its meanings in Chinese, with shi 石, stone.24 The person who shared Zheng Zhengqiu’s ideas and ideals was Zhou Jianyun. But Zhou was also remarkable for his social skills and outstanding management.25 Zheng Zhengqiu once compared Zhou to “a general in charge of seeking provisions for his troops,” while Zhang Shichuan was “a man of action, but not a sociable person” and Zheng himself “had no talent in dealing with financial matters.”26 For this reason, Zhang Shichuan and Zheng Zhengqiu were in charge of film production at Mingxing, while Zhou Jianyun was responsible for distribution and finances. But Zhou’s early career was also that of a typical lettered man. Born in Anhui province in 1893, Zhou Jianyun (Fig. 1.2c) moved to Shanghai with his family at age nine.27 He received a western-style education at a missionary school, the International Institute of China (better known as Shangxian Tang 尚賢堂, ‘Hall of Respect for Worthies’) and a middle school affiliated with the famous Jiangnan Arsenal (Jiangnan zhizao ju 江南製造局). As a student of these new-style schools, he became a keen reader of reform and revolutionary periodicals, including Xinmin congbao 新民叢報 (New People’s Gazette) edited by Liang Qichao and Minxu bao 民呼報 (People’s Sighs) edited by Yu Youren 于右任 (1879–1964). His worldview was shaped by this new-style public journalism which, he claimed, “promoted revolutionary spirit, aroused people’s nationalist awareness, introduced new learning, and criticized the old social system.”28 As a hot-blooded young man eager to voice his opinions on current affairs, he frequently submitted essays to the journals he was avidly reading. Since his family was unable to afford a university education, after graduation from high school he started writing theater reviews for newspapers to make a living. During this period he met Zheng Zhengqiu, Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhegu, and Ren Jinping. It was the mid-1910s. Zheng Zhegu, born in 1880, was the oldest one in Mingxing’s initial management team.29 He studied in the Jiangnan Military Academy (Jiangnan 24

25 26 27

28 29

He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 110. Ouyang Yuqian still used his original name ‘張蚀川’ in his memoir when he talked about Zhang’s activities around 1914. See Ouyang Yuqian, “Tan wenming xi,” 76. “Xiaoshuojia yu dianying jie zhi guanxi,” in Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p. “Mingxing wu hujiang,” Zhongguo yingxun 15 (28 Jun. 1940). For Zhou Jianyun’s biography cf. Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p.; “Mingxing wu hujiang,” Zhongguo yingxun 15 (28 Jun. 1940); “Zhou Jianyun,” in Zhongguo dianyingjia xiehui Zhongguo dianyingshi yanjiubu, ed, Zhongguo dianyingjia liezhuan, vol. 1, 176–81. Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong,” MB 6.2 (1 Aug. 1936). Zhou Jianyun, “Zheng Zhegu jun,” Dianying zazhi 1 (May 1924).

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lushi xuetang 江南陸師學堂) founded by Zhang Zhidong in Nanjing shortly after China’s failure in the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895).30 After graduation, Zheng Zhegu served the Qing government as a military officer. On the eve of the fall of the dynasty, he joined anti-Qing revolutionary force and was soon on the government’s blacklist. In order to elude capture he disguised himself as a merchant until the founding of the Republic. But he was disillusioned with politics and turned to a field he was genuinely interested in, that is, theater. Therefore, he became acquainted with other Mingxing founders in the mid-1910s. As a respected local businessman, he was elected as a member of the standing committee of the Shanghai Chinese Ratepayers’ Association, an important organization representing Chinese residents in Shanghai’s foreign settlements.31 At Mingxing, Zheng Zhegu was stage manager and he also played roles in the company’s own films before he died in 1925. The youngest one among the Mingxing founders was Ren Jinping, born in 1896. He was a native of Zhejiang province and grew up in Shanghai.32 Little is known about his educational background, but his various professional and social activities are impressive. His occupations varied from dean of a girls’ school (Minsheng nüxue 民生女學) to director of the advertisement division of a newspaper (Shangbao 商報).33 During the May Fourth Movement, he was an active participant and a member of the Shanghai Student Union. He was known as a sociable person with a wide circle of friends, including some leading political and commercial personalities in Shanghai. During Mingxing’s precarious early stage, as mentioned in the last chapter, he persuaded three powerful figures of the Shanghai business community, Fang Jiaobo, Yuan Lüdeng, and Lao Jingxiu, to invest in the business. Mingxing’s reputation was greatly enhanced. In 1926, for personal reasons Ren left Mingxing and organized his own film company, the Xinren 新人 Film Company, while Zhang, Zheng, and Zhou managed Mingxing until the end of its history. Generally speaking, the relationship between the five ‘tiger generals’ was harmonious. They were like-minded people with many common traits. Except for Zheng Zhegu who was 42 years old at the point of Mingxing’s founding, the rest were all very young, between 28 and 33. Almost all of them had received middle-level education in western-style schools, which were at the forefront of disseminating new knowledge and ideas in the late Qing. The Yucai Public School which Zheng Zhengqiu attended was one of the earliest 30 See Qu Lihe, Qingmo jiaoyu xichao, 422–24. 31 Xiao Jizhe, “Mingxing shi yi mingxing,” XWB 16 Apr. 1925: E1. 32 “Ren Jinping,” in Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p. 33 See SB 31 Jan. 1923: 1.

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Chinese-owned new-style schools in Shanghai. It was founded in 1896 by Wang Weitai 王維泰, a reform-minded gentry-scholar.34 Zhang Shichuan attended English classes at this school.35 The Shangxian Tang which Zhou Jianyun attended was a well-known missionary institute established by American missionary Gilbert Reid (1857–1927). It held conferences, lectures, and special study classes, and also housed a museum and published books.36 The Jiangnan Arsenal was also a famous institute established as part of China’s selfstrengthening effort. It was not only a factory where ships, ammunition, tools and machinery were manufactured, but also a cultural institution where western scientific and engineering books were translated.37 In short, studying at these important institutions in the late Qing, Zheng Zhengqiu and his comrades were equipped with new knowledge and ideas. After leaving school, they all became active members in Shanghai’s commercial and cultural worlds. Zheng Zhengqiu and Ren Jinping were the best known. In March 1922 they were selected by the leading Shanghai tabloid newspaper Jingbao as two of the ‘Hundred Most Famous People.’38 To be characterized as ‘speculators’ with ‘feudal’ minds is unfair. At the point when they decided to join together to found Mingxing, they were aspiring young men with common interests in theater and enthusiasm or sympathy toward political reform or revolution. They also mustered useful resources. As such, they were in an ideal position to pioneer this new arena of cultural production. They gathered intellectual and practical resources mainly in two overlapping arenas: theater and publishing. 3

Meeting on the Stage of Theater

The initial bond holding the five people together was what Zhou Jianyun once called a ‘theater movement’ (xiju yundong 戲劇運動), referring to the flourishing of a new form of theater in the 1910s, the New Play (xinju 新劇, also

34 35

36 37 38

Shanghai Tongshe, ed., Shanghai yanjiu ziliao xubian, 355. He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 110–11. Also see “Shanghai shi xijuyuan shangye tongye gonghui choubei hui huiyuan dengji diaocha biao,” SMA, S3204-8-64, 15 Oct. 1950. See Xi Lian, The conversion of missionaries, 174–77. See Keith Schoppa, ed., The Columbia guide to modern Chinese history, 169. Jiao Bo, “Shanghai zuijin yibai mingren biao,” Jingbao 30 Mar. 1922. I would like to thank Shi Yun for sharing this material with me.

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known as wenming xi, ‘civilized play’).39 It was a wonderful time and it fascinated the young Zheng Zhengqiu tremendously. In late-Qing China, children bred in affluent families were bound to be Peking opera fans. Zheng was no exception. He frequently patronized teahouses (chayuan 茶園)—the site for Peking opera performances—with his grandfather and unsurprisingly became one of the many Peking opera connoisseurs of his time.40 But all of a sudden, teahouses were outdated. Zheng Zhengqiu and his fellow theater fans flocked to a new kind of opera house which they called the ‘stage’ (wutai 舞臺), namely, western-style theaters with picture frame stages. Theater houses of this kind had existed in foreign settlements for decades, but they mainly hosted western plays for foreigners. Shanghai’s Chinese residents greeted their first Chineserun ‘stage,’ the New Stage (Xin wutai 新舞臺), on 26 October 1908. Following its lead, western-style theaters hosting Chinese plays sprang up in many places and gradually replaced traditional teahouses. Whereas teahouse patrons were charged for drinks rather than for performances, the new ‘stages’ charged audiences for admission. This change indicated that theater gradually became a legitimate branch of the modern entertainment industries.41 At the same time, artistic styles and content were changing too. The Peking opera that beguiled Zheng Zhengqiu and his grandfather relied on standard patterns of music, singing, and acting, and stories were usually drawn from popular history, legends, and myths. A new form of Peking opera that emerged at the turn of the century involved current events and western costumes. Soon afterwards, an entirely new form of drama adopted spoken dialogues and naturalistic acting styles in accordance with western dramatic conventions. This form was called New Play (xinju), the predecessor of the spoken drama (huaju 話劇).42 What Zhou Jianyun called the ‘theater movement’ referred to this transitional time, a period when old and new co-existed and the dynamics of the field excited the young Zheng Zhengqiu and his comrades. Moreover, intellectual discourses assigned more and more importance to the function of theater in popular education and national strengthening.43 To be sure, the emphasis on the moral function of theater and fiction was rooted 39 40 41 42 43

Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong”. I use ‘New Play’ (xinju) in this book to refer to this genre, unless in direct quotations in which original authors use the term wenming xi. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Zhengqiu xiping,” Minquan huabao 9 (5 Apr. 1912). See Fu Jin, Ershi shiji Zhongguo xiju de xiandai xing yu bentu hua, 19–20; also see Joshua Goldstein, “From teahouse to playhouse,” 770–75. For an overview of these historical changes, see “Introduction” in Edward Gunn, ed., Twentieth-century Chinese drama; Bernd Eberstein, “Opera vs spoken drama”. For a detailed discussion of the relationship between theater and the ‘enlightenment movement’ during the late Qing period, see Li Hsiao-t’i, Opera, society, and politics.

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in the Chinese cultural tradition. However, as discussed in the Introduction, China’s national crisis in the late nineteenth century prompted Chinese intellectuals to rediscover popular theater as a tool ‘to enlighten the masses’ (kai minzhi). As a young man spending his adolescent years in 1900s Shanghai where the print market was flourishing, Zheng Zhengqiu had plenty of opportunities to read the journal Xin xiaoshuo 新小説 (New Fiction) edited by Liang Qichao, in which calls for invigorating theater life abounded.44 For example, Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀 (1879–1942), a leading Communist in later years, wrote in an article published in this journal in 1905: “Theater houses are schools for the masses and actors are teachers of the people.”45 Zheng Zhengqiu expressed a similar idea in 1911: “Theaters are laboratories for social education, and actors are teachers to educate the people.”46 This was not surprising. Zheng definitely did not position himself outside the field of new learning. Although they did not know each other, the other Mingxing founders also spent their formative years in this environment. Almost all of them were Peking opera fans. Zhou Jianyun mentioned his fascination with Peking opera on many occasions.47 Zheng Zhegu was a virtuoso actor in addition to his occupational roles as military officer and businessman.48 Zhou Jianyun, Zheng Zhegu, and Ren Jinping were key members of a Peking opera fan club, the Eternal Memory Society (Jiuji she 久記社).49 At the same time, exposure to novel ideas and new forms of theater shaped their views of this art form and its relationship to education, politics, and commerce. Nearly all of them later became practitioners of the New Play. Zheng Zhengqiu was the first to embark on a theater-related career. 26 November 1910 was an important day in his life. An essay he submitted to Minli bao 民立報 (People’s Rise) was finally published. This was testimony to his ability to do something other than pursuing business or official careers as his father had wished. Serialized from 26 November to 8 December 1910, Zheng’s long essay provides a meticulous analysis of the performing and singing styles of over seventy leading Peking opera actors.50 This essay was anything 44 45

Liang Qichao, “Lun xiaoshuo yu qunzhi zhi guanxi,” Xin xiaoshuo 1.1 (Oct. 1902). San Ai (Chen Duxiu), “Lun xiqu,” Anhui suhuabao 11 (10 Sept. 1904): 1–2. A later version written in classical Chinese was published in Xin xiaoshuo 2.2 (Feb. 1905). For a close reading of this essay cf. Li Hsiao-t’i, Qingmo de xiaceng shehui qimeng yundong, 169–73. 46 Zheng Zhengqiu, “Fenmo chang zhong zhi zahuodian,” Minli huabao 21 Jun. 1911. 47 Zhou Jianyun, “Yingxi zazhi xu,” Yingxi zazhi 1.2 (25 Jan. 1922): 7; Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” 48 Zhou Jianyun, “Zheng Zhegu jun.” 49 See Chunsheng ribao 3 Jul. 1921. 50 Zheng Zhengqiu, “Lilisuo xiyan,” Minli bao (26 Nov.–8 Dec. 1910).

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but political, but the newspaper, launched by Yu Youren in October 1910 in Shanghai, was famous for its radical stance against the Manchu government.51 As a young man in his early twenties, Zheng Zhengqiu was clearly favorably disposed towards reform and revolution as advocated by newspapers of this kind. With this auspicious start, Zheng gradually emerged as a leading theater critic, journalist, and editor, writing for various Shanghai newspapers. His reputation was linked at the outset to his expertise on Peking opera. Half a century later, his friend Xu Banmei 徐半梅 (1880–1961) still remembered that Zheng’s connoisseurship and dedication was so profound that on one occasion he spent over a month analyzing a single episode in a Peking opera play.52 But he was by no means a conservative character. With respect to the New Play genre, he never failed to give it support. For instance, in June 1911 he wrote an article to support a New Play troupe founded by Xu Banmei, stating that the troupe could benefit “popular education” and “the evolution of theater.”53 He directed more attention to this new genre after the founding of the Republic in 1912. As he recalled a decade later, he increasingly realized that “the New Play genre was more important than old theater ( jiuxi 舊戯)” in terms of educational values.54 Clearly, with regard to theater’s function, Zheng Zhengqiu’s attitude did not differ from that of Liang Qichao, Chen Duxiu, and many other contemporary intellectuals. Meanwhile, he was highly suspicious of commercial considerations. For example, in another essay he expressed his worry about Xu Banmei’s theater troupe being taken over by a commercial opera house. He said that it was likely to transform the group into a money-making tool.55 As a critic who positioned himself outside the entertainment industry and who was wealthy enough not to depend on his income from writing, Zheng Zhengqiu was in an ideal position to make such lofty comments. But he was soon to become an insider in this very same commercial field. Could he still live up to his own standard? Zheng’s involvement in New Play commercial practices should be traced back to Zhang Shichuan’s visit mentioned in the opening of this chapter. The outcome of the visit was the cooperation of Zheng and Zhang in the production of a number of short films in the summer of 1913. However, the outbreak of the First World War cut off the supply of German film 51 52 53 54 55

See Qin Shaode, Shanghai jindai baokan shilun, 61–62; “Yü Yu-jen,” in Howard Boorman, ed., Biographical dictionary of Republican China, vol. IV, 75. Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu, 37. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Fenmo chang zhong zhi zahuodian,” Minli huabao 21 Jun. 1911. Zhengqiu, “Xinju tan (1),” Chunsheng ribao 2 (2 May 1921). Zheng Zhengqiu, “Fenmo chang zhong zhi zahuodian,” Minli huabao 27 Jun. 1911.

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stock and brought their filmmaking activities to an end. Livelihood was not a problem for Zheng Zhengqiu, but for the actors the group employed, it was. Zheng felt obligated to take responsibility, and organizing a New Play troupe was a feasible solution. The troupe, the New People Society (Xinmin she 新民 社), was soon founded. The phrase ‘new people’ was apparently taken from Liang Qichao’s influential essay “Xinmin shuo 新民說” (On New People). This indicated once again Zheng’s intellectual kinship with the new thought tide. The debut of their first play E jiating 惡家庭 (The evil family) on 14 September 1913 was a success. It was performed eight times in one year.56 Zheng Zhengqiu put careful thought into formulating the advertising text for the play: “We use theater houses as classrooms and use actors as teachers. This play provides a gripping, life-like description of all the evils one finds in the family unit.”57 However, the actual social impact of the play was less evident. For example, a member in the audience, Ouyang Yuqian 歐陽予倩 (1889–1962), was less impressed: “Except for intricate plots and emotional tensions, I cannot see anything valuable in this play, [. . .] let alone a [meaningful] ‘central idea’ (zhongxin sixiang 中心思想).”58 Featuring “a porter who returns money and ends up with a beautiful girl, a heartless man who maltreats an ill-fated woman, and a bad-tempered woman who abuses a poor maid,”59 the play seemed to some viewers to involve stereotypical elements and barely pertained to ‘enlightenment’ or ‘education.’ But this kind of ‘family drama’ ( jiating xi 家庭戯), as Xu Banmei has pointed out, “was comprehensible to even women and children . . . and hence won a large audience.”60 Facing the practical need to sustain his business, Zheng Zhengqiu no longer enjoyed the luxury of pursuing ideals. His prime concern now was to make sure that his plays made money. The commercial success of the New People Society boosted the new theatrical genre tremendously. New Play troupes were thriving in 1914, a year known as Jiayin zhongxing 甲寅中興 (1914 thriving) in modern Chinese theater ­history.61 A number of people who later became Mingxing founders and employees were involved in this cultural trend. Zhou Jianyun formed the 56

57 58 59 60 61

Wang Dungen’s reviews of the play were published in the Shenbao column ‘Ziyou tan’ between 16 and 20 September 1913. For dates of the performances see Hiroshi Seto, Xinmin she shangyan yanmu yilan. SB 14 Sept. 1913: 9. Ouyang Yuqian, “Tan wenming xi,” 72. SB 14 Sept. 1913: 9. Ouyang Yuqian also provided a synopsis of the play, see Ibid. Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu, 52. The term was coined by Zhu Shuangyun. See Zhu Shuangyun, Xinju shi. It has been used by later historians. See Ge Yihong, Zhongguo huaju tongshi, 26.

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Society for Enlightening the People (Qimin she 啓民社) in 1914 with an aim to “enlighten the people and to reform society.”62 During this period he got to know Zheng Zhengqiu and Zhang Shichuan.63 Zheng Zhegu founded the River East Society (Dajiang dong jushe 大江東劇社) also in 1914,64 and later he joined the New Play Comrade Society (Xinju tongzhi hui 新劇同志會), a pioneer New Play troupe founded by Lu Jingruo 陸鏡若 in 1912.65 Song Chiping 宋癡萍, Dong Tianya 董天涯, Dong Tianmin 董天民, and Ouyang Yuqian, all Mingxing employees later, were members of this troupe.66 Zheng Zhengqiu did not expect that his friend Zhang Shichuan would become his business rival. Zhang managed the People’s Voice Society (Minming she 民鳴社), which was financed by his powerful uncles. The troupe was so successful that it eventually absorbed Zheng’s New People Society in January 1915.67 Zheng became an actor at the troupe.68 But he soon quit and launched several other short-lived New Play groups, including the Curing Social Illness Theater School (Yaofeng juxue guan 葯風劇學館, 1916), where Zheng Zhegu was invited to teach.69 Zheng Zhengqiu’s roles in these groups were dazzlingly diverse. He was manager, director, playwright, actor, and teacher. Zheng Zhengqiu always emphasized that his theater practices were aimed at combining ‘commercialism’ and ‘didacticism.’ He made every effort to spread this idea even in newspaper ads.70 He was never content to be a pure businessman; he bore the intellectual burden of his times. This double identity allowed him to play a role in bridging intellectual and commercial worlds by means of embedding elevated ideas into gripping stories. Zheng Zhengqiu was not alone; he would find many comrades. Another arena full of opportunities for Zheng and his mates was journalism and publishing. 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69

70

Zhou Jianyun, “Jutan huaijiu lu,” Wanxiang 4.3 (Sept. 1944): 35–36, also see Ouyang Yuqian, “Tan wenming xi,” 83. Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” See “Dajiang dong jushe qishi,” SB 5 Sept. 1914: 8. Zhou Jianyun, “Zheng Zhegu jun.” See Ouyang Yuqian, “Huiyi Chunliu,” 33. The Minming Society was founded on 28 November 1913 and closed on 3 January 1917. See Seto, Minming she shangyan yanmu yilan. See Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” See Ibid. The other groups include the Yaofeng New Play Stage (Yaofeng xinju chang 葯風 新劇場, 1918), the Strong Wind New Play Society (Dafeng xinjushe 大風新劇社, 1919), and the New Play Division of the Peace Society (Heping she xinju bu 和平社新劇部, 1919). See Mu Zi, “Zheng Zhengqiu shengping xinian,” 98–99. “Yaofeng xuanyan,” SB 3 June 1918: 5; “Zheng Zhengqiu tuoli Xiao wutai,” SB 26 May 1918: 8; SB 23 Oct. 1918: 8.

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Meeting in the Field of Publishing

The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed the growing prosperity of the publishing industry in China. This emerging market created alternative professions for Chinese literati. Seeking official positions used to be their only goal as they pursued successful careers. Zheng Zhengqiu was one of the people who benefited from this new field. In defiance of his father’s wishes, after the publication of his first essay in late 1910 Zheng made daily pilgrimages to Wangping Street 望平街, where most Shanghai publishing houses and newspaper editorial offices were clustered. These were eventful years that witnessed the demise of the dynasty and the birth of the Republic. Zheng worked indefatigably at this center of knowledge production and opinion circulation. Between February and October 1911, he was editor and column writer of Minli huabao 民立畫報 (People’s Rise Pictorial), a supplement of Minli bao. Then he worked for Minquan huabao 民權畫報 (People’s Rights Pictorial) between March and October 1912. Both supplements featured satirical cartoons and theater reviews by Zheng Zhengqiu. In November 1912, Zheng launched his own newspaper, Tuhua jubao 圖畫劇報 (Theater Pictorial). It contained similar contents and ran until August 1917.71 When Zhang Shichuan made the aforementioned visit to Zheng in 1913, Zheng was managing and editing Tuhua jubao and Zhang was also working for a tabloid newspaper.72 Since both worked in this circle of journalism, it is not surprising that the two had known each other for some time. Zheng Zhengqiu met Zhou Jianyun in 1915. At that time Zheng was working unhappily at the People’s Voice Society. Some of his jealous colleagues circulated slander in order to drive him out of the troupe. One day, he was surprised when he read a newspaper essay that censured the mean acts of his colleagues and loudly expressed moral support for him. He noted the name of its author: Zhou Jianyun. More essays written by the same author expressing similar opinions emerged in the following days. Zheng Zhengqiu was so moved that he decided to pay a visit to Zhou Jianyun. That visit was the beginning of their life-long friendship. Zheng did not realize that Zhou had been a fervent reader of the theater reviews he published in revolutionary newspapers. Zheng was in fact the major source of inspiration that brought Zhou onto a career path at the crossroads of theater and journalism.73 Zhou Jianyun soon rose to fame

71 72 73

Mu Zi, “Zheng Zhengqiu shengping xinian,” 96–97. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” ZWD, 398. Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.”

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for his “bitter articles published in periodicals that spread new thought.”74 He was also working in a variety of occupations in the publishing industry. He edited and wrote for a number of journals, including Jinsheng ribao 金聲 日報 (Golden Voice Daily), Feiting bao 飛艇報 (Airship), Fanhua zazhi 繁華 雜誌 (Plentiful Magazine), and Minguo ribao 民國日報 (Republican Daily). He worked as director at the private library owned by the Jewish merchant Silas Aaron Hardoon and as editor of the Jinzhang 錦章 and Jiaotong 交通 Publishing Houses.75 The career paths of Zheng Zhengqiu and other Mingxing founders overlapped around this time. In July 1917, Zhang Shichuan approached Zheng Zhengqiu with another proposition. At the time Zhang was helping his uncle Jing Runsan manage New World (Xin shijie), the entertainment center, and he was planning to publish a tabloid newspaper for publicity purposes.76 Zheng seemed to him the best candidate for the post of chief-editor. Zheng accepted Zhang’s offer and invited Zhou to join.77 This was the first time the three ‘tiger generals’ of the future Mingxing collaborated. Another major cultural enterprise they cofounded was a publishing house. They borrowed Liang Qichao’s term ‘new people’ once again and named the publishing house the New People Press (Xinmin tushuguan 新民圖書館). It was established in late 1918 or early 1919 with Zheng Zhengqiu as chief executive, Zheng Zhegu as manager, and Zhou Jianyun as chief editor.78 This was the May Fourth era (Wusi shidai 五四時代). Zheng Zhengqiu was still working indefatigably and his activities always resonated with the ethos of the times. Traces of the May Fourth ethos can be found in the pages of two journals published by the New People Press. Both journals were edited by Zhou Jianyun, with Zheng Zhegu and Zheng Zhengqiu as distributors.79 They gave one journal the trendy title ‘emancipation’ ( jiefang 解放). Its inaugural issue was published on 4 May 1920, the first anniversary of the May Fourth Movement. Jiefang huabao 解放畫報 (Emancipation Pictorial) focused chiefly on the theme of women’s emancipation. As Zhou Jianyun declared in the Editor’s Note, the journal did not intend to discuss “profound thoughts which had been extensively introduced in academic journals,” but 74 75 76 77 78 79

Zhongguo yingxun 15 (28 Jun. 1940). See Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” Also see Zhou’s biography in Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p. Xin shijie ribao was published between 26 July 1917 and 3 March 1927. Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” Ibid.; Also see Zhou Jianyun, “Zheng Zhegu jun.” See colophons of these journals.

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rather “plain but important issues of life for the purpose of emancipating the common people and reforming the society and nation.”80 Its editorial section discussed issues including ‘women’s breast binding’ (no. 1), ‘the social lives and marriage problems of men and women’ (no. 3), and ‘women’s education’ (no. 5). The column on ‘thought tide’ (sichao 思潮) focused mainly on women’s issues. The journal also featured reports on women’s emancipation in China and abroad, the introduction of scientific knowledge, and new-style poems, short stories, and plays in baihua 白話, the vernacular language.81 The adoption of the vernacular, the introduction of western scientific knowledge, and the promotion of women’s emancipation were all typical features of the periodical press in the May Fourth era. But provocative contents, including bold criticisms of the government and support for student demonstration, came at a cost. Many years later, Zhou Jianyun still remembered vividly that for such contents they were summoned by the Municipal Police and paid a fine of thirty or forty Yuan.82 Reading the journal pages, I was amazed not only by their bold opinions, but also by some important names among their contributors, although these people were still unknown young men at that time. They included Pan Gongzhan and Ye Chucang 葉楚傖 (1887–1946), high-ranking cultural officials of the Nanjing government in the 1930s; Gu Kenfu 顧肯夫, Xu Banmei, and Guan Ji’an, all famous screenwriters, film magazine editors, and reviewers; and Qian Xingcun 錢杏邨 (A Ying), a future Communist who was to play a key role in Mingxing history in the 1930s. Pan, Ye, and Xu were also on the editorial board of a 1914 newspaper entitled Xinmin jubao 新民劇報 (New People Theater Paper), a newspaper published by Zheng Zhengqiu’s New People Society. Other editors of the newspaper included Zhou Shoujuan and Bao Tianxiao, so-called Butterflies.83 This kind of information hidden in a sea of printed materials reveals the unknown past of these big names. Zheng Zhengqiu and his friends were most likely unaware that they were preparing a network of important figures for their future film business. This picture also indicates that the Mingxing founders belonged to a circle of active and ambi-

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81 82 83

Zhou Jianyun, “Jiefang huabao xuanyan,” Jiefang huabao 1 (4 May 1920), reprinted in Zhonggong zhongyang Makesi, Engesi, Liening, Sidalin zhuzuo bianyi ju yanjiu shi ed., Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao, 548–52. For a short introduction of the journal, see Tse-tsung Chow, Research guide to the May Fourth Movement, 79. See tables of contents of all sixteen issues (4 May 1920–30 Oct. 1921) in Wusi shiqi qikan jieshao (693–701). Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” SB 14 Jun. 1914: 1.

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tious young men, who had received middle-level educations and were eager to participate in the circulation of new knowledge and ideas. Similar features can be found in another journal published by the New People Press. It was a four-page small daily paper entitled Chunsheng ribao 春聲日報 (Spring Voice Daily) which ran between 1 May and 8 August 1921. It focused on the theme of theater and also carried commentary, serialized fiction, and film review sections. Zhou Jianyun was editor-in-chief and also wrote many editorials and commentaries, writings that reflected the concerns of contemporary educated people. For example, in one editorial he said that he was tired of “empty talks about politics” and preferred to put into action the idea of “substituting aesthetic education for religious indoctrination” (meiyu dai zongjiao 美育代宗教), an idea advanced by the renowned educator Cai Yuanpei 蔡元培 (1868–1940).84 In another article, Zhou called for the use of theater to ‘enlighten the masses’ (kai minzhi), an idea presented in our earlier discussions of Liang Qichao, Chen Duxiu, and Zheng Zhengqiu.85 Articles by Zheng Zhengqiu and Zheng Zhegu also frequently appeared in this newspaper. But the New People Press failed to earn satisfactory profits and it was sold at the end of 1921.86 The following year, these people would gather again for a new venture, that is, Mingxing. We do not know if Zheng Zhengqiu had any knowledge of his American counterparts who pioneered the film business. But the family and career backgrounds of Hollywood moguls make an interesting contrast to those of Zheng and his colleagues. The founders of Hollywood’s major studios were mostly of lower or lower-middle class origin.87 For example, Adolph Zukor (1873–1976), the founding father of Paramount, was a Hungarian immigrant with only a tenth-grade education. He ran a fur company before entering the business of movie exhibition. Marcus Loew (1870–1927), the founder of MGM (Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios), was the son of Jewish immigrants and started working while still attending grade school. William Fox (1879–1952), another Hungarian, was a clothing manufacturer before founding the Fox Film Corporation in 1915.88 The turn-of-the-century American film industry, especially the theater end of the business, provided easy access to those aspiring young men who were looking for a means to establish their wealth. They rose rapidly to command a thriving, vigorous industry. However, as Ian Jarvie has 84 85 86 87 88

Zhou Jianyun, “Shuzhi,” Chunsheng ribao 2 (2 May 1921). Zhou Jianyun, “Tongxin yu,” Chunsheng ribao 48 (17 Jun. 1921). Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” I. C. Jarvie, Movies and society, 65. See Douglas Gomery, The Hollywood studio system, 11, 27, 37.

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observed, “a certain show-biz brashness, vulgarity (in the literal sense) and folksiness was never rubbed off.”89 Zheng Zhengqiu and his fellow film entrepreneurs in China came from different sorts of backgrounds. Mostly born into well-to-do families and moderately educated, they started their careers in the cultural field (theater and publishing) before diving into the film business. To diminish them as ‘speculators’ is inappropriate and misleading. They generally embraced contemporary intellectual thought and had considerable expertise with respect to the various forms of popular media. Interconnecting and mediating between the ‘high’ and the ‘low,’ the intellectual and the popular, they played a role different from their American counterparts. Many people with similar career backgrounds would gather at Mingxing after its consolidation in 1924. Many of them, however, were nonetheless branded with the pejorative Butterfly label. 5

Butterflies vs. Left-wingers? Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen (I)

Bao Tianxiao had no idea which novels he wrote belonged to the Butterfly ‘school.’ When he wrote for a Hong Kong newspaper in 1960, Bao Tianxiao expressed his confusion—and frustration—over the derogatory reputation he had endured for decades.90 The so-called Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School had no stated manifesto, no inaugural ceremony, and no definite membership; it was only a label imposed on an imagined group of popular writers. Lists of Butterfly writers, journals, and works exist only in the standard reference books published in mainland China in the 1980s.91 According to these standards, nine out of 20 directors and 44 screenwriters who worked for Mingxing fell into the Butterfly category, and 29 out of 193 Mingxing feature films were written or directed by Butterfly writers or adapted from their novels (see Appendices 1 and 2).92 What characteristics made Butterfly writers and novels ‘Butterfly’? When Bao Tianxiao headed for the Duyichu Restaurant 都益處 on a summer evening in July 1925, he was not invited as a Butterfly. The host of the banquet was Zhang Shichuan. Zheng Zhengqiu, Ren Jinping, and several other guests were present. At the banquet Bao was employed as ‘chief editor’

89 Jarvie, Movies and society, 66. 90 Bao Tianxiao, “Wo yu Yuanyang hudie pai,” YHYZ, 178. 91 See catalogs of Butterfly fiction and journals in YHYZ and YHWZ. 92 For the full list of Mingxing directors and screenwriters see MB 7.1 (16 Oct. 1936); For the full list of Mingxing output see SMA, Q55-2-1371.

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(bianji zhuren 編輯主任) at Mingxing with a monthly salary of 100 Yuan, a fairly impressive amount.93 High morale was palpable on that summer night. Orphan had earned sufficient money, the company had relocated in the new office, and new equipment had been ordered. At that moment Mingxing executives were in urgent need of new blood. Bao Tianxiao appeared to be the perfect candidate. Bao was one of the most prominent figures in Shanghai’s publishing and literary scene. Born in a merchant family in Suzhou in 1876, Bao Tianxiao (Fig. 1.2d) spent his early years studying Confucian classics and sitting for civil service examinations. In 1894 he passed the shengyuan 生員 degree (the lowest level of the examination) and was qualified to earn his living as a private tutor.94 A hundred kilometers west of the treaty port of Shanghai, Suzhou was impacted quickly via Shanghai by the import of new things and ideas from abroad. Bao Tianxiao was no longer content with leading a traditional gentry-scholar’s life and started engaging in new activities. He opened a bookstore that sold Japanese books, edited a vernacular newspaper, and translated Japanese novels and essays before he embarked on a colorful career in the cultural field of Shanghai at the beginning of the twentieth century. Not unlike Zheng Zhengqiu and Zhou Jianyun, Bao Tianxiao had dazzlingly varied professional experiences. He worked between 1906 and 1919 as an editor for Shibao 時報 (Eastern Times), a major Shanghai daily newspaper. He also edited a number of fiction magazines, including Xiaoshuo shibao 小 説時報 (Fiction Times, founded in 1909), Funü shibao 婦女時報 (Women’s Times, 1912), Xiaoshuo daguan 小説大觀 (Fiction Miscellany, 1915), Xiaoshuo huabao 小説畫報 (Fiction Pictorial, 1917), and the aforementioned Xingqi (Sunday, 1922). He was also a prolific writer and translator and published a large number of short stories, novels and essays in the popular press. He was well-known for translated novels that featured children and education. For example, the novel Xin’er jiuxue ji 馨兒就學記 was a translation of Heart: An Italian Schoolboy’s Journal (Cuore, Edmondo de Amicis ) and won a prize from the Ministry of Education.95 It was selected for inclusion in school textbooks and was even featured in a 1933 film entitled Xiao tianshi 小天使 (Little Angel, dir. Wu Yonggang 吳永剛).96

93 94 95 96

Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (24 Jul. 1925), Shanghai Library. Bao’s biography is mainly based on his memoir Chuanying lou huiyi lu. For the journals Bao edited, see YHYZ, 285–86, 322–23. Cf. Mei Chia-ling, “Bao Tianxiao yu Qingmo Minchu de jiaoyu xiaoshuo.” Paul Pickowicz, “The theme of spiritual pollution in Chinese films of the 1930s,” 62.

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It is not surprising that Bao Tianxiao and the Mingxing founders knew each other since they overlapped in various fields of activity. In 1914, Zheng Zhengqiu, who was managing the New People Society at the time, was seeking play scripts and noticed a serialized novel translated from Japanese by Bao.97 The novel, entitled Konggu lan, was soon put on the stage and became fairly popular. It was also this novel that brought Bao to the film world. Half a century later, Bao Tianxiao still had a vivid memory of the day Zheng Zhengqiu made a visit:98 One day Zheng Zhengqiu came to visit me in my office. He said: “My colleagues at the Mingxing Film Company would like to invite you to write screen scripts for us. They asked me to approach you.” I replied: “I’m afraid you are like someone who asks a blind person for directions. I have no idea how to write a screen script. I’ve never read such a piece, how dare I venture to write one?” Zhengqiu said: “It’s easy. Invent a story and write the plotline down, hopefully with some twists and turns. You know, it’s all about lihe beihuan 離合悲歡 (literally, ‘grief and joy, separation and union’).” I laughed: “This sounds no different from writing a novel. Why is it called a screen script?” Zhengqiu explained: “That’s exactly the way we are working. We’ve read some of your short stories. You could simply write a story like those, or shorter. Then we can add additional materials, divide it into scenes, and expand it into a screen script. What do you think?” I hesitated at first, but as some of my friends said, I was always intensely curious about new things. Regardless of whether I had the required capability, I felt like giving it a try (changshi 嘗試), as Hu Shi has said. I had never written a screen script. But if what Zhengqiu said was true, it was really easy and there was no harm in trying. Before I could reply, Zhengqiu continued: “My colleagues suggested that you write a screen script for us each month, and we pay you 100 Yuan. We can sign a oneyear contract first. But there is no hurry about writing new screen scripts. As a first step, you can rewrite the two novels, Konggu lan and Meihua luo 梅花落 (Fallen Plum Blossoms), and give us a brief synopsis for each. We want to put them on screen. You won’t decline, will you?” Only then did I realize that the real purpose of Zheng Zhengqiu’s visit was to ask for my permission for film adaptations of the two stories. Writing new screen scripts was secondary. [. . .] A 5000-character story 97 98

Zheng Zhengqiu, “She Konggu lan yingpian de dongji II,” MT 7 (1 Jan. 1926). Bao Tianxiao, Chuanying lou huiyi lu, 654–55.

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paid 100 Yuan. Compared to the payment of 2 Yuan for 1000 characters for fiction manuscripts, this was a good price. Bao Tianxiao had a wide network of friends in literary circles and this network was important for his career. This offer from Mingxing sheds light on these dynamics. An additional income of 100 Yuan each month was good. But Bao Tianxiao was aware that it was not him but his novels that mattered in the first place. The Mingxing bosses, all of whom had been working in the entertainment industry for many years, knew all about audience tastes and knew that Kongu lan and Meihua luo were the right type of stories to attract a mass audience. They did achieve marvelous box-office success, especially Konggu lan. The plot of Konggu lan is very complicated, filled with what Zheng Zhengqiu called lihe beihuan, drama and emotional tensions. It premiered at the Palace Theater on 13 February 1926, Chinese New Year’s Day, and was screened for two weeks at high admission prices. A second run was demanded a few days later. During the same period, an average film run was only four to seven days.99 On Xinwenbao’s front page on 8 March 1926, the three characters 空谷蘭 were displayed in a strikingly large size, much larger than the title of the newspaper itself (see Fig. 2.1). It was soon released in the provincial and Southeast Asian markets.100 It was reported that Konggu lan generated returns as high as 132,337.17 Yuan and became the most successful film at the box-office during the silent era of Chinese cinema.101 Zheng Zhengqiu’s visit, Zhang Shichuan’s banquet, and the high salary paid to Bao Tianxiao seemed to pay off. Bao Tianxiao was no doubt adept at producing engrossing stories. But Bao’s public image was more than that. He was introduced in a volume on Chinese film published in 1927 the following way (emphases mine):102 Bao Tianxiao initially had little interest in movies and went to the cinema only occasionally for relaxation after work. But he gradually recognized its function as a form of social education comparable to that of fiction. Afterward he began writing film scripts. Mingxing was the first film company willing to pay high costs for his scripts, and soon recruited him as director of its script section. His films included Kelian de guinü 可憐的 99 See XWB ads during the period. 100 XWB 8 Feb. 1926: A1, 27 Feb., 3 Mar.; Also see “Mingxing yingpian gongsi wei Jing Jin kaiying Konggu lan qishi,” XWB 26 Feb. 1926: A2. 101 MXNB. 102 “Xiaoshuo jia yu dianying jie zhi guanxi,” in Xu Chihen, Zhongguo yingxi daguan, n.p.

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Figure 2.1

Front page of Xinwenbao (8 March 1926)

閨女 (A Pitiful Girl, 1925), Duoqing de nüling 多情的女伶 (A Romantic Actress, 1926), and Furen zhi nü 富人之女 (Daughter of a Wealthy Family, 1926). They all have the function of amending social mores and manners (yifeng yisu 移風易俗). Biographies of this sort were not necessarily faithful to facts, but the text was suggestive of normal expectations of what a respectable writer should look like. Bao Tianxiao’s public image fulfilled this expectation. This was what

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Mingxing executives were pleased to see and they would continue to recruit popular writers like Bao Tianxiao. But another guest at Zhang Shichuan’s banquet on that summer evening in July 1925 was Hong Shen, a 31-year-old professor whose education and career background bore little resemblance to those of Bao. 6 Butterflies vs. Left-wingers? Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen (II) Hong Shen was employed as a screenwriter and director with a monthly salary of 40 Yuan.103 In text books and standard histories of modern Chinese literature, Hong Shen and Bao Tianxiao normally appear in different chapters. While Bao is associated with the pejorative Butterfly label, Hong is viewed as a pioneer of modern Chinese theater and literature, a prominent figure in the camp of May Fourth and Left-wing intellectuals. Therefore Hong Shen’s public persona is associated with Westernization, new styles, and progress. But in the actual historical time and space and beginning on that summer night, Bao and Hong spent much time together discussing film scripts, chatting about politics and women, drinking in courtesan’s quarters, watching plays or films, and playing cards.104 They were colleagues, not enemies. Eighteen years younger than Bao Tianxiao, Hong Shen (Fig. 1.2e) studied at Tsinghua, Ohio State and Harvard Universities. He returned to China in 1922 and worked at the Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Co. for a short time before joining the faculty of the Department of Western Literature at Fudan University.105 An ambitious young man dreaming of becoming a ‘Chinese Ibsen,’106 he was eager to write and direct his own plays and put much energy into it. He took inspiration from Eugene O’Neill’s The Emperor Jones (1920) and wrote a play modeled on it. The play was entitled Zhao Yanwang 趙閻王 (Yama Zhao) and was performed at the New Stage in February 1923.107 While the average audience found it too odd and alien, the play helped him establish connectivity with like-minded dramatists, including Ouyang Yuqian and Tian Han 田漢 103 Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (24 Jul. 1925); For Hong’s salary see Hong Shen, “Wo de dagu shiqi yijing guole me,” 239. 104 Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji”. 105 For Hong Shen’s chronology see Qin Xiqing, “Hong Shen shengping yu chuangzuo nianbiao.” 106 See Hong Shen, “Wo de dagu shiqi yijing guole me,” 237. 107 For an English translation of the play (translated by Carolyn T. Brown), see Gunn ed., Twentieth-century Chinese drama, 10–40.

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(1898–1968). He became involved in a circle of people promoting western drama in China.108 On Ouyang’s recommendation, Hong joined the Drama Cooperative Society (Xiju xieshe 戲劇協社), a drama troupe founded in 1921 initially as a school society but later functioning as a commercial theatrical company mainly staging western plays.109 On the afternoon of 24 May 1925, Bao Tianxiao and his two sons watched a play performed by the Drama Cooperative Society. It was the Chinese version of A Doll’s House adapted by Ouyang Yuqian. After the performance Bao went backstage and met Hong Shen.110 At that time Hong was no longer an unknown person in the arts circle. A year earlier, his debut play at the Drama Cooperative Society achieved immediate success and established him as a rising dramatist. This play, entitled Shao nainai de shanzi 少奶奶的扇子 (Fan of the Young Mistress), was adapted from Lady Windermere’s Fan by Oscar Wilde (1854–1900). Premiered in April 1924 at a school hall and re-staged at the Olympic Theater in late June with admission as high as 2 and 3 Yuan,111 the play attracted many educated people. The famous writer Mao Dun 茅盾 (1896–1981) was a member of the audience.112 Some of Mingxing’s executives were probably in the audience. As they were seeking new recruits at that time for their expansion program, Hong stood out as another suitable candidate in addition to Bao. In late 1924 Gu introduced Hong to Zheng Zhengqiu at Zheng’s own request.113 Gu, also a Drama Cooperative Society member, was a regular contributor to Jiefang huabao and worked for Mingxing as headmaster of its acting school. Personal ties operated once again to bring Hong Shen to Mingxing and to connect the publishing, drama, and film worlds. Hong Shen accepted this job offer and worked (part-time) for Mingxing from spring 1925. One of his jobs was to teach at the Mingxing acting school that reopened in April 1925.114 Mao Dun was once invited to give a lecture at the school probably due to his personal ties with Hong Shen.115 Hong Shen’s 108 For details about how Hong Shen, Ouyang Yuqian and Tian Han knew each other, see Tian Han, “Dai xu,” in Ouyang Yuqian, Ouyang Yuqian wenji, 7, and Tian Han, “Yi Hong Shen xiong,” 30. 109 See Ying Yunwei, “Huiyi Shanghai Xiju xieshe,” 1–10. 110 Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (24 May 1925). 111 See ad in XWB 21 Jun. 1924: A1. 112 See Gu Zhongyi, “Xiju xieshe de guoqu,” 70; Mao Dun, “Zhu Hong Shen xiansheng,” 57. 113 Zhang Wei, “Zhongguo zaoqi dianying shi shang de youguan renwu,” 129. Also see Hong Shen, “Wo de dagu shiqi yijing guoqu le me,” 239; Ying Yunwei, “Huiyi Shanghai Xiju xieshe.” 114 “Mingxing wuxiandian,” Dianying zazhi 12 (Apr. 1925). 115 Mao Dun, “Mao Dun huiyi lu”, 302.

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first film, Feng da shaoye 馮大少爺 (Young Master Feng), was released in September 1925. Mingxing advertised the screenwriter Hong Shen proudly as ‘a US-trained theater expert’ (liu Mei xiju zhuanjia 留美戲劇專家).116 As we know, Hong was a student trained in the playwriting class of Harvard professor George Pierce Baker (1866–1935) and an admirer of Ibsen and O’Neill. He described his film style as realism, rather than melodrama.117 On 25 September 1925, the third day of the screening of Feng da shaoye, Bao Tianxiao saw the film at the Palace Theater.118 But he did not provide any comment in his diary. Zheng Zhengqiu wrote in a publicity article that the film was ‘subtle’ (hanxu 含蓄) and ‘sophisticated’ ( juanyong 雋永) rather than sentimental.119 It received much critical acclaim, but failed to appeal to ordinary movie-goers. It was only shown for six days at the Palace. Five months later, Bao Tianxiao watched Hong Shen’s second film Zao sheng guizi 早生貴子 (May You Soon Give Birth to a Distinguished Son) and noted in his diary: “(The film) failed to raise popular interests. Hong Shen was fond of a subtle style, but no one in the audience could really appreciate it.”120 It was shown immediately after Bao’s Konggu lan and the box-office for Zaosheng guizi stood in sharp contrast to the former.121 Why did the Mingxing executives employ a western educated dramatist whose films could not generate wide popularity? There are several possible reasons. First, the showy title ‘a US-trained theater expert’ hinted that Hong Shen’s educational background was valued highly for its ability to enhance Mingxing’s prestige. Employees who had studied abroad were always highlighted in Mingxing’s advertisements and publicity texts. For example, the cameraman Wang Xuchang was publicized as ‘an expert who studied film production in France,’ and Shen Gao, a teacher in its acting school, as a ‘returned student’ (liuxue sheng 留學生) from the US.122 Mingxing executives were determined to impress newspaper readers (potential movie-goers) with their high-quality staff. Second, when publicizing Feng da shaoye, Zheng Zhengqiu called on “viewers of the play Shao nainai de shanzi and readers of Hong Shen’s articles in 116 117 118 119 120 121

See ad for Feng da shaoye, XWB 23 Sept. 1925. Hong Shen, “Siyue li de qiangwei chuchu kai zhi guanggao,” MT 13 (30 Jun. 1926). Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (25 Sept. 1925). Zheng Zhengqiu, “Feng da shaoye zhi guanggao,” MT 4 (12 Sept. 1925). Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (20 Feb. 1926). It showed between 27 Feb. and 4 Mar. 1926. See ads in XWB 26 Feb. 1926: A1; SB 3 Mar. 1926: Benbu zengkan 2. 122 See “Liu Fa dianying jishi Wang Xuchang lueli,” SB 2 Apr. 1924: Benbu zengkan 1; “Mingxing yingxi xuexiao xuzhao nannü xinsheng,” XWB 18 Apr. 1925: A2.

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Dongfang zazhi 東方雜誌 (Eastern Miscellany)” to attend the movie.123 Since Shao nainai de shanzi had attracted many intellectual spectators and Dongfang zazhi was a magazine published by the Commercial Press and designed for educated readers, Hong Shen films were also targeted at the educated class. Mingxing films had a public image of not being ‘sophisticated’ because of their ‘popular appeal.’124 Bao Tianxiao’s films were unable to transform this image. For example, in a review of Xiao pengyou 小朋友 (Little Friends, 1925), scripted by Bao Tianxiao, the author remarked: “For lower and middle-class audiences, [the film] is quite touching and its educational value is great. For intellectual audiences, however, the film is unable to gratify their expectations.”125 The recruitment of Hong Shen can be understood as a measure to counter this image. It was repeatedly stressed in publicity texts that the film was ‘a sophisticated work’ that ‘assimilated [elements of] literature and art.’126 The film’s ‘highbrow’ character earned it much critical acclaim. It was hailed as a great work of art (which was ‘unprecedented’ in China)127 and as the best Mingxing film.128 Three years later, Minguo ribao published a reader’s letter to Hong Shen, in which he/she expressed admiration for Hong’s films (particularly Feng da shaoye), despite their “unpopularity with the mass audience.”129 Evidence of this kind suggests that Hong’s participation projected a positive image for Mingxing. In this sense, the employment of Hong Shen also paid off, although his films were not as profitable as those written by Bao Tianxiao. While the responses from ordinary movie-goers determined a film’s box-office, the attitudes of intellectual audiences molded Mingxing’s public image. Both were important to the business. In short, three major factors worked in tandem to bring Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen together to the fledgling film industry: interpersonal connections, commercial interests, and reputation. These factors were always intertwined. Bao’s films also contained elevated ideas to cater to critical tastes, while Hong’s contribution to the company was not limited to his ‘highbrow’ films.

123 124 125 126 127 128

Zheng Zhengqiu, “Feng da shaoye zhi guanggao.” Xin Leng, “Zhongguo yingpian xinping,” Guowen zhoubao 3 May 1925. Tian Lang, “Wei Xiao pengyou huihan ji,” Shanghai huabao 30 Jun. 1925. See Zheng Zhengqiu, “Feng da shaoye zhi guanggao”; ad in XWB 23 Sept. 1925. Tang Yueshi, “Ping Feng da shaoye yingpian,” SB 4 Sept. 1925: 18. Ji Cheng, “Tan xinpian Feng da shaoye,” SB 5 Sept. 1925: Benbu zengkan 4. For a similar opinion see Xiao Jizhe, “Ping Feng da shaoye,” XWB 24 Aug. 1925: Benbu fukan 1. 129 He Wan, “Zhi Hong Shen jun yifeng xin,” Minguo ribao 11 Mar. 1928, “Dianying zhoukan.”

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Bao Tianxiao received a letter from Mingxing on 2 November 1927, informing him of the termination of his contract because of a budget cut.130 By that time Bao had contributed to Mingxing a total of ten screen scripts. But Hong Shen remained; he worked for Mingxing for nearly twelve years. He was one of its most prolific directors and screenwriters, with 21 films either written or directed by him. Moreover, he was the one Zhang Shichuan trusted most. Zhang’s wife He Xiujun 何秀君 said: “Shichuan admired him [Hong Shen] greatly. They felt like old friends the first time they met.”131 A journalist observed: “Zhang placed much trust in Hong Shen.”132 Hong was regarded as one of the ‘Powerful Three’ (san daheng 三大亨) at Mingxing.133 He was even elected to be a member of its Board of Directors in 1932, along with the three chief executives, the Green Gang boss Du Yuesheng, the GMD official Pan Gongzhan, and others.134 The jobs he did for Mingxing were surprisingly varied, far exceeding the normal responsibilities of screenwriter and director. He took leading roles in some films.135 He travelled to the US to purchase sound equipment and travelled to Beijing to publicize Konggu lan.136 He arranged accommodation for the shooting team for Tixiao yinyuan (1931).137 He was even responsible for some trivial matters, including interviewing candidates who applied for jobs as tailors.138 Bao Tianxiao did not foresee that half a century later he and Hong Shen would be placed in separate chapters in modern Chinese literary history. In his diaries, he noted various activities he did together with Hong: (1 Aug. 1925) I arrived at the Mingxing Company at five o’clock and discussed the film adaptation of Konggu lan with Ren Jinping, Hong Shen, and Zhou Jianyun.

130 131 132 133 134 135 136

Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (2 Nov. 1927). He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 123. “Hong Shen dingli xiangzhu, Zheng Xiaoqiu zuo fu daoyan,” DS 5.17 (1 May 1936): 411. Hu Tou, “Mingxing gongsi de ‘San daheng’ yu ‘San xiaoheng’,” DS 199 (16 Nov. 1932). Ministry of Industry Archives, 17-23-01-72-30-008, Academia Sinica. He took leading roles in Aiqing yu huangjin, Wei nüshi de zhiye, and Jiushi jinghua. Bihua, “Hong Shen zuochen fanguo,” Yingxi shenghuo 32 (22 Aug. 1931); “Mingxing yingpian gongsi wei Jing Jin kaiying Konggu lan qishi,” XWB 26 Feb. 1926: A2. 137 Yao Yingguang, “Tixiao yinyuan zai Beiping kaishe zhi qingxing,” Yingxi shenghuo 40 (17 Oct. 1931): 18–19. 138 “Mingxing gongsi wei kaishe guzhuang pian tezhao caifeng guanggao,” XWB 21 Mar. 1927: A2.

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(3 Nov. 1925) [I] went to the Mingxing Company and attended a meeting with Shichuan, Hong Shen, Jinping, and Zhengqiu. We discussed the film script of Konggu lan. A great deal has been changed compared to my original book. (15 Jan. 1926) I arrived at the Mingxing Company at five o’clock and then went to Xieping li 協平里. Hong Shen and some others were playing cards in the Xinhuizhong Hotel 新惠中. I headed for the hotel, but I did not join them because the game table was full. (7 Feb. 1926) Mingxing held a winter party at Xianglin’s 湘林 place to celebrate the birthdays of Zhang Shichuan, Zhang’s brother, Zhengqiu, and Jianyun. Xianglin is the one [courtesan] Hong Shen admires. (16 Apr. 1926) I went to Mingxing in the evening . . . After dinner it was raining heavily. Shichuan, Hong Shen and I went to the Laughter Stage (Xiao wutai 笑舞臺) to watch a New Play performance entitled Huaguo zongtong 花國總統 (President of the Kingdom of Courtesans). (3 Nov. 1926) I went to Mingxing to discuss the production of Meihua luo. [. . .] Hong Shen asked me to help publicize the Drama Cooperative Society. (18 Nov. 1926) I arrived at Mingxing at five o’clock. Today Hong Shen and I held a banquet for Mei Lanfang 梅蘭芳. We booked two tables at the Ma Rong Ji Restaurant 馬榮記 . Enclosed is the list of guests [. . .]139 (31 Oct. 1927) I went to Mingxing, but did not get last month’s salary. [. . .] I chatted with Hong Shen. He said he had a collection of rare books on sex. I asked him to translate some for the magazines I am editing. The would-be Butterfly and the would-be Left-winger interacted closely at work and after work. No clear dividing line existed between them. Since the size of the company was growing in the mid-1920s, following the arrival of Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen, a growing number of writers entered Mingxing, taking posts mainly in two sectors, publicity and screenwriting. 139 The guests included Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhengqiu, some journalists and editors, and some Mingxing actresses.

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Butterflies? Popular writers at Mingxing

After receiving a letter from the Mingxing bosses asking about the synopsis of Konggu lan, Bao Tianxiao went to Mingxing immediately to deal with the matter. The task of writing this piece was assigned to Song Chiping. It was the end of December 1925.140 Song Chiping had been a publicist at Mingxing for a short period. Publicity is always an important component of the film industry. Pioneer film entrepreneurs in China were aware of this in the earliest stage of this industry. Publicists were hired to write intertitles for silent films, to write synopses (benshi 本事) to be printed in plot sheets (shuoming shu 說明書) for distribution before film screenings, to edit promotional journals, and to supply publicity materials to the media. Zhang Shichuan had a wide circle of friends who were “men of letters” (wenren moke 文人墨客) capable of “playing with their pens” (shua bigan 耍筆桿), as his wife noted.141 These friends were a reliable source for the filling of publicity posts. Many of them were socalled Butterflies (see Appendix 2). Bao Tianxiao was one of them and others included Song Chiping, Zhu Dake 朱大可 (1898–?), Yan Duhe 嚴獨鶴 (1889– 1968), and Fan Yanqiao 范煙橋 (1894–1967). Song Chiping was Mingxing’s first publicist, working from 1924 or 1925 to 1930.142 A graduate of the Nanyang Public School (Nanyang gongxue 南洋 公學), the premier modern educational institution at the time, Song pursued various occupations in journalism and education, just like many of his contemporaries with similar educational backgrounds. Bao Tianxiao encountered Song Chiping on many occasions. Both of them were members of the Southern Society (Nanshe 南社, 1909–1936), a literary group well-known for its political opposition to the Qing government. Its membership included such prominent revolutionaries and notables as Song Jiaoren 宋教仁, Huang Xing 黃興, and Yu Youren.143 Zhang Shichuan and Zheng Zhengqiu also encountered Song Chiping on many occasions. In 1912, both Song and Zheng were working at the Minquan Publishing House.144 They became colleagues again in 1918 when both were editors of Xiao wutai bao 笑舞臺報 (Laughter Stage Daily).145 As a 140 141 142 143

Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (27 Dec. 1925). He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi”, 123, 125. For a short biography of Song see Zheng Yimei, Nanshe congtan, 139. Shanghai tongshe, ed., Shanghai yanjiu ziliao xubian, 486–502. Also see Zheng Yimei, Nanshe congtan. 144 Yao Min’ai, “Shuolin ruran tan,” YHYZ, 204. 145 Mu Zi, “Zheng Zhengqiu shengping xinian,” 98.

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member of the New Play Comrade Society, Song worked together with Zheng Zhegu, Dong Tianya, and Ouyang Yuqian, all Mingxing employees in later years.146 Therefore, it is no surprise that Song Chiping joined Mingxing in the early days. Personal ties played a central role once again. Moreover, his education, writing skills, and work experience in journalism qualified Song to work as a film studio publicist. His affiliation with the Southern Society and other literary societies, including the Cloud Society (Yunshe 雲社),147 allowed him to build up a useful network in this circle. This network was of great value to Mingxing, especially when the importance of media exposure increased in the second half of the 1920s due to intensified competition. Song Chiping’s successor was Zhu Dake, also an active member of the publishing world.148 Zhu was one of the founders of the tabloid newspaper Jingangzuan bao 金剛鑽報 (Diamond, 1923–1937), a rival of Jingbao (where Bao Tianxiao worked as editor and columnist). Zhu Dake also served as editor at Xinwenbao and Shenbao, and published numerous novels and essays in various journals. He joined Mingxing’s publicity division around 1930. In addition to the routine jobs Song Chiping had undertaken, he was assigned the task of supplying the press with studio newsletters, star photos, and stills.149 This task involved close contacts with the press. Zhu’s effectiveness was undoubtedly based on his career background. Much the same can be said of Fan Yanqiao, director of Mingxing’s publicity unit (wenshu ke 文書科) after 1935, whose career path resembles that of Song and Zhu in many respects.150 The reason for recruiting Yan Duhe was slightly different. Yan Duhe was one of the most prominent figures in the field of publishing. He served as the feuilleton editor at Xinwenbao for nearly thirty years, and launched or edited numerous popular magazines.151 His reputation in this circle was beyond doubt. For example, he was invited to address the opening ceremony of the Palace Theater Company on 1 April 1926. This was an indication of his high 146 See Ouyang Yuqian, “Huiyi Chunliu,” 33. 147 It was formed in 1928 by Fan Yanqiao, Song Chiping, Yao Sufeng and others. See Zheng Yimei, Nanshe congtan, 28–29. 148 For Zhu’s biography, see YHYZ, 555–56. 149 Fu Yuan, “Zheng Zhengqiu nuli xuanchuan,” Yingxi shenghuo 25 (4 Jul. 1931): 34. 150 See DS 5.4 (24 Jan. 1936); MB 7.1 (16 Oct. 1936). For biographical information of Fan, see Zheng Yimei, Nanshe congtan, 200–1; Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 164, 169; Fan Yanqiao, “Xingshe ganjiu lu,” YHWZ, 197–200. 151 For Yan’s biography see Shanghai xinwen zhi bianzhuan weiyuan hui, ed, Shanghai xinwen zhi (online version, n.p.).

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standing.152 Yan Duhe never served as a member of Mingxing’s regular staff, but he provided support at important junctures. In 1926, Mingxing announced a new call for share subscriptions (zhaogu). A pamphlet was published in order to advertise the zhaogu campaign, and Yan’s name appeared on its cover as the editor of the pamphlet.153 In 1930, when Zhang Shichuan was planning to put Zhang Henshui’s best-seller Tixiao yinyuan on screen, Yan was invited to write the screen script.154 He was not the only qualified candidate for these tasks. It was Yan’s fame and stature that the Mingxing leadership regarded as crucially important. For Zhang Shichuan, another value of Bao Tianxiao and his fellow ‘lettered men’ lay in their ‘pens,’ namely, their knack of inventing compelling stories. These skills were of key significance since Mingxing suffered a constant ‘lack of screen scripts’ ( juben huang 劇本荒).155 The so-called Butterflies constituted the largest group of writers upon whom Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues relied in the 1920s. Why Butterflies? A reader’s letter published in Mingxing tekan 明星特刊 (Mingxing Special Issue) on 1 November 1927 provided a hint. In this letter the reader suggested that Mingxing seek story material for film productions in novels written by ‘celebrated writers’ (mingjia 名家). He/she further suggested that Li Hanqiu was a suitable choice because his novels “featured not only romances but also social problems, combined serious matters with humor, and showed right and wrong clearly.”156 Mingxing soon adapted Xiafeng qiyuan 俠鳳奇緣 (A Strange Tale of the Knight-Errant Phoenix, 1927), a novel by Li Hanqiu. Li, labeled later as a Butterfly School writer, was famous as a ‘celebrated writer’ at that time. His best-known novel, the ten-volume ‘social novel’ Guangling chao 廣陵潮 (Tides of Yangzhou), was exemplary of the satirical fiction trend of the late 1910s.157 Li was also a regular contributor to and editor of several leading Shanghai newspapers and literary magazines in the late 1910s and early 1920s.158

152 Xiao Jizhe, “Ji Zhongyang yingxi gongsi zhi kaimuli,” XWB 2 Apr. 1926: Benbu fukan. 153 Yan Duhe, ed., Mingxing yingpian gongsi tianzhao xingu jihuashu. See XWB 9 Oct. 1926: A1; also cf. Sun Lei, “Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 149–51. 154 See XWB 18 Sept. 1930: 5. 155 He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi”, 123. 156 Ye Yan, “Zhuzhang yong Hanqiu xiaoshuo zuo dianying juben de yifeng xin,” MT 27 (1 Nov. 1927). 157 Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 22. 158 See Fan Yanqiao, “Zuijin shiwu nian zhi xiaoshuo,” YHWZ, 252–55; also cf. Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 250, 260.

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This kind of ‘celebrated writer’ also included Xu Zhenya and Zhang Henshui, both bestselling novelists; Cheng Xiaoqing 程小青 (1893–1976), a detective fiction writer; Xu Banmei, well-known for writing comic stories; Xiang Kairan, who established his name with his knight-errant novels; and Chen Lengxue 陳冷血, who published numerous serialized novels in Shibao. These writers were often highlighted in Mingxing film ads.159 For instance, the ad for Chuangshang renying 窗上人影 (Shadow on the Window) contains a line that reads: “Famous detective writer Mr. Cheng Xiaoqing scripted the film and composed the intertitles.” The names of lesser-known screenwriters seldom appeared in ads. Evidence of this sort suggests that ‘celebrated writers’ were regarded as an indicator of Mingxing’s prestige and also as a box-office magnet. Speaking of box-office magnets, Bao Tianxiao realized earlier that it was his novels, rather than himself, that brought Zheng Zhengqiu to his office with an offer of employment. To adapt popular novels was to guarantee box-office income. When Mingxing declared its film adaptation plan for Tixiao yinyuan in the newspaper, the announcement began by stating that adaptations of ‘literary works’ (wenyi zuopin 文藝作品) like Konggu lan, Meihua luo, and Taohua hu 桃花湖 (The Peach Blossom Lake, 1930) were great successes.160 ‘Literary work’ was a highly complimentary term usually used by writers of New Literature to refer to their own writings.161 The adaptation of these popular novels by Butterfly writers involved no sense of shame or embarrassment on the part of Mingxing managers. By contrast, in the 1920s the works of May Fourth writers were usually filled with western vocabulary and punctuation marks, and were considered difficult to understand, let alone to appreciate. For example, a reader complained:162 Recently, some bold young people are applying the grammar of foreign languages to write Chinese novels and even use foreign punctuation marks. Such words as de 的, di 底, di 地, ta 她 (prepositions and pronouns invented by Chinese linguistic reformers) are extremely confusing and make sentences incomprehensible. [. . .] These texts are neither fish nor fowl. Anyone who is familiar with traditional xiaoshuo 小說 (fiction) definitely does not want to read them.

159 See ads for Yuli hun (XWB 9 May 1924: A1), Baiyun ta (XWB 11 Apr. 1928), Tixiao yinyuan (XWB 26 Jun. 1932: 20), etc. 160 XWB 18 Sept. 1930: 5. 161 Michel Hockx, “The Chinese Literary Association,” 85. 162 Hanyun, “Pi chuangzuo,” YHWZ, 170.

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For average readers who were only familiar with traditional Chinese xiaoshuo (fiction), literary works of the new style were too alien.163 For Zheng Zhengqiu and his colleagues, it was natural to choose novels by Bao Tianxiao, Zhang Henshui and other popular writers for commercial reasons. 8

No Need for this Canon

When discussing New Literature in the 1920s and 1930s, works that would become canonized in the history of modern Chinese literature, Michel Hockx suggests:164 There is no need for this canon, or these styles, to occupy such a central position, neither as a positive value, nor as a negative example. A much richer understanding of the literary practice of this period can be obtained if it is perceived in relational terms and various styles are taken into account simultaneously. The same holds true for the cinema. Exploring this garden of forking paths, we soon discover that the politically-charged labels of ‘speculators’ and Butterflies are misleading. The labels have obscured the dynamics of the cultural activities of Mingxing’s founding fathers and its early staff. The bond that knit them together was the expanding field of cultural industries in late imperial and early Republican China. The convergence of these people at Mingxing was a result of the balance of three main factors: interpersonal connections, commercial interests, and concern for reputation. Drives to maximize box-office earnings and to pursue a positive company image constantly defined the cultural landscape of Mingxing. Interpersonal connections also played an important role. Scholars have noticed that the earliest generations of cultural professionals in China engaged in a wide variety of public cultural enterprises and made contributions to social and political reform.165 Mingxing managers and employees, whose activities cut across the

163 A reader complained that Lu Xun’s Kuangren riji was unreadable. See Xihu ren, “Bu lingwu de Shen Yanbing xiansheng,” YHWZ, 173. 164 Michel Hockx, Questions of style, 253. 165 See Christopher Rea, “Comedy and cultural entrepreneurship in Xu Zhuodai’s Huaji Shanghai,” 52; also see Joan Judge, Print and politics.

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boundaries between the spheres of journalism, literature, theater, cinema and business, played similar roles. In the rapidly changing social environment in the 1930s, a new breed of intellectuals joined Mingxing. Beneath the surface of mundane daily operations, similar factors and new dynamics worked together to shape the cultural production of Mingxing.

chapter 3

Players of the 1930s: Contestation? Collaboration? This Xia Yan was not the Communist official who was powerful enough to influence the way Chinese film history was written in the post-1949 era. Entering DD’s Café on Avenue Joffre in Shanghai on a summer evening in 1932,1 this Xia Yan was a young 32-year-old man working as a freelance writer. The person he was going to meet together with his friends A Ying and Zheng Boqi at the Russian-run coffee shop was Zhou Jianyun.2 The official history of Chinese cinema (Fazhan shi) asserts that Mingxing’s recruitment of the three ‘left-wing cultural workers’ following the meeting at DD’s Café marked the studio’s conversion to a ‘hub of left-wing film production.’3 This chapter takes a fresh look at Xia Yan and his ‘friends’ and ‘foes.’ The film world of the pre-war 1930s has been regarded as a locus of “an open struggle between left and right [. . .], with the right using the weapons of authority and annihilation and the left defending its ideology and life with the weapons of ingenuity and persistence,”4 to quote American film scholar Jay Leyda. The definition of ‘friends’ and ‘enemies’ is presumably unquestioned. Locating Xia Yan and his ‘friends’ and ‘enemies’ in the concrete historical context of Mingxing as colleagues or equals of Bao Tianxiao, Song Chiping, and Hong Shen, this chapter questions the idea of a stark divide between ally and foe. It first briefly summarizes the standard story in which Xia and his colleagues are characterized according to ideological criteria. Then it probes the historical site of the 1930s, looking at the changing ecology of the film world, asking why and how Xia and his ‘friends’ (the so-called Left-wingers who were loosely affiliated with the CCP and left-wing cultural organizations) joined the film industry, and exploring why and how his ‘enemies’ (the so-called Rightwingers whose political orientation was supposed to be pro-government) were employed. I will demonstrate that the motivation to employ these people did not divert from Mingxing’s strategies of the 1920s. Concerns for profits and 1 DD’s Café was opened by a Russian in the 1910s and was located at 813–815 Avenue Joffre in the French Concession in Shanghai. It was a favorite meeting place for contemporary writers and artists, including Tian Han, Hong Shen, Xu Zhimo, and Yu Dafu. See Chen Yin-yen, “Xican guan yu Shanghai modeng, 1842–1949,” 38. 2 Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 153. 3 ZDFZS, 201, 203. 4 Leyda, Dianying/Electric Shadows, 90.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi 10.1163/9789004279346_005

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public image played a central role. This Xia Yan, a ‘screen script consultant’ for Mingxing, was aware of these dynamics, but as a high-ranking official of the PRC he preferred not to mention them. The story that he wanted people to know has the following contours. 1

Left-wingers, Right-wingers: The 1930s in the Standard Story

According to Fazhan shi, from 1931 to 1937 the CCP launched two “cultural campaigns in the film world,” the Left-wing Cinema Movement (Zuoyi dian­ ying yundong 左翼電影運動, 1931–1935) and the National Defense Cinema Movement (Guofang dianying yundong 國防電影運動, 1936–1937).5 At the same time, according to this narrative, Nationalist ‘hack writers’ produced films to promote Nationalist ideology as a way of countering left-wing filmmaking. The Left-wing part of the story starts with the founding of the Chinese League of Left-wing Dramatists (Zhongguo zuoyi xijujia lianmeng 中國左翼 戲劇家聯盟, hereafter the Drama League) in 1930 in Shanghai. In September 1931, the Drama League circulated a manifesto announcing the launch of a ‘Chinese left-wing cinema movement’ or ‘proletarian cinema movement.’ The film industry soon “accepted the leadership of CCP underground organizations and turned left.”6 Mingxing’s recruitment of Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi in 1932 was a key step. Several months later the CCP formed a ‘film group’ (dianying xiaozu 電影小組), consisting of five party members, including Xia Yan and A Ying. Under the leadership of the ‘film group,’ many Drama League members joined the film industry as screenwriters, directors, performers, and technicians. Another important arena for their activities was newspaper film columns and supplements. Film reviews and essays that advanced Communist ideology soon sprang up in newspaper pages. Left-wing filmmaking reached its peak in 1933. Major and small Shanghai film studios released more than 25 Left-wing films that year. Their themes centered on ‘anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism’ (fan di fan fengjian 反帝反封 建), especially on ‘class struggle in the countryside,’ ‘the lives and struggles of the working class,’ ‘class conflicts between the poor and the rich in the city,’ ‘imperialist economic encroachment,’ and ‘the lives of educated women and youth.’7 The ‘marvelous success’ of the movement provoked a strong reaction 5 See the table of contents of ZDFZS, (4)-(10). The following summary of this official narrative is based on ZDFZS, 180–430. 6 ZDFZS, 183. 7 ZDFZS, 205–28.

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from the Nationalist government. The authorities strengthened anti-Communist propaganda and censorship, and even resorted to ‘fascist methods’ to vandalize the Yihua Company 藝華, a bastion of left-wing filmmaking in late 1933. Under such circumstances, Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi were forced to leave Mingxing in October 1934. But they did not stop providing film scripts and grasped every opportunity to “add ideological flavorings to a given story.”8 In early 1936 the National Salvation Association of Shanghai Cinema (Shanghai dianying jie jiuguo hui 上海電影界救國會) was established and the idea of ‘National Defense Cinema’ was advanced. This event marked the final stage of pre-war Left-wing filmmaking. Left-wingers returned to Mingxing. They joined its restored script committee headed by Ouyang Yuqian and centered at Studio II. The Left-wing Cinema Movement came to an end with the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in July 1937. Parallel to the Left-wing component of the story were the activities of the anti-Communist camp. As mentioned above, the surge of Left-wing films in 1933 led to suppression campaigns coordinated by the Nationalist government. One of the measures taken by the authorities was to ‘recommend’ that pro-government writers enter the film industry. In the case of Mingxing, two so-called ‘reactionary’ films (fandong yingpian 反動影片) were released in 1934. One was written by Yao Sufeng 姚蘇鳳 (1906–1974), who was dispatched by Pan Gongzhan.9 Another film was written by Wang Pingling 王平陵 (1898– 1964), who worked for government propaganda organs as an editor and censor. In 1936, when Mingxing set up Studio II to make Left-wing films, Studio I was still producing ‘reactionary’ films, including Yongyuan de weixiao 永遠的微笑 (Forever Smiling) by the ‘hack writer’ Liu Na’ou. This account is a summary of the story provided in Fazhan shi. Taiwan film historian Du Yunzhi told the story from a different political perspective in his three-volume book published in 1972 in Taipei.10 However, the PRC version and the Taiwan version have one view in common, namely the conviction that there was an antagonism between left and right in the arena of filmmaking. Precisely who belonged to the left camp and the right camp? PRC cultural officials later claimed that left-wing film workers included “Party members, Drama League members, and progressive filmmakers.”11 Nationalist Party officials also 8 9 10 11

ZDFZS, 327. Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 162. Du Yunzhi, Zhongguo dianying shi. Lu Dingyi, “Zai Shanghai dianying zhipian gongsi suoshu ge chang, tuan de chengli dahui shang de jianghua,” quoted in Yu Ling, “Dang zai jiefang qian dui Zhongguo dianying de lingdao yu douzheng,” 29.

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pointed out that “left-leaning film employees” included Communist Party members, Drama League members, and Leftist League members (the Chinese League of Left-wing Writers, Zhongguo zuoyi zuojia lianmeng 中國左翼作 家聯盟, hereafter the Leftist League).12 According to these standards, we can identify a total of nineteen Left-wingers who worked for Mingxing as directors, screenwriters, and publicists (see Appendix 2). Four Mingxing employees were identified as Right-wingers both in Fazhan shi and Du Yunzhi’s book (see Appendix 2). However, did such a clear-cut divide really exist? Historical materials to be discussed in the following pages will point to answers that depart from the narratives summarized here. My inquiry will start with the changing ecology of the film world in the early 1930s. In this environment so-called Leftwingers and Right-wingers entered the film industry at about the same time and gradually replaced Butterflies. 2

The Early 1930s: The Changing Ecology of the Film World

When the Japanese army bombed Shanghai at midnight on 28 January 1932 and started fighting a two-month battle with the Chinese Nineteenth Route Army, Xia Yan was a Shanghai-based freelance translator and an underground CCP member responsible for organizing cultural activities. During this time of war, one of his jobs was to write war reports and op-ed essays for Wenyi xinwen 文藝新聞 (Literary and Art News), a weekly magazine which also published essays by Lu Xun, Qu Qiubai, and other Leftist League writers.13 The Japanese invasion spurred a sudden surge of nationalistic expressions by the Chinese public. Reports and essays of this kind further encouraged such sentiments. The film industry was affected by the war not only because of decimated markets and bombed-out theaters, but also because film studios had to react to popular sentiments and public opinion by making different sorts of films. Along with the journal that featured Xia Yan’s work, the popular film press also joined the anti-Japanese tide. For example, in September 1931 the fan magazine Yingxi shenghuo 影戲生活 (Movie Weekly) ran a series of editorials calling on the film industry to take action against the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Editorial titles were quite revealing: “National disaster is approaching! We call upon the film industry to rise up against the Japanese invaders!”; “Arise! Comrades who are enthusiastic about cinema! Let’s organize an AntiJapanese and Anti-Imperialist Film Society!”; “Arise film world! Let’s rally to 12 13

See “Gongchandang zai dianying jie huodong qingkuang,” SMA, Q235-1-17, 5–10. Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 148–49.

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national salvation efforts!”14 In response to this patriotic spirit, the Nanjing government issued an order on 3 October 1931 demanding that movie theaters screen more films on the themes of “national shame, the lives of soldiers, patriotism, adventure, and science.”15 Following these public and official outcries, Mingxing soon produced two films on patriotic and military themes: Tiexue qingnian (Youth of Iron, premiered on 31 December 1931) and Guohun de fuhuo 國魂的復活 (The Resurrection of National Spirit, 22 September 1932).16 Another popular film genre was the war documentary. From June to October 1932, a total of ten newsreels and documentaries about the 1932 battle in Shanghai were released.17 For diplomatic reasons, these films were forbidden in the foreign concessions. When they were shown in three Chinese-run theaters in the Chinese district, a large number of patriotic movie-goers came and the theaters earned lucrative profits.18 Mingxing embraced this trend and produced Shanghai zhi zhan 上海 之戰 (The Battle of Shanghai), a ten-reel semi-documentary about a fictional family affected by the battle, mixed with newsreel footage of the battle and speeches by two Chinese generals.19 It was screened at an open-air theater in the Chinese district beginning on 3 August 1932 and ran for seventeen days in spite of relatively higher admission prices ranging from 0.6 to 1 Yuan.20 In mid-October, it was shown at the Fu’an Theater 福安 for another two weeks.21 Box-office revenues were high. ‘Serious’ and ‘patriotic’ ingredients brought fame and profit to Mingxing. It needed more people capable of writing films of this sort. Xia Yan and his friends were ideal candidates. Another factor that contributed to the changing ecology 14 See Yingxi shenghuo 38 (3 Oct. 1931), 42 (7 Oct. 1931), 47 (12 Oct. 1931). Of fifteen editorials (no. 38, 3 Oct. 1931–no. 52, 9 Jan. 1932), ten were about anti-Japanese mobilization. 15 Jiaoyu Neizheng bu dianying jiancha weiyuanhui, ed, Jiaoyu Neizheng bu dianying jiancha weiyuanhui gongzuo zong baogao, 63. But after the ceasefire in May 1932 the government banned movies on anti-Japanese themes. 16 See ads in XWB 31 Dec. 1931: 20; XWB 22 Sept. 1932: 22. 17 Cf. Anne Kerlan, “The enemy is coming.” 18 The three theaters are Fu’an 福安, Zhabei 閘北, and Gonghe. See Ying Qiu, “Zhanshi pianyi le huajie xiyuan,” Yingxi shenghuo 71 (25 Sept. 1932). 19 See ad in XWB 5 Aug. 1932. 20 See ads in XWB 16 Aug. 1932: 2; 27 Aug.: 24. The theater was the Paris Garden Open-air Theater (Bali huayuan lutian dianying chang 巴黎花園露天電影場). The Palace Theater normally charged admission fees ranging from 0.4 to 0.9 Yuan, and the other theaters in the Palace chain charged even lower prices. 21 The film ran at Fu’an from 14 to 22 October 1932 and continued to 25 October at audience request. See ads for the film in XWB 14 Aug. 1932: 19; 22 Aug.: 22.

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of the film world was the impressive rise of the Lianhua Film Company 聯華 (known in English as ‘United Photoplay Service’). Lianhua was ambitious in many respects. Founded in March 1930 by Luo Mingyou 羅明佑 (1900–1967), Lianhua’s headquarters was in Hong Kong and it had three studios in Shanghai and one in Hong Kong.22 Its goal was to develop a vertically-integrated entertainment corporation on a nation-wide scale, rather than concentrate mainly on Shanghai. It soon joined Mingxing and Tianyi and became one of the Major Three in the pre-war Chinese film industry.23 At the time of its founding, martial arts films were a dominating force. So Luo Mingyou put forward a catchy new slogan—‘Revive National Cinema’ (Fuxing guopian 復興國片)— and recruited a vigorous creative staff, including Cai Chusheng 蔡楚生 (1906–1968), Sun Yu, and Fei Mu 費穆 (1906–1951).24 Most of the films they produced were on contemporary themes and won the favor of educated young people and film critics.25 For example, an editor stated that three Lianhua films of 1932—Rendao 人道 (Humanity), Tianming 天明 (Daybreak), and Duhui de zaochen 都會的早晨 (Dawn over the Metropolis)—were harbingers of ‘the change of Chinese cinema,’ a change of focus from martial arts and romances to the lives of the masses.26 Lianhua’s ‘modern’ (modeng hua 摩登化) image stood in sharp contrast to Mingxing and Tianyi; the latter two were now described as ‘conservative’ and ‘old-style’ (shoujiu 守舊).27 Another journalist observed in May 1932: “Since the founding of Lianhua, the Palace Theater (Mingxing’s first-run theater) has gradually turned into a paradise for concubines, boys of rich families, and the illiterate populace. Mingxing is falling behind the times.”28 The Mingxing bosses felt embarrassed and took action to counter this unfavorable image. It was under these circumstances that Zhou Jianyun invited Xia Yan and his comrades for coffee at DD’s Café in the summer of 1932. On 1 January 1933, they placed a one-page advertisement in Shenbao to announce a grand new production plan.29 A journalist speculated that Mingxing’s purpose was to compete 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

For a history of Lianhua see “Lianhua yingye gongsi sinian jingli shi,” ZWD, 72–78. Guo Youshou, “Ershi’er nian zhi guochan yingpian,” ZWD, 1048. Luo Mingyou, “Wei guopian fuxing wenti jinggao tongye shu,” ZWD, 768–69. Le Sheng, “Yijiusansan nian de kaishi shiqi, sanda yingpian gongsi de xin qushi” (I), Yingxi shenghuo 179 (17 Jan. 1933). “Dianying zhongxing dashi ji,” ZWD, 1335. “Shanghai sanda guochan yingpian gongsi de zhongxin sixiang,” DS 31 (31 May 1932): 122. “Guangmang sishe, quanguo zhumu de Mingxing yingpian gongsi zhi ‘beicheng dazhan,’” DS 1.6 (6 May 1932). “Mingxing yingpian gongsi yijiusansan nian de liangda jihua,” see SB 1 Jan. 1933: Dianying zhuankan.

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with Lianhua by making films that would look ‘new-style’ (xinying 新穎).30 Xia Yan and his friends provided essential support for the plan to make ‘new style’ films. Why did Xia and his friends seem to the Mingxing bosses to be proper candidates? The calculation involved power relations. Part of the answer can be found in the print press. Mid-1932 saw a sudden surge of the popular film press. Following the lead of Diansheng 電聲 (Movietone), a successful daily newspaper that featured star and industry news, film reviews, and movie rankings, Shanghai’s leading newspapers all launched film sections or supplements.31 Numerous film magazines and tabloids also flooded the market, though most remained shortlived.32 Demands for people to write on film topics increased accordingly. As a result, as a contemporary writer saw it, ‘film critic’ emerged as a new profession.33 Who would fill the vacancies in this new profession? The ten-year period from 1927 to 1937 is known by some scholars of Chinese literary history as the Left Wing Decade (zuoyi shinian 左翼十年), a period when “left-wing literature became the dominant element in the literary arena.”34 The landmark events in this decade were the establishment of the Leftist League in March 1930, the Drama League in January 1931, and a few other related organizations. All these organizations were allegedly under the leadership of the underground CCP in the name of the Left-wing General League (wenzong 文總). By the time when the popular film press was booming, these organizations had cultivated many young writers, and they fit perfectly in the new posts of the film press. For example, contemporary readers attentive to film news could frequently read essays by Chen Wu 塵無 (1911–1938) in Shibao and Shenbao, articles by Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi in Chenbao 晨 報 (Morning Post), and film reviews by Lu Si 魯思 in Minbao 民報 (People’s Post).35 All were members of leftist organizations. Writers outside this circle 30 31

32 33 34 35

Le Sheng, “Yijiusansan nian de kaishi shiqi, sanda yingpian gongsi de xin qushi” (II), Yingxi shenghuo 180 (18 Jan. 1933). For the impact of Diansheng on the development of Shanghai film press, see “Dianying kanwu zhi kongqian jilu,” DS 191 (8 Nov. 1932). The film sections include Shibao’s “Dianying shibao 電影時報” (Movie Times) launched on 21 May 1932, Shishi xinbao’s “Xin Shanghai 新上海” (New Shanghai) on 4 June, and Chenbao’s “Meiri dianying 每日電影” (Movie Daily) on 8 July. See Li Li (Chen Wu), “Shanghai dianying kanwu de jiantao,” ZZDY, 127. “Dianying kanwu zhi kongqian jilu,” DS 191 (8 Nov. 1932), 192 (9 Nov.), 193 (10 Nov.). Lin Zhen, “Dianying de guannian,” MB 6.4 (1 Sept. 1936). Also see Hou Feng, “Tan dianying piping jia,” MB 3.5 (16 Dec. 1935). Wang-chi Wong, Politics and literature in Shanghai, 6. Lu Si, Yingping yijiu, 3–9; Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 158; Yu Ling, “Huiyi ‘Julian’ hua yingping,” ZZDY, 934–37; Linghe, “Zuoyi Julian de yingping xiaozu ji qita,” ZZDY, 938–41.

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made sarcastic remarks about this situation. For example, Mu Shiying 穆時英 (1912–1940), a writer of the New Sensationalist school, wrote: “Film criticism has been manipulated by the Left-wing General League and Drama League as a weapon to serve their political purposes.”36 Another author was blunter: “[The surge of film journals] has spawned ‘progressive’ (qianjin de 前進的) film critics who dream of leading the domestic film industry on to a ‘progressive’ road with a ‘progressive’ ideology (yishi 意識).”37 Terms like ‘ideology’ (yishi), ‘progressive’ (qianjin), ‘expose’ (baolu 暴露), and ‘change’ (zhuanbian 轉變) were the hallmarks of the writings of Xia Yan and his friends. Yishi was a key word. Mu Shiying even nicknamed these articles ‘yishi-centered film criticisms’ (yishi jiantao zhongxin zhuyi de yingping 意識檢討中心主義的影評).38 More a neologism than an equivalent of the English term ‘ideology,’ yishi usually referred to the theme, subject or central idea of a particular film.39 But with regard to what a film’s yishi was, Left-wing writers resorted to the use of explicitly political terms, including ‘feudalism,’ ‘anti-feudalism,’ ‘anti-imperialism,’ and ‘bourgeois.’40 Therefore, some of these yishi were ‘correct’ and others ‘incorrect.’ For example, Chen Wu wrote that two kinds of film contained incorrect yishi. One kind can be compared to hallucinogens, including the Paramount film The Love Parade (1929) and many domestic movies that “numbed the nerves of the masses with wine, women, singing, and dancing.” The other kind of film was like poison. The best examples were The Three Musketeers (1921) and the domestic genre of ‘burning

36 37 38 39

40

Mu Shiying, “Dangjin dianying piping de jiantao,” Furen huabao 31 (25 Aug. 1935), n.p. “Yijiusansan nian xinxing sizhong dianying kanwu,” DS 238 (25 Dec. 1932). Mu Shiying, “Dangjin dianying piping de jiantao.” For example, Riku wrote: “What is the soul of a film? It is the ‘yishi/ideology’ of the screenplay.” (影片的靈魂是什麼呢？是腳本的意識。 ) In this case, “yishi/ideology” refers to ‘theme’ or ‘central idea.’ See Riku, “Xu gudu chunmeng: cong yishi fangmian lai pipan,” Shibao 22 Aug. 1932: Dianying shibao. For example, the above quoted article continues, “The yishi/ideology of this film reflects the ideas of petit bourgeois people who are wavering between decadence and progress.” (這本腳本的意識，可以代表一般欲頹廢不願欲前進的在動搖中的小資產階 級。 ) See Ibid.  In a review of Huoshan qingxue (dir. Sun Yu), Xia Yan and Zheng Boqi wrote: “The film is full of anti-feudal yishi/ideology. This is great progress for the director.” (這部片子充滿 著反封建的意識。這是作者的偉大進步。 ) ‘Anti-feudal yishi/ideology’ is reflected by portrayals of “evil acts of local tyrants and evil gentry (tuhao lieshen or tulie)” (土劣的惡行) and “revenge of the peasants” (農人子弟的復仇). See Xi Naifang and Huang Zibu, “Huoshan qingxue (review I),” Chenbao 16 Sept. 1932: Meiri dianying.

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films’ (huoshao pian) that “conveyed feudal ideologies.”41 He took pains to point out that six types of subject matter contained correct yishi: anti-religion, antilandlords, anti-warlordism, anti-imperialism, anti-collaborators with imperialists, and descriptions of catastrophes.42 These themes were congruent with the Communist ideology propagated by the CCP at the time.43 But how did developments in the newspapers affect the silver screen? What did all these polemical articles have to do with Zhou Jianyun’s meeting with Xia Yan and his friends at DD’s Café? A web of power relations was at work. The GMD official Lu Diping 魯滌平 investigated this matter and reported his findings to Nanjing in a confidential letter.44 According to Lu, the logic of the whole story was this: the CCP or Leftist League and Drama League writers successfully manipulated the film press in the first place. Since each film was subjected to evaluation based on yishi criteria, film directors were under pressure to produce films that adopted correct yishi. Films that were incongruent with Communist ideology were bound to be savaged by these film reviewers, and box-offices would be affected. Therefore, film companies were compelled to act as the CCP’s propaganda tool. Lu Diping was not alone in making this kind of observation. Another contemporary writer was more sarcastic when he stated that film companies had been ‘raped’ by ‘Mr. Yishi.’45 To be sure, these observations made by Xia Yan’s ‘enemies’ were perhaps not entirely objective either. But it is true that film companies were fully aware of the power of print media in molding public opinion. It was an open secret that many film magazines received ‘funding’ from film studios or theaters and became virtual publicity tools.46 Film directors were also keenly attentive to critical voices. As Zhang Shichuan said in 1933, “I was always eager to read reviews in newspapers the next morning after my film’s premiere.”47 Seen in 41

42 43

44 45 46 47

Chen Wu, “Dadao yiqie miyao he duyao, dianying ying zuo dazhong de shiliang,” Shibao 1 Jun. 1932: 5. The Chinese title for The Love Parade is Xuangong yanshi 璇宮艷史; The Three Musketeers is San jianke 三劍客. Chen Wu, “Zhongguo dianying zhi lu,” first published in MY 1.1 (1 May 1933) and 1.2 (1 Jun. 1933); rpt. in ZZDY, 66–74. Cf. Michael Luk, The origins of Chinese Bolshevism, 227–35; For analyses of the concepts of struggle and uprising in Chinese Communist ideology, see Marcia Ristaino, China’s art of revolution, 179–92. “Zhejiang sheng zhengfu micheng” (submitted by Lu Diping), No. 2 Historical Archives, Nanjing, 2 (2)-271/16J1505, 5 Apr. 1933, 19–23. Jia Mo, “Yingxing yingpian yu ruanxing yingpian,” Xiandai dianying 1.6 (1 Dec. 1933). “Dianying gongsi shoumai xiaobao zhi neimu,” DS 3.19 (24 May 1934): 365; Ying Tan, “Dianying hua baozhi de chuanran,” DS 32 (1 Jun. 1932). Zhang Shichuan, “Chuansheng tong li,” MY 1.1 (1 May 1933).

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this light, it is logical that Xia Yan and his friends became powerful in the eyes of the Mingxing bosses. Against this backdrop the three Left-wingers and the ‘capitalist’ Zhou Jianyun met in the coffee shop on that summer evening in 1932. 3

Left-wingers? Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi

Xia Yan was not the first leftist Zhou Jianyun approached. Zhou had a more familiar contact in left-wing circles—his native-place friend A Ying. A native of Wuhu in Anhui province and born in 1900, A Ying went to Shanghai to attend a technical school in the late 1910s and participated in student demonstrations during the May Fourth Movement. He served as editor of the news bulletin of the Shanghai Student Union.48 Zhou Jianyun and Ren Jinping also worked for the bulletin as editors or correspondents.49 Not surprisingly, A Ying and Zhou became acquainted and the native-place bond knitted them even closer. One can read A Ying’s essays and poems in magazines edited by Zhou, including the aforementioned Jiefang huabao (1920–1921). At that time A Ying was a fledgling young writer, not a Communist. His writings were purely literary by nature. For example, he published poems entitled “Life” (Rensheng 人生), “A Kiss” (Yi wen 一吻), and “Eternal Memory” (Yong yi 永憶), a short story entitled “Let Him In” (Dou rang ta jinlai 都讓他進來), and a play called “The Sorrows of the Peasants” (Nongmin de bei’ai 農民的悲哀).50 A book by A Ying, Ertong tongxin 兒童通信 (Correspondence with the children), was also published by the New People Press managed by Zhou.51 After graduation A Ying returned to his hometown and took up a variety of jobs including teacher and postman. One of his jobs involved working as a film distributor for the Wuhu office of Liuhe, the joint movie distribution company managed by Zhou Jianyun.52 The warm friendship between the two was also suggested by a book A Ying gave Zhou as a gift in 1928. It was inscribed ‘To my elder brother Jianyun’ ( Jianyun wu xiong 劍雲吾兄).53 In 1927, A Ying 48

49 50 51 52 53

For A Ying’s biography, see Zhang Junxiang and Cheng Jihua, eds., Zhongguo dianying da cidian, 6, and Zhongguo dianyingjia xiehui Zhongguo dianyingshi yanjiubu, ed, Zhongguo dianyingjia liezhuan, vol. 1, 76–83. Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong.” These pieces were published in Jiefang huabao 5 (10 Oct. 1920), 6 (30 Nov. 1920), 9 (31 Mar. 1921), 14 (30 Aug. 1921), and 16 (30 Nov. 1921). “A Ying zhuzuo mulu,” in A Ying, A Ying wenji, 895. Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p. Zhongguo dianyingjia xiehui Zhongguo dianyingshi yanjiubu, ed, Zhongguo dianyingjia liezhuan, vol. 1, 77.

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joined the Communist Party and soon emerged as a leading figure in left-wing cultural circles. In October 1929, together with Xia Yan and Zheng Boqi, he founded the Shanghai Art Drama Society (Shanghai yishu jushe 上海藝術劇 社) allegedly under the leadership of the CCP.54 Furthermore, he was one of the seven standing committee members of the Leftist League, along with Lu Xun, Tian Han, Xia Yan, Zheng Boqi, and others.55 He was also a core member of the Drama League. Xia and Zheng were his close colleagues. Born in 1900 into a poor gentry family in Hangzhou, Xia Yan (fig. 1.2f) studied in an industrial school in Hangzhou before he followed on many of his contemporaries’ heels by going to Japan in 1920. He would stay there for nearly seven years. He passed a competitive examination and entered the Kyushu Engineering School in 1921.56 Although he was a student of electrical engineering, he had strong interests in literature and the social sciences. He also developed an enthusiasm for political activism. In 1924, he had a chance to meet Sun Yatsen. Encouraged by Sun, he joined the GMD and embarked on a life-long career in politics. He moved to Tokyo after graduation in 1926, working for the GMD’s Japanese branch, which was pro-left in its political orientation. In the chaotic spring of 1927, according to his memoir, he was forced to leave Japan because Chiang Kaishek started purging CCP and pro-left GMD members from the party. In Shanghai, Xia Yan joined the CCP and worked underground, organizing drama troupes, editing literary magazines, and also becoming a core member of the Leftist League and Drama League. At that time his life path converged with those of A Ying and Zheng Boqi. Zheng Boqi, who appeared in the opening of this book as a college student in Japan, was five years older than A Ying and Xia. But he shared many common traits with them. He received his higher education in Shanghai and Japan from Aurora University and Kyoto Imperial University. Like Bao Tianxiao, Hong Shen, A Ying, and Xia Yan, he also had a colorful career in literature, journalism, and theater in Shanghai.57 He never joined the CCP, but he was a prominent figure in leftist cultural circles. Then came that summer night in

54

Xia Yan, “Nanwang de 1930,” 145; Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 107–10. Also see Bernd Eberstein, Das chinesische Theater im 20. Jahrhundert, 97–102. 55 Wong, Politics and literature in Shanghai, 59–63. 56 For Xia’s early career see Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 1–78. 57 For Zheng’s biography, see Zhongguo dianyingjia xiehui Zhongguo dianyingshi yanjiubu, ed, Zhongguo dianyingjia liezhuan, vol. 1, 196–201. For a study of his cultural activities in 1930s Shanghai, see Ge Fei, “Dushi xuanwo zhong de duochong wenhua shenfen yu luxiang.”

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1932 when Zhou Jianyun and the three friends met at DD’s Café. Xia Yan told the following story in his memoir.58 One day in the early summer of 1932, A Ying paid a visit to Xia Yan. He said that his fellow townsman and good friend Zhou Jianyun had asked him to introduce three ‘new cultural workers’ (xin wenyi gongzuo zhe 新文藝工作 者) for possible employment at Mingxing as ‘script consultants’ (bianju guwen 編劇顧問). He came to ask for Xia’s opinion. Both of them were tempted and they brought up the issue at a meeting of the CCP Cultural Committee (wenwei 文委) chaired by Qu Qiubai. Some people at the meeting responded positively to the proposal, while others expressed skepticism. Qu suggested that they do a thorough investigation. A Ying and Xia thought of Hong Shen and paid him a visit. To their surprise, Hong admitted that he was in fact the person who raised the idea with the Mingxing bosses. He explained that the Fate (Tixiao yinyuan) lawsuit and a scandal concerning its leading star, Butterfly Wu, placed Mingxing in an awkward position in terms of both finance and public image.59 The Japanese invasions had evoked widespread patriotic zeal, and martial arts and romantic films were not as popular as they were in the past. As Zhang Shichuan’s ‘advisor,’ Hong proposed that Mingxing should ‘change direction’ (zhuanbian fangxiang 轉變方向) by recruiting ‘left-wing writers’ (zuoyi zuojia 左翼作家). Zhang trusted Hong and agreed with him. A Ying and Xia Yan also learned from Hong that the Mingxing bosses would expect them to attend script meetings once or twice a month to discuss film scripts and, ideally, to contribute their own scripts. The monthly salary would be 50 Yuan and film scripts would earn an additional sum. They would be allowed to use pseudonyms and concealment of their political identity was promised. In late June Xia Yan and A Ying reported the result of their investigation to Qu Qiubai at a party meeting. Qu responded positively and said: Cinema is the most popular form of art. Once we ‘seize power,’ we will develop our own film industry. Now that we have this opportunity, it does no harm to use the equipment of the capitalists to learn necessary skills. Of course, it’s just a try. Don’t expect too much and don’t fancy that capitalists will allow you to make ‘proletarian films.’ They only invited the

58 59

Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 151–56. A widespread rumor insisted that in September 1931 when Japanese forces occupied Shenyang, Zhang Xueliang 張學良 was dancing with Butterfly Wu in Beijing. For details of the rumor see Hu Die (Butterfly Wu), Hu Die huiyi lu, 64–66.

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three of you, and you have no experience in filmmaking and in dealing with capitalists, so you must always act with caution. On that summer evening in 1932 they met up with Zhou Jianyun at DD’s Café. Zhou was frank and sincere. He talked about Mingxing’s urgent need for their help. Xia expressed his worries about censorship. Zhou admitted that censorship was inevitable, but it was not a big problem. He explained: “You probably have little knowledge about this. Be it the Municipal Council or the GMD’s Shanghai Branch, as long as we have acquaintances and ‘burn joss-sticks’ (shaoxiang 燒香, which means ‘bribe’), problems can be resolved. For this reason we will omit your real names in appointment letters. I believe you fully understand.” Soon afterwards they attended a script meeting at Mingxing. Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhengqiu, Zhou Jianyun, Hong Shen, three other film directors, and a secretary were present. Zhang made brief welcoming remarks, and then Hong delivered a long speech. Xia Yan was shocked by Hong’s boldness when he raised his voice and said: “Each film is subject to scrutiny by the Municipal Council and the GMD’s Shanghai Branch. But ‘there are no rules without exceptions’ (he said this in English). Therefore, we should first carefully read censorship regulations, and then try to come up with methods to cope with them.” Xia was even more surprised when he saw that Zhang and Zheng smiled and nodded. After the meeting the three Left-wingers discussed and reached the following conclusions: first, the Mingxing bosses were sincere; it was not a trap. Second, Zhang Shichuan had the final say in company matters, and he trusted Hong Shen. Third, Hong was too bold. As newcomers, they decided to be moderate and to foster a good relationship with their bosses and colleagues. Xia Yan was the only person who left written records of the story. No alternative version is available to support, supplement or amend his narrative. But records about their activities in the film world can be found in contemporary periodicals. For example, a Diansheng editor observed that the style of Chinese cinema witnessed a ‘big change’ in 1933 and the new trend was ‘to focus on the masses.’ Therefore film studios were keenly seeking ‘celebrated writers’ (mingjia 名家). Mingxing’s recruitment of Tian Han, Shen Duanxian 沈端先 (Xia Yan) and others was an example.60 The names of Xia and his friends also appeared in a public letter posted by an anti-Communist organization in January 1934 in an effort to encourage the boycotting of ‘red’ movies.61 Several 60 61

“Dianying zhongxing dashi ji,” ZWD, 1336. “Zhongguo qingnian changong da tongmeng wei chanchu dianying jie chihua huodong xuanyan,” Damei wanbao 23 Jan. 1934: 3.

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Mingxing films were on this blacklist. Among seven ‘red’ writers mentioned in this letter, five had connection with Mingxing: Tian Han, Xia Yan, A Ying, Mao Dun, and Shen Xiling 沈西苓 (1904–1940). In fact, the Mingxing bosses were soberly aware of the risk they took by employing these people. Zhang Shichuan received a warning from Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek when the Mingxing film crew was invited to Jiangxi to shoot the aforementioned anti-Communist propaganda film in May 1933. One day Chiang invited Zhang to his office and said: “I’ve heard that a lot of ‘radicals’ (guoji fenzi 過激份子) have infiltrated Shanghai film studios. They use cinema as their propaganda weapon. For example, I’ve heard that so and so are involved. Is this true? Since you come from Shanghai and work in the film industry, you ought to know. Please tell me in detail!”62 ‘Radicals’ obviously referred to CCP members. Zhang Shichuan’s answer was clever: “It may be true, but without evidence I can’t exactly tell who is and who is not.” Chiang probably did not expect to learn anything substantial from Zhang. He had better channels for getting information. This conversation should be seen as a warning. Still, Zhang Shichuan did not take it seriously. Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi continued working for Mingxing for another year and a half. Zhang was prudent; his decision was made after a careful calculation. The value of Xia and his friends outweighed the political risk he was taking. The critical acclaim that greeted the film Kuangliu 狂流 (Wild Torrent, scr. Xia Yan) testified to the value of the Left-wingers. Set in the great Yangtze floods and featuring conflicts between villagers and local officials, the film was publicized as ‘a film with a transformed style’ (zhuanbian zuofeng zhi zuo 轉變作風之作).63 This ‘style’ received much praise. Chenbao allotted two whole pages to a discussion of the film, and complimentary reviews dominated. The film was considered laudable for its treatment of ‘the vices of local tyrants and evil gentry’ (tuhao lieshen 土豪劣紳)64 and ‘the downfall of feudal forces.’65 Mao Dun also applauded Mingxing’s ‘transformed style’ in a review of the film published in Shenbao.66 Three months earlier Mao Dun had been complaining that Mingxing’s Huoshao Hongliansi and Tixiao 62 63 64 65

66

Wang Qianbai, “Ganxing jishi” II, MY 1.4 (1 Aug. 1933): 13–14. The names Chiang mentioned were deliberately omitted in this text. For the film’s ads see Chenbao 4 Apr. 1933: 10, XWB 11 Mar. 1933: Benbu fukan 8. Sufeng, “Xin de lianghao de shouhuo,” Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. Shu Yan, “Xiang shi yiban de miaomang,” Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. The views of Sufeng and Shu Yan were shared by many Chenbao reviewers. See Chenbao 6 and 7 Mar. 1933: 10; 10 Mar.: 10. Mao Dun, “Kuangliu yu Chengshi zhi ye,” SB 24 Mar. 1933, rpt. in ZZDY, 413.

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yinyuan were typical examples of ‘feudal art for petty urbanites (fengjian de xiao shimin wenyi 封建的小市民文藝).’67 Mao Dun’s opinion had its echoes. In an article published in the fan magazine Yingmi zhoubao 影迷週報 (Movie Fans Weekly), a writer remarked that previous Mingxing productions— taking Huoshao Hongliansi and Tixiao yinyuan as examples—were ‘backward and feudal’ while recent works like Kuangliu were ‘new-style’ (xinpai 新派). He/she also observed that Kuangliu brought to Mingxing ‘an unprecedentedly exalted reputation’ and ‘satisfactory box-office returns.’68 Xia Yan played a crucial role in generating favorable reviews. Himself a regular contributor to the Chenbao film column, he was in a good position to prevent unfavorable views from appearing in this newspaper and others. Indeed, contributors to those outlets were mainly his comrades in leftist cultural circles. Mao Dun, a prominent member of the Leftist League, was Xia’s close ally. We can also find two reviews of Kuangliu in Chenbao written by Zheng Boqi and A Ying.69 But it is important to note that Kuangliu also received praise from the Nationalist government, precisely those who were later said to be the ‘foes’ of Xia and his friends. It won the prize for Best Domestic Film in a government film competition in May 1933.70 Considering the Nanjing government’s efforts to promote the social and didactic function of cinema at that time, this is not surprising. The government’s 1933 annual report on cinema selected Kuangliu as an example of the recent ‘progress’ of the Chinese film industry, progress that entailed moving away from martial arts films and toward social issue films.71 Who were friends and who were enemies? The actual divide was in fact much more ambiguous than the stark assessment found later in Fazhan shi.72 Being able to bring to Mingxing both ‘capital’ and ‘symbolic capital,’ Xia Yan and his friends were naturally seen as quite worthy of any potential political risk. Moreover, they received many flattering compliments from their Mingxing colleagues. The vocabulary used by the Mingxing people was exactly the verbiage invented by the Left-wingers. Zheng Zhengqiu wrote in an essay entitled “How to Embark on a Progressive Road” that thanks to ‘progressive film critics’ 67 68 69 70

71 72

Mao Dun, “Fengjian de xiaoshimin wenyi,” Dongfang zazhi 30.3 (1 Jan. 1933). “Mingxing gongsi kai daoche,” Yingmi zhoubao 1.8 (14 Nov. 1934): 132. Xi Naifang (Zheng Boqi), “Kuangliu de pingjia,” Chenbao 7 Mar. 1933: 10; Fengwu (A Ying), “Du An E xiansheng de ‘Kuangliu yishi lun,’” Chenbao 10 Mar. 1933: 10. The competition was organized by a semi-government organization affiliated with the Ministry of Propaganda, the National Educational Cinematographic Society of China (Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui). See MY 1.2 (1 Jun. 1933): n.p. Guo Youshou, “Ershi’er nian zhi guochan dianying,” ZWD, 1045. See Xiao, “Sanshi niandai ‘zuoyi dianying’ de shenhua.”

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(qianjin pipingjia 前進批評家), new thought had reached the film world and a new environment had been created.73 Zhang Shichuan gushed that cinema had finally entered the arena of ‘new culture’ (xin wenhua 新文化), a place where it had previously been viewed as an outsider.74 Mingxing director Cheng Bugao stated: “Our times need screenplays with correct yishi.”75 Li Pingqian, another director, declared that he had given up his old belief in ‘art for art’s sake’ and would now follow his ‘new friends’ to create ‘a new cinema.’76 Ai Xia 艾霞 (1912–1934), an actress, wrote: “There is no denying that compared to the films of 1932, Chinese cinema of 1933 is epoch-making. It is no longer merely entertainment for the leisure classes.”77 When a journalist asked Butterfly Wu her opinion on ‘the change of style,’ she answered: “We used to place too much emphasis on city life; [. . .] but now we pay more attention to rural life and farming.”78 No wonder Xia Yan and his friends were ‘powerful’ at this juncture. The ‘new environment’ was highly favorable to them. Looking beneath the surface, however, we can see that the reasons for employing Bao Tianxiao and his friends also explain why Xia and his comrades were recruited. A Ying and Zhou Jianyun’s native-place ties and the left-wing cultural network demonstrate that personal connections were vital at the outset. Furthermore, Xia and his friends helped Mingxing enhance its public image and ease the financial crisis. Hiring them made good business sense. Therefore, an increasing number of Xia’s friends joined Mingxing at this time. 4

Left-wingers? Leftist League and Drama League Members at Mingxing

Xia Yan met Shen Xiling in Kyoto in November 1926 when Shen was studying fine arts there. As a clerk at the Tokyo branch of the GMD, Xia’s mission on the visit to Kyoto was to recruit new party members. Shen took Xia to visit Kyoto’s sightseeing spots and introduced him to his friends, mostly Communists or left-leaning artists and intellectuals, including writers of the Creation Society 73 74 75 76 77 78

Zheng Zhengqiu, “Ruhe zoushang qianjin zhi lu,” MY 1.1 (1 May 1933). Zhang Shichuan, “Chuansheng tong li,” MY 1.1 (1 May 1933). Cheng Bugao, “Women de zhanchang,” MY 1.1 (1 May 1933). Li Pingqian, “Guoqu zhi zhuishu yu jianglai zhi xiwang,” ZWD, 350. Ai Xia, “1933 nian, wo de xiwang,” MY 1.3 (1 Jul. 1933). “Hu Die nüshi dui Hangzhou jizhe fabiao ‘zhuanbian zuofeng’ de yijian,” MY 2.1 (1 Nov. 1933).

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and Japanese scholars of Marxism. Their ‘earnestness for new learning’ and ‘genuine manners’ impressed Xia Yan deeply.79 Several years later Xia and Shen would meet again in Shanghai and become colleagues at Mingxing. In late 1932 Mingxing managers were in desperate need of capable creative personnel to enhance production and to boost its fragile finances. Shen Xiling joined Mingxing at this moment, and was soon followed by many of his companions in the Leftist League and Drama League, including Tian Han, Ouyang Yuqian, and Ying Yunwei 應雲衛 (1904–1967). It was reported that Hong Shen acted as a talent scout and poached Shen from Mingxing’s rival Tianyi, where Shen was working as a set designer. A few other Tianyi employees also joined Mingxing together with Shen. They were Situ Huimin 司徒慧敏 (1910–1987), a sound technician, Ke Ling, a publicist, and Wang Ying 王瑩 (1913–1974), an actress, all members of the Drama League.80 Shen Xiling had no experience as a film director at the time. After an internship as a set designer at a drama troupe in Japan, he returned to China in the late 1920s. Already a Marxist, he joined up with Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi and took an active part in leftwing cultural activities in Shanghai. He became a member of the Creation Society, the Shanghai Art Drama Society, the Drama League, and the Artists League (Yilian 藝聯).81 Why did Zhang Shichuan trust an inexperienced Shen and allow the young artist to direct a film written by Shen himself, Nüxing de nahan 女性的呐喊 (Cries of Women), in late 1932? Tabloid journalists investigated this matter. The script was initially written for Tianyi. Tianyi’s boss Shao Zuiweng thought the idea was uninteresting, but it aroused the curiosity of the Mingxing managers who were eager to experiment with something ‘new’ in order to gauge audience tastes.82 What does the word ‘new’ imply in this context? Another journalist provided a clue: “The title alone tells us how fashionable (modeng 摩登) this film is. It is exactly this kind of film that the critics call ‘a work that captures the times’ (genshang shidai de zuopin 跟上時代的作品).”83 A few months later, Mingxing’s publicist emphasized that the film was “a new 79 80

81 82 83

Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 65. “Tianyi gongsi zhongyao zhiyuan zong cizhi,” DS 195 (12 Nov. 1932). Also see “Mingxing yingpian gongsi zhongyao zhiyanyuan biao,” MB 6.1 (16 Jul. 1936). These people are included on this staff list. Zhongguo dianyingjia xiehui dianyingshi yanjiu bu, ed., Zhongguo dianyingjia liezhuan, 84–91. Tie Hua, “Nüxing de nahan shi Shen Xiling he Tianyi de zhengqi zhizuo,” DS 250 (10 Jan. 1933). “ ‘Nahan de nüxing’—Wang Ying jiaru Mingxing gongsi,” DS 189 (6 Nov. 1932).

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production that came along after we changed our style (gaibian zuofeng 改變 作風).”84 This is a vivid example of how ‘yishi-centered film criticism’ influenced film production. If it was not a film script by a Left-winger crafted to meet the criteria of Left-wing film critics, this inexperienced young man would not have had the opportunity to direct a film. In fact, the film was a failure precisely because of Shen’s lack of experience. With the help of Zhang Shichuan and Li Pingqian it was finally completed.85 But Shen Xiling made rapid progress and received wide recognition soon afterwards. A film he directed in 1935, Chuanjia nü 船家女 (Boatman’s Daughter), won a government film prize and Shen himself was awarded a special prize.86 Shizi jietou, his 1937 film, and some others are regarded today as classics of early Chinese cinema. In the summer of 1936 he received a job offer from Lianhua, but he declined because Zhou Jianyun respected him and always treated him as a ‘celebrated writer.’87 The phrase ‘celebrated writer’ (ming zuojia 名作家) is reminiscent of the description of the popular writer Li Hanqiu, who was referred to as such in a reader’s letter in the 1920s.88 In the minds of many fans, 1920s popular writers and 1930s Leftwing writers enjoyed equal status. They were people with literary talent, fame, and power. ‘Celebrated writers’ were always in demand. Tian Han was another person of this sort. Tian Han made his name at an early age. When Xia Yan started correspondence with him in 1923, Tian Han, age 25, had published several books and many essays, whereas Xia (only two years younger) was little more than an admiring reader. They met in Shanghai in the 1930s. In early 1930 Tian went to view the premiere performance of the Shanghai Art Drama Society together with Hong Shen and Ying Yunwei. As mentioned above, Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi were founding members of the troupe.89 From that point on they built an extensive network of contacts in the arenas of literature, theater, and film. Tian Han’s participation in filmmaking was well-known because of the so-called Left-wing films he wrote for Lianhua and Yihua, including Sange 84 85 86 87 88 89

Tie Hua, “Nüxing de nahan shi Shen Xiling he Tianyi de zhengqi zhizuo.” See Sufeng, “Guanyu Shen Xiling xiansheng he Nüxing de nahan,” ZZDY, 424–26. “Guopian pingxuan jingguo zhixiang,” DS 5.28 (17 Jul. 1936): 686. Also see “Zhongyang xuanchuan bu juban guochan yingpian pingxuan,” Zhongyang ribao 1 Jun. 1936. “Mingxing gongsi guangyan baoren ji,” DS 5.32 (14 Aug. 1936): 805–6. Also see “Shen Xiling Zhao Dan shifou tuoli jiang zhengshi,” DS 4.29 (19 Jul. 1935): 598. Ye Yan, “Zhuzhang yong Hanqiu xiaoshuo zuo dianying juben de yifeng xin,” MT 27 (1 Nov. 1927). Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 110.

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modeng nüxing 三個摩登女性 (Three Modern Women, Lianhua, 1932) and Minzu shengcun 民族生存 (National Survival, Yihua, 1933).90 His activities at Mingxing are not mentioned in Fazhan shi and other studies. But tabloid journalists and GMD intelligence agents detected some of his Mingxing work. More specifically, they noticed his involvement in Mingxing’s Script Committee.91 For example, it was reported that he attended a script meeting at Mingxing, together with the three Mingxing bosses, Hong Shen, and Yao Sufeng (a socalled Right-winger). At the meeting they discussed the screenplay for Jianmei zhilu 健美之路 (A Road to Fitness and Beauty), a film neither left nor right.92 It is possible to assert that activities of this kind are too trivial to deserve serious scholarly attention. But this kind of evidence reveals that the involvement of Left-wingers in Shanghai filmmaking was not only a form of political activism but also had a banal dimension. For Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues, it was not the political engagement of these writers that mattered, but their symbolic capital and professional skills. Tian Han was a typical ‘celebrated writer,’ one of the towering literary figures in Shanghai at the time. Like Xia Yan and Zheng Boqi, he received his college education in Japan and started a career in literature, theater, and education in Shanghai in the 1920s.93 The Southern Drama Society (Nanguo she 南國社), a spoken drama (huaju) troupe established in 1927, was his best known initiative, nearly synonymous with his name. Hong Shen and Ouyang Yuqian joined the society as actors and volunteer teachers at its affiliated art school.94 In the 1930s Tian became a leading figure of the Leftist League and joined the Communist Party in 1932. While Xia Yan first met Zhou Jianyun on that summer day in 1932, Tian Han’s connection with Mingxing unfolded much earlier. As early as October 1927 Mingxing produced a film written by Tian Han. The film, Hubian chunmeng 湖邊春夢 (Spring Dream by the Lake), was publicized as “an art film aimed at raising the level of audience tastes’ written by a “literary giant, Mr. Tian Han” and based on his knowledge of “both old and new literature.”95 Calling it an 90 91 92 93 94

95

ZDFZS, 250, 273. “Dianying zhongxing dashi ji,” ZWD, 1336; “Zhejiang sheng zhengfu micheng,” No. 2 Historical Archives, Nanjing, 2 (2)-271/16J1505, 5 Apr. 1933. Lao Yanyuan, “Mingxing gongsi zuori juwu huiyi,” Yingxi shenghuo 207 (20 Feb. 1933). According to this news item, the meeting was held at 4 p.m. on 19 February 1933. For Tian Han’s biography, see Zhang Xianghua, ed., Tian Han nianpu, 25ff. For the history of the Southern Drama Society, see Tian Han, “Women de ziji pipan,” 240–353; For studies on Tian Han and the Southern Drama Society, see Xiaomei Chen, “Tian Han and the Nanguo phenomenon”; Xiaomei Chen, “Reflecting on the legacy of Tian Han.” See ad in XWB 9 Oct. 1927.

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art film was not an exaggeration. It features a lovelorn playwright and a female masochist.96 The theme was characteristic of Tian’s interest in Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) and Junichiro Tanizaki (1886–1965), a Japanese writer who wrote a great deal on destructive, erotic themes.97 But the film seemed out of place during the craze for martial arts at the time. Mingxing’s willingness to “spend money on an experiment with dim prospects in order to make a profit” surprised Tian Han himself.98 What was the rationale underlying the decision of the Mingxing bosses? Company image mattered and this key consideration played a role once again. The phrases that appeared in its ads—‘art film,’ ‘raising the level of audience tastes,’ and ‘literary giant’—remind us of the publicity texts for Hong Shen’s films that emphasized Hong’s standing as a ‘US-trained theater expert.’ Making ‘art films’ by renowned western-educated playwrights was considered beneficial to Mingxing’s public image. The symbolic capital of Tian Han and the Southern Drama Society was evident in other ways as well. In late 1932 when three spoken drama performers of the Southern Drama Society joined Mingxing, all advertising introduced these new faces by stressing their affiliation with the Southern Drama Society. For example, Hu Ping 胡萍 (1910–?) was promoted as “a member of the Southern Drama Society whose name is well known throughout the country” and “an actress who has been under the tutelage of the celebrated writer Tian Han.”99 Tang Huaiqiu 唐槐秋 (1898–1954) was described as “a dramatist of modern amateur drama [i.e. spoken drama] and a leading actor of the Southern Drama Society.”100 Tian Han’s dreams about film were apparent quite early. A news item in Dianying zazhi in July 1924 takes us back to the time when the would-be Mingxing employees first gathered to contemplate the production of films. The magazine reported that some members of the Drama Cooperative Society were planning to set up a film division to make movies. Hong Shen and Ouyang Yuqian would be directors and Tian Han a screenwriter.101 But zeal and talent were not enough. Filmmaking was too expensive. Thus their dream did not come to fruition until all of them became involved in the filmmaking business at Mingxing. In addition to the participation of Hong and Tian, Ouyang Yuqian 96

For the synopsis of the film see ZWDJB, 1038–44. Tian Han stated that the film dealt with the theme of masochism. See MT 26 (Oct. 1927). 97 Tian Han, “Guanyu Hubian chunmeng,” ZWD, 1557. 98 Ibid. 99 See the ad for Guohun de fuhuo in XWB 15 Oct. 1932: 23. 100 See the ad for Shilian in XWB 21 Feb. 1933: 1. 101 Dianying zazhi 1.3 (Jul. 1924): 495.

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served as head of Mingxing’s Script Committee when it was reestablished in October 1935.102 Ying Yunwei, the manager of the Drama Cooperative Society, worked as executive director (changwu zhuren 廠務主任) of Mingxing’s Studio II from July 1936. Ouyang contributed three films either as screenwriter or director, and Ying directed one.103 Personal ties also played a central role in bringing them to Mingxing. As active members in the field of theater from the 1910s, both Ouyang and Ying were old friends of Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhengqiu, and Zhou Jianyun. Ouyang Yuqian was one of the pioneers who introduced western-style drama to China. When he was studying in Japan, he and several other Chinese students founded the Spring Willow Society (Chunliu she 春柳社) in 1906, which marked the dawn of modern Chinese theater.104 His continuous engagement in theatrical practices throughout the ensuing decades made him a towering figure in this arena. His interests and practices embraced various genres. He was an active figure promoting the New Play in the 1910s. The New Play troupes he joined included the New Play Comrade Society, the Company for the Education of Society, and the People’s Voice Society. In the 1920s he allied himself with a number of western/Japanese-educated dramatists and became a founding member of several pioneering spoken drama troupes, including the Masses Theater Society (Minzhong xiju she 民眾戲劇社), the Drama Cooperative Society, and the Southern Drama Society. In the 1930s he turned ‘left’ and joined the Drama League. Even more remarkable, he was a Peking opera actor of high stature, enjoying a reputation comparable to the recognized master Mei Lanfang. Not surprisingly, the life trajectories of Ouyang Yuqian and the Mingxing founders overlapped in the 1910s. For instance, the People’s Voice Society, managed by Zhang Shichuan, performed a play entitled Danao Ningguofu 大鬧甯 國府 (Havoc in the Ning Family) in early 1915. The play was written by Ouyang based on a scene in Honglou meng 紅樓夢 (Dream of the Red Chamber).105 Ouyang himself joined the People’s Voice Society a few months later and

102 “Mingxing riji,” MB 3.2 (1 Nov. 1935). 103 Films by Ouyang Yuqian include Haitang hong (Red Begonia), Xiao Lingzi (Little Lingzi) and Qingming shijie (Around Qingming Festival), and the film directed by Ying Yunwei is Shengsi tongxin (Unchanged Heart in Life and Death). 104 Ouyang Jingru and Dong Xijiu, “Ouyang Yuqian nianbiao,” in Ouyang Yuqian, Ouyang Yuqian xiju lunwenji, 463–84; Tian Han, “Dai xu,” in Ouyang Yuqian, Ouyang Yuqian wenji, 1–23. 105 Ouyang and Dong, “Ouyang Yuqian nianbiao,” 467.

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played the leading role in a play in July 1915.106 The play was Meihua luo, translated from Japanese by Bao Tianxiao and serialized in Shibao. In 1927 Mingxing put the story on screen following the success of Konggu lan. Texts and people moved about freely. The so-called Butterfly work Meihua luo, the Butterfly writer Bao Tianxiao, and the future Left-winger Ouyang Yuqian crossed paths at this early moment in 1915. Ouyang also played a role in Shensheng zhi ai 神聖 之愛 (Sacred Love), a play written by Zhou Jianyun and staged in the summer of 1915 in Hangzhou.107 After Zhang, Zheng and Zhou founded Mingxing, Ouyang Yuqian, as an old friend, helped on several occasions on which his fame and expertise were useful. In February 1926, for example, Ouyang and Hong Shen went to Beijing and Tianjin to publicize the Butterfly film Konggu lan.108 Mingxing’s bosses and colleagues held a farewell banquet for them on 20 February and Bao Tianxiao was among the guests.109 Hong and Ouyang used a new method—giving public speeches—to publicize the film at Beijing’s first-run theaters, venues that normally did not exhibit Chinese films. In April 1926 Ouyang spent a night teaching Mingxing actors and actresses how to perform Peking opera because they were rehearsing a scene in Duoqing de nüling, a Bao Tianxiao film that featured a Peking opera actress.110 When he was asked in 1936 why he decided to join Mingxing, Ouyang said: “Ten years ago, Mr. Zheng Zhengqiu invited me to join. At that time I was a Peking opera actor and earned a very substantial salary, so I declined. Last year when I came back from Europe, Mr. Zhang and Mr. Zhou invited me once again. I had no reason to decline.”111 Nominally he was a member of the creative staff, but Ouyang’s work exceeded his job title. In early 1936, for instance, he tapped his own family resources to get Mingxing a bank loan that was essential to its survival.112 When Ying Yunwei was asked the same question about why he joined Mingxing, Ying offered a similar answer: he was an old friend of Zheng

106 107 108 109 110

SB 5 Jul. 1915: 12. Zhou Jianyun, “Shensheng zhi ai,” Jiefang huabao 8 (28 Feb. 1921). “Mingxing yingpian gongsi wei Jing Jin kaiying Konggu lan qishi,” XWB 26 Feb. 1926: A2. Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (20 Feb. 1926). Xu Kuibao, “Zhou Jianyun wei Xuan Jingling huamei: Mingxing sheyingchang zhong zhi yipie,” XWB 2 Apr. 1926: Benbu fukan. 111 “Mingxing gongsi zhaokai quanti dahui,” DS 5.27 (10 Jul. 1936): 646. 112 According to Diansheng, Ouyang’s brother-in-law, Tang Youren 唐有壬, was a high-ranking government official. He was about to take a leading post at the Jincheng Bank and had agreed to make a loan to Mingxing before he suddenly died. See “Tang Youren si,” DS 5.3 (17 Jan. 1936): 72.

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Zhengqiu and had been invited to join Mingxing nearly a decade earlier.113 Ying was a pioneer in the field of spoken drama, and also had a successful career in the shipping industry of Shanghai. A confidential police report disclosed that Ying’s power was linked to his close personal relationship with Du Yuesheng and Huang Jinrong, the most powerful mafia bosses in Shanghai.114 His bestknown enterprise was the Drama Cooperative Society. Under his decade-long management the theater troupe became one of the most successful commercial theatrical companies in China, and functioned as a cradle for the earliest generation of spoken drama practitioners. As discussed earlier, Hong Shen, Ouyang Yuqian, Shen Gao, and Gu Jianchen, all involved with Mingxing at various times, were all members of the society.115 Ying Yunwei’s film career started in the mid-1930s. He worked for Yihua, Diantong 電通 and a number of other studios before he joined Mingxing. Tabloid journalists revealed that Yihua refused to raise his monthly salary from 180 to 240 Yuan and that was one of the reasons for his joining Mingxing.116 However, Ying worked at Mingxing for only a brief period. In early 1937, Mingxing Studio II merged with Studio I because of heavy losses. Ying left Mingxing and planned to found a professional theatrical company with Zhou Jianyun’s financial support.117 Now it is clear that Xia Yan and his friends joined Mingxing for a variety of reasons. Political factors did not necessarily play a key role. The three main factors that played a role in the 1920s in recruiting popular writers were still at play in the 1930s environment: interpersonal ties, profit motives, and company image. But this younger generation of writers and dramatists was surging to the fore in the late 1920s, while the older generation was losing its grip on the publishing market.118 A list of contributors to Mingxing yuebao 明星月報 (Mingxing Monthly) in May 1933 provides clear evidence of this shifting asymmetry. Of thirty regular contributors to the journal, twelve were affiliated with the Leftist League or Drama League, while only three were so-called Butterfly

113 Ying Yunwei, “Wo he Zhengqiu xiansheng,” MB 6.2 (1 Aug. 1936). 114 Guomin zhengfu junshi weiyuanhui diaocha tongji ju, “Gongchandang zai dianying jie huodong qingkuang,” SMA, Q235-1-17, 20 Jun. 1935. 115 For Ying’s biography see Zhongguo dianyingjia xiehui dianyingshi yanjiu bu, ed., Zhongguo dianyingjia liezhuan, vol. 1, 102–10. For his successful career in the shipping industry, see Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 116. 116 “Ying Yunwei tuoli Yihua jin Mingxing,” DS 4.43 (25 Oct. 1935): 919. 117 “Ying Yunwei ban zhiye jutuan, Zhou Jianyun zuo houtai laoban,” DS 6.10 (12 Mar. 1937). 118 See Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 14–15. For the rise of the new breed of intellectuals on the printing markets, see Liu Zhen, Zuoyi wenxue yundong de xingqi yu Shanghai xin shuye, 1928–1930.

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writers.119 But what Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues cared about was the symbolic capital provided by this younger generation of ‘celebrated writers,’ not their political orientation. This explains why Yao Sufeng and Liu Na’ou, so-called Right-wingers, also worked for Mingxing in important positions in the 1930s. 5

Right-winger? Yao Sufeng

Xia Yan was invited for tea at a café on Nanjing Road near the Bund. It was early summer 1933 and the host was Yao Sufeng. The full story can be traced back to the screening of Kuangliu in the spring of that year. After the release of the film, Pan Gongzhan warned Zhou Jianyun that if Mingxing continued producing films written by Left-wingers, he would cut off future bank loans to Mingxing.120 Pan was an influential member of the GMD’s CC Clique (CC xi CC系), one of the largest factions of the party,121 and was responsible for education and propaganda in Shanghai. But a bribe won Pan’s tacit approval of such films on one condition, namely that he would delegate a trusted person to serve on Mingxing’s Script Committee. The person was Yao Sufeng. Xia and his friends were reluctant to work side by side with their ‘enemy,’ but they were persuaded by Zhou Jianyun to stay on. Then came the moment when Yao invited Xia for tea, a gesture that surprised Xia greatly. Yao showed his good will and expressed his willingness to cooperate with Xia and his friends. This, however, is just one version of the story, the one provided in Xia Yan’s memoirs. There is another version that collides with this one.122 It is from Shu Yan 舒湮 (1914–1999), a film critic in the circle of Xia and his friends. Shu maintained in 1994 that Yao entered Mingxing earlier than Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi, and that Yao had not been sent by Pan Gongzhan. “Sufeng told me about this himself,” Shu stressed, “and it was true.”123 Without strong 119 The twelve Leftist League and Drama League members are Xia Yan, A Ying, Zheng Boqi, Tian Han, Situ Huimin, Shen Xiling, Hong Shen, Gao Jilin (Ke Ling), Chen Wu, Lu Si and two lesser-known persons. The three Butterfly writers are Zhang Henshui, Yan Duhe, and Zhou Shoujuan. See XWB 10 Mar. 1933: 1. 120 Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 162. 121 The CC Clique, coalescing around the brothers Chen Guofu and Chen Lifu, was a dominating influence in the civilian branches of the Nanjing government. People affiliated to the Clique controlled much of the bureaucratic administration, the educational agencies, the youth organizations and the labor unions, as well as various publications. See Lloyd Eastman, et al., eds., The Nationalist era in China, 27. 122 Shu Yan, “Dianying de ‘lunhui,’” 73. 123 Ibid.

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evidence it is hard to tell which version is true. This is not simply a matter of trivial details, however. Xia’s narrative has an inner logic: the films they produced had been brought to Pan Gongzhan’s attention and had caused Pan to deploy Yao into Mingxing to represent the GMD’s interests. In other words, Xia’s account underscored the political struggle between the CCP and the GMD. If Yao entered Mingxing prior to the screening of Kuangliu in March 1933, Xia’s logic evaporates. If we give tabloid journalists their due because they recorded things that normally do not appear in archival and other ‘respectable’ documents, their reports do in fact shed new light on this dispute. According to a report in Yingxi shenghuo, Yao Sufeng attended Mingxing’s script meeting together with Hong Shen and Tian Han on 19 February 1933.124 From a Diansheng journalist who reported on the same day, we learn that Yao was going to take up the post of director of Mingxing’s publicity division.125 At that time Kuangliu had not yet been screened; it would premiere on 5 March 1933. With regard to Yao’s relationship with Pan Gongzhan, Xia Yan claimed that he was Pan’s protégé, but Shu Yan said that he was nothing but an ordinary subordinate of Pan’s.126 Feng Yidai 馮亦代 (1913–2005), a former colleague of Yao’s, also said that Yao Sufeng had ‘ties’ with Pan, but that he never won Pan’s ‘favor.’127 Considering these pieces of evidence, it is entirely possible that Shu Yan’s version is more faithful to the facts. Even without Pan’s recommendation, Zhang Shichuan would have found Yao Sufeng a perfect fit for the posts of publicist, screenwriter, and director. Yao also had a colorful career background in the fields of journalism and cinema and his social networks spanned the so-called Butterfly, Right-wing and Left-wing camps. Yao Sufeng was a native of Suzhou, a city of culture and tradition where many Butterfly writers were born.128 Opportunities to get to know those writers abounded for a young man like Yao who came from a gentry-scholar family. His great-grandfather Yao Mengqi 姚孟起 was a distinguished calligrapher and he was Bao Tianxiao’s calligraphy teacher. Yao Sufeng’s grandfather was Bao’s tutor.129 When Bao was established in the field of literature and publishing in Shanghai, he offered valuable support to Yao who was pursuing a career in the 124 125 126 127

Lao Yanyuan, “Mingxing gongsi zuori juwu huiyi,” Yingxi shenghuo 207 (20 Feb. 1933). DS 285 (20 Feb. 1933). Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 162, Shu Yan, “Dianying de ‘lunhui,’” 73. Feng Yidai, Wo buneng wangji de ren, online version (http://book.sina.com.cn/longbook/ his/1110255611_fengyidai/10.shtml. Accessed 7 Nov. 2012), n.p. 128 Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 156. 129 Zheng Yimei, Nanshe congtan, 107; Bao Tianxiao, Chuanyinglou huiyi lu, 18–20, 43–48.

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same field. Also, thanks to his family background Yao Sufeng became an active member of the Suzhou literary circle in his youth. For example, in 1922, at sixteen, Yao joined with several established Butterfly writers and initiated a literary group, the Star Society (Xingshe 星社).130 This kind of group was in vogue at the time. As an active member of the Star Society, Yao frequently attended its social gatherings and published essays and poems in its literary journals.131 Participation in such activities improved his literary skills and provided him with a useful network. Bao Tianxiao and Fan Yanqiao, both Mingxing screenwriters and publicists, were also members of the Star Society. This network also created job opportunities for Yao. On the recommendation of Guan Ji’an, a successful editor and writer of Suzhou origin, Yao Sufeng joined the editorial staff of Minguo ribao (Republican Daily) in February 1928. Until then he had been an architect and a film publicist. This new job was a reputable one. Minguo ribao, launched in 1916, was the GMD’s official organ in Shanghai and operated under the editorship of Chen Dezheng 陳德徵, a highranking GMD official responsible for propaganda and education in Shanghai.132 Yao’s job at the newspaper was editor of its film supplement and feuilleton section. The job was anything but political in nature, but this work experience had its own political consequences both in the short and long runs. In the long run, this work history is the reason Yao was labeled as a Right-winger in Fazhan shi. But the short-term implications were favorable. One of the short-term impacts was that he joined the GMD and gained many opportunities to work in government bodies as a part-time clerk.133 These jobs brought him additional income. He held a low-ranking position in the Education Bureau of Shanghai. Pan Gongzhan was the head. The archives contain a government document signed by Pan and drafted by Yao.134 Yao served on the Censorship Board of the Shanghai Municipal Government, whose chair was Chen Dezheng.135 This was an attractive job. When Pan launched Chenbao 130 For a ten-year history of the Star Society and a full list of its membership, see Fan Yanqiao, “Xingshe ganjiu lu,” YHWZ, 197–200; also see Tian Ming, “Xingshe suwang,” YHWZ, 201. 131 Sufeng, “Touru yinse de haili,” ZWD, 1438–40. Unless otherwise noted, the following account of Yao’s career is based on this autobiography. 132 For an introduction about the newspaper see Ma Guangren, Shanghai xinwen shi (1850– 1949), 607–11. 133 His ID number was 4727. See “Shanghai shi jiaoyu ju huitong gong’an ju dui Zhejiang sheng micheng zhong tidao de zuoqing dianying wenti de diaocha deng wanglai wenshu,” Jun. 1933, SMA, Q235-2-1624, 52. 134 For Yao as a low-ranking official of the Education Bureau see Shu Yan, “Dianying de ‘lunhui,’” 73; for a document drafted by Yao see SMA, Q235-2-1624, 5. 135 SMA, Q235-2-1624, 56; also see “Luo Ke Bupa si,” Minguo ribao 25 Feb. 1930: C1.

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as the mouthpiece of the CC clique, Yao was appointed as editor-in-chief of its film supplement ‘Movie Daily’ (Meiri dianying 每日電影), which started publication in July 1932.136 Serving in these positions, Yao Sufeng cultivated a wide circle of friends in the cultural field. Interestingly, many of his writers belonged to the Left-wing camp. For example, some members of the Southern Drama Society were regular contributors to the movie column of Minguo ribao.137 Hong Shen’s essays also appeared frequently in the feuilleton of the newspaper. In February 1930, Hong Shen was involved in an incident known as the ‘Welcome Danger Incident’ (Bupa si shijian 不怕死事件). The incident was triggered by the American film entitled Welcome Danger (dir. Clyde Bruckman, 1929, starring Harold Lloyd) which contained derogatory depictions of Chinese people. While the incident is often described as a patriotic action organized by Left-wingers, Yao Sufeng in fact played an important role in this event. On 22 February 1930 Hong Shen viewed Welcome Danger at the Grand Theater (Da guangming 大光明). Offended by its negative portrayals of Chinese characters, Hong delivered a speech calling for a boycott of the film. The theater manager called the police of the foreign settlement and Hong was taken to the police station.138 Upon learning the news from Zhou Jianyun, Yao Sufeng immediately wrote an article to support Hong and published it in Minguo ribao the following day.139 During the next few months, Minguo ribao was a major platform for reports on the progress of the protest, including the publication of outcry essays and the organization of public discussions. Yao and the columns he edited participated in the series of reports on this nasty incident.140 Strong Chinese reactions finally led to a public apology by Harold Lloyd.141 136 For the history of Chenbao, see Zhang Changren, “Shanghai Chenbao si nian shi”; Wang Xinming, Xinwen quan li sishi nian, 444–57. 137 These people include Zuo Ming 左明 (1902–1941), Yan Zhewu 閻折吾, Zhao Mingyi 趙銘彜 (1907– ), and Chen Wanli 陳萬里. See Sufeng, “Touru yinse de haili,” 1439. Also see the newspaper itself. For example, Zhewu, “Yinyi zhi mantan,” Minguo ribao 29 Apr. 1928, “Dianying zhoukan.” 138 For a detailed account of the incident, see Hong Shen, “Bupa si!” Minguo ribao 24 Feb. 1930; rpt. in ZWD, 1003–6. 139 Sufeng, “Luo Ke xinpian de ciji,” Minguo ribao 23 Feb. 1930, “Xianhua.” 140 For example, on 19 March 1930, Minguo ribao contained a special section entitled “Bupa si an telan 不怕死案特欄” (Welcome Danger Special Section). Numerous reports and essays on the incident can be found in Minguo ribao between February and April 1930. 141 For a detailed study of the incident see Wang Chaoguang, “Jiancha, kongzhi yu daoxiang,” 102–12.

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As an editor of a respected newspaper and a film censor, Yao Sufeng was in a powerful position to mediate among the areas of journalism, literature, theater, politics, and the film industry. Not surprisingly, he was a ‘useful’ person in the eyes of the Mingxing leaders and he clearly helped promote Mingxing films and related cultural products in newspaper pages. For example, on 8 April 1928 Minguo ribao carried an article by Yao introducing Dianying yuebao 電影 月報 (Cinema Monthly), a trade journal of the Liuhe Company. This essay can be understood as a form of publicity for both the journal and the distribution company.142 In another article, Yao endorsed Mingxing’s call on distributors and exhibitors to boycott poor-quality films.143 Reviews of Mingxing films also appeared frequently in the newspaper’s film pages.144 Xia Yan became a contributor to the Chenbao column ‘Movie Daily’ in mid1932. As discussed earlier, it was a period when the film press was flourishing and Left-wingers dominated the field. Ironically, the ‘Movie Daily’ column in this GMD-financed newspaper turned out to be a major platform for the voices of Xia Yan and his cronies.145 Yao Sufeng’s personal contacts appear to have played a key role in the unfolding of this implausible scenario. The editorial board of the film supplement consisted of Pan Gongzhan, Yao Sufeng, Hong Shen, Zhou Shoujuan, and another twelve members—an odd combination of GMD officials, pro-government writers, Butterflies, and Left-wingers.146 Hong Shen and a few of Yao’s Minguo ribao colleagues were the nucleus of this team of contributors.147 Hong Shen played a vital role in expanding the team by recruiting more Drama League and Leftist League film critics to write for ‘Movie Daily.’ Xia Yan’s first contribution to the newspaper was a translation of Vsevolod Pudovkin’s Film Technique entitled “Dianying daoyan lun 電影導演論” (On Film Direction). It was serialized beginning on 28 July 1932. The domination of Left-wing writers reached its peak in mid-1933. Of the fifteen frequent con142 Gengkui (Yao Sufeng), “Jieshao Dianying yuebao,” Minguo ribao 8 Apr. 1928, “Dianying zhoukan.” 143 Gengkui, “Du Mingxing gongsi guanggao hou,” Minguo ribao 25 Mar. 1928, “Dianying zhoukan.” 144 See Gengkui, “Zhe jitian suo kan de guochan pian,” Minguo ribao 29 Apr. 1928, “Dianying zhoukan.” 145 For a study of ‘Movie Daily’ and Yao Sufeng, see Zhang Xinmin, “Meiri dianying yu Yao Sufeng.” 146 The editorial board was organized in the name of the Film Art Research Association of China (Zhongguo dianying yishu yanjiu hui 中國電影藝術研究會). See “Zhongguo dianying yishu yanjiuhui biankan ‘Meiri dianying’ tonggao.” XWB 4 Jul. 1932: 2. 147 See Yao Sufeng, “ ‘Meidian’ zhi sheng,” Chenbao 1 Aug. 1935, “Meiri dianying.”

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tributors who signed their names to an editorial on 18 June 1933, eleven were affiliated with the two leftist organizations.148 Among them six were Mingxing screenwriters or publicists: Hong Shen, Shen Xiling, Ke Ling, Zheng Boqi, Xia Yan, and A Ying. More interestingly, Yao Sufeng deployed in his own writings the exact vocabulary and analytical tools created by his Left-wing colleagues. For example, in his review of Xia’s film Kuangliu, he placed the film under the rubric of ‘anti-imperialist and anti-feudal’ cinema and insisted that the film’s yishi was ‘progressive’ (qianjin de) and ‘not skewed’ (buceng waiqu 不曾歪曲).149 Sometimes Yao and his Left-wing ‘friends’ even published what they called ‘collective reviews’ (heping 合評).150 Looking at these texts, one cannot distinguish Yao’s political orientation from that of Xia and his colleagues. One might ask: was Yao Sufeng a friend or an enemy? Why did the GMD newspaper become a mouthpiece for the Left-wingers? Shu Yan provides an explanation: “A remarkable characteristic of Chinese newspapers [of the Republican period] was that the political orientation of a newspaper’s supplement ( fukan 副刊) might be different from its main body. [. . .] This illustrates that the GMD’s political control was not as strict as imagined, as the party itself was loosely organized.”151 At the operational level Yao had more freedom than supposed in his selection of articles and contributors. Nonetheless, ‘Movie Daily’ and Yao’s activities aroused suspicions. In his confidential letter to Nanjing, GMD official Lu Diping pointed out that Chenbao was one of the bastions of left-wing ‘yishi-centered criticism.’152 An investigation conducted by the Nationalist government’s Military Committee further pointed out: “Chenbao’s Yao Sufeng and Zhang Changren 張常人 are singing in harmony (changhe 唱和) with Leftist League film critics.”153 But Pan Gongzhan’s reaction consisted only of a report that proclaimed the innocence of Yao and Chenbao.154 Xia Yan and his friends did not stop writing for ‘Movie Daily’ until December 1934. They withdrew for reasons that are not entirely clear. Tabloid journalists suggested that 148 “Women de chensu: jinhou de pipan shi ‘jianshe de,’” Chenbao 18 Jun. 1933: 10. 149 Sufeng, “Xin de lianghao de shouhuo,” Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. 150 For example, Sufeng and Lu Si, “Sange modeng nüxing,” Chenbao 31 Dec. 1932, “Meiri dianying.” 151 Shu Yan, “Dianying de ‘lunhui,’” 75. Lloyd Eastman’s study supports Shu’s observation. Eastman argues that the GMD in the 1930s witnessed “cliquism and absence of esprit de corps among members.” See Eastman, The abortive revolution, 63. 152 “Zhejiang sheng zhengfu micheng,” 7. 153 Guomin zhengfu junshi weiyuanhui diaocha tongji ju, “Gongchandang zai dianying jie huodong qingkuang.” 154 “Guanyu Chenbao ji Shishi xinbao dianying fukan neirong diaocha baogao,” SMA, Q235-2-1624.

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the decision was triggered by personal discord between Yao Sufeng and Shi Linghe 石凌鶴 (1906–1995), a Drama League member.155 This, however, does not mean that Yao was not a friend of Xia and the others at one point. In his memoirs Xia Yan did not mention his earlier interactions with Yao Sufeng before the meeting at the café on Nanjing Road in summer 1933. But they did in fact meet earlier. On 12 February 1933 the inaugural ceremony of the Chinese Cinema Culture Association (Zhongguo dianying wenhua xiehui 中國電影文化協會) took place in the YMCA lecture hall in Shanghai.156 Fazhan shi claims that this association was organized by the CCP ‘film group,’ and in the book Xia Yan appears as the first name on the association’s executive committee.157 But archival materials reveal that Xia was an alternate member of the committee, while Yao Sufeng was one of its five standing committee members. Both of them were responsible for the association’s daily operation. Yao was the head of the Propaganda Division (Xuanchuan bu 宣傳部, with Shen Xiling as its secretary) and Xia served as the secretary of Literature Division (Wenxue bu 文學部).158 It appears that Yao was in a higher position than Xia and Shen, the Left-wingers. But they were working side by side nonetheless. Was Yao Sufeng an enemy or a friend? Looking closely at the historical context, it is clear that divides between friends and enemies were rather blurry. Political requirements for the writing in the 1950s and 1960s of an official history of Chinese cinema made an enemy an enemy, and a friend a friend. It is clear that Yao Sufeng was a very active member of the film world and had close interactions with Mingxing executives as well as Xia Yan and his friends for a long time before officially joining Mingxing in early 1933. Mingxing’s recruitment of him made good sense, even without Pan Gongzhan’s ‘recommendation.’ Yao became a core member of Mingxing’s creative staff in the 1930s and contributed altogether five films to Mingxing, either as screenwriter or as director. Xia Yan and his friends stopped writing for Chenbao in December 1934. Yao Sufeng made new friends. February 1935 saw the birth of a lesser-known literary journal, Liu yi 六藝 (Six Arts). Yao Sufeng was one of its editors along with 155 This dispute was allegedly triggered by Shi’s criticism of Luliu qianghua, a film directed by Yao. The fan magazine Yingmi zhoubao (Movie Fans Weekly) dedicated a special issue to reporting on the dispute. See Yingmi zhoubao 1.2 (3 Oct. 1934). 156 “Guanyu Zhongguo dianying wenhua xiehui diaocha baogao,” Jun. 1933, SMA, Q235-2-1624. 157 ZDFZS, 196. 158 “Guanyu Zhongguo dianying wenhua xiehui diaocha baogao,” Jun. 1933, SMA, Q235-2-1624.

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Ye Lingfeng 葉靈鳳 (1905–1975), Mu Shiying, and Liu Na’ou.159 In official histories of Chinese literature and cinema, these people earned a bad reputation because of their ‘anti-Communist’ position. Liu Na’ou was one of the so-called Right-wingers at Mingxing. Why did he join Mingxing? In which senses was he an ‘enemy’ or some other type of person? 6

Right-winger? Liu Na’ou

Liu Na’ou and Xia Yan went to Japan in the same year. Five years younger than Xia, Liu (Fig. 1.2g) was born into a wealthy family in Taiwan in 1905. In 1920 he went to Japan to receive a high school and college education at Aoyama Gakuin, a private Christian school.160 After graduation he moved to Shanghai to attend a special French program at the French Jesuit Aurora University. It was the late spring or summer of 1926, one year earlier than Xia Yan’s return. We do not know if Xia and Liu encountered each other during their overlapping years in Japan. When they eventually met in social spaces or journal pages in Shanghai in the 1930s, they were ‘enemies’ according to Mao-era writers. Liu Na’ou has received much scholarly attention recently. His major contribution to Chinese literature was his work in developing literary modernism, a rediscovered alternative to ‘mainstream’ left-wing literature.161 Like most of the characters in our story, Liu had a diverse professional background spanning the fields of literature, publishing, and cinema. In contrast to Xia Yan’s career experiences, Liu was able to run his own cultural businesses based on his family’s wealth. These businesses included two publishing houses/bookstores that opened in the late 1920s, and three literary journals launched at the same time.162 These enterprises drew a number of like-minded young writers around Liu, including Mu Shiying, Huang Jiamo 黃嘉謨 (1916–2004), Shi Zhecun 施蟄存 (1905–2003), and Dai Wangshu 戴望舒 (1905–1950). 159 Xu Qinzhen, Modeng, Shanghai, xin ganjue, xvii. 160 Unless otherwise noted, Liu’s biography is based on Xu Qinzhen, “Liu Na’ou nianbiao,” in Xu Qinzhen, Modeng, Shanghai, xin ganjue, 159–69. 161 See Lee, Shanghai modern (Chapter Six “Face, body, and the city”); Shih, The lure of the modern (Chapter Ten “Gender, race, and semicolonialism”); Xu Qinzhen, Modeng, Shanghai, xin ganjue. 162 The publishing houses/bookstores are Frontline Bookstore (Diyixian shudian 第一綫 書店) opened in 1928, and Waterfoam Bookstore (Shuimo shudian 水沫書店) in 1929. The journals include Wugui lieche 無軌列車 (Trackless Train, 1928), Xin wenyi 新文藝 (La Nouvelle Littérature, 1929–1930), and Xiandai 現代 (Les Contemporains, 1932–1935). See Xu Qinzhen, Modeng, Shanghai, xin ganjue, 162–63.

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They shared a fascination with western and Japanese modernist literature and published translated and original works in these journals under the banner of the New Sensationalist school. This focus of interest distinguished them from left-leaning writers. But they did not necessarily see themselves as ‘enemies’ of the Left-wingers. They introduced Marxist theories in their journals and published books by leftist writers. The two bookstores were forced to shut down by the government on suspicion of ‘propagating Marxism.’163 Movie-going was Liu Na’ou’s favorite hobby.164 Some of his early writings dealt with film topics and his literary journals also included film sections. He made his first attempt at filmmaking in 1932 by joining a short-lived film company and making a film entitled Yaoshan yanshi 瑤山豔史 (A Romance on Mount Yao). In March 1933 he launched the film journal Xiandai dian-ying 現代電影 (Modern Screen). Despite its brief history (seven issues were published), it is one of the best-known film magazines in Chinese film history because of the famous ‘soft/hard cinema debate’ (ruanying dianying zhizheng 軟硬電影之爭) that flared up in its pages.165 The debate was between Liu Na’ou and his allies who argued for cinema’s ‘soft’ nature and the Left-wingers who saw cinema as a political weapon. Liu believed that cinema was a form of art and its uniqueness stemmed from a distinctive set of cinematographic practices.166 Based on this understanding, he argued that Chinese cinema’s foremost flaw was its ‘obsession with isms (zhuyi)’ at the expense of visual and artistic sophistication.167 He compared the imbalance between content and form to a ‘shabby hut’ stuffed with grandiose ‘Marxist-flavored’ (mahua fengwei 馬化風味) concepts including ‘society,’ ‘class,’ and ‘ideology.’168 In spite of Liu’s critical opinions, the magazine was open to Marxists. Essays promoting cinema’s ideological function can also be found in its pages.169 From the early 1930s, Liu Na’ou’s cultural activities focused more on cinema. In 1935 he and Yao Sufeng cooperated on several projects, including the aforementioned journal Liu yi. In May, Liu’s translation of Rudolf Arnheim’s Film als Kunst (Film as Art, Berlin, 1932) was serialized in the ‘Movie Daily’ 163 164 165 166

Xu Qinzhen, Modeng, Shanghai, xin ganjue, 66–67. Shi Zhecun, Shashang de jiaoji, 12. ZDFZS, 396–97. For Liu’s opinion on the art of cinema, see Liu Na’ou, “Yingpian yishu lun,” Dianying zhoubao (1 Jul.–8 Oct. 1932); “Zhongguo dianying miaoxie de shendu wenti,” Xiandai dianying 3 (May 1933), etc. For an in-depth study of this topic, see Pan Jian, “Dianying de zhuiqiu.” 167 Liu Na’ou, “Zhongguo dianying miaoxie de shendu wenti.” 168 Ibid. 169 Pan Jian, “Lun Xiandai dianying de wenhua tezheng.”

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column in Chenbao. As mentioned earlier, Xia Yan was a freelance writer and translator who translated a great deal of western literary and theoretical works from Japanese sources. Liu was also a keen translator, relying chiefly on Japanese sources as well. In August, Liu Na’ou, Yao Sufeng, Mu Shiying, and several others held a symposium on the topic of Chinese cinema. Based on this symposium they edited a special issue for Furen huabao 婦人畫報 (Women’s Pictorial).170 In October, Liu and his close friend Huang Tianshi 黃天始 joined Mingxing, thus becoming Yao’s colleagues. But they also worked together with their alleged ‘enemies.’ For example, on the afternoon of 25 October 1935 Liu, Huang, and the Left-wingers Shen Xiling and Ouyang Yuqian were sitting together at Mingxing’s conference room at a script meeting.171 Both Liu and Huang were members of the reconstituted Script Committee whose head was Ouyang (see Fig. 3.1, a group photo of the committee).172 Huang Tianshi and Shen Xiling planned to work together to adapt Lu Xun’s Ah Q zhengzhuan 阿 Q正傳 (The True Story of Ah Q) for the screen, although the project failed to materialize.173 However, Liu and Huang were far less productive than their Left-wing colleagues. Liu Na’ou contributed only one screenplay, Yongyuan de weixiao (1936), and Huang Tianshi produced nothing. In June 1936 Liu went to Nanjing to work for the Central Film Studio, the newly founded state-run film studio. At the same time he served on the government censorship committee.174 Soon afterwards, the Sino-Japanese war broke out. His close ties with Japan involved him in several projects that can be easily regarded as ‘treasonous.’ For instance, he worked for two Japanese-backed film studios and a newspaper sponsored by the collaborationist regime of Wang Jingwei 汪精衛 (1883–1944). These activities led to his assassination in September 1940 either by the GMD’s secret agents or by the Green Gang. As Shih Shu-mei put it, “If anything, the disagreement over the identity of his killer points to Liu’s own fundamental ideological ambiguity and instability.”175 There were four different cultures and political ideologies which Liu spent a lifetime negotiating: Japanese culture, EuroAmerican metropolitan culture, Nationalist ideologies, and Communism.176 170 Furen huabao 25 Aug. 1935, “Dianying teda hao: Zhongguo dianying dangqian de zhu wenti.” 171 “Mingxing riji,” MB 3.3 (16 Nov. 1935). 172 “Mingxing riji,” MB 3.2 (1 Nov. 1935). 173 DS 5.47 (27 Nov. 1936): 1249. 174 See Zhongyang dianying jiancha weiyuanhui gongbao 3.7 (Jul. 1936): 54. 175 Shih, The lure of the modern, 286. 176 Ibid., 232.

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Figure 3.1 Group photo of the Mingxing Script Committee: Ouyang Yuqian (middle), Liu Na’ou (right), Huang Tianshi (left) (MB 3.1, 1935)

7

Five Hurdles a Director Has to Pass

Any cultural field is like a garden of forking paths. Ambiguities and uncertainties were inevitable in real historical sagas. Historical players could have more than one persona, one identity. The divide between enemies and friends was not always clear-cut. Despite the diverse and complex personalities and political identities of the figures discussed in this chapter, they shared at least one salient feature in common: they were all active participants in the intertwined fields of literature, theater, cinema, and journalism in Shanghai. Their interactions across media and ideological boundaries constituted an interpersonal web, to which the Mingxing managers themselves belonged and always regarded as useful to their business. Another remarkable trait shared by several of the 1930s Mingxing employees was their educational experience in Japan. Xia Yan, Zheng Boqi, Shen Xiling, Tian Han, Ouyang Yuqian, and Liu Na’ou all studied in Japan for a prolonged or brief time. Chinese military failures in the Sino-Japanese war in 1895 ‘awakened’ Chinese intellectuals. Japan became a model to emulate and a cultural bridge between China and the west. Chinese students flooded to Japan and then introduced western knowledge, institution, and also popular culture to China. The large number of Japanese-educated employees at Mingxing reflected this situation. In some ways, they brought

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a transnational dimension to Shanghai filmmaking. The film Konggu lan is a good example and will be discussed in detail in the next chapter. To be sure, each individual person had his/her own likes and dislikes in terms of aesthetic tastes, ideologies, and worldviews. Some of our key players joined the Leftist League, some gathered together to write on urban experiences, and others followed the lifestyle of traditional men of letters. But generally, Zhang Shichuan did not care too much about those aspects. Running a filmmaking business was never easy. He and his colleagues had their own perspectives, many of which were suggested in a caricature published in Mingxing banyuekan in 1935 (Fig. 3.2). The caricature describes five hurdles a film director has to pass. What kind of screenplay ( juben 劇本) should be selected? How to avoid the censors’ scissors (hui 會, namely, the film censorship board)? How to use appropriate techniques ( jiqiao 技巧)? How to cater to public opinion ( yulun 輿論)? How to generate the highest box-office profits ( yingye shouru 營業收入)? Any decision about which film to produce and by whom involved a delicate balance of all these elements. This was the deeply embedded logic behind those historical moments when Bao Tianxiao was heading for Zhang Shichuan’s banquet on

Figure 3.2 Cartoon “Daoyan xiansheng guo wuguan” (Five Hurdles a Director Has to Pass) (MB 1.3, 1935)

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that summer evening of 1925, when Xia Yan pushed open the door to DD’s Café in the early summer of 1932 and saw Zhou Jianyun sitting inside, and when Liu Na’ou was standing upright beside Ouyang Yuqian before a camera in the autumn of 1935. But when we think about the other end of the camera lens, we must ask: what kinds of visions did these people want to introduce to their audiences? And what sorts of stories, characters, and isms did they eventually turn into moving images? Our tour will now enter the wonderland that appeared on the other end of the camera lens and explore the medium, the narratives, and the meanings of the silver world created by Bao Tianxiao, Xia Yan, Liu Na’ou, and numerous others.

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The Medium: Inside Glocal Mediascapes Benjamin Brodsky (1875–1955), a native of Odessa, Russia, sailed from San Francisco for the ‘Orient’ with “an old Edison Universal moving-picture machine and forty or fifty reels of ‘junk’ film” after the disastrous 1906 earthquake. The motion picture was unknown in China when he reached there. For the Chinese, his camera and projection machine were magic boxes. One day, he screened a ‘wild-west film’ in which a band of cowboys appeared on screen, charging straight at the spectators and firing revolvers. When the audiences saw the shooting cowboys bearing down upon them, they rushed panic-stricken from the tent theater, cutting their way out with knives. These cautious people were reluctant to return until Brodsky invited a few of them to come and to pass their hands over the blank sheet (which served as the screen), thereby assuring themselves that there was nothing to hurt them.1 Brodsky told the story to a Los Angeles Times journalist who interviewed him in November 1916. He was on a publicity tour in America that involved the screening of his travel documentary, A Trip through China. His story resembles the typical narrative spun by contemporary western adventurers about their travels among the ‘other.’ It may be larger than life and clearly Orientalist, but the frightening effect of moving images on early film audiences was widespread. When Lumière Brothers showed its short films to a Parisian audience in December 1895, the arrival of the train on the screen made spectators ‘scream and dodge.’2 The new medium’s nature, function, and power were not immediately apparent to its initial receivers. Benjamin Brodsky, along with many similar travelling showmen, trained Chinese eyes with respect to moving images and gained profits as a result. He sold his business, the China Film Company (Yaxiya 亞西亞), to two Americans, Yashell and Suffert. This event led to the first attempt by Zhang Shichuan and Zheng Zhengqiu to make a film in 1913, as we learned in Chapter Two. Nine years passed and the spectators to whom Zhang and Zheng had to appeal in 1922 no longer rushed to evade gun-wielding cowboys on the screen. Movie-goers in 1922 had their own needs. To make profits from filmmaking entailed an ongoing exploration of the film medium. Why did people choose to see a movie instead of a Peking opera performance, a variety show, or simply 1 “Too much magic,” Los Angeles Times 12 Nov. 1916: III22. 2 Erik Barnouw, Documentary, 8.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi 10.1163/9789004279346_006

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stay at home reading a fiction magazine? What was the specific lure of cinema? In other words, what could Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues offer specifically with the film medium? These were the questions Mingxing’s founders had to think about in the initial phase of their business. This chapter traces their early productions (including failures and successes) and looks at how the earliest Chinese filmmakers made use of and made sense of the film medium. I argue that early Shanghai filmmaking actively interacted with other media at both local and global levels. In this way, Shanghai filmmaking nourished a popular fascination with sensationalism and sentimentalism and connected the Chinese viewing public with the outside world in a variety of visual and psychological ways. I suggest that we understand early Shanghai films and filmmaking by using Arjun Appadurai’s term ‘mediascape.’ Appadurai has defined ‘mediascapes’ as “the distribution of the electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate information (newspapers, magazines, television stations and film studios)” and “the images of the world created by these media.”3 By coining the term, Appadurai has emphasized the penetrating power of mass media and their farreaching impact on real life across the globe. While Appadurai focuses more on current mediascapes, I argue that early Chinese cinema was already part and parcel of global (or ‘glocal’) mediascapes. Film studies tend to focus on films alone, but this chapter positions films inside broader mediascapes in order to reexamine the nature of the film medium as it was discovered, perceived, and explored by early Chinese practitioners. This chapter first analyzes the earliest Mingxing short films including newsreels, comics, and short feature films. I will demonstrate that early Shanghai filmmaking experimented with a variety of film genres that had been evolving during the first two decades of film history. Three basic functions of the film medium were explored: the need to document, to amuse, and to narrate. Then I will examine Mingxing’s first feature-length film Zhang Xinsheng (1923) and the box-office hit Konggu lan (1926/1935). If we take into account the historical background of colonial expansion and capitalist globalization, both cases suggest that Mingxing can be conceived as a node in the expanding global networks of publishing and cultural industries.

3 Arjun Appadurai, “Disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy,” 9.

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Playing with the Magic Box

For many of the earliest pioneers in film history, the magic of the cinematographic instrument lay predominantly in its capacity to document, to catch life on the run—‘sur le vif,’ as Lumière put it.4 Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues at Mingxing shared this documentary ardor. As mentioned in Chapter One, their first experiment was to go to the streets to document the welcoming procession for the French general Joseph Joffre in March 1922. Several short documentaries of this kind were made during Mingxing’s first two years. The events captured on celluloid included middle school athletic games, a bus company’s ceremonial parade, a funeral procession for an assassinated social notable, and gymnastics performances by the Shanghai Volunteer Corps, a voluntary military unit of the International Settlement.5 Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues considered such mass scenes suitable for the camera and the screen. They shared this obsession with their French antecedents. When Lumière Brothers sent their cameramen all around the world in the late nineteenth century to exhibit their short films, these cameramen also filmed local events. The mass scene was one of their favorite subjects. For instance, a Lumière operator sent to Australia brought back reels featuring racing in Melbourne in 1896. A program shown in New York in March 1897 included German dragoons leaping hurdles and ‘Negro Minstrels’ dancing in the streets of London. A short documentary about Queen Victoria’s funeral lured a large crowd of curious Singaporeans in 1901.6 With increasing amounts of international offerings, Lumière operators gave their audiences “an unprecedented sense of seeing the world,” as film historian Erik Barnouw put it.7 China was one stop on the global tours of these wandering showmen. Starting in 1897 Maurice Charvet from France, Harry Welby Cook from the US and many others brought this sort of novel attraction to Hong Kong, Shanghai, Tianjin, Beijing, and other treaty ports. They exposed local audiences to programs like those shown elsewhere around the world, including scenes of the arrival of the Czar in Paris and the march of a regiment of French cavalry. They also filmed local scenes and showed them immediately to local audiences. These included the arrival of the first train from Wusong 吳淞 (Woosung)

4 Barnouw, Documentary, 6. 5 See ads in SB 26 Jan. 1923: 17; SB 28 Dec. 1923: 1. 6 Barnouw, Documentary, 11, 13, 21. 7 Ibid., 13.

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in Shanghai and the meeting of the Shanghai Cyclist Association.8 Zhang Shichuan and his friends must have seen some of these documentary items. Their obsession with similar themes is no surprise. In fact, Shanghai filmmaking was part of the global industries of moving image production and circulation at the very beginning of world film history. Although fictional films soon outnumbered non-fictional titles in Mingxing’s output, Mingxing filmmakers never stopped producing documentary items. Spectacular scenes continued to be their favorites. Famous ones include documentaries about Chiang Kaishek’s wedding and Lu Xun’s funeral.9 Countless lesser-known ones include “General Yang Hucheng Reviews Troops” (Yang Hucheng yuebing 楊虎城閱兵), “The Inaugural Ceremony of the WuxiShanghai Highway” (Xi Hu gonglu tongche 錫滬公路通車),10 among others. Cinema underwent a ‘narrative transition’ in the mid-1900s, a transition from a ‘cinema of attractions’ to a cinema of ‘narrative integration.’11 But for Zhang Shichuan and his fellow Chinese filmmakers, the mission to document was still the film medium’s prime function. Western influence was not the only source of this obsession. Juxtaposing their early uses of the film medium with practices that were common in other cultural fields will help us better understand contemporary Chinese perceptions of the new medium of film. A 1923 documentary entitled Xu Guoliang chubin 徐國樑出殯 (Xu Guoliang’s Funeral Procession) is a good example. Xu Guoliang (1876–1923), the Chief of Police in Shanghai, was assassinated on 10 November 1923. This event caused a public sensation and attracted large media coverage. Local newspapers allotted full pages to reports on every detail of this sensational case: the assassin, his motive, rescue efforts, and the funeral. Photos of Xu Guoliang and relevant scenes accompanied text reports.12 The Mingxing film crew shot the funeral and screened the newsreel together with Orphan in late December 1923.13 The two titles appeared side by side in the same font and same size in an advertisement. The film medium, a new presence in the bustling Shanghai mediascapes, provided a unique form of visual representation of real-life

8

9 10 11 12 13

For a detailed study of cinema’s arrival in China, see Law Kar, et al., Hong Kong cinema, 3–28. For particular programs see, for example, ads in The Peking and Tientsin Times (26 Jun. 1897), North-China Herald (13 Aug. 1897, 296). XWB 3 Dec. 1927: A1; Zhongyang dianying jiancha weiyuanhui gongbao 3.10 (1936): 22. ZDFZS, 639–40. Tom Gunning, “The cinema of attractions,” 68. For these reports, see the “local news” column in Shenbao (p. 13) from 11 to 16 November. SB 28 Dec. 1923: 17.

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stories. This point will be further illustrated in the case of Zhang Xinsheng, the focus of the next section. Some of the earliest Lumière films shown in late 1895 also involved deliberate performances for the camera. Watering the Gardener (L’Arroseur Arrosée) may be the best-known piece. It features a naughty boy who steps on a garden hose being used by a gardener; when the gardener examines the nozzle to see what is wrong, the boy withdraws his foot and the gardener is drenched. This mischievous boy image got a Chinese face in Wantong 頑童 (Naughty Child), a one-reel film produced by Mingxing in 1922. As its ad points out, the child “is very smart despite his young age. He knows how to tease the police, to get free food by force, to steal eggs, and to drive a car . . .”14 It was highly likely that Watering the Gardener was the source of inspiration for the production of Wantong. At this stage Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues were mobilizing all knowledge gained from their previous viewing experiences and experimenting with various genres that had emerged in cinema’s short history. Two Chaplin-style slapstick comedies were produced by Mingxing at the same time. The movement from Arrival of a Train and Watering the Gardener to the emergence of Charlie Chaplin took two decades, but all these genres were tested in Mingxing’s first year of experimentation. The first slapstick comedy, Huaji dawang youhu ji, features Charlie Chaplin’s visit to Shanghai. Chaplin was played by a British circus actor whose regular job was to impersonate Chaplin at Shanghai’s New World entertainment center.15 The second slapstick, Danao guai xichang, features a Chinese chef who dreams of becoming a movie star. Quitting his job as a chef and failing to secure a new job as an actor, he sneaks into a film studio and entangles himself into a series of chases and beatings. The film director working in the studio suddenly discovers his performance talents and the chef’s silver dream thus comes true.16 The film was shot by an American photographer, Carl Louis Gregory (1882– 1951), who was travelling in Shanghai and made a visit to Mingxing.17 A film 14 15 16 17

See ad in SB 28 Jan. 1923: 17. Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.3 (May 1935). For the plotline, cf. “Zai zhi Xialing peike zhi yingpian ji yishu”, SB 28 Jan. 1923: 17; Shuang Qiu, “Ji Mingxing erci chupin I,” SB 5 Feb. 1923: 8. Carl Louis Gregory was a pioneer cameraman, writer and director. He worked as a photographer and cinematographer at various organizations and film companies, including the US Reclamation Service, the Edison Studios, the Thanhouser Film Corporation, Metro Pictures, the Rodman Wanamaker Indian Foundation, etc. During World War I he was made a Lieutenant in the US Signal Corps and was stationed at Columbia University where he trained US Soldiers in the art of cinematography. In 1922 he joined the Orient and Indian Picture Corporation and worked in Bombay and Shanghai. Later he became

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critic praised Gregory’s ‘advanced’ filming technique, which ‘Chinese photographers have not mastered.’18 For example, the opening scene is a close-up of Harold Lloyd’s face. Then the camera zooms out and audiences realize that it is just a photo hanging on the wall of the chef’s bedroom. Playing with the ‘magic box,’ Mingxing filmmaking creatively located Chaplin and Lloyd in Chinese settings and localized the foreign medium of film in a meaningful way. By means of exploiting the film medium ingeniously, Mingxing introduced to its audience a visual experience different from watching the Chaplin imitator’s live performances at the New World and other media experiences. Moreover, the two comedies both feature film-related themes, producing an effect of ‘self-referentiality’ and providing us a glimpse of how the earliest Chinese filmmakers reflected on the film medium itself. In this way, Shanghai filmmaking added twists to the global inventory of moving images and cultural symbols. Regardless of the ‘advanced’ status of cinematic devices at this time, the early obsession with documenting life on the run was perpetuated. The ad for Danao guai xichang highlights in large font the fact that the film features “living fish, living crabs, living pigeons, and living mice [about to be served up as dishes by the distracted chef] bouncing up and down in lively ways (xian ling huo tiao 鮮靈活跳)” (italics mine).19 This text is reminiscent of some very early film ads which also stressed life-like quality as the major attraction of film. For example, an ad for Lumière documentaries posted in The Times of India on 7 July 1896 includes these catchwords: “the marvel of the century, the wonder of the world, living photographic pictures in life-sized reproductions” (italics mine).20 Another ad in The Peking and Tientsin Times on 26 June 1897 reads:21 TO-NIGHT! TO-NIGHT!! DON’T MAKE ANY MISTAKE!!! SEE THE CINEMATOGRAPH!!! This most wonderful invention of the age has JUST ARRIVED. By the aid of this instrument Mr. MAURICE CHARVET will Dean of the New York Institute of Photography and published a textbook, Motion Picture Photography (New York: Falk Publishing Co., 1927). See Grimm, “Carl Louis Gregory,” 174–84. Zhang Shichuan mentioned the tremendous help he got from Gregory. See Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.3 (16 May 1935): 13. Shuang Qiu also mentioned that the film was shot by Gregory. See Shuang Qiu, ibid. 18 Shuang Qiu, “Ji Mingxing erci chupin I.” 19 SB 28 Jan. 1923: 17. 20 See Times of India 7 Jul. 1896. For a copy of the ad, see Barnouw, Documentary, 14. 21 The Peking and Tientsin Times 26 Jun. 1897. For a copy of the ad, see Law Kar, Hong Kong cinema, 14.

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exhibit some of the following pictures as though in real life, every movement being perfectly delineated.” (capitals original and italics mine) This common fascination with the real is demonstrated more vividly in the film Zhang Xinsheng (to be discussed soon). Before Zhang Xinsheng, Laogong zhi aiqing is the only Mingxing film that embraced narrative film style. Since Laogong zhi aiqing is the earliest extant Chinese film, much has been written about it.22 In her close reading of the film, Zhang Zhen has argued that the film’s stylistic features tend to “oscillate between those of a ‘cinema of attractions’ and a ‘cinema of narrative integration.’ ” While the ‘narrative trajectory’ of the film is clear, its emphasis on ‘mechanical movement’ and ‘optical experiment’ revealed a sustained fascination with the slapstick aspect of the medium.23 This analysis has correctly captured the distinct feature of Laogong zhi aiqing as a transitional or ‘hybrid text.’24 Taking into consideration the rich mixture of genres and stylistic features in early Mingxing filmmaking discussed above, this state of hybridity is not astounding. The sense of hybridity was also manifested in the ways in which early Mingxing films were exhibited. For example, for a customer who paid 0.7, 1.2 or 1.5 Yuan to spend the night at the Olympic Theater on 26 January 1923, he/ she was first greeted by live music played by a Philippine orchestra. This short prelude was followed by the three aforementioned newsreels on gymnastic performances, athletic games, and a ceremonial parade. Then his/her focus moved from the screen back to the stage, where a live acrobatic performance took place. The last items on the two-hour program were the one-reel film Wantong and the three-reel slapstick Danao guai xichang.25 The mixture of screen and stage, the fictional and the non-fictional constituted a hybrid text that unfolded in the real historical space of the theater. This hybrid text also reflected the desire to document, to amuse, and to narrate. Another hybrid text that appeared entirely on screen soon came out: Zhang Xinsheng.

22 23 24 25

Zhen Zhang, “Teahouses, shadowplay, bricolage,” 27–50; Wang Haiwei, “Aiqing de zhengzhi jingjixue.” Zhang, “Teahouse, shadowplay, bricolage”, 38. For an analysis of ‘hybridity,’ see ibid., 29–30. For the program, see “Zuowan Xialing peike zhi yingpian ji yishu,” SB 27 Jan. 1923: 17. Also see ad in SB 26 Jan. 1923: 17.

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Bringing the Real to the Reel: Zhang Xinsheng

It seems that Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues tried to erase Zhang Xinsheng from all records of Mingxing’s history, if not from their own memories. The film is absent in a chronology of company history compiled by the publicity division of Mingxing.26 Neither does it appear in a ‘complete’ inventory of Mingxing’s film output,27 nor in a Mingxing filmography published in Chinese Film Yearbook (1934).28 The first feature-length film mentioned in all these lists is Orphan, Mingxing’s first glorious success. The fact, however, is that Zhang Xinsheng premiered on 16 February 1923 and Orphan on 21 December 1923.29 Why did Zhang Xinsheng suffer such neglect? What specific details can this inglorious film reveal about early Shanghai filmmaking? This section examines these questions by locating Zhang Xinsheng in the context of local and global developments of mass-produced popular culture. Zhang Xinsheng, the film’s title character, was a real person. He was the eldest son of a wealthy rice shop manager in Pudong. In need of money for gambling and drugs, he poisoned his father in early 1920.30 No clear evidence surfaced until one year later when his accomplice, Zhu Chaosheng 朱潮生, informed the police of the murder. In order to investigate the case, the police took the corpse of the rice shop manager out of its coffin and conducted a public autopsy on 18 March 1921. Bone color analysis proved that the man had been poisoned. After a long trial, Zhang Xinsheng was sentenced to death and was executed by hanging. This murder case, referred to as a ‘patricide case’ (nilun an 逆倫案) in media reports, received huge press coverage and generated a great public sensation. Local newspapers reported at extraordinary lengths on the case almost on a daily basis for an extended period. Any major or minor progress related to the investigation, post-mortem, arrest, trial and execution was reported in serial form, side by side with the serial novels that appeared in the feuilletons of the same newspapers. For example, between 19 and 27 March 1921 Shenbao published four reports in serial form under the same sensational title, “Report on the Patricide Case: Pried Open the Coffin, Steamed the Bones” (Nilun an kaiguan zhengyan ji 逆倫案開棺蒸驗記), and another four reports under the title of “Report on the Trial of the Patricide Case” (Nilun an yanming hou zhi 26 27 28 29 30

MXNB. SMA, Q55-2-1371, 19 Jun. 1936, 30. ZWD, 35–42. See ads in SB 11 Feb. 1923: 1; SB 20 Dec. 1923: 1. For the Zhang Xinsheng story see “Nilun an kaiguan zhengyan ji (1),” SB 19 Mar. 1921: 10.

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jianting xunwen ji 逆倫案驗明後之檢廳聞訊記).31 Other major daily newspapers, including Xinwenbao and Minguo ribao, also orchestrated elaborate reporting on the case. Xinwenbao even published some photographs of the autopsy to satisfy the morbid curiosity of its readers. Only twelve days after the autopsy, the World Publishing House (Shijie shuju 世界書局) published a book with the eye-catching title: “Zhang Xinsheng Killed His Dad” (Zhang Xinsheng sha die 張欣生殺爹).32 An advertisement for the book, which appeared in Shenbao on the same dates as the news reports on the case, emphasized the ‘strangeness’ (qi 奇) of the case. The book consists of 36 chapters and reads like a detective story composed in the vein of a ‘chaptered novel’ (zhanghui xiaoshuo 章回小說), a traditional Chinese form of novel. But at the same time, the ad stressed that the writers of the book painstakingly conducted an investigation and that its ‘realistic quality’ was guaranteed. Moreover, each buyer of the book would receive a bonus, namely, a packet of photos featuring sensational scenes of the event. The event also became a topic for popular folk music, including genres known as ‘Tunes of the Five Night Watches’ (wugeng diao 五更調) and ‘Springtime Tunes’ (changchun diao 唱春調). Folk song lyrics were published in popular magazines, including Hong zazhi 紅雜誌 (Scarlet Magazine), Xinsheng 心聲 (Sing Sing Bi-monthly), and Xi zazhi 戲雜誌 (Theater Magazine).33 The event was soon brought to life on stage. The New China New Play Society (Xin Zhonghua xinju she 新中華新劇社) performed a play about the Zhang Xinsheng story at the Laughter Stage (Xiao wutai) in early 1923.34 Ads for this play stressed its life-like qualities: “the visual verisimilitude of the scenery, characters, and everything.”35 The level of ‘verisimilitude’ was further detailed in another ad:36 Zhang Xinsheng is dead. Many people witnessed his execution in Suzhou. But the Zhang Xinsheng on the Laughter Stage looks just like the actual one. Some audiences even thought that he was ‘Zhang Xinsheng coming back to life’ . . . (emphasis mine). 31 32 33

See news reports in the “local news” column in SB 19–25, 27 Mar. 1921. SB 30 Mar. 1921: 16. See Wang Meiyu, “Zhang Xinsheng wugeng diao,” Xi zazhi 4 (1922): 14–16; Lu Xiaowu, “Zhang Xinsheng changchun diao,” Hong zazhi 4 (1923): 67–69; Tiantai Shannong, “Zhang Xinsheng changchun,” Xinsheng 1.7 (Apr. 1923): 1–2. 34 See ad in SB 10 Jan. 1923: 12. 35 Ibid. 36 SB 17 Jan. 1923: 12.

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A  Juchang zhoukan 劇場週刊 (Theater Weekly) journalist reported that the play was ‘realistic’ (xieshi 寫實) and the settings of Sanlintang town, the rice shop, the teahouse, and the grave bore a scrupulous resemblance to the actual places. Realistic details and vivid representations of the event drew large audiences to the theater.37 Envying the lucrative profits brought in by the play, a rival theater troupe performed a play about the same story at the New Stage (Xin wutai) and publicized the play as a ‘Real Event New Play’ (shishi xinju 實事新劇).38 Filmmakers soon engaged with this craze and Mingxing was the initiator. Shortly after the execution of Zhang Xinsheng and his fellow conspirators, Mingxing bosses started planning to put the story on screen.39 A film script was written based on ‘field research’ (shidi diaocha 實地調查) and most scenes were shot on location. For instance, some prison scenes were shot in the Jiangsu No. 2 Provincial Prison, a newly built prison equipped with the latest facilities. With permission from the Police Chief of Shanghai county, many scenes were shot in Sanlintang town, the Zhang family’s ancestral temple and the graveyard. The journalist who wrote this report concluded: “The film’s realistic portrayals of actual scenes deserve your special attention.”40 In an ad for the film, nineteen sites where the story takes place were listed in extreme detail and in large font. The ad also highlighted that “all the scenes were shot on location and this sense of realism cannot be achieved for stage plays.”41 This mapping of the mediascape in which the real murder case was represented illustrates the dynamics of the emerging field of mass media in earlytwentieth-century China. Mingxing was a player in this arena and should be understood against this backdrop. The many versions of the Zhang Xinsheng story depicted in newspapers, magazines, books, photos, folk songs, stage plays, and films pointed to one common fixation, namely, an obsession with reality and sensation. In the Mingxing film, the pursuit of verisimilitude went to excessive lengths and became gruesome. Cheng Bugao, who watched the film in person, vividly recalled several disturbing sights when he wrote his memoir half a century later: “The film provided a meticulous description of the scene in which the coffin was pried open and the autopsy was conducted. The body of the dead man was cut open and organs were taken out and examined. Made of flour and red ink, these organs were filmed close-up and the 37 Lao Kang, “Juchang xiaoxi,” Juchang zhoukan 1 (1923): 17. 38 SB 25 Jan. 1923: 12. 39 “Mingxing Zhang Xinsheng pian zhong zhi shidi jingkuang,” SB 8 Feb. 1923: 17. 40 Ibid. 41 SB 11 Feb. 1923: 1.

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realistic effect disgusted every audience.”42 The capacity of the film medium to convey ‘authenticity’ was unsurpassed. But in fact the print media pioneered this awesomely realistic mode of description. For example, Shenbao journalists paid meticulous attention to every detail of the public autopsy. The detailing went so far that even the exact number of the bones taken from different parts of the body was recorded.43 Many paragraphs were so gruesome that I found it almost unbearable reading such accounts word by word. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Mingxing film producers took full advantage of the power of film to generate scrupulous fidelity. But it was not only Chinese audiences that had an ‘absurd’ taste for morbid reality. For fin-desiècle Parisians, for example, this appetite was anything but unusual. One of the most popular sights in late-nineteenth-century Paris was a morgue located behind the cathedral of Nôtre Dame. Open to the public seven days a week from dawn to dusk, the Paris Morgue attracted countless visitors who wanted to gape at the display of anonymous corpses. Vanessa Schwartz has pointed out that at this cultural moment, the display of dead bodies was turned into a show and the morgue served as a ‘visual auxiliary’ to sensationalist newspapers that detailed current events at tedious length.44 In other words, the morgue transformed ‘real life’ into a ‘spectacle.’45 Schwartz further argues that this phenomenon was connected with the earliest film viewing experiences because both the morgue and cinema satisfied a ‘public taste for reality’ and a ‘desire to look’ in turn-of-the-century modern life. The Chinese fascination with every gruesome detail of the murder case of Zhang Xinsheng resonated with this public passion in fin-de-siècle Paris. Seen in this light, Shanghai filmmaking was engaging with global modern life in its own fashion. A comparative study of western, Japanese, and Chinese mediascapes will reveal that the Zhang Xinsheng event epitomized a burgeoning world of mass culture at the turn of the century. Tabloids and metropolitan newspapers were major players in this field of popular culture. Murders, trials, traffic accidents, and scandals flooded the pages of these papers in England, France, America, and many other western countries at the time. For example, in France reports of horrible accidents and sensational crimes appeared under the rubric of fait divers. In addition to 42 43 44 45

Cheng Bugao, Yingtan yijiu, 70–71. “Nilun an kaiguan zhengyan ji (2),” SB 20 Mar. 1921: 10. Also see other reports around the time. For a study of the Paris Morgue, see Vanessa Schwartz, “Cinematic spectatorship before the apparatus,” 297–304. Ibid., 304.

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reports of actual events, French newspapers offered serial novels, sometimes based on actual stories taken from fait divers.46 Similar content, forms, and layouts can be found in Chinese newspapers of the same period. Chinese versions of fait divers normally appeared in columns about ‘local news’ (benbu xinwen 本埠新聞). Let us take a look at a random sample. On 7 May 1921 (when the trial of Zhang Xinsheng was going on), the local news column in Shenbao featured reports like “Murder Case Requires an Investigation” (Ming’an qingqiu xiangyan 命案請求相驗), “Train Crashed, People Dead” (Huoche nianbi renming 火車碾斃人命), “Two Car Accidents Cause Injury” (Qiche shangren liangze 汽車傷人兩則), and “Penalty for Procuress Who Turned Innocent Women into Prostitutes” (Baofu mailiang weichang kefa 鴇婦賣良為娼課罰).47 Titles of this sort, if rendered in French or English, would have fit perfectly in the Paris newspaper, L’Éclair, the New York newspaper, World, and the like.48 Fervent readers of Parisian fait divers also loved to gather at wax museums and panoramas, according to Schwartz’s study. As typical products of the burgeoning entertainment industry, these two institutions provided realistic reproductions of current events, social notables, and modern spectacles. Thus, they served as living newspapers or living fait divers. This type of realistic entertainment spread to the stage. Whereas Victorian melodramas emphasized pathos and morality, stage melodramas in Europe and America around the turn of the century were filled with violent action, stunts and simulated spectacles of catastrophe and physical peril.49 Meiji Japan and late Qing China also witnessed a ‘reality’ transformation in theatrical practices. While both traditional Japanese and Chinese theaters relied on singing, dancing, and acting according to standard patterns, calls for adopting the realistic styles of western drama flourished in both countries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For example, Japanese theater reformers Otojirō Kawakami (1864–1911) and Sada Yakko (1871–1946) wrote and directed ‘war dramas’ around 1895 based on their own camera assisted field research on the battlefields of Korea.50 This kind of experiment and the invention of shinpa drama profoundly inspired Chinese intellectuals. Essays introducing Japanese theatrical reforms appeared frequently in the 46 47 48

Ibid., 300. SB 7 May 1921: 11. Schwartz, “Cinematic spectatorship before the apparatus,” 300; Ben Singer, Melodrama and modernity, 74. 49 Singer, Melodrama and modernity, 90. 50 Joscha Chung, “Wan Qing ‘shijie juchang’ de lilun yu shijian,” 92–93. For a recent study of the phenomena, see Maki Fukuoka, The premise of fidelity.

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Chinese press. For instance, one essay in Dalu 大陸 (Continent Magazine) in 1904 introduced the latest equipment, realistic stage props, and Japanese actors dressed in western costumes when they performed in a French drama.51 Chinese genres of realistic theater soon appeared, namely, the New Play and spoken drama. Zheng Zhengqiu, Zhang Shichuan, Zhou Jianyun, and many Mingxing employees were pioneers of these new forms of theater, as discussed in Chapters Two and Three. The pursuit of reality effect was one of the paramount traits of the New Play. This new style even made an impact on traditional opera. Peking opera performances in Shanghai relied increasingly on realistic and imposing props and the overall tone grew more and more sensational.52 Realistic representation culminated in the invention of cinema. The power of film to document made it a perfect medium to satisfy widespread fascination with sensational reality. As discussed in the last section, the reality effect was central to the Chinese feeling and experience of cinema in its early stage. This feeling was clearly reflected in one of the earliest Chinese names for film: huodong xiezhen 活動寫真 (moving reality-recorder). This name derived from the Japanese name for film, katsudō shashin, which emerged around 1900.53 The camera was called a xiezhen jiqi 寫真機器 (reality-recording apparatus) in a Chinese essay in 1904.54 The cameraman was called xiezhen zhuanjia 寫真專家 (expert in reality-recording), a term that appeared in a Shenbao ad in 1913.55 Noting this trajectory of the engagement of popular media with reality and sensation, it is much easier to understand why details of the autopsy and dead body were so graphically portrayed in the film Zhang Xinsheng. Shanghai filmmaking was part and parcel of the glocal mediascapes that expressed concerns and tensions in the real world. For theorists like Georg Simmel, Siegfried Kracauer, and Walter Benjamin, sentimental amusement was a typical product of the modern world, a world characterized by radical changes in space, time, 51 52

53

54 55

“Riben yanju zhi tezhi,” Dalu 2.9 (26 Dec. 1904), quoted in Chung, “Wan Qing ‘shijie juchang’ de lilun yu shijian,” 93. This style of Peking opera was called ‘shizhuang xinxi’ (new theater with modern costume) or ‘shishi xinxi’ (new theater with current events). See Bernd Eberstein, “Opera vs spoken drama,” 61. For example, Edison’s film camera Vitascope was called “xiezhen huodong ji 寫真活動 機” (apparatus for recording reality) in 1896. See Li Daoming, “Shijiu shiji mo dianying ren zai Taiwan, Hong Kong, Riben, Zhongguo yu Zhongnan bandao jian de (keneng) liudong,” 129. Jian He, “Yanju gailiang zhi jihua,” Jingzhong ribao (1 Jun. 1904): 2. Quoted in Chung, “Wan Qing ‘shijie juchang’ de lilun yu shijian,” 91. SB 27 Sept. 1913: 12.

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technology, industry, and daily life. Sensationalized realities as represented in media products and amusement sites mirrored modern experiences and the mental state of metropolitan inhabitants.56 It is beyond the scope of this study to examine the socioeconomic and psychological reasons for the rise of these phenomena in China. Suffice it to say that Chinese needs for sensory stimuli and the conscious or unconscious endeavors of filmmakers to meet such needs resided in a global temporality and historicity. Shanghai filmmaking provided a technology and a new way of seeing or imagining that allowed Chinese people to cope with various challenges of modernity. By this means, the boundary between the real and the fictional was blurred. Zhang Xinsheng came back to life on the silver screen and thrilled, disgusted, and excited audience seated in darkness. Zhang Xinsheng was not alone. Many of those involved in crimes, suicide cases, and scandals gained new lives on the silver screen and added additional fuel to public discourses about morality, social order, and gender relations in flux. The film medium in Republican China can be understood in part as a ‘living newspaper’ or ‘living fait divers.’ Indeed, Zhang Xinsheng had an immediate predecessor, Yan Ruisheng, an employee of a western company who murdered a courtesan for money in Shanghai. The Yan case went through a similar life cycle of representations in mass media and entertainment sites. When the Zhang case was feverishly reported in Shenbao’s local news column, ads for a stage play that featured Yan Ruisheng appeared on a daily basis on the theater pages of the same newspaper. Interestingly, the director of the play was Zheng Zhengqiu.57 Yan’s story was also put on screen soon afterwards and the film became one of the first Chinese-made feature-length films to win success at the box-office, as mentioned in Chapter One. This example certainly provided inspiration for Mingxing leaders when the Zhang case made headlines. Similar scenarios—dramatic events followed by sensationalized media representations and public discussions—unfolded repeatedly in early twentiethcentury China. Famous examples include the 1928 suicide of Ma Zhenhua 馬振華 (the educated daughter of a county-level functionary) after an unhappy love affair,58 the elopement of Huang Huiru 黃慧如 (a young woman from a wealthy family) with her male servant Lu Ronggen 陸榮根,59 and the 1935 assassination of the warlord Sun Chuanfang 孫傳芳 by the Chinese woman 56 57 58 59

For a study of the socioeconomic and psychological foundations of sentimentalism, see Singer, Melodrama and modernity, 91–95. See, for example, SB 19 Mar. 1921: 5. For a study of the event, see Bryna Goodman, “Appealing to the public.” See Qiliang He, “News about killing, news that killed.”

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Shi Jianqiao 施劍翹 (1906–1979).60 These events all sparked passionate public interests and debates. Ma Zhenhua’s story was filmed by the Da Zhonghua Baihe 大中華百合 film studio, and Mingxing put Huang Huiru’s story on screen in a two-episode film entitled Huang Lu zhi ai 黃陸之愛 (Love between Huang and Lu) in 1929. Zhang Xinsheng pioneered this mode of film adaptation and provided useful knowledge for later film producers and movie-goers alike. For example, public discussions of the Ma Zhenhua suicide scandal involved a graphic analysis of sexual details and anatomical information.61 This kind of knowledge probably came partly from newspaper and filmic representations of the autopsy associated with the Zhang Xinsheng case. But Mingxing paid a heavy price for its bold experiment with Zhang Xinsheng. In April 1923, only a few months after the release of Zhang Xinsheng, the Popular Education Research Association (Tongsu jiaoyu yanjiu hui 通俗教育研 究會) in Beijing petitioned the Ministry of Education to ban the film together with Yan Ruisheng.62 Upon receiving this petition, the Ministers of Interior and Education sent a letter to the Governor of Jiangsu province.63 The letter underscored that Yan Ruisheng and Zhang Xinsheng were based on “actual events” and contained “scenes of cruelty and murder.” Their “strangeness” had aroused “a good deal of curiosity” and had attracted “an incessant audience.” The writer of the letter believed that the films had “a continuous and ruinous effect on social education.”64 Since the films were produced in the foreign settlement in Shanghai, he therefore requested that “the Civil Governor of Kiangsu (Jiangsu) should direct the Commissioner for Foreign Affairs to approach the Consular Body with a view to having these films seized and destroyed in order to put a stop to this evil and to maintain social morality.”65 These words—‘actual events,’ ‘cruelty and murder,’ and ‘strangeness’—accurately encapsulated the attraction of these films. But educators and government officials looked at these characteristics from a moral perspective. Film censors at the Jiangsu Education Association also expressed concerns over the film’s ‘injurious effects’ in a letter to Mingxing managers.66 The censors 60 61 62

See Eugenia Lean, Public passion. Goodman, “Appealing to the public,” 33. “Tongsu jiaoyu yanjiu hui wei jinzhi shangyan buliang yingju cheng bing jiaoyu bu piling” (Beiyang Government Archives, 23 April 1923), reprinted in Zhongguo di’er lishi dang’an guan, ed., Zhonghua minguo shi dang’an ziliao huibian (vol. 3 wenhua), 176. 63 This letter is quoted in a letter written in English by Hsu Yuan (Commissioner for Foreign Affairs) to the Senior Consul of Shanghai, dated 23 May 1923, SMA, U1-3-2401, 3. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid. 66 See the Municipal Police investigation, SMA, U1-3-2401, 4.

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considered it ‘undesirable’ to show certain parts of the film to the public and a revision of some scenes was demanded, particularly discussion of the reasons for Zhang Xinsheng’s crime. The Mingxing filmmakers followed their advice and made revisions accordingly. They now emphasized gambling and drugs as the key factors that motivated Zhang to murder his father and also added intertitles that spelled out Zhang’s words of remorse before his execution.67 Criticisms of the film also came from local Shanghai notables and the print press. In March 1923 the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce petitioned the Jiangsu Provincial Government to take action against ‘films detrimental to social morality’ for the sake of the youth.68 Discussions about the alleged ‘harmful’ influences of cinema also abounded in the press. For example, Tang Bihua 湯筆花, the editor of Dianying zazhi, wrote that “the impact of films like Yan Ruisheng and Zhang Xinsheng is nothing more than luring people to behave like bandits (youren weidao 誘人為盜).”69 Foreign administrators in Shanghai thus ordered the Municipal Police to conduct an investigation of the two films. However, the foreign police concluded that “from a police point of view” there were “no objections” to either of the films.70 Moral standards were fluid and left much room for discussions. While some scholars claimed that Zhang Xinsheng was banned by the authorities,71 there is no direct evidence to support this assertion.72 Newspaper ads show that it was still being shown at Shanghai movie theaters a year after its premiere.73 It was also on the program of an evening party of the Drama Cooperative Society. The screening of the film was followed by the performance of a spoken drama entitled Zhongshen dashi 終身大事 (The Greatest Event in Life), written by Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962).74 The ‘new-style’ and ‘high-brow’ spoken drama and the ‘old-style’ and ‘low-brow’ film crossed an assumed dividing line and coexisted in the same historical space. Nevertheless, unfavorable assessments, criticisms, and police inquiries cast Zhang Xinsheng in a negative light. Zhang Shichuan admitted that the film was “a complete failure.”75 This

67 “Sheng jiaoyu hui shenyue Mingxing yingpian zhi pingyu,” SB 5 Jul. 1923: 18. 68 “Guiding qudi yingpian zhi qingqiu,” SB 18 Mar. 1923: 13. 69 Tang Bihua, “Duiyu bian yingju zhe shuo jiju hua,” Dianying zazhi 1.8 (Dec. 1924). 70 See SMA, U1-3-2401, 6. 71 See, for example, ZDFZS, 59. 72 Wang Chaoguang, “Minguo dianying jiancha zhidu zhi lanshang,” 213. 73 See ads in XWB 2 Mar. 1924: C4; 7 Mar. 1924: D4; 12 Jul. 1924. 74 “Zhigong jiaoyu guan zhi shengshi,” Xuedeng 7.2 (1923). 75 SMA, U1-3-2401, 4.

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might be the reason why mention of it disappeared from all official records of Mingxing’s output. Although the public response to Zhang Xinsheng was primarily negative, the film functioned as a test case that allowed Mingxing bosses to understand the power of the film medium. Shanghai filmmaking was deeply intertwined with the blossoming fields of mass media and entertainment industries. But the film medium had its unique strengths, bringing otherwise local, private, and transient events to light in close-up detail for visual scrutiny by a curious public. In this way, Shanghai filmmaking forged a visual public sphere and connected the Chinese public to an outside world visually, viscerally, and psychologically. The case of Zhang Xinsheng offers implicit information about this trait. The case of Konggu lan provides a more explicit example of how this connection was made in this slowly but steadily globalizing world. 3

Bringing a Tale from Afar to the Neighborhood: From East Lynne to Konggu lan

In 1862 the University of Oxford’s 47-year-old Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, accompanied the 20-year-old Edward, Prince of Wales, on a trip to Egypt. The professor, who showed “insatiable appetite for every detail of historical or sacred associations,” was apparently not an enjoyable companion in the young prince’s eyes. Their interests differed tremendously in all but one thing: East Lynne, a best-selling novel published in 1861. It was such an engrossing read for both of them that Professor Stanley even posed a question relating to the novel as a test for the prince and his friends: “With whom did Lady Isabel dine on the fatal night?”76 Six decades later, Lady Isabel’s poignant story—following a profound process of global travels, rewritings, translations, and transformations—found an equally enthusiastic audience in Chinese movie theaters. The Chinese film adapted from the Victorian novel was known as Konggu lan. We learned in Chapter Two of its huge commercial success in the 1920s and 1930s. How was the Victorian novel eventually transformed into a Chinese film? This section traces the long journey from East Lynne to Konggu lan in order to understand the ways in which Shanghai filmmaking connected to global popular cultural production. The long story started the moment Zheng Zhengqiu paid a visit to Bao Tianxiao in 1925. As described in Chapter Two, Zheng proposed that Mingxing 76

R. E. Prothero and G. G. Bradley, The life and correspondence of Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, vol. 2, 67–69. Quoted in Elisabeth Jay, “Introduction,” in Ellen Wood, East Lynne, vii.

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adapt the novel Konggu lan for the screen and asked Bao to prepare a screenplay. Starting in August 1925 Bao met irregularly with Ren Jinping, Hong Shen, Zhou Jianyun, Zheng Zhengqiu, and Zhang Shichuan to discuss the writing. The screenplay was completed in November.77 It took two or three months to produce the film and it was screened beginning in February 1926. Contemporary theater publicists labelled Konggu lan a ‘tragic love film’ (aiqing pian 哀情片),78 a film genre that stemmed from a literary genre known as the ‘tragic love novel’ (aiqing xiaoshuo 哀情小說), a kind of sentimental love fiction that was very popular in China in the 1910s. In 1934 Mingxing produced a sound film version of Konggu lan and this film enjoyed a forty-two-day run at the Strand Theatre in early 1935.79 In addition to the two Mingxing versions, Tianyi produced a sound film in 1934 based on the same story and named the film after the story’s heroine: Renzhu 紉珠.80 Why did Zheng Zhengqiu and his colleagues consider the story of Konggu lan suitable for the film medium in early 1925? The most immediate reason was that Zheng had directed a stage play based on the same novel when he was managing the New People Society. The play, under the same title Konggu lan, made its debut in April 1914 and became one of the most frequently performed plays of its time, a recognized classic of the New Play repertoire.81 The play was usually identified as a ‘family drama’ ( jiating xi 家庭戲) due to the subject matter related to the institutions of marriage and the family. The New People Society was a trendsetter that brought the genre of family drama into full flower in 1914.82 Zheng Zhengqiu must have read the novel Konggu lan in either Shibao or in book form. Shibao was a typical metropolitan newspaper of the day. Along with sections for news, editorials and features, it devoted columns for serial novels and other miscellaneous literary items. Bao Tianxiao was an editor of the newspaper and Konggu lan was serialized in the newspaper’s literary column between April 1910 and January 1911.83 It was translated from the Japanese version entitled No no hana 野の花 (Flowers in a Wild Field, by Kuroiwa Ruikō, 77 78 79 80 81 82 83

Bao Tianxiao, “Bao Tianxiao riji” (1, 7 Aug., 2, 3, 6 Nov. 1925). XWB 8 Feb. 1926: A1. See theater ads in Xinwenbao from 3 February to 16 March 1935. The average run of a film at this kind of theater was usually less than a week. See ad in SB 29 Dec. 1934: 6. Hiroshi Seto, “Xinmin she shangyan yanmu yilan,” 2; Hiroshi Seto, Minming she shangyan yanmu yilan, 3. Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshi qi huiyi lu, 52; Ouyang Yuqian, “Tan Wenming xi,” 194–95. Konggu lan was serialized in Shibao 11 Apr.–22 Sept. 1910 and 8 Nov. 1910–18 Jan. 1911.

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1900).84 Translating or rewriting Japanese novels had long been one of Bao’s jobs. In the late 1890s he ran a small bookstore in his hometown of Suzhou. The bookstore mainly sold books, magazines, and maps from Japan, where lots of his fellow townsmen were studying and working part-time as importers for small businesses of this kind. This bookstore also published a magazine entitled Lixue yibian 勵學譯編 (Journal of Translated Works for Promoting Learning), edited by Bao and his friends. One of Bao’s jobs was to translate popular Japanese novels and essays—which were easily available at low prices from second-hand bookstores in Shanghai and Suzhou—and to publish these pieces in installments in their magazine. Most of these Japanese novels were loose translations of the English originals.85 Bao continued working this way over the years and Konggu lan was one of the items in this line of cultural production. The Shanghai publishing house Youzheng shuju 有正書局 published Konggu lan in book form soon after its serialization in Shibao.86 Many reprints and rewritten versions emerged in the following decades. For instance, the Shanghai Library contains two versions of the novel: a 1924 reprint by the Youzheng Publishing House and a version rewritten by Wang Nancun 王南邨 and published by the Shanghai Yuxin 育新 Publishing House in 1935. The novel was associated with two interrelated genres. Its serial form was part of a wave of installment fiction that swept the print world starting in the late Qing.87 The plot of the novel combined sensation and sentiment and reflected a trend that Perry Link has termed ‘bourgeois fiction’ or the ‘sentimental novel’ which also arose in the late Qing.88 The emergence of Konggu lan was also partly a result of increasingly intensive cultural interactions between China and Japan after the 1895 SinoJapanese War. Bao Tianxiao’s small bookstore epitomized this general picture. Japanese literature was undergoing a profound change during the Meiji period (1868–1912). Translations of western novels and the spectacular rise of popular print media were striking features of this literary scene.89 Sentimentalism and melodrama were especially popular. Indeed literary scholar Ken Ito has called 84

Tarumoto, ed., Xinbian zengbu Qingmo Minchu xiaoshuo mulu, 372. Comparison of No no hana and Konggu lan clearly points to their relationship. 85 Bao Tianxiao, Chuanying lou huiyi lu, 161–74. 86 Tarumoto, ed., Xinbian zengbu Qingmo Minchu xiaoshuo mulu, 372. 87 Alexander Des Forges, “Building Shanghai, one page at a time,” 781, 783. Also cf. Alexander Des Forges, Mediasphere Shanghai. 88 Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 54. 89 Joshua S. Mostow, ed., The Columbia companion to modern East Asian literature, 22, 54, 59.

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turn-of-the-century Japan ‘an age of melodrama.’90 No no hana was a typical product of this time. Translated by Kuroiwa Ruikō 黑岩淚香 (1862–1920) from the Victorian novel A Woman’s Error (by Charlotte Mary Brame),91 No no hana was serialized in the Tokyo tabloid newspaper Yorozu Chōhō 萬朝報 in 1900 and was published in book form by the Tokyo publishing house Fusōdō 扶桑堂 in 1909.92 Kuroiwa Ruikō was a prolific writer, journalist, and translator of nearly seventy-five western novels, including works by Victor Hugo, Alexandre Dumas père, and many lesser-known writers.93 Charlotte Mary Brame (later known as Bertha M. Clay, 1836–1884) was one of those lesser-known writers. An English female writer of “mushy love stories for the English lower classes,”94 Brame was also extremely prolific, writing nearly 130 novels during her lifetime. Her stories appeared chiefly in popular weekly publications including Bow Bells, The London Reader, and The Family Herald, and were reprinted in book form and later in romance series devoted to her work, including the Bertha M. Clay Library.95 The American publisher Street & Smith published a wealth of Brame’s work in the US after 1876. Therefore her works have always been associated with the genre known as the ‘dime novel,’ i.e. the cheap, sensational fiction popular in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America.96 Translations of her work were also published in Spanish, Polish, and Arabic. The constant cultural traffic between Japan and the west brought Brame’s work to the Meiji literary field. Kikuchi Yūho 菊池 幽芳 (1870–1947), for example, translated Brame’s best-known novel Dora Thorne, and this novel, under its Japanese title Chikyōdai 乳姊妹, was later turned into a shinpa play classic.97 Kuroiwa Ruikō was one of the translators of

90

Ken Ito, An age of melodrama; also cf. Jonathan Zwicker, Practices of the sentimental imagination. 91 I would like to thank Satoru Saito, who provided this crucial clue in his talk “Translating the Nation: Kuroiwa Ruikō’s Serialized Fictions at the Turn of the 20th Century” presented at the AAS annual conference in Toronto on 15 March 2012. Until I heard his talk, I had misidentified the source of No no hana as East Lynne based on various leads (to be explained later). After reading A Woman’s Error, I had no doubt that it is the exact source of all the Japanese and Chinese versions under discussion. 92 See Yorozu Chōhō 10 Mar. 9–Nov. 1900, quoted in Yo Iizuka, “A study of ‘Kong Gu Lan,’” 93. 93 See Mark Silver, “The detective novel’s novelty,” 191. 94 Albert Johannsen, The House of Beadle & Adams, 40. 95 Gregory Drozdz, “Brame, Charlotte Mary (1836–1884),” 311–12. 96 J. Randolph Cox, The dime novel companion, xiii–xxv. 97 Siyuan Liu, “The impact of shinpa on early Chinese huaju,” 170.

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Brame’s work and sheer chance played a role in the voyage of A Woman’s Error to the east.98 A mediocre love story among the legion of dime novels circulating during the period, A Woman’s Error was neither outstanding nor influential. But its plot bears a strong resemblance to a more famous novel, that is, East Lynne. For this reason, some scholars have misidentified East Lynne as the original source for No no hana and Konggu lan.99 It is highly probable that Brame was inspired by East Lynne when she worked out the plot for A Woman’s Error. The obvious similarity between the core plots of the two novels can hardly be coincidental, and Brame must have written A Woman’s Error after 1863.100 East Lynne was written by Ellen Wood (1814–1887, better known as Mrs. Henry Wood) and was initially published in serial form in a Victorian middle-class family journal, The New Monthly Magazine, from 1860 to 1861. It was published in book form in three volumes by Bentley in 1861. By 1900 it had sold over 500,000 copies. Translations in French, German, and other European languages soon followed.101 It is regarded as an indisputable representative of the so-called ‘sensation fiction’ that emerged in the 1860s in England.102 The story soon appeared on stage and the play enjoyed extraordinary success for decades on both sides of the Atlantic as part of the ‘melodramatic repertoire.’103 Ned Albert, an American playwright who rewrote the play in 1941, stated that East Lynne was “the daddy of all the old-fashioned meller drammers, the most talked of play ever written.”104 The story of East Lynne continued to exert its power in the new medium of cinema in the twentieth century. From the early 1900s to the 1930s, more 98 99

Iizuka, “A study of ‘Kong Gu Lan,’” 94. Fan Yanqiao, “Minguo jiupai xiaoshuo shilue,” YHYZ, 229. Teruo Tarumoto, “Bao Tianxiao honyaku genpon o tankyū suru”; Dong Xinyu, Kan yu bei kan zhijian, 78. 100 The initial publication date of A Woman’s Error has not yet been established. No date of publication appears in the version I have. According to Brame’s biography, she was compelled to write to support her family after she married an unsuccessful businessman in 1863. Since East Lynne was published in 1861, it is likely that Brame wrote A Woman’s Error after the publication of East Lynne. 101 For an overview of the novel’s early publishing history, see Andrew Maunder, introduction to East Lynne, 17–20. For its versions in other European languages, see Ellen Wood, Lady Isabel – “East Lynne”, translated by North Peat (Paris: aux bureaux de “La Patrie”, 1862); Ellen Wood, East-Lynne: ein Bild aus dem englischen Familienleben, translated by A. Scarneo (Wien: Markgraf, 1862); Ellen Wood, East Lynne, translated by Heinrich von Hammer (Leipzig, Voigt u. Günther, 1862). 102 Wynne, The sensation novel and the Victorian family magazine, 1. 103 Andrew Maunder, 9. 104 Ned Albert, East Lynne, n.p.

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than a dozen film versions of East Lynne were produced, most of them in the UK and the US.105 Among them a sound-film version released by the Fox Film Corporation was nominated for the Academy Award for Outstanding Production in 1931.106 Interestingly, when this film was screened in Shanghai in October 1931, its Chinese title was Konggu lanxin 空谷蘭馨 (Scent of Orchids in the Empty Valley), only slightly different from Konggu lan.107 This illustrates the close tie between East Lynne and Konggu lan in the contemporary mind. This is an interesting juncture where ‘different’—and related—cultural products met in real time and space as well as in a virtual mediascape of narratives, images, and linguistic symbols. Four years later, the sound version of Konggu lan was selected as one of the eight Chinese films to enter the International Film Festival in Moscow. Afterwards it travelled ‘back’ to Europe, and was shown in Berlin, Paris, and Milan.108 The itinerary of the story’s transcultural journey clearly illustrates how the development of mass media and cultural industries in different countries facilitated the travels of the story and eventually led to the birth of various Shanghai films. The British family magazine New Monthly Magazine of the 1860s, American story papers of the 1870s, the Japanese tabloid Yorozu Chōhō of the 1900s, and the literary column of the Shanghai newspaper Shibao of the 1910s resembled one another in many ways. They were all products of 105 According to the Internet Movie Database (IMDb, www.imdb.com), there have been fourteen film versions of the novel under the title East Lynne, released in: 1902 (dir. Dicky Winslow, UK); 1903 (Vitagraph Company of America, USA); 1908 (Selig Polyscope Company, USA); 1910 (Precision Films, UK); 1912 (dir. Theodore Marston, Thanhouser Film Corporation, USA); 1913 (dir. Bert Haldane, UK); 1913 (dir. Arthur Carrington, Brightonia, UK); 1915 (dir. Travers Vale, Biograph Company, USA); 1916 (dir. Bertram Bracken, Fox Film Corporation, USA); 1921 (dir. Hugo Ballin, Hugo Ballin Productions, USA); 1922 (Master Films, UK); 1922 (dir. Charles Hardy, Australia); 1925 (dir. Emmett J. Flynn, Fox Film Corporation, USA); and 1931 (dir. Frank Lloyd, Fox Film Corporation, USA). Two versions were released under slightly different titles: East Lynne in Bugville (1914, dir. Phillips Smalley, Crystal Film Company, USA) and East Lynne with Variations (1919, dir. Edward F. Cline, Mack Sennett Comedies, USA). And two recent TV versions were released under the title of East Lynne in 1976 (dir. Barney Colehan, UK) and in 1982 (dir. David Green, BBC, UK). 106 See the awards database of the Academy Awards: http://awardsdatabase.oscars.org/ ampas_awards/BasicSearchInput.jsp. 107 See theater advertisement for East Lynne in XWB 20 Oct, 1931: 20. 108 “Zhou Jianyun Hu Die zai Su’e,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 11, 14. In Europe, Konggu lan was not shown to the public, but rather to Chinese students and selected foreign audiences including film industry employees and dramatists. For the showing in Berlin see MB 1.2 (16 May 1935): 19; in Paris see MB 1.6 (1 Jul. 1935): 10.

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modern publishing industries, all featured popular serial novels and related literary genres, and all targeted urban lower-middle class readerships. The British publisher Bentley, the American publisher Street & Smith, Fusōdō in Japan, and Youzheng shuju in China all exemplified the flourishing publishing industries of the time. Since adaptations of popular novels for stage and screen were commonplace, this sensational story soon found new modes of expression in the areas of theater and cinema. The European genre of melodrama, Hollywood cinema, Japanese shinpa drama, the Chinese New Play, and the tragic love film were all interlinked and had overlapping territories of styles and sources. Intertwined media forms and genres eventually transformed East Lynne into Konggu lan in a long chain of cultural production. Shanghai filmmaking was part of this chain. How did Shanghai filmmakers make a story from afar into a movie that gripped local audiences? I will first introduce the plotlines of the story’s four variations, and then analyze the ways in which Mingxing ‘cinematized’ the story. I argue that sensation and sentiment were the key attractions of the story and Mingxing took full advantage of the film medium to reinforce these elements. Wood’s East Lynne features Lady Isabel, a peer’s daughter, who marries a middle-class lawyer, Archibald Carlyle, whom the refined lady deeply loves. When she finds out that Archibald has frequently been meeting their neighbor’s daughter Barbara Hare, who has had a long-standing hidden affection for Archibald, she becomes jealous. In a moment of passion, she allows herself to be seduced by an aristocratic suitor, Sir Francis Levison, and then elopes with him. But she is soon abandoned and becomes the unfortunate victim of a railway accident which leaves her maimed and disfigured. By mistake she is reported dead. Archibald, meanwhile, has secured a divorce and has subsequently married Barbara. When he places an advertisement for the post of governess in his house, Isabel answers under an assumed name because she is sick with longing for her children. In spite of her careful nursing, her son dies without knowing who she really is. After this cruel blow, Isabel falls ill and reveals her identity to her former husband. In a long deathbed scene she wins his forgiveness.109 Brame’s A Woman’s Error features a similar triangular relationship, although its difference from East Lynne is clear. Isabel’s parallel figure in A Woman’s Error is Violante Temple, a country attorney’s daughter, whose innocent beauty and timid manner captivates Vivian, Lord Selwyn of Selwyn Castle, at first sight. They soon marry and settle in Castle Selwyn. But Violante constantly feels 109 The plot summary is based on the novel: Wood, East Lynne.

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awkward and ill-at-ease, especially in the company of Vivian’s cousin, Beatrice Leigh, who possesses imperial beauty and stately grace. Beatrice, who had hoped to marry Vivian, is bitterly jealous of Violante and constantly taunts and torments her and finds various ways to persecute her. Driven almost mad, Violante resolves to leave her husband and little son when she spots Vivian and Beatrice together in the garden. In her insane mind this is a clear sign of the loss of her husband’s love. She departs with her maid who happens to have a strong resemblance to her. The maid is killed in a railway accident and is mistakenly identified as Violante. The real Violante survives and lives in disguise for many years in a small village. Longing to see her son, Violante returns to her husband’s home area in disguise and teaches in a school built by Beatrice, who has been Vivian’s wife for several years. Violante’s son falls gravely ill, and not only does she nurse him with devotion, she also saves him from death when Beatrice schemes to kill him. Foiled and baffled, Beatrice dies in a traffic accident. The story ends with Violante revealing her identity to her husband and the reunion of the happy family.110 Ruikō’s No no hana is based squarely on A Woman’s Error, and Bao’s Konggu lan is generally faithful to No no hana. But the Japanese and Chinese stories are not strict translations of A Woman’s Error. Both Ruikō and Bao took considerable liberties by adding local color to their re-creations. For example, character names are all localized. Vivian, Violante, and Beatrice are called Kiyoshi Semizu 瀨水冽, Sumiko Suemura 陶村澄子, and Shinako Aoyagi 青柳品子 in No no hana, and Lansun 蘭蓀, Taocun Renzhu 陶村紉珠, and Qingliu Rouyun 青柳 柔雲 in Konggu lan. The renamings were based either on pronunciation or on meaning. For example, while the pronunciation of Semizu is close to Selwyn, Violante’s Japanese name ‘sumi’ means clarity and Beatrice’s Japanese name ‘shina’ means dignity, thus capturing each character’s temperament.111 Vivian’s Chinese name Lansun comes from the pronunciation of the Japanese kanji ‘瀨水’ (which is pronounced ‘laishui’ in Chinese) and carries cultural symbolism linked to Chinese tradition. ‘Lan 蘭,’ the orchid, which is featured both in his name and in the title of the novel, is deemed an emblem of femininity, serenity, and exquisite beauty in China and was fondly admired by traditional Chinese literati. The imagery of ‘an orchid in an empty valley’ was taken from such famous poems as ‘Gulan sheng youyuan 孤蘭生幽園’ (Lonely orchids growing in a wild garden) and ‘Lan sheng yougu wuren shi 蘭生幽谷無人識’ (No one knows the orchid growing in the deep valley).112 The ‘empty valley’ (konggu) and the ‘pearl’ (zhu) in the heroine’s name are 110 The plot summary is based on the novel itself, Charlotte M. Brame, A woman’s error. 111 Cf Siyuan Liu, “The impact of shinpa on early Chinese huaju,” 173–74. 112 See Li Bai, “Gu feng, qi sanshiba,” 136; Su Zhe, “Zhong lan,” 340.

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reminiscent of two sentences in Jiaren 佳人 (The Beauty), a poem by Du Fu 杜甫 (712–770): “Juedai you jiaren, youju zai konggu 绝代有佳人，幽居 在空谷” (Who is lovelier than she? Yet she lives alone in an empty valley), “Shibi maizhu hui 侍婢卖珠回” (Her maid is back from selling pearls).113 By contrast, the English title ‘A Woman’s Error’ does not evoke profound cultural allusions or symbolic meanings for Chinese readers. The Chinese title picks up the theme of the flower from the Japanese title “Flowers in a Wild Field” (No no hana), but the latter lacks cultural sophistication for Chinese readers. In Japanese ‘no 野’ means an uncultivated barren plain. The metaphor ‘no no hana’ seems to refer to the protagonist Sumiko Suemura who captures the heart of the cultivated hero with her uncultivated beauty. This title expresses the modern nostalgia for an idyllic pre-modern life. But in Chinese, the image of wild flowers sometimes implies licentious females. This may be the reason why Bao Tianxiao avoided a literal translation of the Japanese title. Minor changes in the plot, style, and characterization (designed to cater to local tastes) abound in No no hana and Konggu lan. But the English settings of the original story are retained in both versions. For example, Leicestershire, the place where Violante and her father live, is called ‘Lan shi te jia cun 蘭士 特迦村’ in Konggu lan, a complete phonetic translation.114 The illustrations that accompany each installment of Konggu lan in Shibao all feature western scenes. All these elements constitute an odd—and rather fascinating— combination of British, Japanese, and Chinese elements in the hybrid cultural texts derived from the Victorian story. When the story was adapted for the screen, however, it was completely sinicized. Renzhu’s family name was changed from the Japanese name Taocun (Suemura) to Tao, a Chinese family name, and Rouyun’s surname Qingliu was changed to Jin. Leicestershire and Castle Sylwyn became Jiaxing (a small town in Zhejiang) and Hangzhou (the capital city of Zhejiang). No matter how the specific details differ with each version, my comparative readings of a selection of nine versions115 show that the core of the story remains unchanged. The happy life of couple A (Archibald, Vivian, Kiyoshi, 113 Du Fu, “Jiaren,” 90. 114 Bao Tianxiao, Konggu lan, 10. 115 The nine versions are: Wood, East Lynne; Brame, A woman’s error; Albert, East Lynne; Kuroiwa Ruikō, No no hana; Bao Tianxiao, Konggu lan; Wang Nancun, Konggu lan; play script Konggu lan in Shanghai shi chuantong jumu bianji weiyuan hui, ed., Chuantong jumu huibian, 62–107; synopsis and intertitles of the silent film Konggu lan in ZWDJB, 558–80; and the incomplete 1935 sound film (with 47 minutes remaining), which I watched in the China Film Archive in Beijing in April 2012 thanks to help from Prof. Chen Mo and Xiao Zhiwei.

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Lansun) and B (Isabel, Violante, Sumiko, Renzhu) is ruined by the intrusion of C (Barbara, Beatrice, Shinako, Rouyun). The jealous wife B leaves her husband and child(ren) and is mistakenly reported dead. A and C then get married. Several years later, B returns to her husband’s house in disguise, attends to her ill child, and finally reveals her true identity. This storyline includes such ingredients as rivalry, jealousy, scheming, misunderstanding, a fatal accident, a double identity, disguise, maternal love, deathbed scene, bigamy, retribution, and revelation, elements that cannot be described more aptly than ‘sensational’ and ‘sentimental.’ In the following I will analyze how Mingxing filmmakers treated the story’s three critical moments—instances of the highest levels of sensation and sentiment. The three moments include the fatal night when Renzhu leaves her family with the maid, the railway accident, and Renzhu’s return in disguise. This analysis is mainly based on the 1935 sound film, although unfortunately only half of the original print (47 minutes) has survived the ravages of time. 3.1 That Fatal Night The first apex of the story, in all its numerous iterations, is that ‘fatal night,’ to quote the Oxford professor who devoured East Lynne with great interest in 1862. An 1881 poster for a stage play of East Lynne features that night, describing Isabel in agony upon finding Archibald and Barbara together in the moonlight (Fig. 4.1a). The book cover of the 1935 rewritten version of Konggu lan also features the night, showing Lansun and Rouyun cuddling under the full moon (Fig. 4.1b). This cover picture invites readers to gaze from the point of view of the jealous heroine and to sympathize with her feelings. How did Zhang Shichuan treat this fatal night? In the 1935 film, the scene opens with a long take. The camera pans slowly across a moonlit garden and follows Renzhu’s movements to a western-style pavilion where Lansun and Rouyun are seated in two chairs. The camera tracks back to Renzhu, who hides herself in the shadow of a tree and peeps. This shot is followed by a close-up of Renzhu, whose facial expression tells us of her shock. The next shot is a medium shot in which Rouyuan, proud and radiant, and Lansun, half drunk, converse intimately. Then it is cut back to a Renzhu close-up and back again to a medium shot. We hear Lansun express regret that he did not marry Rouyun. In the next close-up, we see Renzhu weeping in despair. The last shot of this scene resembles the first long take, featuring the garden and Renzhu walking hastily back while the sound of the music from the banquet hall is heard in the background. The mise-en-scene, cutting, cinematography, and sound are not artistically sophisticated, but all adhere to the principles of Hollywood classical cinema and successfully convey Renzhu’s feelings as she peeps and detects the secret.

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Figure 4.1a

1881 poster of East Lynne (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/var1994001797/PP/. Accessed 30 Oct. 2012. Courtesy of Library of Congress, US)

Figure 4.1b

Book cover of 1935 Konggu lan (Courtesy of Shanghai Library, China)

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Figure 4.2 A still from 1926 Konggu lan (MT 8, 1926)

Rouyun’s triumphant smile bathed in the bright moonlight stands in stark contrast to Renzhu’s desperate face obscured by the dark shadow of the tree. The gay music coming from the banquet hall reinforces the gloom surrounding the heartbroken wife. The next scene is set in Renzhu’s boudoir. She is writing a farewell letter to her husband and then takes leave of her infant son. The scene includes an important clue about the mistaken death report that happens later, that is, the resemblance of Renzhu and her maid, Cui’er 翠兒. In one shot at the beginning of the scene, Renzhu appears in a white dress on the left and calls Cui’er (played by the same actress wearing a dark dress) who enters from the background on the right. In the next shot they stand face to face. The cinematographic technique of ‘double exposure’ was applied here to create this effect. It was vital to the development of the plot. This technique had already been used in the story’s silent film version of 1926 (Fig. 4.2). Mingxing filmmakers and publicists were keenly aware of the advantage of the film medium in this respect and boasted in their advertising for the silent film: “The film was shot with the latest cinematographic technique developed in America.”116 Spectators were thrilled by the special effect. As one reviewer wrote, “Zhang Zhiyun 張織雲 plays two roles in this film. The two characters appear in one shot with different facial expressions. Viewers can hardly detect that they are the same person.”117 This trick cinematography had an ongoing appeal for Chinese movie-goers. For example, Zimei hua (1934), one of the 116 XWB 8 Mar. 1926: A1. 117 Yi Hua, “Guochan dianying qucai ming xiaoshuo zhi xiansheng,” Liangyou (15 Feb. 1926): 16.

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most successful films at the box-office in the 1930s, features a pair of twin sisters, both played by Hu Die (Butterfly Wu), the same actress who played Renzhu and Cui’er in the 1935 version of Konggu lan. Cinema’s capacity to produce the sensational effect of total resemblance was unrivalled. There is no such character as the maid in the novel East Lynne. But A Woman’s Error features such a person, Theresa Bowden, whose resemblance to ‘her lady’ is captured in Beatrice’s words: “Do you not see how much she is like you? Her hair is of the same shade, she is of the same height, the same complexion. It is a grave mistake to have engaged such a person. Only imagine what remarks people may make!”118 In No no hana, Ruikō described the maid’s chance resemblance to Sumiko from the perspective of Sumiko herself.119 The 1935 Chinese novel introduces Cui’er by saying: “Her figure and complexion have a sixty to seventy percent resemblance to Renzhu.”120 But words certainly cannot generate the sensational feeling as effectively as the technical method of double exposure. In the 1914 stage play of Konggu lan, there was no mention of resemblance. Cui’er is mistaken for Renzhu only because she had taken Renzhu’s handbag.121 A stage play does not allow one actor to play two roles simultaneously in one scene. The film medium amplified the Victorian novel’s sensational elements. That fatal night is followed by an even more sensational event: a train accident. 3.2 A Collision! Public anxiety over the intensity of sensory input and stimulation was part of the modern experience in turn-of-the-century western societies. Traffic hazards were a source of modern stress and pervaded newspaper pages during the period.122 This specific mental state may explain why a railway accident appears at the center of the plot in all versions of the story. In East Lynne the accident happens in Cammère, a small French town: “The train was within a short distance of the station when there came a sudden shock and crash as of the day of doom; and engine, carriages, and passengers lay in one confused mass at the foot of a steep embankment. The gathering darkness added to the awful confusion.”123 Charlotte Brame had the crash take place near the Italian town of Sedi: “. . . there came a terrible shock, a terrible noise, a hissing of stream, 118 Brame, A woman’s error, 53. 119 Ruikō, No no hana, vol. 1, 175. 120 Wang Nancun, Konggu lan, 42. 121 Play script “Konggu lan,” 89. 122 Cf. Ben Singer, Melodrama and modernity, 59–100. 123 Wood, East Lynne, 320.

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a crashing as of broken carriages, a rushing, blinding, bewildering shock, as two trains met with deadly force, and one forced the other over the embankment into the vine-wreathed valley below! A collision!”124 Ruikō’s description is less sensational. He merely says that the crash causes people to feel that the sky is collapsing and the earth is cracking.125 Bao Tianxiao followed Ruikō’s text, but portrayed the scene from Cui’er’s angle: “[She] suddenly heard a great crash like the collapsing of the sky and the sundering of the earth: two trains collided.”126 While writers were at liberty to describe such an accident as freely as they liked, playwrights were faced with far more practical constraints. In the 1941 stage adaptation of East Lynne, audiences only learned of the accident from Isabel’s conversation with her maid: “I was in the accident, Joyce, and they mistook another woman for me and buried her in my name.”127 No visual representations were provided. So how did Zhang Shichuan portray the incident? This incident sequence in the 1935 film is made up of nine shots: 1. 2. 3.

(close-up) Ringing bell at the station. (close-up) Railway signals. (close-up) Rotating train wheels and rails, with a foot stepping on the signal controller in the foreground at the lower left of the frame. 4. (medium shot) Cui’er boarding the train, with back to us. 5. (long shot) Dinning table in the banquet hall, Lansun drunk. 6. (extreme long shot) Train A travelling through the dark night from left to right. 7. (long shot) Train B travelling to the left, with its locomotive pumping out clouds of white smoke; roars getting louder. 8. (long shot) Train A entering from the left; collision with train B; explosion. 9. (close-up) Hands typing a telegraph message; sound of the typing, short and quick, creating a tense atmosphere. Zhang Shichuan effectively employed rhythmic editing and other filmic devices to represent the deadly accident. Close-ups of the bell, the railway signals, the train wheels and the foot—spliced together at a normal pace— 124 Brame, A woman’s error, 129. 125 Ruikō, No no hana, vol. 1, 184. 126 Bao Tianxiao, Konggu lan, vol. 1, 110. The original text: “只聽得一聲天崩地覆般響往來 兩個火車頭撞了個頭拳兒.” 127 Albert, East Lynne, 125.

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convey the ominous silence. This silence sets off the imminent fatal crash and serves as a psychological cue to the audience with respect to what will soon happen. The sound effects heighten the feeling of foreboding in shot 7 as the roars grow louder and louder. Shot 5 featuring the bright and splendid banquet hall stands in sharp contrast to the exterior scene of darkness and reinforces the emotional intensity of the sequence. Without the trains, shots 6 and 7 would look like the sort of idyllic scene one finds in a traditional-style Chinese landscape painting. A bright full moon is hanging over the silhouettes of the mountains against the evening sky. The trains are portrayed as a devastating power that spoils the tranquility of the countryside, especially in the ghastly depiction of the roars, the smoke, and the explosion. This scene is reminiscent of two films about a bandit/warlord hold-up of a train in China: The Blue Express (Goluboy ekspress, dir. Ilya Trauberg, Sovkino), a Soviet silent film made in 1929, and Shanghai Express (dir. Josef von Sternberg), a Paramount film produced in 1932. The train seems to be a common feature in these types of films in that all present the train as an avatar of danger. The sound version of Konggu lan relied on film techniques to represent sensation and sentiment as opposed to the gruesomely realistic visual method adopted in Zhang Xinsheng. A good illustration is the way in which the film treats the dead. As we can see in shot 9, the gravity of the incident is conveyed by the audio-visual depiction of an outgoing telegram. Following this shot is the scene in which Lansun and Renzhu’s father mourn over the dead woman lying under a piece of white cloth. There is one close-up shot of the cloth-covered body, but there is no direct portrayal of the mangled face. The terrible condition of the face is only mentioned in remarks made by a railway employee. By that time Shanghai filmmaking had outgrown its obsession with morbid reality. The filmmakers had found new ways to represent sensation within the framework of the medium. It is interesting to note that the 1914 stage play included a glimpse of Rouyun’s ‘bloody face’ after she falls from her horsecarriage as well as Cui’er’s ‘true’ crushed face after the collision.128 Charlotte Brame likewise delineates the scene in a sensational manner: “They raised the body—it was that of a woman, young and fair—but from those strong men rose a cry of dread, as they saw what once had been a fair face, crushed and mangled, all semblance of humanity marred and deadened.”129 The accident and the subsequent misidentification of the body are the prelude to the most dramatic development in the story.

128 Tie Rou, “Xinmin xinju she zhi qian hou ben Konggu lan,” Juchang yuebao 1 (Jan. 1914). 129 Brame, A woman’s error, 130.

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3.3 The Aching Heart in Disguise The dramatic turn of events on that fatal night and the deadly crash lead to the crescendo of the story’s sentimental and sensational power. In a nutshell, this power resides in the dynamics of disguise and revelation. In East Lynne, readers observe from the point of view of a maid the disguised appearance of Lady Isabel, now Madame Vine, the governess of her former family: “Wilson was thinking she never saw such a mortal fright as the new governess. The blue spectacles capped everything, she decided: and what on earth made her tie up her throat, in that fashion, for? As well wear a man’s collar and stock, at once!”130 In A Woman’s Error, Violante becomes Mrs. Rivers, the teacher of the charity school established by Beatrice, but now her long golden hair is closely cropped and she wears a widow’s cap and coarse black dress.131 In the 1926 silent film, Renzhu wears dark spectacles (see Fig. 4.3b). But Renzhu disguises herself in a more theatrical fashion in the sound film. Upon deciding to answer the ad for the teacher’s post, she takes out a book entitled Gaizhuang bianrong shu 改妝變容術 (Methods of Disguise and Changing Appearance), which is shot in close-up. The next close-up is a clock that reads quarter past one, and then quarter to three. Taking one and a half hours to change her appearance according to the instructions in the book, Renzhu is now wearing a pair of glasses (not dark spectacles), her hair is held up by a comb, and she speaks with a strong accent. When she knocks at the door of her own house and pretends to be a visitor, even the servant and her father fail to recognize her. Returning to their old homes in disguise, the heroines in the various versions of the story are all thrown into deep emotional turmoil. They feel jealous when they see that their bitter rivals take their own places beside their beloved husbands. They suffer great torment when they face their own dear children but cannot declare their true identities. Most dramatic is the moment when each of them faces the photo or portrait of herself as the ‘deceased’ wife and mother. One of the only two illustrations in the 1909 Japanese book No no hana depicts this scene (Fig. 4.3a). In A Woman’s Error, when Violante’s son ushers her in to look at the picture of his ‘deceased mother,’ “[h]er heart beat, and her brain burned; but it must be done! Slowly she raised her eyes. Was she ever like that?—so lovely, so bright.”132 Renzhu’s reaction in Bao Tianxiao’s novel is: “Her heart was aching and she wished to rush out of the room immediately.”133 In the 1935 film, it is also the son who introduces the disguised teacher to his 130 Wood, East Lynne, 409–10. 131 Brame, A woman’s error, 145. 132 Ibid., 189. 133 Bao Tianxiao, Konggu lan, vol. 2, 61. The original text is: 覺得陣陣心酸恨不逃出他書房.

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mother’s photo. It is hanging in the drawing room of the house, flanked on each side by a couplet written in nice calligraphy that reads: “Qiugui lan moren, luxie lei chengzhu 秋歸蘭莫忍, 露瀉淚成珠” (The autumn approached, unbearably for the orchid. The dew gathered, like tears growing into pearls. Emphases mine.) Composed ingeniously with the inclusion of the names of Renzhu and Lansun, the couplet conveys the husband’s feelings of grief, remorse, and love. Standing before the photo, a reaction shot reveals Renzhu’s intense emotion. The silent film features a similar scene and a still was published in a fan magazine in 1926 (see Fig. 4.3b). A similar scenario about a woman returning to her old home in disguise also appeared in a popular novel of the 1920s and a Chinese film based on the novel. The novel, Love and Duty (Lian’ai yu yiwu 戀愛與義務), was written originally in French by S. Horose (Chinese name: Hua Luochen 華羅琛, 1883–1970), a Polish woman who married a Chinese engineer and lived in China.134 The Commercial Press published the Chinese version in 1924 and the English version in 1926.135 It soon became very successful and Lianhua produced a silent film based on the novel in 1931, directed by Bu Wancang, previously a Mingxing director. The story features an educated woman (played by Ruan Lingyu 阮玲玉, 1910–1935) who runs from her arranged marriage to be with her true love and ends up suffering from the death of her lover, from poverty, and from moral condemnation as the unmarried mother of a baby girl. One of the most dramatic moments in the story is a scene in which the protagonist returns as a seamstress to her own house many years later and discovers that her daughter is in love with the son she had with her first husband.136 The novel was written after East Lynne and its various spin-offs, but we have no evidence to demonstrate the precise influence of one work on the other. I would suggest that the coincidental similarity in the plots of Love and Duty and East Lynne/Konggu lan point to the powerful wave of sentimentalism and sensationalism in the popular mediaspheres around the globe throughout the long period under discussion. It is interesting to note that a French version of Love and Duty was published under the title “La Symphonie des Ombres Chinoises: Idylle” by the Paris publisher Editions de la Madeleine in 1932.137 The 1931 Chinese film surfaced in Uruguay in the 1990s after being ‘lost’ for half a century. These facts 134 For a detailed study of Love and Duty, see Thomas Kampen, “Die chinesische Verfilmung des Romans Love and Duty der europäischen Schriftstellerin Horose,” 197–204. 135 S. Horose, Lian’ai yu yiwu; S. Horose, Love and duty. 136 I viewed the movie at the Taiwan Film Archive. For an excerpt of the film see http://catalog.digitalarchives.tw/item/00/36/22/5d.html. Accessed 25 Oct. 2012. 137 S. Horose, La symphonie des ombres chinoises: idylle.

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Figure 4.3a

Illustration in 1909 No no hana (Courtesy of National Diet Library, Japan)

Figure 4.3b

A still from 1926 Konggu lan (MT 8, 1926)

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imply that there are many unknown global travel stories concerning these narratives, images and plots that convey their many sentimental and sensational appeals. Konggu lan and Love and Duty were but two examples and Shanghai filmmaking was one stop in these global travels. 4

Stories of Modern Life

The subtitle of East Lynne states that it is a “story of modern life.”138 Social problems, intellectual discourses, public anxieties and desires found a powerful channel of articulation in the various versions of the story. These narratives and images stemmed from “strips of reality” and formed “imagined lives.”139 The travels of the Victorian story provide an early sample of how mediascapes worked, and how Mingxing was connected to global mediascapes and generated its own power through images and imaginaries. The same holds true for Mingxing’s earlier experiments: the short newsreels, the comedies, and Zhang Xinsheng. The hybrid interests of Mingxing filmmakers, including documentary, slapstick, and narrative films, were embedded in glocal mediascapes and the films they produced mirrored a broad spectrum of ‘modern life.’ After the initial stage of experimention with the medium, narrative films gradually became the dominant mode of filmmaking at Mingxing. This was consistent with the historical development of world cinema. The tremendous success of Konggu lan certainly underscored this trend, but there was an equally successful predecessor, that is, Orphan. For Chinese audiences, the central appeal of these narrative films lay in what may be called ‘melodramatic sentimentalism.’ This taste was also connected with global film culture, especially Hollywood filmmaking. This aspect is the focus of the next chapter.

138 Maunder, “Introduction to East Lynne,” 21. 139 Appadurai, “Disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy,” 9.

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The Narrative (I): Melodrama as a Social Form Zhang Shichuan’s wife remarked on the directing style of her husband with good humor: “How much suffering his protagonists had to endure at the beginning of his films! Soft-hearted female audiences were bound to be moved to tears and soak a couple of handkerchiefs. But he would arrange a dramatic reversal at the end, so that everybody rejoiced at a happy ending.”1 Her husband’s ‘philosophy,’ as she saw it, was: “A film that fails to make the ladies cry can hardly please them, but a film that is excessively sorrowful and ends with separation, death, and a dissolved family will lose me my audiences too. Hence I must keep a balance by giving them a good weep and a good laugh. Thus, I dare to boast that when a new film of mine comes out, they cannot wait to head for the cinema.”2 This style that centered on pathos, dramatic turns, and a happy ending, in a nutshell, can be described as ‘melodramatic.’ Yao Sufeng once used the exact English word ‘melodrama’ to summarize the secret of his boss Zhang Shichuan’s ability to produce commercially successful films.3 My analysis of Konggu lan in the last chapter provided a glimpse of this style. The style of Konggu lan was consistent with the description offered by Zhang Shichuan’s wife and the film did attract a large audience that wept about it. This chapter analyzes how Mingxing directors and screenwriters told stories via the film medium. After their initial exploration of the documentary and slapstick genres, the Mingxing bosses ended up adopting the narrative genre. A major driving force for this ‘narrative transition’ was the phenomenal success of Orphan. I argue that this phenomenon was essentially about the success of melodramatic representation. This chapter discusses this particular film and the socio-cultural context that provided the fertile soil for the adoption and favorable reception of the melodramatic mode. A comparison of Orphan and Way Down East (dir. D. W. Griffith, 1920) will further illustrate the global connections of Shanghai filmmaking. Scholars have discussed the social role of melodrama in the modern imagination in post-Enlightenment western societies.4 I would 1 He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 118–19. 2 Ibid. 3 Yao Sufeng, “Luliu qianghua de bianju zhe yan,” Yingmi zhoubao 1.2 (3 Oct. 1934): 38. 4 Cf. Peter Brooks, The melodramatic imagination; Jeffrey Mason, Melodrama and the myth of America.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi 10.1163/9789004279346_007

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suggest that melodrama in the Chinese context likewise acted not only as a means of entertainment but also as a social form to convey social messages. Paul Pickowicz argues in his influential study of melodrama and Chinese cinema that there was a ‘May Fourth tradition of Chinese cinema’ that can be defined as “the marriage between classic melodrama and elementary Marxism that took place in the 1932–1937 period and resurfaced in the 1946–1949 period.”5 His article provides close readings of three Chinese film melodramas produced in the 1930s, 1940s and 1980s and points to the close relationship between the legacy of Republican-era filmmaking and post-Mao cinema. My study of Orphan will show how this marriage between melodrama and May Fourth ideas was rooted in the earliest practices of Chinese filmmaking. The production of Orphan in 1923, a year that falls squarely within the early May Fourth era, helped to sow the seeds for the development of this May Fourth tradition of Chinese filmmaking. Melodrama as a social form was vital at this seminal moment. 1

Why Melodrama?

The orphan who rescues his grandpa in the film also rescued Mingxing in reality. Orphan emerged as a timely savior for Mingxing. At the time it was struggling on the brink of bankruptcy because its early short films and Zhang Xinsheng failed to make enough money. It is not an exaggeration to say that Orphan was a marvel. Feng Xizui 鳳昔醉, who wrote about the three-year history of Mingxing in Shenbao in 1925, stated that the film was ‘marvelous’ and deserved all the credit for the enhancement of Mingxing’s reputation.6 Zhou Jianyun wrote in 1936: “With the success of Orphan, Mingxing finally gained a foothold in the film world.”7 Not only was it of vital importance for Mingxing, but also for Chinese film history in general. It has been widely seen as a landmark in Chinese film history. For example, as I noted in the Introduction, Gu Jianchen stated in his 1934 essay that Orphan ushered in “an unprecedented national film movement.”8 What was the secret of this stunning success? When the story crept into Zhang Shichuan’s brain during his train trip from Beijing to Hankou, his initial thought was to produce a film starring Zheng 5 Paul Pickowicz, “Melodramatic representation and the ‘May Fourth’ tradition of Chinese cinema,” 324. 6 Feng Xizui, “Mingxing gongsi sannian lai zhi huigu,” SB 1 Jan. 1925: Yuandan zengkan 18. 7 Zhou Jianyun, “Huai Zhengqiu xiong,” MB 6.2 (1 Aug. 1936). 8 Gu Jianchen, “Zhongguo dianying fada shi,” ZWD, 1364.

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Xiaoqiu 鄭小秋 (1910–1989), Zheng Zhengqiu’s thirteen-year-old son who had already displayed his acting talents in Zhang Xinsheng. Therefore a story about a child who had lost his father took shape in Zhang Shichuan’s mind.9 The story starts with the death of the only son of a millionaire named Yang Shouchang 楊壽昌. The son is survived by his wife Yu Weiru 余蔚如. As Yang Shouchang is now deprived of his only heir, he adopts his nephew Daopei 道培, who is only interested in Yang’s money. The young widow, Weiru, soon discovers that she is pregnant. Recognizing this as a grave threat to his future fortune, Daopei makes a false accusation about Weiru’s alleged infidelity. Yang believes the story, becomes furious, and drives Weiru out of his family. Weiru returns to her father’s house and gives birth to a son, Yu Pu 余璞. Soon afterwards Weiru loses her father and lives in wretched poverty, but the devoted mother makes every effort to educate her son in decent and proper ways. Meanwhile, Yang Shouchang finally realizes that Daopei cares about nothing except his fortune and future inheritance. Yang moves to a new house close to a charity school he established with his own funds. Yu Pu, bright of mind and of good character, happens to attend the school and wins the heart of the old man. But both are unaware of their true relationship. One day Daopei plots to murder old Yang because Yang has refused his demands for money. It is the boy who saves his grandfather’s life with bravery and cleverness. The film ends with Daopei’s death and the reunion of the Yang family. Yu Weiru inherits Yang Shouchang’s wealth and funds a new school for the children of the poor.10 Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues spent eight months producing the film on an extremely low budget and with poor equipment. They had no studio of their own and shot the film partly in an open-air ‘studio’ and partly in a private garden owned by the manager of the Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Company.11 Given these poor circumstances, the film’s quality was impressive. Film critics commented that the acting skills of the performers, the quality of the sets and props, and the photography were all remarkable.12 But the key element responsible for its success was the story. While the high quality of the film was emphasized in early ads, the focal point later shifted solely to its plot. The story was ‘poignant’ and ‘touching’ and it promoted ‘family education’ and ‘moral 9 10 11

12

Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 16. Unfortunately, no copies of the film survive. For the synopsis see ZWDJB, 47. The open-air studio was located on Haining Road and the private garden is Nanyuan 南園 (Nan Garden) owned by Jian Zhaonan 簡照南, the manager of the Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Co. See Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 17. See Zhou Shixun, “Ping Gu’er jiuzu ji zhong zhi yaojue,” SB 21 Dec. 1923: 17; Chen Peisen, “Ping Gu’er jiuzu ji,” SB 10, 11 Mar. 1924.

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standards,’ according to advertising texts.13 What precisely was the power of the story? The following analysis will demonstrate that the power resided in its decidedly melodramatic mode. Melodrama is not a Chinese term. Derived from the Greek word melos for song or stage play combined with music, the term, in its modern usage, refers to a form of drama characterized by “sensationalism, emotional intensity, hyperbole, strong action, violence, rhetorical excesses, moral polarities, brutal villainy and its ultimate elimination, and the triumph of good.”14 Peter Brooks’s pioneering study has traced the modern emergence of the genre. It dates back to eighteenth-century Europe when the rising bourgeois class was looking for clear moral meanings as older religious and transcendent values seemed to have less direct connection to people’s lives. Melodrama met the needs of this class by positing fixed dramatic types (hero/heroine, villain) and repetitions of struggle between good and evil.15 This genre has been the topic of increasing amounts of scholarship during recent decades.16 The term melodrama has also been extensively deployed to examine nonwestern cultural artifacts, including Chinese films.17 There is no synonym for melodrama in Chinese, however. Stephen Teo used the term wenyi pian 文藝片 (literally, ‘literary and art film’) as the Chinese counterpart to film melodrama “in terms of a highly sentimental and exaggerated story.”18 Tongsu ju 通俗劇 (popular film) and qingjie ju 情節劇 (film with [convoluted] plot) are also common translations of the term.19 Regardless of how the term has 13 See XWB 20 Dec. 1923: A1; SB 28 Dec. 1923: 1. Later ads called the film “Zhongguo diyi aiqing jiating jiaoyu yingpian 中國第一哀情家庭教育影片” (The number one Chinese tragic film on family education). See XWB 2 Mar. 1924; XWB 7 Mar. 1924; XWB 13 Mar. 1924. 14 Wimel Dissanayake, “Introduction,” in Dissanayake, ed., Melodrama and Asian cinema, 1. 15 Brooks, The melodramatic imagination, 200–1. 16 Scholarly attention has mainly focused on its cultural significance at aesthetic, ideological and political levels and research approaches are remarkably interdisciplinary, comprising literary and film research, gender studies, among others. For the state of the art of melodrama studies, cf. Frank Kelleter, et al., “The melodramatic mode revisited,” in Kelleter, et al. eds., Melodrama!, 7–17. 17 See Dissanayake, ed., Melodrama and Asian cinema; Pickowicz, “Melodramatic representation and the ‘May Fourth’ tradition of Chinese cinema”; Stephen Teo, “Chinese melodrama”; Ning Ma, “The textual and critical difference of being radical”; Zhen Zhang, “Hou Yao, Geli feisi ‘re’ yu Zhongguo zaoqi tongsuju de wenhua shengtai”. 18 Teo, “Chinese melodrama,” 203. 19 For example, Pickowicz’s aforementioned article is translated as “‘Tongsu ju,’ Wusi chuantong yu Zhongguo dianying.” See Zheng Shusen, Wenhua piping yu huayu dianying. The term ‘qingjie ju’ has been widely used in recent Chinese-language scholarship on this topic. For example, see He Chungeng, Zhongxi qingjie ju dianying yishu bijiao yanjiu.

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been translated, China has a long tradition of vernacular literature and drama built on a binary structure of good and evil and emotional intensity, characteristics associated with the European notion of melodrama.20 Similar traits can also be found in translations of western novels and in Chinese popular stories that flourished in the late Qing. As Perry Link observes, in the mid-1910s popular stories of this kind grew “more blatantly sentimental” and were concerned primarily with “evoking emotion.”21 Mingxing filmmakers and their contemporaries must have read many of these novels and also heard the English term ‘melodrama.’ Yao Sufeng’s use of the term in English mentioned above is one example. Evidence can also be found in a Shenbao article in which the writer argued that the success of two 1935 plays was due to their characteristics as ‘Melo’ (English in original), which satisfied the tastes of petty urbanites (xiao shimin).22 Clearly this English term entered the common vocabulary of educated people in China in the 1930s or earlier. Seen in this light, ‘melodrama’ appears to be a suitable term to characterize Mingxing films. But I follow Peter Brooks’s idea and discuss melodrama not as a particular artistic/aesthetic genre, but rather look at ‘the melodramatic’ as a descriptive term, i.e. “a mode, a certain imaginative complex and set of dramatic conventions.”23 The principal conventions of melodrama include (a) allegorical or stereotypical good versus evil forces; (b) exaggeration, or excess; (c) emotional intensity, or emotionalism.24 These elements are interwoven with each other, and at the center is the structure of good versus evil. Classic Hollywood movies, inheritors of nineteenth-century stage melodrama, are quintessentially melodramatic. An AFI (American Film Institute) catalogue which lists feature films made in Hollywood between 1921 and 1930 indicates that almost every film was understood at the time as a melodrama, especially when one notes contemporary press releases and publicity posters.25 These Hollywood melodramas travelled globally and brought forth the tears of Chinese movie-goers at virtually the same time they were being screened in American theaters. Statistical data 20

For the Chinese storytelling tradition cf. Wilt Idema, et al. eds., A Guide to Chinese literature, 191–239. 21 Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 54. 22 Ke Ming, “Ershisi nian Zhongguo de huaju,” SB 6 Jan. 1936: Benbu zengkan. 23 Brooks, The melodramatic imagination, 202. 24 Cf. John Hill, et al. eds., The Oxford guide to film studies, 272ff, Wes Gehring, Handbook of American film genre, 285ff. 25 Ken Munden, ed., The American Film Institute catalog of motion pictures produced in the United States, feature films 1921–1930; quoted in Robert Lang, American film melodrama, 46.

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show that as many as 90 percent of Hollywood films entered the Chinese markets in the mid-1920s and the number increased in the 1930s.26 The Hollywood influence can be measured not only in numbers, but also in terms of levels of popularity. For example, D. W. Griffith (1875–1948), the ‘Father of (American) Film’ and the pioneer of filmic melodrama, triggered a craze in Shanghai in the early 1920s. Between 1922 and 1924 a total of ten Griffith films showed in Shanghai movie houses and some of them won tremendous popularity. Way Down East (1920, Chinese title: Laihun 賴婚) was the most successful one.27 Interestingly, theater publicists compared Way Down East to Honglou meng (Dream of the Red Chamber), the classic Chinese vernacular novel. One ad for Way Down East read: “Viewing the film is like reading the Chinese novel Honglou meng—the more times you read it, the more enchanted you feel.”28 In other words, Chinese audiences received foreign films and the allure of ‘the melodramatic’ through the filter of familiar cultural texts. Orphan emerged in this context and the power of the story resides in the intersection of the Chinese tradition of storytelling and Hollywood film culture. But Hollywood should be understood as the most direct source of influence, as many contemporary writers observed.29 Zheng Zhengqiu even commented that Zhang Shichuan’s directing style ‘smacked slightly of Griffith.’30 In what ways did Zhang Shichuan films smack of Griffith? How did cultural connections link Chinese movies to the texture of films that originated in different countries? Which roles did the melodramatic mode play in forging cultural connections at narrative, visual, and psychological levels? To explore these questions, I will compare Orphan and Way Down East. The primary reason for choosing these two samples is that they both achieved phenomenal success around the same time in China and must have captured the public imagination in some overlapping ways.

26

27 28 29 30

Zhiwei Xiao, “Hollywood in China, 1897–1950,” 80. According to Xiao’s research, the number of Hollywood films shown in China in 1935 was 364, whereas the sum of the films produced by eight major Hollywood studios was 343. See Xiao, 81. Chen Jianhua, “Geleifeisi yu Zhongguo zaoqi dianying,” 113. SB 22 Oct. 1922; quoted in ibid., 118. For discussions of Griffith’s influence on Chinese filmmaking see Li Daoxin, Zhongguo dianying de shixue jiangou, 379–90. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Mang gunü hao zhi guanggao,” MT 5 (Oct. 1925).

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Way Down East and Orphan: A Comparison

Way Down East is undeniably “a well-loved, enduringly popular example of American silent film.”31 Released in 1920, Way Down East was adapted from a popular nineteenth-century stage melodrama by Lottie Blair Parker and Joseph Grismer. The story’s protagonist, Anna, is a poor country girl who goes to the city to seek help from rich relatives. There she meets an aristocratic cad, Lennox Sanderson, who tricks her into a fake marriage. When she becomes pregnant, he discards her. The baby dies soon after birth and the destitute heroine finds work on a New England farm, where she meets Lennox again by chance. Upon learning of Anna’s past, the farm’s stern squire drives Anna out of the house. In the middle of a storm, David (the squire’s son), who has been in love with Anna for some time, rescues Anna from death.32 This story was considered an outdated ‘horse and buggy melodrama,’ but Griffith managed to make it into a truly popular film.33 The Chinese debut of Way Down East took place in Shanghai in May 1922.34 The film triggered an immediate fever and enjoyed numerous reruns for a decade in and beyond Shanghai.35 It was one of the best-known and favored Hollywood films in Republican China. Many people mentioned their experiences watching the film in memoirs and essays, including film director Sun Yu, Doctor Chen Cunren 陳存仁 (1908–1990), and the Peking opera star Mei Lanfang. Zou Taofen 鄒韜奮 (1895–1944), a journalist and writer, said that he watched the film three times over several years.36 At first glance, Way Down East and Orphan tell two completely different stories. On closer inspection, however, they share much in common in terms of melodramatic qualities. If we examine the two films with the aforementioned basic melodramatic conventions in mind (good versus evil, exaggeration, and emotionalism), we can easily identify the structure of good versus evil in both films. Both films end with the triumph of good (Yu Weiru and Yu Pu, Anna and David) and the defeat of villains (Daopei, Lennox). The plots of both films 31 32 33 34 35

36

Linda Williams, Playing the race card, 26. For the summary of the story, see Williams, Playing the race card, 27. My analysis is based on the film I watched (available as a DVD). Lillian Gish, The movies, Mr. Griffith and me, 229; quoted in Williams, Playing the race card, 26. See its ad in SB 22 May 1922: 2. For example, it was rerun in October 1922 in Shanghai, see SB 19 Oct. 1922: 15. It arrived in Beijing in January 1923. For the exhibition of the film in China see Qiliang He, “Way Down East, ‘Way Down West,’” 509–11. He, “Way Down East, ‘Way Down West,’” 509.

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depend on exaggeration and excess. Both heroines experience excessive misfortunes and the elaborate depictions of their ordeals certainly evoked intensive emotions in the audience: hatred for the villains, sympathy for the widow and the deserted, and joy at the family’s reunion and the happy marriage. In short, the two films are connected by their melodramatic representations of “high emotionalism and stark ethical conflict.”37 How do these elements reveal themselves in the narrative and visual representations contained in the two films? Film scholar Linda Williams has argued that there are five ‘key melodramatic qualities,’ and Way Down East displays all these qualities.38 I will examine Orphan through the same prism and compare the deep structures and messages of the two films. Home, or ‘space of innocence.’ Compared to the tragedy genre—which usually begins at a moment of crisis—melodrama begins calmly at “a moment of virtue taking pleasure in itself” in idyll spaces like gardens and rural homes.39 Melodrama then develops with the intrusion of a villain and ends with the return of the protagonist to peace. This is true for both Way Down East and Orphan. Way Down East begins in an ‘innocent’ family space where Anna (Lillian Gish) sews with her mother and plays with a puppy. Equipped with easy chairs, a fireplace and simple furniture, the living room of the rural house is plain and unadorned, but it looks cozy (see Fig. 5.1). The opening scene of Orphan takes place in a family space too. The first intertitle of the film reads: “This magnificent mansion is the property of the wealthy Yang family. Old Mr. Yang and his wife are taking a walk in the garden. What a blissful scene!”40 The next scene is a depiction of the young couple:41 Sheng (husband): Have you finished with your make-up? Wei (wife): Come, look . . . Why do you look a little like Harold Lloyd? Sheng: Well . . . then you are Mildred Davis [Lloyd’s wife]. Shou (father): Are you going out? Sheng: No, we are just taking a walk in the garden. Shou: What a happy couple, holding hands while roaming the garden! Why don’t we do the same?

37 Brooks, The melodramatic imagination, 12. 38 Williams, Playing the race card, 28–42. 39 Brooks, The melodramatic imagination, 69. 40 ZWDJB, 49. 41 Ibid., 50.

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Figure 5.1

Opening scene of  Way Down East (DVD snapshot)

Huang (Shou’s wife): Oh, you are old. Please don’t behave like young people! Shou: Well, OK, I guess I’m old and worthless (laugh). The scene of the husband who looks in the mirror at his wife applying makeup is reminiscent of imagery contained in a classical Chinese poem entitled “Jinshi shang Zhang shuibu 近試上張水部” (Verses to Secretary Zhang on the Eve of the Civil Examination, by Zhu Qingyu 朱慶餘). The best-known sentence in the poem, “Zhuangba disheng wen fuxu, huamei shenqian rushi wu 妝罷低聲問夫婿，畫眉深淺入時無,” describes a scene in which a bride is finishing her make-up and asks her husband shyly if her brows are drawn in her favor, well shaped and refined.42 But Orphan also involved ‘modern’ 42

Zhu Qingyu, “Jinshi shang Zhang shuibu 近試上張水部 (Verses To Secretary Zhang on the Eve of the Civil Examination).” The original poem is: 洞房昨夜停紅燭, 待曉堂前拜 舅姑。妝罷低聲問夫婿: 畫眉深淺入時無? (Out went wedding candles in the bedchamber last night/Out in the front hall she shall curtsy to her parents-in-law after sunrise./On finishing her make-up she asked her husband shyly:/Were her brows drawn in her favor, well shaped and refined?)

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elements, namely, the reference to Harold Lloyd and his wife Mildred Davis. This reference fully illustrates the penetration of Hollywood at the time. In a word, the openings of Way Down East and Orphan are both idyllic and emblematic of innocence ‘taking pleasure in itself.’ After all the twists and turns that ruin the original innocence, both films end with the restoration of peaceful family space and all virtues associated with it. Way Down East ends with the marriage between Anna and David. Its last scene is a kiss between Anna and her mother-in-law, a scene that symbolizes the restoration of the initial mother-daughter space of innocence. Orphan ends with the revelation of the true identities of the grandfather, grandson, and his mother. The reunion of the family is suggested by Yu Pu’s innocent question: “Grandpa, did you mean you would invite Mom and me to live with you? Mom, Grandpa’s house is much nicer than ours!”43 This dialogue echoes the film’s blissful opening scene in the Yang family’s private garden. Melodrama focuses on victim-heroes and on recognizing their virtues. A characteristic feature of melodrama is its concentration on a victim-hero. The key function of victimization is to underscore what Linda Williams calls ‘moral legibility.’44 If virtue is not readily visible, suffering is. In classic melodrama the victim-hero is more often than not female and suffering itself as a form of powerlessness is coded feminine. A lavish display of the victim-hero’s physical and mental pain is vital to the final recognition of virtue. A climactic rescue usually occurs before this recognition. In Way Down East, Anna’s virtue is initially misrecognized since she is an unwed mother. The eventual recognition of her virtue takes place when Lennox Sanderson and the squire ask for her forgiveness after her rescue from the ice. The fabricated accusation of Weiru’s infidelity is the first dramatic turn in Orphan. The director offered lavish depictions of the suffering of the victimheroine Weiru. An elegantly composed intertitle appears before the scene in which her father-in-law expels her from the home: “How miserable Weiru’s fortune is! One would say that no misery could compete with the loss of a husband. But she is unaware that something more brutal is awaiting her.”45 This obedient woman dares not defend herself and has nowhere to seek shelter except for her father’s home. The narrator expresses his moral and emotional sympathy in an intertitle: “No matter how big the world is, there is no place for a woman to live independently.”46 Weiru’s woes deepen when her father

43 ZWDJB, 59–60. 44 Williams, Playing the race card, 29. 45 ZWDJB, 53. 46 ZWDJB, 54.

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passes away shortly after she gives birth to the baby. Weiru “endures all hardships” (hanxin ruku 含辛茹苦) and brings up her son with her own hands. Ten years of “scrimping and saving” ( jieyi suoshi 節衣縮食) eventually allow her dream of sending her son to school to become a reality. In the meantime she is faithful to her husband. She “has never forgotten her husband” and her son often sees her weeping over his father’s photo.47 Having endured such ordeals, the moment of recognition of her virtue finally arrives. This recognition takes place when Weiru arrives to see her injured son who has rescued the old man. The grandfather and the daughter-in-law suddenly recognize each other. The last-minute rescue in Way Down East was duplicated in Orphan in the scene where the grandfather, upon hearing Daopei’s confession and realizing his fatal mistake of expelling his innocent daughter-in-law, rushes out to search for Weiru who has run away after the recognition. A reviewer commented that this scene resembled the rescue scene in Way Down East.48 Like Anna, who receives an apology from the squire and the villain, Weiru finally gets an apology from the regretful grandfather (Fig. 5.2). This comparison demonstrates that both Anna and Weiru are typical examples of melodrama’s passive feminine protagonist. Both actresses look perfectly suitable for such roles. Lillian Gish (1893–1993, Fig. 5.3a) is the archetypal Griffith heroine—“a virginal waif who is as beautiful as she is vulnerable.”49 Wang Hanlun (1903–1978, Fig. 5.3b), who played Weiru, considered herself

Figure 5.2

Reunion scene in Orphan (MB 2.4, 1934)

47 ZWDJB, 57. 48 Wu Ming, “Guanying Zhongguo yingpian zhi shangque,” SB 10 Jan. 1924: 18. 49 Lang, American film melodrama, 58.

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Figure 5.3a

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Lillian Gish (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2006680363/. Accessed 17 March 2014)

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Figure 5.3b

Wang Hanlun (Yingxi shenghuo 1.3, 1931)

fit for the role of suffering characters: “I am quiet, but I have a nervous and passionate temperament. I am silent at home, but I like day-dreaming and fantasy.”50 Both Gish and Wang became archetypes of the melodramatic victim-heroine on the silver screen and won the hearts of numerous movie fans. A Shanghai fan magazine launched a special issue on Lillian Gish as its inaugural issue in 1925. Sixteen images, twelve essays, fifteen film reviews, and 50

Wang Hanlun, Gankai hua dangnian, 56.

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twenty short remarks were all about Gish.51 Wang Hanlun also frequently appeared as a cover girl in Chinese film magazines.52 Melodrama’s recognition of virtue involves a dialectic of pathos and action. The tension between the paroxysm of pathos and the exhilaration of action is vital to melodrama’s interest as a form. As Linda Williams aptly points out, the dialectic between pathos and action “controls the structures of feeling that animate the form.”53 Pathos comes from losses and leads to tears. In Way Down East, Anna endures the loss of her lover (in spite of her subsequent disillusionment), her beloved mother, her infant baby, and the squire’s trust. In Orphan, Weiru suffers the loss of her dear husband, the trust of her father-in-law, her affluent life in her husband’s house, and her father. The various losses faced by Anna/Weiru created a mounting feeling of pathos in the audience. Soft-hearted female audiences were bound to be moved to tears and soak a couple of handkerchiefs, as Zhang Shichuan’s wife put it. Only with this cumulative tension can audiences eventually breathe a sigh of relief when the long-awaited action (David’s rescue of Anna/Yang Shouchang’s search for Weiru) takes place and the villain’s guilt (Lennox/Daopei) is revealed. Both films created a similar emotional rhythm based on the dialectic of pathos and action. Melodrama borrows from realism but realism serves the melodrama of pathos and action. Theater historian Jeffrey Mason has argued that theatrical melodrama “is a means of affirming a belief in a reductive perception of reality.”54 Compared to theatrical melodrama, film melodrama displays more realistic qualities. As Williams points out, in Way Down East Griffith ‘graphically’ portrayed Anna’s victimization in highly realistic scenes including ‘Anna’s seduction,’ ‘the travail of childbirth,’ ‘the baby’s death,’ and ‘the breaking ice of an unmistakably real river and waterfall.’55 None of these scenes appeared in the stage melodrama. All are usually cited as examples of a Griffith realism that ‘transcends’ melodrama. At the same time Williams argues that ‘realism’ only happens in a stylistic vein. In other words, the story is quintessentially melodramatic in terms of its narrative and social meanings. For example, Williams suggests that the film’s solution to the problem of out-of-wedlock maternity is 51

Yingxi shijie 1 (Jun. 1925). Quoted in Li Daoxin, Zhongguo dianying de shixue jiangou, 380–81. 52 For example, Dianying zazhi 4 (Aug. 1924). For a short biography of Wang, see Dianying zazhi 1 (May 1924). 53 Williams, Playing the race card, 38. 54 Mason, Melodrama and the myth of America, 93; quoted in Williams, Playing the race card, 38. 55 Williams, Playing the race card, 39.

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fundamentally melodramatic because Griffith did not directly address patriarchal dynamics as the source of Anna’s suffering, but rather placed Anna back in a world of rural happiness—a decidedly uncritical solution to her problems.56 In a word, the deployment of realism was in the interest of melodrama. Much the same can be said of Orphan. As discussed in the last chapter, Zhang Shichuan and his colleagues showed great zeal in exploring the documentary function of the film medium in the earliest stage of their business. While ‘realistic’ descriptions of gruesome scenes went too far in Zhang Xinsheng, Orphan offered more visual pleasures for the eyes. For example, they filmed the scenes of the Yang family in the lovely garden of a wealthy entrepreneur’s house.57 According to Wang Hanlun’s memoir, Zhang Shichuan required performers to act in a realistic style. In order to make Wang cry, Zhang said: “Look, your husband, your dearest man, died! All of a sudden! You are living in an oldfashioned feudal family and the moral code is strict and ruthless. You are young, but you cannot remarry. Think about the long painful days ahead! How to endure such torment . . .” He would not stop until Wang could not help but burst into tears as if her husband was really dead.58 In spite of the realistic style of setting and acting, Orphan is melodramatic in essence. It provides ‘a reductive perception of reality’ and erases all ‘realistic’ subtleties and complexities in the middle ground between polarized good and evil. With regard to social messages, the film criticizes patriarchy and the traditional family system, and promotes education, but its solution to social problems is at a personal—not social—level. A good illustration is the film’s ending scenes in which the family reunites and Weiru establishes a charity school. However, it is not my intention to downplay the role of film melodrama in spreading social messages, a topic that will be discussed in the next section. To conclude, beneath the surface of realistic filmic representation, both Way Down East and Orphan are essentially melodramas. Melodrama presents characters who embody primary psychic roles organized in Manichaean conflicts between good and evil. Needless to say, this feature is melodrama’s “infamously simplistic moral stereotyping.”59 Polarized moral distinctions are not only manifested in narratives, but also in expressions of personality through physical make up, acts, and gestures. As Christine Gledhill perceptively suggests, the entire Hollywood star system, including the tradition of method acting, is a modern development of the tradition of melodrama’s 56 Ibid., 39–40. 57 Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 17. 58 Wang Hanlun, Gankai hua dangnian, 54. 59 Williams, Playing the race card, 40.

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character types and performance.60 The star system was closely associated with melodramatic presentations of victim-heroes and villains. Particular actors/actresses were capable of mastering particular stereotyped cinematic images. In Way Down East, goodness is codified in the ‘blond innocence’ of Lillian Gish and the ‘earnest handsomeness’ of Richard Barthelmess (who played David), while villainy is embodied in the well-known playboy image of Lowell Sherman (who played Lennox).61 The employment of the close-up and other cinematographic devices further privileged these features as part of the discourse of the star. The plot of Orphan also relies on coded stereotypes of good and evil and this stereotyping is associated with the star system that was rapidly evolving in China.62 As mentioned earlier, Wang Hanlun represented the archetype of actresses who specialized in suffering female roles. In her second film (Yuli hun, 1924), she played a widow who suffers from a bitter relationship with a young family tutor (to be discussed in the next chapter). The popularity of the sobbing melodrama and the emerging star system worked together to bring about a profusion of such actresses who were usually beautiful, slender, and vulnerable. A best-known actress of this type was Ruan Lingyu, who committed suicide at age 25.63 Orphan was one of the earliest Chinese films to feature the suffering female role. At the same time, Orphan also produced a classic villain and a male star who later became a synonym for the screen ‘bad guy.’ The actor, Wang Xianzhai 王獻齋 (1900–1942), was initially assigned to play the role of the hero (zhengpai xiaosheng 正派小生, as Zhang Shichuan put it). But the unexpected resignation of the actor who was to play the villain gave Wang the opportunity to display his talent in playing the villain role (fanpai juese 反派角色).64 Zhang Shichuan’s reference to zhengpai xiaosheng and fanpai juese merits further discussion. The two terms derive from the Chinese opera tradition, especially the Peking opera which developed a set of stylistic conventions in music, performance, and costume to help audiences recognize different personalities and roles. The New Play genre inherited this system of fixed roles. Theater reviewers applied old categories of roles to make sense of this new genre. For example, theater critic Zhu Shuangyun 朱雙雲 (1889–1942) 60 Christine Gledhill, Stardom, 208; quoted in Williams, Playing the race card, 41. 61 Williams, Playing the race card, 42. 62 For studies of the Chinese star system, see Mary Ann Farquhar and Yingjin Zhang, eds., Chinese film stars. 63 For a study of this event, see Kristine Harris, “The New Woman incident.” 64 Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.5 (16 Jun. 1935): 9.

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i­ dentified fourteen fixed roles in New Play performances and these roles generally corresponded to Peking opera roles.65 These deeply engrained ideas about characterization were brought into filmmaking partly because most early filmmakers were practitioners of traditional opera and New Play productions, as discussed in Chapter Two. Stereotyped representations of good and evil in Orphan and the fixed images of the stars not only smacked of Griffith, but also stemmed from the Chinese cultural tradition. These are the five melodramatic qualities Linda Williams identifies as the outstanding features of Way Down East, qualities that are generally applicable to Orphan. The comparability of the two films demonstrates the international character of Shanghai filmmaking. Hollywood’s domination of the Chinese film market brought the Chinese film industry into its sphere of influence. But Shanghai filmmaking also drew upon Chinese cultural traditions and such contemporary local art forms as the New Play. Melodrama was a stylistic choice grounded in both Hollywood film culture and the Chinese theater. For the Chinese movie-going public, highly dramatized plots were the prime attraction of both Way Down East and Orphan. But melodrama had more to offer. In the May Fourth era when Orphan was made, social messages—‘isms’ (zhuyi 主義) as the contemporary Chinese put it—were as important as the emotional power of melodrama. In the following section I will analyze how ‘melodrama plus isms’ emerged as an important basic component of Mingxing filmmaking practices. 3

Melodrama plus Isms

The first advertisement for Orphan listed a number of strengths of the film. The first item on the list was the film’s ‘intricate plot’ (qingjie quzhe 情節曲折), followed by its spectacular set, elegantly and concisely composed intertitles, and carefully designed lighting.66 Another ad highlighted the film’s quality as a genuine ‘play’ and outlined its scenario in prose style:67

65 66 67

See Zhu Shuangyun, Xinju shi. For a discussion of this issue cf. Tsuneo Matuura, “Wenming xi de shixiang,” 259–61. XWB 20 Dec. 1923: A1. SB 28 Dec. 1923: 1. The original text: 兒而曰孤，非苦可知; 祖而曰救，非險可知; 救祖而為孤兒，其奇可知; 孫不知孫為孫，祖不知祖為祖，其曲折可知; 孤兒 之母，為少年寡婦，遭人掐陷，其冤可知.

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A child who is an orphan, the pity! A grandfather to be rescued, the danger! A child who rescues his grandfather is an orphan, how strange! A grandson does not know his grandfather and the grandfather does not know his grandson, how entangled! The orphan’s mother, a young widow who has been slandered, the injustice! A reviewer, who watched the movie with a full-house audience at the Shenjiang Theater in December 1923, observed that it was beihuan lihe 悲歡離合 (‘grief and joy, separation and union’) that made his fellow spectators laugh and cry and touched them as if all happenings were real.68 Mingxing filmmakers knew this preference of their audiences very well. We have learned that Zheng Zhengqiu used the exact phrase beihuan lihe to teach Bao Tianxiao how to write screenplays. Zheng said on another occasion that film spectators favored scenarios that featured “heroes extremely good and villains extremely evil, heroes getting rewarded and villains getting punished.”69 This popular taste remained unchanged throughout the years when he wrote Peking opera reviews, plays and films. Film magazine editor Gu Kenfu also highly praised Orphan because it evoked intense emotions in him.70 Gu Kenfu’s reference to emotion resonated with Mei Lanfang’s comment on Way Down East, which he viewed in Shanghai in May 1922. An actor himself, Mei paid particular attention to the ways in which the director portrayed qing 情, emotion. He wrote: “In this film, we can read from the facial expressions of the characters the subtleties of human psychology, and we can even perceive qing from the animals.”71 He was especially touched by the scene involving Anna’s rescue by David. He characterized David as duoqing 多情 (romantic or affectionate) and said he could not help but clap enthusiastically at the end of the scene. I would argue that producers and consumers of film melodramas— in these two cases, with Zhang Shichuan, Zheng Zhengqiu, and D. W. Griffith as producers, and Gu Kenfu, Mei Lanfang, and numerous anonymous viewers as consumers—constituted ‘a community of sentiment.’72 Melodramatic representation of intense emotion and moral conflict captured the imagination of this community. For Chinese consumers, the distinction between the 68 69 70 71 72

Zhi, “Gu’er jiuzu ji zhi pinglun,” SB 27 Dec. 1923: 17. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Wo suo xiwang yu guanzhong zhe,” ZWD, 599. Gu Kenfu, “Guan Gu’er jiuzu ji hou zhi taolun,” SB 19 Dec. 1923: 17. Mei Lanfang, “Mei xun,” SB 30 May 1922: 17. Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at large, 8.

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f­ oreign and the domestic was perhaps of less importance. What mattered was the common feature of emotionalism. But melodrama is more than a form of tear-jerker; it has the capacity to convey social messages. As Peter Brooks points out, “Even if we cannot believe in the easier forms of reward that melodrama traditionally offers, there is virtue in clarity of recognition of what is being fought for and against.”73 What is being fought for and against refers to the values held by particular directors or by particular societies and times in general. Orphan’s success not only demonstrated the power of intricate plots, the polarization of good and evil, and high emotionalism, but also taught Mingxing filmmakers another important lesson, that is, zhuyi/isms mattered. The term zhuyi, the standard translation of the English nominal suffix ism, was a buzz word in the May Fourth era and also entered the everyday lexicon. Film publicists and reviewers appropriated the term to denote the theme or central idea of a particular film in a way that was similar to the manner in which ‘yishi/ideology’ was appropriated in the 1930s, as discussed in Chapter Three. For example, an ad for the Hong Shen film entitled Aiqing yu huangjin 愛情與黃金 (1926) declares: “The film’s zhuyi [central idea] is to expose the wrongdoings of new youth (xin qingnian) and to awaken people who indulge in the fantasy world of free love.”74 But themes or central ideas that can be termed zhuyi had to be meaningful and morally correct. As one film critic wrote, “We need films that have zhuyi. [. . .] Films should address current social problems and offer social criticism.”75 Another writer said that Zheng Zhengqiu’s films were favorably received because of the zhuyi/isms conveyed in his films.76 Here, zhuyi means more than ‘theme’ in the neutral sense of the term, but a theme or central idea that conveys ‘positive’ values. Seen against these linguistic and historical backgrounds, zhuyi/ism is a concept essential to our understanding of Shanghai filmmaking. As mentioned in Chapter Two, when Zheng Zhengqiu was managing his New Play troupes in the 1910s, he developed the principle of combining ‘commercialism’ and ‘didacticism’ in order to make his plays profitable and beneficial to his audiences.77 Zheng reiterated this idea in a 1925 article on filmmaking: “To combine ‘commercialism’ with ‘conscience’ (liangxin 良心) has been our guiding principle 73 Brooks, The melodramatic imagination, 206. 74 Ad for Aiqing yu huangjin, XWB 27 Dec. 1926: A1. 75 Yan Duhe, “Guan Xuelei bei yingju hou zhi wojian,” MT 27 (1 Nov. 1927). 76 Ye Yihe, “Guan Kelian de guinü,” SB 14 Nov. 1926. 77 For example, “Yaofeng xuanyan,” SB 3 Jun. 1918: 5; “Zheng Zhengqiu tuoli Xiao wutai,” SB 26 May 1918: 8; SB 23 Oct. 1918: 8.

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for the selection of materials [for plays and films] for a long time.”78 In other words, isms provided the means of pursuing didacticism or conscience, while the melodramatic style ensured profits. In Zheng Zhengqiu’s view, melodrama and isms were not mutually exclusive. Rather, melodrama served as a vehicle for addressing social issues. Linda Williams has argued that Griffith failed adequately to address the social root of Anna’s suffering, i.e. patriarchy. Griffith did raise the problem in one intertitle at the beginning of the film: “Today Woman brought up from childhood to expect ONE CONSTANT MATE possibly suffers more than at any moment in the history of mankind, because not yet has the man-animal reached this high standard, except perhaps in theory.” But Williams argues that melodramatic moral polarities “simplify and twist the real social and historical complexities of the problems addressed by melodrama.” Although she admits that virtuous suffering is “a pathetic weapon against injustice,” this has been deployed as “the melodramatic weapon of choice of American popular culture.”79 There is no doubt that melodrama is a too simplistic form to capture complicated human relations. But in Republican China, traditional popular literature and theater had trained many Chinese to accept unambiguous moral messages from plays, novels, and folktales. Popular literature and theater were regarded as didactic tools. Cinema inherited this function and the melodramatic pattern perfectly suited the goal of conveying ‘correct’ messages to the audience. This was manifest in the favorable assessment of Orphan offered by the Jiangsu Education Association. Moral correctness and didactic values were the association’s foremost criteria when it came to evaluating films (see Chapter One). Film censors of the association reviewed Orphan on 21 December 1923 and published a report:80 1. The film can help arouse wealthy people’s interest in supporting education. 2. No superstition is involved in its treatment of the issue of ‘retribution for evil doings and reward for good deeds’ (shan’e guobao 善惡果報). 3. The scene in which the widow teaches her son serves as a model for family education. 4. The scene in which the widow divides her property can encourage people to advocate free education. 78 Zheng Zhengqiu, “Zhongguo yingxi de qucai wenti,” MT 2 (Jun. 1925). 79 Williams, Playing the race card, 42. 80 “Sheng jiaoyuhui shenyue Gu’er jiuzu ji yingpian,” XWB 22 Dec. 1923: D3.

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Some intertitles carry messages about the elimination of the bad customs. This is worthy of recommendation to filmmakers.

The following day an additional line was included in an ad for Orphan: “The Jiangsu Education Association reviewed the film and judged that the film agreed with educational principles and would have a positive impact on society. It was ranked as first-rate (diyideng 第一等).”81 This assessment was a great honor and the Mingxing executives felt hugely relieved if we consider the negative assessment of Zhang Xinsheng produced by the same association. In the days that followed, Orphan received extensive media exposure.82 Most reviewers considered it laudable for its zhuyi. For instance, a writer who “previously showed little interest in motion pictures” was impressed by the film’s power to move the audience and he agreed that “motion pictures can facilitate popular education.”83 Another writer ranked Orphan as the best Chinese film he had ever seen because it can “improve public morality.”84 What are the specific zhuyi/isms addressed in Orphan? As Zhou Jianyun concluded, the film treated themes related to education and family, topics fervently discussed in the May Fourth era.85 Traditional Chinese institutions and ethics, including the extended family system, marriage customs, and women’s chastity, constituted the main targets of May Fourth iconoclasm. Meanwhile, May Fourth intellectuals eagerly called for reforms in education in order to disseminate new knowledge and values.86 The issues treated in Orphan echoed these social and intellectual concerns. The central theme of Orphan is education. Zhou Jianyun claimed that promoting popular education at both family and school levels was the aim of the film. The filmmakers intended to make it clear that Yu Pu’s good deeds were the result of the proper educations he received from his mother and the charity school.87 In this respect, the film resonated with a real world that saw an impressive expansion of free charity schools throughout China. An American correspondent reported in August 1919: “In Shanghai alone, sixteen free schools have been opened for children who cannot afford to pay for their education, and similar action has been taken 81 82 83 84 85 86 87

XWB 22 Dec. 1923. There are no less than twelve reviews of the film published in Shenbao during the period, see Shenbao suoyin bianji weiyuanhui, ed, Shenbao suoyin, vol. 3, 236–37. Ping Zhi, “Guan Gu’er jiuzu ji hou zhi yijian,” SB 30 Dec. 1923: 17. Liu Henwo, “Yinmu xintan,” XWB 3 Mar. 1924: C3. Zhou Jianyun, “Preface,” Gu’er jiuzu ji tekan (1924), rpt. in ZWD, 1398. Tse-tsung Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 254–65. Zhou Jianyun, “Preface,” ZWD, 1398.

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in every city of the country.”88 Seen in this light, Orphan was very much a product of the zeitgeist of the May Fourth era. Another theme of Orphan focuses on the institution of the family and patriarchal inheritance practices in particular. This theme is addressed mainly through the character of Daopei. Yang Shouchang’s adoption of Daopei as the legal inheritor of his property set off the ensuing tragedies experienced by the Yang family. Family life was a favorite theme in Mingxing films throughout the studio’s history (a subject to be discussed in Chapter Seven). Daopei was the prototype of the villain figure in such family films, that is, good-for-nothing, morally degenerate, and most importantly, born into a rich family that leaves a son or sons wealth to inherit. The melodramatic mode of characterization and the star system facilitated the expression of this zhuyi/ism. In his 1936 article on the history of Chinese cinema, Zheng Junli placed Orphan in the category of ‘social problem drama’ (shehui wenti ju 社會問 題劇), initially a spoken drama genre invented by May Fourth intellectuals in imitation of the plays of Ibsen.89 Zheng then analyzed the ways in which the production of Orphan was influenced by this spoken drama genre in the following way. In 1918 Hu Shi and his colleagues introduced Henrik Ibsen’s plays in Xin qingnian 新青年 (New Youth), a leading May Fourth intellectual journal.90 Following this lead, a plethora of western plays of this genre were translated into Chinese and some of them were put on stage. The first attempt was the performance of a play adapted from Mrs. Warren’s Profession by George Bernard Shaw. Entitled Hualun furen de zhiye 華倫夫人的職業 in Chinese, the play was performed at the New Stage in Shanghai in 1920 and many people in the New Play circle (including Zheng Zhengqiu) participated in this event as well as in what Zheng Junli called the ‘modern drama movement’ ( jindaiju yundong 近代劇運動). Zheng suggested further that “the spirit of the social problem drama was passed on to domestic films by these progressive ( jinbu 進步) New Play practitioners.”91 The example he gave to illustrate this point was Orphan, written by “the New Play practitioner Zheng Zhengqiu.”92 Our discussion in Chapter Two buttresses Zheng Junli’s observation. As we know, Zheng Zhengqiu, Zhou Jianyun, Zheng Zhegu, and Zhang Shichuan were all actively involved in theatrical circles in the 1910s. We find in Jiefang 88

George E. Sokolsky, “China’s defiance of Japan,” The Independence 99.3693 (20 Sept. 1919): 390; quoted in Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 193–94. 89 Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” ZWD, 1396–98. 90 Xin qingnian 4.6 (15 Jun. 1918), “Yibusheng zhuanhao”. 91 Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” 1397. 92 Ibid.

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huabao, the aforementioned journal edited by Zhou Jianyun in 1920–1921, two reviews of the play Mrs. Warren’s Profession. They were written by Zhou himself immediately following its performance at the New Stage.93 This further illustrates the close linkage between the theater and film worlds with these people functioning as a bridge. It is not surprising, therefore, that Orphan bore the imprint of the May Fourth intellectual ethos and became the vanguard of cinematic representations of social problems. However, it is worth noting that in this film May Fourth ideas co-existed with traditional Chinese values including filial piety, widow chastity, the ‘good wife, wise mother’ (xianqi liangmu 賢妻良母) ideal, and the idea of ‘retribution for evil doings and reward for good deeds’ (shan’e guobao), as film reviewers pointed out. For example, She Yu 舍予 saw that the film centered on four themes, namely, filial piety, punishment of evil, exhortation to learning (quanxue 勸學), and advocacy for opening charity schools.94 Another writer eulogized the virtues of the widow.95 Contemporary critical voices in the press seemingly gave equal recognition to both ‘old’ and ‘new’ isms. This fact suggests that in the real field of popular cultural production, the boundary between the old and the new was not as clear-cut as supposed. Cultural brokers—Mingxing filmmakers in this case—sometimes held an ambiguous attitude toward the more radical ideas promoted by radical intellectuals. But generally speaking, we cannot deny the fact that ‘new’ elements dominated. 4

Communities of Sentiment

This chapter has analyzed melodrama as a connecting point between Shanghai filmmaking and world film culture and between Chinese tradition and ­western-inspired new culture. Melodramatic representation highlighted sensation and sentiment as key elements and appealed to ‘communities of sentiment’ across media, geographical, and ideological boundaries. The cases of Orphan and Way Down East, as well as the transcultural journey from East Lynne to Konggu lan discussed in the last chapter, illustrate the international character of the communities of sentiment. Concepts of ‘community’ and ‘sentiment’ have received considerable academic attention in recent decades. Benedict Anderson has argued in his famous book Imagined Communities that 93 94 95

See Zhou Jianyun, “Ping Xin wutai de ‘Hua Nainai zhi zhiye,’” Jiefang huabao 6 (30 Nov. 1920); Zhou Jianyun, “Ping ‘Hua Nainai zhi zhiye’ de yubo,” Jiefang huabao 7 (26 Jan. 1921). She Yu, “Guan Mingxing shezhi Gu’er jiuzu ji,” SB 26 Dec. 1923: 8. Chen Peisen, “Ping Gu’er jiuzu ji,” SB 10 Mar. 1924: 8.

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the modern origin of nation and nationalism resided in the popular imaginary of shared communities facilitated by the development of the print industry and other formations.96 Sentiment or emotion is one of the bonds that make a community a community, and has been proposed as an important lens with which to look at the past. Haiyan Lee, for example, has emphasized the centrality of sentiment in modern Chinese literature and culture and argues that discourses of sentiment are “articulatory practices that participate in (re)defining the social order and (re)producing forms of self and sociality.”97 In her study of popular literature in Republican China, the so-called Butterfly school, she argues that “Butterfly sentimentalism helped create an affective community within the literary public sphere . . . [and] provided the ethical and epistemological basis of self-definition for the urban middle classes.”98 The case studies examined here expand on Lee’s argument and suggest that the ‘affective community’ was not restricted to the literary public sphere within national boundaries, but had profound interactions with foreign cultural products, other media forms, and currents of thought. Shanghai filmmaking was actively involved in the formation of communities of sentiment and facilitated the marriage between emotionalism and intellectual ideas, the ‘May Fourth tradition in Chinese cinema’ in Pickowicz’s sense. Melodrama played a key role in this process. Orphan was only the beginning of this form of expression. The adoption of melodrama as a social form was widespread in Mingxing films and transcended accepted political categories. The next chapter analyzes three films that are conventionally labeled as Butterfly, Left-wing, and Right-wing. But upon close inspection, it looks that melodrama was fit for all.

96 97 98

Benedict Anderson, Imagined communities. Haiyan Lee, Revolution of the heart, 8. Haiyan Lee, “All the feelings that are fit to print,” 321–22.

chapter 6

The Narrative (II): Melodramas Fit for All Butterfly writer Xu Zhenya had no intention of writing a melodrama. Rather, he despised the ‘talent-meets-beauty’ type of story that occupied so much space in the treasure chest of popular Chinese literature and theater. His true interest was in an elaboration of qing, or pure love.1 Ding Ling 丁玲 (1904–1986), a prominent Leftist League member, wrote a novella entitled Shui 水 (Flood) in 1931. Reviewers maintained that Ding had successfully deemphasized theatricality and focused on a depiction of “the masses” and “collective action” in a “realistic” style.2 Liu Na’ou, a New Sensationalist writer, claimed that Yongyuan de weixiao, a screenplay authored by him, combined the styles of “naturalism” and “romanticism” and employed “psychoanalysis.”3 This chapter examines three Mingxing films based on the works mentioned above and demonstrates that the three films, despite the different styles present in the originals and the different political labels pinned on them in later years, were melodramas in essence. Applying ‘melodrama’ in a stylistic rather than in a political way, I view these Mingxing productions “as a crucial space in which the cultural, political, and economic exigencies were played out and transformed into public discourses,”4 a space in which a wide spectrum of new knowledge and ideologies were transformed into popular discourses accessible to a wider public. The political labels of Butterfly, Left-wing, and Right-wing only serve to highlight the differences among these films, and fail to show crucially important continuities in the commercial and cultural practices of Shanghai filmmaking. 1 Melodramatizing Butterfly Sentimentalism: Yuli hun Xia Yan read Xu Zhenya’s Yuli hun in 1916 when he was a student at a technical school in Hangzhou. He remembered vividly that this best-selling ‘tragic love story’ (aiqing xiaoshuo) was passed around among his classmates and passionately devoured by these young readers.5 Eight years later, immediately after 1 2 3 4 5

Xu Zhenya, Yuli hun, 27. He Danren (Feng Xuefeng), “Guanyu xin de xiaoshuo de dansheng,” 246. Liu Na’ou, “Yongyuan de weixiao kan shipian jilu,” 45. Michael Hays, et al., eds., Melodrama, viii. Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 19.

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the phenomenal success of Orphan, Mingxing put the story on screen. Yuli hun was initially serialized in Minquan bao in 1912 and appeared in book form in September 1913.6 It soon became a bestseller and went through numerous reprints over the decades. For example, in September 1914 it appeared in its fifth reprint at the Minquan Publishing House. In April 1928 the Qinghua 清華 Publishing House brought out its own 32nd edition. In April 1946 the Dazhong 大眾 Publishing House reprinted it for the fifth time.7 More precise figures of its reprints are not available, but the number of readers it was estimated to have reached numbered several hundred thousand.8 It was undoubtedly one of the most widely read books of the Republican era and was usually considered as the father of Butterfly fiction.9 The story is set in 1909, two years prior to the fall of the Qing dynasty. The talented young scholar He Mengxia 何夢霞 falls in love with his student’s widowed mother Bai Liying 白梨影 (or Li Niang 梨娘, Lady Pear Blossom). Their spiritual and poetic affinity grows by means of a regular exchange of letters and poems. Both are aware that their romantic sentiments cannot be consummated in marriage because Li Niang must observe the code of widow chastity. To match Li Niang’s determination to remain a widow, Mengxia vows perpetual bachelorhood. But according to Confucian doctrine, a man’s responsibility is to get married and produces male heirs to carry on the family name (chuanzong jiedai 傳宗接代). Li Niang feels guilty about Mengxia’s wish to become “a sacrifice to romantic love and a transgressor of Confucian doctrine.” She soon falls ill. Li Niang later comes up with an idea, namely, to have Mengxia marry her younger sister-in-law, Yunqian 筠倩, a female student. She believes that this solution is good for all concerned. Fearful of damaging Li Niang’s health, Mengxia accepts the proposal in spite of his unchanged love for Li Niang. Although Yunqian has received a new-style education and is familiar with ideas about women’s emancipation, she also accepts the arranged marriage proposed by her beloved father and sister-in-law. Once married, however, both 6 The first installment of the novel appears in Minquan bao (3 Aug. 1912: 11). For the publication of the novel in book form see an ad in Minquan bao 13 Sept. 1913: 1. 7 Teruo Tarumoto, ed., Xinbian zengbu Qingmo Minchu xiaoshuo mulu, 912–13. 8 The estimated circulation figure was given by Yan Fusun. See YHYZ, 543. Based on his interviews with Butterfly writers, Perry Link said: “Some have even estimated a total circulation of over a million, counting continued reprintings in the 1920s and later.” See Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 53. 9 See Zhou Zuoren, “Zhongguo xiaoshuo li de nannü wenti,” Meizhou pinglun (2 Feb. 1919). Quoted in Fan Boqun, Minguo tongsu xiaoshuo Yuanyang hudie pai, 102. Also see Fan Yanqiao, “Minguo jiupai xiaoshuo shilue,” YHYZ, 277.

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remain unhappy. Li Niang soon realizes that the plan was a grave mistake and her health quickly deteriorates. On her deathbed she writes a letter to Yunqian in which she discloses the secret behind the marriage proposal. Yunqian is deeply touched. However, half a year later she dies too. After all these blows, Mengxia leaves home to study in Japan. When the 1911 revolution breaks out, he returns home and dies as a patriotic martyr on the front lines, the letters exchanged between Li Niang and him clutched to his breast.10 The plot outline alone, as literary scholar C. T. Hsia pointed out, “does little to suggest its power and fascination.”11 Its power lay in emotionalism and literary virtuosity that the plot summary cannot really show (a point that will be elaborated upon later). Suffice it to say, it attracted a huge readership and this was the prime reason why it was selected by Mingxing bosses for a screen adaptation. As an advertising text put it, “Yuli hun is unquestionably the most popular novel since the founding of the Republic. It is the first masterpiece by Mr. Xu Zhenya.”12 In addition, personal ties also played a role in turning the novel into a film. Xu was an editor of Minquan bao when Yuli hun was serialized in the fiction column of this newspaper.13 Zheng Zhengqiu was working for the same newspaper at that time. It was convenient for Zheng to approach his old colleague on the matter of the film adaptation. The production of Yuli hun (hereafter Jade in reference to the film) began in spring 1924, three months after the release of Orphan. Zheng Zhengqiu wrote the screenplay based on Xu’s novel and Zhang Shichuan directed the film. They did on-location filming at Liuyuan 留園, a famous traditional-style garden in Suzhou, and it took two months to complete the film.14 It opened at the Olympic Theater on 9 May 1924 and then showed at Ramos’s screening outlets, including the Empire, Hongkew, Carter, and China. Its market success was less remarkable than the 100-day run of Orphan at ten Shanghai theaters. Jade ran for about forty days, surpassing Zhang Xinsheng by ten days. For such a barely established film company, this achievement was satisfactory. Chinese-made films held a particular appeal for Chinese audiences. A film critic provided an interesting on-site observation. On 15 May 1924 he arrived at the Empire Theater an hour ahead of the screening of Jade and he found that the theater was already packed.15 In order to adapt the story for the new medium and for 10 11 12 13 14 15

The synopsis of the story is based on the novel: Xu Zhenya, Yuli hun. C. T. Hsia, “Hsü Chen-ya’s Yü-li hun,” 222. XWB 9 May 1924: A1. Chen Ziping, Aiqing juzi Yuanyang hudie pai kaishan zu, 250. Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p. Ming Xin, “Ping Mingxing xinpian Yuli hun,” Shibao 16 May 1924, “Xiao shibao.”

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film audiences in the 1920s, Zheng Zhengqiu made substantial changes to the original novel. Since the following analysis rests upon comparative readings of both the print and film versions of the story, it is necessary to provide the synopsis of the film written by Zheng Zhengqiu, even though there is some repetition of the plotline of the novel:16 He Mengxia (played by Wang Xianzhai) is invited by his friend Qin Shichi 秦石癡 (Zheng Zhegu) to teach at the Shihu 石湖 Primary School, a school founded by Qin himself. Upon arrival, Mengxia pays a visit to Cui Yuanli 崔元禮 (Zheng Zhengqiu), a distant relative who lives nearby. Cui is keen to locate a tutor for his grandson Penglang 鵬郎 (Ren Chaojun 任 潮軍), whose father died earlier. Cui successfully persuades Mengxia to live in his home as a private tutor. Penglang is a smart boy and soon wins his teacher’s affection. Penglang also likes his teacher and often talks with his mother Li Niang (Wang Hanlun) about what Mengxia has taught him. Li Niang feels deeply grateful to Mengxia. On a spring day when pear blossoms are filling the air, Li Niang takes a walk in the garden. A small grave in which withered flowers are buried catches her eye. Thinking of Lin Daiyu 林黛玉 in Dream of the Red Chamber, she weeps at her own ill fate and fails to notice that Mengxia, who buried the flowers, is standing behind her. From then on they exchange letters and poems frequently and a mutual affection between the two of them grows. But when Mengxia proposes to her, Li Niang declines because she has to observe the code of widow chastity. Mengxia responds by vowing perpetual bachelorhood. Li Niang feels guilty and attempts to commit suicide, but is saved by Penglang. Li Niang then comes up with the idea of having her younger sister-in-law Yunqian (Yang Naimei 楊耐梅) marry Mengxia. Mengxia accepts the proposal for fear that Li Niang might harm herself once again. In the neighborhood of the Cui Family there lives another wealthy household whose family patriarch is Fang Defu 方德福. Obstinately conservative, Fang insists that his three sons receive a traditional education from an old scholar in their family school (sishu 私塾). Dayuan 大元 (Huang Junfu 黃君甫), the eldest son, is a fat boy and dislikes studying, while the younger sons, Eryuan 二元 and Sanyuan 三元, are studious pupils who dream of attending the new-style Shihu Primary School. In order to achieve their goal, Eryuan and Sanyuan frequently tease the old tutor who becomes annoyed and leaves in the end. The three brothers 16

ZWDJB, 69–70.

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eventually enter the Shihu School. The new-style education offered there works so effectively that even the ‘stupid’ Dayuan is transformed into a promising young man. Yunqian returns home from her boarding school when the summer holiday begins. Because she is a good-looking girl born into a well-to-do family, marriage proposals flood into her house. But she hates the old custom of matchmaking and declines all proposals. When matchmaker Zhao proposes another young man, Yunqian’s father decides to interview the candidate first. To his great disappointment the candidate is the ‘stupid’ Dayuan. He flatly rejects the match. At this juncture, Li Niang raises the idea of marrying Mengxia to Yunqian. Cui Yuanli likes the idea. Yunqian does not want to disappoint her father and sister-in-law, so she agrees. Soon Li Niang realizes that both husband and wife are unhappy. She bitterly regrets her unwise decision and falls ill. Soon afterwards, a battle breaks out in Mongolia. Qin Shichi disbands his school and organizes a militia to head to the battlefield to fight for the country. He delivers a patriotic speech and mobilizes many of his fellow villagers and students, including Mengxia and Dayuan, to join the militia. Li Niang dies soon thereafter, leaving two letters for Mengxia and Yunqian. Learning the true story, Yunqian is deeply touched. She decides to go to Mongolia to look for Mengxia and takes Penglang along with her. They go through lots of hardship before they find the wounded Mengxia in a hospital. He is deeply moved by Yunqian’s devotion and determination, while Mengxia’s patriotism transforms Yunqian’s attitude towards him. The couple lives happily ever after. A comparison of the film’s synopsis and the original novel shows that there are five major differences. First, in the novel Li Niang falls ill after Mengxia vows bachelorhood, while in the film she commits suicide. Second, the subplot involving Dayuan and the Fang household is added by the screenwriter. Third, matchmaker Zhao and stories initiated by her do not exist in the novel. Fourth, in the novel Mengxia and Shichi are studying in Japan when the Wuchang Uprising breaks out, while in the film they take stronger actions, including the disbandment of the school and the organization of a militia. Fifth, the film has a happy ending, while all protagonists die in the novel. The formula of ‘melodrama plus isms’ may be the deeply embedded reason why Zheng Zhengqiu made these changes. Clearly the changes enhanced the story’s melodramatic effect. Li Niang’s suicide attempt and Qin Shichi’s patriotic decision to disband his school and organize a militia evoked stronger feelings than the original scenarios in which

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Li Niang merely falls ill and Qin studies abroad. While the novel “is conspicuous for its absence of villains,”17 three ‘villains’ appear in the film, namely, Dayuan’s conservative father, the old tutor, and matchmaker Zhao. The happy ending reflects Zhang Shichuan’s theory about maintaining a balance between tears and laughter. The novel’s extreme sentimentalism and the tragic fates of all its main characters were clearly too somber for most movie-goers who, in Zheng Zhengqiu’s words, “favored hot excitement and disliked cool quietude” (huanying huobao, buxi lengjun 歡迎火爆,不喜冷雋).18 Satisfying audience appetites for slapstick was the reason for adding the two supporting roles of ‘stupid’ Dayuan and matchmaker Zhao (an old woman played by a male actor). Zheng Zhengqiu had reason to make these alterations because the novel was anything but melodramatic. C. T. Hsia has suggested that Yuli hun owed its popularity to “its astonishing emotional impact upon the educated readers of its time, and its equally astonishing literary virtuosity.”19 Its ornate classical style, known as pianti 駢體 or parallel prose, and its elaborate poetic style complete with profuse literary allusions fascinated an educated readership. Theatricality and sensation were not in Xu Zhenya’s interest, as pointed out at the opening of this chapter. Nor did his readers expect an elaborate plot. Instead, he painstakingly delineated the spiritual world of his characters by means of literary expression: letters, poetry, and symbolism. It is in this sense that C. T. Hsia argues that Yuli hun is “a culminating work” of the “sentimentalerotic tradition in Chinese literature,” a long tradition exemplified by the poems of Li Shangyin 李商隱 (813–858), Du Mu 杜牧 (803–852), and Li Houzhu 李後主 (937–978), and by works of drama and fiction, including Dream of the Red Chamber.20 Contrary to a widespread assumption about Butterfly fiction, Yuli hun was not a ‘popular’ story targeted at a lower-class readership. Adequate appreciation of its literary finesse demands a thorough education in classical literature. Perry Link has pointed out that modern urban fiction in the 1910s was “still a middle- and upper-class phenomenon” and appealed to a readership consisting of wealthy and powerful men, respectable intellectuals, and students of newly founded westernized schools.21 The social composition of the moviegoing public in the 1920s, however, was different. As discussed in Chapter One, enthusiastic spectators of domestic films were mainly from the middle and 17 Hsia, “Hsü Chen-ya’s Yü-li hun,” 223–24. 18 Zheng Zhengqiu, “Wo suo xiwang yu guanzhong zhe,” ZWD, 599. 19 Hsia, “Hsü Chen-ya’s Yü-li hun,” 201. 20 Ibid. 21 Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 189–95.

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lower social strata. This audience favored intricate plots and larger than life figures and action. The differences between the two versions of Yuli hun reflected the difference between the 1910s readership and the 1920s spectatorship. The female writer Bing Xin 冰心 (1900–1999), a Wellesley College graduate, fully understood Zheng Zhengqiu’s determination to ‘melodramatize’ the story. In her review of Jade, she asserted that “materials suitable for a novel are not necessarily suitable for a movie” and she also recognized the importance of “comic subplots” (chuancha 穿插) which provide “light relief and a needed distraction.”22 Along with the melodramatized plot, the ‘isms’ included in the film were different from the novel as well. The core issues treated in the film included widow chastity, new versus old education, free versus arranged marriage, patriotism and nationalism. These were hot topics in the May Fourth era in which Jade was produced and screened. The novel touched upon the issue of widow chastity, and contemporary critics and historians acknowledged that the novel was ‘progressive’ in this sense.23 Upon closer inspection, however, we find that Xu Zhenya’s stance on this issue was rather conservative. His opinions were made clear on many occasions in the novel. He underscored the fact that Li Niang and Mengxia had no intention of disobeying moral codes and that their mutual attraction was not driven by ‘carnal desire’ (rouyu 肉欲) but rather by ‘pure love’ (zhiqing 至情).24 Their romance “starts with emotional love and ends with virtue and Confucian propriety” (fa hu qing zhi hu liyi 發乎情止乎 禮義).25 Clearly, ideal love under Xu’s pen is consistent with Confucian moral standards. He was by no means a rebellious iconoclast. The film treated the issue in a different fashion. In the novel Mengxia expresses his love only by means of letters; he never takes bolder action. But in the film Mengxia proposes to Li Niang. This Mengxia is obviously less firmly entrenched in traditional morality. We do not know how this plot development was represented visually because the film no longer exists. But two contemporary essays by Bing Xin and Zheng Junli provide useful insights. Bing Xin defined Jade as a ‘[social] problem drama’ (wenti ju 問題劇), the exact term Zheng Junli used to describe Orphan. She asserted that the social problem Jade dealt with was “whether widows can remarry.”26 As she saw it, 22 23 24 25 26

Bing Xin, “Yuli hun zhi pinglun guan,” Dianying zazhi 2 (Jun. 1924), rpt. in ZWD, 1100–1. Zhou Zuoren, “Zhongguo xiaoshuo li de nannü wenti,” quoted in Fan Boqun, 102; Fan Yanqiao, “Zuijin shiwu nian zhi xiaoshuo,” YHWZ, 245. Xu Zhenya, Yuli hun, 27. Ibid., 56. Bing Xin, “Yuli hun zhi pinglun guan,” 1100.

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although the film did not explicitly propose widow remarriage, it painted a graphic picture of the misery of the widow who was forbidden to remarry. In this way Mingxing filmmakers criticized the “man-eating cruelty of old ethics” (jiu lijiao de chiren liliang 舊禮教的吃人力量) and sympathized with the idea of widow remarriage. She argued that these isms were in concert with “new ethics, new trends and humanism.” While some film reviewers criticized the film for its endorsement of widow chastity, she thought this criticism was unfair.27 Zheng Junli expressed a slightly different opinion in his 1936 article. He placed Jade under the genre of romantic films (aiqing pian 愛情片), a genre that dominated the Chinese film market in the early- and mid-1920s, as Zheng saw it. The success of this genre echoed the May Fourth discourse on ‘emancipation’ ( jiefang) and ‘love according to one’s own will’ (ziyou lian’ai 自由戀 愛). But popular films of this genre juxtaposed new thought with traditional ethics and thus failed to meet the high standard of May Fourth intellectuals.28 In a word, the film was not intended as a defense of the traditional moral code of widow chastity, but it preserved part of the novel’s conservative tone on this issue. New ideas were displayed more conspicuously in the comic subplots added by Zheng Zhengqiu. The story surrounding Dayuan deals with the issue of old/new-style education. A melodramatic dual structure helped audiences easily identify good and bad. Dayuan’s father and the old tutor can be seen as ‘the bad,’ both emblematic of traditional forces. Dayuan’s younger brothers and the new-style primary school embodied ‘the good,’ both symbols of the new. Dayuan’s transformation from a ‘stupid’ boy at the family school to a promising and patriotic young man after receiving a new-style education clearly shows that the filmmakers were on the side of the new. Xu Zhenya held a completely different view on the issue of education. New-style education was an object of mockery or contempt in his novel. For example, as suggested in the second chapter of the novel, Mengxia is initially reluctant to teach at the Shihu School and he takes the job only because he wants to obey his mother’s wish out of filial piety.29 Another example is that in a letter to Li Niang, Mengxia expresses his aversion to what he calls the ‘new educational circle’ (xin xuejie 新學界), especially female students.30 It is clear that Zheng Zhengqiu’s embrace of new-style education in the 1920s differed tremendously from the feelings of Xu Zhenya more than a decade earlier.

27 Ibid. 28 Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” ZWD, 1398. 29 Xu Zhenya, Yuli hun, 10. 30 Ibid., 56.

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The subplot around matchmaker Zhao takes up another theme, namely, the traditional customs of arranged marriage and matchmaking. As mentioned above, the female character was played by a male actor. A film reviewer said that the actor’s “overacted feminine postures and gestures” nauseated many audiences.31 Whether this dynamic was deliberate or not, it reinforced the negative image of matchmakers as a whole. Moreover, Dayuan and Yunqian was an obvious mismatch. Dayuan was a humorous character played by Huang Junfu (1909–?), who specialized in playing such characters, while Yunqian was a pretty and intelligent female student played by Yang Naimei (1904–1960), one of the most glamorous stars of the day (see Fig. 6.1).32 The humorous contrast between them was a reminder to the audience of the absurdity of matchmaking. The ism conveyed in this subplot was, to quote Bing Xin, “the necessity of abolishing the custom of matchmaking.”33 Both print and screen versions of the story end with Mengxia’s patriotic activities. At first glance there is little difference between the Mengxia who dies a martyr in the Wuchang Uprising in the novel and the Mengxia who is injured in Mongolia on screen. A closer reading shows that their patriotic acts are driven by different motivations. In the novel Mengxia talks about his motivation in a letter to Shichi:34 She [Li Niang] died for her love of me and I should have reciprocated by dying. A man, however, should die as a martyr for his motherland, not for romantic love! When still alive, she advised me to study in Japan for the benefit of my career. [. . .] I endured huge pain and sufferings and went to Japan only because I followed her advice. I put off dying in order to get an opportunity to serve our country. Once there is a chance to die as a martyr, her love will be returned. Here, Mengxia’s patriotism stems from his love for Li Niang, who had encouraged him to pursue gongming 功名 (scholarly honor and official rank) and to serve the country as Confucian doctrine prescribed. In this sense Li Niang and Mengxia can be seen as paragons of the ‘virtuous woman’ (xianfu 賢婦) and the ‘gentleman’ ( junzi 君子), the Confucian role models for women and 31 32 33 34

Ming Xin, “Ping Mingxing xinpian Yuli hun.” For introductions of Huang Junfu and Yang Naimei, see Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” ZWD, 404, 405. Also see Gong Jianong, Gong Jianong congying huiyi lu, 81. Bing Xin, “Yuli hun zhi pinglun guan,” 1101. Xu Zhenya, Yuli hun, 168–69.

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Figure 6.1a

Huang Junfu (Yinxing 13, 1927)

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Yang Naimei (Yingxi zazhi 2.1, 1931)

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men. Shichi admires Mengxia and compares him to two fictional figures, Lang Ya 琅琊 who dies for romantic love and Jia Baoyu 賈寶玉 who is converted to Buddhism after his failed romance, both giving up the pursuit of worldly honor and rank. Therefore Shichi proposes that Mengxia can be a model for contemporary young men to emulate in that Mengxia does not violate Confucian principles for the sake of pursuing pure love.35 The Mengxia who appears in the film has different motivations. He joins the militia primarily because of Qin Shichi’s mobilization efforts. Qin’s image as a patriot who delivers a passionate speech to his compatriots reminds us of fervent young students of the May Fourth Movement. Street speeches were an important means for the students to rally social support and convey patriotic ideas.36 If Mengxia’s patriotism in the novel functions as a means of moral fulfillment, on the screen he (Shichi as well) emerges as a modern nationalist, a prototype to be found in many Mingxing films released in later years. From print to screen, Mengxia ‘grows’ from an emotionally vulnerable ‘talented scholar’ (caizi 才子) to a strong-minded and patriotic ‘new youth’ (xin qingnian). To sum up, while Xu Zhenya was preoccupied with literary representations of pure love, Zheng Zhengqiu relied on melodramatic techniques to cater to the tastes of the middle- and lower-class audience. Produced in 1924, five years after the May Fourth Movement, the film addressed the themes of widow chastity, old versus new-style education, matchmaking, and patriotism, all themes on the May Fourth agenda. While May Fourth intellectuals criticized the novel as “anti-progressive in content, old-fashioned in style, and oversentimental,”37 most of these ‘old’ elements were removed in the film. In these ways, the film melodramatized Butterfly sentimentalism and popularized May Fourth ideas. I would argue that this Butterfly story indeed belonged to the May Fourth tradition of Chinese filmmaking. In the next section I examine Kuangliu (1933), arguably Mingxing’s first Left-wing film after the studio ‘transformed its style’ (zhuanbian zuofeng 轉變作風).38 I ask whether the film’s style really looks transformed if we peer through the lens of ‘melodrama plus isms.’

35 Ibid., 169. 36 See Tse-tsung Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 120–32. 37 Link, Mandarin ducks and butterflies, 51. 38 ZDFZS, 203.

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Proletarian Melodrama: Kuangliu

Ding Ling was a movie fan and even dreamed of becoming a film star. When Konggu lan showed in Beijing’s Zhenguang 真光 Theater, she was one of the sobbing viewers. After the screening, she introduced herself to Hong Shen, who brought the film to Beijing on behalf of Mingxing. With Hong’s recommendation, she went to Mingxing for an audition.39 Her dreams of becoming a star never materialized, but one of her novellas came to life on screen. In September 1931 she published a 35-page short story entitled Shui in the inaugural issue of the literary journal Beidou 北斗 (The Plough).40 At the time Ding Ling was a member of the Leftist League, and the journal was said to be sponsored by the league. The story is anything but a melodrama. Set in the great floods that plagued five provinces along the Yangtze River in 1931, the story paints a realistic portrait of the villagers’ reaction to a pending flood. It builds chiefly on descriptions and dialogues, instead of a gripping plot and vivid characterizations. Ding’s fellow writers applauded these features. For example, Feng Xuefeng 馮雪峰 (1903–1976), a Leftist League writer, considered the novella to be “a harbinger of a new form of fiction.” The novella struck him as remarkable for its realistic subject matter, its correct interpretation of class struggle, and its shift of focus from “one or two protagonist(s)” to “the masses,” from “psychological analyses of individuals” to “[the depiction] of collective action.”41 Feng therefore suggested that Ding Ling was stepping onto a “progressive” path by means of moving away from “empty individualism” and embracing “proletarian-peasant mass revolution.”42 Leftist League writer Mao Dun also regarded the novella as important in that “it marks the breakaway of Chinese literature from the tired formula ‘revolution plus romance’ (geming jia lian’ai 革命加戀愛),” a formula pervasive in Chinese fiction in the late 1920s and early 1930s.43 In other words, from the perspectives of Feng and Mao the novella heralded a paradigmatic transformation, a transformation from the ‘individualism’ of May Fourth literature to the ‘collectivism’ of left-wing literature, from a focus on ‘bourgeois intellectuals’ to ‘the masses,’ or to quote C. T. Hsia, from ‘literary revolution’ to ‘revolutionary literature.’44 39 40 41 42 43 44

“Ding Ling shengping nianbiao,” in Yuan Liangjun, ed, Ding Ling yanjiu ziliao, 12. Beidou 1.1 (Sept. 1931). Also see Ding Ling, Ding Ling duanpian xiaoshuo xuan, 297–332. He Danren (Feng Xuefeng), “Guanyu xin de xiaoshuo de dansheng,” 246. Ibid, 249. Mao Dun, “Nü zuojia Ding Ling,” 254–55. C. T. Hsia, A history of modern Chinese fiction, 1917–1957, 17. For a study of Ding Ling’s ‘left turn,’ see He Guimei, “Zhishi fenzi, geming yu ziwo gaizao.”

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Few historians, if any, have been aware of the relationship between this novel and the Mingxing film Kuangliu (hereafter Torrent). The official history of Chinese cinema (Fazhan shi) claims that it was Xia Yan who wrote the screenplay for Torrent.45 But Jay Leyda quoted a 1933 article in International Literature, a journal published in Moscow:46 In 1932 Ting Ling (Ding Ling) published a short novel, built around the great Yangtze floods which were caused in part by the fact that money earmarked for the repair of dykes always found its way into the pockets of the officials. Much of her material was used in a motion picture on floods, and she became one of a small nucleus of left writers and artists trying to develop a new social cinema in China. Leyda pointed out that the authors of Fazhan shi erased Ding Ling’s name because she was denounced as a rightist (youpai 右派) in 1957 due to her conflict with Party policies. It was politically incorrect to have her name appear in this official history of Chinese cinema.47 Evidence found in contemporary sources supports Leyda’s discovery. An article published in the fan magazine Yingmi zhoubao in 1934 briefly mentioned that Torrent was based on Shui by Ding Ling.48 However, the novella and the film are strikingly different. Ding’s story was largely melodramatized when it was ‘adapted’ for screen. Torrent is set in a flood-stricken village located in the Yangtze Valley.49 Its heroine Fu Xiujuan 傅秀娟 is the daughter of the wealthiest household in the village. She is compelled to marry a local official’s son, Li Heqing 李和卿, a match arranged by her father Fu Boren 傅伯仁. Her true lover, however, is Liu Tiesheng 劉鉄生, a primary school teacher. On the night before her wedding, Xiujuan plans to elope with Tiesheng. But Tiesheng rejects the proposal because he cannot abandon a dike building project involving the villagers. As the flood situation grows grave, the Fu family flees to Hankou with the help of the Li family. There Fu Boren accepts a large sum of relief funds on behalf of the villagers. In need of money for repair of their dike, Tiesheng and a fellow villager come to Hankou to visit Fu Boren to get access to the funds. Fu plays a trick in order to avoid handing out the money. On their way 45 46 47 48 49

ZDFZS, 204. International Literature (Moscow) 3 (1933): 159. Quoted in Leyda, Dianying/Electric Shadows, 75. See “Ding Ling zhuanlue,” in Yuan Liangjun, ed., Ding Ling yanjiu ziliao, 8. “Mingxing gongsi kai daoche,” Yingmi zhoubao 1.8 (14 Nov. 1934): 132. For the screenplay of the film, see ZWDJB, 2373–96.

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back, Tiesheng rescues an orphan girl named Suzhen 素貞 and takes her home. Heqing happens to see this scene and promptly circulates a rumor that Tiesheng has purchased a wife in Hankou. Xiujuan is heartbroken when she hears the news. Some time later, the Fu family returns to the village. Captivated by Suzhen’s beauty, Heqing flirts with her one day, but is stopped by Tiesheng who happens to pass by. Meanwhile, Suzhen’s affection for Tiesheng grows. When Tiesheng falls ill, she looks after him with devotion. In a state of semi-unconsciousness, Tiesheng mistakes her for Xiujuan and expresses his love. Xiujuan overhears this conversation by chance because she has come to visit Tiesheng after receiving a letter from him. Suzhen soon realizes that it is a misunderstanding and explains the situation to Xiujuan the next day. Several days of torrential rain put the village under threat once again. The river is going to burst its bank. Tiesheng gets up from his sick bed and joins the villagers to combat the flood. He does not know that the police are coming to arrest him because Heqing discovered the letter he wrote to Xiujuan and now accuses him of ‘seducing a married woman.’ To prevent flooding, a farmer proposes the use of timbers in the yard of the Fu family which were actually bought with relief funds. The villagers rush into Fu’s residence. Policemen and servants of the family all disobey Fu’s order and join the villagers. The film ends with a hint of the demise of Fu Boren and Heqing in the flooding and the reunion of Xiujuan and Tiesheng. This tale, full of ‘grief and joy, separation and union’ (beihuan lihe), was completely absent in Ding Ling’s novella. The film was a typical melodrama that relied on key devices including good versus evil, exaggeration, and emotional intensity. Fu Boren and his son-in-law Heqing epitomize evil. They are the oppressors, belonging to the landlord, gentry and official classes who exploit the farmers. Tiesheng and the villagers represent the oppressed and personify good. The good/evil dichotomy is also manifest in the romance part of the story. The marriage between Xiujuan and Heqing arranged by Fu Boren signifies the coalition of landlord and official classes, namely, the evil forces. Xiujuan rebels against evil by pursuing her ‘free love’ with Tiesheng whose origins lie in a lower social stratum. Although this pursuit is initially impeded by Tiesheng’s dedication to the cause of the masses (building the dike), the story ends with the reunion of the pair in the torrent of the flood. This ending symbolizes the compatibility of revolution and romance. Furthermore, Tiesheng’s final victory over Heqing in this love triangle contestation also implies the victory of ordinary people over the privileged classes. We can analyze the film still further by revisiting the five melodramatic qualities that were used earlier to examine Orphan and Way Down East: the

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Figure 6.2 A still from Kuangliu (Liangyou 73, 1933)

beginning with the home or ‘space of innocence,’ the focus on victim-heroes and their virtues, a dialectic between pathos and action, the use of realism in the service of melodrama, and the polarization of good and evil. The opening scenes of Torrent take place in the living room of the Fu residence and in Xiujuan’s bedroom. These are home spaces, although not spaces of total innocence because of the specter of flood and Xiujuan’s unwillingness to marry Heqing. But a melodramatic moment of innocence unfolds in a scene that features Tiesheng’s secret visit to Xiujuan outside her bedroom window on the evening before her wedding (Fig. 6.2). The scene includes a close-up of the lovers who “hold hands tightly and gaze at each other affectionately.”50 The moment functions in the structure of melodrama as a starting point; from then on Xiujuan and Tiesheng (as victim-heroes) will suffer enormously and will get rewarded in the end. Tiesheng is a typical victim-hero character. He suffers the pain of losing his lover, he fails to obtain the relief funds from Fu Boren, he is wrongly accused 50

ZWDJB, 2376.

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of buying a woman, he is misunderstood by his lover, he is accused of seducing a married woman, and he suffers the physical pains of falling ill. The more he suffers, the more virtues spectators can recognize in his personality. His virtue culminates in the last scene in which Tiesheng rescues Xiujuan from the torrents; they are finally joined as they clutch a wooden board and float down the flood waters together. This scene reminds us of the last-minute-rescue of Anna in the icy river in Way Down East. The Griffith film ends with the fulfillment of romantic love. The ‘proletarian melodrama’ ends in a similar fashion, though with a slight difference. The last scene of Torrent describes Tiesheng springing into the torrents once again to rescue an orphan girl and a villager. This open ending suggests that the hero’s ultimate concern is ‘the masses,’ rather than his lover alone. Romantic love is transformed into love for the people. Nevertheless, this ending is still melodramatic in that it highlights the restoration of happiness of a new sort. This analysis shows that the victimization of the hero involves a dialectic between pathos and action. The film also relies largely on realistic portrayals of the flooding. Multiple flood scenes were shot in Hankou by Cheng Bugao in September 1931.51 The news footage shot by Cheng was indeed the initial source of inspiration for the making of the film.52 There are at least four scenes in the film that feature real flood scenes, including flooded streets, inundated houses, refugees and walls of raging water.53 But the flood scenes only serve as the background for the melodramatic story or as elements that enhance the dramatic effects of the film. In other words, the use of newsreel footage was not for the sake of realism, but for the sake of melodrama. As for the melodramatic function of moral polarization, there is no doubt that it is at the core of the story. Wang Xianzhai, the stereotypical character actor who played the villain in Orphan, also played the villain (Heqing) in Torrent. The hero Tiesheng was played by Gong Jianong 龔稼農 (1902–1993), a young and good-looking actor who usually played hero-roles.54 Clearly, this ‘proletarian melodrama’ still relied on the established star system to convey its messages—or yishi/ ideologies—to the mass audience. Then what are the yishi/ideologies addressed in the film? What is the relationship between ideology and melodrama? Contemporary film critics were more inclined to talk about ideology than about melodrama. The review titles 51 52 53 54

For the news that Cheng Bugao went to Hankou to shoot the flooding, see Yingxi shenghuo 34 (5 Sept. 1931): 31. Xia Yan, Lanxun jiumeng lu, 155. The four scenes are Scenes 4, 11, 12, 31. See ZWDJB, 2375–96. Cf. Gong Jianong, Gong Jianong congying huiyi lu.

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were indicative of this tendency: “On Torrent’s yishi/ideologies” (Kuangliu yishi lun 狂流意識論), “The screenplay and the yishi/ideologies” (Bianju jiqi yishi 編劇及其意識), to name a couple.55 On the one hand, the critics praised the film for its exposé of the vices of the ‘local tyrants and evil gentry’ (tuhao liesheng),56 for its hints of ‘the downfall of feudal classes’57 and ‘the power of the masses.’58 On the other hand, they criticized the film’s focus on the ‘feudalstyle romance’ and saw this point as its major flaw.59 Another reviewer worried that the frivolity of the romance would divert the attention of audiences away from the miseries of the refugees and toward the romantic involvements. He thought that the insertion of the romance was “unwise” since “the original novella does not include a romantic plot.”60 Terms like feudalism, the masses, and tuhao lieshen were essential components of the propaganda vocabulary of the CCP. Most authors of these reviews were Leftist League or Drama League writers. Judging with their rigid political criteria, they scorned the Hollywood hallmark of melodrama and romance. But alternative voices could be heard. For example, for the author of a Shibao article, four scenes in Torrent gripped his/her heart.61 The first was the scene in which Tiesheng meets Xiujuan the night before her wedding, a scene “imbued with a poetic mood.” The second scene depicted Tiesheng on his sick bed, overcome by lovesickness. The writer assumed that the scene “must have aroused much sympathy in the audience.” The other two scenes show villagers repairing the dike while official families are taking a boat trip to see the ‘scenery’ of flooding. This sharp contrast made the author realize the power of the masses and the inequality between poor and rich. This review suggested that melodrama and ideology were not mutually exclusive. While leftist writers criticized the love triangle as frivolous and superfluous from a political perspective, this writer’s sympathy for the masses was actually aroused by the sort of melodramatic representation that showcases the power of melodrama as a social form. Melodrama can articulate social messages—in this case the idea of class struggle. There is no doubt that melodrama simplified nuanced intellectual constructs, but intense dramatic representation gave elite ideas a chance to reach the larger movie-going 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Both are published in Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. Sufeng, “Xin de lianghao de shouhuo,” Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. Shu Yan, “Xiang shi yiban de miaomang,” Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. Xi Naifang, “Kuangliu de pingjia,” Chenbao 7 Mar. 1933: 10. Shu Yan, “Xiang shi yiban de miaomang.” Yi Qun, “You yi ping,” Chenbao 7 Mar. 1933: 10. Ge Chengxun, “Pianpian de yinxiang: wo de zhijue de fanying,” Shibao 7 Mar. 1933: 2.

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public. To be sure, audience reception of particular messages is difficult to gauge. But this Shibao article offers a valuable glimpse of the ways in which emotion facilitated the reception of ideas. Although Torrent was claimed to be a film with an ‘altered style,’62 its style did not really change that radically. Left-wing filmmaking was also a hostage of melodrama.63 Shanghai filmmaking had its own rules. Liu Na’ou could not ignore the rules either. 3

Melodramatic Modernism? Yongyuan de weixiao

Fazhan shi labeled Yongyuan de weixiao (hereafter Smiling) as a ‘reactionary’ (fandong 反動) film, a film that promoted Nationalist ideology,64 while director Wu Cun 吳村 claimed that it was based on ‘a screenplay by a New Sensationalist school writer.’65 The conflicting statements reflect the multiple identities of the screenwriter Liu Na’ou discussed in Chapter Three. Is Smiling a political film or a modernist work? My analysis of the film will show that it is, first and foremost, a melodrama. As discussed earlier, Liu Na’ou is best known for his literary enterprises that took place under the banner of the New Sensationalist school. This literary school had a close kinship with the Japanese literary group shinkankakuha (New Sensationalists) that flourished throughout the 1920s. Influenced by surrealism and Dadaism, the self-appointed task of the Japanese group was to portray the ‘new sensations’ of modernity with frenetic pace and jazz rhythms.66 Liu Na’ou and several friends picked up the banner of shinkankakuha and initiated the Chinese New Sensationalist school in the late 1920s. Their main activities included translation, writing, and editing literary journals. Chinese New Sensationalist writings also focused on urban life and such psychological themes as repression, obsession, loneliness, anxiety, and alienation. The impact of cinema and popular music was clearly visible in the characterizations, pacing, and structure of their works. The writers depicted modern women imitating Hollywood film stars and used jazz to set the tempo 62 63

64 65 66

See the ad for Torrent in Chenbao 4 Apr. 1933: 10. For a detailed study about how leftist filmmaking became a captive of melodrama in the 1930s see Paul Pickowicz, “Melodramatic representation and the ‘May Fourth’ tradition of Chinese cinema,” 303–8. ZDFZS, 454. Wu Cun, “Dang wo de yingzi paihuai yu yinwu zhi jie shi,” MB 7.5 (16 Dec. 1936); Luo Luo, “Yongyuan de weixiao,” MB 7.5 (16 Dec. 1936). Joshua Mostow, et al. eds., The Columbia companion to modern East Asian literature, 14.

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for their stories.67 Obvious cinematic techniques can be found in Liu Na’ou’s novels. For example, as Shu-mei Shih points out, “the narrative angle moves like a film camera” in Liu’s short story entitled Youxi 遊戲 (Games).68 This style perhaps derived from Liu’s fascination with avant-garde film theories. For example, he translated Rudolf Arnheim’s Film Als Kunst (Film as Art) and introduced at length Dziga Vertov’s ideas about ‘kino eye’ in his own essays.69 These early film theories explored the artistic potential of the film medium, an aesthetic development that was facilitated by cinematographic techniques and technologies. Liu was also a practitioner of experimental filmmaking. He produced a documentary film, which begins with a line in Japanese: “A Film by ‘The Man Who Has a Camera.’”70 This phrase was apparently taken from the title of Vertov’s 1929 documentary film Man with the Movie Camera. In short, the best-known persona of Liu Na’ou was a modernist artist fascinated with modernist literature and avant-garde cinema. But what he accomplished in the commercial field of filmmaking was quite different. Smiling is anything but an avant-garde film. The story begins on a spring day in N city.71 Sing-song girl Yu Yuhua 虞玉華 and her friend go out for a carriage excursion. Upon their return they have an accident. The driver, He Qingrong 何啓榮, saves Yuhua’s life and sends her safely back home (Fig. 6.3). Yuhua is moved not only by his kind-heartedness but also by his great ambitions, something she learns from a correspondence school law textbook he leaves at her place by accident. A muted admiration for him begins to sprout in Yuhua’s heart. Yuhua lives with her uncle Luo Kuang 羅匡, his second wife Xinzhu 新珠 (previously a sing-song girl), his son Shaomei 少梅, and his adopted daughter Xuefang 雪芳. One day, Yuhua runs into Qirong on the street. She returns the textbook to him and expresses her willingness to finance his studies. Qirong is grateful and sees her as a good friend. At the same time, Yuhua is being courted by an admiring fan, Cheng Zhao 程照, a wealthy pawnshop manager. Yuhua has no feeling for him, but her uncle wants her to accept Cheng’s advance for his own reason. Meanwhile, Yuhua’s aunt Xinzhu has an affair with one of her old admirers. After getting a considerable sum of money from Yuhua by deception, 67 68 69 70

71

Leo Lee, Shanghai Modern, 194–98; 220–23. Shu-mei Shih, The lure of the modern, 286. See Liu Na’ou, “Yingpian yishu lun,” Dianying zhoubao (1 Jul.–8 Oct. 1932). Cf. Pan Jian, “Dianying de zhuiqiu,” 66–69. Five remnant reels of the documentary film donated by Liu’s grandson are held in the Taiwan Film Archive. For a study of the documentary and its relationship to Vertov’s Man with the Movie Camera, see Guo Shiyong, “Chi sheyingji de ren,” 28–30. The summary of the story is based on “Yongyuan de weixiao benshi,” MB 7.5 (16 Dec. 1936).

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Figure 6.3 A still from Yongyuan de weixiao (MB 7.5, 1936)

Xinzhu elopes with her lover. Luo Kuang is infuriated and gets drunk. His attempt to sexually abuse his adopted daughter Xuefang is cut short by his son Shaomei, who is in love with Xuefang. Deeply disappointed with his family, Shaomei leaves home with Xuefang. The plan wins Yuhua’s financial support. Qirong passes a crucial exam and plans to attend a judicial college in S city. In urgent need of money to pay off his debts, Qirong asks Yuhua for help. But Yuhua has little money left, so she turns to Cheng Zhao for help. Cheng uses this opportunity to attempt a rape of Yuhua. In self defense she kills Cheng with a pair of scissors and takes all his money. After several years on the run, Yuhua is captured. Qirong, who has become a judge, learns of these events from newspaper and visits his lover in the jail. Yuhua says to him: “I helped you because I wished you to become a brave and responsible man. Don’t break the law because of me!” Qirong fulfils a judicial duty in court and makes an impartial judgment. Yuhua took poison earlier and is dying when she hears of the death penalty verdict. Qirong holds his dying lover in his arms and weeps. Yuhua asks him to be strong and smile forever. The story seems to have nothing to do with New Sensationalist literature. It deals neither with urban experiences nor psychological themes. It is a melodrama in essence. It begins within a ‘space of innocence’—the carriage excursion

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on a peaceful spring day and the hero-rescues-beauty scenario (yingxiong jiu mei 英雄救美) which is the Chinese stereotype for a romantic encounter (Fig. 6.3). Yuhua is a typical melodramatic victim-heroine, suffering from her uncle’s abuse, her aunt-in-law’s deception, her admirer’s sexual harassment, and most fatally, the self-defense murder. Moral polarization is pivotal in the plot. Yuhua and Qirong are morally flawless, and Cheng Zhao and Luo Kuang are evil and villainous. The only unconventional element is the film’s ending, one that is obviously not a Zhang Shichuan-style happy ending. Qirong does not rescue his lover as David and Tiesheng do in Way Down East and Torrent. But I would argue that although Qirong does not take action to prevent the death of his lover, his rescue functions successfully at a spiritual level. Qingrong’s impartial judgment is consistent with and compliments Yuhua’s virtues as an altruistic woman. This scenario certainly evokes strong emotions. The accusation made by Communist Party historians that the film served the political interests of the Nationalist government is untenable. The film merely eulogizes the moral uprightness reflected in the protagonists’ observation of the law, altruism, and self-sacrifice. Government censors actually remarked that the theme of the film was ‘stale.’72 As Zhou Jianyun noted, “In terms of yishi/ideology I don’t see anything extraordinary in the movie.”73 If there is anything that may be considered ‘reactionary,’ it lies in the film’s lack of concern for social problems. In Jade, Confucian moral codes are the prime hindrance to the romantic love between the widow and the tutor. Class difference and patriarchy constitutes the major obstacle to the relationship between Xiujuan and Tiesheng in Torrent. In other words, the agonies of the victimheroes were attributed to social and institutional structures in both films. The same can be said of Way Down East. But the evil of the villains in Smiling seems to stem only from their carnal desires. No particular emphasis was placed on class backgrounds of the uncle and the pawnshop manager. The uncle is a patriarch, but his masculinity and authority are symbolically diminished by his wife’s infidelity and his son’s elopement with his adopted daughter. The pawnshop manager is rich, but the film does not feature a sharp contrast between the rich and the poor. Rather, the film only addresses moral correctness, a persistent theme in melodramas. Why did this New Sensationalist writer write such a ‘hackneyed’ story with neither refreshing ideas nor novel techniques? Liu Na’ou admitted that the film was written for “a commercial film company and especially for Miss Hu 72 73

See “Yongyuan de weixiao shencha yijian,” rpt. in Kang Laixin and Xu Qinzhen, eds., Liu Na’ou quanji (dianying ji I), 26. “Zhou Jianyun tan guochan dianying,” DS 6.20 (21 May 1937): 876.

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[Butterfly Wu].”74 Butterfly Wu was a superstar in 1930s China, a new ideal type for the sort of suffering heroine in Zhang Shichuan films. As Zhang’s wife observed, Butterfly Wu had an adorable disposition and was perfectly suited for roles in films that featured ‘talent-meets-beauty’ ( jiaren caizi) and ‘grief and joy, separation and union’ (beihuan lihe).75 Wu held an enduring appeal for “mistresses, old ladies, and businessmen,” as Zhou Jianyun observed.76 The box-office performance of Smiling was impressive. It was the highest grossing film of the year.77 It enjoyed a twenty-day run at the Lyric Theater, while the average run of a film was only a week at that time.78 Butterfly Wu must have played a key role in attracting movie-goers to the cinema. She also played the leading role in the Left-wing film Torrent. Melodrama’s central role in Shanghai filmmaking was uncontested. 4

Bible of the Trade

This chapter has looked at melodrama’s overarching power across ideological borders that are often seen as separating Butterfly, Left-wing, and Rightwing. Melodrama as a narrative mode acted as a connecting point not only between Shanghai filmmaking and Hollywood film culture, but also among the ostensibly disparate ‘schools’ of literary and film creation: sensationalism, socialism, and modernism. To be sure, melodrama was not the only genre embraced by Mingxing filmmakers. As discussed in Chapter One, Mingxing joined the craze for martial arts films in the late 1920s and its production of the eighteen-episode serial Huoshao Hongliansi (Burning) added fuel to this craze. But it is worth noting that martial arts films, or in a broader sense ‘costume dramas’ (guzhuang pian 古裝片), never dominated Mingxing output. Even in the costume drama era of Chinese cinema from 1926 to 1931, among a total of

74 75 76 77

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Liu Na’ou, “Yongyuan de weixiao kan shipian jilu,” 45. He Xiujun, “Zhang Shichuan he Mingxing yingpian gongsi,” 128. “Zhou Jianyun tan guochan dianying,” 876. According to Zhou Jianyun, box-office income Smiling generated was as high as 50,000 Yuan in Shanghai alone, whereas Xiao Lingzi (dir. Ouyang Yuqian) grossed only 5,000 Yuan in Nanjing, and Shizi jietou (dir. Shen Xiling) earned 30,000 Yuan in Nanjing and Shanghai together. See Ibid. It showed at the Lyric between 15 Jan.–4 Feb. 1937. See ads in XWB 15 Jan. 1937: 1; XWB 4 Feb. 1937: 1. As for the average running period, for instance, Qingming shijie was exhibited at the Lyric from 23 to 28 December 1936, Yehui from 6 to 12 November 1936.

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93 Mingxing productions only 27 were costume dramas or martial arts films.79 After 1931 when the Nationalist government banned these ‘superstitious’ and ‘backward’ genres, almost all Mingxing films were modern dramas that, broadly speaking, took the form of melodrama. In 1936 Japanese writer Goto Tomio published an article about the Chinese film industry in a Japanese journal. The article was translated into Chinese and published in Mingxing’s promotional journal the same year. At the beginning of the article Tomio provided an impressionistic account: “Most Chinese films expose the [old] family system, evils of warlords, and harmful deeds including opium smoking, bribery, and robbery in order to educate the people.”80 This description was certainly oversimplified, but this outsider’s observation provided certain insights into the bigger picture of Shanghai filmmaking. The Chinese filmmakers had a moral burden, regardless of whether the burden originated in the Confucian tradition or the rising sentiment of nationalism. Melodramas could make money, but that was not enough. Mingxing filmmakers were eager to express meanings. A contemporary writer put it in another way. As he saw it, it was the ‘bible of the trade’ (shengyi jing 生意經) for the industry “to make money without being condemned as outdated.”81 Up-todate ideas had to be packaged in the form of melodrama. The next chapter will trace the development of these ideas.

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Mingxing filmography shows that 1 in 11 in 1926, 4 in 13 in 1927, 5 in 15 in 1928, 7 in 16 in 1929, 8 in 17 in 1930, and 2 in 21 in 1931 were costume dramas. Identification of film genres is based on screenplays, synopses and advertising texts. Goto Tomio, “Zhongguo yinhua jie zongping,” MB 7.2 (1 Nov. 1936). Xu Meixun, “Zhongguo dianying de xin shiming,” MY 1.4 (1 Aug. 1933): 4.

chapter 7

The Meaning: Toward a Sentimental Education Launched in 1915, Xin qingnian soon became a major platform for the circulation of ‘new thought.’ Various strands of new thought introduced by this journal were instrumental in bringing about the New Culture Movement and the May Fourth Movement, as well as the far-reaching cultural and social transformations that ensued. Vibrant discussions of various issues filled the pages of the journal on the eve of the May Fourth Movement:1 The magazine in the main opposed old patterns of thought and customs, and advocated new learning. It opposed monarchy and political privileges for the few, and advocated democracy, liberalism, and individualism, and later considered socialism. The magazine opposed the traditional ethics, such as loyalty to officials, filial duty to parents, and a double standard of chastity for men and women, and favored equality of individuals in society. It opposed the traditional big family (parents and married children living together as a family unit) and advocated the Western small family system, the equality and independence of women, and freedom of choice in love and marriage instead of marriage arranged by parents. In subsequent issues, the magazine advocated the literary revolution and encouraged language reform, discussed problems of Romanization and the use of Esperanto, and introduced punctuation. The magazine was against old superstitions and religions, upholding science, technology, and agnosticism. To oppose the unquestioned traditional Confucianism, the monthly proposed to re-evaluate all the classics. Authors in the magazine demanded that education should encourage individuality rather than assert the traditional authority of educators. Finally, the magazine attempted to promote unified intellectual leadership against warlordism through social, political, and cultural reforms. Many of these issues crossed the borders of intellectual fields and found their way into the sphere of popular culture, Mingxing melodramas in this case. This chapter charts the meanings that Mingxing films conveyed and asks about the ways in which Shanghai filmmaking provided what may be termed 1 See Tse-tsung Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 58–59.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi ��.��63/9789004279346_009

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a ‘sentimental education’ at a time when Chinese intellectuals were eager to ‘enlighten the masses’ for the sake of national salvation. Theater historian J. S. R. Goodlad has argued that popular drama serves as “the vehicle by which a community expresses its beliefs about what is right and wrong” and as “a medium through which a community repeatedly instructs its members in correct behaviour.”2 Much the same may be said of popular film. The melodramatic pattern most Mingxing films embraced opens a unique window that allows us to see what was considered right or wrong by contemporary filmmakers. This chapter provides a panoramic view of what contemporary film reviewers called the zhuyi/isms or yishi/ideologies addressed by Mingxing films. Many of the ideas and themes crossed artificial boundaries that appeared to separate the ‘different’ groups of filmmakers: Butterflies, Leftwingers, and Right-wingers. While the previous two chapters provide close readings of a few selected films, this chapter paints a broader picture that incorporates a large corpus of lesser-known Mingxing films. I do not intend to offer an evaluation of their artistic qualities, but rather a sociological analysis of these texts that allows us to probe the transformation of popular values in a time of rapid change. Since the majority of the Mingxing films (193 in total) are lost, this mapping relies more on printed materials than visual sources. The materials to be analyzed include screenplays, synopses, intertitles, advertisements, reviews, and stills. Screenplays and synopses tell us about the storylines of those lost films. The intertitles of silent films—dialogues and short statements inserted between scenes—are also central to our understanding of the films. In these texts screenwriters not only provided necessary information but also expressed opinions, as we learned in the analysis of Orphan contained in Chapter Five. Publicity texts and film reviews convey messages from different perspectives. Film ads in the 1920s and 1930s normally included elaborate introductions to films. Let us look at two random examples (Fig. 7.1): the ads for Fendou de hunyin (1928) and Yuren yongbie (1931) in Xinwenbao. These are typical film ads of the time, consisting of practical information (time, place, price, etc.), stills or illustrations, names of the filmmaker(s) and leading stars, a brief description of the film’s genre (such as ‘a romance with patriotic and revolutionary spirit’ in Fig. 7.1a) and a synopsis (at the bottom of both ads), and sometimes feedback from film critics or audiences (Fig. 7.1b includes a letter from film critic Pan Yihua 潘毅華). While publicity materials allow us to understand what was appealing to potential movie-goers, film reviews present the opinions of specialist writers. 2 Sinclair Goodlad, A sociology of popular drama, 7.

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Figure 7.1a

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Ad for Fendou de hunyin (XWB 9 Dec. 1928: 1)

Stills that filled in the pages of publicity journals give us a clear sense about the real visual world that the lost films once presented to their audiences. These kinds of printed materials are vital to this study not only because they are readily available but also because the texts and images were part of a larger Shanghai film culture. Movie-going experiences were not only about seeing a movie in the dark, but also included browsing ad pages, reading the film plot sheets distributed at movie theaters, and reading fan magazines. These printed materials were widely circulated at the time. Theater ads were routinely

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Figure 7.1b

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Ad for Yuren yongbie (XWB 26 Nov. 1931: 20)

published in major daily newspapers (such as Shenbao and Xinwenbao in Shanghai). Film reviews appeared in film columns of major newspapers and various film magazines. Leading Shanghai daily newspapers were distributed nationwide. For example, Xinwenbao, one of the main sources for this study, had more than 500 distribution agents in China and its daily circulation was around 150,000 between the mid-1920s and the mid-1930s.3 Film studios also published trade papers that were distributed nationwide along with films. For example, Mingxing banyuekan (the promotional journal of Mingxing) was sold 3 Shanghai xinwen zhi bianzhuan weiyuan hui, Shanghai xinwen zhi, online version, n.p. (http://www.shtong.gov.cn/node2/node2245/node4522/node5501/node5503/node63720/ userobject1ai8647.html). The average daily circulations of Xinwenbao between 1926 and 1935 are: 141,717 in 1926, 144,079 in 1927, 148,152 in 1928, 150,150 in 1929, 150,028 in 1930, 150,356 in 1931, 150,594 in 1932, 149,015 in 1933, 147,637 in 1934, and 147,958 in 1935.

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in 39 Chinese cities (in seventeen provinces) in 1936.4 These cities were also places where Mingxing films were screened (a point that will be elaborated in the Epilogue). In a word, Shanghai film culture was inseparable from the print culture of the time. Drawing upon these materials and a thorough reading of nearly all available screenplays and synopses, I find that three broad thematic categories and two motifs recurred in Mingxing films. The themes include family, marriage and woman; labor, social class and the ills of society; and revolution and nationalism. The relationships between city and countryside and between love and revolution are two motifs that appear in many Mingxing films. These themes and motifs were not unique to Mingxing films. Rather, they were the staple of Shanghai cinema of the time. This mapping of non-classical films and stereotypical themes will show how stereotypes took shape and what roles ‘stereotypes’ played in society and social transformation. 1

Isms: Family, Marriage, and Woman

Zheng Zhengqiu’s theater career took off with the success of E jiating (Evil Family, 1914), a family drama. A decade later, Zheng’s film entitled Orphan also fell into the genre of ‘family film.’5 Zheng’s choice of family themes and the success of these dramas might not be coincidental; they were linked to a deeper cultural subconscious. As is widely known, the notion of family occupies a significant position in Confucianism and Chinese culture. During the May Fourth era, the traditional family system became one of the main targets of criticisms penned by intellectuals. Fu Sinian 傅斯年 (1896–1950), a prominent May Fourth intellectual, went so far as to declare that family was one of the main ‘sources of all evils’ (wan e zhi yuan 萬惡之源) in his article published in 1919 in the inaugural issue of Xinchao 新潮 (Renaissance), a leading May Fourth intellectual journal.6 In a word, issues concerning family, marriage, and woman stood at the junction of intellectual discourses and popular interests. Numerous Mingxing films addressed these problems, regardless of whether they were written by Butterflies, Left-wingers or Right-wingers. As we have learned, both Zhang Xinsheng and Orphan touch upon the issue of inheritance and the traditional clan system. The theme also surfaces in Bao Tianxiao’s Xiao pengyou 4 MB 6.1 (16 Jul. 1936). 5 See its ad in XWB 2 Mar. 1924. 6 Meng Zhen (Fu Sinian), “Wan e zhi yuan,” Xinchao 1.1 (1 Jan. 1919), 124–28.

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(1925, BF),7 Zheng Zhengqiu’s Taohua hu (1930), and Ouyang Yuqian’s Qing­ ming shijie (1936, LW).8 The Hong Shen film Zao sheng guizi (1926), set in “a small village a hundred li (50 km) from Shanghai, a village where old thought, old ethics, and old habits are still widespread,” features an old couple preoccupied by the idea of producing a son to carry on the family name.9 It is clear that family and related issues are at the center of all the films by such ‘old school’ writers as Zheng and Bao as well as ‘new school’ writers like Hong and Ouyang. Marriage and women’s problems stood out as the most popular topics of family melodramas. We have discussed the topics of matchmaking and widow’s chastity featured in Jade (BF). There are many more examples. For instance, Zuihou zhi liangxin 最後之良心 (Last Conscience, 1925) depicts three types of forced marriage (Fig. 7.2). The first type is a kind of ‘child daughter-in-law’ (tongyang xi 童養媳), that is, a girl from a poor family who is sold to a richer family as a maid and also as the future wife of a male member of the family. A related custom is called zhaozhui 招贅, which refers to a wealthy family that lacks an heir and thus takes in a boy child who assumes the surname of his new family and marries the family’s daughter. The third type of marriage custom is a ritual called bao paiwei zuoqin 抱牌位做親, a ceremony during which the bride marries the memorial tablet of her departed fiancé. By depicting these absurd and inhuman marriage customs, Zheng Zhengqiu (the screenwriter) was declaring that “the film’s zhuyi/ism is to criticize old marriage customs.”10 Similar expressions can be found in ads for the film as well.11 Zheng also expressed his wish that movie-goers touched by this film would take action and abandon the old marriage customs.12 Film critic Xu Chihen acknowledged Zheng’s good intentions and praised the film as a challenge to “old-minded people.”13 Guaming de fuqi 挂名的夫妻 (A Couple in Name, 1927, BF) features another sort of arranged marriage: zhifu weihun 指腹爲婚 (arranging a marriage by pointing to the womb), a practice involving the promising of children into marriage before they are born. The publicity text underscored “two big issues” 7

8 9 10 11 12 13

For ease of reference, in this chapter I mark each film with “BF” for Butterfly, “LW” for Leftwing, and “RW” for Right-wing in order to indicate how the particular film is conventionally categorized in standard histories. For synopses of the three films see ZWDJB, 203ff, 1861ff; ZZDY, 313–14. See Hong Shen, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 682. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Bianju zhe yan,” MT 1 (1 May 1925). XWB 2 May 1925: A2. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Jieshi Zuihou zhi liangxin de sanjian shi,” MT 2 (5 Jun. 1925). Chihen, “Zuihou zhi liangxin shuping,” XWB 2 May 1925: E1.

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Figure 7.2 Stills from Zuihou zhi liangxin (MT 1, 1925)

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that the film tackled: “true love and chastity.”14 The film was adapted from Yilü ma 一縷蔴 (A Strand of Hemp), a short story by Bao Tianxiao published in Xiaoshuo shibao in 1909. Before its film adaptation, the story appeared on stage as a Peking opera performed by Mei Lanfang. Mei’s performance moved a Tianjin spectator so deeply that he cancelled his daughter’s engagement, one that was made by ‘pointing to the womb.’15 Hong Shen wrote a play in English based on the same story. The play, entitled The Wedded Husband, was performed at Ohio State University in 1918 when Hong was a student there.16 The story’s multimedia and transcultural tours demonstrated wide popular interest in this theme. Themes about absurd marriage customs are common in May Fourth literature. For example, Shen Congwen 沈從文 (1902–1988) created a ‘child daughter-in-law’ character in his famous novella Xiaoxiao 蕭蕭 (1929). The title character, Xiaoxiao, who loses her mother early and is brought up by an uncle, is betrothed at the age of eleven and her ‘husband’ is a two-year old baby!17 Another issue frequently featured in Mingxing films is marriage between families of similar social standing (mendang hudui 門當戶對). Zheng Zhengqiu expressed his opinion quite explicitly in an intertitle in Xiao qingren 小情人 (Little Lovers, 1926): “The principle of mendang hudui has ruined the happiness of many young men and women.”18 Literary works that depicted love between different classes were also abundant during the period. Cao Yu’s 曹禺 play Leiyu 雷雨 (The Thunderstorm, 1934) and Ba Jin’s 巴金 novel Jia 家 (Family, 1933) are two of the best-known works on this theme. The plot of Xiao qingren bears a resemblance to that of Leiyu in many respects. Both tell of a young man from a rich family who falls in love with a young woman of much lower status (a housemaid in Leiyu and a woman from a poor family in Xiao qingren). In both stories, the female character is expelled from the family during her second pregnancy, leaving her first child in the rich family. Both stories end with an accidental encounter of the old lovers and their children (one rich, the other poor) many years later. The encounters lead to additional emotional entanglements and highly dramatic outcomes.19 14 15 16 17 18 19

XWB 30 Apr. 1927. Bao Tianxiao, Chuanying lou huiyi lu, 432. Hong Qian, Zhongguo huaju dianying xianqu Hong Shen lishi biannian ji, 52–53. Shen Congwen, “Xiaoxiao.” Zhengqiu, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 663. For the synopsis of Xiao qingren, see ZWDJB, 657–60. The synopsis of Leiyu is based on: Cao Yu, Leiyu.

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This formula was adopted by a few Mingxing films. For example, Zheng Zhengqiu’s Erba jiaren 二八佳人 (A Beauty of Sixteen, 1927) and Ouyang Yuqian’s Qingming shijie (1936, LW) both feature a housemaid who is pregnant by a son of a rich family and driven out of the family. The return of their child years later triggers a series of dramas.20 Honglei ying 紅淚影 (Shadow of Red Tears, 1931) also features a low-status lover of a rich young man and proclaims in an intertitle that “she cannot be accepted by [her boyfriend’s] father.”21 While old customs were denounced, new concepts and values were promoted simultaneously. The most revolutionary idea was love and marriage according to one’s own will. As discussed earlier, Xia Yan’s Torrent (1933, LW) ends with the reunion of the protagonists who are in love despite their different family backgrounds. In Liu Na’ou’s Smiling (1936, RW), the heroine encourages her cousins to pursue their freedom of love. These plots revealed that both screenwriters endorsed new marital values. The theme of free choice love usually developed along with portrayals of rebellions against parental authority waged by unhappy children. We find examples in Yige xiao gongren 一個小 工人 (A Child Worker), a 1926 film by Zheng Zhengqiu, and Shidai de ernü 時 代的兒女 (Children of Our Time, LW) written by Xia Yan, A Ying, and Zheng Boqi in 1934. Yige xiao gongren features two daughters of the same family, Wan Ruyu 萬如玉 and Wan Ruhua 萬如華. Ruyu is introduced in an intertitle as a woman who “knows nothing other than obeying her father, husband, and sons; she has no opinions of her own.”22 Her sister Ruhua, however, is “a new woman who is unfortunately born into an old family in this transitional era.”23 While Ruyu shows unconditional obedience to her father, Ruhua defies her father and insists on her right to marry a classmate. A conversation between the father and the two daughters unfolds in this manner:24 Ruyu: You don’t want to marry our cousin [arranged by father]. You’re unfilial. Ruhua: You’re filial! You can marry him. Ruhua [to both Ruyu and their father]: The Republic was founded and now we should embrace freedom of marriage.

20 For the synopsis of Erba jiaren see ZWDJB, 1010; Qingming shijie see ZZDY, 313–14. 21 Dake, “Benshi,” ZWDJB, 1994. 22 Zhengqiu, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 672–73. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid.

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Wan Guyu 萬古愚 (the father; his name literally means ‘old and stubborn’): If you need freedom, get out of here and never again enter the door of my house! The Left-wing film Shidai de ernü has a similar dialogue between a father and a son:25 Father (to his wife): Marriage, the greatest event in life! How can we let him decide by himself! Shiming 士銘 (the son): Father! Such an [arranged] marriage will be painful! Father: Children of our family must obey their parents. If you need freedom, get out! From now on you are not my son! These conversations bore a vivid imprint of the May Fourth spirit and can also be found in many literary works of the period. In addition to marriage issues, a related theme—women’s problems—surfaced as well. Needless to say, the emancipation of women occupied a central position in modern discourses in the west and in China. As the aforementioned summary of the frequently discussed topics in Xin qingnian shows, the advocacy of ‘the equality and independence of women’ figured prominently in May Fourth agendas.26 Tani Barlow has traced the genealogy of nüxing 女性/funü 婦女 (women) in modern Chinese intellectual discourses. She points out that once the concept of nüxing entered elite intellectual discourses, the image appeared simultaneously in popular media. Thus ‘the indigenous representations of nüxing’ entered cultural and economic circulation on its own accord.27 Mingxing films are a rich repository of such indigenous representations. The significance of nüxing in Shanghai filmmaking can be seen in film titles alone. Nearly 38 Mingxing film titles contained nü or fu (woman) as key words, including Kelian de guinü (A Pitiful Girl, 1925, BF) by Bao Tianxiao, Nüxing de nahan (Cries of Women, 1933, LW) by Shen Xiling, and Fudao 婦道 (Doctrine for Women, 1934, RW) by Yao Sufeng. Generally speaking, the call for the emancipation of women is a persistent theme. For example, Erba jiaren (1927) ends with a public speech on the topic of ‘the new trend of women’s emancipation,’ followed by a scene in which the 25 Ding Junwu, “Sheying taiben Shidai de ernü,” MY 2.2 (1 Dec. 1933): 32–33. 26 Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 58. 27 Tani Barlow, “Theorizing woman,” 267–68.

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housemaids of a rich family are freed and their slave contracts (maishen qi 賣 身契) burned.28 Similar messages can be found in the following dialogues in Xuelei bei 血淚碑 (Tablet of Blood and Tears, 1927):29 Ruyu 如玉: Alas! Man-eating moral doctrines are terrible! [. . .] Ruzhen 如真: This evil society has killed our two sisters! [. . .] Wang: My fellow students! There is no freedom in our country and society has killed two promising young women! Who is the murderer of these young talents? We must be cautious! Yu: How sad it is! The murderer of the two women is none other than their mother! If the problem of ‘freedom in marriage’ had been solved, how could they have died on the execution ground? The film ends with a slogan that reads: “Let the tears and blood of the dead nourish the flowers of freedom.”30 Clearly, these films show great sympathy towards ‘enslaved’ women and call for allowing women far more freedom in matters concerning love and marriage. Yet female roles in Mingxing films are not restricted to this type of victimized heroine. There are roughly five types of female characters: fashionable urban women, innocent country girls, female revolutionaries, professional women, and entertainers (actresses, courtesans, prostitutes, etc.). The first three types will be discussed in detail in the last two sections of this chapter. With regard to professional women and female entertainers, they are almost invariably portrayed as the play things of men in Mingxing films. Hong Shen made this message explicit in an advertisement for his film Wei nüshi de zhiye 衛女士的職業 (The Profession of Ms. Wei, 1927):31 Calls for the emancipation of women, equal rights for both sexes, and women’s participation in politics have been prevalent. As a result, an increasing number of educated women have taken up professional careers. However, most men still believe that women are made for play

28 29 30 31

Zheng Zhengqiu, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 1025. Zhengqiu, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 1155–60. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Benshi,” ZWDJB, 1148. XWB 22 Oct. 1927.

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and often use their power to harass career women. This is the primary reason why we do not have enough professional women. Xia Yan’s Zhifen shichang 脂粉市場 (The Cosmetic Store, 1933, LW) and Yao Sufeng’s Yehui 夜會 (City of Night, 1936, RW) take up the same theme. Zhifen shichang features a department store saleswoman who is courted simultaneously by her boss and the son of the store manager.32 The heroine in Yehui is a hotel waitress who is annoyed by the advances of a playboy (Fig. 7.3).33 While Zhifen shichang was intended to “depict the sufferings of professional women,”34 Yehui compared itself to an ‘exclamation mark’ and a ‘question mark.’35 As professional women were exposed to prejudice and contempt, women of lower standing (e.g. actresses and prostitutes) had to endure even greater hardships in life. The heroine in Bao Tianxiao’s Duoqing de nüling (1926, BF) is a Peking opera actress, who becomes the mistress of a warlord by coercive means.36 Xia Yan’s Qiancheng 前程 (The Prospect, 1933, LW) also features a Peking opera actress. She marries a “handsome young man who has just returned from abroad,” but is soon abandoned.37 Red Begonia, the title character of Ouyang Yuqian’s Haitang hong 海棠紅 (Red Begonia, 1936, LW) is a famous opera actress, but she also fails to escape her sad fate as her husband’s ready source of income (Fig. 7.4).38 In Liu Na’ou’s Smiling (1936, RW), the singsong girl Yuhua is the victim of her greedy uncle and a pawnshop manager. Taken together, Mingxing films portrayed a colorful picture of the Chinese family, especially the anxieties, frustrations, and sorrows in marital relationships and in women’s lives. The direct and outspoken attitudes of Mingxing filmmakers were conveyed by means of melodramatic modes of expression and other filmic devices including sensational intertitles. Generally, they supported the May Fourth advocacy of iconoclasm, emancipation, and individualism. In 1918 Hu Shi proposed a number of topics suitable for literary creation: “male and female factory workers, rickshaw pullers, inland farmers . . . domestic tragedies, marital sorrows, the position of women, and the unsuitability of

32 ZZDY, 234–36. 33 “Yehui de gushi,” MB 7.2 (1 Nov. 1936). 34 XWB 14 May 1933: 1. 35 Chun Geng, “Yehui, da dushi de heiying,” MB 7.2 (1 Nov. 1936). 36 ZWDJB, 512ff. 37 See ad in XWB 21 May 1933: Benbu fukan 7. For the synopsis, see ZZDY, 236–37. 38 ZZDY, 309.

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Figure 7.3 A still from Yehui (MB 6.5, 1936)

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Figure 7.4

Stills from Haitang hong (MB 6.1, 1936)

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[current] educational practices.”39 It is clear that Mingxing films echoed Hu’s advice. In addition to treating family problems, Hu suggested paying attention to low status social classes—factory workers, rickshaw pullers, and inland farmers. Social discourses surrounding laborers, social classes, and the ills of society constituted another important thematic focus of Mingxing films. 2

Isms: Laborers, Class, and Ills of Society

One of the first Mingxing films, Laogong zhi aiqing (Laborer’s Love, 1922), symbolically foreshadowed the emergence of the laborer (laogong) as a social issue. The film tells a story of a fruit-peddler (a former carpenter), who falls in love with an old doctor’s daughter. In order to help the business of his future father-in-law, he ‘fixes’ the steps leading to a mahjong room known as ‘All Night Club,’ so that the mahjong players stumble, injure themselves and go to the doctor. Thus the peddler wins the doctor’s heart and gets the young woman.40 The film was initially entitled Zhiguo yuan 擲果緣 (Fruit Throwing Romance) because the fruit-peddler expresses his affection by throwing fruit to the doctor’s daughter. Another layer of meaning embedded in the title is derived from a famous Chinese legend about Pan An 潘安 (247–300), a good-looking scholar. Throwing fruit into his carriage was the way in which his female admirers expressed their affection.41 The extant film clearly shows that Zhiguo yuan was the film’s official title and Laogong zhi aiqing was mentioned in parenthesis. But interestingly, only the latter title appeared in theater ads and the original title Zhiguo yuan was seldom mentioned later on and was soon forgotten.42 The key to the triumph of the second title may lie in the words laogong and aiqing (love). Both were buzz-words of the May Fourth period. Slogans like Laogong shensheng 勞工神聖 (The Sanctity of the Working Classes) and Gongye jiuguo 工業救國 (Save the Country through Industry) were ubiquitous in journalistic and intellectual discourses. For example, Cai Yuanpei, the chancellor of Peking University, gave a speech entitled “Laogong shensheng” in

39

Hu Shi, “Jianshe de wenxue geming lun,” Xin qingnian 4.4 (15 Apr. 1918), quoted in C. T. Hsia, A history of modern Chinese fiction, 1917–1957, 9. 40 ZWDJB, 13. 41 The story is known as “Pan An zhiguo 潘安擲果” (Throwing fruit to Pan An) and was widely featured in Chinese traditional plays. See Zhao Jingshen, ed., Yuan Ming bei zaju zongmu kaolue, 49. 42 See SB 5 Oct. 1922: 9.

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November 1918.43 The slogan, in beautifully written calligraphy by Cai himself, was the cover image of a Xin qingnian issue in 1920.44 Jin Guantao’s research shows that the usage frequency of the term gongye (industry) in Xin qingnian increased conspicuously from 1919 to the mid-1920s, and it appeared over 500 times in this journal between April 1925 and July 1926.45 Seen against this backdrop, the title Laogong zhi aiqing was much more ‘stylish’ than the original one. But a critic raised a light-hearted question by asking whether a fruitpeddler could be counted as a member of the working class in the strict sense of the term.46 Nonetheless, films that feature real working class people are not rare among Mingxing productions. There are two types of scenario. One type depicts the hero’s choice to be a worker as the climax of the plot. For example, Zheng Zhengqiu’s Yige xiao gongren (1926) features the son of a rich family who is driven out by his father because he wants to marry a woman without getting his father’s consent. He earns his livelihood as a factory worker and changes his name to ‘Shanggong 尚工’ (literally, ‘preferring to be a worker’). At the end of the film, the father finally realizes that only industry can save the country and invests a large sum of money to found factories.47 Shidai de ernü (1934, LW), as mentioned above, also begins with the hero’s departure from his middle-class family in order to pursue free choice romantic love. But later he chooses to be a worker and gives up his romantic love interest because his girlfriend wishes him to become an engineer and to live an urban bourgeois life with her. He tells his girlfriend: “Now I know what is more important than romance.”48 The third example is Yao Sufeng’s Qingchun xian 青春綫 (Youth Line, 1934, RW), a love triangle narrative involving three home town friends. Zhao Jin 趙進, an engineering student, quits college and teaches at a vocational school in his home town. Jiang Hong 江宏, a commerce student from a wealthy family, works at a bank in Shanghai after graduation. Shen Lan 沈蘭 used to be Zhao’s girlfriend, but eventually marries Jiang to secure material comforts. The film ends by stressing the sharp contrast between the middle-class couple and Zhao Jin. While the couple sinks into depravity in the materialistic city, Zhao Jin lives an upright life as a train

43 Cai Yuanpai, “Laogong shensheng,” in Cai Yuanpei, Cai Yuanpei quanji, vol. 3, 464. 44 See Xin qingnian 7.6 (1920), “Special Issue for Labor Day”. 45 Jin Guantao, Guannian shi yanjiu, 355. 46 Dai, “Guan Mingxing gongsi yingpian (xia),” SB 9 Oct. 1922: 18. 47 Zheng Zhengqiu, “Yige xiao gongren juzhi,” MT 17 (Nov. 1926); ZWDJB, 676, 679. 48 MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 29. For the script of the film, see MY 2.2 (1 Dec. 1933): 31–38; 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 24–30.

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Figure 7.5 A still from Qingchun xian (Liangyou 100, 1934)

operator in spite of the constant threat of unemployment (Fig. 7.5).49 Clearly, the idea of the ‘sanctity of the working classes’ was behind these stories. Another type of scenario focuses on the sorrows of working-class life. Zheng Zhengqiu’s Mang gunü 盲孤女 (Blind Orphan Girl, 1925) pioneered in the development of this theme. It features a young woman who is expelled from home by her stepmother and becomes a child laborer and then a sing-song girl.50 Bi Yihong 畢倚虹, usually known as a Butterfly writer, wrote a review of this film and summarized the social problem it addressed:51 China’s labor system is defective. Female workers are being treated inhumanely. Countless oppressed female workers have to swallow every humiliation. Nobody has ever spoken on their behalf and no artwork has ever described their sufferings. The Mingxing film Mang gunü begins with a vivid description of a female worker who is being abused and humiliated. The acting skills of the performers are good and the attitude of the filmmakers is correct. On behalf of millions of female workers who are weeping in silence, I would like to thank the Mingxing Company.

49 50 51

For the screenplay see MY 2.4 (1 Nov. 1934): 21–27; 2.5 (1 Dec. 1934): 23–30. Chiping, “Benshi,” Zhengqiu and Jianyun, “Zimu,” in ZWDJB, 182–91. Bi Yihong, “Mang gunü de wo gan,” XWB 2 Oct. 1925: A2.

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Figure 7.6 Stills from Xiangcao meiren (MB 1.5, 1933)

Portrayals of labor abuses and the miseries of factory workers appeared repeatedly in later films, especially in the 1930s. For example, there was a scene in Nüxing de nahan (1933, LW) in which a factory manager is seen hitting an indentured female worker.52 Unemployment was another frequent theme, a theme that appeared, for example, in Xiangcao meiren 香草美人 (Tobacco Beauty, 1933, LW) set in a cigarette factory (Fig. 7.6)53 and in Yapo 壓迫 (Oppression, 1933, LW) set in a spinning mill.54 Shen Xiling’s Shanghai ershisi xiaoshi 上海 二十四小時 (24 Hours in Shanghai, 1933, LW) deals with this theme along two parallel plotlines. While a factory worker is injured at work and his family is fretting about his medical bills, his boss and the boss’s wife are spending the whole night going to the cinema, dancing, and gambling.55 The parallel montage pointed to another important issue, that is, class distinction. The concept of ‘class,’ usually seen as a unique ingredient of 1930s left-wing filmmaking, had already found its way into 1920s Mingxing films. For example, a film reviewer noted that one of the zhuyi/isms (themes) of Hao gege 好哥哥 (Good Brother, 1924) was “the elimination of class differences between the poor and the rich.”56 Zheng Zhengqiu said that in Zuihou zhi liangxin (1925) he tried to “compare the lives of the rich and the poor and make audiences aware of the concept of class. This attempt may be of a certain value.”57 Coincidentally (or 52 53 54 55 56 57

ZWDJB, 2400–2. For the synopsis of the film, see ZZDY, 241–42. ZWDJB, 2452–54. For the script see MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 15–23. Yin Shi, “Hao gege zhong zhi er Zheng,” Dianying zazhi 10 (Feb. 1925). Zheng Zhengqiu, “Jieshi Zuihou zhi liangxin de sanjian shi,” MT 2 (5 Jun. 1925).

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not), Konggu lan (1926, BF) and Zimei hua (1934, LW), the greatest box-office hits, also touch on the issue of class difference by featuring two women, one poor and one rich. As we learned in Chapter Four, Konggu lan features the rivalry between a virtuous low-status country woman (Renzhu) and a vicious upper-class woman (Rouyun). The fact that Renzhu wins out in the end challenged the old rule about marriage between the same social classes and reflected new patterns of social mobility at the time. In brief, old elites sank in status while ordinary people rose. Zimei hua treats the class issue in a more dramatic fashion. Its heroines, a pair of twin sisters separated at birth, are reunited when the one raised in poverty becomes a servant in the household of her sister, now the pampered wife of a warlord general.58 Such depictions of the conflicts between poor and rich were pervasive in Mingxing films. Liangxin fuhuo 良心復活 (A Resurrection of Conscience, 1926, BF), a story Bao Tianxiao wrote based on Leo Tolstoy’s Resurrection, tells of a romance between two persons of different social strata. The claim was made in the advertising text that the intention of the film was to “bridge the gap between the rich and the poor classes.”59 Filmic depictions of class conflicts aroused popular sympathies and reflected genuine historical circumstances as well. In the 1930s when leftwing culture was gaining momentum, class differences and conflicts evolved into ‘class struggle’ in many films. Films on this theme are usually set in the countryside and feature so-called ‘local tyrants and evil gentry’ (tuhao lieshen). A classic tuhao lieshen villain is Fu Boren, the patriarch of a wealthy household in Torrent. This character type is evident in other Mingxing films. One example is Sun Tuanzong 孫團縂 in Tieban honglei lu 鉄板紅淚錄 (Iron Plate and Red Tears, 1933, LW), a local tyrant in Sichuan who extorts money from farmers and is killed in a peasant revolt at the end of the film (Fig. 7.7).60 Yanchao 鹽潮 (Salt Tide, 1933, LW) features two such villains: the ‘evil gentry’ Li Dahu 李大 戶 and his nephew Hu Xinwu 胡心吾. They scheme to occupy vacant village land but are challenged by the villagers.61 Another example of the ‘local tyrant’ is found in Dao xibei qu (1934, LW): a landlord who conspires with a real estate entrepreneur to purchase peasant land at a low price.62 The theme of class struggle manifested itself in another stereotypical scenario, i.e. ‘riots and revolts of the masses,’ as the GMD official Chen Lifu saw 58 59 60 61 62

ZZDY, 244. XWB 22 Dec. 1926: A1. ZZDY, 241. MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 32–33. MY 2.4 (1 Nov. 1934): 35–37.

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Figure 7.7 A still from Tieban honglei lu (MB 1.4, 1933)

it.63 Chen’s observation is correct. All the aforementioned landlords and local tyrants are brought down by popular uprisings in these Mingxing films. There are more examples. In Zhang Shichuan’s film Shilian 失戀 (Love Failure, 1933), the protagonist, an official, is forced to resign from office after a peasant uprising. According to GMD official Lu Diping, the purpose of this depiction was “to mobilize the peasants to seize power by means of mass riots.”64 Yang Hansheng’s Yeben (1937, LW) also ends with the victory of the mobilized masses.65 Films that center on the conflicts between different classes often bring to light the ills of society and social injustices at the same time.

63 64 65

“Chen Lifu xiansheng tan dianying,” Chenbao 9 Feb. 1934: 10. See “Zhejiang sheng zhengfu micheng,” No. 2 Historical Archives, Nanjing, 2 (2)271/16J1505, 5 Apr. 1933. ZZDY, 330.

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Rural poverty, urban unemployment, and social inequality were frequent topics of Mingxing films and were often highlighted in publicity texts. For example, an ad for Chuncan 春蠶 (Spring Silkworms, 1933, LW) stressed that the film provided “a sketch of economic depression in the countryside, a miniature of the shaky social structure, an exposé on the influx of foreign commodities, and a showcase of the miserable fate of domestic agricultural products.”66 Another advertising text was more sensational:67 Oppression, oppression! The powerful oppress the powerless and the rich oppress the poor. Therefore the powerful grow more powerful and the rich become richer, while the poor are oppressed to death. The film Yapo (Oppression) invites you to see how unequal the world is and how unjust our society is! These problems were not figments of the imagination of filmmakers; many did exist in the real world. Rural destitution, unemployment, corruption, and inequalities were pervasive in China in the 1920s and 1930s.68 The films reflected the worries of the filmmakers about China’s problems. In addition to domestic problems, China had suffered the humiliations of foreign invasion for decades. As discussed in Chapter Three, Japanese invasions in 1931 and 1932 triggered strong patriotic reactions and influenced the film world in many ways. Moreover, armed conflicts between warlords lasted for a long time. Even after Chiang Kaishek symbolically united China in 1927, civil wars and armed conflicts never stopped. Under the circumstances, calls for promoting ‘martial spirit’ (shangwu jingshen 尚武精神) and revolution rang out and themes concerning martial spirit, revolution, and national salvation also surfaced on the silver screen. 3

Isms: Martial Spirit, Revolution, and National Salvation

Left-wing films were not the only ones to address the topics of revolution, patriotism and nationalism. In 1925 Zheng Zhengqiu wrote that China’s national humiliation had caused filmmakers to produce more movies on serious issues, including national sovereignty and human rights.69 Theater ads of the 1920s 66 67 68 69

XWB 7 Oct. 1933: Benbu fukan 11. XWB 14 Aug. 1933: Benbu fukan 4. Cf. Lloyd Eastman, et al., eds., The Nationalist era in China, 1927–1949, 36–39. Zheng Zhengqiu, “Jieshi Zuihou zhi liangxin de sanjian shi.”

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often labeled particular productions as ‘patriotic films’ (aiguo pian 愛國片) or ‘revolutionary films’ (geming pian 革命片). For example, Fendou de hunyin 奮鬥的婚姻 (A Struggle in Marriage, 1928) was marketed as a ‘revolutionary romance.’70 Zhandi xiao tongbao 戰地小同胞 (A Child on the Battlefield, 1929) was promoted as a film that combined ‘military, romantic and ethical’ elements.71 Bao Tianxiao’s Hao nan’er 好男兒 (A Good Guy, 1926, BF), which depicts “the suffering of a young man who sacrifices the interest of his family for the sake of his country,” was labeled a ‘patriotic film.’72 Furthermore, images of fighters and revolutionaries were abundant in Mingxing films of the 1920s. For example, Jade ends with Mengxia’s transformation from a bookish scholar who weeps over his own broken heart to a brave warrior who fights on the battlefield of Mongolia. Revolution (geming), patriotism (aiguo), and military affairs ( junshi) were popular terms in the mid- to late-1920s, the time of the Northern Expedition (Beifa shidai 北伐時代), a period when Chiang Kaishek initiated military campaigns against local warlords (1926–1928). The aforementioned ‘patriotic’ and ‘revolutionary’ films produced during this period mirrored this historical background. The Japanese invasions in the early 1930s further motivated Shanghai filmmakers to produce movies on patriotic and military subjects. One example is Tiexue qingnian (1931), a Mingxing film aimed at “stimulating patriotism” and “advancing the spirit of youth of iron.”73 It features three main characters, a “brave and determined female party member,” a “warlord’s son who loves his compatriots, while his father abuses the people,” and the son’s lover who sets aside all thoughts of romantic love out of patriotism. In an ad, a metaphor was used to introduce the heroine (played by Butterfly Wu): “Pear blossoms and roses are equally adorable. But in this film Ms. Wu abandons the pearblossom-like temperament and becomes a rose that is hard to be plucked.”74 This metaphor is reminiscent of the heroine in Jade, Li Niang (Lady Pear Blossom), who was portrayed as a typical cainü 才女, a refined Chinese woman who is sentimental, sensitive, and fragile. From a ‘good guy’ to a ‘youth of iron,’ from a pear-blossom-like refined woman to a rose-like brave female party member, these transformations are revealing. 70 71 72 73

74

XWB on 26 Jan. 1929: Benbu fukan 25. XWB 21 Nov. 1929. XWB 18 May 1926: A1. XWB 31 Dec. 1931: 20. It premiered at the Palace Theater together with a newsreel entitled “Fudan daxue yiyongjun jianyue dianli 復旦大學義勇軍檢閱典禮” (Ceremonial parades of the militia of Fudan University). XWB 31 Dec. 1931: 20.

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Figure 7.8 A still from Guohun de fuhuo (Linglong 2.66, 1932)

This kind of transformation can be found in another film: Guohun de fuhuo (1932, BF). Written by Cheng Xiaoqing, a writer of Butterfly detective fiction, the film was defined as “a patriotic and military film on current events.”75 It features the contrasts between “young men who indulge in wine and women” and “male students who organize the militia to fight at the front lines,” and between “young women who revel in singing and dancing” and “female students who serve the country at the home front” (Fig. 7.8).76 In a word, the film compares the past with the present, and degenerate urban life with heroic military action. Transformations were also on display in the case of a dance hall hostess, who repents for her past sins and now devotes herself to saving the nation. These scenarios show that during tough times Shanghai filmmakers actively participated in the project of national salvation. Expressions of anti-imperialism and anti-Japanese sentiments became increasingly widespread on the screen in the mid-1930s. Although foreign and Chinese censors did not allow films to contain explicit messages concerning resentment of Japan,77 several films produced during the period were set 75 XWB 22 Sept. 1932: 22. 76 Ibid. 77 See Fengwu, “Lun Zhongguo dianying wenhua yundong,” ZZDY, 64.

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against a background of foreign invasion, which obviously alluded to Japanese intrusions. For example, Tongchou 同仇 (The Common Enemy, 1934, LW) ends with a scene in which people are seeing off a group of soldiers who are marching toward the battlefield “in order to fight against the imperialist invaders” because “Beiping and Tianjin are in danger.”78 Shen Xiling’s film Xiangchou 鄉愁 (Nostalgia for My Hometown, 1935, LW) takes place in a village impacted by foreign invasions. A conversation between a father and his son (who is going to join the army) sounds like this:79 Father: Xiong’er! Now you are a warrior. You should always remember the glory of our ancestors! But our ancestors fought only for imperial rulers; you are fighting for the Chinese nation . . . Son: Father, I’ve learned a great lesson today. I will fight for the Chinese people and our humiliated nation. The father dies in the bombing soon after and the daughter takes the mother to the relative safety of Shanghai. At the end of the film, the war situation has escalated. The daughter speaks to her mother: “Mom, if our Chinese people remain dumb and refrain from screaming out, any place can [fall to the enemy] just like our home village.”80 Her boyfriend responds: “Our country is caught in a storm. Where are the youth of China? Where are the youth of China?”81 These intertitles reminded the audience of China’s situation under the threat of Japanese aggression. Similar messages were conveyed in Rexue zhonghun 熱 血忠魂 (Hot Blood and Loyal Spirit, 1935), Shizi jietou (1937, LW), and Yeben (1937, LW).82 This sketch of Mingxing films shows that Shanghai filmmaking was socially engaged in various ways throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The film melodramas treated serious social issues of the time, including the traditional family system, marriage customs, the emancipation of women, class differences, class struggle, exposés of the dark side of society, national salvation, and anti-imperialism. Expressions of concern were not monopolized by any particular group—the Butterflies, Left-wingers, or Right-wingers—but shared by Chinese intellectuals of multiple backgrounds including Xin qingnian authors, May Fourth writers, popular writers, and modernist artists. Taken together, 78 79 80 81 82

MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 38. ZWDJB, 2707. ZWDJB, 2705. Ibid., 2714–15. ZZDY, 289, 325, 330.

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Shanghai films of the day played the role of providing citizens with a ‘sentimental education.’ In addition to playing the role of educator, Shanghai cinema functioned as a window on the inner tensions of the times. The tensions between city and countryside and between love and revolution were front and center in Mingxing films. These themes appear to contradict some of the progressive zhuyi/isms or yishi/ideologies discussed above. But the contradiction itself reflected the inner complexity of any cultural field. 4

Motif: Country and City

A Shanghai resident in 1934 provided a rather bleak view of the city: it was a site of “darkness, ugliness, foulness, misery, stress, disappointment, tears, blood, and corpses,” and it was compared to “a prodigal son” and “a licentious woman.”83 This was the opinion of a writer who answered the call for essays on the topic of “Shanghai’s future” by a Shanghai magazine.84 This view of Shanghai may have been an exaggeration, but it was not entirely unusual. Many Mingxing films of the 1920s and 1930s expressed a negative view of the city, despite lavish visual representations of the glamor of the city. This section analyzes three groups of films: (1) six 1920s movies of the ‘social film’ genre (shehui pian 社會片) written by Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen, (2) five Leftwing films, and (3) five films by Yao Sufeng. The negative image of the city and the positive image of the countryside were personified in villains and heroes in many film melodramas. This analysis will also demonstrate that the ways in which the Butterflies, the Left-wingers, and the Right-wingers treated the issue of city versus countryside were quite similar. The term ‘social film’ and its variations (shehui beiju 社會悲劇/social tragedy, shehui xieshi dianying 社會寫實電影/social realist film) appeared frequently in film ads in the 1920s. It referred to a type of film that focused on city life, especially its corrupt side. Of fourteen films written or directed by Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen between 1925 and 1927, six were defined as ‘social films.’ The common focus of these films was suggested in an ad for Bao’s Kelian de guinü (1925):85

83 84 85

See Xiong Yuezhi, “Minguo shiqi guanyu Shanghai chengshi xingxiang de yilun,” 153. The magazine is Xin Zhonghua (New China), see ibid., 150–51. XWB 26 Nov. 1925.

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Shanghai is a center of trade and commerce in our country. Factories and shops abound. It is as prosperous and bustling as Paris, New York, and London. A city of wealth and luxury harbors depravity and crime, however. The heroes and villains in Bao’s films were often associated with certain clichés of the city and the countryside. Wang Xiaolian 汪小蓮 (in Kelian de guinü, 1925), a flamboyant playboy, a frequent visitor of the city’s entertainment quarters, and a wicked suitor of innocent young ladies and rich married women, represented one classic villain image. Wang is also described as a member of the Chaibai Party (Chaibai dang 拆白黨), a secret society that was one of the symbols of vice in Shanghai.86 But the villains in Bao’s films were not confined to this kind of male character. In Furen zhi nü 富人之女 (Daughter of a Wealthy Family, 1926), the heroine Kang Fengzhu 康鳳珠 can be identified as a villain. A daughter of a well-todo family, Fengzhu quits school in her teens and squanders time and money in movie theaters, dance halls, and coffee shops. Her marriage to the college student Shen Chaoran 沈超然 does not change her old lifestyle. Under her influence, Chaoran also indulges in luxuries and dissipations and embarks on a path of degeneration. By the time Fengzhu bitterly repents, it is too late.87 The central idea of the film was proclaimed in the following ad:88 It is a time of extravagance and depravity. Refined ladies from genteel families (dajia guixiu 大家閨秀) were beguiled by the shallow ideas of freedom and equality and ignored Confucian ethics. They regarded extravagance as generosity and licentiousness as a form of socializing. They sought pleasure in dance halls and night clubs. No one will escape total ruin in the end. Another Bao Tianxiao film, Ta de tongku 她的痛苦 (Her Sorrows, 1926), tells a story of a pair of young lovers, You Lingsu 尤菱素 from a middle-class family and said to be “intoxicated by the idea of freedom”89 and Qiu Shaofu 邱少甫 from a upper-class family and said to be “a firm advocate of marriage according

86 87 88 89

ZWDJB, 167–81; XWB 26 Nov. 1925. ZWDJB, 530–45. XWB 9 Aug. 1926: A1. Chiping, “Benshi,” ZWDJB, 623.

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to one’s free will.”90 They ignore the objection of their parents and get married. Without financial supports from their families, the two soon finds themselves in a difficult situation. Lingsu, “a weak-minded woman accustomed to a luxurious lifestyle,”91 yields to the seduction of a rich playboy. She divorces her husband and marries the playboy, but ends up being discarded when the playboy decides to chase after other women. With a lawyer’s help, Lingsu remarries her former husband and the couple move to the countryside. The film ends with this conversation:92 Shaofu: Oh, life here is too boring after all. Let’s go back to Shanghai. Lingsu: You want to return to Shanghai? OK! I would divorce you again once we are back in Shanghai. Shaofu: I’m just kidding. Lingsu: Don’t talk nonsense of this kind . . . The city of Shanghai was portrayed as a mire of iniquity in contrast to the peaceful countryside in all these Bao Tianxiao films. Hong Shen shared a similar attitude toward the city and the countryside, although Hong’s films were less melodramatic. Hong’s first film, Feng da shaoye (1925), paints a graphic portrait of Feng Jiayao 馮家耀, a good-for-nothing son who squanders his father’s property and leads a dissipated life in Shanghai. His native place is Suzhou, where his father amasses wealth through industriousness and frugality.93 Hong’s second film, Siyue li de qiangwei chuchu kai 四月裏的薔薇 處處開 (Roses in April, hereafter Siyue, 1926), features a corrupt bank manager and was described as a “realist film about Shanghai.”94 Aiqing yu huangjin (1926), written by Hong Shen, tells a story that resembles Bao Tianxiao’s Ta de tongku in many respects. Huang Zhijun 黃志鈞 and Chen Lianzhen 陳蓮珍 are an unmarried couple who pursue ‘freedom of love’ and live together in Shanghai. Soon Zhijun abandons Lianzhen in order to marry a more attractive woman, the daughter of his boss. After many dramatic events, the film ends with the suicides of Zhijun and Lianzhen. Although in this respect the movie differs from Bao’s Ta de tongku, which features a happy ending, the central messages of the two stories are similar. Aiqing yu huangjin aimed to “expose the wrongdoings of new youth (xin qingnian) and to awaken 90 91 92 93 94

Zhengqiu, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 625. Chiping, “Benshi,” ZWDJB, 624. Zhengqiu, “Zimu,” ZWDJB, 635. See Chiping, “Benshi,” and Hong Shen, “Zimu” for Feng da shaoye, in ZWDJB, 159–66. XWB 30 Jun. 1926: A1.

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them to the fact that free choice love is but a dream.”95 The first intertitle of the film encapsulates the screenwriter’s idea: “Love! Gold! How many crimes and how many pains in this world are caused by you!”96 Clearly, love according to one’s own will and consumerism (‘gold’), both by-products of the westernized city and modern urban lifestyle, were interpreted as the roots of crime. In short, these ‘social films’ by Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen provided a series of classic villain images: playboys, fashionable city women, good-for-nothing sons of rich families, and depraved urban bourgeois men (Fig. 7.9). Characters who are susceptible to sexual and material allures are new-style students and graduates who are embracing new ideas and pursuing a modern urban lifestyle. Their degeneration is caused by urban entertainment and urban evils specifically and by the modern/westernized city in general (Fig. 7.10). The modern city was described in stark contrast to the countryside or traditional Chinese cities (such as Suzhou). This theme was not unique to 1920s ‘social films.’ Five Left-wing films also highlighted the sharp contrast between the countryside and the city. All these films are love triangle stories and the triangular relationships have two patterns: (1) upright country boy–virtuous country girl–vicious city boy, and (2) virtuous country girl–reputable city boy–corrupt city girl. Yanchao (1933) embraced the first formula. A Feng 阿鳳, a daughter of a farmer, is as lovely as “an adorable little peony.”97 Her boyfriend Chen Bingsheng 陳炳生, a “robust young man,” grows up in the same village. Hu Xinwu, a good-for-nothing boy from a rich family in Shanghai, is captivated by A Feng’s “purity, smartness, and natural beauty” during his visit to the village.98 In order to win A Feng, Xinwu spreads rumors that destroy the relationship between A Feng and Bingshen. But Bingsheng triumphs over Xinwu and retrieves his lost love from A Feng at the end of the film. Village life is restored to serenity once Xinwu returns to Shanghai. Shen Xiling’s film Chuanjia nü (1935) features three similar characters.99 A Ling 阿玲, a beautiful and virtuous girl (Fig. 7.11), lives with her father (a boatman) near West Lake (Xi hu 西湖) in Hangzhou. Her boyfriend Tie’er 鉄兒, an honest and diligent young man, works at a spinning mill. Sun Yizhou 孫一舟, an artist from a wealthy family in Shanghai, is attracted at first sight by A Ling’s beauty. A Ling is brought to Shanghai and functions as a model for the artist and his friends. But she is discarded by the artist soon thereafter 95 XWB 27 Dec. 1926: A1. 96 ZWDJB, 502. 97 MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 32. 98 Ibid. 99 Shen Xiling, “Chuanjia nü gushi,” MB 3.4 (1 Dec. 1935).

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Figure 7.9 Typical modern woman and playboy in Chanhui (Dianying yuebao 10, 1929)

Figure 7.10

A Shanghai dance hall in Er dui yi (MB 1.4, 1933)

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Figure 7.11 Xu Lai in Chuanjia nü (MB 2.6, 1935)

and has to make a living as a prostitute. As Pang Laikwan aptly points out, the city/country antithesis is integrated into the nationalist discourse in this film. While West Lake, A Ling, and Tie’er are symbols of uncontaminated agricultural China, the westernized artists and the city of Shanghai are symbols of foreign decadent forces.100 100 Laikwan Pang, Building a new China in cinema, p. 178.

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Ouyang Yuqian’s Xiao Lingzi 小玲子 (Little Lingzi, 1936) features a similar triangle. The title character Xiao Lingzi, the daughter of a tenant, is taken to Shanghai by Jia Youqing 賈佑清, the son of their landlord. She works as a maid in the Jia family before she becomes Jia Youqing’s mistress. Unsurprisingly Jia promptly deserts her and she is forced to work as a sing-song girl in a cabaret. Her former boyfriend, the young peasant A Mao 阿毛, rescues her from the cabaret and takes her back to the village where nothing has changed.101 The film, later defined as a Left-wing film, won first prize in a Nationalist government-sponsored film competition in 1937. It was praised for its portrayals of “the dark side of the modern city” and “the contrast between the city and the countryside.”102 This fact, once again, demonstrates that the boundary between left and right was blurry and the theme of countryside versus city was broadly appealing. The next two films in this category involve the pattern of virtuous country girl–reputable city boy–corrupt city girl. Dao xibei qu (1934) has three main characters. Gu Ce 顧策 (an engineer) volunteers to work for an irrigation project in a village in interior China and meets the country girl Xiao Laohu 小老 虎 (Little Tiger). Gu’s fiancée Manli 曼麗, a fashionable urban woman, is the daughter of a businessman who runs a real estate firm. When the irrigation project is completed, Manli and her father attempt to buy a plot of land near the canal in order to generate a big profit. This land belongs to Xiao Laohu’s family. Gu Ce sides firmly with Xiao Laohu and protects her family’s interests. In the end, Xiao Laohu’s family achieves final victory and Gu Ce makes his decision to stay in the remote village to fulfill his responsibilities.103 In Tongchou (1934), a love triangle develops between a military man (Zhichao 志超), a woman growing up in a small town (Xiaofen 小芬), and a ‘social butterfly’ (Manlin 曼琳). Zhichao and Xiaofen fall in love at first sight when Zhichao is hurt while riding a horse and brought home by Xiaofen’s father. After marriage, Xiaofen goes with Zhichao to Qingdao, a westernized treaty port city. There Zhichao frequents dance halls and succumbs to the carnal charms of the ‘social butterfly’ Manlin. Upon discovering her husband’s infidelity, Xiaofen returns to her hometown, a place that is now ravaged by foreign invasions. Later, Zhichao leaves his mistress and chooses to fight for the nation. The final scene of the film implies that Xiaofen forgives her husband.104

101 102 103 104

ZZDY, 310–11. “Pingxuan weiyuan zhi gaojian,” DS 6.29 (23 Jul. 1937): 1238. MY 2.4 (1 Nov. 1934): 35–37. MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 37–38.

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These love triangle stories written by Left-wing writers do not differ much from the 1920s ‘social films’ by Bao Tianxiao and Hong Shen. Yao Sufeng’s films of the 1930s take up similar themes. Yao Sufeng wrote five screenplays for Mingxing and the exposé of urban evils was the only recurring theme in his works. Three of his films focus on the depiction of city life and the remaining two are on the comparison between city and country. Canchun 殘春 (Late Spring, 1933) features a fashionable female college student from a well-to-do family. She marries a soccer player and is seduced later by a playboy she meets at a nightclub.105 Fudao 婦道 (Doctrine for Women, 1934) depicts a college student who is indulging in a dissipated life in the city, while his wife is working hard in their home town in order to finance his university education.106 Yehui (1936) tells a story of a naïve urban girl and a good-for-nothing rich boy, who later abandons her for her sister-in-law, a hotel waitress.107 The usual settings of these stories are nightclubs, dance halls, and luxurious hotels, symbols of the ‘corrupt’ side of the westernized metropolis. As a reviewer saw it, Yehui exposed “the ugly side of the glittering city.”108 An ad for Canchun describes the film as “a mirror for rich young ladies, a record of the evils of the modern city, a wake up call for those who are reveling in sensual pleasures, and a confession of depraved women.”109 The other two films deal with the city/country antithesis. Luliu qianghua 路柳墻花 (Willows alongside the Road and Flowers on the Wall, 1934) consists of five short stories of five rural women who are living and working in Shanghai. One suffers from unemployment, one becomes a secret mistress of a rich lad, one becomes a dance hostess, one is abducted by a bandit, and the other works as a maid. In the end, they decide to return to their village. The conclusion they reach is: “Making a living in Shanghai is not easy. We’re better off living as farmers in the countryside.”110 Qingchun xian (1934) also addresses the issue of the countryside/city contrast. As mentioned earlier, it is a love triangle story involving three home town friends, Zhao Jin, Jiang Hong, and Shen Lan. Shen chooses Jiang (the bank clerk) as her husband while giving up her home-town lover Zhao. After marriage, Jiang falls in love with a woman he

105 MY 1.4 (1 Aug. 1933): 35–36, rpt. in ZWDJB, 2334–36. 106 ZWDJB, 2688–89. 107 “Yehui de gushi,” ibid. 108 Chungeng, “Yehui, da dushi de heiying,” MB 7.2 (1 Nov. 1936). 109 XWB 1 Oct. 1933: Benbu fukan 4. 110 ZWDJB, 2694.

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meets at entertainment venues and then abandons Shen. After this blow, Shen Lan also steps on to a path of depravity in the materialistic city.111 This mapping demonstrates that Shanghai filmmaking throughout the 1920s and 1930s provided highly formulaic images of the city and the countryside. Urban playboys and the sons of rich families are bound to fall in love with country girls with uncontaminated beauty or naïve city girls full of new/ western ideas about love and marriage. But these girls are invariably deserted by the bad guys and are forced to become prostitutes, dance hostesses or singsong girls. The stories usually end with a rescue by the woman’s rural boyfriend. But the villain-character is not always male. Fashionable city girls and social butterflies who seduce upright young men also play destructive roles.112 This type of film usually ends with the good young man’s choice of a rural girl or an upright life as a worker. Good and bad are not associated with gender roles, but with the countryside and the city. In this regard, there was thematic continuity between the 1920s and 1930s films and between Butterfly, Left-wing and Rightwing films. Politically charged labels have concealed these dimensions. To be sure, the city/countryside antithesis was not a theme specific to Mingxing films. Zhang Yingjin’s study of the city in modern Chinese literature and film shows that the city was repeatedly represented “as a source of contamination and depravation, as a place of sexual promiscuity and moral corruption, as a dangerous trap for the young and innocent.”113 The prevalence of this kind of representation resonated with literary production in the west itself. Powerfully hostile attitudes toward the city developed in such literary works partly as a result of the industrial revolution and urbanization.114 Scholars have argued that a more seamless cultural continuum of country and city is discernible in pre-modern China.115 The concept of city/country antithesis was a result of the emergence of treaty port cities in the mid-nineteenth century. In other words, the negative image of the city was associated with the west. Paul Pickowicz has discussed the persistent theme of what he calls ‘spiritual pollution’ in Chinese films of the 1930s. A “simplistic but highly influential caricature of Western culture” was included in all the films he discusses, and westernized city life was invariably depicted as the source of ‘spiritual .

111 MY 2.4 (1 Nov. 1934): 21–27; 2.5 (1 Dec. 1934): 23–30. 112 For a study of this type of modern women in Republican China, see Tze-lan Sang, “Failed modern girls in early-twentieth-century China.” 113 Zhang, The city in modern Chinese literature and film, 11. 114 Cf. Raymond Williams, The country and the city. 115 Mote, “The city in traditional Chinese civilization,” 42–49, quoted in Zhang, The city in modern Chinese literature and film, 4.

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pollution.’116 He argues that “a backlash against liberal May Fourth approaches to China’s problems” was under way in the 1930s especially in the realm of popular culture.117 The picture of Mingxing films presented above is consistent with Pickowicz’s observation. But if we juxtapose the city versus countryside motif with more radical May Fourth ‘isms’ discussed in earlier sections in this chapter, we find that anti-tradition and anti-westernization co-existed in this popular cultural sphere throughout the period from the May Fourth era to the ‘left wing decade.’ This phenomenon once again demonstrates that Shanghai filmmaking involved more ambiguities, paradoxes and border-crossing features than standard histories have shown. Recurring scenarios that contrasted rural and urban lives revealed the deep tensions between old and new and between China and the west in this time of complex change. Tensions between love and revolution were another persistent theme shared by many Mingxing films. 5

Motif: Revolution and Love

‘Revolution’ (geming) and ‘love/romance’ (lian’ai) were frequent catch words in film ads of the 1930s. For example, the ad for Tieban honglei lu (1933) asserted that the film tells “an exciting story about revolutionary romance.”118 Shidai de ernü (1933) features three types of romantic relationship: “revolution without giving up romance,” “preoccupation with romance only,” and “revolution without romance.”119 Based on my readings of all available screenplays of Mingxing films, I find that there are three patterns of relationship between love and revolution: (1) the remedy mode that describes revolution as a remedy for disillusionment with romance or heartbreak; (2) the conflict mode that highlights the collision between revolutionary causes and romantic desire and concludes with the triumph of revolution; and (3) the transformation mode that features the transformation of the protagonist from a non-revolutionary to a revolutionary.120 Themes about revolution and love appear in both Left-wing and non-Left-wing films.

116 117 118 119 120

Pickowicz, “The theme of spiritual pollution in Chinese films of the 1930s,” 40. Ibid., 68. XWB 12 Nov. 1933: Benbu fukan 3. MY 1.2 (1 Jun. 1933). Mao Dun pointed out three sub-genres of ‘revolution plus love’ literature. See Mao Dun, “Geming yu lian’ai de gongshi,’” Mao Dun quanji 20: 337–53.

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Shen Xiling’s film Nüxing de nahan (1933) is an example of the remedy mode. It features three female characters who are classmates in a rural high school.121 After graduation, Shaoying 少英 goes to Wuhan and becomes a career revolutionary. Aina 愛娜 and Ye Lian 葉蓮 flee their war-ravaged home village for Shanghai. Aina makes every effort to be a “Shanghai-style modern girl” and her top priority is seducing men. Ye Lian, however, strives to live independently, to seek true love and to struggle against the “corrupt society.” But life delivers a series of misfortunes to Ye Lian. She is deceived by her employer, deserted by her boyfriend, and coerced into becoming the concubine of a playboy. In the end, she “awakens.” She decides to follow in Shaoying’s footsteps and commits herself to a greater cause, namely, revolution. Here, revolution serves as a cure for Ye Lian’s disillusionment with love. This pattern can be found in two films that are not associated with the Leftwing category. One film is Xiandai yi nüxing 現代一女性 (A Modern Woman, 1933) written by Ai Xia, a female writer and actress. The heroine of the film, Taotao 萄萄, is a typical ‘Shanghai-style modern girl,’ a charming and smart career woman who works in a real estate agency. However, she is unable to immunize herself against what the screenwriter called “the epidemic of the age,” namely the need to constantly seek “stimulation from romance to fill an empty soul.”122 She maintains a relationship with a married man. Meanwhile, her boss is courting her. In need of money to sustain a hedonistic urban life with her lover, she steals her boss’s check and is jailed. In prison she encounters her old friend An Lin 安琳, now a revolutionary. An Lin’s influence causes Taotao to understand “the emptiness of romance.” After release, Taotao transforms herself into a revolutionary and embarks on “a journey to a brighter future.” The two stories bear a remarkable resemblance in terms of the conversion of the heroines into revolutionaries as a cure for the many pains caused by romantic love and depraved city life. Indeed, the Butterfly film Jade released a decade earlier foreshadowed this pattern of connectivity between revolution and romance. As we learned in Chapter Five, when the hero Mengxia is heart-broken due to his desperate love for the widow and his unhappy marriage with the female student, the remedy he chooses is to fight for the country. Revolution—more precisely, a sublime devotion to love of nation—was the cure for his emotional sufferings. In this sense, Mengxia is the archetype of the heroes/heroines we find in ‘revolution plus romance’ stories.

121 ZWDJB, 2400–2. All the quotations in this paragraph are from this source. 122 MY 1.2 (1 Jun. 1933).

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Zhao Dan in Shidai de ernü (MB 1.5, 1933)

The second pattern, the conflict mode, is demonstrated in two Left-wing films, Tongchou (1934) and Shidai de ernü (1933). As mentioned earlier, Tongchou ends with a scene in which military officer Zhichao leaves his mistress and marches to the front.123 Shidai de ernü ends with Shiming’s split from his fiancée, who wants him to live a proper bourgeois life as an engineer. Shiming prefers to be a worker and to undertake revolutionary work (Fig. 7.12).124 In both films the heroes leave their lovers for the sake of the nation and revolution. Non-Left-wing films also follow this pattern. For instance, Zheng Zhengqiu’s film Yuren yongbie 玉人永別 (Farewell to a Beauty, 1931) tells of a love triangle story between a sing-song girl and two suitors. It ends with the withdrawal of one suitor from the triangle. The man leaves Shanghai for the revolutionary headquarters in Guangzhou in order to pursue his career as a revolutionary.125 Bao Tianxiao’s 1926 film Hao nan’er features a pair of lovers: Zhongmou 仲 謀, a ‘party member’ who is devoted to revolutionary work, and Huizhu 慧珠, 123 MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 37–38. 124 MY 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 29. For the script of the film see MY 2.2 (1 Dec. 1933): 31–38; 2.3 (1 Jan. 1934): 24–30. 125 ZWDJB, 2055–57.

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the daughter of a warlord government official who is responsible for suppressing political revolts.126 Zhongmou assassinates the official without knowing that he is Huizhu’s father. When Huizhu learns this, she forgives her boyfriend because his action was motivated by patriotism “for the sake of the nation and the party” and because she hates the autocratic regime her father used to serve. Slightly different from the aforementioned Left-wing films, which end with the victory of revolution over romance, Hao nan’er ends with a reconciliation of revolution and love. The third pattern, the transformation mode, appears in Huashan yanshi (1934) and Shengsi tongxin (1936), both Left-wing films. Huashan yanshi features four college graduates. Huang Zhensheng 黃振聲 enters the Huangpu (Whampoa) Military Academy and chooses to be a revolutionary. The other three, Jiachen 家辰 (a student of law), Beifeng 北峰 (a poet) and Yu Lan 余蘭 (a female student), form a love triangle. Jiachen defeats his rival Beifeng because he is highly skilled at pleasing Yu Lan with gifts and invitations to exciting events. While Jiachen and Yu Lan get married and settle down in Shanghai, Beifeng answers Zhensheng’s call and joins the army. Two years later, the couple tire of the material comfort but spiritual emptiness of life in the city. When they hear the news that Zhensheng has been killed in a battle and Beifeng has also sacrificed his life, they decide to fight for the nation.127 Shengsi tongxin also ends with this kind of transformation. A high school teacher and his fiancée decide to devote themselves to the revolutionary cause under the influence of a revolutionary (Fig. 7.13).128 But it is worth noting that this sort of transformation pattern was already present in the ‘patriotic and military film’ genre that flourished in the wake of the 1931 and 1932 Japanese invasions. As discussed above, some characters in these films experienced transformation, including the “brave and determined female party member” who is comparable to a prickly rose rather than a delicate pear blossom (Tiexue qingnian), and the “dance hostess who repents for her past and devotes herself to saving the nation” (Guohun de fuhuo). To sum up, the three patterns, the remedy mode, the conflict mode and the transformation mode, have one feature in common. They all underscore the message that ‘romance’ can and should be sacrificed for the sake of ‘revolution.’ This message was not unique to Left-wing filmmaking, but was shared by all the films discussed above. Furthermore, the proliferation of ‘revolution 126 XWB 18 May 1926: A1. For its synopsis and intertitles see ZWDJB, 546–57. 127 ZZDY, 250–1. 128 MB 7.4 (1 Dec. 1936). For an analysis of the film, see Pang, Building a new China in cinema, 82–85.

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Yuan Muzhi and Chen Bo’er in Shengsi tongxin (MB 7.3, 1936)

plus love’ films was closely associated with major literary trends and intellectual discourses of the period. David Der-wei Wang has suggested that revolution and romance constituted major phenomena in the literary scene in the wake of the 1927 Nationalist coup against the Communists.129 Jiang Guangci 蔣光慈 (1901–1931), a Leftist League writer, is regarded as the initiator of this mode. His novel Yeji 野祭 (A Sacrifice in the Wild, 1927) featured a revolution plus romance story and spawned a number of novels that replicated this mode, including Ding Ling’s Weihu 韋護 and Yang Hansheng’s Liangge nüxing 兩個女性 (Two Women). But this literary trend was not confined to Left-wing circles. For instance, a Nationalist cultural critic published a book entitled Geming yu lian’ai 革命與戀愛 (Revolution and romance). The opinion of this writer sounded “uncannily similar to that of Communist critics.”130 A few New Sensationalist school writers also addressed this issue in their writings.131 Why was this formula so popular at that time? David Wang and Liu Jianmei suggest that the failure of the 1927 Communist revolution provided a key incentive. Liu argues that this formula juxtaposed “the vestiges of the erosand-love craze inherited from the May Fourth generation and the new zeal of revolution” and it catered to “individual interests and social interests at the 129 David Der-wei Wang, The monster that is history, 79; also cf. Jianmei Liu, Revolution plus love. 130 Wang, The monster that is history, 90. 131 Liu, “Shanghai variations on ‘revolution plus love.’”

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same time.”132 This is true, but this phenomenon can be located in a broader historical context. There is no doubt that ‘revolution’ occupied a central position in the long twentieth century in China. According to Jin Guantao’s study of the development of revolutionary discourses from the late Qing to 1930, the term geming (revolution) became popular in the late nineteenth century, and from 1921 on the usage frequency of the term in intellectual journals increased rapidly and reached a peak in 1926.133 The 1920s part of the trajectory was congruent with the development of revolutionary themes in Mingxing films. Revolutionary elements first appeared in Jade in 1924. The genre ‘revolutionary film’ emerged in the mid-1920s during the Northern Expedition period and gained additional momentum in the aftermath of the Japanese invasions in the early 1930s. The failed Communist revolution in 1927 was not the only factor that stimulated the development of ‘revolution plus love’ films and fiction. Rather, this theme can be seen as a response to a persistent tension that existed in the modern history of China over a long period. 6

An Obsessive Concern with China

German sociologists Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann propose a ‘microsociological study of knowledge’ in their well-known book The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge.134 Discontented with the conventional and narrow focus on ideology and theory as the main subjects of study in the sociology of knowledge field, Berger and Luckmann suggest an approach that is concerned with “everything that passes for ‘knowledge’ in society,” or, in other words, commonsense knowledge which constitutes “the fabric of meanings without which no society could exist.”135 Popular cultural products are an important type of source material for conducting such a “more general analysis of ‘knowledge.’”136 Mingxing films are treated as this type of source material in my research. I believe that the various zhuyi/isms and yishi/ ideologies contained in Mingxing films contributed significantly to the ‘fabric of meanings’ in this time of rapid change in China. To be sure, the structuralist analysis presented in this chapter advances a macro-perspective. Shanghai 132 Liu, “Engaging with revolution and love,” 72. 133 Jin Guantao, “Geming guannian zai Zhongguo de qiyuan he yanbian,” in Jin Guantao, Guannian shi yanjiu, 558–60. Also cf. Chen Jianhua, “Geming” de xiandai xing. 134 Bryant, et al., eds., 21st Century sociology, vol. II, 244. 135 Berger and Luckmann, The social construction of reality, 15. 136 Ibid.

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filmmaking certainly involved many nuances and ambiguities. For example, Paul Pickowicz’s close readings of three 1920s Shanghai films demonstrate that “no single model or single overarching definition of the modern marriage is articulated.”137 Vagueness and complexities are also evident in many other dimensions of early Chinese cinema. But the collage pieced together in this chapter—based on readings of nonclassic films—suggests that Shanghai filmmaking actively engaged with intellectual discourses and contributed to ‘the social construction of reality’ in various ways. The filmmakers I discussed in Chapters Two and Three played a vital role by injecting zhuyi/isms and yishi/ideologies into their films. Most of the filmmakers were not elite intellectuals, but they consciously or unconsciously accepted what C. T. Hsia called the ‘moral burden’ of Chinese writers, i.e. “an obsessive concern with China as a nation afflicted with a spiritual disease,” a “patriotic passion.”138 This ‘moral burden’ was associated not only with Left-wing writers, but also with the larger community of Chinese filmmakers. For example, in January and February 1932, Cheng Bugao was shooting a newsreel about the Battle of Shanghai and witnessed the sufferings of the urban underclass in the war. This experience shook him out of his “tedious and decadent life” and kindled his “hatred for imperialists and sympathy for the lower classes.”139 Cheng’s colleague Li Pingqian directed a film entitled Fengnian 豐年 (A Year of Good Harvest, 1934) and he attempted to make it clear that “the imperialist economic encroachment, natural disasters, civil wars, heavy taxes, and high land prices” were the reasons why “a year of good harvest turned out to be a year of disaster.”140 Neither Cheng nor Li is regarded as a Left-winger. But they shared this ‘obsessive concern’ with China’s pain with numerous contemporaries. Leo Ou-fan Lee compares modern Chinese writers to “radical spokesmen of Chinese society” and modern literature “a vehicle through which to voice social discontent.”141 I would argue that numerous lesser-known ‘cultural brokers’ and popular cultural productions were actively engaged with this project of speaking for China. But Shanghai filmmaking had its own methods of articulation. In a nutshell, the secret was melodrama plus isms, a mode that helped Zheng Zhengqiu and his colleagues maintain a balance between moral fulfilment and commercial interest. This approach was not shared by all cultural workers. In 1934, the New 137 Pickowicz, “Shanghai twenties,” 39. 138 Hsia, A history of modern Chinese fiction, 533–36. 139 See an interview with Cheng Bugao, ZWD, 1265. 140 Li Pingqian, “Shezhi Fengnian de dongji ji kaishi,” MY 2.2 (1 Dec. 1933): 21–22. 141 Leo Ou-fan Lee, “Literary trends I,” 452.

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Sensationalist writer Mu Shiying published a novella entitled Pierrot (its original title in French).142 This novella addressed some of the common themes present in Mingxing films in remarkably different ways. An analysis of this novella can serve as a useful epilogue to this discussion of film products. The protagonist of Pierrot is Pan Heling 潘鶴齡, a Shanghai-based writer. After his Japanese girlfriend returns to her homeland, Pan spends all his time roaming around the city or talking with his friends in literary salons and coffee shops on topics ranging from Shakespeare to Greta Garbo, from American culture to the October Revolution. He feels bored with his bourgeois urban lifestyle and decides to go to Japan to seek a cure for his feeling of emptiness. But he arrives in Tokyo only to discover that his lover has had an affair with a Filipino. This discovery shatters his belief in love. He thinks that his family members living in an idyllic rural area of China can comfort his soul. But he returns home only to discover that his parents regard him as an easy source of money. At this point, revolution emerges as the last hope for the spiritual rescue for the disappointed writer. He goes to the masses and devotes himself to revolutionary movements. Up to this point, the story fits the usual pattern of Mingxing films. But this New Sensationalist novella differs from Mingxing melodramas in the way the story ends. Pan’s revolutionary actions land him in prison. Six months later when he is released and struggles with crippling physical disabilities, his old comrades are surprised to see him and even suspect that he is a traitor. When he turns to the masses for consolation, no one remembers him. At the end of the story, Pan is stripped of all his beliefs and dreams. He can only smile like an idiot, pierrot in French. This novella is a good example of how modernist themes, including alienation, hollowness, and the disillusionment of the modern self, unfold in modern Chinese literature.143 Interestingly, this novella also addresses the tensions between city and countryside, and between love and revolution. While Mingxing films always end with the triumph of heroes and heroines over villains and the symbolic victory of countryside/revolution over city/romance, Mu Shiying’s novel ends with multiple ambiguities. None of the principle players—city, countryside, revolution and romance—can claim a final victory; the hero Pan Heling loses all and is lost in all. For Zhang Shichuan’s movie fans, accustomed as they were to an acceptable balance between sorrow and joy and a clear message about good and evil, the ending of Pierrot was too poignant and the message too ambiguous. Surely, by many accepted artistic and aesthetic standards, ambiguity leaves room for interpretation and provides a 142 Mu Shiying, “Pierrot,” in Mu Shiying, Baijin de nüti suxiang. 143 Liu, “Shanghai variations on ‘revolution plus love,’” 69–75.

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middle ground in which multiple meanings can reside. But from a sociological perspective, melodrama is a more powerful vehicle for conveying clear messages to audiences. In this important sense, Shanghai filmmaking provided a profoundly influential sentimental education and contributed to the broader process of the production and circulation of new knowledge and new social imaginaries. The physical and material foundations for the work of these cultural producers were the film distribution and exhibition networks that reached across China and beyond.

Epilogue

Toward a Glocal Viewing Public

It was 29 April 1938, Japanese Emperor Hirohito’s birthday. Outside a building in Hankou, several Chinese men were looking up into the sky, watching Chinese fighter planes shooting at the Japanese bombers that were attacking the city. This moment was captured by the camera of the famous combat photographer Robert Capa (1913–1954) (Fig. 1). Capa most likely did not pay any attention to the wall in the background; there was a movie poster for Konggu lan, the Mingxing film that was showing at the time at a local theater, the Grand Mingxing Theater (Mingxing da xiyuan 明星大戲院). I was thrilled by my coincidental discovery of this photo. The photo reminds us of how ignorant we are of the life trajectories of the films discussed in this book. Their ‘life stories’ must have been more colorful and complicated than we imagine. This photo also points to the fact that the power of Shanghai filmmaking transcended the territorial boundary of Shanghai and reached a glocal viewing public. The epilogue provides a preliminary look at the places where Mingxing films arrived and the ways in which Shanghai filmmaking disseminated these new forms of visuality, melodramatic storytelling, and isms. The film market expanded quickly in China starting in the mid-1920s. As discussed in the Introduction, motion pictures were still in their infancy in the early 1920s when Mingxing was founded. There were only a dozen movie theaters in Shanghai in 1922, but the number climbed to 26 in 1927 and 53 in 1930.1 In the whole of China there were about 106 movie theatres in eighteen cities in 1927.2 In 1930 the number soared to 233 (distributed in 24 Chinese cities), and in 1935 there were 276 cinemas in seventy towns and cities.3 A large number of these theaters were concentrated in a few centers, including Shanghai, Tianjin, Beijing, Hankou, and Hong Kong.4 Chinese films were also

1 C. J. North, ed., The Chinese motion picture market, 26; E. I. Way, Motion pictures in China, 5. 2 North, The Chinese motion picture market, 13. 3 Way, Motion pictures in China, 4; Rudolf Löwenthal, “The present status of the film in China,” 83. 4 According to E. I. Way, 7 of the 24 cities (Shanghai, Dairen, Harbin, Tianjin, Hankou, Hong Kong, and Guangzhou) had 62 per cent of all the theaters in China. See Way, Motion pictures in China, 4. According to Löwenthal, Shanghai, Tianjin, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Beijing, Hankou and Qingdao disposed of 106 theaters or more than 44 per cent of the total number. See Löwenthal, “The present status of the film in China,” 549.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi ��.��63/9789004279346 _�1�

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figure 1

A photo by Robert Capa (International Center of Photography/Magnum Photos)

screened to overseas Chinese audiences in as many as one or two hundred cinemas in Southeast Asia, Australia and America.5 How many of these places did Mingxing films reach? We learned in Chapter One that its earliest comedies and Zhang Xinsheng were distributed to Nanjing, Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Hankou, and Ji’nan. As for the 1924 film Jade, it was reported that five prints were produced. One was shipped to Beijing and Tianjin for screenings at the Carlton Theaters, three were sold to the Philippines, Vietnam, and northeast China, and one was reserved for Shanghai theaters.6 These scraps of information suggest that early Mingxing films were distributed chiefly to five regions: (1) Shanghai and surrounding cities and towns in the lower Yangtze Delta (Suzhou, Nanjing, etc.); (2) Beijing, Tianjin and several treaty port cities in the north (Qingdao, Dalian, and Yantai); (3) Hankou and its vicinity in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River; (4) northeast China/ Manchuria (e.g. Harbin); and (5) Southeast Asia (Nanyang). The founding of the Liuhe Distribution Company in 1926 strengthened and expanded distribution networks in these regions. Its North China office 5 These regions included “the Philippines, French Indo-China, Siam, the Straits Settlements, the Malay States, Java, Australia, Panama and America.” See Löwenthal, 83–85. 6 K.K.K., “Zhongguo dianyingjie xiaoxi,” Dianying zazhi 2 (Jun. 1924).

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(Huabei jingli chu 華北經理處) was located in Tianjin and was responsible for distributing films to Beijing, Tianjin, Harbin, Tangshan, Dalian, and also to the provinces of Shanxi, Fengtian (Liaoning), Jilin, and Heilongjiang.7 The Hankou office of Liuhe conducted business in two provinces: Hunan and Hubei.8 The other three offices were in Beijing, Chongqing, and Wuhu.9 Ads in Dianying yuebao, the trade paper of Liuhe, provided additional details about the theaters that established a partnership with Liuhe. These theaters were located in Wuxing 吳興, Suzhou, Hangzhou,10 and Changshu 常熟 in the lower Yangtze Delta,11 in Hankou and Jiujiang 九江 in the middle reaches of the Yangtze,12 and in Dalian, Qingdao, and Ji’nan in the north.13 In the south, Liuhe distributed films to Xiamen and Zhangzhou in Fujian province.14 A movie house in Honolulu, known as the Park Theater, also exhibited films distributed by Liuhe.15 Many of the ads mentioned Zhou Jianyun as the ‘Film Selection Director’ (xuanpian zhuren 選片主任) for these theaters. In addition, Liuhe provided funds to local businessmen to establish additional distribution companies and theaters. In September 1928 the China-Philippines Film Distribution Company was founded in the Philippines with Liuhe’s financial support.16 In April 1928 Liuhe posted an announcement, declaring that it was planning to build some movie houses in cities that had electricity and a convenient transportation system. The cities included Nanxiang 南翔, Kunshan 崑山, Nantong 南通, Yangzhou 揚州, Zhenjiang 鎮江, Songjiang 松江, 7 8 9 10

11 12

13

14 15 16

See ad in XWB 7 Aug. 1926: A1. See ad in XWB 10 Aug. 1926: A1. Cheng Shuren, Zhonghua yingye nianjian, n.p. These are the China Shadowplay House (Zhongguo yingxi yuan 中國影戲院) in Wuxing, the Park Movie Theater (Gongyuan dianying yuan 公園電影院) in Suzhou, and Hangzhou Shadowplay House (Hangzhou yingxi yuan 杭州影戲院) in Hangzhou. See Dianying yuebao 1 (1 Apr. 1928). It is the Park Shadowplay House (Gongyuan yingxi yuan 公園影戲院). See Dianying yuebao 5 (10 Aug. 1928). These are the Pathé Theater in the French Concession in Hankou and the Lu Garden Shadowplay House (Luyuan yingxi yuan 廬園影戲院) in Jiujiang. See Dianying yuebao 1 and 4 (1 Jul. 1928). These are the World Grand Theater (Shijie da xiyuan 世界大戲院) in Dalian, the Silver Star Grand Theater (Yinxing da xiyuan 銀星大戲院) in Qingdao, and the Silver Light Grand Theater (Yinguang da xiyuan 銀光大戲院) in Ji’nan. See Dianying yuebao 1, 5, 8 (5 Dec. 1928). Ye Yimin, “Dianying zai Xiamen,” Dianying yuebao 8 (5 Dec. 1928); Min Sheng, “Dianying zai Zhangzhou,” Dianying yuebao 11 & 12 (15 Sept. 1929). Dianying yuebao 1. Dianying yuebao 6 (10 Sept. 1928).

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Jiaxing 嘉興, Xiashi 硤石, Shaoxing 紹興, and several other towns in Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Local merchants were encouraged to get in touch.17 The ambition of Liuhe and the substantial efforts it made contributed to a sudden increase of 127 movie theaters in China between 1927 and 1930. The Chinese cinema market continued expanding in the 1930s, but the pace slowed down. Two theater programs provide a glimpse of Mingxing’s distribution networks in the 1930s. The one posted in Xinwenbao on 27 May 1933 shows that the latest Mingxing films were being exhibited at ten Shanghai theaters and sixteen theaters in twelve cities and towns beyond Shanghai (Fig. 2a). The other program (in Xinwenbao 31 January 1935) shows that during the Spring Festival of 1935 movie-goers could watch Mingxing films at ten theaters in Shanghai and 35 theaters in 25 cities across China (Fig. 2b). It is worth noting that many of the cities mentioned in the programs (Songjiang, Jiaxing, Zhenjiang, Yangzhou, Nantong, and Shaoxing) were exactly the places where Liuhe was planning to build movie theaters in 1928, as illustrated in the aforementioned announcement. It appears that these announcements attracted the attention of local people and theaters were built with Liuhe’s funds in these cities and towns. Moreover, several new places appeared on the two programs, including Kaifeng and Taiyuan in northwest China, Changsha, Anqing 安慶, and Nanchang in Hunan, Anhui, and Jiangxi. This fact indicates that cinema was gradually penetrating into the interior of China in the 1930s. This brief overview of the development of Chinese film markets demonstrates that cinema was not only available in metropolitan centers and treaty ports, but was steadily making inroads into the interior in the decade from the mid-1920s to the mid-1930s. But it would be a mistake to overestimate the power of Chinese-made films. Domestic production accounted for only a small proportion of films in the Chinese market. Of the estimated 450 feature films exhibited in China in 1929, nearly 90% were of American origin.18 In 1934, 8.5% of films screened were produced by Chinese companies, but 91.5% were imported from abroad.19 But at the same time, as many contemporaries observed, Chinese-made films won widespread favor among the Chinese population because the stories, scenes, and actors/actresses were “dear to every Chinese heart.”20 Box-office miracles generated by several domestic films fully support this observation. For example, Mingxing’s box-office hit Zimei hua (1934) reportedly attracted 220,000 viewers in sixty days at the Strand Theater 17 18 19 20

“Liuhe yingpian yingye gongsi guanggao,” Dianying yuebao 1 (1 Apr. 1928). Way, ii. Löwenthal, 85. Way, 1–2.

270

Figure 2a Theater program (XWB 27 May 1933)

Figure 2b Theater program (XWB 31 Jan. 1935)

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in Shanghai.21 The population of Shanghai in 1934 was 3,572,792.22 This means that one in sixteen Shanghai residents viewed the movie at this first-run ­theater. Since the movie also showed at second-run and third-run theaters at lower rates, it must have reached a much larger audience. Some people may have seen it more than once. As mentioned in Chapter One, Zimei hua was exhibited altogether in 53 Chinese cities in eighteen provinces and in ten foreign cities in six countries.23 Seen in this light, the power of Shanghai filmmaking cannot be underestimated. The following discussion focuses on four major markets for Chinese films. This picture of the life trajectories of Shanghai films is not a detailed one. My aim is to provide a glimpse of the ways in which Shanghai filmmaking displayed its magic. A comprehensive discussion of this topic is beyond the scope of this book. 1

Butterfly Wu in Manchuria Haven’t you been to see the movie? This one’s pretty good—it stars the actress Butterfly. It’s really a good one. They get married in the end, and everyone in the audience was trying to imagine how wonderful their lives together would be if the movie hadn’t stopped where it did.

This is what Wang Lin’s second elder sister said; she is a character in Market Street: A Chinese Woman in Harbin, an autobiographical novel by Xiao Hong 蕭紅 (1911–1942) about her life in Harbin in the early 1930s.24 These conversations prove once again the effectiveness of Zhang Shichuan’s philosophy about a happy ending and the need to create such an idol as Butterfly Wu. Moreover, these conversations showcased the colorful after-lives of Shanghai movies in various sorts of space. It is not astonishing that ‘Wang Lin’s second elder sister’ had the chance to be moved by Mingxing melodramas. Harbin was one of the earliest target markets of Mingxing films. Jade was distributed to this market in 1924. Indeed, in the early 1900s several Russian-run movie theaters had already opened in this multiethnic city containing large Russian, European, and Japanese populations.25 In 1930 there were nine principal ­commercial 21 22 23 24 25

See ad in XWB 13 Apr. 1934. Shanghai quanshu bianzhuan weiyuanhui, Shanghai quanshu, 11. MXNB. Xiao Hong, Market street: A Chinese woman in Harbin, 44–45. Liu Xiaolei, Zhongguo zaoqi Huwai diqu dianying ye de xingcheng, 44.

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theaters in the city and seventeen minor theaters located along the Chinese Eastern Railway.26 According to Liu Xiaolei’s study of theater ads in three major Harbin newspapers, 449 films were exhibited in twelve movie theaters in Harbin between 1916 and 1932. Among them 166 were Chinese films.27 Mingxing productions account for 45, while the total number of Mingxing’s feature-length films released before 1932 was 86. The first title on the list is Xinren de jiating 新人的 家庭 (The Family of a New Couple, 1926), shown at the New World Film Palace (Xin shijie dianying yuan 新世界電影園) in Harbin starting on 14 September 1926, eight months after its premiere in Shanghai.28 Mingxing films were normally screened in Harbin half a year (or more) after their Shanghai premieres.29 But films were also shown to Harbin audiences several years after their initial dates of release. For example, Orphan (1923) was still showing in Harbin in June 1928. More examples include Hao gege (1924) shown in October 1929, Shanghai yi furen (1925) in August and September 1929, Siyue li de qiangwei chuchu kai (1926) in September 1930, among others. Shipping prints of earlier films to remote markets was certainly a strategy designed to maximize profits. Manchuria was one of the most desirable remote markets for Shanghai films. When Japan occupied Manchuria in the 1930s, the leaders of the Shanghai film industry bemoaned bitterly the loss of a lucrative ­market.30 But the Manchurian market was not entirely closed to Chinese films during the Manchukuo era (1932–1945). For example, of all the films submitted for censors’ review between July 1934 and July 1935, 825 were American, 308 were Chinese, while Japanese films only numbered 123 (many were short newsreels).31 Shanghai films were also distributed in the other two northeastern ­provinces—Liaoning (Fengtian) and Jilin, as Liuhe’s ads show.32 There were eight movie theaters in Shenyang (the capital city of Liaoning) in 1930, five run 26 27

28 29

30 31 32

Way, 12–13. Liu Xiaolei, 81–82. The three newspapers are Yuandong bao 遠東報 (Far East Daily), Binjiang shibao 濱江時報 (The Harbin Times), and Guoji xiebao 國際協報 (The International Cooperation Newspaper). Liu Xiaolei, 67. The film premiered at the Carlton Theater in Shanghai on 4 Jan. 1926. For example, Konggu lan premiered in Shanghai on 13 February 1926 and it was shown in Harbin starting on 13 November 1926. Duoqing de nüling premiered in Shanghai on 12 April 1926, and in Harbin on 28 October 1926. See Liu Xiaolei, 68; and “Filmography” in Appendix 2. Zheng Junli, “Xiandai Zhongguo dianying shilue,” ZWD, 1429. “Dongbei de dianying,” MB 3.1 (16 Oct. 1935). See ad in XWB 7 Aug. 1926: A1.

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by Chinese, two by Japanese, and one by a European/American. The Chinese theaters mostly exhibited Chinese movies from Shanghai, and the Japanese theaters screened Japanese movies. The films exhibited at the western-run theater were from the US, Europe, and Russia.33 This situation was common in other treaty port cities. Tianjin was one of them. 2

The Little Movie Fan Eileen Chang in Tianjin . . . only then did she realize that Xunhua had misunderstood her. He thought that she was like the heroine in Duoqing de nüling, a silent film she viewed in her childhood. The heroine married a warlord and functioned as his concubine, but her real purpose was to rescue the young scholar from prison.

It is well-known that Eileen Chang 張愛玲 (1920–1995) was a passionate movie lover. The passing reference to the Mingxing film Duoqing de nüling (1926) in her autobiographical novel entitled Xiao tuanyuan 小團圓 (Little Reunion) is an illustration.34 It is amazing that when she wrote the novel in the 1970s, the film she saw half a century earlier was still vivid in her memory. The film was written by Bao Tianxiao and premiered in Shanghai on 12 April 1926. Moviegoers in Harbin saw it first on 28 October 1926,35 and Tianjin audiences were able to see it around the same time. Six-year-old Eileen Chang, who was living in Tianjin at the time, might have been in this audience. The melodramatic tale left a life-long impression in the memory of the literature prodigy. Tianjin and Beijing exhibited the earliest Mingxing films produced in 1922, Huaji dawang youhu ji and Laogong zhi aiqing.36 These two cities continued to serve as long-standing Mingxing markets throughout its seventeen-year history. Rail networks played a key role. The Shanghai-Nanjing Railway (Huning tielu 滬寧鐵路, completed in 1908) and the Tianjin-Pukou/Nanjing Railway (Jinpu tielu 津浦鐵路, completed in 1912) connected these two important regions of China with modern means of transportation and brought Shanghai films to Tianjin and Beijing in these early years. Another reason for the importance of Beijing and Tianjin is that the two cities were among the first in China to boast movie theaters. 33 34 35 36

Way, 14. Eileen Chang, Xiao tuanyuan, 232. Liu Xiaolei, 68. “Mingxing yingpian jiang yunwang waibu,” SB 8 Oct. 1922: 16.

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As the imperial capital, Beijing attracted a host of early western showmen seeking to exhibit motion pictures in teahouses in the late 1890s, and modern style movie theaters emerged in the 1910s.37 There were six principal movie houses in 1927, eight in 1930, and ten in 1935.38 Compared to the treaty port cities, the cultural tastes of Beijing residents were more traditional. Beijing audiences were somewhat reluctant to fully embrace this new form of entertainment. Although many Mingxing films were exhibited in Beijing, box-office receipts were much more modest than they were in Shanghai. For example, Xinren de jiating (1926) generated a box-office return of only 740 Yuan when screened at the Daguan lou 大觀樓 Theater in Beijing. Several years earlier in Shanghai, Zhang Xinsheng (1923) brought in 596.4 Yuan at the Olympic, 3,182.6 Yuan at the Empire, 1,562.3 Yuan at the Carter, and 1,341.2 Yuan at the Hongkew.39 This is not too surprising. Shanghai was no doubt the center of consumerism and westernized urban life in the Republican era. In 1927 when the young writer He Xinleng 何心冷 left Shanghai and took up a new job in Tianjin, he described Tianjin as a ‘desert-like’ place and he felt extremely bored living there. The only solace for him was cinema, although it was not satisfactorily ‘advanced’ (fada 發達) in his eyes.40 In 1927 there were seven movie theaters in the foreign concessions in Tianjin. In 1930 there were ten and in the mid1930s the number increased to 23.41 According to He’s observation, Tianjin was the center of the film market in North China and domestic films won considerable approval among film audiences. In the first half of 1927 each new Chinese film showed to full houses in Tianjin.42 A 1924 essay reported that Way Down East had been screened three times by 1924, while the Mingxing film Orphan was exhibited at two Tianjin theaters for as long as one month.43 Ji’nan, the capital of Shandong, was another major city on the Tianjin-Pukou Railway. Films shown there were usually brought from Tianjin. Zhang Xinsheng (1923) was probably the first Mingxing film shown in Ji’nan.44 In 1930 Ji’nan 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

Xiao, “Beijing dianying shiye zhi fada,” Dianying zhoukan 1 (1921); rpt. in ZWD, 176–77. See Yi Meng, “Tan Beijing de dianying yuan,” Yingxi huabao 11 (1927), rpt. in ZWD, 181; Way, 15; Löwenthal, 549. Shen Ziyi, “Dianying zai Beiping,” Dianying yuebao 6 (1928), rpt. in ZWD, 186; “Zhang Xinsheng yingpian yingyan zhi jingguo,” SB 8 Mar. 1923: 17. He Xinleng, “Guochan yingpian yu Tianjin,” Dianying yuebao 1 (Apr. 1928). Ibid.; Way, 15; Löwenthal, 549. He Xinleng, “Guochan yingpian yu Tianjin.” Ku Sheng, “Zuijin Tianjin dianying shiye zhi zhuangkuang,” Dianying zazhi 3 (1924), rpt. in ZWD, 188. SMA, U1-3-2401, 5.

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possessed no less than nine movie theaters of different sizes and most films shown there were domestic productions.45 Qingdao and Yantai (Chefoo) were two treaty port cities in Shandong, and Shanghai films were shown routinely there as well. In those years, distributing Shanghai films relied largely on the availability of a convenient transportation system. The coastal routes and the railways were the usual paths. The Yangtze River was another. 3

Ziliujin People Fond of Huang Junfu

Ziliujin 自流井, a county town in Sichuan province 200 kilometers south of the capital city Chengdu and 2000 kilometers west of Shanghai, was one of the major sites of salt production in China in the Republican era. It was seen as backward and isolated due to the underdeveloped transportation system in the region. The first movie theater opened in this town in 1930 and the majority of the films exhibited there were Mingxing films. Local movie audiences were particularly fond of the comic actor Huang Junfu (see Fig. 6.1a). It was said that a film starring Huang Junfu (Xuelei huanghua, 1929) attracted no less than one thousand people.46 This short report in the fan magazine Yingxi shenghuo provides a fascinating glimpse of the attractiveness of cinema in the interior. The first city where Mingxing films reached in the region of the upper and middle Yangtze River was Hankou. In 1923 Zhang Xinsheng was brought to Hankou and shown at the Isis Cinema in the French Concession.47 Liuhe distributed Shanghai films to the Pathé Theater, also located in the French Concession.48 1000 kilometers east of Ziliujin, Hankou was the main port of Hubei province thanks to its strategic location on the Yangtze River. In the 1860s Hankou became a treaty port in which British, French, Russian, German, and Japanese interests built their concessions. Hankou was also one of the terminals of the Beijing-Hankou Railway (Jinghan tielu 京漢鐵路, completed in 1906), one of the first railways constructed by the Qing government. As we learned in the Introduction, in 1923 Zhang Shichuan travelled by train along this railway in order to show Zhang Xinsheng in Hankou, and on this trip he thought up the story of Orphan. Zhang had a friend in Hankou who would welcome his arrival, that is, Zheng Zhengqiu. Zheng’s New Play troupe t­ ravelled

45 46 47 48

Way, 15. “Ziliujin ren huanying Huang Junfu,” Yingxi zazhi 40 (17 Oct. 1931): 6. SMA, U1-3-2401, 5. Dianying yuebao 1, 4 (1 Jul. 1928).

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westward and performed in Hankou from time to time.49 The convenient railway and waterway connections made this city accessible to the Shanghai entertainment industry, and the New Play troupe was a forerunner. There were nine movie theaters in Hankou in 1930. Four of them exhibited exclusively Chinese films, and two were owned by foreigners and showed foreign films exclusively. Ten Shanghai studios distributed films in this market through Pathé-Orient and the Peacock Motion Picture Corporation, both Shanghai-based distributors.50 This new form of entertainment held a strong appeal for Hankou residents. It was reported that in order to view films at lower prices many movie fans were willing to sit behind the screen and look at reversed images. Chinese films were particularly popular because they were easily comprehensible to local audiences. In the mid-1920s domestic productions always attracted a ‘sea of people’ (renshan renhai 人山人海) that filled the theater halls to capacity (shuixie butong 水洩不通).51 Robert Capa’s unintended capture of the theater post for Konggu lan was also indicative of the intoxicating charm of Shanghai cinema to Hankou residents even in a time of war. 900 kilometers west of Hankou, Chongqing was another major city in the upstream portion of the Yangtze basin. As a city built on mountains, the sort of road and rail systems that connected the city to the outside world were much less developed than they were in Hankou. Contemporaries described the city as ‘uncivilized’ (bu kaihua 不開化). In 1934 there were only five or six movie theaters. Local audiences preferred domestic films.52 When two luxurious movie palaces opened in Chongqing in 1937, all the films shown at the inaugural ceremonies were domestic ones, and one was the Mingxing film Smiling (1937).53 Much the same can be said of Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan. All of its five theaters preferred to show Chinese films.54 But Chinese movies were not only popular with people in the interior but also with a diasporic Chinese audience eager for images, stories and messages from the motherland.

49 50 51 52 53 54

Zhang Shichuan, “Zi wo daoyan yilai,” MB 1.4 (1 Jun. 1935): 16. Way, 12. Cao Yuankai, “Hankou dianying shiye de gaikuang,” Guoguang tekan 1926, rpt. in ZWD, 204. Xue Fei, “Dianying zai Chongqing,” DS 3.21 (8 Jun. 1934): 409. Fan Guohua, “Jindai Chongqing dianying,” Chongqing wenshi ziliao 33 (1990), 102; quoted in Wang Chaoguang, “Zhong li xun ta qianbai du,” 104. Wang Chaoguang, 104. Also see Li Ciping, “Chengdu dianying yuan yu guanzhong xinli,” DS 4.27 (5 Jul. 1935): 546.

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4

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Screening China to a Diaspora: Shanghai Films in Nanyang Swimming to the shore, I fetched a coconut and walked to the market. There, a sea of people and a sea of cars crowded round in the heat of the streets. As twilight fell, far over there where red and white neon lights were flickering, movie theaters were summoning bulging crowds . . . 

This is a portrayal of Singapore offered by a young Singaporean from a Chinese immigrant family. This city known as ‘equatorial Paris’ possessed grandiose movie theaters, and Chinese films enjoyed enormous popularity among its Chinese immigrant population that counted over one million in the 1930s.55 As is widely known, Southeast Asia (Nanyang) was a highly coveted market for the Shanghai film industry throughout its early decades of development. Europeans established colonies in much of this region and a large number of Chinese immigrants lived there, mostly working as coolies, plantation workers, and merchants. For the Shanghai film industry in the 1920s and 1930s, the Nanyang market was divided into five regions: the Straits Settlements (under British control, including the territories that belong to Singapore and Malaysia today), the Dutch settlements (chiefly Indonesia), the Philippines (under American rule), Vietnam (under French authority), and Thailand.56 For example, between 1 March 1927 and 31 August 1928, one third of the revenues Mingxing earned were from this market, while the whole domestic market only generated two-thirds of its revenues.57 According to Zhou Jianyun, the export of Chinese films to Nanyang started in 1923 and 1924.58 As mentioned earlier, Orphan (1923) and Jade (1924) showed to Nanyang audiences. But evidence suggests that the earliest Chinese-made films, including Nanfu nanqi and a series of short comedies produced by Zhang Shichuan and Zheng Zhengqiu in the 1910s, had already been seen in Nanyang.59 Singapore was the center of the distribution networks of Shanghai films in this region because of the advantageous geographical location and transportation systems of the city. Distributors there imported films from Shanghai and rented prints to exhibitors in Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam.60 Shanghai 55 56

Hei Ying, “Dianying zai Nanyang,” MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933). “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi diwujie juesuan baogao (1 Mar. 1927–31 Aug.1928),” SMA, Y9-1-459. 57 Ibid. 58 Zhou Jianyun, “Zhongguo yingpian zhi qiantu,” ZWD, 754. 59 Huang Xuelei, “Nanfu nanqi yu ta de jingdianhua, ” 19. 60 Le Qun, “Nanyang yingye zhi xin xingshi,” Dianying yuebao 1 (Apr. 1928), rpt. in ZWD, 174.

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film studios were eager to establish contacts with these distributors. In 1928, for instance, Mingxing appointed the manager of a Singapore-based distribution company as its representative in Southeast Asia (Nanyang daibiao 南洋 代表).61 Meanwhile, Mingxing allied itself with other Shanghai studios to form their own distribution agencies in this region. The aforementioned ChinaPhilippines Film Distribution Company (founded in September 1928) is an example.62 The late 1920s saw a boom in film distribution businesses. By 1928 seventeen companies had registered in the Straits Settlements to distribute Chinese films to the whole region. Several leading distributors also established their own movie theaters. For example, the Nanyang Company ran two theaters in Singapore, one in Kuala Lumpur, and one in Ipoh. The Nanhai and Nanhua Companies owned one theater in Penang and one in Yangon.63 In Chinese film history, Nanyang is usually associated with the martial arts and costume drama film genres. The high level of popularity of these genres in this region may be true, but Chinese films shown in Nanyang were not limited to these genres. For example, it was reported that there were more than two hundred movie theaters in Thailand and Mingxing films in particular won the loyalties of Chinese immigrants. Zhang Shichuan’s ‘directing skills’ and Zheng Zhengqiu’s ‘concise and lucid intertitles’ (shuoming jingjing 說明精警) were highly appreciated by these audiences.64 The context of this essay suggests that the most popular films fall into the ‘social film’ and ‘tragic love film’ categories. Shanghai zhi zhan (1932), a semi-documentary war film that contained newsreel footage of the 1932 battle with the Japanese, was shipped to Singapore in 1933. Although Chinese-Singaporeans were eager to watch this film, it failed to pass the censorship of the British authorities. It was later exhibited in Yangon.65 These facts suggest that other genres associated with Shanghai cinema were also popular in Nanyang. But the Nanyang market shrank in the mid-1930s at the dawn of the sound era because the language used in spoken Shanghai films was mandarin Chinese and the majority of the Chinese immigrants in Southeast Asia spoke Cantonese or other southern dialects and hardly understood standard mandarin.66 Thus the golden age of Shanghai films in Nanyang came to an end.

61 62 63 64 65 66

“Mingxing yingpian gongsi xiaoxi,” Dianying yuebao 1 (Apr. 1928). Dianying yuebao 6 (10 Sept. 1928). Le Qun, “Nanyang yingye zhi xin xingshi,” ZWD, 175. Rui Sheng, “Haiwai guopian fada qu: Xianluo jingcheng,” MY 2.1 (1 Nov. 1933): 22. Zhao Ying, “Xinjiapo yingtan de ququ xiaoshi,” MY 2.2 (1 Dec. 1933): 29. “Nanyang dianying shichang jinkuang,” DS 4.45 (8 Nov. 1935): 969.

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This is an incomplete mapping of the border-crossing trajectories of Mingxing films. Certainly Shanghai films reached far beyond the places mentioned above. The two ads cited above (Fig. 2a, 2b), for instance, show that two interior cities, Kaifeng and Taiyuan, also exhibited Mingxing films. And Butterfly Wu was also the goddess of Kaifeng movie fans.67 When Torrent (1933) showed at the Mingxing Theater in Kaifeng, the streets emptied out because people were flooding into a theater to see the film (wanren kongxiang 萬人 空巷). The exhibition lasted for ten days.68 By the mid-1930s, most provinces in China had movie theaters. A 1936 issue of Mingxing banyuekan contains a list of 76 sales agents of the magazine in 39 cities (in seventeen provinces) in China.69 These provinces included Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan, Henan, Hebei, Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Guizhou, Yunnan, Guangxi, Guangdong, and Fujian. Since film companies distributed promotional journals together with films, these targets of film publicity must also have been the provinces where Mingxing films were exhibited. The three provinces in Manchuria where Mingxing films also circulated were not on this list because of the Japanese occupation at the time. It is clear that near the end of Mingxing’s seventeen-year history, its films had entered theaters in most regions of China except for a few remote provinces (e.g. Qinghai and Ningxia). Mingxing films were also popular in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule. Four Shanghai-based distributors specialized in the Taiwan market. Over 100 Shanghai films were exported to Taiwan annually.70 5

Coda: A Space of the Visible

Communication media create a new space of the visible—a “non-localized, non-dialogical, open-ended space of the visible in which mediated symbolic forms can be expressed and received by a plurality of non-present others,” as media scholar John B. Thompson puts it.71 Shanghai filmmaking, along with flourishing print media and other products of the cultural industry, participated in the creation of this new space of the visible in a time of rapid social transformation in China. This space was non-localized. The mapping of the distribution and exhibition networks of Mingxing films shows that Shanghai 67 68 69 70 71

Ya Mei, “Hu Die zai Kaifeng chi de kai,” Yingxi shenghuo 51 (2 Jan. 1932). Zhuang Bingchen, “Kaifeng yingye yipie,” MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933): 24. MB 6.1 (16 Jul. 1936). Song, “Ke zhuyi de Taiwan dianying shichang,” DS 5.25 (29 Jun. 1936): 612. John Thompson, The media and modernity, 245.

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cinema successfully spoke to ‘a plurality of non-present others’—young students in modern cities, housewives in small towns, coolies and merchants in overseas Chinese communities, and numerous other social groups. This space was/is an open-ended one. The life trajectories of Shanghai films have constantly challenged our imagination, as Robert Capa’s photo suggests. Some of the films still mesmerize a global viewing public on certain occasions today, including film festivals, university classes, and on the Internet. The power of infatuation resides in the ‘mediated symbolic forms’ assumed by the works, that is, the films that were a synthesis of melodramatic stories, glamorous stars, and a new form of visuality, among other things. The production of these symbolic forms—which is what this book discusses by examining the case of Mingxing—involved border-crossing practices. The business operations of Shanghai filmmaking crossed various territorial boundaries. Shanghai filmmaking was a trans-local and trans-national undertaking. Capital came from a variety of sources, equipment and technologies were imported from Europe and America, networks of distribution and exhibition spread all over China and Southeast Asia, and methods of running the business emulated Hollywood. The people involved in this cultural business crossed the boundaries that supposedly defined political groups and forms of media. Butterflies, Left-wingers, and Right-wingers from the literary and theatrical fields joined together in this new field and contributed to the production of a new type of symbolic form—the moving image. Cinema was a foreign invention and the ways in which Chinese filmmakers worked with this medium were at the crossroads of the foreign and the local. While filming the local murder story of Zhang Xinsheng reflects the global trend of sensationalism, the long journey from East Lynne to Konggu lan showcases how Shanghai filmmaking turned a foreign story into a local love tragedy. The melodramatic style of representation was the key feature that connected Shanghai filmmaking to Hollywood and also connected Butterfly, Left-wing, and Right-wing work. Beneath the melodramatic structure of good vs. bad, a wide array of isms and ideologies at the center of contemporary intellectual and political life got articulated in new ways. In this way, Shanghai filmmaking participated in the project that is usually called ‘modernity.’ This long story of Shanghai filmmaking shows that modernity was not a solo undertaking of a small number of intellectual and political elites, but rather involved a wider spectrum of social classes, including such cultural brokers as Mingxing filmmakers. This project of ‘modernization’ was propelled not only by intellectual forces but also by commercial forces. By studying the successful Shanghai entrepreneur Huang Chujiu 黃楚九 (1872–1931), Sherman Cochran has suggested that with the relentless push of their merchandising ­operations

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(marketing medicine), private entrepreneurs contributed significantly to the transformation of a visual culture that reached well beyond Shanghai’s urban boundaries.72 When discussing social changes that took place during the Nanjing decade (1927–1937), Lloyd Eastman wrote, “Radio and newspapers were also making inroads into the hinterlands, conveying information about alternative modes of existence. ‘Nothing,’ Samuel Huntington has observed, ‘is more revolutionary than this awareness.’”73 We do not know whether the child and the three young men standing in front of the theater poster in Capa’s photo entered the Grand Mingxing Theater to view the movie Konggu lan, and if they did, what they thought of, say, the class difference between Renzhu and Rouyun and the social function of education. Social historian Peter Burke asks: “To what extent, by what means, and over what period did the French or the Russian Revolution (say) penetrate the daily life of different social groups; to what extent and how successfully was it resisted?” This question highlights what he considers the focus of attention for social historians: the process of interaction between major events and trends and the structures of everyday life.74 I believe the stories and moving images Mingxing produced engaged in this kind of interaction and opened up a new space of the visible to a glocal viewing public. This is one of the meanings of Shanghai filmmaking in its glocal contexts. Other meanings, certainly, are open to further inquiries.

72

Wen-hsin Yeh, Becoming Chinese, 7; Sherman Cochran, “Marketing medicine and advertising dreams in China, 1900–1950,” in Yeh, Becoming Chinese, 62–97. 73 Eastman, The Nationalist era in China, 1927–1949, 52. For the original source for the quotation, see Samuel Huntington, Political order in changing societies, 298. 74 Peter Burke, New perspectives on historical writing, 11.

Appendix 1

Filmography

This Filmography lists all Mingxing feature films (including shorts) in alphabetical order. Titles are given in pinyin, Chinese characters and English translations. Names of crew and cast members are given in Chinese characters. The major source for this filmography includes Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi yingyebu pianwu ke zhuri cunpian baogao dan 明星影片股份有限公司營業部片務科逐日存片報告 單 (An inventory of film releases kept by the Film Unit of the Marketing Division of the Mingxing Motion Picture Company, SMA, Q55-2-1371, p. 31) and Fazhan shi. Places and dates of the premieres of particular films are based on theater advertisements in XWB and SB. Films only available at the China Film Archive (Zhongguo dianying ziliao guan 中國電影資料館) are marked with *; films available as VCDs or DVDs are marked with **. Sound films are noted as “sound;” otherwise they are silent. Films labeled in standard histories as Butterfly, Left-wing, or Right-wing are marked with BF, LW, or RW.1 Abbreviations and major movie theaters in Shanghai are given below: Ass. Dir = assistant director Dir = director Ph = photographer r = reel Scr = Screenwriter The Apollo Theatre 愛普廬影戲院: 52 North Sichuan Road The Athena Theatre 申江大戲院: Yunnan Road and Beihai Road The Carlton Theatre 卡爾登影戲院: Park Road and Bubbling Well Road The Capital Theatre 光陸大戲院: Museum Road and Soochow Road The Lyric Theatre 金城大戲院: Beijing Road and Guizhou Road The Lyceum Theatre 蘭心大戲院: Rue Bourgeat and Route Cardinal Mercier The Nanking Theatre 南京大戲院: 523 Avenue Edward VII The Olympic Theatre 夏令配克 (renamed as Embassy in October 1926): Bubbling Well Road and Carter Road The Palace Theatre 中央大戲院: Yunnan Road and Beihai Road The Paris Garden Open-air Theatre 巴黎花園露天電影場: Jessfield Park The Star Theatre 明星大戲院: Park Road and Qingdao Road The Strand Theatre 新光大戲院: 276 Rue de Ningpoo

1 The standard histories and reference books include ZDFZS, YHWZ, YHYZ, and ZZDY.

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Ai yu si 愛與死 (Love and Death), 9 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 于定勳 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 高倩蘋，朱秋痕，鄭小秋 Premiere: Paris Garden, 13 Aug. 1932 Aiqing yu huangjin 愛情與黃金 (Love and Gold), 9 r Dir: 張石川，洪深 Ass. Dir: 程樹仁，馬徐維邦 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 程樹仁 Cast: 張織雲，丁子明，肖英，李時苑，肖養素，馬徐維邦，鄭正秋，洪 深，王夢石，周履安 Premiere: Palace, 28 Dec. 1926 Airen de xue 愛人的血 (Lover’s Blood), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 夏赤鳳 Ph: 周克 Cast: 鄭小秋，胡蝶，龔稼農，黃君甫，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 19 Oct. 1929 Baba ai mama 爸爸愛媽媽 (Dad Loves Mom), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 周克 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，夏佩珍，高占非 Premiere: Palace, 27 Dec. 1929 Baiyun ta 白雲塔 (White Cloud Pagoda), 20 r (2 episodes), BF Dir: 張石川，鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Baiyun ta (Chen Lengxue 陳冷血) Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，阮玲玉，朱飛，鄭小秋，湯傑，王夢石，黃君甫，王吉亭，趙 靜霞 Premiere: Palace, 11 Apr. 1928

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Beijing Yang Guifei 北京楊貴妃 (Imperial Concubine Yang in Beijing), aka. Yang Xiaozhen 楊小真, 9 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 周克 Cast: 楊耐梅，阮玲玉，朱飛，鄭小秋，湯傑，王夢石 Premiere: Palace, 1 Jan. 1928 Buxing shengwei nüer shen 不幸生為女兒身 (Unfortunate to Be Born as a Woman), 9 r Dir: 程步高 Ass. Dir: 湯傑，高梨痕 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 高倩蘋，王夢石，黃君甫 Premiere: Palace, 17 Dec. 1931 Canchun 殘春 (Late Spring), 10 r, RW Dir: 張石川 Scr: 姚蘇鳳 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔稼農，鄭小秋，徐來，孫敏 Premiere: Strand, 1 Oct. 1933 Changmen xianmu 倡門賢母 (Wise Mother from a Brothel), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 周克 Cast: 宣景琳，夏佩珍 Premiere: Palace, 8 Nov. 1930 Chanhui 懺悔 (Confession), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Ph: 周克 Cast: 鄭小秋，夏佩珍，龔稼農，朱飛，韓雲珍 Premiere: Palace, 24 Apr. 1929 Chechi guo 車遲國 (Chechi Kingdom), 11 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋

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Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 湯傑，嚴仲英，肖英，龔稼農，黃君甫，王吉亭，鄭小秋 Premiere: Palace, 23 Jan. 1928 Chonghun 重婚 (Bigamy), 9 r, RW Dir: 吳村 Scr: 王平陵 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 高占非，高倩蘋，嚴月嫻，肖英，謝雲卿 Premiere: Strand, 20 Dec. 1934 Chuangshang renying 窗上人影 (Shadow on the Window), 10 r, BF Dir: 程步高 Scr: 程小青 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 王徵信，肖英，龔稼農，宣景琳 Premiere: Palace, 11 Jun. 1931 ** Chuanjia nü 船家女 (Boatman’s Daughter), 10 r, sound, LW Dir: 沈西苓 Scr: 沈西苓 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 高占非，徐來，孫敏，王吉亭，譚志遠，朱孤雁，胡笳 Premiere: Lyric, 29 Nov. 1935 Chun zhi hua 春之花 (Spring Flowers), 10 r, sound Dir: 吳村 Scr: 吳村 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 高占非，孫敏，嚴月嫻，朱秋痕，黃耐霜 Premiere: Lyric, 19 Mar. 1936 ** Chuncan 春蠶 (Spring Silkworms), 11 r, sound, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 夏衍 Original: Chuncan (Mao Dun 茅盾) Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 龔稼農，鄭小秋，徐來，孫敏 Premiere: Strand, 8 Oct. 1933

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Chunshui qingbo 春水情波 (Spring River and Waves of Sentiment), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 顏鶴鳴 Cast: 孫敏，胡蝶，嚴月嫻，王獻齋，胡萍 Premiere: Strand, 28 May 1933 Cimu 慈母 (Kindly Mother), 9 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 程小青 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 嚴月嫻，王獻齋，顧梅君 Premiere: Palace, 6 Jul. 1932 Da jiating 大家庭 (An Extended Family), 10 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 高占非，龔稼農，王獻齋，鄭小秋，趙丹，孫敏，王吉亭，王徵信， 0 徐莘園，譚志遠 Premiere: Strand, 5 Sept. 1935 Danao guai xichang 大鬧怪戲場 (Disturbance at a Peculiar Theater), 3 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: Carl Gregory Cast: 嚴仲英，鄭鷓鴣 Pr: Olympic, 26 Jan. 1923 Dao xibei qu 到西北去 (Go Northwest), 10 r, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 鄭伯奇 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 徐來，龔稼農，趙丹 Premiere: Strand, 1 Oct. 1934 Daode baojian 道德宝鉴 (The Book of Morality), aka. Rendao zhizei 人道之賊 (A Humane Thief), 9 r Dir: 王獻齋，高梨痕 Ph: 董克毅

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Cast: 鄭小秋，徐莘園，嚴月嫻，朱秋痕 Premiere: Palace, 2 May 1933 Daoxia meiren 刀下美人 (Beauty under the Blade), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 顏鶴鳴，孫靜海 Cast: 韓雲珍，朱飛，王吉亭，湯傑，肖英 Premiere: Palace, 16 Sept. 1929 Daxia fuchou ji 大俠復仇記 (Revenge of a Knight Errant), 20 r (2 episodes) , BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 肖英，胡蝶，王夢石，鄭小秋，譚志遠，王吉亭，胡珊 Premiere: Palace, 19 Aug. 1928 Duoqing de nüling 多情的女伶 (A Romantic Actress), 10 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 包天笑 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，趙琛，王獻齋，宋懺紅，趙靜霞，黃君甫，張敏吾 Premiere: Palace, 12 Apr. 1926 * Er dui yi 二對一 (Two Versus One), 8 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 王乾白 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔稼農，宣景琳，高倩蘋，艾霞，趙丹 Premiere: Strand, 18 May 1934 Erba jiaren 二八佳人 (A Beauty of Sixteen), 12 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 朱飛，高梨痕 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 石仲衡 Cast: 丁子明，朱飛，肖英，黃君甫，龔稼農，鄭逸生 Premiere: Palace, 22 May 1927

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Feicui ma 翡翠馬 (Jade Horse), 10 r, sound Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 徐欣夫 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 王徵信，嚴月嫻，龔稼農，顧蘭君，孫敏，趙丹，徐莘園，王吉亭 Premiere: Lyric, 8 Nov. 1935 Fendou de hunyin 奮鬥的婚姻 (Struggle in Marriage), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Cast: 鄭小秋，胡姗，王獻齋 Premiere: Palace, 9 Dec. 1928 Feng da shaoye 馮大少爺 (Young Master Feng), aka. Wanku zi 紈絝子 (The Dandy), 9 r Dir: 洪深 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 趙琛，宋懺紅 (宋癡萍)，舒芸，傅綠痕，高梨痕，鄭小秋，馬徐維邦 Premiere: Palace, 23 Sept. 1925 Fudao 婦道 (Doctrine for Women), 9 r, RW Dir: 陳鏗然 Scr: 姚蘇鳳 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 徐琴芳，宣景琳，胡藝星，朱秋痕 Premiere: Strand, 11 Nov. 1934 Furen de shenghuo 富人的生活 (The Life of the Rich), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 朱飛，胡蝶，譚志遠，黃君甫，肖英，夏佩珍 Premiere: Palace, 12 May 1929 Furen zhi nü 富人之女 (Daughter of a Wealthy Family), 12 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 包天笑 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，朱飛，譚志遠，趙靜霞，王獻齋，傅绿痕，嚴仲英，王吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 13 Aug. 1926

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Genü Hong mudan 歌女紅牡丹 (Sing-song Girl Red Peony), 9 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Ass. Dir: 程步高 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，夏佩珍，王獻齋，龔稼農，王吉亭，湯傑，譚志遠，肖英 Premiere: Strand, 15 Mar. 1931 Guaming de fuqi 挂名的夫妻 (A Couple in Name), 10 r, BF Dir: 卜萬蒼 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 阮玲玉，黃君甫，龔稼農，王夢石，高梨痕，湯傑，趙靜霞 Premiere: Palace, 30 Apr. 1927 Gu’er jiuzu ji 孤兒救祖記 (An Orphan Rescues His Grandfather), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 張偉濤 Cast: 王漢倫，鄭小秋，鄭鷓鴣，王獻齋，周文珠，任潮軍，邵莊林 Pr: Athena, 21 Dec. 1923 Guohun de fuhuo 國魂的復活 (The Resurrection of National Spirit), 9 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Ass. Dir: 高梨痕 Scr: 程小青 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 鄭小秋，梁賽珍，龔稼農，胡萍 Premiere: Palace, 22 Sept. 1932 Guta qi’an 古塔奇案 (A Strange Case in an Old Pagoda), 11 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 王銘勳 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔稼農，王獻齋，王徵信，龔秋霞，謝雲卿 Premiere: Lyric, 12 Feb. 1938 Haitang hong 海棠紅 (Red Begonia), 10 r, sound, LW Dir: 張石川 Scr: 歐陽予倩

appendix 1 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 白玉霜，王獻齋，徐莘園，舒繡文，王吉亭 Premiere: Lyric, 5 Sept. 1936 Hao gege 好哥哥 (Good Brother), 9 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 楊耐梅，鄭小秋，鄭正秋，王獻齋，黃君甫 Premiere: Apollo, 7 Jan. 1925 Hao nan’er 好男儿 (A Good Guy), 9 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 包天笑 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，王獻齋，宋懺紅，趙靜霞，黃君甫，朱飛，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 19 May 1926 Heiyi nüxia 黑衣女俠 (A Female Knight Errant in Black), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋，程步高 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 周克 Cast: 王夢石，龔稼農，丁子明，鄭小秋，趙靜霞，黃君甫 Premiere: Palace, 16 Sept. 1928 Henhai 恨海 (Sea of Hatred), 10 r Dir: 譚志遠，高梨痕 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Henhai (Wu Jianren 吳趼人) Ph: 吳蔚雲 Cast: 鄭小秋，高倩蘋 Premiere: Palace, 30 May 1931 Honglei ying 紅淚影 (Shadow of Red Tears), 20 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 蔡楚生 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，夏佩珍，鄭小秋，高倩蘋 Premiere: Palace, 9 Oct. 1931

291

292

appendix 1

Huaji dawang youhu ji 滑稽大王游滬記 (The King of Comedy Visits Shanghai), 3 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: Goodall Cast: Richard Bell, 鄭正秋，王獻齋 Pr: Olympic, 5 Oct. 1922 Huang Lu zhi ai 黃陸之愛 (Love between Huang and Lu), aka. Xuelei huanghua 血淚 黃花前集 (Yellow Flowers in Blood and Tears, Episode I), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋，程步高 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 周克，董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，王吉亭，譚志遠，王獻齋，夏佩珍 Premiere: Palace, 27 Jan. 1929 Huangjin gu 黃金谷 (A Valley of Gold), aka. Fengnian 豐年 (A Year of Harvest), 9 r, LW Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 阿英 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 艾霞，高倩蘋，梅熹，徐莘園，肖英 Premiere: Strand, 3 Jun. 1934 Huangjin zhi lu 黃金之路 (Golden Road), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 周克 Cast: 周文珠，朱飛，王徵信，王獻齋，謝雲卿 Premiere: Palace, 7 Mar. 1930 Huashan yanshi 華山豔史 (Romance on Mount Hua), 8 r, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 程步高 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 徐來，陳凝秋，龔稼農，白璐，王默秋 Premiere: Strand, 14 Apr. 1934 Hubian chunmeng 湖邊春夢 (Spring Dream by the Lake), 9 r Dir: 卜萬蒼 Scr: 田漢

appendix 1

293

Ph: 董克毅，石世磬 Cast: 楊耐梅，龔稼農，毛劍佩 Premiere: Palace, 9 Oct. 1927 Huoshao Hongliansi 火燒紅蓮寺 (The Burning of the Red Lotus Temple), 18 episodes, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Jianghu qixia zhuan 江湖奇俠傳 (Xiang Kairan 向愷然) Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 鄭小秋，趙靜霞，夏佩珍，譚志遠，肖英，鄭超凡，高梨痕 Premiere: Palace, 13 May 1928 Jianmei zhi lu 健美之路 (A Road to Fitness and Beauty), 10 r Dir: 陳鏗然 Scr: 王乾白 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 徐琴芳，鄭小秋，嚴工上，謝雲卿，徐莘園 Premiere: Strand, 21 Jun. 1933 Jiehou taohua 劫後桃花 (Peach Blossoms after the Misfortune), 11 r, sound, LW Dir: 張石川 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 高占非，胡蝶，肖英，舒繡文，孫敏，龔稼農，王獻齋，徐莘園，譚 志遠 Premiere: Lyric, 23 Jan. 1936 Jiejie de beijü 姊姊的悲剧 (A Tragic Tale of My Sister), 9 r Dir: 高梨痕，王吉亭 Scr: 胡萍 Cast: 鄭小秋，胡萍，龔稼農，王獻齋，王夢石，王徵信，朱秋痕 Premiere: Palace, 15 Sept. 1933 Jingang zuan 金剛鑽 (Diamond), 10 r, sound Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 徐欣夫 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 顧蘭君，王徵信，孫敏，謝雲卿，李清，黃耐霜 Premiere: Lyric, 20 Jun. 1936

294

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Jiuhen xinchou 舊恨新愁 (Old Hatred and New Worries), 9 r Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 李萍倩 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 龔稼農，艾霞，孫敏 Premiere: Palace, 8 Dec. 1932 Jiushi Jinghua 舊時京華 (Old Times in Beijing), 12 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Ass. Dir.: 程步高 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅, Jack Smith, James Williamson Cast: 王獻齋，朱秋痕，鄭小秋，譚志遠，肖英，洪深，梁賽珍 Premiere: Palace, Star, 12 May 1932 Ke’ai de choudi 可愛的仇敵 (Lovely Enemy), 9 r, BF Dir: 程步高 Scr: 程小青 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 鄭小秋，梁賽珍，龔稼農，王徵信，顧梅君 Premiere: Palace, 30 Oct. 1932 Kelian de guinü 可憐的閨女 (A Pitiful Girl), 12 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 包天笑 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 張織雲，宣景琳，趙琛，王獻齋，王吉亭，宋懺紅，朱飛，黃筠貞 Premiere: Palace, 23 Nov. 1925 Kongbu zhi ye 恐怖之夜 (A Horrible Night), sound Dir: 吳村 Scr: 徐卓呆 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔秋霞，顧夢鶴，嚴工上，譚志遠，尤光照，葛福榮 Premiere: Lyric, 1 Jun. 1938 Konggu lan 空谷蘭 (Orchid in an Empty Valley), 20 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 包天笑 Original: Konggu lan (Bao Tianxiao) Ph: 董克毅

appendix 1

295

Cast: 張織雲，楊耐梅，朱飛，趙琛，王獻齋，宋懺紅，馬徐維邦，鄭小 秋，任潮軍，王吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 13 Feb. 1926 * Konggu lan 空谷蘭 (Orchid in an Empty Valley), 12 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，高占非，宣景琳，嚴月嫻，鄭小秋 Premiere: Strand, 3 Feb. 1935 Kuangliu 狂流 (Wild Torrent), 8 r, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 夏衍 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，夏佩珍，王獻齋，譚志遠，朱孤雁 Premiere: Palace, 5 Mar. 1933 Ku’er ruonü 苦兒弱女 (The Poor Children), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 汪煦昌 Cast: 王漢倫，鄭正秋，楊耐梅，王獻齋 Premiere: Olympic, 21 Jul. 1924 Langman nüzi 浪漫女子 (A Romantic Girl), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Ph: 周克 Cast: 宣景琳，龔稼農，趙靜霞 Premiere: Palace, 6 Sept. 1930 ** Laogong zhi aiqing 勞工之愛情 (Laborer’s Love), aka. Zhiguo yuan 擲果緣 (Fruit Throwing Romance), 3 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 張偉濤 Cast: 鄭鷓鴣，余瑛，鄭正秋 Pr: Olympic, 5 Oct. 1922

296

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Lian’ai yu shengming 戀愛與生命 (Love and Life), 9 r Dir: 湯傑，王吉亭 Scr: 薛子厚 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 龔稼農，黃君甫，胡萍 Premiere: Palace, 15 Oct. 1932 Lihun 離婚 (Divorce), 10 r Dir: 程步高 Scr: 張石川 Original: Lihun (Lao She 老舍) Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，鄭小秋 Premiere: Palace, 7 Apr. 1929 Liangxin fuhuo 良心復活 (A Resurrection of Conscience), aka. Chanhui 懺悔 (Confession), 12 r, BF Dir: 卜萬蒼 Scr: 包天笑 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 楊耐梅，朱飛，馬徐維邦，龔稼農，譚志遠，李麗娜 Premiere: Palace, 22 Dec. 1926 Luliu qianghua 路柳牆花 (Willows alongside the Road and Flowers on the Wall), 8 r, RW Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 姚蘇鳳 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，嚴月嫻，宣景琳，孫敏，徐來，王獻齋，夏佩珍，謝雲卿 Premiere: Strand, 15 Sept. 1934 Luohua shijie 落花時節 (A Time of Falling Blossoms), 9 r Dir: 吳村 Scr: 吳村 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 徐來，趙丹，龔稼農，顧蘭君，梅熹 Premiere: Strand, 27 Apr. 1935

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Luoxia guwu 落霞孤鶩 (Sunset Glow and A Lonely Bird), 11 r, BF Dir: 程步高 Scr: 張堅 Original: Luoxia guwu (Zhang Henshui 張恨水) Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 黃君甫，夏佩珍，龔稼農，王吉亭，王獻齋，黃君甫 Premiere: Palace, 22 Apr. 1932 Luoyang qiao 洛陽橋 (Luoyang Bridge), 9 r Dir: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 朱飛，阮玲玉，龔稼農，王吉亭，肖英 Premiere: Palace, 5 Feb. 1928 * Mai furen 麥夫人 (Madam Mai), 9 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 王乾白 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，梁賽珠，梁賽珍，梁賽珊，胡藝星 Premiere: Strand, 28 Nov. 1934 ** Malu tianshi 馬路天使 (Street Angel), 10 r, sound, LW Dir: 袁牧之 Scr: 袁牧之 Ph: 吳印咸 Cast: 趙丹，周璇，魏鶴齡，趙慧深，王吉亭，錢千里，袁紹梅，柳金玉 Premiere: Lyric, 24 Jul. 1937 Mang gunü 盲孤女 (Blind Orphan Girl), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，鄭小秋，趙琛，王獻齋，王吉亭，黃君甫，舒芸 Premiere: Palace, 1 Oct. 1925 Manjiang hong 滿江紅 (Azolla), 12 r, sound, BF Dir: 程步高 Scr: 王乾白 Original: Manjiang hong (Zhang Henshui) Ph: 王士珍，董克毅

298

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Cast: 胡蝶，嚴月嫻，高倩蘋，龔稼農，王獻齋，朱秋痕 Premiere: Strand, 14 Sept. 1933 Meihua luo 梅花落 (Fallen Plum Blossoms), 30 r, BF Dir: 張石川，鄭正秋 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 張織雲，朱飛，宣景琳，張慧沖，肖英，高梨痕，龔稼農，王吉 亭，譚志遠，黃君甫，王獻齋 Premiere: Palace, 20 Mar. 1927 Meiren guan 美人關 (Gate of Beauty), 9 r Dir: 卜萬蒼 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 胡壽山 Cast: 肖英，黃君甫，趙靜霞，高梨痕，李時敏，楊耐梅 Premiere: Palace, 19 Feb. 1928 Meiren xin 美人心 (The Heart of a Beauty), 9 r Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 徐欣夫，趙華 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 胡蝶，王徵信，顧梅君，徐莘園，謝雲卿 Premiere: Strand, 21 Mar. 1935 * Mengli qiankun 夢里乾坤 (Heaven and Earth in the Dream), 9 r, sound Dir: 程步高 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 英茵，舒繡文，孫敏，王獻齋，謝俊，李丽蓮，黃耐霜 Premiere: Lyric, 3 Jul. 1937 Mu yu zi 母與子 (Mother and Son), 9 r Dir: 湯傑 Scr: 于定勳 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 宣景琳，鄭小秋 Premiere: Palace, 26 Aug. 1933

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299

Muqin de mimi 母親的秘密 (Mother’s Secret), sound, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 徐卓呆 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 孫敏，龔稼農，袁紹梅，陸露明，謝俊 Premiere: Lyric, 14 Jul. 1938 Nü shuji 女書記 (A Female Secretary), aka. Wei nüshi de zhiye 衛女士的職業 (The Profession of Ms. Wei), 9 r Dir: 張石川，洪深 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 丁子明，龔稼農，趙靜霞，鄭逸生，洪深 Premiere: Palace, 23 Oct. 1927 * Nü zhentan 女偵探 (A Female Detective), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Cast: 胡蝶，鄭超凡，王吉亭，黃君甫 Premiere: Palace, 14 Nov. 1928 ** Nü’er jing 女兒經 (A Bible for Daughters), 16 r, sound, LW Dir: 程步高，張石川，沈西苓，姚蘇鳳，鄭正秋，徐欣夫，李萍倩，陳鏗 然，吳村 Scr: 夏衍，鄭正秋，洪深，阿英，鄭伯奇，沈西苓 Ph: 王士珍，董克毅，嚴秉衡，周詩穆，陳晨 Cast: 胡蝶，高占非，宣景琳，鄭小秋，王獻齋，高倩蘋，徐莘園，徐琴 芳，肖英，嚴工上，袁紹梅，顧梅君，夏佩珍，趙丹，龔稼農，黃耐 霜，孫敏，徐來，王徵信 Premiere: Strand, 9 Oct. 1934 Nüquan 女權 (Women’s Right), 10 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，趙丹，龔稼農，嚴月嫻，梅熹，王徵信 Premiere: Lyric, 23 Sept. 1936 * Nüxing de choudi 女性的仇敵 (Enemies of Women), 9 r Dir: 陳鏗然

300 Scr: 陳鏗然 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 徐琴芳，高倩蘋，趙丹，尤光照，孫敏 Premiere: Strand, 10 Jun. 1934 Nüxing de nahan 女性的吶喊 (Cries of Women), 8 r, LW Dir: 沈西苓 Scr: 沈西苓 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 王瑩，龔稼農，顧梅君，朱孤雁，王吉亭，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 13 Apr. 1933 Pipa chunyuan 琵琶春怨 (Lute and Resentment in Spring), 8 r Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 李萍倩 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 高倩蘋，鄭小秋，趙丹 Premiere: Palace, 16 Mar. 1933 Qiancheng 前程 (The Prospect), 9 r, LW Dir: 張石川，程步高 Scr: 夏衍 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 孫敏，宣景琳，朱秋痕，顧梅君，胡萍，肖英 Premiere: Palace, 21 May 1933 Qiangdao xiaozi 強盜孝子 (Bandit and a Filial Son), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 王元龍，夏佩珍，趙靜霞 Premiere: Palace, 1 Jan. 1931 Qingchun xian 青春線 (Youth Line), 9 r, RW Dir: 姚蘇鳳 Scr: 姚蘇鳳 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 陳波兒，姜克尼，趙丹，徐莘園，王夢石 Premiere: Strand, 12 Dec. 1934

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301

Qingming shijie 清明時節 (Around the Qingming Festival), 10 r, sound, LW Dir: 歐陽予倩 Scr: 歐陽予倩 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 英茵，黎明暉，趙丹，吳茵，舒繡文，謝俊 Premiere: Lyric, 22 Dec. 1936 Renlun 人倫 (Human Ethics), aka. Wujia kegui 無家可歸 (No Home to Return), 9 r Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 李萍倩 Ph: 陳晨 Cast: 朱秋痕，龔稼農，鄭小秋，徐莘園，謝雲卿 Premiere: Strand, 14 Apr. 1935 * Rexue zhonghun 熱血忠魂 (Hot Blood and Loyal Spirit), aka. Minzu hun 民族魂 (National Spirit), 12 r, sound, LW Dir: 張石川，徐欣夫，鄭正秋，吳村，程步高，沈西苓，李萍倩 Scr: 明星電影公司編劇科 Ph: 周詩穆，王士珍，董克毅，嚴秉衡 Cast: 高占非，鄭小秋，龔稼農，趙丹，王獻齋，孫敏，王徵信，嚴工 上，王吉亭，肖英，梅熹，嚴月嫻，高倩蘋，舒繡文 Premiere: Strand, 5 Jun. 1935 Ruci tiantang 如此天堂 (So This is Paradise), 29 r (2 episodes), sound Dir: 張石川 Ass. Dir: 程步高 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，王獻齋，夏佩珍，王吉亭，高倩蘋，嚴月嫺 Premiere: Strand, 10 Sept. 1931 San zimei 三姊妹 (Three Sisters), 9 r Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 阿英，李萍倩 Original: Shinju Fujin by Hiroshi Kikuchi Ph: 陳晨 Cast: 胡蝶，嚴月嫻，林莉，孫敏，趙丹 Premiere: Strand, 16 Jun. 1934

302

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Sange fuqin 三個父親 (Three Fathers), 9 r Dir: 湯傑，王吉亭 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 高倩蘋，龔稼農，王徵信，王夢石 Premiere: Palace, 25 Jan. 1931 Sanjian zhiai 三箭之愛 (Love of Three Swords), 9 r Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 王以工 Ph: 王士珍，裘逸葦 Cast: 王徵信，胡蝶，梁賽珍 Premiere: Palace, 18 Apr. 1931 Shandong Ma Yongzhen 山東馬永貞 (Ma Yongzhen from Shandong), 9 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 張慧沖，鄭小秋，王吉亭，湯傑，趙靜霞，肖英，李時苑 Premiere: Palace, 4 Dec. 1927 Shanghai ershisi xiaoshi 上海二十四小時 (24 Hours in Shanghai), 9 r, LW Dir: 沈西苓 Scr: 夏衍 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 趙丹，顧蘭君，顧梅君，朱秋痕，周伯勳，陳凝秋 Premiere: Strand, 15 Dec. 1934 Shanghai yi furen 上海一婦人 (A Shanghai Woman), 9 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，馬徐維邦，黃筠貞，王獻齋，王吉亭，邵莊林 Premiere: Palace, 28 Jul. 1925 Shanghai zhizhan 上海之戰 (The Battle of Shanghai), 10 r, sound Premiere: Paris Garden, 3 Aug. 1932 Shao nainai de shanzi 少奶奶的扇子 (Fan of the Young Mistress), 9 r Dir: 張石川，洪深 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅

appendix 1

303

Cast: 楊耐梅，宣景琳，肖英，龔稼農，高梨痕，趙靜霞，鄭逸生 Premiere: Palace, 18 Mar. 1928 Sharen de xiaojie 杀人的小姐 (A Young Female Killer), 10 r Dir: 譚志遠，高梨痕 Ph: 吳蔚雲 Cast: 梁賽珍，嚴月嫻，蔡楚生，肖英 Premiere: Palace, 11 Jul. 1931 * Shehui zhi hua 社會之花 (Flowers of the Society), aka. Hei xuanfeng 黑旋風 (Black Hurricane), 10 r, sound, LW Dir: 張石川 Scr: 洪深 Cast: 白楊，謝雲卿，龔稼農，王獻齋，謝俊，英茵，陸露明，姚萍，李 丽蓮 Premiere: Lyric, 10 Jun. 1937 Shenglong huohu 生龍活虎 (Dragon and Tiger), 9 r, sound Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 徐欣夫 Ph: 嚴秉衡 Cast: 顧蘭君，王徵信，顧梅君，龔稼農，尤光照 Premiere: Lyric, 14 May 1937 Shengsi fuqi 生死夫妻 (Couple in Life and Death), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，王獻齋，龔稼農 Premiere: Palace, 27 Oct. 1931 * Shengsi tongxin 生死同心 (Unchanged Heart in Life and Death), 9 r, sound, LW Dir: 應雲衛 Scr: 陽翰笙 Ph: 吳印咸 Cast: 袁牧之，陳波兒，李清，劉莉影，英茵 Premiere: Lyric, 29 Nov. 1936 Shidai de ernü 時代的兒女 (Children of Our Time), 8 r, LW Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 夏衍，鄭伯奇，阿英 Ph: 嚴秉衡

304

appendix 1

Cast: 艾霞，高倩蘋，趙丹，肖英 Premiere: Strand, 22 Apr. 1934 Shilian 失恋 (Love Failure), 10 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 唐槐秋，張織雲，嚴月嫻，王徵信，龔稼農 Premiere: Capital, Lyceum, 21 Feb. 1933 ** Shizi jietou 十字街頭 (Crossroads), 11 r, sound, LW Dir: 沈西苓 Scr: 沈西苓 Ph: 王玉如 Cast: 白楊，趙丹，沙蒙，英茵，吕班，錢千里，伊明 Premiere: Lyric, 15 Apr. 1937 Shui shi yingxiong 誰是英雄 (Who is the Hero), 10 r Dir: 徐欣夫 Ph: 裘逸葦 Cast: 梁賽珍，王徵信，黃君甫，湯傑，謝雲卿，趙靜霞 Premiere: Palace, 23 Jan. 1932 Si qianjin 四千金 (Four Daughters), 9 r, sound Dir: 吳村 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 白楊，龔秋霞，舒繡文，黃耐霜，龔稼農，謝雲卿，孫敏，謝俊 Premiere: Lyric, 10 Mar. 1938 Siyue li de qiangwei chuchu kai 四月裡底薔薇處處開 (Roses in April), 10 r Dir: 洪深 Ass. Dir: 王獻齋 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 楊耐梅，王吉亭，趙靜霞，嚴仲英，王獻齋，王謝燕，宋懺紅 Premiere: Palace, 1 Jul. 1926 Suiqin lou 碎琴樓 (Chamber of Broken Zither), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 蔡楚生

appendix 1

305

Scr: 章炎 Ph: 顏鶴鳴 Cast: 胡蝶，夏佩珍，鄭小秋，黃君甫，王獻齋 Premiere: Palace, 22 Mar. 1930 Ta de tongku 她的痛苦 (Her Sorrows), 11 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 包天笑，張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 楊耐梅，朱飛，王吉亭，黃君甫，宋懺紅，肖英，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 7 Oct. 1926 Taishan hongmao 泰山鴻毛 (Feather on Mount Tai), 8 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 秦彰 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 徐來，龔稼農 Premiere: Palace, 14 Feb. 1934 Taohua hu 桃花湖 (Peach Blossom Lake), 20 r (2 episodes) Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 蔡楚生 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 顏鶴鳴 Cast: 胡蝶，夏佩珍，鄭小秋，黃君甫，王獻齋，趙靜霞，蔡楚生 Premiere: Palace, 14 Nov. 1930 Taoli zhengyan 桃李爭艷 (Competition between Peach and Plum), 10 r, sound Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 李萍倩 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 孫敏，葉秋心，王徵信，顧蘭君，尤光照，徐莘園 Premiere: Lyric, 16 Apr. 1936 Tian Qilang 田七郎 (Tian Qilang), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 殷民遺 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 張慧沖，肖英，朱飛，肖養素，王獻齋，黃君甫，趙靜霞，李麗娜 Premiere: Palace, 26 Jun. 1927

306

appendix 1

Tieban honglei lu 鐵板紅淚錄 (Iron Plate and Red Tears), 8 r, LW Dir: 洪深 Ass. Dir: 沈西苓，高梨痕 Scr: 陽翰笙 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 王瑩，陳凝秋，王徵信，謝雲卿，朱孤雁 Premiere: Strand, 12 Nov. 1933 Tiexue qingnian 鐵血青年 (Youth of Iron), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 朱染塵 Ph: 王士珍，董克毅 Cast: 夏佩珍，鄭小秋，胡蝶 Premiere: Palace, 31 Dec. 1931 * Tixiao yinyuan 啼笑因缘 (Fate in Tears and Laughter), 6 episodes, sound, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 嚴獨鶴 Original: Tixiao yinyuan (Zhang Henshui) Ph: 董克毅，王士珍, James Williamson Cast: 鄭小秋，胡蝶，夏佩珍，肖英，王獻齋，嚴月嫻，龔稼農 Premiere: Nanking, 26 Jun. 1932 Tongchou 同仇 (The Common Enemy), 8 r, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 夏衍 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 王瑩，陳凝秋，謝雲卿，嚴月嫻，王獻齋 Premiere: Strand, 27 Apr. 1934 Tongxue zhi ai 同學之愛 (Love between Classmates), aka. Yijiao ti chuqu 一腳踢 出去 (Kick him out), 11 r Dir: 張石川，洪深 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔稼農，丁子明，黃君甫 Premiere: Palace, 21 Jun. 1928 Weihun qi 未婚妻 (Fiancée), 9 r Dir: 卜萬蒼

appendix 1 Scr: 卜萬蒼 Ph: 湯傑，胡壽山 Cast: 張織雲，龔稼農，王獻齋，黃君甫，宋懺紅 Premiere: Palace, 4 Sept. 1926 Weiqi congjun 為妻從軍 (Join the Army for My Wife), 9 r Dir: 湯傑，王吉亭 Cast: 龔稼農，梁賽珍 Premiere: 6 May 1931 Weiqin xisheng 為親犧牲 (Sacrifice for the Family), 9 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 殷民遺 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 張織雲，朱飛，湯傑，黃君甫，王獻齋，肖英，周履安 Premiere: Palace, 20 Feb. 1927 Wuming yingxiong 無名英雄 (The Unknown Hero), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 滄海後人 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 張慧沖，宣景琳，肖英，徐素娥，譚志遠，湯傑，王吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 5 Feb. 1927 Xiafeng qiyuan 俠鳳奇緣 (Knight-errant Phoenix), 12 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Xiafeng qiyuan (Li Hanqiu 李涵秋) Ph: 石世磬 Cast: 楊耐梅，毛劍佩，鄭小秋，朱飛，黃君甫，趙靜霞，王獻齋 Premiere: Palace, 2 Nov. 1927 Xiandai yi nüxing 現代一女性 (A Modern Woman), 9 r Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 艾霞 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 孫敏，艾霞，徐莘園，唐月倩 Premiere: Palace, 16 Jun. 1933

307

308

appendix 1

* Xiangchou 鄉愁 (Nostalgia for My Hometown), 11 r, sound, LW Dir: 沈西苓 Scr: 沈西苓 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 高倩蘋，宣景琳，趙丹，孫敏，梅熹 Premiere: Strand, 19 Jun. 1935 Xiangcao meiren 香草美人 (Tobacco Beauty), 9 r, LW Dir: 陳鏗然 Scr: 馬文源，洪深 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 夏佩珍，王徵信，謝雲卿 Premiere: Strand, 26 Nov. 1933 Xianü jiu furen 俠女救夫人 (A Female Knight Errant Rescues a Madam), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 周克 Cast: 胡蝶，丁子明，龔稼農，黃君甫，王吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 19 Dec. 1928 Xiao Lingzi 小玲子 (Little Lingzi), 10 r, sound, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 歐陽予倩 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 談瑛，王獻齋，趙丹，舒繡文，龔稼農 Premiere: Lyric, 21 Oct. 1936 Xiao pengyou 小朋友 (Little Friends), 11 r, BF Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Ku’er liulang ji 苦兒流浪記 (Bao Tianxiao) Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，鄭小秋，黃君甫，王獻齋，文少如，傅绿痕，邵莊林，王 吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 30 Jun. 1925 Xiao qingren 小情人 (Little Lovers), 11 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 高梨痕，譚志遠

appendix 1 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 胡壽山 Cast: 鄭小秋，倪紅雁，傅绿痕，王獻齋，黃君甫，趙琛，張敏吾 Premiere: Palace, 13 Jun. 1926 Xiao yingxiong Liu Jin 小英雄劉進 (Little Hero Liu Jin), 9 r Dir: 程步高 Ph: 周詩穆 Cast: 鄭小秋，王吉亭，夏佩珍 Premiere: Palace, 7 Sept. 1929 Xin xiyou ji 新西遊記 (New Journey to the West), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 鄭小秋，王吉亭，夏佩珍，黃君甫，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 28 Sept. 1929 Xin xiyouji 新西遊記 2 (New Journey to the West, Episode II), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 鄭小秋，王吉亭，夏佩珍，譚志遠，高倩蘋，謝雲卿 Premiere: Palace, 2 Jan. 1930 Xin xiyouji 新西遊記 3 (New Journey to the West, Episode III), 10 r Dir: 張石川，程步高 Scr: 張石川 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 鄭小秋，王吉亭，夏佩珍，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 6 Apr. 1930 ** Xinjiu Shanghai 新舊上海 (Old and New Shanghai), 9 r, sound, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 舒繡文，王獻齋，黃耐霜，朱秋痕，顧梅君，袁紹梅 Premiere: Lyric, 1 May 1936 * Xinren de jiating 新人的家庭 (The Family of a New Couple), 11 r Dir: 任矜蘋

309

310

appendix 1

Scr: 顧肯夫 Ph: 卜萬蒼 Cast: 張織雲，楊耐梅，汪福慶，王元龍，張慧沖，王獻齋，邵莊林，黎明暉， 宣景琳 Premiere: Carlton, 4 Jan. 1926 * Xiongdi xing 兄弟行 (Brother’s Tour), 10 r, sound, BF Dir: 程步高 Scr: 徐卓呆 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 高占非，胡蝶，朱秋痕，肖英，舒繡文，嚴工上 Premiere: Lyric, 10 Jan. 1936 Xuelei bei 血淚碑 (Tablet of Blood and Tears), 11 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 高梨痕，龔稼農 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 石仲衡 Cast: 丁子明，阮玲玉，王獻齋，鄭逸生，肖英 Premiere: Palace, 11 Sept. 1927 Xuelei huanghua 血淚黃花後集 (Yellow Flowers in Blood and Tears, Episode II), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋，程步高 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 周克，董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，王吉亭，譚志遠，王獻齋，夏佩珍 Premiere: Palace, 9 Jun. 1929 Yanchao 鹽潮 (Salt Tide), 9 r, LW Dir: 徐欣夫 Scr: 鄭伯奇，阿英 Original: a novel by Lou Shiyi 樓適夷 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，王徵信，孫敏，王獻齋，王夢石，顧梅君，唐巢父 Premiere: Strand, 5 Jan. 1934 Yapo 壓迫 (Oppression), 9 r, LW Dir: 高梨痕 Scr: 洪深 Ph: 王士珍

appendix 1

311

Cast: 龔稼農，夏佩珍，嚴月嫻，孫敏，徐莘園 Premiere: Palace, 16 Aug. 1933 ** Yasui qian 壓歲錢 (A New Year Coin), 9 r, sound, LW Dir: 張石川 Scr: 夏衍 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔秋霞，胡蓉蓉，黎明暉，李麗蓮，龔稼農，舒繡文，王獻齋，英 茵，王吉亭，嚴工上，孫敏 Premiere: Lyric, 10 Feb. 1937 Yeben 夜奔 (Escape at Night), 9 r, sound, LW Dir: 程步高 Scr: 陽翰笙 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 梅熹，談瑛，徐莘園，夏霞，孫敏 Premiere: Lyric, 27 Apr. 1938 Yehui 夜會 (City of Night), 9 r, sound, RW Dir: 李萍倩 Scr: 姚蘇鳳 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 龔稼農，顧蘭君，黃耐霜，謝俊 Premiere: Lyric, 6 Nov. 1936 Yelai xiang 夜來香 (Tuberose), 12 r, sound Dir: 程步高 Scr: 程步高 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 趙丹，胡蝶，孫敏，舒繡文，尤光照，王夢石，顧蘭君 Premiere: Strand, 3 Oct. 1935 Yige hongdan 一個紅蛋 (A Red Egg), 9 r Dir: 程步高 Ph: 周克 Cast: 高倩蘋，周文珠，龔稼農，高占非，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 5 Jun. 1930 Yige Shanghai xiaojie 一個上海小姐 (A Shanghai Lady), 9 r Dir: 程步高

312

appendix 1

Ass. Dir: 葉良德 Ph: 王士珍 Cast: 趙靜霞，王吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 20 Nov. 1931 Yige xiao gongren 一个小工人 (A Child Worker), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 王漢倫，鄭小秋，龔稼農，肖英，倪紅雁 Premiere: Palace, 10 Nov. 1926 * Yinmu yanshi 銀幕艷史 (An Amorous History of the Silver Screen), 18 r (2 episodes) Dir: 程步高 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，譚志遠，王徵信，肖英，高倩蘋，梁賽珍 Premiere: Palace, 17 Feb. 1931 Yinxing xingyun 银星幸运 (Lucky Silver Stars), 10 r, sound Dir: 張石川 Scr: 朱石麟 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 鄭小秋，胡蝶 Premiere: Star, 21 May 1932 Yongshi jiumei ji 勇士救美記 (A Brave Man Rescues a Beauty), 9 r Dir: 湯傑，王吉亭 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 高倩蘋，龔稼農，王徵信，王夢石 Premiere: Palace, 1 Jan. 1931 Yongyuan de weixiao 永遠的微笑 (Forever Smiling), 9 r, sound, RW Dir: 吳村 Scr: 劉吶鷗 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，龔稼農，龔秋霞，徐莘園 Premiere: Lyric, 15 Jan. 1937 Youhun 誘婚 (Coercive Marriage), aka. Aiqing yu xurong 愛情與虛榮 (Love and Vanity), 12 r

appendix 1

313

Dir: 張石川 Scr: 周劍雲 Ph: 汪煦昌，董克毅 Cast: 楊耐梅，鄭鷓鴣，馬徐維邦，鄭正秋，黃君甫，王獻齋 Premiere: Olympic, 31 Oct. 1924 Yuli hun 玉梨魂 (Jade Pear Spirit), 10 r, BF Dir: 張石川，徐琥 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Yuli hun (by Xu Zhenya) Ph: 汪煦昌 Cast: 王漢倫，王獻齋，楊耐梅，鄭鷓鴣，黃君甫，任潮军 Premiere: Olympic, 9 May 1924 Yuren yongbie 玉人永别 (Farewell to a Beauty), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 王士珍，吳蔚雲 Cast: 龔稼農，鄭小秋，肖英，王徵信，宣景琳 Premiere: Palace, 26 Nov. 1931 Zaisheng hua 再生花 (Rebirth of the Flowers), 11 r, sound Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 鄭小秋 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，高占非，宣景琳，嚴月嫻，鄭小秋 Premiere: Strand, 25 Dec. 1934 Zao sheng guizi 早生貴子 (May You Soon Give Birth to a Distinguished Son), aka. Lao kangli 老伉儷 (The Old Couple), 9 r Dir: 洪深 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，張敏吾，趙琛，王獻齋，宋懺紅，趙靜霞，黃君甫 Premiere: Palace, 27 Feb. 1926 Zhandi lixian ji 戰地歷險記 (Adventure on the Battlefield), 8 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 陶耐忍

314

appendix 1

Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔稼農，胡蝶，鄭小秋，胡萍，王徵信，徐莘園，艾霞 Premiere: Palace, 14 Jan. 1933 Zhandi xiao tongbao 戰地小同胞 (A Child on the Battlefield), 10 r Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 蔡楚生 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 顏鶴鳴 Cast: 鄭小秋，高倩蘋，謝雲卿，趙靜霞，譚志遠 Premiere: Palace, 21 Nov. 1929 Zhang Xinsheng 張欣生, aka. Baoying zhaozhang 報應昭彰 (Retribution), 12 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 張偉濤 Cast: 鄭鷓鴣，王獻齋 Pr: Olympic, 16 Feb. 1923 Zhanlan hui 展覽會 (Exposition), 9 r Dir: 陳鏗然 Scr: 王乾白 Original: Linjia puzi 林家鋪子 (Shop of the Lin Family, Mao Dun) Ph: 陳晨 Cast: 夏佩珍，王徵信，謝雲卿，孫敏 Premiere: Strand, 21 Jan. 1934 Zhenjia qianjin 真假千金 (Real and Fake Daughters), 9 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 殷民遺 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，鄭小秋，朱飛，黃君甫，王獻齋，王吉亭 Premiere: Palace, 24 Aug. 1927 ** Zhifen shichang 脂粉市場 (The Cosmetic Store), 9 r, sound, LW Dir: 張石川 Scr: 夏衍 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 孫敏，胡蝶，龔稼農，嚴月嫻，王獻齋，胡萍，艾霞 Premiere: Strand, 14 May 1933

appendix 1

315

** Zimei hua 姊妹花 (Twin Sisters), 11 r, sound, LW Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 沈西苓 Scr: 鄭正秋 Original: Guiren yu fanren 貴人與犯人 (The Noble and the Criminal, Zheng Zhengqiu) Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 胡蝶，鄭小秋，宣景琳，譚志遠，顧梅君 Premiere: Strand, 14 Feb. 1934 Ziyou zhihua 自由之花 (Flower of Freedom), 11 r, sound Dir: 鄭正秋 Ass. Dir: 高梨痕 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 龔稼農，胡蝶，鄭小秋，夏佩珍，肖英 Premiere: Nanking, 22 Dec. 1932 Zuihou zhi liangxin 最後之良心 (Last Conscience), 10 r Dir: 張石川 Scr: 鄭正秋 Ph: 董克毅 Cast: 宣景琳，王獻齋，肖養素，黃君甫，林雪懷，王吉亭，嚴仲英 Premiere: Palace, 2 May 1925

Appendix 2

Mingxing Personnel

This list includes the Mingxing managers, screenwriters, directors, and publicists and information about their posts and the time periods when they worked for Mingxing. People who are labeled in standard histories as Butterflies, Left-wingers or Right-wingers are marked with BF, LW, or RW. People who did not work for Mingxing but provided screenplays or novels for film adaptation are marked with *. Sources for the compilation of this list include “A full list of Mingxing screenwriters” (“Mingxing liren bianju timinglu” 明星歷任編劇題名錄) and “A full list of Mingxing directors” (“Mingxing liren daoyan minglu” 明星歷任導演名錄) published in Mingxing banyuekan (7.1, 16 Oct. 1936), as well as other miscellaneous materials. A Ying 阿英 (1900–1977, Qian Defu 錢德富, Qian Xingcun 錢杏邨, Qian Qianwu 錢 謙吾, Zhang Fengwu 張鳳吾), LW (Leftist League member, CCP member1) script consultant (bianju guwen 編劇顧問), screenwriter, May 1932–October 1934 Ai Xia 艾霞 (?–1935) actress, screenwriter, 1932–1935 Bao Tianxiao 包天笑 (1876–1973), BF chief editor (bianji zhuren 編輯主任), screenwriter, 1925–1927 Bu Wancang 卜萬蒼 (1903–1974) director, screenwriter, 1926–1928 Chen Kengran 陳鏗然 (1906–1958) director, screenwriter, 1933–1934 * Chen Lengxue 陳冷血 (Chen Jinghan 陳景韓), BF author of Baiyun ta Cheng Bugao 程步高 (1894–1966) director, screenwriter, 1928–1938 1 The identification of particular person’s affiliation with the Leftist League, the Drama League and the CCP is based on “Zhongguo zuoyi xijujia lianmeng mengyuan mingdan 中國左翼 戲劇家聯盟盟員名單” (in Wenhuabu dangshi ziliao zhengji gongzuo weiyuanhui, ed., Zhongguo zuoyi xijujia lianmeng shiliao ji, 446–53), ZDFZS, Yao Xin, ed., Zuolian cidian.

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appendix 2

317

* Cheng Xiaoqing 程小青 (1893–1976), BF screenwriter of Chuangshang renying (1931), Cimu (1932), Guohun de fuhuo (1932), and Ke’ai de choudi (1932) Fan Yanqiao 范煙橋 (1894–1967), BF publicist, 1935–1937 Hong Shen 洪深 (1894–1955), LW (Leftist League and Drama League members) director, screenwriter, 1925–1937 Huang Tianshi 黃天始, RW script committee member, October 1935–? Ke Ling 柯靈 (1909–2000), LW (Drama League member) head of the publicity division (xuanchuan ke 宣傳科), chief editor of Mingxing banyuekan, 1932–February 1936, July 1936–February 1937 * Li Hanqiu 李涵秋 (1873–1923), BF author of Xiafeng qiyuan Li Pingqian 李萍倩 (1902–1984) director, screenwriter, 1932–1937 Liu Na’ou 劉呐鷗 (1905–1940), RW script committee member, screenwriter, October 1935–June 1936 Ouyang Yuqian 歐陽予倩 (1889–1962), LW (Drama League member) head of the script committee, screenwriter, director, October 1935–1937 Ren Jinping 任矜萍 (1896–?) founding member, manager, director, 1922–1926 Shen Xiling 沈西苓 (1904–1940), LW (Drama League member, CCP member) director, screenwriter, 1932–1935, July 1936–1937 Song Chiping 宋癡萍 (?–1931 or 1932, Song Chanhong 宋懺紅), BF publicist, 1925–1929 Tang Na 唐納 (1914–1988), LW (Drama League member) script committee member, October 1935–?

318

appendix 2

* Wang Pingling 王平陵 (1898–1964), RW (Nationalist Party member) screenwriter of Chonghun (1934) Wu Cun 吳村 director, screenwriter, 1934–1938 Xia Yan 夏衍 (1900–1995, Shen Naixi 沈乃熙, Shen Duanxian 沈端先, Cai Shusheng 蔡叔聲, Ding Qianping 丁謙平, Ding Yizhi 丁一之, Huang Zibu 黃子布), LW (Leftist League and Drama League members, CCP member) script consultant, screenwriter, May 1932–October 1934 * Xiang Kairan 向愷然 (1889–1957, Pingjiang buxiao sheng 平江不肖生), BF author of Jianghu qixia zhuan (from which Huoshao Hongliansi was adapted) * Xu Banmei 徐半梅 (1880–1961, Xu Zhuodai 徐卓呆), BF screenwriter of Xiongdi xing (1935) and Muqin de mimi (1937) Xu Xinfu 徐欣夫 (1897–1968) screenwriter and director, 1931–1937 * Xu Zhenya 徐枕亞 (1889–1937), BF author of Yuli hun * Yang Hansheng 陽翰笙 (1902–1993), LW (Leftist League and Drama League members, CCP member) screenwriter of Tieban honglei lu (1933), Shengsi tongxin (1936), and Yeben (1937) Yao Sufeng 姚蘇鳳 (1906–1974), BF, RW (Nationalist Party member) director, screenwriter, publicist, 1933–1937 Ying Yunwei 應雲衛 (1904–1967), LW (Drama League member) executive of Studio II, director, October 1935–1937 Yuan Muzhi 袁牧之 (1909–1978), LW (Drama League member) director, screenwriter, actor, 1936–1937 * Zhang Henshui 張恨水 (1895–1967), BF author of Tixiao yinyuan (1932), Luoxia guwu (1932) and Manjiang hong (1933)

appendix 2

319

Zhang Shichuan 張石川 (1890–1953) founding member, General Manager, director, 1922–1938 Zheng Boqi 鄭伯奇 (1895–1979, Xi Naifang 席耐芳, Zheng Junping 鄭君平, Zheng Pingzi 鄭平子), LW (Leftist League and Drama League members) script consultant, screenwriter, May 1932–October 1934 Zheng Zhegu 鄭鷓鴣 (1880–1925) founding member, stage manager, actor, 1922–1925 Zheng Zhengqiu 鄭正秋 (1889–1935) founding member, manager, screenwriter, director, actor, 1922–1935 Zhou Jianyun 周劍雲 (1893–1967) founding member, manager, 1922–1938 Zhu Dake 朱大可 (1898–?), BF publicist, 1930–?

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2

Primary Literature

2.1

Newspapers and Periodicals

Beiyang huabao 北洋畫報 (Pei-yang Pictorial) Chenbao 晨報 (Morning Post) Chunsheng ribao 春聲日報 (Spring Voice Daily) Damei wanbao 大美晚報 (Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury) Diansheng 電聲 (Movietone) Dianying 電影 (Movie Monthly) Dianying yuebao 電影月報 (Cinema Monthly) Dianying zazhi 電影雜誌 (Movies Magazine) Minguo ribao 民國日報 (Republican Daily) Mingxing banyuekan 明星半月刊 (Mingxing Semimonthly) Mingxing tekan 明星特刊 (Mingxing Special Issue) Mingxing yuebao 明星月報 (Mingxing Monthly) Minli bao 民立報 (People’s Rise) Minquan bao 民權報 (People’s Right) Qingqing dianying 青青電影 (Qingqing Film) Shenbao 申報 (Shanghai Daily) Shibao 時報 (Eastern Times) Tuhua jubao 圖畫劇報 (Theater Pictorial) Wanxiang 萬象 (Panorama) Xiandai dianying 現代電影 (Modern Screen) Xinju zazhi 新劇雜誌 (New Play Magazine) Xin shijie ribao 新世界日報 (New World Daily) Xinsheng zazhi 新聲雜誌 (New Voice Magazine) Xinwenbao 新聞報 (Daily News) Yingmi zhoubao 影迷週報 (Movie Fans Weekly) Yingxi zazhi 影戲雜誌 (Motion Picture Review) Yingxi shenghuo 影戲生活 (Movie Weekly) Zhongguo yingxun 中國影訊 (China Cinema News) Zhongyang dianying jiancha weiyuan hui gongbao 中央電影檢查委員會公報 (News Bulletin of CFCC) Zhongyang ribao 中央日報 (Central Daily News)

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2.2

Archival Documents

343

Guomin zhengfu junshi weiyuanhui diaocha tongji ju, “Gongchandang zai dianying jie huodong qingkuang 共產黨在電影界活動情況” (The CCP’s Activities in the Film World), 21 Jun. 1935, SMA, Q235-1-17, 5–10. “Jiaotong yinhang Shanghai fenhang chengzuo Mingxing yingpian gongsi yakuan de wanglai wenshu 交通銀行上海分行承做明星影片公司押款的往來文書” (Correspondence between the Shanghai Branch of the Communication Bank and the Mingxing Motion Picture Company on Mortgage Matters), 1936–1941, SMA, Q55-2-1371. “Mingxing gufen youxian gongsi zhangcheng 明星股份有限公司章程” (The Statutes of the Mingxing Motion Picture Co. Ltd.), SMA, Y9-1-457. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi juan 明星影片公司卷, 1929–1932” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Folder, 1929–1932), Ministry of Industry (Shiye bu 實業部), Insitute of Modern History Archive, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, 17-23-01-72-30-008. “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi diwu jie juesuan baogao 明星影片股份有 限公司第五屆決算報告 (1 March 1927–31 August 1928)” (Fifth Annual Report of the Mingxing Motion Picture Co. Ltd., 1 March 1927–31 August 1928), SMA, Y9-1-459. “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi diqi jie juesuan baogao 明星影片股份有限 公司第七屆決算報告 (1 September 1929–31 August 1930)” (Seventh Annual Report of the Mingxing Motion Picture Co. Ltd., 1 September 1929–31 August 1930), SMA, Y9-1-460. “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi diba jie juesuan baogao 明星影片股份有 限公司第八屆決算報告 (1 September 1930–31 August 1931)” (Eighth Annual Report of the Mingxing Motion Picture Co. Ltd., 1 September 1930–31 August 1931), SMA, Y9-1-461. “Shanghai gonggong zujie gongbu ju zongban chu guanyu yingpian jiancha shi, juan yi 上海公共租界工部局總辦處關於影片檢查事, 卷1” (Report on Film Censorship Matters by the General Administrative Office of the Shanghai Municipal Council, vol. 1), 1923–1929, SMA, U1-3-2401. “Shanghai shangye chuxu yinhang yingpian ye diaocha 上海商業儲蓄銀行影片業 調查” (Investigation of the Film Industry Conducted by the Shanghai Commercial & Savings Bank), 1931–1936, SMA, Q275-1-1949. “Shanghai shi gongyong ju wenshu 上海市公用局文書” (Documents of the Public Utilities Bureau of the Shanghai Municipal Government), 21 Dec. 1927, SMA, Q5-3-3264. “Shanghai shi jiaoyu ju huitong gong’an ju dui Zhejiang sheng micheng zhong tidao de zuoqing dianying wenti de diaocha deng wanglai wenshu 上海市教育局

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會同公安局對浙江省密呈中提到的左傾電影問題的調查等往來文書 (Correspondence on the Investigation of Left-leaning Cinema Mentioned in the Confidential Letter of the Governor of Zhejiang Province Conducted by the Education Bureau and the Public Security Bureau of Shanghai), Jun. 1933, SMA, Q235-2-1624. “Shanghai shi xijuyuan shangye tongye gonghui choubei hui huiyuan dengji diaocha biao 上海市戲劇院商業同業工會籌備會會員登記調查表” (Register of the Membership of the Shanghai Theater Guild), 15 Oct. 1950, SMA, S320-4-8-64. “Tongsu jiaoyu yanjiu hui wei jinzhi shangyan buliang yingju cheng bing jiaoyu bu pi­ling 通俗教育研究會為禁止上演不良影劇呈並教育部批令” (Petition of the Popular Education Research Association about the Prohibition of Harmful Films and Decree from the Ministry of Education), 23 Apr. 1923. In Zhonghua minguo shi dang’an ziliao huibian (vol. 3 wenhua), edited by Zhongguo di’er lishi dang’an guan, 176. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1991. “Zhejiang sheng zhengfu micheng 浙江省政府密呈 (submitted by Lu Diping 魯滌 平)” (Confidential Letter from the Zhejiang Provincial Government),” 5 Apr. 1933, Zhongguo di’er lishi dang’an guan 中國第二歷史檔案館 (No. 2 Historical Archives of China), 2 (2)-271/16J1505.

2.3

Journal Articles and Books1

“Bannian lai kuishi shiwan yuan yishang, Mingxing yi er chang shixing hebing 半年來 虧蝕十萬元以上，明星一二廠實行合並” (Loss of over 100,000 Yuan in the Past Half Year. Mingxing Studios I and II Merged). DS 6.6 (5 Feb. 1937): 321. “Beixing tongxun 北行通訊” (Reports on a Journey to North China). MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933), 1.6 (1 Oct. 1933). “Bu jingqi zhong zhi Mingxing gongsi beicheng jieyi 不景氣中之明星公司背城 借一” (The Last Fight of the Mingxing Company in Dire Straits). DS 195 (12 Nov. 1932). “Chen Lifu xiansheng tan dianying: yao yi minzu zhuyi wei yishu zhongxin 陳立夫先 生談電影：要以民族主義為藝術中心” (Mr. Chen Lifu Talked about Cinema: Focus Attention on Nationalism). Chenbao 9 Feb. 1934: 10. “Choubei zhong zhi Mingxing yingpian gongsi 籌備中之明星影片公司” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company to Be Founded). SB 21 Feb. 1922: Benbu zengkan 16. “Dajiang dong jushe qishi 大江東劇社啟事” (Announcement of the River East Society). SB 5 Sept. 1914: 8. “Dianying gongsi shoumai xiaobao zhi neimu 電影公司收買小報之內幕” (Secret Stories about Film Companies Bribing Tabloids). DS 3.19 (24 May 1934): 365. 1 Anonymous articles are arranged alphabetically by title, followed by articles arranged alphabetically by author.

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“Dianying kanwu zhi kongqian jilu 電影刊物之空前紀錄’ (An Unprecedented Booming of Film Journals). DS 191 (8 Nov. 1932). “Dianying shiye zhidao weiyuanhui changwu weiyuan Chen Lifu xiansheng yanshuo 電影事業指導委員會常務委員陳立夫先生演說” (Speech by Mr. Chen Lifu, Member of the Cinema Advisory Commission). In Zhongguo Guomindang zhongyang xuanchuan weiyuanhui zhaoji quanguo dianying gongsi fuzeren tanhuahui jinian ce 中國國民黨中央宣傳委員會召集全國電影公司負責人談話會紀念 冊 (Proceedings of the Conference on Cinema Affairs Convened by the Propaganda Department of the Nationalist Party), edited by Zhongyang xuanchuan weiyuanhui dianying gu, 46. Nanjing, 1934. “Dianying zhongxing dashi ji 電影中興大事記” (Chief Events in Cinema’s Booming). Reprinted in ZWD, 1330–48. Originally published in DS 1934. “Disan ci dianying tanhua hui xiangji 第三次電影談話會詳記” (Minutes of the Third Film Conference). DS 5.17 (1 May 1936): 406–7. “Fenglin qiao Mingxing gongsi sheying chang fenhui 楓林橋明星公司攝影場焚毀” (Mingxing Studio in Maple Grove Bridge Was Burned). SB 14 Jan. 1939: 16. “Ge yingyuan eryue zhi huigu 各影院二月之回顧” (Movie Theaters in February). SB 6 Mar. 1923: 17. “Guiding qudi yingpian zhi qingqiu 規定取締影片之請求” (Petition to Ban Films). SB 18 Mar. 1923: 13. “Guopian pingxuan jingguo zhixiang 國片評選經過誌詳” (A Detailed Report about the Best Domestic Film Competition). DS 5.28 (17 Jul. 1936): 686. “Hong Shen dingli xiangzhu, Zheng Xiaoqiu zuo fu daoyan 洪深鼎力相助，鄭小秋 做副導演” (Hong Shen Supported Devotedly, Zheng Xiaoqiu Became an Assistant Director). DS 5.17 (1 May 1936): 411. “Hu Die nüshi dui Hangzhou jizhe fabiao ‘zhuanbian zuofeng’ de yijian 胡蝶女士對 杭州記者發表‘轉變作風’的意見” (Miss Butterfly Wu Expressed Her Opinion Over ‘Transformation of Style’ to Hangzhou Journalists). MY 2.1 (1 Nov. 1933). “Hu Die yu Zhou Jianyun, Zheng Chaofan deng choubei fuxing Mingxing gongsi 胡蝶 與周劍雲，鄭超凡等籌備復興明星公司” (Butterfly Wu, Zhou Jianyun and Zheng Chaofan Prepared to Restore the Mingxing Company). Qingqing dianying 16.17 (20 Jun. 1948). “Huanying Xia Fei 歡迎霞飛” (Welcome General Joffre). SB 5 Mar. 1922: 15. “Huawei maoyi gongsi qishi 華威貿易公司啟事” (Announcement of the Huawei Trade Co.). Dianying yuebao 11&12 (Sept. 1929). “Huoshao Hongliansi 18 ji tongguo 火燒紅蓮寺18集通過” (The 18th Episode of Burning of the Red Lotus Temple Passed Censorship). DS 7.12 (13 May 1938): 227. “Japanese Soldiers Point Rifles at French Firemen during Blaze.” SMA, Q275-1-1949, 88. Originally published in an English newspaper (title not given), 14 Jan. 1939. “Jiaoyu Neizheng bu jingzhi Hongliansi yingpian geji zhi yingyan 教育內政部禁止紅 蓮寺影片各集之映演” (Ministries of Education and Interior Banned Burning of

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the Red Lotus Temple). In Jiaoyu Neizheng bu dianying jiancha weiyuanhui gongzuo zong baogao 教育內政部電影檢查委員會工作總報告 (Report of the Board of Censors of the Ministries of Education and Interior), edited by Jiaoyu Neizheng bu dianying jiancha weiyuanhui, 61. Nanjing, 1934. “Kuaiman wuxiandian 快慢無線電” (Fast-Slow Radio). Dianying zazhi 5 (Sept. 1924). “Lianhua jinxing zhong de zhiqu 聯華進行中的旨趣” (The Goal of Lianhua). Yingxi zazhi 1.10 (31 Oct. 1930). “Lianhua yingye gongsi sinian jingli shi 聯華影業公司四年經歷史” (A Four-year History of the Lianhua Film Company). ZWD, 72–78. Originally published in Zhongguo dianying nianjian 1934 (Chinese Film Yearbook 1934), edited by Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui. Beijing: Zhongguo guangbo dianshi chubanshe, 2008. “Liu Fa dianying jishi Wang Xuchang lueli 留法電影技師汪煦昌略歷” (A Short Biography of the Film Technician Wang Xuchang Who Studied in France). SB 2 Apr. 1924: Benbu zengkan 1. “Liuhe yingpian yingye gongsi qishi 六合影片營業公司啟事” (Announcement by the United Film Exchange). Dianying yuebao 11&12 (Sept. 1929). “Luo Ke Bupa si: Guoren qunqi kangzheng, ge fangmian you jianjue zhi biaoshi, shi dianying jiancha weiyuan hui kai huiyi, yijue yao’an shixiang 羅克《不怕死》：國 人群起抗爭，各方面有堅決之表示，市電影檢查委員會開會議，議決要 案十項” (Harold Lloyd’s Welcome Danger: Chinese People Protested. All Parties Were Resolute. Shanghai Film Cencorship Committee Held an Emergency Meeting. Ten Resolutions Passed). Minguo ribao 25 Feb. 1930: C1. “Mingxing gongsi fenqi faxin, bu jingqi zhong zhi yimu 明星公司分期發薪，不景 氣中之一幕” (The Mingxing Company Delayed to Pay Staff Salaries: A Scene in Recession). DS 203 (20 Nov. 1932). “Mingxing gongsi gexin xuanyan 明星公司革新宣言” (Mingxing Revitalization Program). MB 6.1 (16 Jul. 1936). “Mingxing gongsi guangyan baoren ji 明星公司廣宴報人記” (Mingxing Banqueted Journalists). DS 5.32 (14 Aug. 1936): 805–6. “Mingxing gongsi jingji jiongpo zhi yiban 明星公司經濟窘迫之一斑” (A Glimpse of Mingxing’s Financial Crisis). DS 4.10 (15 Mar. 1935): 198. “Mingxing gongsi kai daoche 明星公司開倒車” (Mingxing Regressed). Yingmi zhoubao 1.8 (14 Nov. 1934): 132. “Mingxing gongsi wei kaishe guzhuang pian tezhao caifeng guanggao 明星公司為開 攝古裝片特招裁縫廣告” (Mingxing Recruits Tailors for Producing Costume Dramas). XWB 21 Mar. 1927: A2. “Mingxing gongsi xiang Jiaotong yinhang ju’e jiekuan 明星公司向交通銀行巨額 借款” (Mingxing Got a Large Loan from the Communication Bank). DS 5.25 (29 Jun. 1936): 604.

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“Mingxing gongsi yan baojie ji 明星公司宴報界記” (Mingxing Banqueted Journalists). SB 20 Feb. 1922: 16. “Mingxing gongsi yanke 明星公司宴客” (Mingxing Banqueted its Guests). XWB 21 Feb. 1922: D3. “Mingxing gongsi zhaokai quanti dahui 明星公司召開全體大會” (Mingxing Staff Meeting). DS 5.27 (10 Jul. 1936): 646. “Mingxing gongsi zhi suoxin fengchao 明星公司之索薪風潮” (Mingxing Employees Demonstrated for Salaries). DS 4.34 (23 Aug. 1935): 702. “Mingxing jia Datong sheying chang kaipai Kongbu zhi ye 明星假大同攝影場開拍 《恐怖之夜》” (Mingxing Rented the Datong Studio to Shoot A Horrible Night). DS 7.8 (15 Apr. 1938): 149. “Mingxing qianzhai bei gaoshang fating 明星欠債被告上法庭” (Mingxing Was Sued for Unpaid Debts). DS 496 (21 Sept. 1933). “Mingxing rizhi 明星日誌” (Mingxing Diary). MB 1.3 (16 May 1935): 20. “Mingxing riji 明星日記” (Mingxing Diary). MB 3.2 (1 Nov. 1935). “Mingxing riji 明星日記” (Mingxing Diary). MB 3.3 (16 Nov. 1935). “Mingxing sheying chang xunli 明星摄影場巡禮” (A Brief Tour of Mingxing’s Studio). DS 5.29 (24 Jul. 1936): 712. “Mingxing wu hujiang 明星五虎將” (Five Mingxing Tiger Generals). Zhongguo yingxun 1.13 (14 Jun. 1940), 1.14 (21 Jun. 1940), 1.15 (28 Jun. 1940), 1.16 (5 Jul. 1940). “Mingxing wuxiandian 明星無線電” (Mingxing Radio). Dianying zazhi 12 (Apr. 1925). “Mingxing yingpian gongsi kaishe Tixiao yinyuan qishi 明星影片公司開攝《啼笑因 緣》啟事” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Declared the Start of Shooting Fate in Tears and Laughter). XWB 18 Sept. 1930: 5. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi kuochong zhaogu tonggao (disan hao) 明星影片公司擴 充招股通告（第三號）” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Calls for Investment by the Sale of Company Shares, III). XWB 18 Jun. 1924: A1. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi qianru xinwu 明星影片公司遷入新屋” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Moved to New Office). SB 27 Mar. 1924: Benbu zengkan 1. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi shi’er nian jingli shi 明星影片公司十二年經歷史” (A Twelve-year History of the Mingxing Motion Picture Company). ZWD, 31–48. Originally published in Zhongguo dianying nianjian 1934 (Chinese Film Yearbook 1934), edited by Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui. Beijing: Zhongguo guangbo dianshi chubanshe, 2008. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi wei Jing Jin kaiying Konggu lan qishi 明星影片公司為京 津開映空谷蘭啟事” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Will Screen Orchid in an Empty Valley in Beijing and Tianjin). XWB 26 Feb. 1926: A2.

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“Mingxing yingpian gongsi yijiusansan nian de liangda jihua 明星影片公司1933年的 兩大計劃” (Two Major Plans of the Mingxing Motion Picture Company in 1933). SB 1 Jan. 1933: Dianying zhuankan. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi zhaopin nü yanyuan 明星影片公司招聘女演員” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Is Recruiting Actresses). XWB 10 Jan. 1925: A1. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi zhongyao zhiyanyuan biao 明星影片公司重要職演 員表” (A List of Important Staff at the Mingxing Motion Picture Company). MB 6.1 (16 Jul. 1936). “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi zhaogu qi 明星影片股份有限公司招 股啓” (The Mingxing Motion Picture Company Calls for Investment by the Sale of Company Shares). XWB 18 Feb. 1922: A1. “Mingxing yingpian gufen youxian gongsi zuzhi yuanqi 明星影片股份有限公司組 織緣起” (Reasons for the Founding of the Mingxing Motion Picture Company). Yingxi zazhi 3 (25 May 1922): 10. Reprinted in ZWD, 27–29. “Mingxing yingxi xuexiao xuzhao nannü xinsheng 明星影戲學校續招男女新生” (Mingxing Shadowplay School Continued to Recruit Male and Female Students). XWB 18 Apr. 1925: A2. “Mingxing yu Huizhong yin gongsi de guansi 明星與匯眾銀公司的官司” (The Lawsuit between Mingxing and the American Commercial and Exchange Bank). DS 498 (23 Sept. 1933). “Mingxing Zhang Xinsheng pian zhong zhi shidi jingkuang 明星《張欣生》片中之 實地景況” (The Locations for On-site Shooting in Mingxing’s Zhang Xinsheng). SB 8 Feb. 1923: 17. “ ‘Nahan de nüxing’—Wang Ying jiaru Mingxing gongsi ‘吶喊的女性’——王瑩加入 明星公司” (A Crying Woman: Wang Ying Joined Mingxing). DS 189 (6 Nov. 1932). “Nanjing dianying xingzheng jiguan gaikuang 南京電影行政機關概況” (An Overview of Nanjing’s Film Administration). DS 5.14 (10 Apr. 1936): 349. “Nanyang dianying shichang jinkuang 南洋電影市場近況” (The Current State of the Film Market in Southeast Asia). DS 4.45 (8 Nov. 1935): 969. “Ni lun an kaiguan zhengyan ji (1) 逆倫案開棺蒸驗記 (一)” (Report on the Patricide Case: Pried Open the Coffin, Steamed the Bones). SB 19 Mar. 1921: 10. “Pingxuan weiyuan zhi gaojian: Guopian pingxuan shou liuming neirong poujie jiqi huosheng yuanyin 評選委員之高見：國片評選首六名內容剖解及其獲勝 原因” (Opinions of the Selection Committee Members: An Analysis of the Six Best Films and the Reasons for Their Success). DS 6.29 (23 Jul. 1937): 1238. “Shanghai sanda guochan yingpian gongsi de zhongxin sixiang 上海三大國產影片 公司的中心思想” (The Characteristic Features of the Major Three ShanghaiBased Chinese Film Companies). DS 31 (31 May 1932): 122.

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“Shanghai yingjie changong tongzhihui kuaiyou daidian 上海影界鏟共同志會快郵 代電” (An Express Letter by the Anti-Communist Comrades Association in the Shanghai Film World). Damei wanbao 15 Nov. 1933: 3. “Shen Xiling Zhao Dan shifou tuoli jiang zhengshi 沈西苓趙丹是否脫離將證實” (It Will Soon Be Confirmed Whether Shen Xiling and Zhao Dan Will Leave Mingxing). DS 4.29 (19 Jul. 1935): 598. “Sheng jiaoyuhui shenyue Gu’er jiuzu ji yingpian 省教育會審閱《孤兒救祖記》影 片” (The Jiangsu Education Association Reviewed An Orphan Rescues His Grandfather). XWB 22 Dec. 1923: D3. “Sheng jiaoyu hui shenyue Mingxing yingpian zhi pingyu 省教育會審閱明星影片之 評語” (Comments on Mingxing Films by the Jiangsu Education Association). SB 5 Jul. 1923: 18. “Siyue li de qiangwei chuchu kai zhi guanggao 《四月裡底薔薇處處開》之廣告” (Advertisements for Roses in April). MT 13 (30 Jun. 1926). “Star Motion Picture Co. Seeks New Era For Chinese Movies: Launches Program to Speed Up Production, Improve Photography, Scenarios and Direction; Rents New Studio.” In “Shanghai shangye chuxu yinhang yingpian ye diaocha,” SMA, Q275-11949, 88. Originally published in an unknown newspaper, 10 Jul. 1936. “Tang Youren si: shiwu wan touzi huawei paoying 唐有壬死：十五萬投資化為 泡影” (Tang Youren Died: 150,000 Investment Gone). DS 5.3 (17 Jan. 1936): 72. “Tianyi gongsi zhongyao zhiyuan zong cizhi: Hong Shen de lalong chenggong 天一公 司重要職員總辭職：洪深的拉攏成功” (The Collective Resignation of Important Tianyi Staff: Hong Shen Poached Successfully). DS 195 (12 Nov. 1932). “Tixiao yinyuan zhi falü wenti: Gu Wuwei dui Mingxing changqi dikang《啼笑因 緣》之法律問題：顧無為對明星長期抵抗” (A legal Issue Concerning Fate in Tears and Laughter: Gu Wuwei’s Confrontation with Mingxing). DS 1.31 (31 May 1932). “Too Much Magic. Film Starts Riot.; Panic in Chinese Theater Follows Cowboys’ Charge in Wild West Photoplay—Strange Experiences of Picture Maker and Exhibitor.” Los Angeles Times 12 Nov. 1916: III22. “Women de chensu: jinhou de pipan shi ‘jianshe de’ 我們的陳訴：今後的批判是 ‘建設的’ ” (Our Statement: Our Future Criticisms Will Be ‘Constructive’). Chenbao 18 Jun. 1933: 10. “Xia Fei jiangjun xingcheng 霞飛將軍行程” (The Schedule of General Joffre). SB 4 Mar. 1922: 6. “Yaofeng xuanyan 藥風宣言” (Yaofeng’s Manifesto). SB 3 Jun. 1918: 5. “Yehui de gushi 夜會的故事” (The Plot Summary of City of Night). MB 7.2 (1 Nov. 1936). “Yi yintuan touzi Mingxing shiwu wan, Zhou Jianyun yu Zhang Shichuan jue xieshou hezuo 一銀團投資明星十五萬，周劍雲張石川決攜手合作” (An Investment

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Bank Invested 150,000 Yuan. Zhou Jianyun and Zhang Shichuan Decided to Cooperate). DS 4.50 (20 Dec. 1935): 1120. “Yijiusansan nian xinxing sizhong dianying kanwu 一九三三年新興四種電影刊物” (Four Film Journals Were Launched in 1933). DS 238 (25 Dec. 1932). “Ying Yunwei ban zhiye jutuan, Zhou Jianyun zuo houtai laoban 應雲衛辦職業 劇團，周劍雲做後臺老闆” (Ying Yunwei Is Launching a Professional Theater Troupe, Zhou Jianyun Is the Boss Behind the Scenes). DS 6.10 (12 Mar. 1937). “Ying Yunwei tuoli Yihua jin Mingxing 應雲衛脫離藝華進明星” (Ying Yunwei Left Yihua and Joined Mingxing). DS 4.43 (25 Oct. 1935): 919. “Yongyuan de weixiao 永遠的微笑” (Forever Smiling). DS 6.4 (22 Jan. 1937): 247. “Yongyuan de weixiao benshi《永遠的微笑》本事” (Synopsis of Forever Smiling). MB 7.5 (16 Dec. 1936). “Yongyuan de weixiao shencha yijian《永遠的微笑》審查意見” (Censors’ Report on Forever Smiling). In Liu Na’ou quanji (dianying ji I), edited by Kang Laixin, et al., 26. Tainan: Tainan xian wenhua ju, 2001. “Zai zhi Xialing peike zhi yingpian ji yishu 再誌夏令配克之影片及藝術” (Further on the Film Shown at the Olympic and Its Artistic Achievement). SB 28 Jan. 1923: 17. “Zhang Shichuan yao Zhou Jianyun jiaochu jingji quan 張石川要周劍雲交出經濟 權” (Zhang Shichuan Urged Zhou Jianyun to Hand over Control over Finances). DS 5.14 (10 Apr. 1936): 344. “Zhang Xinsheng xingjiang yun Jin 《張欣生》行將運津” (Zhang Xinsheng Is Going to Be Shown in Tianjin). SB 24 Feb. 1923: 17. “Zhang Xinsheng yingpian yingyan zhi jingguo 《張欣生》影片映演之經過” (Screenings of Zhang Xinsheng). SB 8 Mar. 1923: 17. “Zheng Zhengqiu tuoli Xiao wutai 鄭正秋脫離新舞臺” (Zheng Zhengqiu Withdrew from the New Stage). SB 26 May 1918: 8. “Zheng Zhengqiu xiansheng xiaozhuan 鄭正秋先生小傳” (A Short Biography of Mr. Zheng Zhengqiu). MB 2.2 (1 Aug. 1935): 5. “Zhigong jiaoyu guan zhi shengshi 職工教育館之盛事” (The Big Event at the Vocational Education Center). Xuedeng 7.2 (1923). “Zhongguo dianyingjie xiaoxi 中國電影界消息” (News from the Chinese Film World). Dianying zazhi 1 (May 1924). “Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui huiwu baogao 中國教育電影協會會務報告” (Minutes of the National Educational Cinematographic Society of China). Nanjing, 1932. “Zhongguo qingnian changong da tongmeng wei chanchu dianyingjie chihua huodong xuanyan 中國青年鏟共大同盟為鏟除電影界赤化活動宣言” (An Announce­ ment of the Anti-Communist Ally of Chinese Youth for Eliminating Communist Activities in the Film World). Damei wanbao 23 Jan. 1934: 3.

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“Zhongyang daxiyuan kaimu xuanyan 中央大戲院開幕宣言” (Statement for Opening the Palace Theater). XWB 22 Apr. 1925: A1. “Zhongyang xuanchuan bu juban guochan yingpian pingxuan 中央宣傳部舉辦國產 影片評選” (The Propaganda Department Initiated the Best Domestic Film Competition). Zhongyang ribao 1 Jun. 1936. “Zhou Jianyun lingchuang xin tianxia, Mingxing fenchang jiang zhengshi chengli, Ying Yunwei, Yuan Muzhi deng wangfeng laigui 周劍雲另創新天下，明星分廠將正 式成立，應雲衛袁牧之等望風來歸” (Zhou Jianyun Opens a New Store, Mingxing’s Second Studio Will Be Set Up, Ying Yunwei and Yuan Muzhi Hastened to Join). DS 5.1 (1 May 1936): 404. “Zhou Jianyun tan guochan dianying 周劍雲談國產電影” (Zhou Jianyun Talks about Domestic Films). DS 6.20 (21 May 1937): 876. “Ziliujin ren huanying Huang Junfu 自流井人欢迎黄君甫” (Ziliu jin Residents Like Huang Junfu). Yingxi zazhi 40 (17 Oct. 1931): 6. “Zuowan Xialing peike zhi yingpian ji yishu 昨晚夏令配克之影片及藝術” (The Film Shown at the Olympic Last Night and Its Artistic Achievement). SB 27 Jan. 1923: 17. Ai Xia 艾霞. “1933 nian, wo de xiwang 1933年，我的希望” (1933: My Hope). MY 1.3 (1 Jul. 1933). Albert, Ned. East Lynne: Mrs. Henry Wood’s Celebrated Novel Made into a Spirited and Powerful Mellow Drammer in Three Acts. New York: Samuel French, 1941. An E 安娥. “Kuangliu yishi lun 《狂流》意識論” (On the Ideology of Wild Torrent). Chenbao 6 Mar. 1933: 10. Bai Yin 柏蔭. “Duiyu Shangwu yinshu guan shezhi yingpian de pinglun he yijian 對於 商務印書館攝製影片的評論和意見” (My Comments and Opinions on the Films Produced by the Commercial Press). Yingxi zazhi 1.2 (1922). Reprinted in ZWD, 1056–58. Bao Tianxiao 包天笑. Konggu lan 空谷蘭 (Orchid in an Empty Valley). Shanghai: Youzheng shuju, 1924. ———. “Konggu lan zhijin zhi lishi 《空谷蘭》至今之歷史” (A History of Orchid in an Empty Valley). MT 8 (1 May 1926). ———. “Wo yu Yuanyang hudie pai 我與鴛鴦蝴蝶派” (I and the Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School). Wenhui Bao (Hong Kong) 27 Jul. 1960. Reprinted in YHYZ, 178. ———. “Bao Tianxiao riji 包天笑日記” (Bao Tianxiao Diaries). Unpublished manuscript. Shanghai Library. Benkan bianjibu 本刊編輯部. “Pipan Xia Yan tongzhi de zichan jieji wenyi luxian: Xia Yan tongzhi de Dianying lunwen ji pouxi 批判夏衍同志的資產階級文藝路 線——夏衍同志的《電影論文集》剖析” (Criticisms of Comrade Xia Yan’s Bourgeois Cultural Line: An Analysis of Comarade Xia Yan’s An Anthology of Articles on Cinema). Dianying yishu 3 (1966): 8–16.

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Tomio, Goto 後籘富男. “Zhongguo yinhua jie zongping 中國映畫界總評” (An Overview of the Chinese Film Industry). Translated by Ji Yun 吉雲. MB 7.2 (1 Nov. 1936). Originally published in Sekai gahoo 世界画報 6 (1936), edited by Kokusaijohosya 国際情報社 in Tokyo. Wang Meiyu 王美玉. “Zhang Xinsheng wugeng diao 張欣生五更調” (Wugeng Tune of Zhang Xinsheng). Xi zazhi 4 (1922): 14–16. Wang Nancun 王南邨. Konggu lan 空谷蘭 (Orchid in an Empty Valley). Shanghai: Yuxin shuju, 1935. Wang Qianbai 王乾白. “Ganxing jishi: wei Jiang weiyuanzhang deng she jiaofei shengpian 贛行紀實——為蔣委員長等攝剿匪聲片” (Journey to Jiangxi: Producing a Sound Documentary about the Anti-Communist Extermination Campaign for Generalissimo Chiang). MY 1.3 (1 Jul. 1933), 1.4 (1 Aug. 1933). Wood, Ellen. East Lynne. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Wu Cun 吳村. “Dang wo de yingzi paihuai yu yinwu zhi jie shi 當我的影子徘徊於銀 霧之街時” (When My Shadow is Meandering on the Street of Silver Mist). MB 7.5 (16 Dec. 1936). Wu Ming 無名. “Guanying Zhongguo yingpian zhi shangque 觀映中國影片之商榷” (Discussion about a Chinese Film). SB 10 Jan. 1924: 18. Wu Xueyun 吳學雲. “Tieban honglei lu waijing zai Tonglu 《鐵板紅淚錄》外景在 桐廬” (On-location Shooting for Tieban honglei lu in Tonglu). MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933). Xi Naifang 席耐芳 (Zheng Boqi 鄭伯奇), and Huang Zibu 黃子布 (Xia Yan 夏衍). “Huoshan qingxue 火山情血” (Volcano, Emotion and Blood). Chenbao 16 Sept. 1932, “Meiri dianying.” Xi Naifang. “Kuangliu de pingjia 《狂流》的評價” (My Assessment of Wild Torrent). Chenbao 7 Mar. 1933: 10. Xiao 曉. “Beijing dianying shiye zhi fada 北京電影事業之發達” (The Development of the Beijing Film Market). Dianying zhoukan 1 (1921). Reprinted in ZWD, 176–77. Xiao Hong 蕭紅. Market Street: A Chinese Woman in Harbin. Translated by Howard Goldblatt. Seatle: University of Washington Press, 1986. Xiao Jizhe 小記者. “Mingxing shi yi mingxing 明星失一明星” (Mingxing Lost a Star). XWB 16 Apr. 1925: E1. ———. “Ping Feng da shaoye 評《馮大少爺》” (On Young Master Feng). XWB 24 Aug. 1925: Benbu fukan 1. ———. “Ji Zhongyang yingxi gongsi zhi kaimu li 記中央影戲公司之開幕禮” (The Opening Ceremony of the Palace Theater Company). XWB 2 Apr. 1926: Benbu fukan. Xihu ren 西湖人. “Bu lingwu de Shen Yanbing xiansheng 不領悟的沈雁冰先生” (Slow-witted Mr. Shen Yanbing). Jingbao 24 Jul. 1922. Reprinted in YHWZ, 173–74. Xin Leng 心冷. “Zhongguo yingpian xinping 中國影片新評” (A New Comment on Chinese Films). Guowen zhoubao 3 (May 1925). Reprinted in MT 2 (5 Jun. 1925).

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Yi Qun 毅群. “You yi ping 又一評” (Another Review). Chenbao 7 Mar. 1933: 10. Yin Shi 隱士. “Hao gege zhong zhi er Zheng 《好哥哥》中之二鄭” (Two Zhengs in Good Brother). Dianying zazhi 10 (Feb. 1925). Ying Qiu 映球. “Zhanshi pianyi le huajie xiyuan 戰事便宜了華界戲院” (Movie Theaters Benefited from the Battle). Yingxi shenghuo 71 (25 Sept. 1932). Ying Tan 影探. “Dianying hua baozhi de chuanran: Shibao, Shishi xinbao, Shenbao san da bao congshan ruliu 電影化報紙的傳染：時報、時事新報、申報三大報 從善如流” (The Trends of ‘Cinemizing’ Newspapers: Shibao, Shishi xinbao and Shenbao Followed Quickly). DS 32 (1 Jun. 1932). ———. “Mingxing yingpian gongsi die bei susong, wuzhu leling qianrang mingnian sanyue chuwu 明星影片公司迭被訴訟，屋主勒令遷讓明年三月出屋” (The Mingxing Film Company Was Sued Frequently: Landlord Urged it to Move out before March Next Year). DS 3.39 (10 Oct. 1934): 764. ———. “Mingxing jiepan Yucheng quanbu shengcai 明星接盤玉成全部生財” (Mingxing Took Over Yucheng). DS 4.21 (24 May 1935): 417. Ying Yunwei 應雲衛. “Wo he Zhengqiu xiansheng 我和正秋先生” (Mr. Zhengqiu and I). MB 6.2 (1 Aug. 1936). Yu Ling 于伶. “Huiyi ‘Julian’ hua yingping 回憶‘劇聯’話影評” (Reminiscing about the Drama League and Talking about Film Criticism). Dianying gushi 3 (1980). Reprinted in ZZDY, 934–37. Zai Qing 再青. “Suimu xiaoyan 歲暮小言” (Thoughts at the End of the Year). Qingqing dianying 1.10 (16 Dec. 1934). Zhang Henshui 張恨水. Tixiao yinyuan 啼笑因緣 (Fate in Tears and Laughter). Taipei: Guojia chubanshe, 1982. Zhang Huang 張凰. “Shangying yugan 賞影余感” (Random Thoughts after Viewing a Movie). SB 15 Feb. 1922: 17. Zhang Mingming 张明明. “Youguan Tixiao yinyuan de ersan shi 有關《啼笑因緣》 的二三事” (Anecdotes about Fate in Tears and Laughter). Reprinted in YHYZ, 222–36. Zhang Shichuan 張石川. “Jinggao duzhe 敬告讀者” (To My Readers). Chenxing 1 (1922). ———. “Chuansheng tong li 傳聲筒裡” (Through a Megaphone). MY 1.1 (1 May 1933). ———. “Zi wo daoyan yilai 自我導演以來” (Since I Became a Director). MB 1.3– 1.5(May–Jun. 1935). Reprinted in ZWD, 401–8. ———. “Ku Zhengqiu laoge 哭正秋老哥” (Lamenting Elder Brother Zhengqiu). MB 2.2 (1 Aug. 1935): 6. Zhao Ying 召影. “Xingjiapo yingtan de ququ xiaoshi 星加坡影壇的區區小事” (Trivial Things about Film in Singapore). MY 2.2 (1 Dec. 1933): 29. Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸. “Zhongguo xin wenxue daxi: wenxue lunzheng ji daoyan 《中 國新文學大系：文學論爭集》導言” (Preface to Compendium of Modern

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———. “Huai Zhengqiu xiong 懷正秋兄” (In Memory of Elder Brother Zhengqiu). MB 6.2 (1 Aug. 1936). ———. “Jutan huaijiu lu 劇壇懷舊錄” (Reminiscences of the Theater World). Wanxiang 4.3 (Sept. 1944): 35–36. Zhou Shixun 周世勛. “Ping Gu’er jiuzu ji zhong zhi yaojue 評《孤兒救祖記》中之 要角” (On the Leading Roles in An Orphan Rescues His Grandfather). SB 21 Dec. 1923: 17. Zhou Shoujuan 周瘦鵑. “Yingxi hua 影戲話 (1)” (Talking about Shadowplays). SB 20 Jun. 1919: 15. ———. “Libai liu yiyu 《禮拜六》憶語” (Recollection of Saturday). Libai liu zhoukan 502 (6 May 1933). Zhou Zuoren 周作人. “Zhongguo xiaoshuo li de nannü wenti 中國小說裡的男女問 題” (The Issue of Men and Women in Chinese Fiction). Meizhou pinglun (2 Feb. 1919). Zhu Ming 朱明. “Mingxing fuxing youwang 明星復興有望” (Mingxing’s Revival is Highly Likely). DS 7.30 (16 Sept. 1938): 584. Zhuang Bingchen 莊炳辰. “Kaifeng yingye yipie 開封影業一瞥” (A Glimpse of the Film Market in Kaifeng). MY 1.5 (1 Sept. 1933): 23–24.

Index 1911 Revolution 202 See also Wuchang Uprising 1932 Battle (with the Japanese) 107, 278 See also Japanese invasions Academy Award 162 acting school 32, 35, 38–39, 92–93 See also Mingxing Shadowplay School adaptations: film or screen 18, 52, 88, 95, 100, 155, 202, 231 of literary works 100 of popular novels 100, 163 stage 170 Adorno, Theodor 4 affective community 199 See also communities of sentiment Ah Q zhengzhuan (The True Story of Ah Q) 135 Aiqing yu huangjin (Love and Gold) 95n, 194, 250 Ai Xia 118, 258 Albert, Ned 161 Allen, Robert 16 amateur drama 122 See also spoken drama American Commercial and Exchange Bank (Chinese name: Huizhong yin gongsi) 53, 59 American film industry 61, 85 See also Hollywood amusement centers (youle chang) 8, 28 See also Great World, New World An Amorous History of the Silver Screen 10, 12, 15 Anderson, Benedict 9, 198 Anhui 74, 112, 269, 279 anti-rightist campaign 70n Aoyama Gakuin 1, 133 Apollo Theater 25 Appadurai, Arjun 142 Arnheim, Rudolf 135, 219 arranged marriage 173, 201, 206, 208, 229, 233 Arrival of a Train 145 Artists League (Yilian) 119

audience tastes 89, 119, 121–122 Aurora University (Zhendan daxue) 1, 28, 113, 133 autopsy 148–151, 153, 155 Avenue Joffre 38, 103 A Ying 72, 84, 103–105, 109, 112–113, 117–120, 126, 131, 232 baihua (the vernacular language) 84 Baiyun ta (White Cloud Pagoda) 100n Ba Jin 231 Baker, George Pierce 93 bank loan 17, 124, 126 banquet 86, 89, 91, 96, 124, 138 Bao Tianxiao 1, 2, 5, 8, 18, 28, 69, 70–72, 84, 86, 87–95, 97–101, 103, 113, 118, 124, 127–128, 138, 157, 158–159, 164–165, 170, 172, 193, 228–229, 232, 235, 242, 245, 248–251, 255, 259, 273 Barlow, Tani 233 Barnouw, Erik 143 Beidou (The Plough) 212 beihuan lihe (grief and joy, separation and union) 193, 214, 222 See also lihe beihuan Beijing 10–11, 38, 61, 114n, 143, 155, 177, 182n, 267, 273–274 Hong Shen 95, 124, 212 Liuhe branch office 43, 268 theaters 37, 212, 266 Tixiao yinyuan exterior filming 51, 60 Beijing Film Academy vii Beijing-Hankou Railway (Jinghan tielu) 275 Bell & Howell 38 Benjamin, Walter 153 Bentley 161, 163 Berger, Peter 262 Berlin 61, 162 Berry, Chris viii, 14, 19n Bing Xin 206, 208 Bi Yihong 240 block-buster 51 Blue Express, The (Goluboy ekspress) 171 Board of Directors 50, 54, 60, 95 Board of Shareholders 40, 54

368 bombing 52, 247 border-crossing ix, 1–3, 18, 61, 257, 279–280 Bordwell, David 3 Borges, Jorge Luis 1n Born, Georgina 2 bourgeois 110, 179, 251 cultural and artistic line 70 fiction 159 intellectuals 212 life or lifestyle 239, 259, 264 public sphere 9 box office 93–94, 111, 154, 169 achievement 52 earnings, incomes, profits, receipts, returns or revenues 34–35, 42, 54, 58, 101, 107, 117, 138, 222n, 274 hits 19, 142, 242, 269 magnet 100 miracles 269 performance 222 success 11, 53, 89 Brame, Charlotte Mary (Bertha M. Clay) 160–161, 163, 169, 171 Brodsky, Benjamin 69n, 141 Brooks, Peter 179–180, 194 Burke, Peter 281 burning films (huoshao pian) 42, 110–111 Butterfly: as a term 23n, 222, 229n as people (a Butterfly or Butterflies) 4, 7, 18–19, 69–72, 84, 86, 91, 96–97, 99, 101, 106, 130, 225, 228, 247–248, 280 camp 127 category 86 fiction, novels, stories, work 5, 71–72, 124, 201, 205, 211, 246 label 86, 91, 200 literature 6, 72 productions, films 70, 124, 256, 258, 280 school 2, 71–72, 86, 199 sentimentalism 199–200, 211 writers 71–72, 86, 99–100, 124–128, 200, 201n, 240 See also Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School Bu Wancang 44, 173 Cai Chusheng 108 cainü (refined women) 245 Cai Yuanpei 85, 238 Canchun (Late Spring) 255

index Cao Yu 231 Capa, Robert 266–267, 276, 280–281 carbon-arc lamps 39 career women 235, 258 See also professional women Carter Theater 25, 35n, 36–37, 38n, 42, 202, 274 CC Clique (CC xi) 126, 129 celebrated writers (mingjia) 99–100, 115, 120–122, 126 censorship 17, 29, 45–47, 105, 115, 129, 135, 138, 278 Central Film Studio 135 Chaibai Party (Chaibai dang) 249 Chang, Eileen (Zhang Ailing) 273 Chanhui (Confession) 252 Chaplin, Charlie 25–26, 35, 60, 145–146 chaptered novel (zhanghui xiaoshuo)  149 charity schools 178, 190, 196, 198 Charvet, Maurice 143 chastity 224, 231 widow chastity 198, 201, 203, 206–207, 211, 229 women’s chastity 196 Chenbao (Morning Post) 109, 116, 130, 132–133, 135 Chen Bo’er 261 Chen Cunren 182 Chen Dezheng 129 Chen Duxiu 78–79, 85 Chen Guofu 50, 60, 126n Chen Kaige vii Chen Lifu 46–47, 50, 126n, 242 Chen Wu 109–110, 126n Cheng Bugao 28, 118, 150, 215–216, 263 Cheng Shuren 13–14 Cheng Xiaoqing 100, 246 Chengdu 275–276 Chiang Kaishek 45–46, 48–49, 113, 116, 144, 244–245 child daughter-in-law (tongyang xi) 229, 231 China-Philippines Film Distribution Company 268, 278 Chinese Cinema Culture Association (Zhongguo dianying wenhua xiehui) 132 Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 5–6, 13, 56, 70, 103–104, 106, 109, 111, 113–114, 116, 121, 127, 132, 217, 221

index See also Communists Chinese Film Yearbook (1934) 148 Chinese-language cinema (huayu dianying) 14 Chinese League of Left-wing Dramatists (Zhongguo zuoyi xijujia lianmeng, the Drama League) 104 See also Drama League Chinese League of Left-wing Writers (Zhongguo zuoyi zuojia lianmeng, the Leftist League) 106 See also Leftist League Chongqing 43, 268, 276 Chow, Rey 14 Chuanjia nü (Boatman’s Daughter) 120, 251, 253 Chuncan (Spring Silkworms) 244 Chunsheng ribao (Spring Voice Daily) 29, 85 Cinema and Urban Culture in Shanghai, 1922–1943 12 cinema of attractions 144, 147 cinema of narrative integration 144, 147 city and countryside 20, 228, 248, 264 city/country antithesis 253, 255–256 city versus countryside motif 257 civilized play (wenming xi) 9, 72, 77 See also New Play civil service examinations 87 class 20, 134, 228, 231, 238, 241–243, 263, 280 conflicts 104, 242 difference or distinction 221, 241–242, 247, 281 educated class 29, 94 feudal 217 landlord, gentry and official 214 leisure 118 lower-middle 28, 85, 94, 163, 205, 211 middle 161, 163, 199, 239, 249 struggle 104, 212, 217, 242, 247 working 104, 238–240 close-up 146, 150, 166, 170–172, 191, 215 Cloud Society (Yunshe) 98 Cochran, Sherman 280 colonialism 72 comedies 10, 25–26, 35, 145–146, 175, 267, 277 See also slapstick comic subplots (chuancha) 206–207 commercialism 81, 194

369 Commercial Press (Shangwu yinshu guan) 26, 94, 173 Communication Bank 50, 56, 59 Communism 136 Communists 46, 48–49, 78, 84, 103, 112, 118, 261 anti-Communist camp 105 anti-Communist documentary or propaganda film 48–49, 116 anti-Communist organization 115 anti-Communist position 133 anti-Communist propaganda 105 See also Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Communist ideology 104, 111 communities of sentiment 193, 198–199 See also affective community compradors 71 Confucianism 224, 228 Confucian classics 87 Confucian doctrine 201, 208 Confucian ethics 249 Confucian moral standards or codes 206, 221 Confucian principles 211 Confucian propriety 206 Confucian role models 208 Confucian tradition 223 conscience (liangxin) 194–195 costume dramas or costume drama films (guzhuang pian) 41, 222–223, 278 See also martial arts films courtesans 91, 96, 154, 234 Creation Society (Chuangzao she) 1, 2, 118–119 cultural brokers ix, 18, 70, 198, 263, 280 cultural industries 2, 19, 101, 142, 162, 279 Cultural Revolution vii, 72 Culture Industry 4, 7 Curing Social Illness Theater School (Yaofeng juxue guan) 81 customs and mores 29 Da Zhonghua baihe 43n, 155 Dadaism 218 Dadong Publishing House (Dadong shuju) 1 Dai Wangshu 134 Dalian 37, 61, 267–268 Dame aux Camélias, La 8

370 Danao guai xichang (Disturbance at a Peculiar Theater) 35–36, 145–147 Danao Ningguofu (Havoc in the Ning Family) 123 dance halls 8, 249, 252, 254–255 dance hostesses 255–256, 260 Dangui First Stage (Dangui diyi tai) 8 Dao Xibei qu (Go Northwest) 50, 242 Davis, Mildred 183, 185 Dazhong Publishing House (Dazhong shuju) 201 DD’s Café 103, 108, 111, 114–115, 138 Debrie 38 detective serials (serial films) 25–27, 29 detective writer 100, 246 dialect films 46 Diansheng 53n, 55n, 109, 115, 124n, 127 Diantong 125 Dianying yuebao 43n, 130, 268 Dianying zazhi 122, 156 didacticism 4, 81, 194–195 didactic function 117 didactic tools 4, 195 didactic values 47, 195 Ding Boxiong 31, 33 Ding Ling 200, 212–214, 261 distribution viii, 16, 74 companies 42–43, 61, 112, 130, 267–268, 278 Hollywood 15, 17, 42 networks 17, 20, 44, 265, 267, 269, 277, 279–280 See also Liuhe documentaries 46–49, 107, 141, 143–144, 146, 175–176, 219, 278 Doll’s House, A 92 Dong Tianmin 81 Dong Tianya 32n, 81, 98 Dongfang zazhi (Eastern Miscellany) 94 Donghe Theater 25 Dora Thorne 160 double exposure 168–169 Drama Cooperative Society (Xiju xieshe) 92, 96, 122–123, 125, 156 Drama League 104–106, 109–111, 113, 118–119, 123, 125–126, 131–132, 217 See also Chinese League of Left-wing Dramatists Du Fu 165

index Du Mu 205 Du Yuesheng 52, 60, 95, 125 Du Yunzhi 5n, 105–106 Duhui de zaochen (Dawn over the Metropolis) 108 Dumas père, Alexandre 160 duoqing (romantic or affectionate) 193 Duoqing de nülling (A Romantic Actress) 90, 124, 235, 272n Duyichu Restaurant 86 East Lynne 19, 157, 160n, 161–163, 166, 169–170, 172–173, 175, 198, 280 Eastman, Lloyd 281 Educational Bureau of Shanghai 128 educational cinema 46, 50 emancipation 235 jiefang 83, 207 of women 7, 83–84, 201, 233–234, 247 Empire Theater 25, 35n, 36–37, 42, 202, 274 ‘enlightening the masses’ (kai minzhi) 4, 85 Erba jiaren (A Beauty of Sixteen) 232–233 Er dui yi (Two Versus One) 252 Ernemann 39 fait divers 151–152, 154 family drama (jiating xi) 80, 158, 228 Fan Yanqiao 97–98, 128 Fang Jiaobo 40, 60, 75 Fanhua zazhi (Plentiful Magazine) 83 father of Chinese cinema (Zheng Zhengqiu) 69 Fei Mu 108 Fendou de hunyin (A Struggle in Marriage) 225–226, 245 Feng da shaoye (Young Master Feng) 93, 250 Feng Xizui 177 Feng Xuefeng 212 Feng Yidai 127 Fenglin qiao (Maple Grove Bridge) 55 Fengnian (A Year of Good Harvest) 263 Fengtian (Liaoning) 268, 272 feudalism 72, 104, 110, 217 anti-feudal cinema 131 feudal art 117 feudal classes 217 feudal ethics (fengjian daode) 71–72 feudal family 190

index feudal forces 116 feudal ideologies 111 feudal minds 76 filial piety 198, 207 Film als Kunst (Film as Art) 135, 219 Film Art Research Association of China (Zhongguo dianying yishu yanjiu hui) 130n film industry viii, ix, 1–2, 5–6, 11, 13, 24, 28–30, 39–42, 45–47, 55, 58, 61, 72–73, 85, 94, 97, 103–106, 108, 110, 114, 116–117, 130, 192, 223, 272, 277 film medium 7, 14, 19, 141–142, 144, 146, 151, 154, 157–158, 163, 168–169, 176, 190, 219 floods 116, 212–217 forced marriage 229 foreign concessions or settlements 55, 75, 107, 155, 274 Fox Film Corporation 162 Fox, William 85 Frankfurt School 4, 7 freedom of choice in love and marriage 224 freedom of love 232, 250 freedom of marriage 232–233 free love 214 See also ‘love or marriage according to one’s own will’ French Concession: in Shanghai 38, 57, 103n in Hankou 268n See also foreign concessions or settlements Fu Sinian 228 Fu’an Theater 107n Fudan University 91 Fudao (Doctrine for Women) 233, 255 Fujian 268, 279 Funü shibao (Women’s Times) 87 Furen zhi nü (Daughter of a Wealthy Family) 90, 249 Fusōdō 160, 163 garden of forking paths 1–2, 15, 101, 136 gentry-scholars 29, 76, 87, 127 Genü Hong mudan (Sing-song Girl Red Peony) 50, 60 Gish, Lillian 183, 186–188, 191 GMD government 17, 47

371 See also Nanjing government and Nationalist government Gomery, Douglas 16 Gong Jianong 216 Gonghe Theater 25, 28, 36–37, 107n ‘good wife, wise mother’ (xianqi liangmu) 198 Great World (Da shijie) 8, 28 See also amusement centers Green Gang 52, 60, 95, 136 Gregory, Carl Louis 60, 145 Griffith, D. W. 11, 14, 25, 176, 181–182, 186, 189–190, 192–193, 195, 216 Gu Changwei vii Gu Jianchen 11–12, 14, 92, 125, 177 Gu Kenfu 84, 193 Gu Wuwei 52 Guaming de fuqi (A Couple in Name) 229 Guan Ji’an 27, 84, 126 Guangling chao (Tides of Yangzhou) 99 Guangzhou 40, 59, 259 Gu’er jiuzu ji (An Orphan Rescues his Grandfather, Orphan) 11–12, 14, 19, 35–38, 87, 144, 148, 175–178, 181–186, 189–202, 206, 214, 216, 225, 228, 272, 274–275, 277 Guizhou 279 Guizhou Road 30–32, 59 Guo Moruo 1 Guohun de fuhuo (The Resurrection of National Spirit) 107, 246, 260 Guta qi’an (A Strange Case in an Old Pagoda) 57 Habermas, Jürgen 9 Haishi (Sea Oath) 27 Haitang hong (Red Begonia) 123n, 235, 237 Hankou 10–11, 37–38, 43, 61, 177, 216, 266–268, 275–276 Hansen, Miriam 15 Hao gege (Good Brother) 241, 272 Hao nan’er (A Good Guy) 245, 259 happy ending 176, 204–205, 221, 250, 271 Harbin 266n, 267–268, 271–273 Hardoon, Silas Aaron 83 He Xinleng 274 He Xiujun (Zhang Shichuan’s wife) 33n, 95, 176, 189, 222

372 Heart: An Italian Schoolboy’s Journal (Cuore) 1, 87 See also Xin’er jiuxue ji Helen Theater 25, 28 Hertzberg, S. G. 25 Higashi, Sumiko 3 Hockx, Michel 101 Hollywood 11–12, 14–15, 44, 85, 175, 185, 192, 217, 280 film culture 9, 181, 192, 222 films, movies or cinema 51, 163, 166, 180–182 film stars 27, 218 industrial mode 17, 42 melodramas 180 star system 190 studio system 4 studios 16n, 85, 181n See also American film industry Hong Kong 11, 13, 38, 61, 86, 108, 143, 266 Hong Shen 18, 39, 44, 51, 60, 66, 70, 86, 91–97, 103, 113–115, 119–122, 124–125, 126n, 127, 129–131, 158, 194, 212, 229, 231, 234, 248, 250–251, 255 Hong zazhi (Scarlet Magazine) 149 Hongfen kulou (Beauties and Vampires) 27 Hongkew Theater 25, 35n, 36–37, 202, 274 Honglei ying (Shadow of Red Tears) 232 Honglou meng (Dream of the Red Chamber) 123, 181, 203, 205 Honolulu 268 Horkheimer, Max 4 Horose, S. (Chinese name: Hua Luochen) 173 horror film 58 Hsia, C. T. 202, 205, 212, 263 Hu Die (Butterfly Wu) 51, 58n, 114, 118, 169, 221–222, 245, 271, 279 Hu Ping 122 Hu Shi 88, 156, 197, 235 Huaji dawang youhu ji (The King of Comedy Visits Shanghai) 35–36, 145, 273 Hualun furen de zhiye (Mrs. Warren’s Profession) 197–198 Huang Chujiu 280 Huang Huiru 154–155 Huang Jiamo 134 Huang Jinrong 52, 125 Huang Junfu 203, 208–209, 275

index Huang Lu zhi ai (Love between Huang and Lu) 155 Huang Tianshi 135–136 Huang Xing 97 Huangpu (Whampoa) Military Academy 260 Huashan yanshi (Romance on Mount Hua) 50, 60, 260 Huawei 43–44, 61 See also distribution Hubian chunmeng (Spring Dream by the Lake) 121 Hugo, Victor 160 Huoshao Hongliansi (The Burning of the Red Lotus Temple) 41, 58, 116–117, 222 Ibsen, Henrik 91, 93, 197 iconoclasm 196, 235 ills of society 20, 228, 238, 243 Imagined Communities 9, 198 imperialism 104, 110–111, 246–247 anti-imperialist cinema 131 anti-imperialist film society 106 imperialist economic encroachment 104 imperialist ideas 72 imperialist invaders 247 imperialists 111, 263 individualism 212, 224, 235 Indonesia 277 inheritance 178, 197, 228 intellectual discourses 7, 10, 20, 77, 175, 228, 233, 238, 261, 263 International Film Festival in Moscow 162 International Settlement 11, 39, 57, 143 See also foreign concessions or settlements intertitles (zimu) 19, 97, 100, 156, 183, 185, 192, 195–196, 225, 231–232, 235, 247, 251, 278 Isis Theater: in Shanghai 25, 28 in Hankou 38n, 275 isms (zhuyi) 134, 138, 192, 194–198, 206, 208, 225, 228–229, 238, 241, 244, 248, 262, 280 Ito, Ken 159 Japanese invasions 52, 106, 114, 244–245, 260, 262 See also 1932 Battle (with the Japanese)

index Jarvie, Ian 16, 19, 85 Jia (Family) 231 Jia Baoyu 211 Jiang Guangci 261 Jianghu qixia zhuan (Chronicles of the Strange Roving Knights) 41 Jiangnan Arsenal (Jiangnan zhizao ju) 74, 76 Jiangnan Military Academy (Jiangnan lushi xuetang) 74–75 Jiangsu Education Association (Jiangsu sheng jiaoyu hui) 29, 155, 195–196 Jianmei zhilu (A Road to Fitness and Beauty) 121 Jiaotong Publishing House 83 Jiaren (The Beauty) 165 Jiefang huabao (Emancipation Pictorial) 83, 92, 112, 197–198 Jiehou taohua (Peach Blossoms After the Misfortune) 60 Jin Guantao 239, 262 Ji’nan 37, 38n, 61, 267, 274 Jing Runsan 24, 83 Jing Yingsan 24 Jingbao (Crystal) 71n, 76, 98 Jinkee (Renji) Road 42 Jiuji she (the Eternal Memory Society) 78 Joan Haste 1 Joffre, Joseph 34, 143 Kaifeng 279 Kaiming Theaters (in Beijing and Tianjin) 37 Ke Ling (Gao Jilin) 72, 119, 126n, 131 Kelian de guinü (A Pitiful Girl) 89–90, 233, 248–249 Kongbu zhiye (A Horrible Night) 58 Konggu lan (Orchid in an Empty Valley) 19, 60–61, 88–89, 93, 95–97, 100, 124, 137, 142, 157–166, 169, 171–176, 198, 212, 242, 266, 272n, 276, 280–281 Kracauer, Siegfried 153, 157 Kuala Lumpur 278 Kuangliu (Wild Torrent) 116–117, 126–127, 131, 211–213, 215–218, 221–222, 232, 242, 279 Kyoto Imperial University 113 Kyushu Engineering School 113

373 Lady Windermere’s Fan 92 See also Shao nainai de shanzi Lao Jingxiu 40, 60, 75 Laogong shensheng (The Sanctity of the Working Classes) 238 Laogong zhi aiqing (Laborer’s Love) 19n, 35–36, 147, 238–239, 273 last-minute rescue 186, 216 late Qing 6, 29, 75–76, 152, 159, 179, 262 Laughter Stage (Xiao wutai) 96, 149 Lauro, Enrico 34, 60 Lee Haiyan 199 Lee, Leo Ou-fan viii, 6, 9, 12, 263 Leftist League 106, 109, 111, 113, 117–119, 121, 125, 126n, 131–132, 137, 200, 212, 217, 261 See also Chinese League of Left-wing Writers Left-wing: as a label 199–200, 222 camp 18, 127, 129 cinema or films 7, 18, 104–105, 120, 211, 222, 233, 244, 251, 254, 256–257, 259–260 circles 112–113, 261 critics 120 cultural activities 119 cultural organizations 103 cultural workers 103, 105 filmmaking 72, 104–105, 241 literature 109, 133, 212 network 118 writers or intellectuals 18, 91, 110, 114, 131, 255, 263 Left-wing Cinema Movement (Zuoyi dianying yundong, 1931–1935) 6, 104–105 Left Wing Decade (zuoyi shinian) 109, 257 Left-wing General League (wenzong)  109–110 Left-wingers 4–5, 7, 17–19, 69, 86, 91, 96, 103–106, 112, 115–117, 120–121, 124, 126, 129–135, 225, 228, 247–248, 263, 280 Leiyu (The Thunderstorm) 231 Leyda, Jay 53n, 103, 213 Li Hanqiu 71, 99, 120 Liang Qichao 4, 74, 78–80, 83, 85 Liangxin fuhuo (A Resurrection of Conscience) 242 Lianhua Film Company 108, 120, 173 Libai liu (Saturday) 8, 71n

374 lihe beihuan (grief and joy, separation and union) 88–89 See also beihuan lihe limited liability company 17, 40, 54, 60 Li Pingqian 32, 118, 120, 263 Lin Daiyu 203 Lin Kanghou 50 Lin Niantong 13 Lin Qinnan (Lin Shu) 8 Link, Perry viii, 71, 159, 180, 201n, 205 Liu Jianmei 261 Liu Na’ou 1–2, 5, 10, 68, 105, 126, 133–138, 200, 218–219, 221, 232, 235 Liu Xiaolei 272 Liuhe (United Film Exchange) 43–44, 61, 112, 130, 267–269, 272, 275 See also distribution Lloyd, Harold 26, 129–130, 146, 183, 185 local tyrants and evil gentry (tuhao lieshen or tulie) 110n, 116, 217, 242 Loew, Marcus 85 Love and Duty (Lian’ai yu yiwu) 173, 175 love and revolution 20, 228, 248, 257, 264 ‘love or marriage according to one’s own will’ (ziyou lian’ai) 7, 207, 232, 249–251 See also freedom of choice in love and marriage Love Parade, The (1929) 110, 111n love triangle 214, 217, 239, 251, 254–255, 259–260 Lu Diping 111, 131, 243 Lu Jie (Jie Fu) 5, 43n Lu Jingruo 81 Lu Ronggen 154 Lu Si 109, 126n Lu Xun 71, 101n, 106, 113, 135, 144 Luckmann, Thomas 262 Luliu qianghua (Willows alongside the Road and Flowers on the Wall) 132n, 255 Lumière 141, 143, 145–146 Luo Mingyou 108 Lyric Theater (Jincheng da xiyuan) 58, 222 mafia 52, 125 Ma Ning 19n Ma Zhenhua 154–155 Mai Junbo 40 Malaysia 277 Malu tianshi (Street Angel) 19n, 57 Manchukuo era (1932–1945) 272

index Manchuria 52, 106, 267, 271–272, 279 Mandarin Duck and Butterfly School (Yuanyang hudie pai) 2, 71, 86 See also Butterfly Mang gunü (Blind Orphan Girl) 240 Mao Dun 92, 116–117, 212, 257n Mao era vii, 70, 133 Market Street: A Chinese Woman in Harbin 271 ‘marriage between the same social classes’ (mendang hudui) 231, 242 martial arts films (wuxia pian) 41, 58, 108, 114, 117, 122, 222–223, 278 See also costume dramas or costume drama films martial spirit (shangwu jingshen) 244 Marxism 119, 134, 177 Marxist-flavored (mahua fengwei) 134 Marxist theories 134 Marxists 119, 135 masochism 122 mass media 3, 142, 150, 154, 157, 162 masses 4–5, 78, 85, 108, 110, 115, 200, 212, 214, 216–217, 225, 242–243, 264 Masses Theater Society (Minzhong xiju she) 123 matchmaking 204, 208, 211, 229 May Fourth: agendas 211, 233 discourse 207 era (Wusi shidai) 83–84, 177, 192, 194, 196–197, 206, 228, 238, 257 ethos 83, 198 iconoclasm 196, 235 ideas 177, 198, 211, 257 intellectuals and writers 7, 71, 91, 100, 196–197, 207, 211, 228, 247, 261 literature 6, 212, 231 paradigm 6 spirit 72, 233 student movement in 1919 ix, 6, 75, 83, 112, 211, 224 tradition of Chinese cinema 177, 199, 211 mediascapes 141–142, 144, 150–151, 153, 162, 175 Mei Lanfang 96, 123, 182, 193, 231 Meihua luo (Fallen Plum Blossoms) 88–89, 96, 100, 124 melodrama ix, 11, 93, 152, 159–161, 163, 176–177, 179–183, 185–186, 189–200, 207, 212–224, 229, 245, 247–248, 264–265, 271

index melodrama plus isms 182, 192, 204, 211, 263 mode, pattern, and style 7, 19, 176, 179, 181, 195, 197, 225, 235, 280 representation 176, 183, 193, 198, 217 sentimentalism 175 qualities and conventions 182–183, 192, 214 mercury vapor lamps 39 MGM (Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios) 85 Milan 61, 162 Minbao (People’s Post) 109 Minguo ribao (Republican Daily) 83, 94, 128–131, 149 Mingxing banyuekan (Mingxing Semimonthly) 17n, 137, 227, 279 Mingxing Shadowplay School (Mingxing yingxi xuexiao) 32 See also acting school Mingxing tekan (Mingxing Special Issue) 17n, 99 Mingxing yuebao (Mingxing Monthly) 17n, 125 Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce (Nongshang bu) 39, 45 Ministry of Education 87, 155 Ministry of Finance 50 Ministry of Industry (Shiye bu) 17n Ministry of Industry and Commerce (Gongshang bu) 45 Ministry of Interior 155 Ministry of Propaganda 117n Ministry of Railways 49 Minli bao (People’s Rise) 78 Minli huabao (People’s Rise Pictorial) 82 Minquan bao (People’s Right) 201–202 Minquan Publishing House 98, 201 Minxu bao (People’s Sighs) 74 modernism 2, 15, 133, 218, 222 modernity ix, 4, 7–8, 10–12, 15, 20, 154, 218, 280 Mongolia 204, 208 Mount Hua (Huashan) 49, 60 Mount Tai (Taishan) 49, 60 ‘Movie Daily’ (Meiri dianying) 129–132, 135 Mu Shiying 110, 133–135, 264 Muqin de mimi (Mother’s Secret) 58 Mutual Stock and Produce Exchange Company (Datong riye wuquan jiaoyi suo) 2, 31

375 Nanchang 48–49 Nanfu nanqi (The Difficult Couple) 69, 277 Nanjing 11, 32, 37–38, 48–50, 59, 61, 75, 111, 135, 267 Nanjing decade (1927–1937) 281 Nanjing government 45–47, 60, 84, 107, 117, 126n See also GMD government and Nationalist government Nanjing Road 126, 132 Nanking Theater 51 Nanyang (Southeast Asia) 11, 14, 17, 20, 35, 38, 41, 43, 61, 89, 267, 277–278 Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Co. Ltd 40, 178 Nanyang Public School (Nanyang gongxue) 97 National Defense Cinema Movement (Guofang dianying yundong, 1936–1937) 104–105 National Educational Cinematographic Society of China (Zhongguo jiaoyu dianying xiehui) 47, 117n nationalism 9, 20, 199, 206, 223, 228, 244 Nationalist government 17n, 46, 105, 117, 131–132, 221, 223, 254 See also Nanjing government and GMD government Nationalist Party (Guomindang, GMD) 5, 13, 46, 50, 58, 95, 105, 111, 113, 115, 118, 121, 126–128, 130–131, 135, 242–243 New China New Play Society (Xin Zhonghua xinju she) 149 New Culture Movement ix, 224 new culture workers (xin wenyi gongzuo zhe) 114 new knowledge 3, 29, 75–76, 85, 196, 200, 265 new learning 74, 78, 119, 224 New Monthly Magazine 161–162 New People Press (Xinmin tushuguan) 83, 85, 112 New People Society (Xinmin she) 80–81, 84, 88, 158 New Play (xinju) 76–79, 96, 123, 153, 158, 163, 191–192 circle 197 performances 96, 192 practitioners 197 ‘Real Event New Play’ (shishi xinju) 150

376 troupes 79–80, 123, 194, 275–276 See also civilized play New Play Comrade Society (Xinju tongzhi hui) 81, 98, 123 New Sensationalist School (Xin ganjue pai) 1, 3, 110, 134, 200, 218, 220–221, 261, 263–264 See also Shinkankakuha New Stage (Xin wutai) 8, 91, 149, 198 new-style education 201, 204, 207, 211 new thought 80, 83, 118, 207, 224 New World (Xin shijie) 8, 83, 145–146 See also amusement centers newsreels 26, 34, 36, 45n, 47–48, 107, 142, 144, 147, 175, 216, 245n, 263, 272, 278 Ningbo 24, 28, 43, 48, 55, 73 No no hana (Flowers in a Wild Field) 158–161, 164–165, 169, 172, 174 Northeast China 52, 267 Northern Expedition (Beifa) 45, 245, 262 Nü’er jing (A Bible for Daughters) 19n Nüxing de nahan (Cries of Women) 119, 233, 258 Ohio State University 231 Olympic Theater 25–26, 35–36, 37n, 92, 147, 202, 274 O’Neill, Eugene 91, 93 Ouyang Yuqian 74n, 80–81, 91–92, 98, 105, 119, 121–125, 135–138, 222n, 229, 232, 235, 254 Palace Theater (Zhongyang daxiyuan) 39, 89, 93, 107n, 108, 245n Palace Theater Company (Zhongyang yingxi gongsi) 42, 44, 99 Pan An 238 Pan Gongzhan 46, 50, 60, 84, 95, 105, 126–128, 130, 132–133 Pang Laikwan 6, 253 Paramount 85, 110, 171 Paris Garden Open-air Theater (Bali huayuan lutian dianying chang) 107 Pathé Records 50, 60, 276 patriarchy 190, 195, 221 patriotic films (aiguo pian) 245 patriotic and military films 246, 260 patriotism 204, 206, 208, 211, 244–245, 260

index Peking opera 8, 26, 28, 77–79, 123–124, 141, 153, 182, 191–193, 231, 235 Penang 278 People’s Voice Society (Minming she) 81, 123 Perils of Pauline 27 petty urbanites (xiao shimin) 28, 117, 180 Philippines 267, 277 Pickowicz, Paul G. x, 7, 19n, 177, 199, 256–257, 263 Pierrot 264 playboys 191, 235, 249–252, 255–256, 258 plot sheet (shuoming shu) 97, 226 popular culture 10, 137, 148, 151, 224, 257 popular education 5, 77, 79, 196 Popular Education Research Association (Tongsu jiaoyu yanjiu hui) 155 popular fiction or novels 8, 10, 41, 71, 100 power relations 18, 69–70, 109, 111 print culture 2, 9, 228 print press ix, 8–9, 109, 156 professional women 234–235 See also career women promotional journals 17, 19n, 39, 97, 223, 227, 279 propaganda 46–47, 49, 105, 111, 116, 126, 128, 217 prostitutes 234, 253, 256 public sphere 9, 199 publicists 70, 97–98, 106, 119, 127–128, 131, 158, 168, 181, 194 publicity division or unit 33n, 54, 98, 127, 148 Pudovkin, Vsevolod 131 pure love (zhiqing) 206, 211 Qiancheng (The Prospect) 235 Qingchun xian (Youth Line) 239–240, 255 Qingdao 60, 254, 266n, 267–268, 275 Qing dynasty (1644–1911) 73, 201 Qing government 75, 97, 275 Qingming shijie (Around Qingming Festival) 57, 123n, 222n, 229, 232 Qu Qiubai 106, 114 Ramos, Antonio 11, 25, 35, 38n, 42, 60, 202 realism 6, 93, 150, 189–190, 215–216 Reid, Gilbert 76

index Ren Jinping 30–31, 33, 74–76, 78, 86, 95–96, 112, 158 Rendao (Humanity) 108 returned students (liuxue sheng) 38, 71, 93 revolution 20, 76, 79, 212, 228, 244–245, 257–262, 264 and romance or love 212, 214, 248, 257, 260–261 revolutionary films (geming pian) 245 Rexue zhonghun (Hot Blood and Loyal Spirit) 247 rightists (youpai) ix, 213 Right-wing 199–200, 222, 229n, 256 camp 127 productions or work 70, 280 Right-wingers 4–5, 7, 18–19, 69, 103–104, 106, 121, 126, 128, 133, 225, 228, 247–248, 280 Ross, Steven J. 4 Route Doumer 44 Ruan Lingyu 173, 191 Ruikō, Kuroiwa 158, 160, 164, 169, 170 Runjahn, A. 25 Saito, Satoru 160n Sange modeng nüxing (Three Modern Women) 120–121 Schwartz, Vanessa 151 Script Committee 105, 121, 123, 126, 135–136 script consultants (bianju guwen) 104, 114 sensation fiction 161 sensationalism 142, 173, 179, 222, 280 sentimental education 224–225, 248, 265 sentimentalism 142, 154n, 159, 173, 175, 199–200, 205, 211 serial fiction or novels 88, 95, 148, 158, 163 Shaanxi 279 shadowplay (yingxi) 5, 29, 69 Shandong 274–275, 279 Shanghai Art Drama Society (Shanghai yishu jushe) 113, 119–120 Shanghai ershisi xiaoshi (24 Hours in Shanghai) 241 Shanghai Express 171 Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce 60, 156 Shanghai Library 87n, 159, 167 Shanghai Modern 9, 12

377 Shanghai Municipal Council 38n, 115 Shanghai Municipal Police 37n, 84, 155n, 156 Shanghai Shadowplay Company (Shanghai yingxi gongsi) 26–27 Shanghai Student Union 75, 112 Shanghai yi furen (A Shanghai Woman) 272 Shanghai zhi zhan (The Battle of Shanghai) 107, 263, 278 Shanxi 25, 268, 279 Shao nainai de shanzi (Fan of the Young Mistress) 92–94 See also Lady Windermere’s Fan Shao Zuiweng 119 Shaw, George Bernard 197 Shen Congwen 231 Shen Gao 39, 60, 93, 125 Shen Xiling 116, 118–120, 126n, 131–132, 135, 137, 222n, 233, 241, 247, 251, 258 Shenbao 5, 8, 25, 29–30, 32, 35, 40, 71n, 80n, 98, 108–109, 116, 144n, 148–149, 151–154, 177, 180, 196n, 227 Shengsi tongxin (Unchanged Heart in Life and Death) 57, 123n, 260–261 Shenjiang Theater 11, 36, 39, 193 Shensheng zhi ai (Sacred Love) 124 Shenyang 114n, 272 Shi Jianqiao 155 Shi Liangcai 40 Shi Linghe 132 Shi Zhecun 134 Shibao (Eastern Times) 87, 109, 124, 159, 162, 165, 217–218 Shidai de ernü (Children of Our Time)  232–233, 239, 257, 259 Shih Shu-mei 136, 219 Shilian (Love Failure) 243 Shinkankakuha (New Sensationalists) 218 See also New Sensationalist School shinpa drama 152, 160, 163 Shizi jietou (Crossroads) 19n, 57, 120, 222n, 247 Shu Yan 126–127, 131 Shui (Flood) 200, 212–213, 215 Si qianjin (Four Daughters) 58 Sichuan 275, 279 Simmel, Georg 153 Singapore 277–278 sing-song girls 219, 235, 240, 254, 256, 259 Sino-Japanese War: 1894–1895 75, 137, 159 1937–1945 57, 105, 135

378 Situ Huimin 119, 126n Siyue li de qiangwei chuchu kai (Roses in April) 250, 272 slapstick 26, 35, 145, 147, 175–176, 205 See also comedies social butterflies 254, 256 social films (shehui pian) 41, 248, 251, 255, 278 social problem drama (shehui wenti ju) 197, 206 Society for Enlightening the People (Qimin she) 81 sociology of knowledge 262 soft/hard cinema debate 134 Song Chiping 81, 97–98, 103 Song Jiaoren 97 Song Meiling (Soong May-Ling) 48 sound films 50, 51n, 60, 158, 162, 166–172 Southern Drama Society (Nanguo she)  121–123, 129 Southern Society (Nanshe) 97–98 speculators 71–73, 76, 85, 101 spiritual pollution 256 spoken drama (huaju) 77, 121–123, 125, 153, 156, 197 See also amateur drama Spring Willow Society (Chunliu she) 123 Star Society (Xingshe) 128 star system 190–191, 197, 216 Strand Theater (Xinguang) 50, 53–54, 158, 269 Studio II (Mingxing erchang) 55–57, 105, 123, 125 Suffert, T. H. 69, 141 Sun Yatsen 113 Sun Yu 72, 108, 182 Suzhou 11, 38, 60–61, 87, 127–128, 159, 202, 250–251, 267–268 symbolic capital 29, 117, 121–122, 126 Ta de tongku (Her Sorrows) 249–250 tabloid journalists 119, 121, 125, 127, 132 tabloids 19, 71n, 76, 82–83, 98, 109, 151, 160, 162 Taiwan 11, 13, 38, 61, 105, 133, 279 Taiyuan 279 ‘talent-meets-beauty’ (caizi jiaren) 71, 200, 222

index talented scholar (caizi) 211 Tang Bihua 156 Tang Hao 32 Tang Huaiqiu 122 Taohua hu (Peach Blossom Lake) 100, 229 teahouses 8, 10, 25, 77, 274 Teo, Stephen 179 Thailand 277–278 Thompson, John B. 279 Three Musketeers, The 110, 111n Tian Han 91–92, 103n, 113, 115–116, 119–122, 126n, 127, 137 Tian Zhuangzhuang vii Tianjin 10–11, 37–38, 43, 61, 124, 127, 143, 231, 266–268, 273–274 Tianming (Daybreak) 108 Tianyi (Unique Film Productions) 33, 41, 43, 51, 58, 108, 119, 158 Tieban honglei lu (Iron Plate and Red Tears) 60, 242–243, 257 Tiexue qingnian (Youth of Iron) 107, 245, 260 tiger generals (hujiang) 73, 75, 83 Tixiao yinyuan (Fate in Tears and Laughter) 51–53, 60, 95, 99–100, 114, 116–117 Tocqueville, Alexis de 15 Tongchou (The Common Enemy) 247, 259 Tonglu 60 tragic love film (aiqing pian) 158, 163, 278 tragic love novel (aiqing xiaoshuo) 158 treaty port cities 25, 87, 143, 254, 256, 267, 269, 273–275 trick cinematography 168 Tsinghua University 91 Tuhua jubao (Theater Pictorial) 82 unemployment 240–241, 244, 255 urban culture 11–12 US government 34 US-trained theater expert 93, 122 verisimilitude 150 vernacular literature 180 vernacular modernism 15 vertical integration 17, 42, 44, 61, 108 Vertov, Dziga 219 victim-hero (heroine) 185, 188, 191, 215, 221

379

index Victoria Theater 25, 42 Victorian novel 19, 157, 160, 165, 169, 175 Vietnam 267, 277 villain figures and images 197, 249, 251 villainy 179, 191 virtuous woman (xianfu) 208 visuality 2, 266, 280 Wagner, Rudolf 18 Wang, David Der-wei 261 Wang Dungen 80n Wang Hanlun 186, 188–191, 203 Wang Jingwei 135 Wang Nancun 159 Wang Pingling 105 Wang Weitai 76 Wang Xianzhai 191, 203, 216 Wang Xuchang 38, 93 Wang Ying 119 Wangping Street 82 Wantong (Naughty Child) 36, 145, 147 war documentary 107 warlordism 45, 111, 224 warlords 45, 154, 171, 223, 235, 242, 244–245, 273 Watering the Gardener (L’Arroseur Arrosée) 145 Way Down East (Chinese title: Laihun) 11, 19, 176, 181–186, 189–193, 198, 214, 216, 221, 274 Wedded Husband, The 231 Wei nüshi de zhiye (The Profession of Ms. Wei) 95n, 234 Welcome Danger 129, 130n Wenyi xinwen (Literary and Art News) 105 West Lake (Xi hu) 251 western knowledge 6, 137 White, Pearl (Chinese name: Bao Lian)  26–27 Wilde, Oscar 92 Williams, Linda 183, 185, 189, 192, 195 Woman’s Error, A 160–161, 163–165, 169, 172 Wood, Ellen (better known as Mrs. Henry Wood) 161, 163 working classes 104, 238–240 World Publishing House (Shijie shuju) 149 Wu Cun 58n, 218 Wu Jianren 8 Wuchang Uprising 204, 208

See also 1911 Revolution Wuhu 43, 112, 268 Wuxi 43 Wuxing 268 Xi zazhi (Theater Magazine) 149 Xia Yan 18, 67, 69–70, 103–121, 125–127, 130–133, 135, 137–138, 200, 213, 232, 235 Xiafeng qiyuan (A Strange Tale of the KnightErrant Phoenix) 99 Xi’an 49 Xiandai (Les Contemporains) 134 Xiandai dianying (Modern Screen) 134 Xiandai yi nüxing (A Modern Woman) 258 Xiang Kairan (Pingjiang buxiao sheng) 41, 100 Xiangcao meiren (Tobacco Beauty) 241 Xiangchou (Nostalgia for My Hometown) 247 Xiao Hong 271 Xiao Lingzi (Little Lingzi) 123n, 222n, 254 Xiao pengyou (Little Friends) 94, 228 Xiao qingren (Little Lovers) 231 Xiao tianshi (Little Angel) 87 Xiao tuanyuan (Little Reunion) 273 Xiao wutai bao (Laughter Stage Daily) 98 Xiao Zhiwei 70 Xiaoshuo daguan (Fiction Miscellany) 87 Xiaoshuo huabao (Fiction Pictorial) 87 Xiaoshuo shibao (Fiction Times) 87, 231 Xiaoxiao 231 Xin qingnian (New Youth) 197, 224, 233, 239, 247 Xin xiaoshuo (New Fiction) 78 Xinchao (Renaissance) 228 Xin’er jiuxue ji (Bao Tianxiao’s translation of Heart: An Italian Schoolboy’s Journal) 87 Xingqi (Sunday) 1, 87 Xinmin congbao (New People’s Gazette) 74 Xinmin jubao (New People Theater Paper) 84 Xinren de jiating (The Family of a New Couple) 272, 274 Xinsheng (Sing Sing Bi-monthly) 149 Xinsheng zazhi (New Voice Magazine) 29 Xinwenbao 23, 30, 32, 44, 51, 89–90, 98, 149, 225, 227, 269 Xu Banmei 79–80, 84, 100 Xu Chihen 229

380 Xu Guoliang 144 Xu Hu 38, 60 Xu Lai 253 Xu Zhenya 71, 100, 200, 202, 205–207, 211 Xu Zhimo 103n Xuelei bei (Tablet of Blood and Tears) 234 Xuelei huanghua (Yellow Flowers in Blood and Tears) 275 Yan Duhe 97–99, 126n Yan Ruisheng 26, 154–156 Yan’an 70 Yanchao (Salt Tide) 242, 251 Yang Hansheng 243, 261 Yang Naimei 203, 208, 210 Yangon 278 Yangtze: basin or valley 213, 276 floods 116, 212–213 lower Yangtze Delta 267–268 river 48, 275 Yantai 267, 275 Yao Sufeng 98n, 105, 121, 126–133, 135, 176, 180, 233, 235, 239, 248, 255 Yaoshan yanshi (A Romance on Mount Yao) 134 Yapo (Oppression) 241, 244 Yashell 69, 141 Yaxiya (China Film Company) 69n, 141 Ye Chucang 84 Ye Lingfeng 133 Yeben (Escape at Night) 58, 243, 247 Yeh Yueh-yu 14 Yehui (City of Night) 222n, 235–236, 255 Yige xiao gongren (A Child Worker) 232, 239 Yihua Company 105, 120–121, 125 Yilü ma (A Strand of Hemp) 231 Ying Yunwei 119–120, 123–125 Yingmi zhoubao (Movie Fans Weekly) 117, 132n, 213 Yingxi shenghuo (Movie Weekly) 106, 127, 275 Yingxi zazhi (Motion Picture Review) 29, 31 yishi-centered film criticism (yishi jiantao zhongxin zhuyi de piping) 110, 120, 131 yishi/ideology 110–111, 118, 131, 194, 216–217, 221, 225, 248, 262–263 YMCA 11n, 34, 37, 132

index Yongyuan de weixiao (Forever Smiling) 105, 135, 200, 218–219, 221–222, 232, 235, 276 Yorozu Chōhō 160, 162 Youzheng shuju 159, 163 Yu Dafu 1, 103n Yu Youren 74, 79, 97 Yuan Lüdeng 40, 60, 75 Yuan Muzhi 261 Yucai Public School (Yucai gongxue) 73, 75 Yūho, Kikuchi 160 Yuli hun (Jade Pear Spirit): film 60, 191, 200–202, 206–207, 221, 229, 245, 258, 262, 267, 271, 277 novel 200–202, 205–206 Yuren yongbie (A Farewell to the Beauty) 225, 227, 259 Yuxin Publishing House 159 Zao sheng guizi (May You Soon Give Birth to a Distinguished Son) 93, 229 Zeng Huantang 25 Zhabei Theater 36–37, 107n Zhandi xiao tongbao (A Child on the Battlefield) 245 Zhang Changren 132 Zhang Henshui 51–52, 71, 99–101, 126n Zhang Juchuan 31n Zhang Shichuan 10, 12, 16, 23–54, 55–60, 62, 69, 71, 73–74, 76, 79, 81–83, 86, 89, 91, 95–97, 99, 111, 114–116, 118–121, 123–127, 137–138, 141–146, 148, 153, 156, 158, 166, 170, 176–178, 181, 189–191, 193, 197, 202, 205, 221–222, 243, 264, 271, 275, 277–278 Zhang Weitao 31n, 34–35 Zhang Xinsheng 19, 35–37, 142, 145, 147–149, 153, 155–157, 171, 175, 177–178, 190, 196, 202, 228, 267, 274–275 Zhang Yimou vii Zhang Yingjin viii, 3, 12, 256 Zhang Zhen viii, 10, 12, 15, 147 Zhang Zhidong 73, 75 Zhang Zhiyun 168 Zhao Dan 259 Zhao Yanwang (Yama Zhao) 91 zhaogu (the sale of initial membership interests) 23, 40, 99 Zheng Boqi 1–2, 5, 103–105, 109, 110n, 112–113, 116–117, 119–121, 126, 131, 137, 232

index Zheng Junli 30, 197, 206–207 Zheng Xiaoqiu 177–178 Zheng Zhegu 30–33, 35, 74–75, 78, 81, 83, 85, 98, 197, 203 Zheng Zhengqiu 18, 30–33, 35, 44, 53, 56, 63, 69, 71–89, 92–93, 96n, 97, 100–101, 115, 117, 123–124, 141, 153–154, 157–158, 178, 181, 193–195, 197, 202–207, 211, 228–229, 231–232, 239–241, 244, 259, 263, 275, 277–278 Zhenguang Theater 212 Zhifen shichang (The Cosmetic Store) 235 Zhong Dafeng 9 Zhongguo dianying fazhan shi (Fazhan shi, A History of the Development of Chinese Cinema) 5–7, 13, 17, 69–71, 103–106, 117, 121, 128, 132, 213, 218 Zhongshen dashi (The Greatest Event in Life) 156

381 Zhou Jianyun 10, 12, 14, 27–28, 31–33, 37, 40, 53n, 56, 58n, 64, 74, 76–78, 80, 82–85, 87, 95–96, 103, 108, 111–112, 114–115, 118, 120–121, 123–126, 138, 153, 158, 177, 196–198, 221–222, 268, 277 Zhou Shoujuan 5, 8, 28–29, 71, 84, 126n, 130 zhuanbian zuofeng (transformed style) 116, 211 Zhu Dake 97–98 Zhu Shuangyun 80n, 191 Ziliujin 275 Zimei hua (Twin Sisters) 53–54, 168, 242, 269, 271 Zou Taofen 182 Zuihou zhi liangxin (Last Conscience)  229–230, 241 Zukor, Adolph 85