Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta during the Early Empire: A contribution to the economic study of the city 9781407305066, 9781407334912

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BAR S1973 2009 MORAIS Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

B A R

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta during the Early Empire A contribution to the economic study of the city

Rui Morais

BAR International Series 1973 2009

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta during the Early Empire A contribution to the economic study of the city

Rui Morais

BAR International Series 1973 2009

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1973 Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta during the Early Empire © R Morais and the Publisher 2009 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9781407305066 paperback ISBN 9781407334912 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407305066 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2009. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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Table of Contents List of Figures....................................................................................................................................................................iii List of Tables......................................................................................................................................................................iv Foreword.............................................................................................................................................................................v In limine............................................................................................................................................................................vii Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................ix Chapter 1: A brief analysis of the Economic Geography..............................................................................................1 1.1 The Physical Idiosyncrasies of the Minho Region 1.1.1 The Geomorphology 1.1.2 The lines of force and the changes occurred in the pre-Roman and Roman periods 1.1.3 The mining in the context of the region’s economic geography 1.1.4 The coast: characteristics and configurations 1.2 The physical idiosyncrasies of the city 1.2.1 The physical characteristics 1.2.2 The economic possibilities 1.3 The written sources: their value and limitations Chapter 2: The Origin and Evolution of the City........................................................................................................ 11 2.1 From the Roman conquest to the foundation of the city 2.1.1 The Roman conquest 2.1.2 From D. Iunius Brutus to C. Iulius Caesar 2.1.3 The Augustan period 2.1.4 The foundation of the city 2.2 From Oppidum to Dives Bracara 2.2.1 The legal context 2.2.2 The standardisation and consolidation of the city Chapter 3: The Trade and the Means of Transportation............................................................................................ 23 3.1 The trade: an agent of development and stability 3.2 The means of transportation 3.2.1 The costs of transportation and their restrictions 3.2.2 The jobs associated with the transportation and the storage of commodities 3.2.3 The vessels used in the sea trade 3.2.4 The river boats 3.3 The city’s network of transports in the Northwest Peninsular context 3.3.1 The sea routes 3.3.2 The river routes 3.3.3 The overland routes and the importance of the per loca maritima or via XX of the Antonine Itinerary 3.4 The contribution of the Epigraphy – the inscriptions 3.4.1 C. Caetronius Miccio: the political evolution of a citizen 3.4.2 C. Caetronius Miccio: the positions held and their meaning 3.4.3 The negotiatores: issues about their origin and social status 3.4.4 The negotiatores: the meaning of their presence Chapter 4: Conclusions.................................................................................................................................................. 49 4.1 Comparative analysis of the rhythms and patterns of consumption of the city 4.2 Considerations about the meaning of the material culture Appendix: The Bracarense ceramics.............................................................................................................................63 List of Figures and Tables in the Catalogue.................................................................................................................69 Catalogue.........................................................................................................................................................................70 Bibliography.................................................................................................................................................................. 269 Index of Names..............................................................................................................................................................319 Index of Places............................................................................................................................................................... 320 General Index................................................................................................................................................................ 323

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List of Figures Figure 1. Bracara Augusta in the context of the region of Entre Douro and Minho (in Lemos 1990: 90) Figure 2. Satellite photo of Porto Metropolitan area and Minho region (LANDSAT 5 TM 1994, at 800 km of altitude). Figure 3. Interpretative reading of the Roman and Medieval wall grids and signalling of the coincident axes with the urban grid (Photogram nº5012, FAP, 1946 Esc. 1:33.000). Figure 4. Integrated inscription in the façade of Largo D. João Peculiar (Braga’s cathedral). Figure 5. Front foot of an equestrian statue. Esc. 1:2. Figure 6. Map of the Suevic reign (c. 585). Figure 7. Plan of the city attributed to Georgius Braun (1594). Figure 8. Plan of the city by André Soares (1756). Figure 9. The open sea navigation and the custom control in the North Atlantic (in Naveiro López 1991: 134). Figure 10. Hypothetical grid of the sea routes with the corresponding support areas (in Naveiro López 1991: 263). Figure 11. T. Maldonado’s illustration, included in Agostinho Rebelo da Costa’s topographic and historic description of the city of Porto. Figure 12. River routes. Most important rivers, navigable rivers and hypothetical penetration areas (in Naveiro López 1991: 268). Figure 13. (A). Map of the road and river network; (B) Detail of the location of Bracara Augusta in the context of the course of the Cávado and Ave Rivers. Figure 14. Enlargement of the photogram nº 5002, 1946, Esc. 1:33.000, in which we can see the settlement of Barca do Lago as well as the lines of the walls of the hillfort that bears the same name. Figure 15. Map of the course of the Cávado River with the location of the settlements of Areias de Vilar, Areal de Caíde and Afurada. Esc. 1:100.000. Figure 16. Simplified map of the Roman road network in the Iberian Peninsula in which we can see the main roads that made the connection to Bracara Augusta. Figure 17. Necropolises and roads of Bracara Augusta. Figure 18. Condition of the inscription at the time G. Alföldy read it. Reconstitution of the inscription suggested by G. Alföldy. Figure 19. Total and percentage by production of the early empire ware. Figure 20. Quantity and percentage relation of all totals by types of sigillata and of all imported ware production. Figure 21. A and B. Graphic of amphorae findings. Figure 22. Hispania. Costs of transportation from the Baetica (in Carreras Monfort 1996: 210). Figure 23. Percentage of the different terra sigillata productions in different Roman cities. Figure 24. Location of Bracara Augusta in the context of the road and sea route networks. Figure 25. Amphorae of Regional Forms I and II found in Bracara Augusta. Figure 26. Amphorae of Regional Form II found in Bracara Augusta. Figure 27. Amphorae of Regional Form II found in Bracara Augusta. Figure 28. Amphorae of Regional Form II found in Bracara Augusta. Amphora found in the sea of Matosinhos (Matosinhos, Porto), currently in the Santa Tecla hillfort. Figure 29. Origin by areas and centres of production of the Early Empire products imported by the Roman city of Bracara Augusta.

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List of Tables Table 1.

Total and percentage by production of the Early Empire wares.

Table 2.

Quantity and percentage relation of the totals by types of sigillata and of all the imported ware productions.

Table 3.

Average annual calculation of the productions.

Table 4.

Amphorae found in Braga in the Early Empire period.

Table 5.

Amphorae from Astorga (in Carreras Monfort and Piero Berni 2003: 638).

Table 6.

Percentage of the different terra sigillata productions in different Roman cities.

Table 7.

Comparison between the different documented series of oil-lamps in Braga and Astorga.

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Foreword Attempting to understand the whole Roman world is an overambitious pretension, since few sources have been preserved until today. Besides, those sources, either literary or archaeological, cover only a small part of a complex society, which lasted more than twelve centuries. One of the parts with less registered information is the economy, despite its relevance for the understanding of activities, policies and relationship in the Roman society. That is why, scholars since the 19th century, such as Weber, Rostovzeff or Frank, were personally interested in interpreting the scarce data available. Nevertheless, it was not until the 1960s that the work of Moses Finley set up a new agenda in the studies of Roman economy. Since then, most works in Roman economy have tried to reinforce and reject some of the proposals put forward by Moses Finley. He defended the existence of a consumer city and local economies instead of a global market, with no sign of large scale trade. However, the painstaking task of archaeologists from all over the Roman world has revealed the real existence of such a large scale trade, which covered all the provinces. Remains of such large scale trade are a myriad of archaeological testimonies such as amphorae, fine and coarse wares. Once agreed about the existence of large scale trade in Roman times, the next step was defining its nature, scale, mechanisms and forces that drive this economic activity. All these new topics of research in Roman trade involved generating a complete picture of transport networks, demography, productions, regions and administration. In the last decades, every researcher from each region has constructed its own corpus of data with the aim of relating the local trade conditions to the global Roman commercial network. In this context, Rui Morais’ work is an excellent example of how a regional study may shed light on the overall nature of the Roman trade. The Minho region enjoys now, as it did in the Roman times, a privileged position in the Atlantic commercial routes. Its influence in Roman times may have even ranged to distance inland places accessible thanks to a network of river and land transport routes. Besides, the special conditions for archaeological work in its Roman capital, Bracara Augusta, have provided an inexhaustible source of information for the whole region. Rui Morais has masterfully collected all this information, providing us with a new insight in the importance of the Minho region in the large scale trade. There are many relevant issues in this work that deserve a special attention; however, if one was compelled to select three, the following ones would be chosen. The first remarkable contribution of this work is the new value that it gives to the Atlantic route as a key commercial highway between all the Northern provinces of the Roman Empire. These provinces can no longer be studied individually or isolated, but as a consistent territory with similar features. In the last years, the Atlantic façade of the Iberian Peninsula has provided new documentation on the commercial flow between the inland sea (Mediterranean) and the external sea (Atlantic) that was not recognized before. Besides, the large amount of Mediterranean material in the Minho region demonstrates that it was a regular and important commerce. Therefore, the ways of contact between Northern and Southern provinces in the Roman world cannot be reduced only to the Continental waterways, but opened to an outstanding role of the Atlantic sea-routes. Secondly, the study of archaeological material of a particular time-span (Augustus-Tiberius) in the Minho region reveals an interesting evolution of typologies, suppliers and distributions that relate them to other assemblages in the military sites of the Upper and Lower Germania. The Asturian and Cantabrian military campaigns of Augustus and the later settlement in the Tiberius period may explain such a variety and volume of goods recorded in this period. Therefore, the thriving trade of this region may be linked to the military supply of this short period between the end of the Ist century BC and the beginning of the Ist AD. As it happens in the province of Germania, evidences of trade in the Minho region for such a period provide a fascinating viewpoint to understand the public implication in long-distance exchange. The first contribution of Rui Morais’ work may benefit scholars involved in the study of the Northwestern Iberian Peninsula. Most imports recorded in great numbers in Bracara Augusta were also registered in lower numbers in places accessible by land transport from here. It must be remember that Bracara Augusta was an important hub of land communication, a cross-road of the main roads (XVI, XVII, XVIII, XIX and XX) only comparable with Emerita Augusta and Caesaraugusta in the Peninsula. The new documentation available now from Bracara may explain some of the imports recorded in places such as Asturica Augusta or Legio, which were interpreted in a different way in the past. v

Of course, there are still many unsolved questions that this book will not be able to answer, but at least it brings about new views about this distant territory, more important for the Roman economy than it was first thought. As a conclusion, the book by Rui Morais offers you the pleasure of making you think something really remarkable in the present times. Cèsar Carreras Monfort

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In limine

Although we are aware that all the divisions into periods we commonly do to study the past are the result of a previous and conditioned choice to better understand it, we have in this monograph decided to restrict the scope of study to a specific moment of the Roman civilization, namely the Early Empire period.

Speaking about the “Augustan moment”, for example, means to embrace about half a century, a period that is larger than the “Flavian dynasty” itself: it is not only about establishing the beginning of a new era or a new lifestyle, but primarily a moment of compromises where archaic and innovative elements persist side by side, which are later developed by the Julius –Claudius dynasty.

This period coincides largely with the foundation of the Roman city of Bracara Augusta, until ca. the mid 3rd century, which is the moment when the Illyrian Emperors launched their restoring work that put an end to the profound crisis in which the Roman World found itself during the so called Military Anarchy (AD 235–268). In this dissertation we have, however, exceeded this chronological scope, going up to the late 3rd century, when the northwest finally gained political autonomy through the division of Tarraconensis by Diocletian, who created the province of Gallaecia between 284 and 288–9. It will be in this new juridicaladministrative conjuncture that Bracara Augusta will take over the role of province capital by bringing together the three northwest iuridici Convents and part of that of Clunia (Martins e Delgado, 1989–90a: 30).

Despite these difficulties, the majority of studies about this period are unanimous in agreeing that Augustus promoted a policy of balance, trying to negotiate opposite interests, such as the ones of the army and of the citizens, of the senators and of the equestrians, attempting at the same time to satisfy the provincials. As we duly strive to emphasize, the final conquest of the North of the Peninsula in this period meant the continuity of his predecessor’s Atlantic vision, encouraging in the future the maritime communications in the north-south axis of the Empire and, in the medium run, a permanent contact with the Baetica province. In the Julius-Claudius dynasty one has to point out Tiberius’ attempt to diminish or abolish the senate’s power in the Peninsula through the destitution of some governors (Balil, 1968: 320). In spite of the shortage of information regarding the direct intervention of this Emperor in the Peninsula, we know that he did not fully overlook the Atlantic territories judging by the development of the mining and the imported goods so far documented. Equally curious is the reference to a deputation of persons from Olisipo, that had been sent for the purpose, brought word to the Emperor Tiberius that a triton had been both seen and heard in a certain cavern, blowing a conch-shell and that a nereid was seen upon the same shores, and as it died, its plaintive murmurs were heard over by the inhabitants at a distance. (Pliny, N.H. 9, 4; Guerra, 1995: 39; 122).

In spite of the homogeneity that characterised this period, we can’t avoid valuing certain specific aspects, especially those related to the Atlantic vocation of the city, which benefited from a relative nearness of the sea and from river routes. Furthermore, we shouldn’t forget the moments previous to the foundation of the city that enabled the creation of the necessary conditions for the penetration of the official, administrative and cultural structures of Roman aspect. As far as this issue is concerned, we would like to point out the role of the first expeditions set in the sphere of the Lusitanian wars and of the first expeditions to Galiza, when the “Atlantic vocation” of Julius Caesar, together with his alliance with the Gaditan, made it possible to reach the city of Brigantium and to subdue the native populations of the northwest.

Nevertheless, the most significant economic changes developed in the Peninsula, and that consequently had a large repercussion in its northwest, were due to Caligula and Claudius.

Actually, as we will see throughout this study, this analysis according to a chronological sequence is not easy to outline due to the lack of written, epigraphic and archaeological documents that do not let us define with more clearness moments that are unmistakably differentiated.

Despite Caligula’s brief reign, we know of his Atlantic orientation, of an unmistakably Caesarean character. This orientation is clearly evident in the attention that Caligula always devoted to the Roman tradesmen’s private interests and in the fact that he was responsible for the building of a lighthouse in Gesoriacum to help the commercial navigation.

For example, to speak of the Augustus Era as a whole is a rather troublesome task. In fact, it is a period in which very different societies and generations lived together. vii

Nat. Hist. III, 30). As a consequence of these measures we witness a quick process of urbanisation and of collective and individual juridical promotion.

The great moment of stimulus to the trade in the Atlantic is, however, due to Claudius. We can inclusively say with fairness that Claudius was right when he referred to himself as the ruler of the Ocean. During his reign, Claudius was still responsible for the final conquest, initiated by Caligula, and the subsequent administrative organization of the Mauritanian kingdom, as well as for the building of the Ostia harbour, the opening of the Senate to new elements and the prohibition of abuses and arbitrariness committed by the provincial governors. Regarding this last topic the proconsul L. Arruntius’ dismissal became famous (Tacitus An. VI 27 Hist. II, 65), having been substituted by his legate C. Caetronius Miccio, who began enjoying a privileged status as one of Bracara Augusta’s epigraphs witnesses. From that moment on C. Caetronius Miccio was in charge of the city’s civil jurisdiction, substituting the proconsul in all his former activities (Alföldy, 1996: 372; Tovar, 1975b: 124; Blázquez, 1975; Tranoy, 1981: 163).

In the Peninsular northwest the Flavian Emperors’ policy is of particular interest and worth mentioning. Besides the already referred to dynamism in the gold mining exploitations, their action is documented in the opening of the new Roman road of Geira and in the sending of senior officers of the highest rank, such as Pliny, the first known procurator for the region, and the senator C. Calpetanus Rantius (Almeida, 1983: 192). However, it is under the Antonines, especially during Trajan’s and Hadrian’s reigns, that we witness a period of economic takeoff of the cities, visible in the existence of new urbanisation projects, which are in part the result of the concession of privileges to several already established nuclei, and in the creation of new cities (Sánchez Léon, 1998: 115). This is also a period that characterises itself by great activity in the rebuilding and improvement of the road network throughout the Peninsula (Balil, 1968: 322).

All these measures favoured the coastal populations, converging with the Caesarean tradition of creating basis for provincial citizenship regardless of the individuals’ origin, extending it inclusively to some inhabitants of Britannia (Millán León, 1998: 254). The conquest of Britannia in the year 43 represents, in turn, another moment of consolidation of the Atlantic route of circulation, making it gain entity in the Roman Empire (Morais, 1998: 81).

Despite this moment of economic takeoff of the cities, the Atlantic vision, started by Julius Caesar, looses force. In fact, after the Flavian era, this impulse seems to wear out, which leads to the progressive decrease of the armies in Britannia and to the definite turning to the East. As a result there is a drop in the maritime trade from the mid 2nd century onwards which is quite clear in the archaeological evidences.

The transition to the Flavian dynasty was done in a period of crisis, having been started by Nero’s government and Galba’s ascension.

This entire panorama caused a profound change in the Atlantic populations’ lifestyle, who were forced to create new habits, and consequent adjustments to the land routes between the coast and the inland.

During Nero’s reign we witness the Austurian rebellion and, on an economic level, the end of the procurators and the change of the Quinquagesima Hispaniarum into Quadragesima, together with the loss of Mauritanian cities (Balil, 1968: 320–321). This presents a similar problem to that of Tiberius since we do not have much information regarding the Atlantic. Nonetheless, the continuity of the mining exploitation of the northwest and the existence of imported pottery from that period lead us to believe in the continuity of the former Emperors’ Atlantic impulse. This position is confirmed, among other chronological indicators, through the “marbling” of Olisipo’s theatre.

As in other regions, we witness, on the one hand, a decline in the maritime traffic in the northwest, when compared to the pre-Roman period, and on the other hand, the development of the overland routes network and of the local and regional productions in a context of self-sufficiency. The last dynasty of the Early Empire period, the Severus’ dynasty, sustained by African and Syrian, represents a change by establishing a monarchy of military basis, which is the result of the provincial armies’ rebellion.

An equal impulse can be attributed to the period corresponding to the Flavian’s enthronisation given the extent of the mining exploitation in the northwest – judging by Pliny’s reference – and the growth of Brigantium’s harbour.

In this context, the State’s interference in the finances of the cities and the development of the State’s trade through the multiplication of state curators is strengthened (Balil, 1968: 323–324).

We should equally point out the importance of the concession done to ius Latii by Vespasian in the year 74, during the Flavian period, that resulted in a greater political stabilisation and in an administrative improvement of the cities with a special foreign statute that changed into municipalities. Another worth mentioning result is the concession of Roman citizenship to all those who acted as provincial magistrates, i.e. to a sector of the urban population that enjoyed certain economic conditions (Pliny,

In this dynasty, under Caracalla’s reign, the Roman citizenship is extended to the free inhabitants of the empire in the year 212. Historians have largely discussed the range of this decision, known as Caracalla’s constitutio Antoniniana. As far as the Peninsula is concerned, however, we do not really know the consequences of this decision. Among other aspects, we can wonder if this decision, just like what viii

of the villae expansion. This moment coincides with the imperors’ concern, through their legacies, over the state of the road network and the attempt to restore the importation of Hispanic goods (Balil, 1968: 324).

happened in Egypt, did not represent more than a mere honorific attribution without immediate consequences in the personal juridical promotion of some sections of society. This question is raised, on the one hand, due to the high number of already existing cives (Sánchez León, 1998:117) and, on the other hand, due to the exclusion of semi-freed farmers and free peasants still epigraphically documented in the late 2nd century Hispania (Balil, 1968: 323–324).

The Northwest gained political autonomy in the late 3rd century through the division of Tarraconensis by Diocletian who created the province of Gallaecia. According to Javier Arce (1968: 49), although the reasons for this division haven’t been totally clarified yet, it is possible that such division is due more to economic, fiscal and military reasons - taking into account a larger control of the roads through which the tax (annona) was transported – than to ethnic or geographical considerations.

In the context of the peninsular economy we know of the extinction of the mining exploitation and its activation in other provinces, such as in Britannia, and of a certain decadence of urban life when compared to the beginnings

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x

Introduction

The subject here presented as part of my PhD thesis – Selfsufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta in the Early Empire Period: contribution to the economic study of the city – comes in the sequence of a former study I carried out entitled The Amphorae of the Carvalheiras area. Contribution to the study of Bracara Augusta’s Roman amphorae, presented as a Master thesis in 1998, under the supervision of Professor Jorge de Alarcão.

In a third point of this chapter we present the written sources taking into account their value and limitations. Despite the shortage of sources in the chronologicalgeographic span of the peninsular northwest, we are of the opinion that these can not be ignored, even if one is not a Greek or Latin scholar. Chapter two, entitled “The origin and evolution of the city”, then presents, in an equally concise way, the antecedents of the city’s foundation and contextualizes it in the scene of its foundation and late development.

The subject we now propose to develop is, perhaps, too ambitious in its boundaries and chronology, but it certainly has some lacunae in many aspects. It is thus necessary to try to explain these lacunae.

In the first part of this chapter we will take into consideration the mechanisms related to the military conquest and to the political and commercial contacts which were the consequence of the peninsular northwest conquest. The analysis of these mechanisms is important if we consider that there is a generalized consensus among the Roman World scholars in accepting that the military intervention might have restricted, or even extinct, the trade networks formerly established (Jones, 1997: 192).

First of all, we would like to point out that we have decided to study only the trade of the Roman city of Bracara Augusta, naturally inserted in the peninsular northwest context. In this way we intend to gain in cohesion, although we are aware that we loose in horizons. Secondly, we felt compelled to do a detailed study not only of all the amphorae, but also of the several imported pottery productions found in Braga since they are essential to the study we intend to carry out.

In fact, the subjection of the northwest people had important consequences on a political and economic level: the former are bound together to the necessary consolidation of the princeps’ personal powers, whose military victories acted as fundamental propaganda; the economic restrictions are, above all, related to the benefits that the warlike actions generated, as a consequence of the spoils. These spoils included not only the prisoners that would be sold as slaves, but also the economic possibilities that the conquest and the exploitation of new territories would allow.

In short, the main goal of this monograph is the study of Bracara Augusta’s trade that is based on three central pillars: - the history of the city; - the trade and the means of transportation; - the study of the goods which arrived here through the amphorae and other imported pottery materials

We also focus our attention on the subject of the city’s foundation, bearing in mind the process of the local elites’ assimilation, before and after its foundation, which is essential not only for the control of the local administration, but also for a not less important means of controlling a vast conquered territory. These aspects are really significant if we consider, as W. S. Hanson states (Hanson, 1997: 78), that the Roman Empire was a pro-active system in which the Emperors, or their agents, interfered in a regular and surprisingly constant way in the provinces administration.

Chapter one presents a brief analysis of the economic geography of the region, taking into account the physical idiosyncrasies of the Minho region and of the city. We have thus tried to sketch, in a brief and synthetic way, the characteristics of the geographic space of this region and its inequalities and disparities in order to better understand the economic conditions subsequent to the structures and to the dynamism of the territory that led to the foundation of the city. We are, therefore, aware that the space had a manifold influence over the economic running of the city, acting not only as a source of resources but also as an obstacle, considering the idiosyncrasies of this territory.

In this context, and just like what happened in other cities (id., ibidem), the Roman diligences in the extension of citizenship to magistrates and the promotion of the imperial cult in Bracara Augusta may be faced as an

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trade in the global parameters of the empire and its role as a redistribution centre in the peninsular northwest. We highlight here the role of trade as an agent of development and stability, referring briefly to the means of transportation used during the Roman age, and the specificity of that network in the northwest peninsular context. Still within this chapter we couldn’t avoid referring to the importance of the epigraphs related to the city’s trade and economy, pointing out the existence of negotiatores documented in the Claudian period.

articulated process with the urban development, based on the Roman model, and as an attempt to establish focus of loyalty towards the Emperor, particularly among the local elite’s natives that acted as priests. Since there are not any literary sources, with the exception of the epigraphic sources, we are strongly limited to the archaeological evidences to better understand that process. Although we are aware of this question, we will try to contextualise Bracara Augusta’s juridical evolution, resorting whenever necessary to the epigraphic data in order to better frame the different moments of the city’s economic growth. The own extension of the system of ciuitas, in which the city is set, fits in this perspective; such a system presumes a centralised power, where the regional elites have a prominent position, and simultaneously the expansion of a homogeneous culture of a strong Roman aspect. The need for that balance would have certainly resulted in a complex negotiation of external and internal projects, bringing face to face the imperial authority and the native populations, limited to their local and historical circumstances.

We have thus tried to contribute to the study of this Roman city in the first moments of its existence. These moments are vital for the city’s later splendour, about which, in a later age, Ausonius (Ordo, XI–XIV) said the following: “quaeque sinu pelagi jactat se Bracara Diues” (“by the sea beaches Bracara takes pride in its richness”). In chapter four we make a comparative analysis of the rhythms and patterns of consumption in the city. We also present the values and the rates of the imported pottery and estimate the approximate annual average amount and its meaning for the economic and commercial life of the city. Finally, we sketch some considerations regarding the meaning of the material culture that do not intend to be exhaustive nor final.

Chapter three, entitled “The trade and the means of transportation”, deals with the subject of Bracara Augusta’s

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CHAPTER 1 A BRIEF ANALYSIS OF THE ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY

1.1 The physical idiosyncrasies of the Minho region

III

1.1.1 The Geomorphology

This exposure, in the shape of “amphitheatre facing the sea” (Ribeiro, 1991b: 1243; 1995: 264; 1998: 145), characterised by its wide opening and perpendicular position in relation to the coast, allows the penetration of sea winds and causes a very high relative humidity (id., 1991: 1243–4; 1998: 101).

The Roman city of Bracara Augusta is situated in the territory called Entre Douro e Minho, or simply Minho (Fig. 1). Situated in the “geographic region” of the “North Atlantic”, according to Orlando Ribeiro’s nomenclature (1998: 144), this territory possesses a very marked geomorphologic specificity, as a result of the geological nature (I), the relief (II), the climatic conditions (III) and the vegetal covering (IV). This specificity exercised a decisive influence over the agricultural system and production and, indirectly, over the population density, the soil division and the road network, which would much benefit the exploitation of the mineral resources.

The climate uniformity is the result of this amphitheatre shape, completely open to the ocean and to the low atmospheric pressure general course which comes from the west (id., 1995: 268). According to Orlando Ribeiro’s notes (id. ibidem) “the average annual temperature is 15º, the amplitude 12,4º, the precipitation 1336 mm in 116 days: the rainiest months are from October to March, but none collects less than 20 mm of rain”. Still according to this geographer (id. ibidem), the high precipitation is due to the already mentioned mountains disposition in amphitheatre and their independence in relation to the nearest Gallician mountain ridges, and to the frequency and duration of the low atmospheric pressures, strongly influenced by the protection provided by the mountains.

I From the lithologic point of view, the Minho is situated in the complex Iberian Centre made of metamorphic formations of schist-grauwacke, of Plisch type, striated by important intrusions of eruptive, granite rocks (alkaline and post-tectonic), which are grooved by quartz alignments that possess a NW / SE and W/E orientation. In this region it is also possible to observe a great variety of other rocks, whether we refer to their genesis and way in which they appear or the aspect they have and their economic importance. Such is the case of the sedimentary rocks, especially the kaolin, which can be found along the shore and the main river lines.

As we can infer from these data, the proximity of the Atlantic Ocean acts as a moderating element of a more pronounced thermal amplitude, even though this factor is responsible for a high atmospheric humidity, which can be felt throughout the year. On the other hand, the long, dry and not very hot summery seasons present an average high temperature of 22º in the hottest month; in the other months the average temperature is always over 10º (Ferreira, 1942; Ribeiro, 1955: 52). A far as this last topic is concerned, we can say that the absence of a truly summery drought is due, above all, to the Minho region’s latitude and also to the distribution of the relief and its position in relation to the Atlantic.

II From the relief point of view, this region is defined by two areas with distinctive and contrasting characteristics: the first is delimited by well-marked relieves and smooth tops, corresponding to the ridge of mountains of Peneda, Soajo, Amarela and Gerês, separated by large and wide valleys, which are the result of the fault of Baetica orientation (ENE/ WSW); the second area is constituted by a coastal flat area, characterised by wide alluvial plains (Pimentel, 1997:49). In fact, a quick glimpse over the Peninsula’s Hypsometric chart is enough to show us that the plateau aspect that characterises the central and northern Spanish region, also characterises the north of Portugal; however, as these plateaux enter our territory, accompanying the river valleys, which simultaneously spread out, they give origin to large alluvium plains by the coast (Girão, 1960: 70).

The existence of a prevailing winds system, derived from the ocean’s west quadrant, followed by east and north winds, is also strongly influenced by the Atlantic. However, the southeast and the northeast winds are not so strongly felt. As far as the vegetal covering is concerned, the Minho region possesses a very complex history: in this covering we can find not only the so called “relic” plants and native plants, still existent in the 19th century (Ribeiro, 1967: 102– 104), but also imported plants that have later reached a spontaneous development or have even multiplied through 1

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 1. Bracara Augusta in the context of the region of Entre Douro and Minho (in Lemos 1990: 90)

more or less artificial cultures.

production without causing the soils exhaustion. The separation of the farming fields is frequently done through the high vineyard system or vines growing up a tree or even through the plantation of olive trees. Sometimes we can also find poplars and willows along the lines of water.

The so called “relic plants”, made up of gorses, heathers, broom, ferns and brambles, only survive in sheltered niches and can thus be considered as endemic relics. The plants of local origin are represented by deciduous leaf trees, especially by oak and chestnut woods. The dominant species is the spontaneous oak (Quercus robur) together with a wide range of other Atlantic species, such as the hazel-tree, the white birch, the plane tree, the poplar, the ash-tree, the elm and the yew. The rest of the now dominant vegetal covering is made up of pine tree woods that, until the 19th century, only occupied coastal areas.

It is this diversity of evolution and of environmental relations that gives complexity to the region’s vegetal covering, whose physiognomy associates complementary allotments, ruled by relief features and climatic, hydrographical and soil conditions, as well as by the intensity and diversity of human action. 1.1.2 The lines of force and the changes occurred in the pre-Roman and Roman periods

In the mountainous lower areas, covered with alluvium areas and slopes, the vegetal covering is specially represented by intensive mixed farming of cereals. In the plains the vegetable fields and the corn cultivation multiply, even though the more or less artificial rotation allows a constant

In all times the natural environment presents lines of force that we have to consider. The only thing that varies from one time to the other, is the level of techniques used which 2

A Brief Analysis of the Economic Geography

are directly related to the number of man’s successes and defeats when fighting against these lines of force.

at least since the age of the hillforts, and the Roman occupation responsibility in the communities’ descent to the low lands and in the creation of urban centres and agrarian unities (id.ibidem: 39–40), especially represented by the rustic villae that generally evolved in a later age to medieval parishes (id. ibidem: 77).

Coinciding with the late Final Bronze Age and going on through the 1st millennium BC, we enter the sub-Atlantic climatic period, characterised by a rise of the temperatures and humidity, and consequently by the arboreal vegetation. These climatic-forested conditions must have probably been responsible for the settlement of communities inland that founded their habitats in really high areas of the acropolis to the detriment of the lower areas of valley. These areas must have been covered by vegetation and, in many places, occupied by marshes and semi-swamps areas, which required big drainage efforts that the pre-Roman technology was unable to bear (Calo Lourido, 1997: 58; 78–79). On the other hand, the settlement of communities in high areas allowed the protection of people and domestic animals from the attacks of predators; it also enabled them a larger defence control in case of hypothetical or real raids (id. ibidem: 79).

Despite some reserves hinted by two research works (Alarcão, 1980: 3–11; Martins, 1995: 73–114) regarding the verisimilitude of the evolution outlined by Alberto Sampaio, there is still a systematic work missing that may continue this author’s project. Manuela Martins, in the above mentioned paper, analysed the occupation under Roman rule of a territory next to the city of Bracara Augusta, which corresponded to the area comprised between the Neiva and the Ave’s valley, valuing not only the archeographic data but also the hierarchy of the settlements and the characteristics of the agrarian landscape. In this study, the author considers that: · the Roman occupation obeyed to two types of settlement: a concentrated one, which includes fortified and open villages, and a dispersed one characterised by new types of habitat (uillae, farm houses, industrial unities and mansiones) (id. ibidem: 82–101);

The climatic data we possess for this region in the 1st millennium are, however, scarce and the existing ones only describe the North of Spain. The data provided by these studies, especially from the pollinic diagrams (Aira Rodriguez and Vázquez Varela, 1985: 245), tell us about a gradual deforestation in that period, which is contemporary with a development of the arboreal species that require much humidity (Fagus, Corylus Castanea, Betula, Alnus), and the extension of a bearing cereals agriculture. According to Manuela Martins, the best soils of the northwest situated in the low slopes and in the alluvium plains were not, however, relevant for the farming communities of this 1st millennium due to a series of obstacles. These obstacles were the result of several factors of pedologic nature and of the soil erosion caused by a growing deforestation, which was due to the systematic implantation of new settlements (vid. Martins, 1990: 197–98).

· this occupation had as a consequence the change from a hierarchic and centralised settlement organisation, at least in the late 1st century BC, to a political administrative organisation founded in the region by the first Roman Emperors, through the role of the road network and of the cities. These started controlling large political and economic territories in connection with the uillae and other secondary agglomerations (uici) (id. ibidem: 101–105); · the dimension of Bracara Augusta’s urban area was proportional to her vast economic territory, whose wealth would be drained to the city through the rural elites (id. ibidem).

According to this researcher (id.ibidem, 1998: 203), cattle breeding, hunting-gathering and hunting must be considered important activities in the sustenance of these proto-historic communities, not forgetting the important role they played in their economy, which was based on farming, silviculture and cattle raising. We can not also forget the activities connected to the sea and river fishing carried out in camps situated near the coast. Such camps exploited the sea intensely, through fishing with nets and hooks – from vessels and on dry land - , and collected crustaceans, echinoderms, bivalves and gastropods typical of muddy, sandy and rocky bottoms of the intertidal area (Vázquez Varela, 1980: 201).

Recently environmental data available for the 1st millennium, obtained by the Paleonology, the Antracology and the Paleocarpology, let us consider that the landscape that involved the settlements was prodigal in resources, revealing a clear decrease of the forest areas and an increase of glades for the cultivation of a well-watered agriculture as well as the systematic use of the plough (vid. Martins, 1996b). According to Manuela Martins (id. ibidem: 130), “the Roman rule of the region was only able to rationalise, under another logic, a more market oriented one, the exploitation of the valley’s agro-pastoral resources”. 1.1.3 The mining in the context of the region’s economic geography

As far as the previous topic is concerned, Alberto Sampaio (Sampaio, 1923) – the only historian who combined the safe handling of documents with the deep knowledge of rural life – tried to rebuild the essential features of the northwest economy that occurred since the Iron Age up to the Modern Age. From the very beginning, he stressed the importance of the high population density of this region,

From fragments of jewellery found in proto-historic sites (bangles diadems, pendants, necklaces, rings or earrings), we know that the northwest populations knew how to handle metals and, more precisely, gold (Domergue, 1970a: 3

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

263–264; Sánchez-Palencia, 1983: 31–34; Silva, 1986; id. 1990; Férnandez Carballo, 2001: 133–141; Domergue, 1990: 166; Perea Caveda e Sánchez-Palencia, 1995).

imperial and fiscal control, were exploited in an industrial scale through the exploitation and treatment of complex polymetallic sulphurets, with high contents of gold and silver (Wahl, 1998: 57).

As Floro’s points out (2, 33, 59–60), Emperor Augustus ordered specific measures for the mineral resources exploitation after the Peninsular northwest decisive pacification. The Roman power immediately provided all the technical and engineering means in order to enable the extraction, control and transport of that metal to Rome. The gold exploitation stopped being a handmade resource to transform itself into an “industrial business”, under the State’s vigilance and control (Perea Caveda e SánchezPalencia, 1995: 21).

From the preserved structures of the estate, such as the miner tools and the mechanic equipment elements, it was possible to identify significant details of historic and technical character used by the Romans. Among these we identified the strip-mining through fire setting, referred to by Pliny (Nat. Hist. 33, 71), the use of shafts and windlasses for the ore extraction, the transport in galleries through cars and the grinding of rough ore by four-pestle mills (Wahl, 1998: 57). According to temporary calculations done by the author (id. ibidem: 68), we estimate a volume of about 15 to 20 million tons of rock and ore extracted only from the large quarries of Três Minas, and the equivalent in gold of about 15 000 to 20 000 kg (electrum).The author (id. ibidem) also evaluates an exploitation carried out throughout 150 years, calculating an annual production of about 100 to 130 kg gold as well as a considerable production of silver (in a proportion of 1/10 in the context of rough ore).

Mining had from then on a predominant role in the region’s economic activity and, in a broader way, in the economic administration of the imperial fiscus. The peculiarity of the gold exploitation in the northwest relatively to other regions resides precisely in the way it was exploited and in its role inside the Roman monetary system (Orejas e Plácido, 2000: 29). We should not forget, however, that the leading role of the imperial fiscus was due to reasons of technical nature, taking into account the wide span of the infrastructures that would not be rentable for the small owners (Perea Caveda e Sánchez-Palencia, 1995: 63).

In the Jales’s mines, at about 6 km far from Três Minas in a straight line, trenches and shafts were found in an area comprising about 1.200 m length. There, just like in Três Minas, different materials from the Roman age, datable to the Early Empire period, were gathered (Almeida, 1970: 296). In fact, Jales corresponds to a large gold mining quarry in Portuguese territory. In the continuation of these mines, remains from the Roman period have also appeared in mines situated on the left bank of the Douro River, in Penedono.

This situation is corroborated by epigraphic texts, which indicate the presence of procuratores metallorum, as the Villalís’s and Luyego’s inscriptions show (Le Roux, 1982: 241–245, nº 241–245; 272), and the presence of armed forces in the same places and in Três Minas. These forces were there not for protection or maintenance of the order, but for technical reasons, such as the building of hydraulic or even administrative infrastructures (Domergue, 1986: 33–37).

In the district of Bragança there are traces of Roman mining in Ervedosa (Couto Mineiro de Vinhais in the parish of França), in Urrós (in Buraco dos Mouros, Torre de Moncorvo), in Lugar do Seixo (Ansiães), in Macedinho (Vila Flor) and probably in S. Salvador and Vila Verde (both in the municipality of Mirandela), where there are remains of exploitations represented by galleries, shafts and trenches (Almeida, 1970: 298).

The setting and development of gold mining in this region was still directly related to the necessity of coin minting in order to be able to pay the armies and to control the commercial expansion associated to a growing urban activity (Perea Caveda e Sánchez-Palencia, 1995: 20). From this point of view the foundation of urban centres, determined by Augustus after the end of the Cantabrian wars, proves the interest this Emperor dedicated to the region with the creation of three big cities in the northwest: Bracara, Lucus and Asturica.

More to the south, in the outskirts of the city of Chaves, clear remains of Roman mining exploitation for the extraction of gold are also known. There stands out the so called Poço das Freitas, situated among Nogueira, Sapelos and Bobadela, with an opening of 100x80 m (Almeida, 1970: 297).

Among the most important places of the Roman territorium metallorum are the Três Minas’, Gralheira’s and Campo de Jales’ (Mina dos Mouros) quarries. These quarries are situated in the southeast lengthening of Serra da Padrela, in the northwest of Trás-os-Montes, and are also included in the gold schist strip that goes on to the provinces of Orense, Lugo, Zamora, Léon and Oviedo.

In the region of Alto Minho there are also traces of mining of some importance, which are the result of Roman exploitation of gold quarries, as the discovery of varied objects related to the mining work seem to demonstrate: lighting material, tools, ropes, bits of clothing, buckets, pulleys and hydraulic wheels (Lima e Gomes, 1999). Among the several mining exploitations there documented, the most important are situated in the district of Viana

These groups are an important evidence of the primary quarries valuation in a peripheral area. During the first two centuries of our Era, these mines, which were under 4

A Brief Analysis of the Economic Geography

do Castelo, where one has found debris of undermined mountains in Serra da Arga, veins in Grovelos, shafts and galleries in Monte-More and opencast mines, shafts and galleries in Tinas (Almeida, 1970: 289).

a group of roads (Vias XVII, XVIII, XIX and XX “per loca maritima”), to which joined branch and minor roads, and the existence of navigable rivers and a coast provided a good way to flow large quantities of ore.

In the south border of the northwest Peninsular territory, in the outskirts of Porto, in Serra das Banjas, there is a large area with more than 60 km length (in the direction of Paredes, Valongo, Gondomar, and then crossing the Douro River to Castelo de Paiva), where a large amount of gold ore was extracted during the Roman period. In this wide area we would like to stress the gold-mines of the region of Valongo for their importance in the Roman period (Pinto, 1993). Here, in the so called Pirâmide de St.ª Justa, the traces of old Roman exploitations are obvious; they are represented by shafts, some square some round, and a gallery that begins 7 m above the level of the Ribeira de Valongo and that opens itself in an opencast mine, in the open, at 300 m of the entrance (Almeida, 1970: 290).

1.1.4 The coast: characteristics and configurations As we know the northwest coast, of Atlantic feature, is bathed by masses of water and air of oceanic characteristics. Regarding this subject, the northern coast possesses a tide system with strong, or even, high waves, from the west or the northwest. Here the waves, with a bidiurnal system and moderate amplitude (about 2.5 m in average and less than 4 m during the high tides), are transmitted from the south to the north along the coast (Daveau, 1998: 56). The Portuguese coast is thus covered by a current, from the north to the south, and, in the Algarve, from the west to the east, which is essentially influenced by the general circulation determined by the position of the Azores anticyclone. Both the temperature and the water salinity also increase as we travel south, although the variations are not very considerable (Moreira, 1987: 57).

During the Roman period, the veins began by being stripmined in the open, from the outcrop, through excavations that went on in depth following the morphologic characteristics of the terrain – the so-called “ore-shoots” (Dias de Carvalho, 1978: 13). Besides this more important centre, other remains may still be beneath a series of other hill ridges with about 300 m high: Santa Justa, Pias, Santa Iría and Banjas (id., ibidem).

The general sea currents favour the open sea navigation in the east-west direction along the Cantabrian coastal strip and in the south direction in the Atlantic (Naveiro, 1991a: 116). The navigation in the opposite direction – to the north in the Portuguese coast and to the east in the Cantabrian coast – is only possible during the months of spring (id. ibidem).

However important the traces of Roman mining in mines may be, we can not also forget the gathering of gold in granules and nuggets in the rivers alluviums, such as in the Douro and Sabor Rivers (Almeida, 1970: 298).

The Portuguese coastal relief answers to the lithological characteristics of the country. In the north, humid and Euro-Siberian, even in its meridional version, the irregular crystalline rocks that make up the orographic group of the Minho and Trás-os-Montes, determine the main peculiarities of a hilly coast that stretches up to the Douro estuary. The sediment distribution on the continental platform presents some differences between the north and the south: up to Peniche the sands by the coast and the mud at a larger distance are predominant. Only in front of the Minho’s coast does a network of rocky bottoms exist (id. ibidem: 55).

The amplitude and importance of theses resources in the peninsular northwest and in the remainder north of the Peninsula will lead the Roman State to create, at the end of the 1st century, a separate financial official (procurator) for Asturia and Gallaecia, responsible for the mines administration and, as we have already mentioned, for the maintenance of troops stationed in the territory (Domergue, 1970a: 270–271; Domergue, 1970b: 14–15). The extinction of this financial procuratio with specific posts for the northwest (such as the Asturia’s and Gallaecia’s procurator) in the mid 2nd century / early 3rd century should be attributed to a fall in the mining industry production of this region (id., 1970a: 279; id., 1970b: 15–18; id., 1990: 288–289; Sánchez-Palencia, et alii, 1994: 251), related to impacts on the Roman monetary system (Sastre e Orejas, 2000: 289–290), that turned the gold coin into a metallic one (Perea Caveda e Sánchez-Palencia, 1995: 63).

This coast, of massif sketch and not very indented, does not present many concavities, which offer a regular refuge, nor sheltered bays, being, however, fertile in large unprotected areas. For the Greek geographer Strabo (III, 1, 30), the already mentioned particular contour of the Peninsula reminded him of a stretched ox skin – tergori bovis adsimilis. We can, however, say that, in general, the coast possesses a low and rocky cornice and a coast of ample curve of estuaries in the Minho that continues for several kilometres, almost in a straight line, up to the mouth of the Douro (Fig. 2).This straight coast, without inflexions and coves, can be considered a wild Atlantic cornice where three of the region’s major rivers (Minho, Lima e Cávado) flow into, following an orthogonal direction (Birot, 2004: 48).

In the mining context, the road network was of the utmost importance in the economic policy of the Roman rule since its construction and consequent preservation provided a quick way out for the metals and raw materials extracted in this region. Both the overland as well as the maritime and river means of communication were, in fact, essential. The existence of 5

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

system, the sea currents and the hydrographic web and economic resources, simplified the determination of routes and the location of anchorages, quays or places of trade (Naveiro López, 1991b: 22). Nevertheless, the constant modification of the coast, as a result of a hectic urban growth in the last times and of the coast own dynamic, due to the changes fostered by the action of geologic, marine, climatic and antropic agents, makes the identification of structures situated in coastal areas of antiquity difficult, hiding possible material remains regarding the old port premises. As far as this subject is concerned, we should not forget, however, that the rectilinear trend of the present coast is the result of more recent morphological dynamics; therefore, during the Quaternary it is highly possible that this coast was more indented and with “small bays” (Meireles, 1992: 156; 200). As a matter of fact, one of H. Granja´s more recent study (Granja, 1993: 44), written from the geomorphologic, sedimentologic, vibrosounding studies and from the access to radiocarbon dating, suggests that the coast might have been formed by a lagoon system that had “… remained for hundreds of years, including the time of Roman occupation, according to dating data”, and giving origin to “lithostratigraphic unities with mud (deposits with slimy sands, some with molluscs of sandy water, with diatomites including diatomaceas of freshwater associated with species of brackish waters, with turfs)…”. Examples of similar contexts are present today in the well-known Lagoon of Apúlia, in Esposende, and, at least until the 16th century, in the port of Fão, considered a good sea harbour (Machado, 1951: 45).

Figure 2. Satellite photo of Porto Metropolitan area and Minho region (LANDSAT 5 TM 1994, at 800 km of altitude).

Despite this orographic configuration of the Minho’s and the Douro’s coast, it is not possible to establish all its defining characteristics. To achieve this aim it would be necessary to make a divided study of every coastal piece, taking into account the different natural coastal faults, especially promontories and capes.

As a complement to the existence of port areas, there was also another group of fundamental structures backing the navigation along the coast: we refer to buildings that were used as a reference or warning for navigators, namely lighthouses or signal towers.

In this context, the analysis of the nautical charts, maps of course and old navigators’ descriptions is of great use since they enable a better definition of the navigation structures along the coast. As we have seen, the north coast of the present Portuguese territory, having a low sea level and being full of outcrop of rocks, with the breaking at a considerable distance, does not offer very good navigation conditions; in all its length, the shallow ports do not have enough protective height. As Pierre Birot has well pointed out (Bierot, 2004: 55), the sea bathes narrow beaches that seem to be oriented by cliffs.

The existence of Roman port premises along the NW coast does not necessarily imply the building of complementary premises to these ports; they could have been used as mere transfer places of goods, regardless of a larger commercial activity that probably took place in the urbanised centres. From this point of view, the commercialization of goods was possibly carried out through small loading and unloading vessels that, given the scarce gauge and consequent easiness of manoeuvring, could reach any point of the coast, going up even to the interior through river routes.

In fact, unlike Galiza, which is penetrated by wide and deep estuaries, the Minho’s fluvial valleys are not very favourable to an intense maritime life. Exceptionally, some faults, promontories and natural bays provided – and still do – excellent anchorage places, although they are potentially dangerous in tidal surge situations. Proving it, we have the existence of many places used in antiquity as anchorages that are still used today with the same purpose. In fact, the coast morphology associated with the winds

As A. Balil has well pointed out (Balil, 1974: 221), the Atlantic navigation takes advantage, in Portugal, of the river navigation that enables not only a penetration to the interior but also its ramification by using the navigable coastal parts of the big rivers. From another point of view, the existence of a vast coast enabled the fish and salt supply. The discovery of numerous 6

A Brief Analysis of the Economic Geography

surface, not only for its physical characteristics but, above all, for the human and economic ones”. This is the context in which the old Roman city was founded. It was situated at the bottom of a thoroughly open hollow, among small watercourses that belong to the basin of the Este River (or Deste; cfr. Leal, 1979: 432), which is tributary of the Ave, and of others that flow in the opposite direction to the north, towards the Cávado River (Lemos, 1999: 83). Bracara Augusta was thus situated near a network of watercourses that naturally facilitated and dictated its foundation.

traces of salines associated with Roman materials, such as the ones found on the seashore north of the Lima River (Lemos, 1982: 29; Lemos, 1999: 86) or under the chain of dunes, in the strip between the Neiva (Almeida, 1979b: 5; id., 1998: 25–26; 32–33) and the Cávado (Lemos, 1999: 86) are good proofs of the existence of that supply. 1.2 The physical idiosyncrasies of the city The analysis of the economic geography of the Minho region is not restricted to the more or less homogeneous characteristics of this region. In fact, that analysis must take into account a great variety of areas that constitute geomorphologic sub-unities. As Manuela Martins has pointed out (Martins, 1990: 43), the geographic characteristics of the region must be analysed taking in consideration the diversity of solutions adopted at a regional level, whether these solutions are connected to the agricultural, mining or stock-breeding activities. It is from this perspective that we will start presenting the geographic context of the city’s foundation, stressing the physical characteristics that influenced its settlement and the corresponding economic possibilities resultant from such a choice.

From these rivers we are particularly interested in the Cávado River because it is next to the Roman city of Bracara Augusta. The Cávado River (in Latin Cadavus, Cavadus, Cavus, Celandus, Celanus and Celenus), which is considered as a structural line of the northwest peninsular morphology, is 118 km long. It is included in the Peninsula’s group of river courses that are preexistent to the tectonic arrangement of the galaic-lusitan massif (Choffat, 1907: 55). It rises of the confluence of several sources, flows next to the source of the Tâmega, in Serra do Larouco (the second elevation of the country) at an altitude of 1500 m, in Trás-os-Montes (Montalegre); it crosses Serra do Gerês and it joins the Homem River in Vau do Bico (Leal, 1979: 216). Shifting phenomena on the coastal area are thought to have been produced in the estuary of the Cávado River (Girão, 1960: 112). From Barcelos to Montalegre and up to its confluence with the Homem River, the Cávado River possesses a bed that follows a NE/SW orientation. Together with the Homem River shallow water course and a wide network of streams of an almost always transversal orientation (N/S and NW/ SE), this river was important in the modelling of the relief and in the contrasting morphology of the Cávado basin. As a matter of fact, its course has a special meaning in the distinction between the plateaux and the valleys cycle, besides reflecting the structural faults. The Cávado River is served, on the right bank, by the waters of the Cabril, Caldo, Homem and Prado Rivers and, on the left bank, by the ones of the Rabagão River. The rainy character of the region is also another of its great reserve source.

1.2.1 The physical characteristics Bracara Augusta benefited from an important geostrategic position (Martins, 1990: 221). The city, situated in the coordinates 41º 36’ latitude and 12º 39’ longitude N, was settled in an area corresponding to a small hill of soft slope and of granitic sub-stratum. According to the value registered in the Map 1: 25.000 of the Military Geographic Institute (leaf no 70), the highest place, which corresponds to the so called “Colina da Cividade”, has presently the maxim measurement of about 188 meters. The oblique position of the valleys in relation to the coast and the ramification of the streams and minor rivers, lined up in orthogonal way in relation to the main axis, were decisive factors that contributed to the development of the communications (Lemos, 1993: 82). Although the city is situated in a sunny area, it presents a high rate of annual average rain as a consequence of the dominant winds from the southeast, which are predominant during the months of autumn, winter and even in spring.

Nowadays the siltation of the Portuguese coast is an incontrovertible fact, and the Cávado is no exception. The Cávado River is seriously silted up and as a consequence its banks are shallow and the valleys have more opening, especially in the last stage in which the river does not seem to be in a hurry to get to the sea.

The city climate is mild, with mild winters, though rainy, and pleasant summers, presenting temperatures that are lower than the average for the Portuguese territory.

1.2.2 The economic possibilities Inserted in an area of Mediterranean climate but with a strong Atlantic influence, the characteristic vegetation of this region is made up of cork oak (Quercus suber L.) and holly (Ilex aquifolium L.) woods, especially in areas not affected by the growing urbanisation and re-arborisation. We can also find forests of exotic species, where the pinaster (Pinus pinaster) and the eucalyptus (Eucaliptus globules) predominate.

Geography tells us that a region divided by two hydrographical basins encourages the formation of distinctive individualities, “where the influence of the rivers they join fades” (Ribeiro, 1998: 141). As Amorim Girão has stressed in his Geography of Portugal (Girão, 1960: 136), “a hydrological basin that covers a whole territory, whose waters converge to the same river artery, generally corresponds to a well distinguished piece of 7

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

The abundant hydrological resources of the Cávado basin and the occurrence of sources, in very variable altitudes, surely favoured the survival and development of settlements in the Proto-Historic age and their continuity in the Roman age. It also enabled an easy irrigation of the cultivated fields, whether they were situated in the summits or in the slopes. The abundance of these sources helped the streams to keep a significant volume, allowing the existence of a fish fauna even in the periods of prolonged dry weather (Martins, 1990: 53). In the city proximities, the involving mountains were the guarantee of vast livestock and silvopastoral resources.

there are also abundant clay quarries on both the left and the right banks of the Cávado River. Clay quarries rich in kaolins are also documented throughout the coastal strip of the north of Portugal, from the municipality of Esposende up to the coastal strip of Gallicia. Another valuable resource, are the gold quarries especially present in the centre of the hills of Valongo, Barroso and of Serra da Padrela (Lemos, 1999: 83). In the Cávado’s average course basin, the mineral resources are relatively scarce and are restricted to quartz marks and to pegmatitic veins, especially in the western fringe of Vila Verde (Martins, 1990: 53).

Throughout the Ave’s, Cávado’s, Lima’s and Minho’s valleys, the existence of vast areas of deep soils secured the cultivation of cereal products, essential to the communities’ survival, which were subsidiary of a subsistence economy. In the territory adjoining the city the soils were particularly fertile, both to the south and the east, on the banks of the Este River and on the plains of the Lomar, and to the west and the north, on the mild sloped fields that stretched up to the banks of the Cávado River (Lemos, 1999: 86). These circumstances favoured the emergence of Bracara Augusta and the existence of uillae placed in successive concentric belts in relation to the city. At a distance of about five hundred meters from Braga we know of the existence of four of these unities: S. Frutuoso’s uilla (in the area where, in the 6th century, the well-known bishop’s tomb was built); a uilla situated in S. Vitor; a uilla situated in the proximities of the Ínfias Manor and another one situated in the west limit of the present Parretas urbanisation (unfortunately destroyed without a previous study). Another belt of uillae was situated at about more than one kilometre of the city; among these there is the uilla excavated by Luís Fontes in S. Martinho de Dume (Fontes, 1987: 124; id. 1994: 76) and the Santarão uilla that, according to the bibliography, was adjacent to Senhora do Lírio in Semelhe (id. ibidem).

In the proximity of the city there are also a few gold and silver formations in the area of Portela das Cabras (Vila Verde) and in Sobradelo, in the shape of quartz veins with a NE /SW orientation (Teixeira, et alii, 1975: 52; Martins, 1990: 53). Geological investigations identified signs of old gold exploitations in the quartz gold antimoniferous veins in a place not very far from Lagoa Negra (Teixeira, et alii, 1975: 43–44), corroborating some oral information that refers to the existence of gold mines exploited by the Romans in Criaz in the parish of Apúlia, Esposende (Machado, 1951: 33–34). More abundant are the mines rich in cassiterite, with the same formation and orientation as the previous ones, situated in Ribeiro de Seixo, Cerqueiros, Quebrosa, Abelheiras, Tomada de Salgueiro, Vieiros, Fonte Videira, Portela and S. Gens (Teixeira, et alii, 1973: 49; Martins, 1990: 53). In the territory surrounding Braga we know of iron mines, situated in the municipality of Barcelos (Vilar, parish of Paradela) and in the boundaries of the municipalities of Esposende and Póvoa do Varzim (Thadeu, 1965: 19).

According to the author (Martins, 1990; 1995; 1996a), the archaeological material testifies to the foundation of rural settlements in the western area of Braga. This is particularly visible in the Cávado valley, where we find an early settlement, in the 1st century, which is associated with the farming exploitation in the area of the city. This phenomenon is closely connected with a correlative desertion of the low altitude settlements, whose economic territories became the fundi of these sites (id., 2004a).

1.3 The written sources: their value and limitations We are far from knowing all the aspects of the economic history of the Ancient Times and of understanding the reasons, modes and stages of that process. These difficulties are in part the reflex of the characteristics and limits of the perception the old had of the economy and of the economic facts. They did not understand the economy as an autonomous science, run by laws of its own and susceptible of being analysed as such. The perception they had of the economy was not the result of a structured analysis but it was based on a group of fragmented allusions, immersed in political, social and ethical speeches. An added difficulty to the study of the Roman economic life is the trend to interpret that group of data as a reflex of moments or stages of a linear historic process.

As Manuela Martins refers (1990: 52), one of the relatively abundant resources in the terraces of the Cávado’s average basin, and in less quantity along the Homem River, is the clay, the basis raw material for the pottery production. In the parishes of Barreiro (Amares), Prado and Cabanelas (Vila Verde), all of them situated on the Cávado’s right bank, there are many clay-pits in a strip that goes up to the parishes of Fornelos, Manhente, Tamel until Vila Frescainha (Barcelos). On the river’s left bank, we also witness the existence of clay-pits in Padim da Graça (Braga), Areias de Vilar and Milhazes (Barcelos). We find a similar situation in the municipality of Esposende where

These circumstances should not, however, prevent us from doing a detailed analysis of the sources. In fact, even though the old Greek and Latin authors were not interested 8

A Brief Analysis of the Economic Geography

in the production nor in the commerce, it did not stop them from making enough allusions to the world of work that allow us to induce some characteristics of the reality and mentality of the time. From this perspective, the evidence of authors such as Plautius, Cato, Varro, Cicero, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus complete the scarce information provided by the material remains.

Besides this “direct” knowledge of the territory, Pliny used the famous Agrippa’s Orbis Pictus painted on the portico of Vipsania Polla (Agrippa’s sister), in Rome, a work which was finished after Agrippa’s death in AD 12 by Augustus himself. This work consisted of a map and Comentarii, explaining the divisions that appeared on the map, measures and other information of varied character (González Alonso, 1997: 183). The enumerative character of several passages of Pliny’s work makes us believe that the author had also access to the formulae provinciarum, a kind of official statistics of the Roman State that, in the case of the Tarraconensis, date back to Claudius (id. ibidem).

In the Northwest peninsular context, the sources are scarcer. Among them we have Pomponius Mela’s and Claudius Ptolomaeus’ contributions, who left us geographical descriptions of the Atlantic façade regarding the western part of the empire, and several references from other authors.

Pliny also presents a detailed list of the peoples known so far, who curiously were all coastal, except for some interior peoples related to the main river arteries of penetration (vid. Naveiro López, 1991a: 122, fig. 28; 124). Bracara Augusta is also included under the name of Bracarum oppidum Augusta (Plínio, N. H. 4, 112).

Pomponius Mela, who was born in Tingentera in a small village in the proximities of Cadiz, wrote, possibly in the time of Emperor Claudius (about AD 43 or 44), a Chorographia with the name of almost 200 cities (Bláquez, 1976: 80), in which he makes reference to the Atlantic coast and a considerable number of rivers, including the rivers of the Rias Baixas. In this work he also refers to the Artabros Golf, describing it as possessing a narrow mouth and an ample contour, in which four rivers flow into (vid. Naveiro López, 1991a: 122, fig. 28; 124). To write this work Pomponius Mela relied on his own personal experience and on news referred to by other authors, such as Sallustius, Cornelius Nepos and Varro. This work possesses the merit of being the first description of the ancient world in Latin.

Some information of geographical or ethnographic character can be found in works of classical authors, such as Silius Italicus, Pompeius Trogus and Marcial and in late road repertories (from the 3rd century onwards), such as the Antonine Itinerary, the so called “2nd clay plate of Astorga” (precisely the only one that seems to be real among the four that were attributed to the Lepidus Second Triumvirate) and the Anonymous of Ravenna. The Antonine Itinerary (Itinerarium provinciarum Antonini Augusti) is a historic document of an eminently practical aim: it consists of a description of routes, where reference to passing places (mansiones, stationes, mutationes) and the distance between them is made. The author of this Itinerary, despite its name, was not an Emperor of the Antonine dynasty. This document mentions data occurred after the 2nd century, even though it is possible that the document might have been written in that period and might have suffered a number of corrections and additions in later dates (González Alonso, 1997: 185).

Claudius Ptolomaeus, already in mid 2nd century (AD 90–168), even indicates the geographical coordinates for the location of peoples and cities and gives us, with much precision, a description of the coast with its bays, promontories and river estuaries (Naveiro López, 1991a: 124–125). Another very well-known author, Gaius Plinius Secundus, Pliny the Elder, who was procurator in the Provincia Hispania Citerior Tarraconense in the Vespasian Emperor’s days (between the years AD 72 to 74), is one of the most representative authors, due to the administrative career he carried out. This allowed him to include archive and direct observation data in his writings. His description of the political organization, geography and economy of Hispania should be understood according to his particular condition. From the Naturalis Historia, written between the years 75 to 77, we are particularly interested in the books III-IV, which include a detailed description of the administrative aspects. They also focus the Northwest economic activities, which are especially useful for the knowledge of the gold (N.H. 33, 78, 80) and tin (N.H. 34, 139, 156–158) mining in this region. The author also points out the importance that the Northwest mines (including the ones from Lusitania) had for Rome when he mentions that some 20 000 pounds of gold (6 500 kg) used to be extracted from them.

The Antonine Itinerary (together with the already mentioned Anonymous of Ravenna) represents a valuable instrument to better understand and know the Northwest region’s road network. Nevertheless, the analysis of Bracara Augusta’s economic development is made difficult by the absence of literary sources, since these can be reduced to some scarce and simple news about historical events of political character. In this context, Strabo, born in Amasia, in Cappadocia, a region in Minor Asia (he lived from 64 or 63 BC to AD 19–20 or 25), has a privileged role since he provides us with an important chart about the Northwest communities’ economy, in which the city of Bracara Augusta was later included. From the 17 books that make up Strabo’s Geographiká, we are particularly interested in the third book dedicated to the Iberian Peninsula’s description,

9

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Iberia, which is the first of the oikomene lands from the west. This work was written in Greek and he got his information from several sources: from Posidonius of Apameia, who did the coastal route from Massalia (Marseille) to Gadeira (Cadiz) during the Sertorian War to study the tides phenomenon; from Artemidorus of Ephesos, who sailed until the Sacrum promontory (the present St Vincent Cape) and lived in Hispania until the year 100 BC; from Píteas, whose Description of the Ocean, where he describes his navigations, got lost but was later recovered by Polybius, among others; from Timon, in his testimony about the Balearic Islands and even oral data collected by travellers who had been in the Peninsula and from Asclepiades of Mirlea “who taught grammar in Turdetania and published a detailed description of its peoples” (III, 4, 3; 4, 19), in the beginnings of the 1st century Strabo still mentions another author, who is a friend of his and contemporary of Augustus, such as the stoic philosopher Atenodorus. This work, probably written between the years 29 and 7 BC, and altered superficially around the year AD 17 or 18 under Tiberius’ reign (Blázquez, 1976: 79), is not a mere treaty of geography since it includes ethnographic data, which are indispensable to better integrate the Northwest situation (or even the north of the Peninsula) in the period immediately before the Cantabrian wars. He also describes the Northwest coast in a schematic way, considering a first part oriented from the south to the north and a second part from the west to the east, separated by the cape Nerium (vid. Naveiro López, 1991a: 122, fig. 28; 124). Among the few faults considered he mentions the mouths of some rivers, naming the most important navigable ones – the Douro, the Lima and the Minho. However, he also refers to the existence of other rivers more to the north and of a parallel course, which are probably the Rias Baixas (id. ibidem). On the northern coast, the only place worth mentioning is the “Great Port of Artabros” (id. ibidem).

In the context of the Late Empire period, we know of an excerpt from the Notitia Dignitatum, where it is referred that the governor of the city of Braga and its province possessed consular category; the peninsular Northwest is also mentioned by Orosius and Ausonius. Orosius, of Hispanic origin, very possibly from the region of Gallaecia, wrote, around AD 416, a History against the Pagans, in the style of a Universal History of the Roman world. As for Ausonius (Ordo, XIV), he points out the position of this “wealthy” city “by the sea beaches” in his description of famous cities. Another author of particular interest for the Late Empire period is Hidacius (or Idacius), bishop of Chaves, very probably born in Braga, who is essential to better integrate the last moments of the city’s Roman occupation. The same happens with St. Martin of Dume’s work, bishop of Braga, who in his pastoral, De correctione rusticorum, offers us some interesting data about that agitated period of the city. In the varied list of sources relating to the end of the Late Empire and to late Antiquity, Egeria’s pilgrimage to the Holy Land in the years 381 to 384 stands out. This text, the first written by a woman, is of exceptional interest even though we have only the manuscript relating to her route in the area of Palestine and Mount Sinai. This pilgrimage is interesting because it is about a monk from Gallaecia, a province where Bracara, while provincial capital, assumed a great political and cultural preponderance. Monk Egeria’s text is also worth mentioning because, in a way, it inaugurates the travelling literature in the Ancient Times and it illustrates how the Cursus Publicus works in the context of the wide road network of the Roman world.

10

CHAPTER 2 ORIGIN AND EVOLUTION OF THE CITY

2.1 From the Roman conquest to the foundation of the city

As A. Tranoy points out (Tranoy, 1981: 125), the gradual occupation of the Northwest Territories by the Roman armies was carried out in two different chronological periods, which are analysed below.

2.1.1 The Roman conquest Vast areas of the lands of the Peninsular Northwest, still on a pre-urban stage of settlement, were subjected to a typically Mediterranean state campaign, strongly centred in the city, as a consequence of their insertion in the Roman World. These lands were considered by the written sources as not very welcoming (Strabo III, 1, 2), situated at the end of the world (Expositio totius mundi, 59), on the edge of the earth (Hydacius, Crónica, pref. 1) and peopled by persevering and remote nations (Flavius, A Guerra dos Judeus, II, 16, 375).

2.1.2 From Iunius Brutus to C. Iulius Caesar The first period includes itself in the ambit of the Lusitanian Wars and of the first expeditions to Gallicia. The first expedition occurred in 139 BC, when the proconsul Q. Servilius Caepio decided a joint attack against Viriathus from the south and from the north of the Peninsula, which devastated the Gallician fields. Later, in 138–136 BC, a second expedition was carried out under the protection of the proconsul D. Iunius Brutus, a man of the highest lineage of the Roman Patriciate.

The Roman armed forces contributed to that campaign from the first moment of the process of incorporating the peninsular Northwest in the Empire. Thus, these forces worked as one of the very first ways of Romanization of this territory, this is, they enabled the penetration of the official, administrative and cultural structures of Roman character.

In 137 BC he crosses the Douro and enters Gallaecia, going up to the course of the Minho River. In this punitive expedition the passing of the mythical Lima or Leça River, called in the Ancient Times Lethes or Belión, like the river of forgetfulness of the classical mythology, became famous. The classic sources refer that this was a cunning trick of the Gallaic tribes to hold back the advance of the Roman troops; however, another reading can be done; the Roman troops, tired of these punitive campaigns and in the perspective of having to face a guerrilla warfare with concepts and tactic different from the Roman ones, said that there was in those lands a river of forgetfulness (vid. Martínez Mera, 2001: 306, endnote 33).

In fact, in a social context in relation to which the local elites must have felt the need for a minimum period of time to acquire a “urban mentality, their organization must have depended on a series of rules transmitted by the military technicians. Before the Augustan moment the necessary conditions must already have been created which - like what it is described by Dio Cassius for Germania - in a first moment made it possible for the regions to control the main roads and, in a second moment, to encourage the organization of “markets” or “synodoi” so that new social and economic relations could be set up.

This conflict, which must have taken place on July 3rd 137 BC (Ovid, VI, 669) – a date which was celebrated in Rome with the building of a temple to Mars (Tranoy, 1981: 128) in Campus Martius two or three years later (Blanco Freixeiro, 1992: 97) – must have caused the death, according to Orosius (who certainly gives exaggerated numbers), to about 50 000 Gallaic and made 6 000 prisoners (only 4 000 could escape). From that moment on, the Gallaic were under the theoretical control of Hispania Ulterior.

But it was from Augustus’ reign onwards that the northwest began working as a “whole territory”, with the foundation of cities in strategic junctions of communication, at the service of a “broad administrative reform” (Fernández Ochoa, 1993: 227).

According to J. M. Blázquez (Blázquez, 1975: 198), this campaign might have been launched to get to know the gold exploitations of the Northwest region, since the tin commerce was carried out by sea (Strabo, III, 176). What we can certainly accept is that from that time onwards, the regions north of the Douro opened to commercial contacts

However, though the initial stage of that conquest was carried out under the protection of Augustus, the first battles in this area had already started in the 2nd century BC and ended definitely during Claudius’ or Nero’s reign, with a victory over the last rebellion occurred in the Asturia (Tranoy, 1981: 125). 11

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

with the south of the Peninsula and with the Roman World as we can, for example, deduce from the presence of different types of pottery and late-republican coins found in the treasures of Sanfin’s and Alvarelho’s settlements (Paço e Jalhay, 1955; Torres, 1978–79: 15–250; Martins, 1990: 166) and in Alto da Cividade, in Braga (Zabatela Estévez, 1999a).

city had to fulfil as an ally city. Gadir thus had to carry out its bonds of loyalty and friendship to the individuals and citizens of Rome, supplying them all the support within its reach: troops, a naval fleet and logistics help in material resources. This dependency of the city in relation to Rome was well pointed out by Cicerus (Pro Balbo, 24; 39) when he tells us that, in virtue of the foedus of 206 BC, the city would have participated in numerous campaigns in favour of the Romans (López Castro, 1995: 157). Among these Cicerus also mentions the Gaditans’ help to D. Iunius Brutus, the Gallaic, who from the before mentioned campaign of 138 and 136 BC onwards, requests the help of the Gaditans’ boats with the intention of supplying his base in Olisipo, in the mouth of the Tejo.

From 96 to 94 BC it would be the turn of the Ulterior’s proconsul P. Licinius Crassus to command a second expedition into the Northwest, continuing his intervention in Lusitania to forbid the human sacrifices and to control the Lusitani’s new arousal. He also pointed out that in these areas the mineral appeared on the surface and that the natives were peaceful (Tovar, 1975a: 80–1). As A. Tranoy has underlined (Tranoy, 1981: 130), this expedition had a unique meaning in the context of the Roman trade because it allowed the negotiatores of Rome the opening of new horizons as far as the exploitation of mineral richness in this area of the Peninsula is concerned. In fact, as Strabo (III, 5, 11) points out, Crassus was responsible for “teaching” the route for the supply of great amounts of ore. This expedition made it possible for Crassus to get rich and from that moment onwards his family became one of the most wealthy and influent families in Rome (Martínez Mera, 2001: 307).

The uprisings in the Peninsular Northwest, centred in the Asturia and Cantabria, went on after Caesar’s death, as the references to obtained triumphs show: in the year of 43 by Lepidus; in 38 by C. Domicio Flaco; in 35 by C. Norbano Flaco; in 34 by L. Marcio Filipo; in 33 by Ap. Claudius Pulcro; in 29 by T. Statilius Taurus and in 28 by Caius Calvisius Sabinus. One supposes that the territory, which would generally be occupied by the Gallaic Bracarense, at the heart of which Bracara Augusta will be founded, was pacified and already benefited from a significant economic interaction with the South of the Peninsula (Martins et alii, 2005).

Another expedition occurred during the Sertorian Wars; it was carried out in the ambit of a campaign launched by M. Perpena, probably in the year 74 BC, which resulted in the conquest of Cale and in the hypothetical uprising of the tribes of Gallaecia.

2.1.3 The Augustan period The pacification of the Peninsula at the end of the Cantabrian Wars contributed to a Romanization process that works, on the one hand, through the public way of acting of the State and of its direct agents and, on the other hand, through the private enterprise of the local or provincial elite.

Later it was C. Iulius Caesar who came to Hispania for the first time in the year 68 BC as a quaestor of the propraetor Caius Antistio Vetus. There he met the Gaditan Lucio Cornelio Balbo, who would become one of his most loyal collaborators and confidant (Casimiro Torres, 1992: 19). As a proconsul, during the rule of the Hispania Ulterior, – after a long voyage from Rome, following the continental route (Plut. Caes., 11, 3 and following) – Caesar disembarks in Corduba approximately on May 15th 61 BC (cf. Ferreiro Lopez , 1988: 363). There he prepares his troops and around June 10th, or maybe a bit earlier, he set off with his legions to Lusitania. However, he felt that controlling the banditry in Lusitania was not enough, so he caused a war (that ends before the spring of 60 BC) and expanded it up to the north of the Douro. According to known sources (Appian, Civ. II 8; Dio. Cas. XXXVII 52–53; Plut. Caes. 12), this campaign was launched with the purpose of obtaining precious metals, probably gold, which were necessary to pay the considerable debts he had in Rome and to enrich the Treasury (cfr. Blázquez, 1975: 198). This expedition, carried out with the Gaditan Balbo’s support and helped by the cargo vessels of that city, took Caesar up to the city of Brigantium (Betanzus – Corunha) and to the surrender of the native peoples of the Northwest (Dio Cassius, XXXVII, 52; 53, 4), thus leading them to submission (Plut. Caes. 12). In fact, the Gaditans’ help to Julius Caesar must be understood as a duty that the Gadir

However, we know that in the moment previous to that pacification, the occupation system of the Northwest was based on settlements, called hillforts. Not all of them lasted beyond the conquest nor reacted to the same stimuli in their formation and development. At the time of their integration in the Roman World the social structure of these proto-historic communities, very similar to a “chief” regime, presented, according to the archaeological and epigraphic sources, a development and social complexity that implies the existence of centralised and hierarchical societies among the different castella. According to Manuela Martins (Martins, 1990: 192), that complexity, perceptible at the organization and valorisation level of the habitat as well as at the organization and spatial rearrangement of the different settlements, would “ease” the region’s process of pacification and integration in the Roman World. However, agents of mental order, such as beliefs, attitudes and values, also interfere in this process, showing these communities’ predisposition to the changes to come. In fact, in the chronological and social scope, a change dynamic might have occurred which needs to be better analysed; nonetheless, we must bear in mind that the sources available for the period before Augustus are 12

The Origin and Evolution of the City

insufficient and based in fragile and controversial signs. As a matter of fact, and sharing Patrick Le Roux’s opinion (Le Roux, 1996: 364), little is known about the impact of D. Iunius Brutus’ campaigns, in the year 138 BC, and the archaeological excavations done in the settlements of this territory are not more enlightening, either.

Arce, 1976: 115), thus standing up to his enemies in the Senate, consolidating his prestige through the suppression of the rebel nuclei and acquiring a larger control of the army. The Emperor’s stay in Tarraco between the years 26–24, when he returns from a campaign from the north, in the Cantabrian region, and where he heals from a disease (Suetonius, Aug. 81), confirms it as the new capital. Here Augustus receives not only the news of the war sceneries but also the ambassadors of other countries (Floro, Epit. II, 81). This action has been understood as a declared political propaganda, since the victory over these peoples gave Augustus a remarkable fame as the peace builder and guardian of the Peninsula’s prosperity, if not of the Empire. On the other hand, as Chic Garcia points out (1997: 1218), the constitutional pact of 27 BC, which aimed to occupy the whole north of the Iberian Peninsula, still had an Atlantic dimension that was not well stressed. It should unite, under Rome’s direct rule, the Northwest territory with the Gaulish one, which would in the future favour the maritime communications in the North-South axis of the Empire and, in the mid run, a permanent contact with the Baetica province. In fact, the pacification of this territory by Augustus anticipated the obvious political and ideological propaganda as well as the economic control of these regions (Tranoy, 1981: 134–5). The wars were thus justifiable taking into account the mineral richness of the northwest in tin and especially gold, of which the Romans were well aware of because of the torques and other jewellery elements the native warriors wore. Actually, the northwest was famous in antiquity for its gold and tin mines as Diodorus Siculus mentions (V, 38), Strabo (III, 2, 9) and Pliny (N. H. XXXIII, 77). This conquest would eventually give Augustus the possession of the region’s rich gold mines. We would like to remind that, according to Pliny (N. H. XXXIII, 4, 78), these mines reached an annual production of 20 000 pounds (around 6.540 kg) of gold, thus justifying the control of the exploitation by the Emperor himself (Domergue, 1990: 200).

Nevertheless, the data revealed by the archaeology tell us that the fortified habitats, did not possess the same structures nor the same importance and function in all their moments of occupation, even though they corresponded to a same type of agglomeration, revealing rather distinguished societies. Settlements such as the large hillforts (Citânias) of Sanfins, Briteiros, Santa Luzia and Santa Tecla seem to have acquired a bigger hegemony in the 1st and 2nd centuries BC; furthermore, they already present a plan of urban aspect, which makes them deserve their classification as oppida (Martins et alii, forthcoming). On the other hand, even though the Romanization could be already noticed in many settlements of the region from the mid 1st century BC onwards, the truth is that many of these were not abandoned with the integration in the empire. They rather suffered a process of transformation according to the role they played in the new social, political and administrative structure imposed in the region from Augustus onwards (Martins, 1995). We also know that these fortified settlements, which crossed distinguished technological and cultural periods were well adapted to the surrounding environment. Unlike many European regions, in the Iberian Peninsula there was a solution of a stable and exclusive habitat that even survived the integration of the region in a state of imperial type (Martins, 1995; Martins et alii, 2005). The Asturian-Cantabrian Wars, which occurred at the end of the 1st century BC, represented, however, a new period in the context of the final conquest of the extreme north of the Peninsula. In this context, the Callaeci’s territory is kept out of this conflict, as P. Carisivs’ military action against the Asturians, between 24 and 27 BC, from the coastal region, probably in the Bracari’s territory, seems to show (Tranoy, 1981: 140). As an indirect evidence of this situation we have the scattering of caetra coins (not very frequent in the Asturia) and the appearance, in numerous settlements of the region of Gallicia and Minho, of considerable amounts of wine amphorae, mostly Haltern 70.

The role of the army must, however, be duly pointed out in what regards the reorganization and establishment of new frontiers. Even though the literary and epigraphic sources tell us that numerous amounts of military contingents participated in these warlike episodes, the truth is that the information we have about these contingents is scarce; for example, we do not know their setting places or the war fronts in which they participated.

The princeps personal intervention in the conflict with the North Peninsular peoples has been justified by the need of total pacification of the Peninsula in a moment in which a new constitution was introduced and his powers for life were declared. In the summer of 27 BC, Augustus left Rome with the proclaimed intention of making an expedition to Britannia (Arce, 1976: 122). As a matter of fact, he came to Hispania to definitely put an end to the Peninsula’s conquest (id. ibidem). In fact, after the year 27 BC, a decisive year in the constitutional history of Rome, Augustus disembarks in Tarraco where, on January 1st 26 BC, he inaugurates his eighth consulate (Tovar, 1975: 116;

Actually, the written evidences about the development of the military campaigns during Augustus’ period in the north of the Peninsula are scarce and fragmented. Those evidences are usually isolated passages, sometimes even anecdotic, taken from Suetonius, Horace, Veleius Paterculus or from the Anthologia Palatina and they are also mentioned in Floro’s, Dio Cassius’ and Orosius’ works. This reality is, however, contrary to the different interpretative sceneries created by the history on the Cantabrian War. Such excessive interpretations, solely based in arguments of toponymic nature resulted in a series of “unquestionable truths” and archaeology was only resorted to when it could 13

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

be used to corroborate some statement.

This participation had obvious military purposes and the intention of controlling the important mineral resources (Carretero Vaquero, 1993: 60; 72).

The insufficiency of these arguments regarding the Cantabrian War issue has led many people to try to approach the subject through archaeology. A good example is the critical study written by Enrique Gutiérrez Cuenca and José Ángel Hierro Gárate, entitled “La Guerra Cantábrica: de ficción historiográfica a realidad arqueológica” (Gutiérrez Cuenca and Hierro Gárate, 2001: 71–96), where this question is analysed. This study points out the poor results of a traditional historiography solely based on supposedly archaeological and toponynic arguments in order to emphasize the importance of a methodological updating based on systematic prospections and archaeological excavations.

The constant military presence resulted in a wider approach between soldiers and the native population, favouring the implantation of new settlements through an excellent body of technicians, engineers and experts. Although we still do not know if Bracara Augusta emerged from a camp or not, we must not neglect the importance of the military contingents in the process of its foundation, since they were there for sure to secure the surveillance, to participate in the road network construction and simultaneously to supply the city with its first infrastructures.

The result of these new researches based on prospection works and excavations has, in fact, given us fundamentally different data from the ones provided by the traditional historiography, which let us revaluate the knowledge so far acquired (Fernández Ochoa and Morillo Cerdan, 1999).

Bracara Augusta’s plan, identified by the archaeology, is very regular: it presents an organized urban group through two parallel axis, in the NW/SE and in the SW/ NE direction, in the way of the large cardines, or in the Hellenic shape of the stenopoi, which divide the city in a series of strigae through the decumani, or plateiai (Martins e Delgado, 1989–90a: 39; Martins, 2004b) (Fig. 3).

In this panorama it was possible to identify at least one of the Roman military ways of penetrating into the territory of the old Cantabria. This is an area situated in a small range of mountains that separate the valleys of Besaya and of Pas (from the Ebro River up to the eastern areas of the Dobra River’s massif), where a group of settlements directly or indirectly related to these episodes has been documented. Among these, at least three have participated directly in a siege: the “Castro de Espina del Gallego” and the Roman camps of “Cildá” and “Cantón” (Gutiérrez Cuenca and Hierro Gárate, 2001: 85–91). Others, such as the military camp of “Campo de las Cercas” and the structures of “Cotero de Marojo” and “Cotero del Medio”, might have participated in a direct or indirect way in these warlike episodes (id. ibidem). The existence of other kind of camps situated in more scattered areas and still in a stage of investigation can, in the future, provide new elements for the understanding and contextualization of the literary sources. According to the mentioned authors, examples of the latter kind of camps are the small camp of “La Muela” and the large one of “Castillejo” (apparently associated with the important settlement of “Monte Bernorio”), which might be able to confirm the importance of the Ebro valley as a military penetration way for the armies in the interior of the Cantabrian region. Two examples are the fortified settlements of “Santa Marina-monte Ornedo” and “Peña Cutral”, which would reveal a new way of Roman military penetration in the context of the interior of the Cantabrian region if we could confirm them as camps of the Augustan era (id. ibidem).

Thus, the most probable is that, just like other cities of the Northwest, Bracara Augusta had first been administered under military influence, at least until Claudius, when it changed into a civil administration (cfr. Sutherland, 1934: 177). This hypothesis is very consistent with one of Strabo’s passages (2, 3, 8), when he refers that the quartered troops in the Northwest were a means not only of pacification but also of civilization. We should also mention the importance of the armies as efficient agents of political integration (vid. Le Roux, 1995: 84). However, as we have seen throughout this chapter, we should not exaggerate the importance of the stationed military unities in the region. In fact, they were not directly involved in the context of the Cantabrian Wars; actually, the only camps so far documented correspond to the Aquis Querquennis camp (Baños de Bande – Ourense), dated from the Flavian era / beginnings of the 2nd century, and to the Citadel (Sobrado dos Monxes – Coruña), with a chronology of the late 4th century AD (Camaño Gesto, 1994: 37–44). 2.1.4 The foundation of the city Rome exported the urban way, unknown up to that moment, to the Northwest putting in confrontation the urbanitas and the feritas, the so called civilization and the primitive world. Augustus’ first concern was to organize the provinces once the last resistances to the Roman presence were eliminated and the “preventive” expansion policy, previous to his reign, was abandoned. In the western regions the conquest implied the existence of regional interlocutors who helped spreading the Roman laws (Gros, 1992: 237).

Despite these gaps, which are the result of historiographic interpretations out of context and archaeological contexts still to be unfold, what we can definitely accept is that the implantation of the Roman political structure and the effective control of all the Peninsular Northwest depended on the army structure that, in the line of duty, undertook and participated actively in the building of the road network.

Presenting himself as the founder of a new world, as the 14

The Origin and Evolution of the City

Figure 3. Interpretative reading of the Roman and Medieval wall grids and signalling of the coincident axes with the urban grid (Photogram nº5012, FAP, 1946 Esc. 1:33.000).

refounder of Rome, but also the founder of new cities and the changer of pre-existent centres, Augustus developed the model of the ideal city, in the “Roman way”, that we find expressed in Vitruvio: a city capable of holding the typical services of the Roman civil life. These services had a series of public buildings at their disposal for civic and religious reunions, for the shows and bathes. Through the urbanistic principles of “firmitas”, “utilitas” and “venustas” (firmness, comfort and grace) that Vitruvio (Livro I, cap. II, 22) mentions in his concepts, the Roman machine is able to organize the welfare and the administrative life in any Roman city. It also transmits the populations a strong feeling of security and trust in the power through the monumentality of its buildings.

not forget that the creation of privileged cities was the prerogative of the Senate, which marked them with more generic names, often derived from deities or expressive of qualities or positive wishes (id. ibidem).

The Augustan cognomen given to cities such as Bracara Augusta had certainly a political and religious value. Augustus, following an already established tradition in Rome, at least since the Gracus’ period (Beltrán Lloris, 1992: 31–32), personalizes a foundation, which should possess in its origin a special foreign statute; we must

The foundation ex novo of Bracara Augusta, in the heart of the Bracari’s area and of the region of Entre Douro e Minho, is connected to a strategy of economic, political and administrative control of a vast area that stretched out from the Douro up to the estuary of Vigo, and from the Atlantic up to the Gerês mountains.

As we have seen, the foundation of Bracara Augusta was not an independent and lonely deed. We can not speak of her correctly without inserting her in a wide and comprehensive historical context. This historical context is precisely Augustus’ policy in Hispania and the development of the campaigns that the Emperor and his generals carried out against the peoples of the North of the Peninsula in the last years of the 1st century BC.

15

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Pisidia (Ed. Mommsem, 1883, LXXI, 5, 35 and LXXXII, 119; Beltrán Martínez, 1976: 225; Pastor Muñoz, 1976: 72). These references seem to be also corroborated by written testimony bequeathed by Augustus himself in his Res Gestae (12, 37) when he says “Cum ex Hispania Galliaque, rebus in iis provincis prospere gestis, Romam redi …”. In fact, in this passage the Emperor is referring to the same deeds and the same dates of the former texts, pointing out that he came to Hispania and carried out well his administration – just like in Gallia. Figure 4. Integrated inscription in the façade of Largo D. João Peculiar (Braga’s cathedral).

This group of data allow us to say, with some verisimilitude, that Bracara Augusta’s foundation was accomplished at the time of Augustus’ second stay in Tarraco, though we can admit that his presence at the moment of the foundation was not compelling; it would be more likely that he might have delegated his functions in one of his generals, maybe Agrippa himself who, after C. Furnius, was the legate of Tarraconense from the year 19 BC up to about the years 15 and 13 BC.

For Alain Tranoy (Tranoy, 1980: 17–18), the creation of Bracara Augusta was motivated by the will of providing the powerful gens of the Bracari with a concilium. Bracara Augusta would thus be, like Lucus Augusti and Asturica Augusta, the seat of a concilium gentis and a necessary caput for the resident citizens in the area of influence of the city (Tranoy, 1980).

Despite the precariousness of these data, we are tempted to consider that Bracara Augusta, like Astorga and Lugo, was founded in a span of time that corresponds to the years between 15/13 BC. This date is corroborated by some signs provided by the epigraphic interpretation and by a group of materials which indicates such an old date (Morais, 1997–98a: 47–97).

It is in this context that we should understand P. Fabius Maximus’ journey, Augustus’ legate, between the years 4 and 1 BC, witnessed in inscriptions found in Semelhe (Braga) and Lugo. As Manuela Martins says (Martins, 1990: 166–167), the inscription found in Semelhe dedicated by the Bracaraugustani, to that legate on his birthday, together with a dedication to M. Agrippa Postumus, Agrippa’s children, dated AD 4, which possesses the same reference, means that “the populations of the region of Braga possessed a community conscience, which shows a first effort of regroup and organization.”

As far as the epigraphy is concerned, the reinterpretation of a known inscription of Bracara Augusta, by Santiago Montero and Sabino Perea (ad. CIL II 2421, 1996), today incorporated in the façade of the Largo D. João Peculiar, has given the city a new dimension in relation to its religious context and the date of its foundation. Dating from between the years 5 and 2 BC, this inscription, the only bidental witnessed epigraphily in Hispania, shows the importance of the prodigia in the Roman religious mentality; it can also contribute to the creation of some causal links between some events that happened to Augustus, at the time of his campaign in the north of Hispania, and this bidental right after the moment of the city’s foundation (Santiago Montero e Sabino Perea, 1996: 300).

The accurate date of the foundation of the city is yet to explain, despite the abundance of epigraphies of honorary and monumental character dated to the time of Augustus, which were found both in Braga and in its outskirts (Martins e Delgado, 1989–90a: 14–15). It seems to be generally accepted, however, that the imperial decision of creating the three urban centres in the NW, between the years 16/15 BC, at the time of Augustus’ presence in Hispania, corresponds, as P. Le Roux suggests (1994: 230–31), to the date of the city’s official recognition. This hypothesis agrees with Dio Cassius’ reference (54, 23), when he affirms that Augustus, right after the pacification imposed by Agrippa in the year 19 BC, “founded numerous cities in Gallia and Hispania”. The date of Augustus’ second journey to Hispania, after the year 15 BC, matches the references stated in a work known as Monumentum Ancyranum, of which the following passage is quoted: “Colonias militum in Italia, aut in Provinciis ad memoriam aetatis meae feci”. In chapter 28 of the same work, with reference to the year 14 BC, we can also read: “Colonias in Africa, Sicilia, Macedonia, utraque Hispania, Achaia, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis, Pisidia, militum deduxi”, meaning that Augustus might have founded colonies in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, in both Hispanias, Achaia, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis and

According to the authors (id. ibidem), the expiation of this bidental, possibly a fulmen regale, might have struck an emblematic place of the city, leading to a “re-foundation”. This act, besides obeying to the Romans’ religious psychology, inherited from the Etruscans, should have also corresponded to a political motivation where Augustus himself would have the opportunity to show his interest in keeping “impurity” and bad omens away from a city that carried his name and had been created by him (Fig. 4). Taking into account the date attributed to this inscription, it is likely that the ceremony of the procuratio of the bidental might have been carried out by Paullus Fabius Maximus, legatus pro praetore, the personal bearer and carrier of the Emperor’s orders, who played a very important role as diffuser of the imperial cult in the peninsular Northwest 16

The Origin and Evolution of the City

Gallaeciae with juridical character and of an Asturiae et Gallaeciae procurator for the economic and fiscal aspects makes us think that they were both considered as a single territory (id. ibidem; Balil, 1992: 48). According to this reorganization process, it is perfectly possible that the division in conventus was also part of that process, taking into account that the conventus Arae August(a)e already existed in the year AD 1 (Santos Yanguas, 1986: 115).

(id., : 307–315), as the two known epigraphes in Lugo tell us (Tranoy, 1980:71). What this inscription definitely reveals is that part of Bracara Augusta’s soil was considered locus religiosus by recognition of the Emperor himself (id. ibidem: 70). Another testimony of this civil and religious function, which might have led to the foundation of the city, can be found in the presence of different priests belonging to the conventus. Among these, the first we know of is from the city and has the name of Camalus, son of Melgaecus (CIL, II, 2703; Tranoy, 1980: 67–83; id., 1985: 65). This name, typically indigenous, can curiously be found in other places of the north of Hispania, in particular in the region of the conventus Bracaraugustanus, namely in the city and in the hillfort (Citânia) of Sanfins.

This perspective gains some legitimacy if we accept as correct some authors’ point of view (Alföldy, 1983; Dopico Caínzos, 1986) that defend that the conventus iuridici were created during the Augustan period. Moreover, the existence of an epigraph dated AD 1, the so-called Tabula Lougeiorum, leads M. L. Dopico Caínzos (Dopico Caínzos, 1988: 62–63) to defend that these entities were created still during Augustus’ reign, in the sequence of the Administrative reorganization of the Peninsula.

Another important data that corroborates such an ancient foundation is related to the group of exhumed materials, which are the result of a large number of excavations undertaken in several places of the city. The older levels and the turned over contexts of those excavations provided varied materials that unquestionably prove that date (Morais, 1997–98a: 47–97).

What concerns the juridical contextualization of Bracara Augusta there is only a slight reference by Pliny who, in his Naturalis Historiae (4, 112), registers it in the list of the oppida with a special foreign statute. As far as its juridical promotion is concerned, there are not explicit evidences that refer to its condition as a municipality. Some authors, such as Alföldy and Tranoy, considered that the urbs might have reached the municipal privilege in the Flavian period.

From the group of materials of that time we can refer to the presence, on the one hand, of native production pottery from the transition era, and, on the other hand, of materials typical of that period, namely coins, thin-walled ware and Italic terra sigillata, some of which accompanied by Italic amphorae Dressel 2–4 and Baetic amphorae Haltern 70.

However, the Flavian’s municipal policy, and in particular the extension of the ius Latii to the Hispanic provinces, has been the subject of a long historiographic debate, which had its origin in a controversial and laconic text by Pliny (Nat. Hist., III, 30). There we can read that Vespasian granted the Latin statute to the whole of Hispania.

If we had to deduce Bracara Augusta’s foundation from the sole existence of these materials, we would have to conclude that Bracara had inevitably been founded in a date near to the one we referred to or, even, in a previous moment.

The real range of the generalized concession of the ius Latii to the Hispanic provinces has motivated a profound debate: for some, the extension of that Latin right was a personal right, granted to the individuals rather than to the communities, on the margins and independently of the juridical statute of the cities the individuals belonged to; for others, the group of rights that came with the ius civile had necessarily implicit a series of institutional, administrative and judicial tools, which were only viable in the ambit of the municipal statute (cfr. López Castro, 1985: 259–261).

2.2 From Oppidum to Dives Bracara 2.2.1 The legal context In the first division of the conquered lands in the peninsular north during the Cantabrian wars of 29–19 BC, the NW and the Asturian regions were part of Lusitania and the Cantabrian region was part of the Citerior (Pliny, N. H. 3, 6). This first division was done according to a geostrategic logic, allowing the conquerors an effective separation of the peoples that were more likely to stand together in case of rebellion (Martin, 1999: 97). But in the years 16–13 BC, during his second journey to the North of the Peninsula, Augustus reorganized the provinces; as a consequence the whole peninsular Northwest became now part of the Citerior province (Dío Cass. 54, 25). The Northwest was definitely included in the Citerior because this province was of imperial, and not senatorial, category, which meant that it depended on the princeps in case an intervention was necessary, since the conquest process was not parallel with the pacification one (Arias Vilas, 1992a: 33). The presence, for some time, of a legatus Asturiae et

In recent years P. Le Roux (Le Roux 1994; id. 1995; id. 1996), who wondered about the lack of direct or indirect reference to the category of municipality in the epigraphic data of Bracara Augusta, puts forward that the city might have enjoyed the ius Latii since its foundation, and not the statute of a mere special foreign city. Nonetheless, there is a recent interpretation (Morais, 2004: 227–240) of oil lamps stamps with a reference to the municipal government that seems to refute that hypothesis. 17

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

In this context Dion Crisostomo’s reference (Or., XXXV, 15) is also significant to the economic advantages brought about by the creation of a conventus iuridicus in a city. These inscriptions are the proof of the dimension this cult could assume. An altar in honour of Agrippa Postumus, son of Augustus’ lieutenant, M. Vipsanius Agrippa, respects the same philosophy. As we have already seen, the latter’s action in the peninsula was short-lived but fruitful: in a date after the second Cantabrian war in 19 BC up to the summer of 18 BC, Agrippa might have undertaken a structural work of organization and urbanization of the NW, reorganizing and designing the basis of the imperial propaganda. According to Patrick Le Roux (1996: 369), there would have been magistrates and a ordo decurionum in the city as well as statues in honour of important people or Emperors, placed in local public squares. Corroborating this statement there is a fragment of a statue found in the excavations done in the insula of Caravalheiras. This fragment, proportionally identical to the front paw of the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, must have been part of an Emperor’s statue placed in the forum (Morais, 2002c: 230; Est. VIII, 1–2) (Fig. 5)

Figure 5. Front foot of an equestrian statue. Esc. 1:2.

We agree, however, with Patrick Le Roux (Le Roux, 1996: 366) when he says that Pliny’s expressions, which use the word civitas for Braga’s conventus and oppida for the city of Bracara Augusta, might mean two things: on the one hand, a larger degree of urbanization of this territory and, on the other hand, the attribution of the city statute to Bracara Augusta in simultaneous with the position of caput civitatis.

Another important issue has exclusively to do with the tax collecting in the provinces. In order to be able to divide the tax burden efficiently and, above all, to know which forces and resources the empire possessed, it was necessary to have the most complete census possible and a regular inventory of people and goods of the territories controlled by Rome. This task, started by Caesar and developed in a methodical way by Augustus, lead, as J. Goody well pointed out (Goody, 1990: 147), to a transformation of the idea of government through the change of the economic patterns in force. These patterns based on a domestic administration eventually gave way to a government of a vast society (Chic Garcia, 1997: 73).

This position is corroborated by Amílcar Guerra (Guerra, 1995: 63), who in his commentaries and translation of passages of Pliny’s Natural History regarding the Portuguese territory, considers the fact that Bracara is defined by the corresponding etnonim, a significant sign of the implementation process of these administrative realities. What we can certainly accept, regardless of the doubt about the date of recognition of Bracara Augusta as a centre of a juridical conuentus, is that such a statute implies not only the reception of judicial hearings by the governor, or his representative, as a juridical legate, but also the performance of imperial cult celebrations that gathered the majority of the regional population.

In Hispania the census task did not start before the year 8 BC; it only took place after the Hispanic soil had been reorganized in three provinces, two imperial (Tarraconensis and Lusitania) and one senatorial (Baetica). In the first two provinces the populi are the characteristic support that would allow the definition of the census basis (id. ibidem: 75). Possibly based on that census, Pliny (III, 23–28) calculated the population density of the conventus bracaugustanus in 285 000 free taxpayers, in all of its 24 civitates.

In this context, the sending of Paullus Fabius Maximus to the NW was a major event as it was his mission to establish the imperial cult in Braga and in Lugo, as the known inscriptions show. His presence in these cities reveals a close connection between their foundation and the imperial cult. The importance of the imperial cult in the city is obvious in the existence of dedications to the members of the Augustan family as well as in the participation of illustrious natives in that cult, as the presence of the already mentioned priest of the conventus, Camalus, proves. The importance of the imperial cult is also made clear in Braga through an inscription in honour of Isis Augusta dedicated by Lucretia Fida, sacerdos of the conventus Bracaraugustanus and by the fact that there was a priest from Bracara Augusta among the many mentioned in Tarragona (Le Roux, 1996: 369–70).

2.2.2 The standardisation and consolidation of the city In Augustus’ and Tiberius’ reigns, the imperial power will send military and administrative structures especially to the northwestern sector of the Peninsula because that power became aware of the political realities existent there (Tranoy, 1985: 70). But the reforms by Vespasian definitely established 18

The Origin and Evolution of the City

Hispania noua Citerior Antoniniana per diuisionem, by Caracalla – better saying, under his mother’s government, Julia Domna, while the Emperor took care of the eastern borders. The boundaries of this province are, however, ill known. For some, it included the Northwest, Asturia and the military territory of Legio and of Zamora as well as the territory of the conventus of Clunia, whose division with the Citerior would be made through the Pisuerga, a tributary of the Douro; other authors are of the opinion that the territory of this new and ephemeral province would be much smaller (vid. Martin, 1999: 108). The creation of this new province, with unclear motivations and of shortlived duration, not going beyond the year 238, is justified by very fragile arguments and is based solely in a votive inscription from Léon (vid. CIL. II 2661), in which the initials PR. H. N. C. have been interpreted as abbreviations of a new provincial circumscription, called Provincia Hispania Nova Citerior (González Román, 1995: 28).

the specificity and the expression of the imperial cult and allow a better practice of the imperial justice; such practice was achieved through an administrative and judicial decentralization, in whose context the governor delegated his powers in the juridical legacies of each conventus (Tranoy, 1985: 70). The Flavian action would thus complete a work left undone by the founder of the Empire. Between the last quarter of the 1st century and the beginnings of the 2nd century a program of works took place to make the city more monumental. There are many remains of public and private buildings, which were uncovered by the excavations and are the living proofs of those works (Martins, 2004b). Simultaneously, we witness the demographic increase in Bracara Augusta and the growing rise of its population’s purchasing power, associated with a high rhythm of imports, well documented by the excavations. The urbanism presumes that the city, since the Flavian era, depended on a landowners’ class, on traders and artisans who lived in the city and developed a large activity favourable to the development of the urban life (Martins, 1995).

The final recognition of the political autonomy of the NW occurs, however, at the end of the 3rd century through the division of Tarraconensis by Diocletian, who created the province of Gallaecia between 284 and 288–9. Actually, the particularity of the NW, which would take to the creation of this new province, is obvious in governor Rutilius Pudens Crispinus’ attitude, who, in 238–241, decided to keep the title of representative of the province of Hispania Citerior and of Gallaecia (Tranoy, 1985: 73). It will be in this new juridical and administrative conjuncture that Bracara Augusta will take over the role of capital of the province by joining the three northwest conuentus iuridici and part of that of Clunia (Martins e Delgado, 1989–90a: 30).

As it happened throughout the Roman world, the Antonine Age also marks the division between the period of greater expansion and economic growth, which, in general, characterized the Principate, and the period of invasions and economic recession that came afterwards. This change is, nonetheless, difficult to investigate and impossible to quantify since the decline was not a continuous and regular process, as we can confirm in Bracara Augusta’s renewal of the public baths of Alto da Cividade that suffered amplification at the end of the 3rd century (Martins, forthcoming).

As a consequence the city benefited from the administrative reforms introduced by the Tetrarchy and subsequent reestablishment of the imperial unity under Constantine who, as a partisan of an administrative decentralization, opted for the creation of regional prefectures, developing, in this way, the management functions carried out by the cities.

People often insist – maybe too often – on the decline of the cities when these were forced to confine themselves to the space inside their own narrow walls. However, it so happens that Bracara Augusta seems to have enjoyed, throughout the Late Empire period, a privileged statute in a Northwest Peninsular context, going against the sometimes bad consequences of this agitated period.

During the 4th century the adoption of Christianity as the official religion afforded Bracara Augusta, already an ecclesiastic province at the end of this century (coincident with the former division by Diocletian), the administration of an important territory and the direct control over the suffragan dioceses. This role taken over by the city gave it a superior category to that of Tarraco since its governor and the province itself, according to Notitia Dignitatum, were of consular category; this led Ausonius to grant the city the title of diues Bracara, which thus reveals the development of this urban centre. The date when the Episcopal seat was instituted in the city can not be determined with precision, even though we know that around the year AD 400 one of its archbishops, Paternus, was at the First Council of Toledo (Balil, 1992: 47).

Between the end of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th, a wall in a generally elliptic shape was built, circumscribing an area wider than 48 ha. The stereoscopic analysis of photographs from the city let us identify a significant part of the wall plan, which enhances the traditional route suggested by José Teixeira in 1910. Recent excavations at Quinta do Fujacal, at the cathedral (Torre Nossa Senhora da Glória) and in the corner between Avenida Imaculada Conceição and Rua dos Bombeiros Voluntários made the identification of semicircular turrets similar to the ones on the walls of Lugo and Astorga possible.

The political transformations resulting from the Suevic presence in the Peninsula, between the 5th and 6th centuries did not affect the survival of the city. The territory where

In the 3rd century the peninsular northwest achieved a relative political autonomy through the creation of a new province, 19

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 6. Map of the Suevic reign (c. 585).

the Suevic kingdom exercised its dominium, from the year AD 411 onwards, coincided with that of the province of Gallaecia. Bracara Augusta became then the political and administrative capital of that kingdom, enjoying a very active life, at least until the year AD 456, when Theodoric II invaded it (Fig. 6).

his troops (Hydat. 173–75) (vid. Blázquez, 1975). On the other hand, as Oliveira Martins well points out (Martins, 1994: 87, 12ª edição), although Idacius felt shocked at the invaders’ brutality, he naively revealed the feelings of the clergy about those acts. The data supplied by the archaeology for the Late Empire show two different stages: a first one of renovation between the end of the 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th century; a second stage, characterised by later restorations, in the 5th and 6th centuries, marked by the deterioration of the building quality, which often corresponds to the repair of pre-existent buildings, whose original functionality was sacrificed.

In that same year, the first Bagaudic movements might have happened in the region of Bracara Augusta (Hydat. 158), in a context of a series of revolts in the north of the peninsula, related to the rural movements of poor free farmers, colonists and farm slaves (Blázquez, 1975). The disastrous consequences of the Bagaudic movements in the region and the dramatic picture of Theodoric’s II invasion, reported by the chronicler Idacius, seem, however, to be denied by the archaeological data that prove the survival of the city and the continuity of the urban life throughout the 5th / 6th centuries and even the 7th (Martins e Delgado, 1989– 90a: 31). The invasion and pillage of the city, which did not respect the churches or the clergymen, as the expulsion of the 455 consecrated virgins well demonstrates (Maciel, 1998: 28), has to be inserted in the fight against the Suevi power carried out by Theodoric II, who, in the condition of the Emperor’s federate, penetrated into the Peninsula with

In fact, the preservation of the city’s importance is obvious in the 1st Canon of the Council in AD 561, which took place in the city, with the participation of St. Martin of Dume as Abbot of that same Monastery. The Visigoths’ annexation of the present NW peninsular territory occurred in AD 585 with the defeat of the Suevi, after a series of campaigns led by King Leovigild. The first known campaign occurs in 573, after an attack in the 20

The Origin and Evolution of the City

Figure 7. Plan of the city attributed to Georgius Braun (1594).

southwest area of the conventus Bracaraugustano, in the mountainous region that stretches throughout the Sabor River. We know of a second campaign that took place in the northwest of the conventus in 575, leading to the annexation of the Aregenses Mountains (situated in the eastern part of the present day province of Orense), which were under a local magnate’s control, Aspidium. After a year, in 576, the Visigoths carry out a third incursion and, according to Juan de Bíclaro’s chronicle, this time they invade the Suevi territory, namely the region of Baixo Minho and the south of nowadays Gallicia (Quiroga e Lovelle, 1994: 86–87).

suffered bad consequences as far as the administration and the economic life is concerned. They also conditioned the trade and the industry and consequently worsened the already bad economic situation of the population’s lower social classes. Plundered by the Visigoths, sacrificed by the medieval city that was partially built over it, the Roman city of Bracara Augusta was gradually buried under the cultivated fields that surrounded the small medieval borough. The city is only “revisited” again in the 16th century as a consequence of the interest revealed by the Humanists from Braga, who decided to search for the old Roman city and to rediscover its history (Martins, 2000).

But, as we have seen, it will only be from the year 585 onwards that the Visigoths will occupy these territories, since neither the sources nor the archaeological data let us suggest an earlier occupation (Quiroga e Lovelle, 1994: 91). From the time these territories were occupied onwards, the Visigoths decided to install garrisons, which worked as control posts, in main nuclei such as the cities of Lugo and Tui and, above all, in the territories of the old Suevi territorial base. This base was situated between the courses of the Minho and Douro Rivers, approximately in the present region of Entre Douro e Minho up to the eastern areas of the conventus bracarense, the Aregenses Mountains, near the old settlements, which were situated in the proximities of late uillae (Quiroga e LOvelle, 1994: 104–5). As a result of these conflicts, Bracara Augusta

Among this period’s most significant documents one stands out: a publication, from the end of the 16th century (1594) of a city plan attributed to Georgius Braun, a German engraver. In that publication, the author makes reference to spaces of the old Roman city, namely to the exits of the main military ways and to the probable position of the old Roman Forum (Fig. 7), that according to Braun was situated in the place where today we can find the church of S. Sebastião: “S. Sebastiani aedicula ubi forum Romanorum fuite creditor” (Church of S. Sebastião where the Roman Forum is thought to have existed). 21

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 8. Plan of the city by André Soares (1756).

The reference to other testimonies of the Roman city are collected in the work of erudite authors, such as the archbishop D. Rodrigo da Cunha (1634), who first tried to write a history of Braga, and Jerónimo Contador de Argote (1732–34), who, inserted in the illuminist spirit of the 18th century, carried out the largest attempt to reconstitute the Roman history of the city from archaeological evidences and the resource to written sources.

Among the most interesting evidences referred to in the works of these humanists, we would like to stress the many references made to the Roman amphitheatre, apparently situated in the proximities of the old church of S. Pedro de Maximinos (vid. Morais, 2001: 55–76) – which is documented in a map of the city (Fig. 8) by the well-known late Baroque architect André Soares (1756) – and the reference to a “precious treasure” found in Braga near the “Convent of the Conceiçam Sisters” (presently known as Convento da Regeneração), “where large parts of the old Roman wall still stand up” (vid. Morais, 2002c: 219–235).

It did not take long for the popularization of Bracara Augusta’s memory to perpetuate through the spread of new finds, namely in the Gazeta de Lisboa, in the Memórias Paroquiais, used by Pedro A. de Azevedo to obtain information of archaeological interest, and in the 2nd volume of the “Dicionário Geográfico” by Priest Luís Cardoso (1751).

22

CHAPTER 3: THE TRADE AND THE MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION

3.1 The trade: an agent of development and stability

the Northwest practised two types of trade since the preRoman era: an internal trade, carried out in the area of the fortified camp (castreja) culture; and another one, a foreign one, that linked this area with other geographic regions.

“Una de las actividades económicas que ha supuesto un mayor contacto entre distintas culturas, provocado un mayor desarrollo técnico de las comunicaciones y el transporte y favorecido la estabilidad es sin duda el comercio” (The trade is unquestionably one of the economic activities that has fostered a wider contact between different cultures, caused the development of the communications and transports and favoured stability), these words are from C. Carreras Monfort that thus starts his introductory chapter on the Roman Britannia’s economy (Carreras Monfort, 2000a: 17). We could not agree more. The Latin word Commercium meant any activity related to businesses, the exchange or the purchase and sell of merchandises with the acceptation of the risks inherent to the transaction (Will, 1987). As Jacques Le Goff (1982: 7) points out, the trade, besides causing conflicts, works as one of the major links between geographic areas, civilizations and peoples.

The internal trade took place in the fora, which possibly worked as tribal or gentile markets, where the exchange products would be perishable goods, objects and clothes, or products such as gold, copper, tin and lead. In these same fora some other products could be exchanged, such as exotic pottery and glass beads from the foreign markets. The foreign market with other peninsular areas, or extra peninsular ones, was determined by the tin and certainly encouraged by the creation of favourable conditions such as the provision of services, protection, freedom of circulation and exemption of payments. This trade was carried out by water and land roads. The latter were, however, in most of cases, hard to precise, except for an inland path from the south of the Peninsula up to the Northwest (the so-called Silver Way in Roman times). Contrary to this situation, the most significant examples of the commercial routes in the pre-Roman period are represented by the coastal fortified settlements, situated in important places and in the estuary of important rivers, such as the settlements of Coaña, Sta. Tecla, Sta. Luzia, Terroso, Bagunte and Vila Nova de Gaia (vid. Naveiro López, 1991b: 24). We should also emphasize the importance of another smaller settlement situated in a perched position by the mouth of the Cávado River. We are talking of the settlement of S. Lourenço, situated to the NE of Esposende, in a nearer position relatively to Bracara Augusta, which can be inserted in the context of the maritime-river trade of the Atlantic, as a result of the archaeological remains so far found – among which there is an attic red figure ceramic fragment from the 4th century BC (Arruda, 1997: 82; Almeida e Cunha, 1997: 14).

No society can avoid consuming, producing and distributing. In this way the whole economic activity, centred in the movement of production, distribution and consumption of goods is a dynamic and circular process. As far as the circulation of goods is concerned, distribution provides the essential connection. In this way, all lasting relations of a given society imply transactions, exchanges and, in a more complex degree, commerce (Aubet, 1997: 93). Nevertheless, when we do not have enough written documentation it is extremely difficult to recreate the exchange mechanisms in the Ancient World. Such is the case of the Peninsular Northwest, where the Roman city of Bracara Augusta is situated. A superficial reading of the sources can induce us to admit an almost total isolation of the Northwest and North of the peninsula settlements. This isolation is especially enhanced at the beginning of Strabo’s Book III (3, 1, 2) when he says that this region “is not only extremely rough, but also cold and oceanic; furthermore, it does not contact nor has it trade with other regions, which makes it the most difficult region to live in”.

The work done by P. Pinto (Pinto, 1997) on the fortified settlements situated in high places of the Peninsular Northwest is very elucidatory. The author presents the reasons that led to the human settling throughout the coastal strip and reports the human involvement with the water environment from the respective geographic position (maritime, coastal and estuary). As a complement to this study, a recent one carried out by K. Struut (Struut, 2000) proves, from the spatial analysis of the distribution of proto-historic and Roman settlements in the Ave’s region, that the human behaviours regarding the choice of habitat were not only different in these two periods but they also

This situation is not, however, totally true. In fact, despite the isolation of these settlements, which is the result of the lack of overland roads, we can not forget that different archaeological remains were found that prove the existence of an intense trade in these regions, in particular using the river and the Atlantic routes. We know that the peoples of 23

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

obeyed to different options. The fortified settlements of “castrejo” type found in high places were frequently situated overlooking the main river courses, whereas the Roman occupation privileged the low slopes and the alluvium plains, corresponding to the river terraces and the coastal plains, which suggest an immediate connection with the water resources and the choice of lands fit for farming (id. ibidem: 126). Another interesting aspect emphasized by the author (id. ibidem: 127; 132) has to do with the type of orientation adopted by the Roman camps which – unlike the ones of castrejo type, whose slopes are orientated in all directions – are preferably placed in the slopes exposed to the south, the southeast and the east. This orientation of the different Roman camps, as Mª Luísa Blot has well pointed out (Blot, 2003: 34), curiously matches the orientation of the different settlements and emporiums of the Phoenician time in our territory, according to a typically Mediterranean criterion.

us a better contextualization of the economy and trade of Bracara Augusta. This analysis will allow us to focus on the rare literary and epigraphic references available and, as far as possible, explain the nature of the Roman trade in a city situated in the periphery of the Empire. As far as this last topic is concerned, the study of the material culture of this city, not only of the amphorae, but of all types of pottery, suggests an economic logic, especially what regards the imported goods. In fact, we are talking about a market system, conditioned by the natural means and infrastructures that were used or even developed by the city itself (maritime routes, rivers, roads, tracks, etc), which determined its economic potential at a given limited period of time. Even though this model is strongly subjected to particular trade and redistribution mechanisms, when analysed at a regional scale we realize that it is also dependent on other variables such as the population’s purchasing power and ethnicity that might have conditioned possible market trends.

With the eventual annexation of these territories by the Romans, trade, together with agriculture and mining, becomes one of the major factors of economic development; trade was only conditioned by the borders rights of each province and consequent distribution, which strongly simplified its development. The Roman merchants were frequently organized in voluntary associations called collegia. The data provided by the epigraphy, which consist largely of funerary and honorary epigraphs, show that these activities were socially and religiously important in the communities’ life. Membership of a collegium and participation in its rituals gave the merchants, whether freedmen or freeborn, a sense of identity and a certain status in the community (Meijer e von Nijf, 1992: 74).

3.2 The means of transportation 3.2.1 The costs of transportation and their restrictions R. J. Forbes (1996: 160) calculated that the prices of land transportation made the cereal price double every 100 miles (142.2 km) and the same probably happened with those goods whose value was small in relation to their volume or weight. M. I. Finley (1986: 175–81), taking into account these average costs of transportation in the ancient world, pointed out the existing relation between the transportation capacity and the development of the urban life, stressing the fact that the traction systems were expensive and not very efficient, taking into consideration the heavy wooden carts pulled by draught and pack animals. As a matter of fact the use of the ox, as main draught animal in antiquity, instead of mule or donkey, was determined not only by the slowness but also by their natural voracity. We should also point out that the horseshoe was still unknown, which made it impossible to avoid that the animal hooves got hurt (Chic Garcia, undated: 46). The cost would thus be higher, especially in long distance journeys according to the amount of goods to transport and the number of animals and carriers used. Actually, the weakness of the traction of the old yoke determined that in the 4th century AD carts could not transport more than 429 kilograms (Foraboschi, 1990: 820).

Much less frequent are the epigraphic references regarding the economic activities of the collegia, as an association. We know, however, that these worked as true commercial businesses that aimed to defend the respective hegemony in the economic activities they dedicated themselves to (id. ibidem). Nevertheless, we should not forget that in a society based on a subsistence economy, as all the societies in the ancient world were, the most important mercantile branch was not, naturally, the commerce of luxury commodities, but rather the exchange of basic needs, vital for the population’s supply of the different urban nuclei. Thus, the Roman State provided the provinces with a main web of roads, linking the hub centres that encouraged the consumption of basic needs and the expansion of the urban life.

On the contrary, the transport by waterway, maritime or fluvial, was not only faster, safer and more efficient but also less expensive.

To get a deeper and contextualised knowledge of the economy and trade of a city in the Roman world we should also take into consideration the costs of transportation in the ancient times and their relation with the means of transportation used in a certain geographical context. It is in this perspective that we are going to present the known data in the studies of the speciality so as to allow

A first study on the transportation cost of goods and its relation with the means of transport used was written by R. Ducan-Jones (Ducan-Jones, 1974: 366) that establishes the following values: 1 sea route; 4.9 river route and 34 to 42 inland routes. 24

Trade and Means of Transportation

Afterwards, A. Deman (Deman, 1987: 81) calculated from the established prices for the cereals found in Diocletian’s Edictum de pretiis rerum venalium (7, 1) that the cost proportion between the several means of transportation would be the following: sea 1 route; river 5 to 8 routes; 39 inland routes.

animal sacrifices would be made, often a sheep or a bull. If the wind was favourable, if there was nothing wrong with the date and if the sacrifice had gone off as desired, superstition still left a gamut of bad omens to be run: a sneeze as you went up the gangplank was bad, a crow or a magpie sitting, croaking, in the rigging was bad, a glimpse of some wreckage on the shore was bad, the uttering of certain words or expressions were bad. A large number of dreams were also considered bad omens: for example, to dream of turbid waters or a key or an anchor or animals (especially goats, wild boars, bulls, owls and other night birds, seagulls and other sea birds) was definitely bad (id. ibidem).

More recently, in a more detailed study C. Carreras Monfort (Carreras Monfort, 1994: 32) calculates the following costs taking into account the different means of transport: 1 sea shipping; 3.4 riverboats (downstream); 6.8 river boats (upstream); 43.3 pack animals and 50.72 wagons. P. A. Gianfrotta’s and P. Pomey’s study (Gianfrotta and Pomey, 1981), on the advantages of the goods transportation by waterway, is very elucidating: 375 wagons with a 400 kg capacity would be necessary to carry out the transport of a cargo equivalent to that of a vessel with an average capacity of about 3,000 amphorae, this is, 150 tons. According to these authors’ calculations (id. ibidem: 51), from the already referred to price list established at the time of Diocletian, it would be less expensive to send a load of cereals by waterway to the remotest parts of the Empire than to transport it in wagons by draught animals in a distance of 100 km.

There was still another factor which anyone choosing between travelling by land or sea had to keep in mind: ship passages were not available all year round. Actually, if we take into consideration that during a third of the year the ships were tied at harbour and that during the other third navigation was considered dangerous, we conclude that sailing only took place during the four months of summer (Pounds, 1987: 41). Such restrictions to navigation were due to the severe winter storms and the increased amount of cloudiness that occurs between autumn and spring. In this way, the Roman administration itself established a period of mare clausum (November 12th to March 10th) and another of “open sea” (May 27th to September 14th), besides two other periods of insecurity (March 10th to May 27th and September 14th to November 12th) (Chevalier, 1988a: 119).

Despite the obvious advantage of the goods transport by waterway, we should bear in mind that even that kind of transport, especially the maritime, had many risks. This was due to the fact that there were not many navigation instruments, which made the pilots use their instinct and the stars (guiding themselves through the sun, during the day, and through the position of the stars during the night). For that reason, most of the sea travels was done using the cabotage system not only because of the lack of nautical utensils, with primitive direction and propulsion systems, but also due to the meteorological phenomena characteristic of each climatic season, which made the maritime traffic difficult, or even impossible, often leading to the loss of human lives and cargo.

This fact did not stop, however, that in some occasions navigation took place during the less advisable months: for example, Claudius tried, inter alia, to encourage the merchants specialized in the cereals transport to import them to Rome during the winter months according to a specific regulation (Suet. Cl. 18, 4, 24). That regulation established that in case of shipwreck or abandonment of part of the cargo because of the winter storms these merchants were to be paid compensation worth the value they had lost, even granting them special privileges (Suet. Cl. 18, 4, 19) (Cfr. Sirks, 1991: 41; 61–62). We also know of journeys carried out exceptionally in less advisable periods to transport troops that were to meet an emergency (Casson, 1994: 149).

As far as this topic is concerned, the ancient authors pinpointed the mere finger’s breadth of plank that separates a sailor from drowning and the farewell poems addressed to friends departing for overseas sometimes read like elegies on their certain death (Casson, 1994: 150). When a vessel was in difficulties near the coast and was able to anchor, it had to get rid of part of its cargo in order not to sink. This situation happened so often that a team of specialized divers in salvaging goods was created, such as the urinatores documented in an inscription found in Ostia, dedicated to the Emperor Antonine Pius (Beuderley, 1991: 14–15).

As a result of these limitations the period reserved for navigation was not very long and, as we have already mentioned, the navigation was plotted by the stars, in special by the polar star. This star, which the Greek called pheniké, marked not only the north but also the altitude of the observer (Tinoco Pérez, 2001: 198). The navigators also sent a watchman to the mast or followed the birds’ migration; at times, they would also let birds, doves and crows go to observe how distant they were from the coast (id. ibidem; Martínez Maganto, 1990: 70).

For the same reason, on many days of the year the religious calendar forbade business of any sort, and this included the departure of ships. August 24th, October 5th and November 8th, or even the last days of the month were considered ill-omened for the navigation (Casson, 1994: 155). On the favourable days for sailing, before the embarkation,

We also know of the existence of night lighting in the vessels, which was obtained by perforated amphorae that were fixed to the bow of the boats. Inside these amphorae 25

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

a lamp was kept burning, which kept the night contact between the fleets (Tinoco Pérez, 2001: 194; 199). The archaeological proof of this theory is documented by the discovery of a Dressel 1 A amphora found in a shipwreck dated from the 2nd century BC, whose use traces and characteristics let us identify it as being a vessel lamp (Martínez Maganto, 1990: 69–70).

overvalue the importance of this equipment in the context of Brigantium. As Fermín Pérez Losada (Pérez Losada, 2002: 135) has well said: Brigantium é polo tanto un punto de especial interesse estratéxico e administrativo a nivel estatal (ou imperial se se quere), concretado na prestación de servicios a este alto nivel que confiren ó enclave un character próprio e extremamente singular dentro do mundo galaicoromano (Brigantium is a place of special strategic and administrative interest at a state level - or even at an imperial one - realized in the provision of work at this high level that gives the enclave a very particular character inside the Gallaic Roman world). In fact, as the author also says (id. ibidem), the archaeological remains are not very abundant when compared to other coastal contexts (for example Vigo or Iria), what makes us think of a “trafico «de paso» de mercadorías (abastecendo da Galia e Britania desde o Mediterráneo) que propriamente un centro relevante de consume, producción ou almacenamento / redistribución masiva de bens importados cara ás terras do interior” (“passing through” traffic of commodities – supplying Gallia and Britain from the Mediterranean rather than of a relevant centre of consumption, production or storage / redistribution of imported goods for the inland regions).

In the navigation field, the existence of lighthouses was essential. The lighthouses were used, as they are still today, to sign harbours and to indicate safe anchorage places. The used sign system, which comes from at least the Greek era, is preceded by systems of night sign that were based in light signs through coastal fires or military watching towers (id. ibidem, 1990: 67–69; 85). It is also probable that the lighthouses were important in the daytime sign; in this case, they used a system of sign based in the reflection of the sun rays though the use of polished surfaces that enabled an intermittent sign, which could be seen from a great distance. They also resorted to columns of smoke and to the emission of sound signs during the days of thick fog or storm through mechanic devices (id. ibidem, 1990: 75–76; 85). In the context of the Atlantic strip of the present Portuguese territory we only know of a tower (used as a lighthouse) through the testimony of Strabo (III, 3, 1). This tower might have existed in a place not yet determined, probably at Espichel Cape or in Outão (vid. Alarcão, 2004: 317– 325), and, like many others that certainly existed along the Atlantic strip, it was of the utmost importance for the viability of the navigation circuits throughout the coast. However, we should not rule out other possibilities, namely the existence of two towers, regardless of the fact that one of them might have been a lighthouse or not (id. ibidem).

According to Naveiro López (1991a: 133; 154), this lighthouse probably had not only an economic function but also a particular strategic interest at a political and administrative level. We even know from Orosius (I, 2.71) that this lighthouse was supposed to warn the vessels that came from the British Isles at night of the proximity of the peninsular coast. This was the only continental port for the boats that were heading to the English Channel or to St. George’s Channel, normally favoured by the fast Atlantic current (Millet, 1998: 70). This lighthouse might have been built in the 2nd century as we can deduce from the gathering of some materials found by L. Monteagudo in the excavations done by the tower (vid. Martínez Maganto, 1990: 80). There, situated about 15 meters to the south of the tower, a votive inscription carved in the natural rock was found. According to Patrick Le Roux, the inscription was dedicated to Mars (Marti Aug(usto) sacr(um)) by a Latin-indigenous (G. sevius Lupus Aeminiensis Lusitanus), who as an architect (architectus), possibly an architectus militaris, (Le Roux, 1990).

The most well-known lighthouse of this coast is situated in Coruña. Known by ancient sailors as the “Artabrian port” (Str. III, 154) or altissimum pharum (Orosius, Historiarum adversus paganus, I, 2, 71), this lighthouse served as a lookout for vessels that went or came from Britannia. Also known as the Tower of Hercules, it keeps the architectonic tradition of the famous ancient lighthouse built in Alexandria, in Egypt (Hauschild, 1977: 136). Brigatium, which was situated in this place of Coruña, was the last of Hispania’s great port centres and a tin trade centre since the pre-Roman era. It also capitalized, since the Roman era, the commercial traffic to the Cantabric Sea and to the Atlantic and controlled the route up to Britannia (Martínez Maganto and Carreras Monfort, 1993: 102). This lighthouse, which Ptolomeus situates in the great port of the Gallaic and of the people from Lugo and calls Farum Precantium (it should be read as Pharim Brigantium; Cfr. Franco Maside, 2001: 227, endnote 25), was certainly related to a statio. This was in turn connected to the important economic (commercial) role of that port centre that was responsible for the gathering of products, such as the portorium, by the roman servants in charge of that task (exactores), documented in inscriptions in Coruña (Arias Vilas, 1992b: 55). However, we should not

Other lighthouses or torches, like the Fariña one, might have existed on the coast of the Arousa bay, making the entrance by the Ulla River easier (A Lanzada, O Grove, St. Tomé do Mar, Torres do Oeste). The old Torch of Donón in Mozarro, where several tombstones dedicated to a GallaicRoman deity were found, had possibly the same function (AriasVilas, 1992b: 55). In a passage from Mela (Chorog., 3, 11) we find a reference to a turris Augusti situated in the estuary of the Sar River, near Iria Flavia (Forum Iriensis). The existence of a possible lighthouse in the outskirts of the city is rather interesting since this city is, together with Brigantium, the main nucleus by the shore of the present Gallicia (vid, Pérez 26

Trade and Means of Transportation

Losada, 2002: 87). The lighthouse thus had a clear port and commercial function given its proximity to the only harbour so far documented by the several archaeological remains. Among these we found a group of imported materials that clearly prove, at least for the early empire period, the existence of a storage and redistribution centre in that region (Naveiro López, 1991a: 139; 153–154; Pérez Losada, 2002: 97; 103–104; 108).

weight of the commodities that arrived and went in the course of the several maintenances; for that they used previously established and carefully checked measures, resorting at times to double-pan scales, called machinae; the latter were responsible for the registration of the goods that went out and got in the warehouses; in the case they worked in port warehouses these professionals were called horrearii (Rougé, 1978: 19; Chic Garcia, 1984: 41; Izarra, 1993: 190).

3.2.2 The jobs associated with the transportation and the storage of commodities

We should also include the products quality control in these activities list. We know that, for example, each cereal loading was accompanied by a sealed leather bag that contained a sample to check if the product was in a good condition; in the case of wine, this had to be accompanied by sealed bottles (ampullae) and professional tasters that checked if the quality of the sent wine matched the one from the sample (Izarra, 1993: 190).

The Roman vessels had a primordial commercial function. There were no such things as passenger vessels so the travellers did as they were to do until the packet ship made its debut in the 19th century: they went to the waterfront and asked around until they found a vessel scheduled to sail in a direction they could use. Having selected his sailing, the traveller arranged to book a passage with magister navis “master of the ship”, the officer charged with the business side of the voyage, the maintenance of the ship and similar matters. The handling of the vessel under way was left to the sailing master, the gubernator (Casson, 1994, 153).

3.2.3 The vessels used in the sea trade The Roman commercial fleets were made up of extremely varied vessels of small and medium cabotage or of large high-sea vessels. This variety of vessel types occurs because each region of the Mediterranean basin had its own traditional vessel types. Unfortunately, it is not yet possible to determine with certainty the origin of the main types of vessels. The different written sources tell us, however, the names given to some of them, such as Isis, Corbita, Ponto, Cladivata, Gaulus, Rotundae; these names are also sometimes associated with the specific transports or with the volume of goods they could transport, such as the ones referred to by Strabo (III, 3, 1) – when he described the Tejo as a place of large port capacity – the muriagogoi, which according to this author, could transport about 10 000 amphorae at the same time. There were other names which were associated with specific situations of transport, such as the Naves Onerariae, with a capacity of more than a thousand tons. They were used only for the transport of building materials and grain for the annona and could anchor only in the large ports of Ostia, Alexandria, Antioch, Massilia, Carthage and Piraeus (Meijer and van Nijf, 1992: 152).

The vessels build during the imperial period belonged to the naviculari, well-known both through the inscriptions and the juridical texts preserved in the Digesto. These naviculari, representing rich individual owners or powerful sea transport societies, were in charge of the supply of the different regions of the empire and, in particular, of the city of Rome, through the known system of annona. Besides these representatives there was still, in the different ports of the empire, a whole naval transports industry, which was in turn at the service of the mere merchants. As far as this topic is concerned, the epigraphy tells us about the different professional categories of navigation, its organization and its specific occupation in the river context (navicularii, nautae, ratiarii, utricularii …) (Izarra, 1993: 13). For example, we know of numerous boatmen’s guild for the Tibre River – scaphari, caudicarii, lenuncularii and lintrarii – associated with the type of vessels where they were in service (Rougé, 1978: 18–19). The urinatores, who had a very particular job, can be joined to these boatmen. As we have already said (supra 2.1), the urinatores belonged to a special class of divers that tried to salvage, whenever it was possible, the commodities that had fallen into the sea or even shipments fallen in not very deep areas (id.: 19). A text of the Digesto (Cfr. Gassend, 1978: 30) mentions a trader that would have hired urinatores to salvage the goods of a shipwreck occurred due to a storm.

For the study of these vessels of commercial character we have at our disposal, besides the salvaged remains from the shipwrecks, an important iconographic list (vital for the knowledge of the different types of tools used) and a group of texts, essentially literary and rarely technical ones, which allow a more or less accurate approach to the reality.

There were still other jobs related to the transport of commodities, such as the saccarii, directly connected to the transport of commodities in the ports and places of consumption.

More and more numerous nautical archaeological studies have revealed themselves fundamental for the study of the tonnage and of the naval building techniques, although they cannot accurately explain how the riggings functioned or even what the vessels were like. To accomplish this aim, we have frequently resorted to the numerous vessels representations that exist in different supports used in the Romans’ daily life, such as relieves, mosaics, murals,

The jobs related to the storage of goods in the ports are better known, and among these we can pinpoint the role of the mensores (machinarii or ponderatores) and of the tabularii. The former had to guarantee the volume and 27

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

grafittos, terracotta plaques and coins.

when the rivers presented a larger volume of water (id. ibidem: 76–77).

All these data let us acknowledge, besides the singularity of each representation, three fundamental types of hulls in profile that can be told apart by the shape of their extremities:

The river boats could be of several different types according to their function and the river they were used on: almost all were moved by oars, even though sometimes there was a small sail which helped the oarsmen, as in the case of the large barges. Thus the majority of the riverboats, when they were not simply called nautae, acquired a specific name (id. ibidem: 38). Among the several types of craft documented in the written sources, epigraphic monuments and other supports (mosaics, relives) one has to point out – besides the ponto (a large vessel used in commerce) – two types of large river barges of weak gauge, the linter and the rates, that could navigate in the meanders of the waterways.

· the first type, far from being the most frequent one, can be considered as the cargo ship par excellence: it has a convex wheel of bow and a powerful stern, which has a regular curve well above the wheel of bow (Pomey, 1978: 20); · the second type, apparently less well-known, equally possessed a convex wheel of bow but presents a less high stern similar to the bow, which gives it a symmetric profile (id. ibidem); · the third and last type, can be distinguished from the last two types by the shape of its concave wheel of bow that ends up in the shape of a spur at the keel level, while the stern remains similar to the first type (id. ibidem).

· The linter (also known as the Lynter or Lintris; Bonsor, 1989: 89), seldom mentioned as a maritime vessel (Izarra, 1993: 112), was a typically riverboat or lacustrine boat that was used in shallow waters; it was manoeuvred with an oar and it had a keel, a bridge and a sail (Chic García, 1984: 34; Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 30–32). The length of the ship from the deck and the round hull (it did not have a flat bottom as a simple barge) gave it an excellent mobility although it made it unstable (Grenier, 1934: 592). Cicerus (Brutus, 60, 216), mocking an orator that rocked his body from the right to the left when he spoke, said that it seemed that he was talking from inside a linter. The most primitive craft were carved in a single piece out of a trunk, but became later more complex since they could then attain different sizes (Izarra, 1993: 111). This type of craft was meant for the transport of travellers, animals and goods and it could shelter a maximum of six individuals (id. ibidem). Caesar indicates the presence of these small boats in the Sona and in the Sena Rivers; Titus Livius (XXI, 26) in the Rodanus; Ovid (Fastes, VI, 779) in the Tibre (cfr. Grenier, 1934: 591). These boats were also used (just like the rates) for the building of “boat bridges”. · The rates (also known as rates silve rataria) were simple rafts, which were built by uniting trunks with ropes or nails (Chic Garcia, 1984: 35; Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 31); they were solid and sturdy even though they were more primitive and of simpler construction than the linter (Grenier, 1934: 592–93); they were powered by a long stick, an oar or sail, according to their size and change of place (and to the river where they were situated) (Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 32). Just like the linter they could be used as a barge and a helper to load and unload goods from larger vessels (Grenier, 1934: 592– 93; Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 32). · The ponto was a big tonnage vessel powered by sail, with two masts and a solid hull that formed a volute in the stern and was sharp in the bow; it also had a rather prominent spur and lateral reinforcements that were used to hook the ropes. This ship was particularly dedicated to the trade and it was used in the rivers and large streams. It could also be used in the sea navigation

In the majority of these vessels we have found some common characteristics. We know, for example, that most cabins were situated in the stern and more rarely in the centre. We also know that they were equipped with two lateral rudders, protected by a sort of lateral box that came from the front of the ship (id. ibidem: 22–23). The existence of a round sail, perpendicular to the axis of the ship, was also its attribute even though it was not very large and was mostly used to improve the balance of the vessel in speed and to help in the changing of direction (id. ibidem: 24). Actually, except for the large three mast vessels, that from the 2nd century onwards could present large sized sails, the old mast is always monoxylous thus preventing the overlapping of round sails (id. ibidem). Being powered by sails, the speed depended on the direction and intensity of the winds: for daily sailing, taking into account the departure and boarding manoeuvres, speeds could oscillate between 2 knots with lateral winds (the knot corresponds to a constant speed unity that corresponds to one sea mile per hour; the itinerary mile correspond to 1852 metres), and 4 knots with wind from the stern (Naveiro, 1991a: 121). In the open sea, navigation speeds could go up to 5, 6 or even more knots as long as the winds were favourable (id. ibidem) owing to less manoeuvres and a better use of the winds and currents. 3.2.4 The river boats Although the river boats (naves fluminales) are known for their precariousness, intermittence and slowness, they were widely used in the Roman World. Unlike the sea vessels that were only powered by oars and sails, the river boats benefited from a wider range of powering possibilities, such as the use of the low depth of rivers and the advantage of the down current (Izarra, 1993: 157). Its use depended naturally on the regime of each river and on the season of the year, in particular during autumn and early spring 28

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as large cargo ships or for specifically military purposes, being included in the “naves onerariae” (Izarra, 1993: 115; Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 27–30). Caesar referred to this kind of vessels in Gallia (De Bell. Gall. , III, 13, 1). The three above mentioned models correspond unquestionably to the main types of riverboats. But the navigation activity gave origin to other numerous varieties in the context of trade and transport of goods, of which we highlight the following: the stlatta, of round hull, flat bottom, powered by oars and meant for trade; the vegeiia, a special vessel also powered by oars even though it could transport more travellers or goods; the naves codicariae, covered vessels of small dimensions with a round hull, a hold and a mast especially used for the towage (vid. Grenier, 1934: 598–99; Izarra, 1993: 108–109; Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 24–25); and the scapha, another type of smaller vessels used in the inland navigation, corresponding to barges powered by oars and with an equally round hull used in the transport of goods and people although they were also useful for towing and manoeuvring (Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 33–34).

11). The same type of adaptations is also documented in a Pliny’s text (N. H., III, 9, 1) concerning the Tibre River: there he refers the existence of natural pools (piscinae) to hold the water in summer times and make the navigation in the lower part of its course easier. Rome’s general interest in keeping navigable the river courses, without reference to a specific place, is also documented in the legal dispositions compiled in the Digesto, in the chapter XV of the Book XLIII (Chic García, 1978; Escacena Carrasco e Padilla Mongue, 1992: 73). 3.3 The city’s network of transports in the Northwest Peninsular context 3.3.1 The sea routes According to M. I. Finley, the waterway, especially the transport by sea, “created radically new possibilities for the old city”. The travellers and the traders preferred whenever possible the transport by sea since it was faster, more economical and paradoxically safer, making it also possible to transport a larger number of goods with less investment.

In a later period, Ausonius also names other types of vessel. In a passage of his work (Epist., 22, 1, 7) he says he wrote to Paulinus of Nola to ask him to supply his procurator, Philon, with a nausus or nausum, an important trade boat, to transport his stored goods; he also refers the different types of vessels his procurator could use to sail the Tarn and the Garona Rivers (cfr. Grenier, 1934: 598; Izarra, 1993: 114).

The archaeological information regarding the commercial relations of the Atlantic Northwest with the northern countries, especially with the British Isles and the lands that surround the English Channel, date them to at least 1750–1500 BC (Montenegro et alii, 1989: 14). That commerce was carried out using leather boats that were later on substituted, at the time of the Romans’ arrival, by boats made of tree trunks. This data is provided by Strabo (III, 3, 7) that tells the following about the peoples of the Northwest: “Before Brutus’ expedition, they used leather vessels due to the floods through the pools; but today even boats made out of a single trunk are becoming rare”. That process of boat construction seems to be also corroborated by Pliny (Nat. Hist. XXIV, 65; XXXIV, 156) when he mentions the vessels made of leather pieces joined by flax thread and, indirectly, by Strabo himself (III, 5, 11) when he refers to the inhabitants of the famous Tin Isles, the Cassiterides, who exchanged animal fur for other articles such as ceramic objects, salt and bronze utensils certainly given by Punic and Tartessic traders.

The tow rope was the method used to pull the boats upstream. Even though in certain occasions a set of oxen could have been used, the most normal was to see men (herciarii) pulling the barges using a rope that was tied to a mast situated in the bow of the craft (Chic García, 1984: 37; Parodi Álvarez, 2001: 25–26). This system of drawing from the river banks required the existence of appropriate towing ways (pedestro iter) (Chic García, 1984: 37). Besides this method, they still used the scaphae, barges powered by oars, to tow against the current those barges that only used the strength of the wind to navigate. The existence of these barges is especially documented in Narbona’s naval iconography (Izarra, 1993: 56) and in inscriptions found in Seville (Bonsor, 1989: 89), where there are references to boatmen (schapharii) that commercialized with the Colonia Romula Hispalis (Seville). These boatmen are said to have erected several monuments to the Emperors Antonine Pius and Marcus Aurelius or to eminent citizens such as L. Castricius Honoratus and Sex. Iulius Possessor (id. ibidem). An inscription found in the necropolis east of Cordoba mentions a female slave that belonged to the corporation of the portonarii, this is, of the men in charge of this activity (Chic García, 1990: 29).

One of the oldest specimens related to the navigation is a Mesolithic canoe from Noyen-sur-Seine dated (by radiocarbon and by dendrochronologic) from about 6000 BC. Several monoxyle boats are documented in different ages, with some improvements and improved materials, thus testifying the persistence of an inland navigation up to the modern age. Estácio da Veiga’s register at the end of the 19th century of the appearance of a monoxyle canoe in the Algarve and the oral reference about the remains of a presumable “plank canoe” (?) found (and lost) near the settlement of Guifões (Matosinhos), were the only two indications of possible pre-Roman boats that we know of in the present Portuguese territory (vid. Filgueiras, 1980: 147). The appearance of an

We also know that in several points the Guadalquivir River was adapted to the navigation by large barges that determined its course and set up a series of dams (portus) to hold and raise the level of the water (Chic García, 1988b: 29

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

oak monoxyle canoe of about 4,4 metres, dated from the 11th centurty, on a sand bank, 3 metres deep in March 1985 in the Lima River, about 15 km from Viana do Castelo (Geraz do Lima), is a very significant find. This canoe is the first craft of this kind to be found that is still preserved (Alves, 1986: 223), representing a valuable testimony of the continuity of a nautical tradition in use since the prehistorical times.

An experimental project of archaeology (“Breogan” Project) carried out under the supervision of Fernando Alonso Romero (Alonso Romero, 1976: 173–191), proved that these old vessels could sail in the Atlantic. According to this author (Alonso Romero, 1976, 187) and according to the old Irish legends from the Book of the Invasions, the journeys in leather vessels from the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula were only possible in May or at the beginning of summer because of the better weather conditions and the predominance of the southeast winds, indispensable to drive a sail vessel up to the southern coast of the British Isles; from there they would follow a coast route until they reached the Irish coast.

In Gallician territory we know of figurative representations of old Roman vessels of small dimension on a stele from Vilar de Sarria (Lugo) and on a fragment of a wall of a late vase (decorated with a red light slip) found in drainages carried out in the Ulla River and presently placed in the Gallician’s People Museum (Naveiro, 1991a: 119–120; 138; endnote 73); on the stele there is a representation of a vessel of round hull, with bow and stern, finished with zoomorphic heads, a square sail and four members of the crew; in the ceramic fragment we can see the carved (after firing) representation of a vessel that presents a richly decorated hull, where we have to stress the existence of a curved keel that prolongs itself continuously in wheel and stern post (id. ibidem: 119–120).

More recently, the discovery in the same province (Pedornes, Santa María de Ola, Pontevedra) of a new petrogliph that presents, among other motifs, the representation of a vessel stresses once again the importance of the navigation on the Atlantic coast since early ages. Apart from these issues, what we know, however, is that the Atlantic coast, situated in one of the natural circuits of navigation, was an area of confluence of cultures from the Bronze Age up to the pre-Roman Age. This knowledge is testified by Hanno and Himilco’s circumnavigation which, from Cadiz, marked the North and South routes of the Atlantic in search of gold, ivory, cupper, tin and amber. This last circumnavigation has been interpreted as representative of the reopening of the tin route up to the Oestrimnides or Cassiterides (Tin Islands), with the purpose of renovating its trade, which had been under the control of the native groups since the Late Bronze Age and had thus been interrupted in the 6th century BC (López Castro, 1995: 72). The Oestrimnides or Cassiterides are frequently placed in front of the coast of Gallicia, in Brittany or even in the British Isles (Pliny, N. H. 4: 119). Regardless of all that, it is likely that the Tartassian from Huelva developed regular contacts by sea with the Peninsular Northwest during the Late Atlantic Bronze Age as the signs of Phoenician regular navigation throughout the Portuguese coast since the mid 7th century BC seem to corroborate (Aubet, 1997: 251; Arruda, 1999–2000; id., forthcoming a; id., forthcoming b).

It may be of particular interest to resort to studies of ethnographic character to get more information on the ancient vessels. As far as this topic is concerned, the study of Lixa Felgueiras entitled “A Evidência das Navegações desde o Bronze – necessidade de uma cartografia específica” (The Evidence of the Navigations since the Bronze Age – the need for a specific cartography) (Figueiras, 1980) reveals the similarity that exists between specimens belonging to ethnographic contexts of the present Portuguese territory and vessels of antiquity. The author refers the following examples: the case of the cane raft of S. Torpes and the models of Sardinia and Morrocco that might have established the Mediterranean connections as early as 8,000 or 9,000 BC; the skin bottle raft of Lagoaça (Mirando do Douro) “maybe the last trace of the use of skin bottles to cross the rivers by the Lusitani”; the barges of the tributaries of the Douro and the boats derived from the plank canoes of Mesopotamic type; the relationship between the sea boat and its next kindred from the “estuary” of Aveiro, in the Mondego, in Nazaré and between the hybrid from the Tejo and the Guadiana and the silver model found in a tomb in A-bar-gi (Ur). In this list of examples we could add the so called vat boat (barco das dornas) from the Minho River, which was built joining two trunks (Alonso, 1985: 61) and the presence of several crossing barges for which we could naturally find specific parallels in old vessels at least testified in the Roman world.

The exhaustive analysis of the eastern and orientalizing elements in the present Portuguese territory carried out by Ana Arruda (Arruda, 1999–2000: 257) made it possible to confirm that these traces are especially concentrated throughout the seafront, even though they are particularly concentrated in restricted areas, namely in the estuary of three major rivers (Sado, Tejo and Mondego) and in regions of the coast of the Algarve. According to this author (id. ibidem), the Phoenician presence in the space that corresponds to the present Portuguese coast implied, from the first half of the 7th century BC onwards, the permanent establishment of people from the area of the Strait of Gibraltar, in places founded ex nihilo, such as, for example, the foundations of colonial type of Abul and Santa Olaia.

The representation of vessels in the petrogliph of Borna (Meira, Pontevedra), studied by Fernando Alonso Romero and referred to by Lixa Felgueiras as a possible testimony of the legendary boats evoked by Avienus (cf. Felgueiras, 1980: 148; 152), represents a relevant testimony for the study of the old vessels in the context of the Atlantic façade of the Northwest. 30

Trade and Means of Transportation

A good example of these contacts characterized by a “deep orientalism” is well evident, among other places, in the occupation of the first half of the 1st millennium BC in Castro Marim (vid. Arruda, et alii, forthcoming). In this place the inhabitants were in direct contact with the Phoenician colonists who were already settled in the Gaditan region, as the abundant materials from Athens, North Africa and the region of Gadir gathered in the excavations testify (id. ibidem).

confirms the news compiled in such a late and problematic work as Avienus’ Seashore (González Wagner, 2001: 37). As a matter of fact, that work refers to a series of journeys previous to the foundation of Cadiz and to the appearance of Phoenecian places on the Mediterranic coast of Andalucia, which takes us to the subject of the pre-colonial trade and to the continuity or discontinuity of the contacts between the West and the East at the end of the 2nd millennium (id. ibidem: 37–38).

The navigation in the Atlantic, from the North of Hispania up to Britannia, is also documented by other ancient travels, such as the one from Pytheas, Timeo or Posidonius (4th-1st century BC), as Avienus’ and Strabo’s texts testify. The larger of these itineraries is represented by Avienus’ translated work (Rufius Festus Avienus) in the 4th century AD, from a Greek text, probably written in the 1st century BC, known as Seashore. According to Schulten this journey could have been carried out around 530, between the Battle of Alalia and the first Roman Carthaginese Treaty of 509 (cfr. Blázquez, et alii, 1999: 359). By copying really ancient sailors’ data, this itinerary is extremely interesting since it reveals the knowledge that the Greek sailors and explorers had of the peninsular coast and it gives rise to the geographic allusion of cities, ports, geographic faults and peoples that inhabited the Iberia in the year 600 BC.

As González Wagner says (id. ibidem: 40), “the symbolic conquest of the limits of the world, now situated in the Hercules’s Columns / Melkart, far from being a senseless project, is a political act that inaugurates and legitimizes the Phoenecian expansion in the Mediterranean”. Since its foundation, a prosperous emporium flew to this city (the Roman Gades) that drained large quantities of products (especially tin) from the Peninsular Atlantic coast using the route long known and carried out by the Tartessic, from the Gallicia’s Rias Baixas (estuaries) up to the South of England and Ireland. Actually, Cadiz controlled the access to the Strait of Gibraltar and conditioned a large part of the maritime, Mediterranean and Atlantic circuit. For Mª Eugenia Aubet (Aubet, 1997: 172), the control of the Gaditan archipelago meant, among other things, a direct access to one of the richest western territories in metalliferous resources, this is, a doorway to the Atlantic mineral. In fact, it was from Cadiz that a process of Atlantic expansion was organised, whose consequence was the systematic exploitation of all types of resources (vid. Blázquez, et alii, 1999: 364).

Strabo’s reference (III, 5, 11) to the existence of a port that got tin all the way from the Cassiterides, seems to be corroborated by later references from the Visigothic Age that show that there were intense relations between Ireland, Britannia and Hispania or between the latter and the Gallias, that must naturally go back to the Pre-history (vid. references in Balil, 1968: 336, notes 61 and 62).

The vitality of this trade is documented in Strabo (III, 5, 11) when he says that before the Romans’ arrival the Gaditans commercialized with these islands, exchanging salt, bronze utensils and pottery by furs, tin and lead.

As we have already mentioned, from the 6th century BC onwards, the trade with the Peninsula’s northern coast was definitely re-established by the Gaditans (Strabo, III, 5, 11) in order to get tin and to commercialize it with Carthage and with the Phoenecians in the ambit of the trade in the Mediterranean.

As an ally of Carthage, and like other western Punic cities, such as Lixus, which controlled the north-African Atlantic navigations, and Málaka (Malaga), Sexi (Almuñecar) and Abdera (Adra), which dominated the southern coasts of Andalucia, Cadiz was since the late 6th century BC a powerful portuary, commercial and sea city (Arteaga, 1997: 121).

A rumour of the early relationships of the Peninsular Northwest with other Atlantic peoples is also documented in Tacitus when he says that the Iberian had arrived to the island before the Celts (quoted in Blázquez, 1968: 204).

Pytheas left from Cadiz on his way to Tanais (Strabo, II, 4, 1) in the last quarter of the 4th century BC, and Eudoxio de Cicico also set sail from this city to circumnavigate Africa in the reign of Evergetes II of Egypt (146–117 BC) (Strabo, II, 3, 4–5; Mela, III, 90–92). Besides controlling the Area of the Strait and the farming and mining exploitations of the neighbour territories, the Gaditans also lead a vast fishing industry in the Atlantic and exploited vast saline throughout the coast (id. ibidem).

During the Roman age, the maritime connection of the Northwest with the rest of the Empire’s commercial world was done from the harbour of Cadiz, which served as a link to this distant part of the Empire. This port was also connected to the supply of Britannia through the Atlantic route and to the Mediterranean basin through the port of Ostia. The account of the foundation of Cadiz, mentioned by Posidonius and transmitted by Strabo (III, 5, 5), contains useful information: it refers to a place on the Mediterranean Andalusian coast where archaeology has documented a large occurrence of archaic Phoenician presence, which

As Oswaldo Arteaga (id. ibidem) mentions, the tribute to Melkart, which both Lixus and Cadiz displayed in their temples dedicated to the Semites’ commercial God, can 31

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

be used to testify that around the Strait of Gibraltar the Gaditans centred their hegemonic power in a “Western Punic League”.

Gaditan oligarchy, especially with the Balbos, which goes back to the Brigantium expedition of 61 BC. This connection was kept throughout the conquest of the Venetos’ territory in Gallia, where, just like in the Lusitan coastal expedition, he was accompanied by Cornelius Balbo as praefectus fabrum (id. ibidem: 563).

The foundation of Cadiz is the result not only of a commercial but also of a political strategy as we can infer from Strabo’s text (III, 5, 5). As a matter of fact, Cadiz was the most important city in the Baetic because of its antiquity, its temples and commercial activity. Regarding this topic, Strabo (III, 2, 1) describes it as a city that distinguishes itself “by its sea companies and by its alliance with the Romans”.

At the beginning of the Imperial Period, Cadiz was already the marine city of the west which had more mercantile tradition; the opening and exploration of the Atlantic in both directions was actually primarily carried out by the Gaditans and not the Phoenicians.

As a matter of fact, when Cadiz signed a foedus with Rome in 206 BC (that would be later rectified in 78 BC), the region that was under its administration during the Barcid period was also indirectly controlled by Rome to safeguard its commercial interests (Rodriguez Ferrer, 1998: 106). At that moment Cadiz and its territory were included in the Roman administrative system as ager privatus ex iure peregrine, this is, Cadiz was considered a civitas liberae et foederatae (id. ibidem 106–107).

However, the literary sources are not the only ones that confirm the existence of a coastal Atlantic trade. The data that archaeology has recently obtained offer an image of a Phoenician-Punic maritime movement which is much more dynamic than we thought at first. In fact, through archaeological finds from several coastal places we know that, at least since the pre-Roman age, the Peninsular Northwest was a region of economic convergence, as the finds of Massaliot and Punic amphorae in coastal settlements as well as other finds of these same amphorae and the ones of Dressel Type 1 in underwater contexts show (Naveiro López, 1991a: 63; 69; Paiva, 1993: 100; López Castro, 1995: 72; 138).

As J. M. Blázquez refers (Blázquez, 1976: 91), the Gaditans dedicated themselves to the large scale trade; the Baetic boats that took the goods from the south of the Iberian Peninsula were probably Gaditan since (Caes. BC II, 18, 1) the Gaditan and the Hispali built ten war vessels for the people of Pompeii during the Civil War. Those Baetican boats were also said to have been “the most numerous trade vessels and the ones with the largest tonnage” (Strabo, III, 5, 3) that arrived to Puzzuoli and Ostia, the port of Rome, and that their number was almost the same as the ones that came from Africa.

The find of other materials of eastern origin reinforces the existence of a dated trade, at least from the 6th century BC onwards: · the fragment of amphoriskos (Morro da Sé, Porto), the Egyptian or Syrian-Palestinian glass (settlement of Ermidas, Vila Nova de Famalicão), the glass bead (Eiras Velhas and S. Julião, Braga) and the aryballos of vitreous paste from O Neixón (Corunha); · the bract found in the outskirts of Braga which used as a mould the reverse of a decadrachma from Syracuse datable from 400–370 BC, the brooche from Alobre (Pontevedra), the needle of a brooche from Castromao (Orense), the Greek coins (tetradracmas), probably gathered at Serra do Pilar (Santa Marinha, Vila Nova de Gaia), datable from about 406 BC and 326–323 BC – according to Mário C. Hipólito (1983: 75–82) the origin of this find in this place and its circulation in these “extreme spots of the Atlantic” is, however, doubtful – and the Phoenician coins from Gadir, from the 3rd century BC, in Bares, and from Malaka in Montoxo, Castro Lapario and Francos (Maya Gonzaléz, 1989: 60; Calo Lourido, 1997: 57). If we add to these materials the black and red slip ware, mainly Attic, Campanian of Kouass type (or their imitations), and the coarse ware of Punic or Iberian-Punic tradition, the panorama is more complete:

Actually, the Gaditans were the ones that sailed the most and in larger vessels both in the Mediterranean and in the Atlantic, and, as Strabo (III, 169) says, most of them lived on the sea or were in Rome dedicating themselves to businesses. We know, for example, that a sea travel from Cadiz to Ostia only took nine days (Plut. Galba, VII) and on more favourable occasions six to seven days (Pliny, Nat. Hist. XIX, 1). Pliny’s reference to the Gaditans (II, 167–168), as the ones that sailed everywhere and in every direction in the Atlantic confirms the former references. Thus the commercial relationship with the Baetic Province turned out to be of the utmost importance to the Peninsular Northwest. Cadiz, which was changed into Municipium Civium Romanorum in 49 BC (Liv. Per. 111), seems to have assimilated Rome’s ways of economic property and organization (Blázquez, 1976: 92; Ferrer Albelda and García Vargas, 2001: 563); its transformation into Roman city must be understood as an immediate consequence of the city’s unconditional support to Julius Caesar in the context of the civil war that he fought against Pompey. This support had already been given in previous moments, related to the close connection between Caesar and the

· among other places, the Attic pottery was identified in the Portuguese settlements of Romariz (Vila da Feira), Porto (urban area), Penices and Ermidas (both in Vila Nova de Famalicão), S. Lourenço (Vila Chã, Esposende), Castelo de Faria (Barcelos), Santo Estêvão da Facha (Ponte de 32

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Lima) Coto da Pena and in the Gallaic ones of C. da Forca (Pontevedra), Castromao (Orense), Fozara (Pontevedra), Alobre (Pontevedra), Recarea (Corunha) and Elviña (Corunha). · The Campanian ware of Kouass type, or imitations, found in Romariz, Santa Luzia (Viana do Castelo) and Coto da Pena (Caminha) in the north of Portugal and in Santa Tecla (Pontevedra), Toralla (Pontevedra), Vigo (Pontevedra), La Lanzada (Pontevedra), Catoira and in the lighthouse of Corunha, in Gallicia (Maya Gonzaléz, 1989: 60; Rouillard, 1991: 23 ff; Luis Maya and Francisco Cuesta, 1993: 100, fig. 4; Almeida, 1998: 89); · The coarse ware of Punic or Iberian-Punic tradition found in Romariz (Vila da Feira) and Gaia (Castelo de Gaia and in Morro da Sé) and, to the north of the Douro River, in Morro da Sé, Terroso, Facha, Coto da Pena; in Gallicia, in C. da Forca, Castromao, A Lanzada, Alobre and in the Bay of Corunha (Naveiro López, 1991b: 25; Luis Maya and Francisco Cuesta, 1993: 100, fig. 4). In this context we should highlight a study about Attic ware carried out by Ana M. Arruda (Arruda, 1997: 71–72; 77, map; 146) that stresses the role of Cadiz as a receptor and distributor centre of this ware to the west of the Strait of Gibraltar. These old circuits of navigation were later consolidated by several Roman expeditions of military character that gradually enlarged the geographic knowledge about the Atlantic coast. From Augustus onwards, the “Pax Romana” made it possible for the Northwest and the Atlantic coast to enjoy a strong economic impulse. This development was the result both of the exploitation of its mineral resources that started immediately after the end of the Cantabrian wars and of the increase of the commercial flow with the exportation of other kind of goods (Blázquez, 1978: 8).

Figure 9. The open sea navigation and the custom control in the North Atlantic (in Naveiro López 1991: 134).

in rocky outcrops near sandy places with deep bottoms and are frequently associated with a specific terrestrial place. In this context, the Atlantic route relied on main and intermediate ports of call – related to the open sea navigation – and on secondary ones – related to the small and large cabotage navigation, which were connected with the supply and sale of goods (“ports of support” according to Naveiro López’s nomenclature (1991a: 127) (Fig. 9).

The consolidation of this route is indirectly witnessed by Pliny (NH, 2, 167) when he says that, with Augustus, all the Atlantic was navigable; by Horatio (Odes, I, 31–33) when he says that one could do several travels a year in the Atlantic without suffering any contretemps; by Strabo, when he refers that “the extinction of piracy is so much favourable to the present peace that the sailors enjoy an absolute security”; by the archaeological testimonies of port infrastructures (anchorage and coastal places) and by the volume of goods found, among which we have to highlight the amphorae.

Throughout this Atlantic route, the main ports of call were naturally determined by stationes, which were linked to the customs control that settled as obligatory stops the course Gades – Brigantium – Burdigala – Gesoriacum (id. ibidem, 1991a: 134, fig. 31) (Fig. 10). Besides these permanent ports of call there were other places, considered intermediate, that did the occasional connection with the above mentioned open sea navigation and which were naturally also linked to the systems of large cabotage.

In the Iberian Peninsula, the Atlantic trade circuit was easier not only due to the coastal morphology, the sea currents and favourable winds, the distribution of the hydrographic network but also to the economic resources that certainly determined the settling of routes and the location of anchorages, quays or places of exchange. The anchorage are wide places of quiet and sheltered waters situated in bays or coves; the quays, which are more limited spaces with natural conditions of mooring, are normally situated

In the present Portuguese territory, the intermediate ports of call were, in the southern area, the important port cities of Balsa, Ossonoba and Olisipo, besides other maritime nuclei such as Caetobriga and Tróia or river ports such as Salacia (Alarcão, 1990a: 432–3; Martínez Maganto and Carreras Monfort: 1993: 102). 33

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Penaventosa (nº 45 and 39), in Rua S. Sebastião and in Casa Museu Guerra Junqueiro, we should also highlight the traces of Roman occupation found in Casa do Infante (Real et alii, 1985–86: 34; Silva, 2000: 99). Among all the interventions carried out so far (vid. Silva, 1999: 138), the excavations done in the building of the old Aljube (prison) (it was built in the mid 18th century, in 1749) situated in Rua S. Sebastião are of special importance (vid. Carvalho, et alii, 1996: 199–203). The excavations carried out under Joel Cleto showed that we were in face of strong dumps done at the time of the construction of this building, where there are many different Roman materials (among which thin walled ware from Etrury and many Baetic coarse ware from the coast), especially amphorae. The study of these materials has revealed that there is a predominance of the Haltern 70 amphorae (about 80% of the amphorae material), with about three hundred specimens. Although this is a dump area, this quantity seems to contextualize unquestionably the commercial importance of Cale in the beginnings of the imperial period. We should not also overlook the existence of funerary steles found on both banks of the Douro River that led Alain Tranoy (Tranoy, 1995) to stress the role of communication and convergence carried out by the river. A recent find which was found out of context by the Gabinete de Arqueologia Urbana da Câmara Municipal do Porto (Urban Archaeology Study of Oporto City Hall), corroborates this position. We refer to a granite altar found in one of the foundations of a proto-Roman temple at the time of the archaeological intervention carried out in 1987 in Castelo de S. João da Foz. This stele, of problematic reading given the deep wear and tear of the epigraphic field, might have been dedicated to water deities (Aquis Magaudiis), being its votive character documented by the final formula, L(ibens) V(otum) S(olvit) (Osório e Silva, 1994: 91; Silva, 2000: 102–103).

Figure 10. Hypothetical grid of the sea routes with the corresponding support areas (in Naveiro López 1991: 263).

To the North of the Tejo there were minor ports among which we have to highlight Peniche, Alfeizerão, Cacia and the mouth of the Mondego (Alarcão, 1990a: 432) as well as other port complexes that also worked as sea and river port unities (vid. Blot, 2003: 197–235). We should also add the reference to the existence of sailors’ corporations in Miróbriga (CIL, II, 260), whose port was surely situated in Sines (Alarcão, 1990a: 432). Olisipo’s inscription (CIL, II, 25) is definitely false.

Several remains have been found on the other bank of the river that equally testify the commercial and economic importance of this region (vid. synthesis in Guimarães, 2000: 155–157; 159; 161; 164–165; 167–168). Among these remains we must stress the recent discovery of a Roman wall, previously attributed to the mid 1st century or its first half (Carvalho e Fortuna, 2000: 160) situated on the southeast slope of Monte do Castelo de Gaia. This place, situated on a small elevation by the mouth of the Douro River and enjoying a privileged strategic position of control, suffered an occupation from the beginnings of the Late Bronze age until today. There we can find the remains of a proto-historic settlement that was later Romanized and the remains of a Late Empire occupation that went on up to the Suevi-Visigothic and the very beginnings of the Medieval periods (id. ibidem: 158; 160; 162).

In the northwest, the Cale and the Minho and Ulla Rivers also worked as intermediate ports of call even though not on a regular basis (Naveiro López, 1991a: 127). The Cale, situated in the knoll of Porto’s Cathedral, also called Penaventosa, was an important anchorage. From this anchorage one could sail out to the port areas of Gallicia’s Rias Baixas (Alarcão, 1990a: 433; Naveiro López, 1991a: 127). The Douro River must have had along its banks elementary port structures regarding anchorage places that enabled the transfer of goods to the surely numerous crossing barges. The importance of these places is documented by the different archaeological remains that have been found on the right bank of the Douro River. Besides the traces of pre-Roman and Roman occupation documented in Rua D. Hugo (nº 5), in Largo do Colégio (nº 9–12), in Rua

Despite the above mentioned data, we should also take into consideration that other places near the Douro River might have worked as important anchorages in the pre-Roman and Roman period. Actually, the sandbar hardships, made 34

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Figure 11. T. Maldonado’s illustration, included in Agostinho Rebelo da Costa’s topographic and historic description of the city of Porto.

even more difficult by the network of boulders that were in the middle of the passage crossing, and the labyrinths of the route and siltation, may have been responsible for a high number of shipwrecks, denials of access and of passage at some distance. We should also add the precarious processes of loading and unloading carried out on gangplanks that linked the vessels to the dock. As we have already mentioned before, the existence of boulders in the sandbar, as we can still see on the engraving by T. Maldonaldo, which is included in Descrição Topográfica e Histórica da Cidade do Porto, by Agostinho Rebelo da Costa, may have required the existence of a body of pilots who could secure the entrance of foreign vessels and thus avoid possible shipwrecks (Fig. 11).

functions to Leixões in detriment of the river port of the Douro. This transfer was carried out because the latter has a small estuary, an uncertain sandbar and an insecure river port in case of floods, which is contrary to nowadays patterns. From these data we infer that the ideal port had already been planned in the rocks known as “leixões” (steep rocks), which worked, as we have already seen, as a natural shelter off the small mouth of the Leça River. Though there was not a mooring place, the larger vessels must have been put into port in Leixões to wait for the entrance in the sandbar of the Douro. The smaller vessels could unload directly onto the sand on the south bank. According to a transcription of a work dated from 1666, published by Guilherme Felgueiras in 1958 in Monografia de Matosinhos (Felgueiras, 1958: 751), we know that the Leça River was navigable up to at least the old Guifões’s bridge, near the settlement with the respective name:

Among other places that were also used as anchorages, we should highlight, because of its physical characteristics, the exterior reefs that work as a natural breakwater known as Leixões of the mouth of the Leça River. This natural breakwater is nowadays used as a port centre because the maritime coast was previously adapted to receive the present sea port. The characteristic of this place, with a natural shelter configuration, together with the Cavalos de Fão, in Esposende and the Islet of Caminha, was already stressed in 1943 by J. O. Boléo and, more recently, by Mª Luísa Blot (Blot, 2003: 48; 61). Quoting Daveau (1995), this author (Blot, 2003: 113) refers to the importance of this place, emphasizing the transfer of the main port

“3. Navegase nos tempos antepassados da sua fóz atê a Ponte de Guifoēs, que nos fica mais assima: mas como esta passagem devassava o nosso recolhimento, a prohibiraõ os Reis. Ficou depois impedida com o assude das azenhas, que se fizeraõ abaixo, cujas condições, que nos importavaõ muito, nunqua foraõ bem guardadas. Saõ agora do Colégio da Sagrada Companhia de Jesu no Porto, com o qual fizemos este concerto; que avendo de meter pera serviço dellas na sua calseira barco, andará 35

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and the importance of this settlement as a redistributive centre at a regional scale. Among these materials we should highlight the predominance of the Haltern 70 amphorae (about 75% of the total %), with about 230 specimens. The secondary ports of call connected with the small and large cabotage traffic in the present Portuguese territory were situated on the coast of the Algarve, in places such as Castro Marim, Portimão and maybe Lagos; in Sines and perhaps in the mouth of the Mira River, on the coast of Alentejo; in Peniche, Alfeizerão, in the mouth of the Mondego River and in Cacia to the north of the Tejo (Alarcão, 1990a: 432). To the north of the Douro River these ports of call were situated in the mouths of the Ave, Cávado, Lima and Minho Rivers (the latter was occasionally connected with the large cabotage). In the north of Spain, the secondary ports were situated in the mouth of the Rias (estuaries) de Arosa (A Lanzada, O Grove, Aguiño ou Ribera), Coruña-Betanzos-AresFerrol (Corunha), Ortigueira-Barqueiro-Viveiro (Bares?) and maybe Ribadeo (vid. Naveiro López, 1991a: 127) (Fig. 12). The identification of a shipwreck in Ria de Arosa (Vilagarcía de Arousa, Pontevedra) testifies the importance of these places in Roman times. There people found remains of a vessel ballast together with fragments of imported wine amphorae (some of which with resin inside) and other imported fragments among which there were South Gaulish terra sigillata (Luances Anca and Toscano Novella, 1989a: 259–262).

Figure 12. River routes. Most important rivers, navigable rivers and hypothetical penetration areas (in Naveiro López 1991: 268).

The intensification of the urban excavations from the 90s onwards in the city of Vigo (area of the Areal and “Casco Vello) has revealed the existence of an important trade port that carried out a storage and redistribution function (Naveiro, 1991a: 151–153); Pérez Losada, 2001: 264). The importance of this region was predictable because one Punic and Meridional ware was found (settlements of Toralla and Castriño), dated from between the 5th and 2nd century BC and because of the discovery of underwater remains – situated in the present port of Bouzas, near “punta de San Gregorio” (Coia) and in the proximities of the R. C. Nautico sports pavilion – and the probable existence of a Roman shipwreck in “Cabo de Mar” (Luances Anca and Toscano Novella, 1989b: 122–127; Carballo Arceo, et alii, 1998: 96; 124). In Roman times, the settlement of Vigo also occupied an important position. The several excavation campaigns carried out there have supplied large amounts of imported ware (Hidalgo Cuñarro, 1985a and b; id. 1987: 123–134; 1989a: 47; 1989b: 279–291; Naveiro, 1991a) and coins (Centeno, 1987; Hidalgo Cuñarro, 1985 a and b; 1989a: 48; Pérez González et alii, 1995; Ferrer Sierra, 1996) that reveal its importance as a place of exchange and reception of goods produced in different parts of the Roman Empire. These goods were very likely unloaded in the well-known Areal beach as the remains of amphorae from the 2nd to the 1st century AD, which have been appearing in the excavations carried out in the area, seem to demonstrate (Carballo Arceo, et alii, 1998: 87). These remains, especially the amphorae, associated with

nelle hŭ padre, qué nos vigie, & defenda a clausura: mas nem elle se ha mister pera isso, nem convém que os Padres a essa conta padeçaõ tanto trabalho.” (“In the old times we could navigate from its mouth up to the Bridge of Guifões, which is situated a bit further up: but, since this passage disturbed our cloister, the kings forbade it. It was later obstructed by a watermill that was built a bit further down, whose conditions, which were of our interest, were never observed. They now belong to Colégio da Sagrada Companhia de Jesus in Porto, who we did an agreement with; in case a boat needs to come this way, a priest will sail along on it to watch and defend our seclusion: but there is no need for the Priests to suffer so much work”). According to Joel Cleto and Manuel Varela (Cleto and Varela, 2000: 142–143), the settlement of Guifões, founded on the left bank of the Leça River, is situated very near an area that was still an estuary before the building of the Leixões Port. These authors (id. ibidem) also defend that this privileged position made its commercial activity easier since it was the main emporium for other important settlements in the basin of the river and a central place for other small settlements in the surroundings. The study of the amphorae we have been carrying out, from the old excavations of the 1950s, done by Joaquim Neves dos Santos, and from the recent ones, done by the above mentioned authors, definitely corroborates the meaning 36

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underwater finds directly related to the sea trade traffic and the remains of a salt extraction industry, justify, as we have already mentioned before, the position of Vigo as an important storage and redistribution centre of goods in the entire Peninsular Northwest coast and Cantabrian coast (Pérez Losada, 2002: 264).

periods from spring up to the end of autumn, the weather conditions may invert the currents direction (vid. Naveiro López, 1991a: 116–117, fig. 26). Actually, its choice was also determined by a number of other factors related to the infrastructures, the cost, the time spent, the risk of the travels and the road network itself. Its choice demanded a minimum number of infrastructures for the transport and storage of goods as well as places to repair the vessels, the rowing boats, and the carts, and people to load and unload the goods in the places where they had to change means of transport. In other words, the navigation demanded, as we have already mentioned, special facilities to transfer the shipments and to tie the vessels during winter (portus) or during a certain period of time (statio).

The crossing of the Finisterra cape – Sigarga islands and Prior cape – Estaca de Bares was, however, a dangerous and difficult task to accomplish because of the geographic inflexion between the Atlantic and the Cantanbrian currents. Thus, in both cases, it was advisable to sail far from the coast to avoid the strong waves that are common near the reefs (Naveiro López, 1991a: 118; Maciñera, 1993: 220). From here up to the Cantabric the coast gradually becomes of more difficult access; the only shelter places are the so-called Rias Altas, especially the “multiple” estuary of Corunha-Betanzos-Ares-Ferrol that possesses an indented coast (Naveiro López, 1991a: 116). More to the north the estuaries of Cedeira, Ortigueira, O Barqueiro and Viveiro are the last refuge before one reaches the Cantabrian area, even though their north oriented mouths only offer a safe navigation under favourable weather conditions (id. ibidem).

Despite their small number, the underwater finds by the present Portuguese and Gallician coast represent unquestionable documents of the importance of the Atlantic route and of the estuaries during the Roman Age, at least in situations of anchorage or of possible shipwrecks. These testimonies gathered by Mª Luísa Blot (Blot, 2003: 146– 150), regarding a series of remains of which we highlight the presence of stock of anchors (vid. Alves, et alii, 1988– 98: 116), some of which might have been associated to vessels between 100 and 200 tons, equivalents to an average capacity of about 3.000 amphorae.

The maintenance of the ports on the east Cantabrian coast is testified by the sources that stress the importance of Portus Amanum, Portus Victoriae Iuliobrigensium and Portus Blendium or Portus Veseiasueca (Pliny, IV, 110 and ff), places that have been identified as Castrourdiales, Santander and Nuances, respectively (vid. Martínez Maganto and Carreras Monfort, 1993: 102).

3.3.2 The river routes F. Izarra (1993: 27) quoting A. Grenier, states that ancient geographers considered the rivers a sort of inlets. That is why Strabo sees the rivers, which were exposed to the Atlantic slope, as sea extensions (id. ibidem) given their navigability.

This route through the northern coast, from Brigantium to the Cantabric region, was connected with the well-known route of Aude-Garona, also known as the Gaulic isthmus route (Braudel, 1949: 159). It started in Narbona (Narbo Martius) and followed the Aude, up the river, until Toulouse (Tolosa) but now overland. From here it followed the course of the Garona River up to the important Bourdeux emporion (Burdigalia) where the goods were unloaded to be sent to Britannia and the entire Peninsular Northwest through a cabotage navigation (Iglesias Gil, 1994: 70; Carreras Monfort, 2000a: 209).

To the north of the Douro River, the mouths of the Cávado, Lima and Minho Rivers sheltered small ports or simple anchorage points. The Minho River is even testified by Strabo (III, 3, 4), who unquestionably refers to it (Alarcão, 1990a: 433) when he says that it had two ports in its mouth (III, 3, 4) and one in the territory of the “Artabrian” (III, 5, 11) (Blázquez, 1991: 31). The mouth of a river is not a part of it; it rather works as an entrance that separates the earth from the sea. The mouth of a river usually only works as a port of call and not as a port area since it is often a place of sandbanks full of pebbles and mud which are the result of the erosion of the alluvial coasts. The course of the river is actually much more important than its mouth because it is an access route to the inland. This route was made much easier by the existence of favourable places for the establishment of ports of call, which naturally varied according to the size of the river. If the mouth of a river possessed those characteristics, the transfer of goods would normally be carried out by small boats from the cargo of the big vessels. We should bear in mind, for example, that still in the period of Augustus there was not a real port in Ostia. The mouth of the Tibre River was so obstructed with sand and clay banks that the vessels were forced to drop anchor

This route was used to take the terra sigillata from the south of Gallia’s and from Rioja’s potteries to Gallaecia’s main sea and river ports and from here to the different places of consumption by river and / or using an overland route. In the opposite direction, there would have arrived to these ports the mineral from the Gallaic region’s mining exploitations, especially gold, to be taken to different regions of the Empire through the Atlantic route or the “Cantabrian-Aquitanian” route (Sáez Taboada, 2001: 262). These routes were, naturally, conditioned by the sea currents, which favour the east-west navigation on the Cantabrian coast. On the Atlantic coast the currents favour the north-south navigation, even though in certain 37

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Minho Rivers, also unaloaded part of their commodities in other hydrological basins, such as the ones from the Lima, Ave and Cávado Rivers (Fig. 13 A and B).

off the coast; the commodities were then collected by river boats (Bonsor, 1989: 90). The port of Ostia was only build later on during the reign of Emperor Claudius. It was build from a 4 kilometre long canal that was dug north of the old mouth, making it possible for larger vessels to reach the warehouses that were build in Rome for that purpose (id. ibidem).

The Lima River, probably associated with the proconsul D. Iunius Brutus’ troops’ crossing episode in 137 b.C., was specifically referred to by Apianus (Ib., 73) and Strabo (III, 3, 4) regarding its navigability. The village of Santo Estevão da Facha, with an occupation chronology from the 4th century BC to the 7th century (Almeida, et alii, 1981) is situated on a hill overlooking the southern bank of the river. The different materials found in this village show once again the important role of the villages situated near the mouth of navigable rivers and their role in the maritime relations of the Northwest with other Peninsular and Mediterranean regions.

The Douro (Durius) River, which has the longest hydrological basin of all the Peninsular rivers (98 375 km2), could be sailed by large vessels (Strabo, III, 3, 4) throughout eight hundred stages (corresponding to about 25 leagues, a bit less than 150 km). The first settled point of navigation could be found in the indigenous city of Acontia “… which belonged to the Vaqueus”, according to Strabo (III, 2, 3). This limit corresponds to Barca d’Alva, which is situated in the present border between Portugal and Spain. The rest of the way was done in barges powered by oars and helped by sails (Apianus, Ibér. 91). Around its mouth there were two large inhabited nuclei, the maritime enclave of Portus Cale (the present city of Vila Nova de Gaia), on the southern bank, and the urban nucleus of Cale (present city of Porto), on the northern bank (probably Porto was Cale and Gaia Portus Cale; only during the Suevic times did they call Porto as Portus Cale).

The Ave River is known, at least during the medieval and modern period, as a river where there were different port complexes associated with small settlements with an obvious economic function. The importance of this river must, however, be valued in the trade and supply context of the limitrophe areas of this river course and in the supply context of the city of Braga in Roman times (Lemos, 1999; Blot, 2003) as it was navigable up to Caldas das Taipas, at about 9 km from Braga (Lemos, 1999; Blot, 2003: 178).

As far as the navigability of the Minho River is concerned, there are countless references by classic authors, from Strabo, Pliny and Apianus to Pomponius Mela. Among these authors Strabo (III, 3, 4) stands out - calling it Bainis or Minius – when he says that this river was navigable up to about eight hundred stages (150 km) from its mouth, where there was an island with two piers that formed docks. This distance of 800 stages takes us, in its confluence with the Sil River, to the present Belesar, less than 70 km from Lugo. The navigability of the Minho River is also well documented both in the ports of Caminha, Valença and Vila Nova de Cerveira, which had throughout the history a well documented importance (Cortesão, 1985–1962; Ribeiro, 1977; Blot, 2003), and in the remains found in the urban periphery of Tui. Here we can find traces of the old Roman Tude or Tyde that became capital of civitas after the Flavian Era (Pérez Losada, 2002: 63–64). Like other coastal or river agglomerates, it probably had port facilities that offered both commercial and navigation support (id. ibidem, 87; 337). The village of Santa Tecla is one of the most representative places of the navigability of the Minho River and of its relation with the Atlatic route. This village, enjoying a privileged situation in the mouth of the river, has presented us with a significant group of imported materials of varied origins and with a wide chronology (Naveiro, 1986: 44). Here, the recovered objects testify the importance of the importation trade, since there is a large amount of fragments of wine amphorae, terra sigillata, volute oil-lamps, glass, coins etc, against a small percentage of metallurgical productions and local ware (Peña Santos, 1989: 70; id., 1991: 68).

As far as the supply of the Roman city of Bracara Augusta and the surrounding territory is concerned, the importance of the Cávado River is primordial. It is possible that in Roman Times the larger vessels may have unloaded part of their cargo on the Cávado River. This would have been done in the so-called Cala, a deep area with outer reefs (working as a natural pier) that is situated between the “Cavalos de Fão” and the coast, on the southern side of the bay of Esposende. It would have most likely been in this area that the majority of the Roman vessels of larger gauge cast anchor and did the watering, safe from any hazard, were they connoisseur of the shallow waters that surround it and of the wintriness cycles. This place, which worked as a real anchorage, might have also been used as a port of call when waiting for favourable winds and, as a last resort, as a support for the night ships. In fact, the word Cala, of Latin origin, appears among other words used in the Itinerarium Antonini (Rickman, 1996: 284) to differentiate the port spaces according to the natural conditions or to the equipments. The knowledge and use of this place by the Romans is also corroborated by Pinho Leal’s curious reference (1979: 462) when he says that the Romans called it “Promontório Avaro” (Mean Promontory). An underwater intervention in this place thus seems to be indispensable to better infer its importance in the trade context of the region and, in particular, its relation with the city that benefited from it. This does not mean, however, that there was not another river port in the Cávado River by Bracara Augusta. Nevertheless, its location is yet to be found. Actually, the material remains of port type might have never existed if we accept, as we mentioned before, the existence of a

It is, however, acceptable that in Roman times the largest ships, besides heading to the “ports of call” of the Douro and 38

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B. Figure 13. A. Map of the road and river network; B. Detail of the location of Bracara Augusta in the context of the course of the Cávado and Ave Rivers.

39

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which coincides with Argote’s reference. We thus think that the upstream navigation on the Cávado River would just go up to Areal de Caíde, taking into consideration the recess and the unevenness of the river in that area. Such characteristics would make navigation impossible as the building of a small power station, the “Central HidroEléctrica da Penida”, which supplies the city of Braga with electrical power since 1914, came to confirm (Fig. 15). As the transfer of goods was not possible upstream, it is likely that the products that arrived to Areal de Caíde, or a bit more downstream, in the area of Barca do Lago – which may explain the density of the Roman remains indicated by Brochado de Almeida (Almeida, 1996) – were transported overland. They then entered the city, after covering a few tens of kilometres, through a secondary road that should have existed along the left bank of the Cávado (Mantas, 1996: 903–8). This is one of the three transversal roads that was part of a network of five secondary roads to the west of the Bracara-Cale axis, whose location and importance are emphasized by Vasco Gil Mantas.

Figure 14. Enlargement of the photogram nº 5002, 1946, Esc. 1:33.000, in which we can see the settlement of Barca do Lago as well as the lines of the walls of the hillfort that bears the same name.

transhipment of goods carried out by small cabotage vessels and “service barges” in the so-called Cala, specialised in bringing and taking merchandise up to the anchorage area. It is, however, possible that the transfer of goods to the carts pulled by draught animals might have been carried out through small ramps to make it easier for the vehicles to get near when loading and unloading the vessels and to facilitate the embarkation and disembarkation of people. We must also take into consideration that some of these small vessels might have been used as river tow and as track ropes, which were then pulled by draught animals or people. This system allowed the direct access of some average freight size ships up to where their gauge let them. They loaded in the river, possibly in the present area of Barca do Lago, to dispatch in the Cala (anchorage) (Fig. 14).

As we have already mentioned, it would be through successive changes that the convoy of pack animals, carts and stream barges transported the imported goods and collected, in its proximities, the taxes imposed on the surplus from the fields. In this point, if we consider the Roman road structure, we can easily understand that, besides the overland roads, the bridges and the fords, there were also the so-called crossing barges. On this subject, Alberto Sampaio, in his work Estudos Históricos e Económicos (Sampaio, 1923: 266–267), refers a group of words that named vessels in the old medieval documents, some of which have a clear Latin origin, such as “baixel” from vascellum, “caravela” from carabus in the diminutive form, “nau” and “nave” from navis, “pinácia” from pinacea and “barca” from barca. In general, these small and average-sized vessels were used to facilitate the contact between the river banks, indispensable in the transport of people, animals and goods, favouring the trade and the supply of the communities. However, the crossing barges did not always have settled docking places since changes in the river beds (floods, droughts, varied works, etc) often made people establish more suitable places. It would thus be normal to find crossing barges that would dock in a place in summer and in another in winter. Nevertheless, we think that even in Roman times these places had to be provided with safety conditions for the mooring manoeuvres and departure of the barges and with facilities that allowed the entrance and departure of goods, people and animals.

According to Jerónimo Contador de Argote in “Memórias para a História Eclesiástica do Arcebispado de Braga” (Memories for the Ecclesiastical History of Barga’s Archbishopric) (Argote, 1732–4: 867; 872), it would be possible to navigate in the Cávado River all the year round up to Afurada (near Vilar de Frades) if the water-mills and the fishing-grounds were to be extinguished. Albano Belino (Belino, 1896: 50,) in turn, admits that the navigation in the Cávado River could go more upstream and continue towards Braga if only one of its tributaries, the Córrado River, today known as the Torto River, were converted into a channel. M. J. Machado (Machado, 1953: 260–3) admits that if this channel had existed, it would have lain alongside the bed of the Castro brook, setting up its river port in Dume. Contradicting these last two hypotheses, Vasco Gil Mantas (Mantas, 1996: 905) says that the exact place of Braga’s port is yet to determine. In the mean time, he makes reference to the toponym “Furada” that he situates at about 5 km from Braga, admitting that it might have corresponded to the mentioned port. It so happens that on sheet nº 69 of the Portuguese Military chart in the scale of 1: 25 000 there is no reference to a toponym with this name at about 5 km from Braga. What we can find, at about 9 km from Braga (in a straight line) is the toponym Afurada, in the municipality of Barcelos, near Areal de Caíde,

Since it is difficult to identify these facilities of rudimentary nature in the supply context of Bracara Augusta, we should make use of other remains that are associated with them, such as the existence of routes, milestones or even buildings related to the road traffic. The location of the previously mentioned remains leads us to assume the use of river barges and the existence of small facilities associated with them. 40

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Figure 15. Map of the course of the Cávado River with the location of the settlements of Areias de Vilar, Areal de Caíde and Afurada. Esc. 1:100.000.

We can thus conclude that Bracara Augusta, just like the majority of the ports on the western Mediterranean and on the Atlantic coast, had a coastal enclave in the course of the Cávado River, at a certain distance of its mouth, and, as we have already seen, possibly in the present area of Barca do Lago. This interior situation reduced the logistic difficulties of an open sea position and would be less conditioned by the amplitude of the tides. Such a circumstance agrees, anyway, to the advice of old authors, such as Vitruvius, who advised people not to build ports in areas invaded by alluvions such as the mouths of big rivers (vid. Blackman, 1982), and, indirectly, by Strabo, when he refers to the disadvantages of the position of the Ostia port, because it was subjected to processes of siltation (vid. Meiggs, 1997).

The economic importance that this type of vessels acquired is documented in some medieval documents. We know, for example, that in the 12th century D. Teresa, Queen of Portugal, granted the Bishop of Tuy the privilege of the crossing barges in the port of Tuy and the majority of the fishing-grounds in the Minho River (Iglesias Almeida, 1988: 10). The place known as Alto da Ponte - Antas (S. Paio), situated on a small hill overlooking the Neiva River, is a possible example of a place of Roman time where there probably were crossing barges and associated facilities. In Brochado de Almeida’s opinion (Almeida, 1996: 24–25), the most likely hypothesis is that we are dealing with a building related to the road traffic. Still according to this author (id., ibidem), the crossing of the river, which has got high banks in this place, would be carried out by boat given the nearness of the sea and the volume of the water that did not allow a ford crossing. What we can certainly accept is that, at least during the winter months, the transport of goods, people and animals would demand the presence of crossing barges, indispensable to a safe crossing.

In fact, Bracara Augusta, just like other cities, such as Talabriga, Conimbriga, Aeminium, Eburobrittium, Scallabis, Sellium (vid. Blot, 2003), Salacia and Myrtilis, benefited from a sea-river traffic; it used the water ways up to where it was possible to navigate, which was then complemented by the diversity of the road axis that completed the route.

In the Cávado River we also know of the existence of barges in the place of Barca do Lago up to the mid 20th century. When there was not a bridge in Fão, the coastal connection of the south with the north of the country was done through the barges: from the 16th century onwards, the pilgrims, including King D. Manuel himself, went past this place on their way to Santiago de Compostela (Macedo e Figueiredo, 1996: 12; 43).

Bracara Augusta is thus inserted in the type of cities classified by Carlos Fabião (Fabião, 1998: 176) as beneficiary of “secondary circuits of distribution, carried out from points of reception on the coastal areas or that could be reached by navigable water courses”. The medieval documentation that reveals the continuous use of these routes also corroborates the geo-strategic 41

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Bracara Augusta, which was linked to the main cities of the Northwest and to the south of the Peninsula through a vast road network, became from the very beginning a road centre. This fact is witnessed not only by the epigraphic data but also by some references in several ancient literary sources, especially in road itineraries, such as the wellknown Itinerarium Antonini Augusti. In this work, whose writing dates from the beginings of the 3rd century, thirty four peninsular roads are mentioned. It also includes their total distances from the starting point up to the end and the partial ones between mansio and mansio, this is, between the points that indicated walk journeys and that served as place of rest and substitution of animals. This itinerarium indicates, besides the XVI way, which linked Bracara to Olisipo, three other ways that went up to Asturica Augusta: the Iter XIX, which went through Ponte de Lima (Limia) and crossed Tuy and Lucus Augusti; Iter XVII to Aquae Flaviae and a third one built around AD 80 by Titus and Domicianus; Iter XVIII, called Via Nova in the milestones, was referred to twice in the Anonymous of Ravenna’s (or Ravenate) Cosmography, a late source, surely from the 7th century, that called it Augusta Bracaria and that went through Portela do Homen and the present province of Orense (Mantas, 1996: 666). The Itinerarium also mentions another road that linked the Augustan cities of Braga and Astorga, the route per loca maritima or via XX, which included Brigantium (Corunha) in its way (vid. 3.4) (Mantas, 1994: 228–30; Ferrer Sierra, 1995: 80; Franco Maside, 2001: 217–248; Sáez Taboada, 2001: 249–267). Another route that it is not mentioned in the referred to itinerary corresponds to the route which, from Bracara Augusta, led to Emerita, through Viseu and Egitania (Fig. 16; 17).

position of these river and overland arteries. We know, for example, through the Inquirições of 1258, that the bar of Esposende continued to be used and that the church properties situated on the coast enjoyed some benefits, especially the monasteries situated in Ponte de Lima, Cávado (Mattoso, et alii 1985: 231–246; Blot, 2003) and in the mouth of the Ave River (in Vila do Conde) (Freitas, 1989; Blot, 2003: 101). We also know that Esposende was later on recognized as a place of shipbuilding and navigation, which received in the mid 16th century tall ships (Amândio, 1994; Felgueiras, 1997: 192) and which was used in the 18th century as a port of intense trade (Amândio, 1994; Blot, 2003: 116–117; 173–174, Fig. 51). Another clear proof is the existence of cartographic documents dated from 1612 and 1648 (vid. id. ibidem: 27; Est. 6). 3.3.3 The overland routes and the importance of the per loca maritime or via XX of the Antonine Itinerary Even though the overland routes favoured the development of the communications between people and, in a way, of the circulation of goods, which could not be transported using other more economic ways, such as the navigation, the main role of the overland routes was administrative. Since these routes favoured the transmission of orders and news through the cursus publicus service and were provided with all sorts of facilities meant for the travellers’ rest (mutationes, mansiones, praetoria, tabernae …), they became a powerful means of political unification. The administrative reorganization carried out by Augustus and the definite division of Hispania’s provinces in three parts transformed the road building into a provincial task. In general, these roads were meant to link the several province capitals among each other and with Rome, the centre of the Empire.

Among these routes we want to highlight the importance of the above mentioned per loca maritima route or via XX, because of its importance in the sea-river trade context of the Peninsular Northwest. This route, just like via XIX, started in Bracara Augusta and made the connection with the two remaining conventual cities, Lucus and Asturica. From Bracara, and up to Asturica, the Itinerary indicates the following mansiones: Aquis, Celenis, Vicus Caporum, Ad Duos Pontes, Glandimiro, Atricondo, Brigantium, Caranico, Lucus Augusti, Timalino, Ponte Neviae, Uttaris and Bergido.

As a matter of fact, the road network, through which the exchange of ideas and goods was carried out, is one of the most important geo-political elements to get to know the economic and social scene (Blázquez, 1975: 294). In this way, the archaeological remains from Augustus’s period and from the Julius-Claudius Era are a proof of the road system evolution that gradually looses its military function to acquire an administrative, commercial and integration of the native population function. Therefore we understand why a city such as Bracara Augusta, which was founded at some distance from the coast and the large river routes, is situated in the intersection of two axis that have previously served the proto-historic populations (an Atlantic one coming from the Tejo valley and another one that linked the Meseta to the seashore) and why it has simultaneously launched the building of secondary roads to link those large circulation routes with its centre. These roads thus justify the city’s “centrality”, which will make her one of the fundamental epicentres in the road network of the Peninsular Northwest and a privileged market of the region (Martins, 1996a: 187).

The viability of this route depended, naturally, on the used means of transport, both aquatic and overland, and on the close connection of the overland networks with the river and sea ports so that it could become more economic. The per loca maritima route, which was mixed in its course, had - on the western fringe and to the northwest of the ancient Gallaecia - a coastal network up to Glandimiro. From there on it made an inflexion to the inland up to Lucus Augusti. The secondary roads, which used the interfluvial of the larger rivers, joined this natural and main route, as R. Maria Franco Maside’s studies for the Gallaic territory demonstrate. In these studies (vid Franco Maside, 2000: 143–170; id. 2001: 234) the author indicates a group of 42

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Figure 16. Simplified map of the Roman road network in the Iberian Peninsula in which we can see the main roads that made the connection to Bracara Augusta.

Figure 17. Necropolises and roads of Bracara Augusta.

43

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

goods (agricultural and manufactured) in the early empire period due to its geographical situation.

sites that may be a testimony of places of contact and transition of this route with the mentioned secondary roads and these with the called “tertiary” ones.

The per loca maritima route was of the utmost importance in the economic and commercial development of the city. As we have already mentioned, this route started in Bracara Augusta and connected it to the two other conventual capitals, Lucus and Asturica, just like the via XX of the Antonine Itinerary. The route set out from the city through a secondary road that must have existed along the left bank of the Cávado River (Mantas, 1996: 903–906) up to Areal de Caíde or a bit further down the stream, in the area of Barca do Lago (Morais, 1998: 19; 20; fig. 6; 21), following the course of the river up to Barcelos and Esposende. From Esposende this route would then follow to the north in the direction of Caminha (Aquis Celenis?), in the confluence of the Minho and the Atlantic. This route seems to be the most credible if we accept that this mixed route might have been mainly used to serve the economic interests of the settlements situated in the confluence of the sea-river routes.

This group of roads naturally favoured the sea influence in inland areas and conditioned the position of villages throughout the coast (especially dedicated to the salt of fish) which corroborate the importance of this network in Roman Times (id. ibidem; 241). In the conventus Bracaraugustanus context, the existence of small centres of redistribution of goods directly connected to the per loca maritima route and to the secondary road network is also relevant. Such is the case, for example, of the “agricultural hillforts” of Outeiro dos Picoutos or of Felícia (parish of Fonte Boa – Esposende) and Forte de Lobelhe (Vila Nova de Cerveira). The first hillfort is situated in Barca do Lago, on a small hillock overlooking the Cávado River (Almeida, 1996: 194), downstream from the city of Barcelos. The per loca maritima route (future “via veteris”) went through the western slope of this settlement and linked the North and the South of the Minho Region, namely Cale, Ponte de Ave, Rates, Viana do Castelo and Caminha (id. ibidem; id., 1998: 37).

The settlements of Alto da Pena, of Facho and of Cristelo (Silva, 1986: 69) and the settlement of Santa Tecla, situated on the other shore of the Minho River (Peña Santos, 1989–1991; Fernández Rodríguez, 1995), present a group of materials which are testimonies of the insertion of this region in the Roman sea route trade. Among the referred to materials we should stress the presence of coins (Centeno, 1987: 132; Cavada Nieto, 1992a; 1992b; Pérez González et alii, 1995: 204; Ferrer Sierra, 1996: 440) and of amphorae of baetica origin (Díaz Alavarez, 1984: 206; Peña Santos, 1989; 1991; Paiva, 1993; Fernández Rodríguez, 1995).

The second, at a considerable distance from Bracara Augusta, is also an elucidating example, given its location and the remains of a residential nucleus from Roman times with an obvious economic function and in close connection with the sea-river navigation. We are dealing with a settlement from Augustus period, situated on a small hillock which allowed docking to all type of vessels that sought it and, very likely, near the per loca maritima. This terrific geographical position can explain its change into a villa or a vicus (Almeida, 1996: 304; id. 2000: 106–107) between the late 1st century and the early 2nd century.

Besides the importance of the per loca maritima route and of the other main routes, Bracara Augusta and its territory also depended on a series of minor roads, the so-called viae vicinales. These viae might have used the proto-historic paths again (from the settlements towards the coast or along the rivers) and were probably improved during the Roman Times to adjust to the new patterns of settlement and to the specific interests of the administration. These minor roads would be under the guardianship of the political powers of the city that were naturally in charge of their building and conservation. The intercommunication of these existing roads in the conventus bracaraugustano was also done through another network of small private roads, the viae privatae, made up of a series of narrow and rural paths that provided the access to the different agrarian properties of the region.

Whether we are dealing with a villa or a vicus, the fact is that this place would have been used as a trade emporium taking into account the structures that have recently been found and the variety and richness of the remains, which comprise imported (thin- walled ware and Italic, south Gallish and Hispanic terra sigillata) and regional ware (Bracarenses and grey thin ware), associated to about a hundred amphorae, mainly Haltern 70 (id. ibidem: 304). This was proved by the presence of a compartment that was used as an amphorae warehouse and by the recent discovery of a small harbour, presently under one of the pillars of the river bridge built there.

The study of these roads has been particularly enriched by works carried out from mediaeval documents, such as the one done by Carlos Alberto Ferreira de Almeida (Almeida, 1968) many years ago in his degree dissertation. There the author analyses with knowledge and precision the different references to donation charters, royal charters, wills, the exchange or selling of properties, giving useful toponymic indications which are essential to the identification of these old Roman roads. In the context of the current Portuguese

This place was also certainly important as a redistributor centre and it was also likely a place for the sale of ore extracted from the gold and tin mines of the parish of Covas (id. ibidem.: 304; 429; id. 2000: 106–107). These data can also indicate us that we are in face of a small secondary settlement that might have had a commercial function as a place of storage, traffic and exchange of 44

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territory there are more recent studies, such as the PhD theses of Carlos Alberto Brochado de Almeida about the Roman settlement of the Minho coast between the Cávado and Minho Rivers (Povoamento Romano do litoral minhoto entre o Cávado e o Minho) (Almeida, 1996) and of Vasco Gil Mantas on the Roman road network in the Atlantic strip between Lisbon and Braga (A rede viária romana da faixa atlântica entre Lisboa e Braga) (Mantas, 1996); these two theses are fundamental to situate with more accuracy the group of main and minor roads related to the city. In a conference organised in November 1995 about “the road network of Gallaecia” and published with the date of 1995/96, a group of articles related to the via XVIII, already mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary, stands out. From then on, other works of reference have been written in the context of the project for the protection of Bracara Augusta, among which we have to highlight a study carried out by Francisco Sande Lemos (Lemos, 2002: 95– 127), which mentions small archaeological interventions that have made it possible to document old Roman paths related to the viae vicinales and privatae.

Figure 18. Condition of the inscription at the time G. Alföldy read it. Reconstitution of the inscription suggested by G. Alföldy.

“In Braga we can find another remarkable Memory from the family Flavia Vrbica, which was recently found on the wall of the Cruzeiro da Sé, where Nossa Senhora das Angustias Chapel is now situated. Manoel Fernando, Mason Master of the work, took it home, where he keeps it. From its shape we can infer that it was the base of a statue and the inscription says the following:

3.4 The contribution of Epigraphy – the inscriptions

Da família Flavia Vrbica se acha outra Memoria notável em Braga, a qual se encontrou ha pouco tempo na parede do Cruzeiro da Sé, da parte do Evangelho, aonde agora está a Capella de Nossa Senhora das Angustias. Manoel Fernando, Mestre Pedreiro da obra, a levou para sua casa, onde a conserva. Do seu feitio se vê foy base de estatua, e diz a Inscrição assim

The study of the epigraphy in the context of the trade is fundamental to understand the economy of a city. We would thus like to know how much information the Latin epigraphes of Bracara Augusta are able to give us about the economic life and, above all, about its urban evolution in the context of the Peninsular Northwest. However, when consulting the current corpus of urban inscriptions we immediately realized how difficult it would be to infer testimonies about the economic life of the city from them.

GENIO/MACELLI/FLAVIVS/VRBICIO/EX VOTO/ POSTVIT/SACRVM

The function of privileged market that the city enjoyed is well documented in a group of inscriptions devoted to deities strictly dedicated to the sea world and to the protection of the travellers and their journeys.

The other inscription, originary from Sta Ana Chapel in Braga is stored in D. Diogo de Sousa Museum (Fig. 18). The whole transcription of this inscription, of honorific character, was done by Géza Alföldy (1966: 367) that interpreted it this way:

We are referring to an inscription with a dedication to Mercury found on a wall of the Seminário de Santiago in Braga (Tranoy, 1981: 315; Santos, et alii, 1983: 188, nº 8; Est. IV, nº 10), currently stored in the respective museum, and to three other inscriptions devoted to minor deities, to the Lares Viales (CIL, II, 2417; AE, 1973: 310), one of which is still unpublished.

“To Caius Caetronius Miccio, son of Caius, of the Camília clan, to the tribune of the people, praetor, imperial legatus in the Citerior Hispania, imperial legatus of the Augusta Legion II, proconsul of the Baetica province, prefect of the military treasury, prefect for the exaction of the rests of the tributes to be charged for the Roman people’s treasury – the Roman citizens that do business in Bracaraugusta.”

The economic role of the city is especially well documented in two inscriptions: one (CIL, II, 2413 = ILER, 547) dedicated to the Genius of the market building (Genius Macelli) and the other (CIL, II, 2423) dedicated, in the time of Claudius, to Caius Caetronius Miccio by the Roman citizens that traded in Bracara Augusta (cives Romani qui negotiantur Bracaraugusta).

The inscription is thus especially important for the study of the economic structure of the city in the beginnings of the imperial time: the specific reference to the existence of negotiatores that dedicate a tombstone to C. Caetronius Miccio makes us reassess the role of the city of Bracara Augusta in the context of the Peninsular Northwest. 3.4.1 C. Caetronius Miccio: The political evolution of a citizen

Jerónimo Contador de Argote (Argote, 1732–34): 227) gives us information about the already missing Genius Macelli inscription:

As Géza Alföldy says (1966: 372) “the Roman traders that 45

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

did business in Bracara Augusta” erected a tombstone in honour of Caius Caetronius Miccio and considered him their patron because of the economic and financial activities he developed as legatus Augusti Hispaniae Citerioris at the time of his first praetorian post, carried out around the year 32 (or maybe even before), to substitute the governor L. Arruntis, dismissed by the emperor Tiberius himself (Tranoy, 1981: 163).

influence that such a trade had on the commercial relationships with that province. It is in this context that the position of praefectus reliquorum exigendorum populi Romani assumes a particular relevance. Since we know that the negotiatores could enjoy - as direct beneficiary of the emperors who encouraged them to invest in trade – the exemption of the munera and honores publici if they stimulated the importation of goods and invested half of their fortunes (Sirks, 1991: 395–7; 412), we can conclude that they might have had the tombstone erected in an attempt of enjoying such exemptions.

We also know (Alföldy, 1966: 372) that he was part of the senatorial “cursus” of Caius Caetronius Miccio having carried out the position of proconsul of the senatorial province of Baetica around the year 37, maybe 37–38.

We can not rule out the possibility either that these negotiatores might want to become local magistrates just like other known cases in the Peninsular Roman World, namely the ones of Gaius and Aquinus Mela (Blázquez, 1975: 207–8), famous business men that exploited the Hispanic mines at the end of the Republic.

Particularly interesting was the last position carried out by this senator: after having been the prefect of the military treasury, he was praefectus reliquorum exigendorum populi Romani (a title which was only here testified in the Roman epigraphy), having the responsibility for the exaction of the revenues balance allocated to the aerarium populi (Alföldy, 1966: 370–1).

3.4.3 The negotiatores: issues about their origin and social status

3.4.2 C. Caetronius Miccio: the positions held and their meaning

Negotiator is a very general term: it represents the one who is active, who carries out the negotia (Valencia Hernández, 1989–90: 205; id., 1992:101). The negotiator is a Roman citizen connected to the ruling class that carries out a very diversified activity (political, financial, banking or commercial) in particular in the provinces (FeuvrierPrevotat, 1981: not. 38; García Brosa, 1999: 184). They are in general remembered as belonging to a group defined by their commercial and financial activity although we do not know much about their origin and social status.

The substitution of L. Arruntius by C. Caetronius Miccio, carried out as an attempt of preventing the governors’ abuses and arbitrarieties in the provinces (Tovar, 1975b: 124), became famous in antiquity (Tac. An. VI 27, Hist. II, 65) since we are dealing with the withdrawal for about ten years of a character of consular category. As a consequence of that “ostracism”, C. Caetronius Miccio, as a legatus of the Emperor, could enjoy a privileged status, substituting the proconsul in all his activities and being in charge of the civil jurisdiction of the city.

In the Republican era, the word negotiator differs from that of mercator: the first indicated a trader of modest economic resources, the latter a rich and powerful businessman. At least from the second half of the 1st century AD onwards, the two terms tend to be confused and to be used indifferently to mean traders (Colavitti, 1999: 21). Nevertheless, the word negotiator usually refers to sedentary salesmen, great scale merchants that participated in the sea trade (Tácito, Annales, XII, 51), the so-called magna mercatura, especially as far as financial issues (Rougé: 1966: 274– 283; Jones, 1974; Kneissel, 1983) are concerned. These rented / lent boats and loaned money, but they did not use to travel with the goods, preferring to delegate that task to other traders (Tacit, Annales, II, 87), the publicani, who had contacts with the imperial administration (Badian, 1972; Cinna, 1981).

The rise of Caius Caetronius Miccio (Alföldy, 1966: 372) to the office of Proconsul in the senatorial province of Baetica was also very meaningful. This position, which was only attributed by draw to people that had formerly been a prefect, allowed him the civil and political control – and consequently the economic control – of the entire Baetica province. As a matter of fact, the image of a procurator (a position especially associated with the administrative policy of the old Republic) now represented an essential element of the imperial bureaucracy. By delegating the financial control to members of the equestrian order, the procurator therefore controlled certain resources, such as the mines administration or the collecting of certain taxes. Among these we can refer to the taxes related to the vigesima hereditatium (5% over the inheritances), to the vigesima libertatis (5% over the manumission of slaves) and the laying down of 2% over the importations, a tax known as the quagesima or portorium (González Román, 1995: 28).

The epigraphic findings regarding the Ostia harbour and its forum (Piazzale delle Corporazioni) are demonstrative of how the negotiatores organised themselves in associations to carry out commercial transactions through workshops in the city (Becatti 1961; Pohl, 1978; Houston, 1980).

Taking into account the known context of an active and permanent trade of Bracara Augusta with the province of Baetica, during the 1st century, inferred from the archaeological materials, we can’t exclude the beneficial

In the present case of the inscription of Braga, regardless of the polysemy and consequent ambiguity that the words negotia and negotiatores cause, the use of the word 46

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As far as we know, that traders conventus dedicated itself to the commercialization of wine from the senatorial province of the Baetica, as we can infer from both the relative shortage in the city of fine ware of Italic and Galic production (Morais, 1997–98) and of amphorae for the transport of oil, which contrasts with the abundance of wine containers, here represented by the Haltern 70 amphorae of Baetic origin (id., 1997–98b; 1998).

negotiantur tells us much about the political importance of these Roman citizens in the city. Just like other known contexts in the Roman World (Valencia Hernández, 1989– 90: 195–216; García Brosa, 1999: 185), the use of this verbal expression was certainly determined by the need to cover a reality that contradicted the traditional ideology of the time, as we can infer from the reading and analysis of ancient authors’ narrative speeches, such as Cicerus (Valencia Hernández, 1989–90, 195–216). These authors used the same verbal expression when they referred to the way of life of the ruling classes, whether they were from the senatorial or the equestrian order. In addition, and once again just like in other known contexts (id. ibidem), the care they (the people who made the dedications) had in expressing their ciues Romani quality (not mentioning their social status) might have been used – as we have seen – to hide the specific socio-political situation and to justify certain economical practices and its non-professional character.

This commercial activity associated to the fact that the negotiatores could be shipowners, ask for loans and participate in other activities connected with land ownership (Panciera, 1980), would inevitably lead them to live in the city where they could carry out their activities and contact the traders (mercatores). This was the most probable situation of the negotiatores in Bracara Augusta. In fact, the massive presence of Haltern 70 amphorae suggests a continuous flood of goods that can not be the result of occasional trade adventures. The abundant presence of these amphorae has more to do with the easiness the inhabitants had to buy them and maybe with the exclusive dedication of a specialized trader in negotiating some private goods with economic advantages.

3.4.4 The negotiatores: the meaning of their presence The presence of negotiatores in the city reveals, as Patrick Le Roux (1996: 371) says, the existence of a conventus of traders with official status, whose occupation might have been the importation of goods such as oil and wine or the Italic or Galic ceramics.

47

48

CHAPTER 4 CONCLUSIONS

4.1 Comparative analysis of the rhythms and patterns of consumption of the city

representative of materials gathered in other sites in the Peninsula.

While analysing comparatively the rhythms and patterns of consumption regarding the goods imported during the early empire period, we decided to highlight the amphorae since these transported essential consumer goods fundamental to correct the diet of its population.

In the case of the amphorae we are particularly interested in the data provided by J. Naveiro López for the Gallaecia area (Naveiro López 1991a: 63–73) and by C. Carreras Monfort for the Asturian territory (Carreras Monfort, 1996: 205–210). In both cases, and at first sight, the studied sites reveal an identical consumption profile to the Braga one, which is directly involved in the Atlantic trade route.

As we can see in Fig. 19 and Table 1, these represent about 18,57% of the total of the importations in that period. We should equally value the presence of importations of terra sigillata that comprise a significant number of about five thousand fragments (about 60,57% of the total). As we can see in Fig. 20 and Table 2, the Hispanic productions predominate with about 77,04% over the Italic and South of Gallia productions with 6,10% and 16,86% respectively.

However, as C. Carreras Monfort points out (id. ibidem, 1996: 205–207), there are some differences in the type of supply between the different sites whether we are dealing with coastal places (for example, Campa Torres and the Northwestern coastal centres) or inland centres, which present particular supply dynamics (for example, Legio and Asturica Augusta).

There is also another less significant amount of imported productions, which is represented by the thin-walled wares (about 235 specimen = 3%) and the mortaria (about 76 specimens = 0,97%).

Regardless of these differences, if we compare the quantity and the types of amphorae existent in these Asturian sites (Fig. 21 A and B) with the data obtained in Braga (Table 4), we verify a larger flux of importation in this city.

The local production of the Bracarense ceramics (about 688 specimens = 8.77%) and the oil-lamps production (most of them produced in the city) also appears highlighted (about 637 specimens = 8.12%) even though its value must be appreciated at a scale of regional diffusion.

In fact, a monographic study published by C. Carreras Monfort and P. Berni (Carreras Monfort and Berni, 2003: 633–673) about the amphorae of Astorga seems to corroborate that analysis. As a matter of fact, as we can see in Table 5, the quantity and diversity of the types of amphorae collected in Astorga is significantly inferior to the one found in Braga (vid. Table 4). We do not know, however, if this difference is due to the fact that this study is based on a temporary calculation from a limited number of excavations (that according to the authors only corresponds to 4.19% of the surface occupied by the intramural city) or if it is due to a real supply difference between these two cities of the Peninsular Northwest.

If we use these percentage values to try to estimate the approximate number of the average annual importation of these products – adopting K. T. Greene’s methodology (Greene, 1986: 54–56) for the numismatics and used by several authors for the terra sigillata (vid. Bourgeois and Mayet, 1991; Lopes, 1994; Carvalho, 1998; Viegas, 2003a) - we realise, as it would be expected, that there is a predominance of the importation of Haltern 70 amphorae and of terra sigillata over the other materials (Table 3). This calculation, which consists in the division of the number of items of each production by the number of years in which the importation was carried out, is only useful as an approximate value since this analysis should take into consideration the years when there was a larger fall in certain importations or larger fluxes of importations.

The explanation for this difference, could, however, lie in two truly significant aspects: on the one hand – as we can see in the map of the cost of transportation from the Baetica, presented by C. Carreras Monfort (Carreras Monfort, 1996: 210, Fig. 3) – the supply of Asturica would be more expensive than that of Bracara (Fig. 22); on the other hand, that difference could be due to a larger self-sufficiency of Asturica and its region, taking into account its administrative importance and the presence of civil servants, documented by the epigraphy, with responsibilities in both territories, such as a legatus augusti

The analysis of the rhythms and patterns of consumption of these products in the city should, however, take into consideration the comparison with other samples equally 49

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 19. Total and percentage by production of the early empire ware.

Productions Amphorae Mortaria

NF

NMI*

% total

4356

1457

18.57

76

76

0.97

Thin-walled

235

235

3.00

Sigillata

4751

4751

60.57

Bracarense

688

688

8.77

637

637

8.12

Lamps Total

10743 7844 100.00

5000

4500

NF

4000

NMI*

3500

% total

3000

2500

2000

1500

1000

500

0 Amphorae

Mortaria

Thin-walled

Sigillata

Bracarense

Lamps

Figure 20. Quantity and percentage relation of all totals by types of sigillata and of all imported ware production.

Terra sigillata Amount

% sigillatas

% production

290

6.10

3.70

4000

Italic type Gaulish

801

16.86

10.21

3500

Hispanic

3660

77.04

46.66

Total

4751

100.00

60.57

3000 2500 2000 1500

Italic type Gaulish

1000

Hispanic

500 0 Amount

% sigillatas

% production

50

Catalogue

Figure 21A and 21B. Graphs of amphorae finds.

Table 3. Average annual calculation of the productions.

Amount

Number of years of importation

Average annual calculation

Wine amphorae Oil amphorae Fish amphorae Undeterminate amphorae Regional and Local amphorae Haltern 70 Mortaria Augustan thin-walled Augustan / mid first century Tiberian-Claudian / Vespasian Thin-walled of the 2nd half of the first century

132 29 283 11 69 933 76 73 93 35 35

c. 200 c. 200 c. 200 c. 200 c. 200 c. 100 c. 50 c. 25 c. 50 c. 50 c. 50

0,62 0,15 1,42 0,06 0,35 9,33 1,52 2,92 1,86 0,7 0,7

Italic sigillata type

290

c. 30

9,67

South Gallic sigillata Hispanic Sigillata Bracarense 1st / 2nd century lamps 3rd century

801 3670 688 427 194

c. 50 c. 100 c. 50 c. 200 c. 100

16,02 36,7 13,76 2,14 1,94

Production

51

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Frag.

Peso(gr)

I.AFRICA

27

2080

32

1.1 Tripolitana 1

2

220

35

0.41

2. GUADALQUIVIR

6

990

-

0.62

2.1 Haltern 70

378

37330

343

4

0.27

3

2

0.14

2.2 Oberaden 83/ Dressel 20 arcaica

2

400

23

3

3

0.21

2.3 Dressel 20

266

22550

12

Amphorae

NF

NMI

%

Rodian Type

58

24

1.65

Dressel 2/4 (Italic)

57

28

1.92

Dressel 2/4 (Gaulish)

6

6

Dressel 2/4 (Baetica)

20

9

Dressel 2/4 (Tarraconensis)

5

Dressel 2/4 (Eastern) Dressel 2/4 (African)

Typology

EVE(%)

Dressel 28

2

2

0.14

2.4 Dressel 20 parva

4

860

100

Gauloise 4

18

11

0.75

2.5 Dressel 23

1

150

-

Matagallares I

1

1

0.07

2.6 Dressel 2–4

26

6790

33

Beltrán 68

1

1

0.07

2.7 Dressel 7–11

1

750

100

2.8 Astorga 44 (AA/ MG3–5/ 10002/100)

1

310

25

3.COSTA BETICA

975

115360

178

3.1 Dressel 7–1 1

25

3640

293

3.2 Beltrán II-A

1

440

7

4

900

8

Urceus type

52

41

2.81

Haltern 70

3614

933

64.04

“Arcaic Dressel 20”/Type B (Augustan-Tiberian)

2

2

0.14

Dressel 20

40

27

1.85

Dressel 7/11 (Baetica)

127

69

4.74

Dressel 7–11 (Lusitanian Peniche)

3.3 Beltrán II-B

13

11

0.75

4. CAMPANIA

15

2080

-

Dressel 7/11? (Lusitanian)

1

1

0.07

4.1 Dressel 2–4

225

28730

220

Beltrán II A

2

2

0.14

-

Beltrán II B

8

8

0.55

Puerto Real 1

2

2

0.14

Dressel 14 (Baetica)

17

17

1.17

Dressel 14, A (Lusitanian)

50

50

3.43

Dressel 14, B (Lusitanian)

73

70

Dressel 14, C (Lusitanian)

7

Dressel 14 Tardia

4.2 Anfora “a bastone”

12

2260

5. GALA

30

2460

6. RODIA

253

21330

108

7. RICHBOROUGH 527

18

1588

45

8. P&W66

1

30

-

4.80

9. MEDITERRANEO ORIENTAL

73

4950

-

7

0.48

9.1 AgoraG-199

9

600

-

2

2

0.14

9.2 Dressel 2–4

240

20870

220

Dressel 14, ind. (Lusitanian)

20

18

1.24

9.3 Pseudokoan

2

370

25

Almagro 51 C (Baetica)

4

4

0.27

10. LATE ROMAN

4

470

-

Almagro 51 C (Lusitanian)

12

10

0.69

10.1 Late Roman 1

1

250

-

“Almagro 50” / Keay XVI, A

2

2

0.14

“Almagro 50” / Keay XVI, C

1

1

0.07

11. TARRACONENSE

11

4170

Almagro 50 / Keay XXII

9

7

0.48

11.1 Pascual 1

83

12430

Beltrán 72, B

2

2

0.14

11.2 Dressel 2–4

46

6470

38

Richborough 527

10

6

0.41

12.VALLEDELDUERO

9

1960

20

PE 18

2

2

0.14

220

15855

124

Dressel 30

1

1

0.07

2,971

319,643

2,093

Majuelo II / Almagro 51 C, A

1

1

0.07

Africana Grande B

1

1

0.07

Regional Form I

1

1

0.07

Regional Form II (Beltrán 72, B)

1

1

0.07

Regional Form II (“Almagro 50” / Keay XVI, C)

86

49

3.36

Undefined Local (Late ?)

6

5

0.34

Module 1 (local)

3

3

0.21

Module 2 (local)

8

8

0.55

Module 3a (local)

1

1

0.07

Module 3b (local)

1

1

0.07

4356

1457

100.00

Total

Undetermined Total

176

Table 5. Amphorae from Astorga (in Carreras Monfort e Piero Berni 2003: 638).

Table 4. Amphorae found in Braga in the Early Empire period.

52

Conclusions

Figure 22. Hispania. Costs of transportation from the Baetica (in Carreras Monfort 1996: 210).

per Asturiam et Gallaeciam (CIL, II, 2634), a praeses provinciae Gallaeciae (CIL, II, 2635) and a procurator Asturiae et Gallaeciae (CIL, II, 2643).

augusti and metallorum, who were related to the mining exploitation (Tranoy, 1981). The significant presence of amphorae in Braga, in particular of Haltern 70, makes us believe that the importance of the city lay in its market potential, which, in turn, was due to the relative nearness of the coast and the population density of its territory. These two factors might have naturally attracted traders as the presence of negotiatores during the Claudius period seems to document.

In spite of the fact that we are in the face of two major cities of the Northwest that benefited directly from a supply of Atlantic products, the analysis of the types of amphorae and their quantitative expression reveals a consumption profile that is truly differentiated. We must point out right away the larger Romanization and economic importance of Asturica during the first days of the city. In fact, besides the above mentioned inscriptions that compel us to stress the main administrative role of Lucus and Bracara, we also have a significant group of wine amphorae from Italy (Dressel 2–4) and from the Aegean region (Dressel 2–4 and Rodia Type). These amphorae prove the existence of indigenous elites and of a population of Mediterranean origin in Asturica who valued and could afford these luxurious products (vid. Carreras Monfort, 1996: 206). This is not a surprising situation if we take into consideration that the city was chosen to be the residence of the legati iuridici and of the procuratores

The supply of the city must have also benefitted from this situation by getting other products, most of which were complementary to the transport of the amphorae. The comparative analysis of the rhythm and patterns of consumption of the city can thus also be analysed in the light of other materials. In the case of the terra sigillata, the available data for the city makes it possible for us to compare it with other places in the Peninsula. 53

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

4000 Italic type

3500

Terra Sigillata Santarém Conímbriga Belo Mozinho Braga Numância Total

Italic type 301 744 850 67 290 52 2304

South Gaulish 246 1584 3000 553 801 44 6228

3000

South Gaulish Hispanic

Hispanic

2500

103 1439 1300 1481 3360 129 7812

2000 1500 1000 500 0

Figure 23. Numbers of the different terra sigillata productions in different Roman cities.

As we can see in Fig. 23 and Table 6, the percentage of the different productions of terra sigillata varies according to the places, certainly depending on the respective geographic situation.

Peninsular Northwest (cfr. Naveiro, 1991a: 43) between the end of the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century. This advantage is due to the proximity of this region in relation to the productions of the Ebro Valley (Tritium Magallum) and to the setting of new commercial circuits which are confined to the commercialization of these goods through overland routes.

The analysis of all the importation fluxes reveals that the amount of terra sigillata that was imported in Braga during the early empire period is only surpassed by the importations of Belo. However, these two cities naturally possess different supply patterns: in Braga the Hispanic products are more abundant whereas in Belo there are more Italic products and goods from the South of Gallia. Such a difference has fundamentally to do with the location of these two cities with the chronological context of each production and also certainly with the importation circuits that were carried out according to the transport network.

In the comparative analysis of the rhythms and patterns of consumption of the city we should equally take the oil-lamps into consideration. As a matter of fact, these represent a good example of the complexity and interrelation existent between the subsistence economy and the region’s, and in particular the city’s, market economy. In this way, the abundant oil-lamp production also shows that the city, besides being a receptor and redistributor centre, was equally one of the largest production centres of these goods, exporting them at a regional level.

In fact, if we analyse Fig. 23 and Table 6 we realize that, just like Belo, the Lusitan cities of Conimbriga and Santarém, regardless of the fact that they had known a different model of importation (cfr. Viegas, 2003a: 297), also benefited from a larger percentage of productions of Italic type and from the South of Gallia at the expense of the Hispanic productions. This situation is closely related to the chronology of both productions and to the geographical situation of these sites which, as we know, benefited from an earlier Romanization, thus being consequently much closer to the meridional model of supply.

Over six hundred oil-lamps were collected in Braga (Fig. 1), which shows that, just like Astorga (Morillo Cerdán, 2003a), this number might be comparable to other groups recovered in Hispanic sites such as Pollentia, Tarragona, Zaragoça, Italica, Corduba or Merida. The different series documented in the city present considerable differences in relation to the material of other cities. If we compare, for example, the series collected in Braga and Astorga (Table 7), we verify that, despite the slight numeric superiority of the group of Braga, the oldest series of oil-lamps are predominant in Astorga.

The largest percentage of Hispanic productions (vid. Fig. 23 and Table 6) in the Peninsular Northwest, such as in the cases of Braga and Mozinho comparatively to the other sites of Lusitania and Baetica, must be understood taking into account some geographical and chronological factors.

This situation is actually in agreement with the above made remarks about the amphorae when we highlighted the highest degree of Romanization of the inhabitants of Asturica Augusta in the first decades of the 1st century due to the administrative importance of the city. According to this point of view, and as A. Morillo Cerdán pointed

In fact, unlike those places, situated south of the Douro, where we witness a fall in the importation of terra sigillata from the middle to the late 1st century, we verify a truly ascedent trade of the productions of Hispanic origin in the 54

Conclusions

Lamps

Braga

1st serie Late-Republic

c. 2

c. 16

2nd serie Voluted

c. 208

c. 262

3rd serie Discus

c. 3

c. 15

4th serie Firmalampen

c. 199

c. 174

5th serie “Mineiras”

c. 58

c. 113

7th serie Rounded nozzles

c. 151

-

Total

Table 7.

c. 621

into account the used documentation – the archaeological materials, especially ceramics – which reveal fragmentary and irregular characteristics.

Astorga

Nevertheless, the data, which were valued in this work and collected throughout several decades of excavations, have given us the chance to enlarge our knowledge about the city and to redimension its role in the specific context of the trade and the importations in the Peninsular Northwest in the first centuries of our era. We have realized that Bracara Augusta, just like other nuclear cities of the Roman world, played an important role in the inter-provincial trade as an importer and redistributor centre of nourishing and manufactured goods.

c. 580

This role carried out by the city, which can be considered as a basic unity in the exchange process of the region, based itself necessarily on an intermediary network; right from the beginning it is possible to find large scale traders (negotiatores), specifically documented in the Claudius period, which make us assume the existence of small traders (mercatores), whether they were congregated or not in specific collegia or corpora.

Comparison between the different documented series of oil-lamps in Braga and Astorga.

out (Morillo Cerdán, 2003:283), the Roman city of Asturica Augusta “se encuentra al mismo nivel que otros yacimientos y regiones peninsulares de romanización más antigua y más próximas geográficamente a los principales centros mediterráneos productores de lucernas” (is on the same level as other peninsular sites and regions of older Romanization and it is geographically nearer the main Mediterranean production centres of oil-lamps).

Together with these mercatores and collegia, not yet epigraphilly documented, we can also infer the presence of administrative workers in charge of the financial matters (tabularii), just like what was documented in Lugo.

Despite the signalled differences, we find in these two urban nuclei common characteristics related to the role that these carried out both as receptor and redistributor centres of oil-lamps and as large production centres of these goods, exporting them at a regional scale.

We have also realised that the city had a major role as a productive centre, directly materialised in several documented handmade activities, related to the needs of the urban centre and the rural world that were under its control.

As A. Morillo Cerdán well pointed out (Morillo Cerdán, 2003: 297), the production decentralization process that affected all economic sectors of the Roman city of Asturica Augusta from the mid 1st century onwards had some consequences as far as the oil-lamps local production is concerned. Bracara Augusta did not stay indifferent to this situation, and there the production of oil lamps was about 90% of the total.

Just like in other cities (vid. Foraboschi, 1990: 820), the city markets (mundinae) must have been organized according to the available farming goods and these were arranged taking into account their persishability, their weight, the routes and the costs of transportation. As E. Gabba (Gabba, 1988: 144–149) and J. M. Frayn (Frayn, 1993) have demonstrated, these markets were of the utmost importance for the exchange of surpluses. They took place every eight days in the same city and were sometimes situated in private lands (Frayn, 1993: 4–5), after a weekly rotation with other centres of the region (vid. Columella, Rust. I, 18; Pliny, N. H. XVIII, 3, 13; cfr. De Martino, 1979: 163).

In the context of this production, we should also highlight the oil-lamp stamps contribute attributed to the Lucretii family (this was a socially privileged family thanks to their estate wealth), whose interpretation allowed us to contextualize for the first time the Flavian municipality of the city and to suggest that the city might have been the owner of a figlina and might have established a contract of the locatio-conductio type with the owners of the workshops.

Besides these markets, there were also permanent shops (tabernae) and buildings of periodic sale (macellum) (De Ruyt, 1983; Frayn, 1993: 1–10) characteristic of each community, Bracara Augusta included.

4.2 Considerations about the meaning of the material culture

In this way, we can assume that the power of the farming production in the economic organization of the region might have influenced the different handmade activities that depended on that production and, consequently, the

The analysis of the economy and trade of the Roman city of Bracara Augusta, one of the largest peninsular cities, turned out to be a very problematic task taking 55

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

character and volume of trade which was mainly made up of agricultural products.

insulae. This was situated in the southeast quadrant of the city and was testified by the reference to a kiln, a decanting tank of clay and two oil-lamps moulds.

In fact, just like other Roman cities, Bracara Augusta enjoyed a mixed economy based on agriculture, on trade and on industry.

Regarding other remains, we highlight the presence of some pottery accessories, such as two pivot stones of potter’s wheel carved in clay, a clay wedge, probably used to separate the vessels from the kiln, a clay disk, identical to well documented specimens found in places of ware production and meant to serve as support rings, separators or insulators, and a bitronco-conic rack probably used to make the drying of the pieces easier.

This assumption is developed not only from the analysis of the materials and the remains of the workshops documented in the city but also from the analysis of the proto-historic and Roman settlements in the region where the city is situated. Among many other studies, the one carried out by Manuela Martins on the basin of the Cavado River (Martins, 1990) gives us important elements for a better understanding of the Roman occupation in the rural space near the city.

Among the several types of ceramic materials collected so far in the city, the oil-lamps and the bracarense wares are an excelent proof that the city was not only a receptor and distributor centre but also one of the major goods production centre that enjoyed a wide regional spread (see appendix).

The new types of sites, small villages or uillae seem to appear in a first stage together with the city. They concentrate preferentially in its outskirts or following the routes network and obeying to a system of occupation of the radial type, directly dependent from the city and essentially connected to its supply (id. ibidem; id. 1995).

As a matter of fact, the oil-lamps are an obvious proof of the “romanization” level of the city as well as the number of potters, which is so far the largest documented in the context of the Peninsular Northwest.

However important these data may be for the understanding of the economic role of the city, they need to be revaluated taking into account a wider perspective of the territory; to accomplish that we must take into consideration the models of distribution, the creation of infrastructures and the organisation of the landscape (through the analysis of possible centuriations, for example) so that we can make maps of the distribution of the settlement. In fact, the value of these maps for the Peninsular Northwest region is not absolute because of the difficulty one has felt to define the organization of the nuclei, their chronology and mutual relationships, which is the result of the lack of excavations in most of them.

The referred to elements per si show the diversity of possible activities, which is a clear reflex of the city’s size, autonomy level of production, and trade orientation. In fact, this productive autonomy – which leads us to the self-sufficency principles – might have worked as a total or partially autonomous activity regarding agriculture, meant for the supply of the market of the city and of the surrounding region. As far as the foreign trade between provinces is concerned, we should emphasize that Bracara Augusta benefited from an economy of scale. Such a conclusion is the result of a group of imported materials gathered so far in the city, which inclusively leads us to believe that the place of its foundation was thought taking into account its market potential.

Apart from these issues yet to be solved, we can, however, demonstrate that in Bracara Augusta’s nucleus or in its territory a large range of instrumenta necessary for the farming activity or the domestic life were produced: oil-lamps, common wares, fine wares, amphorae, dolia, building materials and several other objects (such as pondera, spindle whorls, loomweights, casting molds, crucibles, calculus, abacus beads, dices and terracottas).

As we have several times stressed, this potential was also enhanced by the relative proximity of the coast, which made it possible to access to privileged areas in order to carry out an economic exchange of several goods originary from other regions. In this way, we can also accept that the city might have shared the role of redistributor centre (Fig. 24) with the two other capital cities of the Peninsular Northwest, Lucus Augusti and Asturica Augusta.

In the case of the Roman city of Bracara Augusta, the region of Prado / Ucha, situated at about 14 km, was a place used for the exploitation of clay-pits and maybe a centre of potteries that supplied the city and the nearby region.

Besides these issues, we should also highlight the contribution given by the analysis of older materials collected in the city. In fact, although we do not know the specifc date of the city’s foundation, which was only suggested by the critical analysis of the sources and by some signs provided by the epigraphic interpretation, the group of collected materials in the older levels and in turned over contexts have enabled us to testify and corroborate the occupation of the site of Braga since the last decade

We have also found out that the existence of potteries in the outskirts of the city did not invalidate their presence inside the city. As we have seen, the crossing of information regarding old references and several finds found in the excavations has made it possible for us to locate an important artisan sector out of the ordinary web of the 56

Conclusions

Figure 24. Location of Bracara Augusta in the context of the road and sea route networks.

before the transition of the era (Morais, 1997–98, a).

Another aspect we should emphasize in this reading proposal is related to the entrepreneurial activity carried out by the city itself. Regarding this topic we put forward the idea that Bracara Augusta might have owned a figlina, here understood as a clay-pits and production area. The city, as a municipality, might have associated itself to one of the largest oil-lamp producers in the city, probably with profitable and control goals, and as such it might have established a contract of locatio-conductio type, where the city would be in the locator position and the producer in the the conductor position.

As far as the urbanistic evolution of the city is concerned, we have identified the oldest nuclei, which are situated in Colina da Cividade and in the preserved remains in the lands of the present museum. It has been in both these places that the oldest Roman materials have been found so far in the city (id. ibidem). We have also been able to report that the peak period of importations in the city coincided with a complex and wide programme of urban valuation and requalification, which occurred during the Flavian and Antonine dynasties. Such a fact leads us to believe that already in the Flavian era the city depended on a class of land owners, traders and craftsmen, who lived and worked there, contributing to the development of the urban life. This development will lead to a progressive urban expansion of the city, which was reported between the late 3rd century / early 4th century, despite the contraction of the economic and commercial activities between the provinces and the growing selfsufficiency of the city.

Regardless of these issues, what we can certainly take for granted is that the city benefitted from a system of market and redistribution of goods, which was certainly influenced by the natural means and the infrastructures and dependent on the purchasing power and ethnic characteristics of the population. As we have had the chance to emphasize, we think that the amount of imported goods is closely connected with the inhabitants of the city and its surrounding territory. Such a relation seems to imply a large population density, which was actually testified by Pliny for the conventus bracaraugustanus (III, N.H. 23, 28), and the existence of a urban centre of considerable size – as was the case of Bracara Augusta. These two facts must have attracted the traders who expected to sell their products as quickly as possible, without having to stay for a long time in a port or place.

We also think that we have contributed to the juridical and administrative contextualization of the city. Actually, we still do not have unequivocal and direct testimonies that tell us if the city enjoyed or not the municipal privilege. However, the interpretation we have carried out about the oil-lamp stamps of local production seem to suggest that the city enjoyed that statute, at least since the Flavian period. 57

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

from Mauritania Caesariensis and Byzacena respectively. The Richborough 527 amphorae were found in a different situation; as a matter of fact, a considerable number of these amphorae was documented and they were probably meant to transport an alum, a product which, as we have seen, was originary from the island of Lipari (Italy) and was used to stick paint. We are of the opinion that the absence of specimens of this type of amphorae in the present Portuguese territory is due to an investigation deficit rather than to a restricted trade or to a specific trade route.

In fact, as we can see through the amount and types of amphorae so far collected, we know that the city was in contact – direct or indirectly – with the big producing centres and thus well integrated in the Empire, reflecting the rhythms and fluxes of regular exchanges which were in the meantime found out in the the context of the Peninsular Northwest (Morais, 1998a: 81). We realized that these centres had a privileged relation with the province of Baetica through the massive importation of Haltern 70 amphorae and the considerable presence of Dressel 7–11 fishing amphorae.

What concerns the large concentration of Haltern 70 amphorae and the need for a more detailed observation of the formal characteristics of this amphora, it was possible to individualize a group of amphorae that presents an unquestionable Guadalquivir fabric, but whose formal characteristics lead us to suggest its integration in the known Dressel 7–11 and Dressel 14 forms.

As far as the massive presence of Haltern 70 amphorae is concerned, and in an attempt to reveal the question related to their content, we put forward two alternatives: these amphorae either transported wine and additionally the by-products referred to in the tituli picti, or they transported exclusively, and in large amounts, these byproducts, especially defructum. This had to possess special characteristics to be able to be commercialized as an alcoholic drink (or if we prefer as low quality wine). In this context, and taking this last hypothesis into consideration, we can only conclude that the result of that process is a low-quality and very sweet wine that was drunk at the unfortunates’ tables or sold at the tabernae, while the consumption of the most appreciated and of better quality wines (with a higher degree of alcohol) was only reserved for the most privileged classes.

The identification of a group of materials, whose regional and local origin was duly supported by the archeometric study, was extremely important for the history of the economy and the trade of the Peninsular Northwest in the middle and late empire period. We are obviously referring to two different sets of amphorae that we have individualized according to their morphological and fabric characteristics: the first, which we have temporarily named Regional Form I (Galoise 4 imitation) and Regional Form II (“Almagro 50” Keay XVI, var. C and Béltran 72 imitation), has strong resemblances to the fish amphorae recognized in the Gallician kiln of San Martiño de Bueu (Figs. 25 to 28); the second set, which corresponds to a group of forms of local fabric, has similarities to the amphorae of flat bottom used for the transport of wine.

Yet to be solved is the presence of a small amount of oliveoil amphorae… In order to try to explain this issue, we have formulated two hypothesis that, despite not being contradictory, can help explain the scarcity of these amphorae: on the one hand, we can accept that this product could have been produced in other regions, namely in Trás-os-Montes; on the other hand, people probably went on using animal fat that was used as a substitute for the olive-oil, which would explain the small number of these type of amphorae.

This appreciation of the group of amphorae so far gathered in the city and of its privileged relation with the Baetica, has definetely proved the importance of the Atlantic route as an important circulation axis in the regular supply of the Peninsular Northwest. This route was also important in the supply of Britannia and of some northern sites of the German Limes, which could hardly have been supplied by other maritime trade routes because these would have turned out to be much more expensive than the Atlantic one.

We have also reported a weak diffusion of the wine amphorae Dressel 2–4, probably from Tunisia, and of the Matagallares I and Béltran 68 amphorae equally documented in the city. The residual presence of these amphorae in the city should, nonetheless, be valued so that in the near future we can do a map of their diffusion and register their distribution and supply routes. For the same reasons we highlight the presence of fish amphorae Puerto Real I because, with exception of the production centre of Puente Melchor and of specimens found underwater, these amphorae have only been documented so far in the region of the German Limes, in Augst and on the coast of Mauritania, in the Strait of Gibraltar.

On the other hand, we should not consider that privileged situation strange, especially if we think that the Baetic province was one of the most fertile areas of the West in this period, a region where everything was produced and in large quantities. However, according to the quantitative and chronological data obtained, we should distinguish two different moments in this supply route: a first moment, between August’s reign and the mid 1st century, dominated by a large scale importation of Haltern 70 amphorae, and a second moment related to the conquest of Britannia, in the year 43, which allowed the consolidation of the Atlantic circulation,

Throughout this review about the amphorae gathered in the city, we have also highlighted the residual presence of amphorae of undefined content, represented by the amphorae Type 8.1.3.3 (PE - 18) from Ibiza and by the African amphorae Dressel 30 and “Africana Grande” B 58

Conclusions

Figure 25. Amphorae of Regional Forms I and II found in Bracara Augusta.

Figure 26. Amphorae of Regional Form II found in Bracara Augusta.

Figure 28. Amphorae of Regional Form II found in Bracara Augusta. Amphora found in the sea of Matosinhos (Matosinhos, Porto), currently in the Santa Tecla hillfort.

Figure 27. Amphorae of Regional Form II found in Bracara Augusta.

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especially of fish- sauces, still associated with the Haltern 70 amphorae.

As we have seen, apart from five fragments from Montans and a Drag. 45 form fragment from Lezoux, the Gallic productions are from La Graufesenque. The importation peak situates itself during the “splendour” period, especially in the 40s and 60s. From the group of forms so far collected in the city, we have highlighted, because of their rare character, the decorated fragments of the form Hermet 9 and Knorr 78. In this list we have also included the fragments of the form Ritt. 9 and 14a belonging to the marbled production and the fragments of the form Curle 11, Hermet 25 and Haltern 16 because of their rarity in their own places of production. Equally important is the presence of a stamp attributed to Bio, present in the inside bottom of a decorated bowl belonging to the form Drag. 29, and two unpublished stamps, even though they are of difficult and controversial reading.

A significant number of other ceramics is also documented in the city, such as the mortaria from Italy and the Baetica and the table fine wares, represented by terra sigillata and by the thin-walled wares, originary from different areas and production centres. As far as the mortaria are concerned, we realized that except for two specimens of Italic origin belonging to the Dramont 1 and 2 types, the remaining pieces resembled ceramics from the Cadiz region, presenting a similar fabric to the fish amphorae of the same origin. The lack of a specific study, which would help us to fit in the fragments, led us, however, to establish three different groups that enabled us to carry out a clearer presentation of the material. We have equally highlighted the importance of these ceramics and presented them as an essential product directly associated with the amphorae.

As we have had the chance to report, just like in other studied contexts in the peninsular area, the success of these ceramics will be surpassed by their congenerous ones of Hispanic production. In fact, the Hispanic terra sigillata is one of the most significant imported productions in the city. Apart from some fragments attributed to Andújar and Granada, which were not so far documented in the Peninsular Northwest, almost all the lot is from Tricio. Besides the most frequently documented forms of Hispanic terra sigillata, some other extremely rare forms were found: we refer to, among others, the Hisp. 23, 28, 34, 54 and 91 forms. We also point out the presence of a fragment of Hisp. 5 form, with a fabric probably attributed to the Valley of Douro, and of some other undetermined stamps for which no parallels were found in the researched bibliography. We should also refer the individualization of two unpublished stamps, which are attributed to the Tricio production because of their fabric, and of two other stamps belonging to well-known potters in the Baetica production of Andújar.

As we have already seen, there were plenty imported table wares represented by terra sigillata of Italic type and by thin-walled ware of the same origin. Among the aspects we have emphasized, we have referred to that the importation of these ceramics was carried out in the end of August’s reign and during Tiberius’ reign, just like the other studied sites in the present Portuguese territory. This datum proves that the importation of these ceramics only had an economic importance during this period. What concerns the data we gathered for the terra sigillata of Italic type, we have referred to that the majority of the fragments comes from Arezzo, even though we can find in the city products from minor production centres, such as Pisa, Po Valley, Vasanello and Central Italy. In the context of the decorated products of this ceramic, we found out that the majority of the pieces was produced in the workshops of Rasinius and of Perenius and that there was a specimen of complete profile which was attributed to P. Cornelius and for which there are specific parallels in the works of Dragendorff/Watzinger (1948) and Cristina Troso (1991). In this brief appreciation we can not but value the presence in the city of a rare fragment belonging to the form Drag. 29 of late Italic production, decorated with a border of dancers that H. Confort thought to be similar to the basis of an altar, which is typical of Perenius’ decoration.

After all that has been said we can easily conclude that the city attracted a complex exchange network with several different provinces of the Empire (Fig. 29). This fact does not mean, however, that the city got its supplies directly from the production centres or from the distribution ports connected to those centres. In fact, as the several shipwrecks so far documented show, the ships transported varied goods. These goods had different origins since they had been bought in the main ports, which were responsible for the storage of various products. Several shipwrecks confirm this interpretation, such as the Cala Culip IV one, which transported Dressel 20 amphorae, thin-walled wares from Baetica, terra sigillata from the South of Gallia (originary from the production centre of La Graufesenque) and Italic oil-lamps and mortaria; the shipwreck of Cabrera 3 with Baetica and Tripolitanian materials aboard and the shipwreck of Port Vendres I transporting amphorae to be used in the transport of fish-sauces from Lusitania, African terra sigillata and oil-lamps.

The thin-walled wares, exception made to some specimens of provincial origin, also come from different production areas of Italy. We can highlight the presence of pieces from Etrury and from the Western Centre area of the Po Valley. In a second moment, which fits in a period that corresponds to the late 1st century, the city starts being supplied by fine wares of peninsular origin and by terra sigillata from the South of Gallia. 60

Conclusions

Figure 29. Origin by areas and centres of production of the Early Empire products imported by the Roman city of Bracara Augusta.

We could thus assume that the majority of the goods collected in the city might have come, directly or indirectly, from the products stored in Cadiz, especially if we think about the privileged commercial relationship this city had with the province of Baetica.

from the south of Gallia that might have obeyed to other exchange circuits by using the well-known Aude-Garonne route, also known as the Gallaic isthmus route. Such a connection might imply that the city was supplied from the port of Brigantium, which was in turn connected to that route through the Cantabrian coast.

We can not, however, assume that the city only enjoyed an indirect supply from the port of Cadiz. As a matter of fact, it is perfectly possible that the city (and other important nuclei from the Northwest) might have been supplied with shipments of boats mainly dedicated to the high-sea navigation that set sail from other Hispanic ports, such as from Hispalis, Tarraco and Nova Carthago or even from ports outside the Peninsula situated in Narbonne, Arles, Pozzuoli, Ostia or Carthage.

The same connection to the port of Brigantium can be accepted for the arrival of Hispanic terra sigillata products from Tricio (La Rioja) even though it is much wiser to think that these might have been transported overland through the Douro Valley resorting to draught and pack animals used to cross the mountainous ways. However, as we have highlighted in the chapter concerning the transport network by sea (supra, Chapter 3, 3.3.1), the city did not benefit directly from the places of call of the Atlantic route, whose itinerary was done with obligatory stops in Brigantium, Burdigala and Gesoriacum. It is thus possible that the city benefited from a supply from intermediate ports of call, such as that of Cale and of the River Minho, or even directly from the secondary ports of call connected to the traffic of small and large cabotage situated in the mouths of the Leça, Ave and naturally Cávado Rivers.

This might be proved through the presence in the city of amphorae of Italic and Aegean origin and of amphorae from the south of Gallia, which naturally came together with other ceramic products equally documented in Bracara Augusta, as is the case of the terra sigillata, the mortaria and the thin-walled wares. We should equally accept the hypothesis that some of the products collected in the city might have come from other routes of circulation. We are referring to some products 61

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With respect to the analysis and diffusion of the Haltern 70 amphorae in the present Portuguese territory and in the region of Gallicia, we reported the existence of many places that indirectly could have been related to the supply of the city and its region. In the present Portuguese territory we have distinguished, among others, the role of the Cale, an important anchorage, which possessed on its banks port structures, and the Leixões of the mouth of the Leça River, whose exterior reefs might have worked as a natural breakwater. The group of materials recovered so far is a witness of this privileged position, especially the amphorae recovered in the excavations of the old prison (Aljube), situated in Rua de S. Sebastião (Porto), and the amphorae collected in the old and recent excavations in Castro de Guifões, near the mouth of the Leça River.

out the importance of the Cávado River. We have admitted that the larger vessels, besides heading to the “ports of call” of the Douro and Minho Rivers, might have unloaded part of their goods in that river, in the so-called Cala – a deep area with exterior reefs that worked as a natural breakwater, just like the leixões of the mouth of the Leça River. As we have equally highlighted this situation does not overrule that there might have existed a river port in the Cávado River, probably situated near the city in Areal de Caída or a bit further downstream in the area of Barca do Lago. It is in this context that we can also accept as correct Ausonius’ reference (Ordo, XIV) when he situates the city of Braga near the sea beaches. We would say that he anticipated in fifteen centuries the “garden situated by the sea”

As far as the direct supply of the Roman city of Bracara Augusta and nearby territory is concerned, we have pointed

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Appendix: The Bracarense ceramics

1) Definition and characteristics of the production

The technology to manufacture terra sigillata spread itself widely, giving origin to different areas of production in Italy and in the provinces. John Hayes (1997, 41), regarding the Arretine fine ware, describes it as being a production that developed rapidly “into one of the flagbearers of the regenerated Roman international culture of the age of Augustus”.

It is a caulinitic clay based production as it has been recently proved through laboratorial analysis (Leite, 1997; Gomes, 2000)1. It is generally characterized by a very refined light cream colour clay paste whose surface is always covered by a slip of a not very homogeneous colour that can range from a more frequent yellowish shade to brownish orange and salmon, sometimes slightly metallic, with frequent black spots.

The production of sigillata in the provinces, with the consequent introduction of new forms and the (re)creation of new iconographic themes, represented, on the one hand, the acquisition of the Roman culture and, on the other hand, the reformulation of new cultural contexts.

This production is also characterised by the imitation of more common forms of Hispanic terra sigillata and of some forms of fine ware typical of the region of Mérida. As a decoration, the use of a guilloché of excellent execution prevails.

We are not dealing, however, with a passive transmission of knowledge; the adoption of new technologies of manufacture would have actually served to help them with the production and in the trade of their ceramics. The production of fine ware (especially of sigillatas) in large scale in the different imperial provinces explains, in part, the apparent development of those productions between the period of 100 BC and AD 100.

The scarce remains of Baetica terra sigillata importations, on the one hand, and the careful analysis of the Bracarense ceramic, on the other hand, seems to suggest that we are not dealing with a mere imitation of imported ceramic made by local potters. In fact, we are dealing with a possible settlement of potters from the Baetica in Bracara Augusta who were familiar with the specific forms of the fine ware from Mérida and with the terra sigillata from that region, especially from Andújar2.

Before this period, trade had a close relationship with the expansion of Roman power; the societies that were gradually incorporated in the empire were thus closely dependent on the relations they established with that power. Hence, with the creation of the empire, industry and trade experienced a considerable development and expansion.

Besides the imitation of this exquisite fine tableware, the “Bracarense ceramics” also includes the production of common ware (vd, Figure and Plate nº 32).

Regarding this issue, the remains of the material culture of this period testify the relations between the different parts of the empire, well beyond the relations of identity at a regional or local level. But, on the other hand, they also testify a new cultural configuration that allowed the provincials to change their lives in the context of the local needs. To this variety of responses corresponds a flexible culture that makes it possible for the members of several native societies to define their identities.

We should also highlight the existence of a specific production of Dressel 20 and Loeschke X oil-lamps, some of which made in one of the best known potteries in the city, recognised through the stamp Lucretius. 1 It is clay of ilitic nature (not caolitic). The presence of high temperature minerals, such as the spinel, the anatase and the mulite (the latter is formed at temperatures well over 1050º) implies a kiln-firing temperature, between 915º and 1050º (vd. Gomes, 2000, p. 83–85). 2 The inclusion of the Bracarense in ceramic categories such as thinwalled ware (Minguez Morales, 1991; 1995, p. 391, fig. 16) and painted ware (González Fernández, 2006, p. 434–447; 466–472; figs. 16–22) does not seem to us to be the best option; both ceramic productions have a specific identity that does not reconcile itself with mere imitation phenomena (in the case of the first one) or with the supposed use of the same type of clay in the same production centres (in the case of the second one).

Another aspect has to do with the expansion of the relations network that established itself through the increase in the communications, which would have led to the settlement of craftspeople specialised in working outside their place of origin. As a paradigmatic case study in Bracara Augusta, we have the Bracarense ceramic. 63

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2) Historiography

3) Typology and chronology

This ceramic was first referred to by Rigaud de Sousa in 1965 in the 4th Congress of Archaeology of Porto. Later, Adília Alarcão (1966) publishes a paper entitled “Bref aperçu sur la céramique romaine trouvée à Bracara Augusta” in the magazine “Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta, nº VIII” which informs the international scientific community of the existence of this ceramic. In this study, the author highlights a “very interesting” group of ceramics that imitate forms of terra sigillata, some of which made from a mould and that present a decoration and fabric similar to the thin-walled wares and to the oillamps (Alarcão, 1966, 46).

According to the different types of ceramic that the Bracarense production imitates and the chronostratigraphic analysis of the materials, this production dates from the mid 1st century to early 2nd century (Morais, 2005). Although the stratigraphies of Braga do not let us define with precision a specific chronology for each of the documented forms, the typological and quantitative comparison with the group of Bracarense so far gathered in Aquis Querquenis suggests some chronological differences. As a matter of fact, if we take into consideration that this fort was occupied during the reign of Vespasian (AD 69–79), we should not find it odd that the older forms, such as the imitations of the Drag. 29 type and especially of the Drag. 24/25 type, are not particularly abundant; on the other hand, the imitations of Drag. 35 and Drag 36 are naturally profuse, presenting a wider chronology, being more abundantly found in the strata from the Flavian period onwards. As we can see in the present chart and histogram, the case is diverse in Braga: the imitations of Drag. 29 forms (with about 49,55%) predominate in absolute, but the imitation of Drag. 24/25 (with about 9,30%) and Drag. 27 (9,16%) forms imitations are equally represented, being the latter almost inexistent in the Aquis Querquenis forts.

In the beginning of the 70s, in the 2nd National Congress of Archaeology, Rigaud de Sousa, in a study entitled “Cerâmica Fina típica de Braga” (1971, 451–55), once again approaches this ceramic from new data that resulted from excavations he himself carried out. In this study, Rigaud de Sousa refers to this ceramic as “Bracarense terra sigillata” because, in his opinion, this production was a close imitation of forms of South Gaulish terra sigillata (samian ware) and Hispanic terra sigillata. After a few years, Adília Alarcão, together with Alina Martins (1976, 1–19, Est. I-VIII), publishes an excellent article about this ceramic referring not only to its dispersion in the north of the country but also to its fundamental characteristics and respective problematic.

3.1) Forms that imitate terra sigillata Drag. 29 It is the most important and the most successful form in the Bracarense ceramic production, with 285 specimens, seven of which with mould made decoration. It has got two distinctive sizes that vary from 130 mm to 180 mm and from 200 mm to 300 mm.

This work began to serve as a point of reference to different authors who, in the context of the Peninsular northwest, found this fabric. We would like to highlight, among others, the work of Lino Tavares Dias about the Roman ceramics of Tongóbriga, carried out in 1995, and Felizbela Leite’s master thesis entitled “Contribuição para o estudo de cerâmica fina de Braga. A cerâmica dita bracarence” defended in 1997.

It has also got remarkable differences at the profile level, being more frequent the concave and everted profiles and the rounded profiles, sometimes with an accentuated twist to the interior. The remaining specimens present a very angular profile with a vertical upper half.

Felizbela Leite in her thesis tried to determine through laboratorial analysis (petrographic, mineralogical and chemical) the type of clay pits used and their respective centre or centres of production. The analysis of fragments from Braga and from Aquis Querquennis revealed that the materials under study came from clay pits with caulinitic clay existent throughout the northern coast of Portugal and the region of Orense. Some questions, however, remained unanswered: which of the regions might have been responsible for the manufacture of this ceramic or even if it could come from two production centres3.

The diameter of the pieces, the absence of row of beads limiting the decorated bands and the presence of large, open rims without guilloche in the double frame suggests an imitation of Hispanic terra sigillata, especially from the production centre of Andújar. In fact, just like Andújar, the Bracarense Drag. 29 forms generally bear the following characteristics: a not very accentuated carination; the upper part of the wall slightly everted and oblique; a guilloche decoration that richly and carefully covers the wall of the vessel; plain walls are not very frequent and moulded decorations unusual.

3 The carrying out of subsequent analysis from the same centres, requested by António Tavares and done in the Department of Edaphology and Agricultural Chemistry of the University of Santiago de Compostela has not shed light into this issue “notwithstanding certain differences that may presume more than one centre of production” (vd. González Fernández, 2006, p. 410–411; p. 475- 479, Appendix 1). As a matter of fact, unlike what has been recently suggested (id. ibidem) about the existence of different production centres - taking into consideration the higher or lower percentage of certain types in Aquis Querquenis, in particular the moulded pieces that imitate the Drag. 29 – such an

hypothesis cannot be sustained since these also exist in Braga. On the other hand, if we take into consideration that the analysed sample is only based on seven fragments (six collected in Aquis Querquenis and one in Braga), we do not think it is possible to say for sure if there are or not different production centres solely based on these analysis. Besides the merely quantitative criterion, definitely insufficient, the differences may be, for example, due to the type of burying or the type of soils these pieces were exposed to.

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Drag. 37 / Aj. 1

Except for a fragment, whose upper half of the external wall is decorated with a double band of fine guilloche, some fragments bear, just like the terra sigillata Hispanic, a decorated rim with trailed leaves en barbotine or entirely covered by a fine guilloche.

Revealing a morphological imitation of Hispanic terra sigillata from the south of the Baetica, especially from the production centre of Andújar, the Bracarense ceramic production counts with ten plain specimens similar to the Drag. 37 forms.

Drag. 36

The reduced size of these specimens, whose diameter varies between 120 mm and about 160 mm, brings them closer to the small bowls produced in the production centre of Andújar, known as Aj.1.

The Drag. 36 form is the second in quantity, with 123 specimens. The plates practically dominate all the production, offering, just like the Hispanic terra sigillata, a diversity of variants. The relation between the diameter, between 140 mm and 272 mm, and a variable height of about 40 and 50 mm, gives them the configuration of a bowl or a deep plate.

Drag, 24/25 The Drag. 24/25 form is well represented with 64 specimens. It has got different variations when viewed from profile: vertical rim with a continuous internal wall; vertical rim with an internal carinated or slightly carinated wall; vertical rim with a concave internal wall; concave or slightly concave rim; rim in the continuity of the hemispherical wall; everted rim with an internal continuous wall or carinated wall;

Except for two decorated fragments with trailed leaves en barbotine, the remaining decorated fragments bear a decoration with guilloche disposed in bands or entirely covering the upper part of the rim. However, the majority of the production is not decorated. Hisp. 5, var.

The rim is entirely decorated with guilloche in almost every specimen. The rims without decoration bear a continuous internal wall, slightly carenated and concave. The diameter difference is considerable – between 92 mm and 170 mm – and the presence, in almost every specimen, of an external frame thicker than the one in the Gaulish models, suggests an imitation of prototypes of Hispanic origin.

Extremely interesting is the presence of small bowls that have got a small vertical rim decorated with guilloche that ends in a lip turned upwards at the top of the external concavity, similar to certain Italic specimens of the type Consp.37. The similarity of these small bowls to a specimen of Andújar published by Mayet (1983: Est. XLIII, no 257) and to the small plate, seems to indicate that we are in the face of a form that bears a strong resemblance to the Hisp. 5 bowls.

Drag. 27 The Drag. 27 form has got the same frequency as the previous form, with 64 specimens. It also presents significant differences from profile, which makes it possible to distinguish forms with an accentuated upper curve from forms with an upper open or even vertical profile.

The five specimens collected in the city have got a small variable diameter (68 mm and 130 mm). Except for a specimen with a characteristic turned upwards rim covered by a thin band in guilloche, the remaining specimens have got a simple rim decorated with fine guilloche.

The diameters are equally variable, between 68 mm and 150 mm. Except for a specimen found in Briteiros (Alarcão e Martins, 1976, 97 e 106, nº 66, Est. IV) of small size with a rounded lip similar to some South Gaulish models and early specimens of Hispanic origin, the remaining specimens are clearly an imitation of Hispanic prototypes, of larger size and plain lip.

Hisp. 4 It is the third best represented form in this production with 81 specimens. Just like the Hispanic terra sigillata specimens, this form bears different variants according to the diameter, between 160 mm and 360 mm. The rim can be or not be decorated.

Drag. 35

The most numerous variant is a large deep plate, with or without handles applied to the large lowered rim, sometimes covered by guilloche. The remaining variants are represented by small plates of reduced size, with a vertical or lowered rim entirely covered by a fine guilloche. From this set, a small plate with a vertical rim and a lip slightly turned upwards stands out (nº 35).

The Drag. 35 form is only represented by eight fragments. Just like the Hispanic terra sigillata, we can distinguish two different groups: a first group composed of four very small bowls with a diameter that varies between 80 mm and 90 mm and a height under 40 mm; a second group whose diameter may vary between 100 mm and 124 mm and a height over 40 mm.

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3.2) Forms that imitate terra sigillata with moulded decoration

should highlight this fragment because it has got part of one of the horizontal handles, which was placed, as it was then usual, under the small curved rim.

Drag. 29

More enlightening are, however, some specimens found in the settlement of S. Torcato and in Citânia de Briteiros. In these fragments we can see not only two horizontal handles, one opposite to the other under the small curved rim, but also a spout opposite to an applied mask.

The moulded fragments found in the city, just like the remaining imitations of the Drag. 29 form, have two different modules with an average diameter of 130 mm and 240 mm. From the seven fragments, five have got an angular profile, with a vertical upper half, and two have got a rounded profile.

Mayet LII

The decorated motifs are represented by the metope style, composed by a single border or associated with two chevrons, which were frequent in Andújar and other Hispanic productions.

In the context of the imitation of thin-walled wares, we should still highlight the production of specimens similar to the Mayet form LII, whose repertoire is equally associated to the production of thin-walled wares from Mérida.

The internal decoration of the metope presents several decorative motifs: a saltire motif, which took its direct inspiration from the famous St Andrew’s cross in Gaulish terra sigillata, and animal motifs, represented by hares and vegetal motifs arranged in an isolated way4. These forms could associate the above mentioned decorative motifs, which were separated by beaded borders. This association allows us to put forward a hypothetical reconstitution of a moulded form from two fragments that probably came from the same mould.

From this group of nine specimens, so far found in the city, a practically intact specimen stands out. This specimen presents, just like most of the remaining fragments, a characteristic framed rim and a troncoconic neck. Two specimens included in this form have got an atypical everted rim in the form of a curved rim which is framed in the upper face. 3.4) Other forms In the context of this ceramic production other vessels have been found so far that seem originals or inspired in other ceramic categories.

Hermet 13 The eclecticism and diversity in the imitation of terra sigillata is still present in two specimens found in the old excavations of Colina de Maximinos that imitate the Hermet form 13.

Among these, we would just like to pinpoint some forms that we think are a good example of such a diversity, such as bowls, pots, jugs, flagons, beakers, cups, small pots, small glasses, among others, frequently associated to common ware, some of which are decorated on the exterior wall with a fine guilloche.

One of these fragments partially preserves a decorated side with figurative motifs placed in two concentric series separated by two frames. Despite the wear and tear of this fragment, and just like the moulded specimens of the Dragendorff form 29, the decorated motifs are part of the figurative and drawing lexicon of the terra sigillata of Hispanic production: in the internal concentric series we can see part of a Victory from profile raising a crown to the left and a palm to the right; in the exterior series we can still see two deer on the right side-facing the Muse “Citareda” (Erato).

In this group it is still possible to identify fragments, whose profile suggests other imitations of thin-walled ware of the Baetica, especially the Mayet forms XXXVII, XL and XXI5. 4) Distribution The Bracarense ceramics is, as we have seen, a production whose distribution has been carried out local and regionally. However, there is only one other work by J. Naveiro López (vd. 1991, p. 92–94; p. 256–257, Map 16) which focus on their distribution and concentration in the conventus of Bracara Augusta.

3.3) Forms that imitate thin-walled ware from Mérida Mayet L Although we do no have entire specimens, two fragments were found in the city that imitate the Mayet form L of the thin-walled ware from Mérida.

Nevertheless, all the studies about this ware, which we have been quoting, are unanimous in considering that the old Roman city of Bracara Augusta would be their major production centre.

It is a complex form with a characteristic concave rim which ends in a small curved rim to support a lid. We

5 In Aquis Querquenis these imitations seem to equally present (vd. González Fernández, 2006, p. 424–426, fig. 2). Unfortunately, the state of fragmentation is equally high which makes it hard to confirm this appealing hypothesis.

4 In the moulded decorations of this form in Aquis Querquenis, other figurative motifs were found, such as birds and altars, and circle and “nautilus” motifs (vd. González Fernández, 2006, p. 415; p. 459, fig 9).

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Apart from a special concentration of this ware in this city, it is frequent to find Bracarenses in other settlements of the old conventus of Bracara Augusta.

to be the provision of a specific service; - Locatio conductio rei, where the object appears to be the use of a specific facility or object.

This ware becomes less frequent as we go North, South or to the interior of this territory, but it is nonetheless documented in urban nuclei, such as in Tongóbriga and Chaves, and in most hillforts, such as Sanfins, Briteiros and Roríz (vd, 1991, p. 92–94; p. 256–257, Map 16).

We do not know what the potters’ situation who manufactured the Bracarense ceramics and, in particular, the above mentioned oil-lamps would be. As we know, we need a high initial investment of people, goods and infrastructure to set up a unit of ceramic manufacture. This investment is in fact proportional to the manufacture method. It is thus possible that in this type of contract the city had a primary interest in the availability of this ceramic and that it needed guarantees: first that there was availability of enough raw material and facilities for the manufacture and, second, that there was qualified work to manufacture the ceramic. But it should also be taken into consideration the interest of the potter(s), the other part of the contract, who also needed guarantees regarding the reward of his own expenses and commitments.

The significant presence of this type of ceramics in Aquis Querquenis must have been related to the specifically directed supply of the legion situated in this fort. 5) Problems and lines of investigation In spite of imitating the known forms of the sigillata, including the moulded forms, the Baracarense ceramics do not have the characteristic potter’s stamp of those productions. However, the Bracarense ceramics also includes in their repertoire the production of oil-lamps, some of which bear the pottery stamp with the name of Lucretius.

In fact, this type of contract was applied in different circumstances and it was thus very heterogeneous. In the present case, the mutual obligations imposed could have been the following: the municipal government of the city, as a locator, rented the potteries with the warehouse, the kiln, the potter’s wheel and other essential equipment to the officinator who, in the condition of conductor, should find his own staff, specifically potters, helpers and kiln workers.

The presence of these stamps in oil-lamps, with the characteristic fabric of the Bracarense, raises some questions that we are now going to analyse. According to a recent interpretation of those stamps, we suggest that the city, as a municipality, owned a figlina, that is, an area of clay pits and manufacture and that it probably established with pottery owners a contract of the locatio-conductio type (Morais, 2006, 125–137).

In the five types of land owning known in the empire - which included the private land of the emperor and his family, the imperial land, the land belonging to the cities, the land donated to and belonging to religious institutions and the land belonging to private individuals – it can be assumed that the main area of manufacture (figlina) belonged to the city and that it had been given to exploitation through a contract of the locatio-conductio type. We thus admit that the city would be the owner of the means of manufacture and that the potters themselves were “rented” according to their art and technique. This situation would make the city responsible for the supply of the three essential raw materials: certain specific clay, fuel to feed the kilns and water from the cisterns.

As we have already referred to (Morais, 2006, 130), among the several officinatores directly connected to the oil-lamps production (Publius, Ocatvi, Bassi, Mic(io?), the Lucretii family would be one of the most important of the city taking into account the quantity and diversity of oillamps and respective stamps. The business activity carried out by the city itself stands out in which the city is in the position of locator and the Lucretii family in the position of conductor. In the Roman world, this type of contract was applied in different circumstances. According to the Oxyrhyncus papyri found in Egypt published by Helen Cockle (1981, 87–97) we know of several models still in use in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Regarding the same papyri, K. Strobel (1987, 77–113, apud. Dannell, 2002, 211) concludes that these Egyptian contracts are models for understanding how the ceramic manufacture was organized in the Roman Empire. According to this author the contracts could have been of three different types:

As far as the Bracarense manufacture is concerned, the question is rather interesting. As a matter of fact, the caulinitic clay was not to be found near the city nor even in the area where the most important potteries of the city were concentrated, which might have been somewhere in the area of Prado/Ucha, situated at about 14 km of the present city of Braga (Morais, 2005, 97). On the other hand, the manufacture of oil-lamps associated to the pottery(ies) of the Lucretii family bear different typologies and different fabrics. Such a situation leads us to believe that in the same pottery(ies) different types of clay were used according to a logic that is yet to be

- Locatio conductio operis faciendi where the object appears to be an agreement between the parties about a rent/salary/reward (merces), usually paid in money; - Locatio conductio operarum, where the object appears 67

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

explained. We should, however, pinpoint that the use of different types of clay and finishing touches in the same manufacture centres in the Roman world can be a reality. As M. Picon (1997a, 53–57) has suggested, the clay for the slip used in the marbled wares at La Graufesenque was imported from some 30 km.. Still according to this author (1997b, 58–68), the red slip used in the preparation of the surface of the wares was not made from the same material as the body clay, but from a strata some 12 km from the production centre. As G. B. Dannel points out in an article about the organisation of the potteries in that production centre (2002, 214), it is possible that the slip material was probably refined close to its point of extraction, and only the dried material transported to La Graufesenque, a considerable saving in transport and space on-site.

think that something similar to this might have happened in some production centres of the city and, in the present case, with the manufacture of the Bracarense ware. We will thus accept that the clay from the clay pits were refined in or close to its point of extraction in order to be later on transported to the manufacture centres. This situation can also lead us to assume that other manufacture centres throughout the Peninsular Northwest might have been equally responsible for the manufacture of this ware. That does not obviously undermine the fact that the manufacture centre par excellence was centralized in the city of Bracara Augusta, which shows a high number of this ware and possesses the largest amount of oil-lamps signed by one of the main potter’s families of the city, the Lucretii.

If we accept these considerations as valid, it is possible to

68

Appendix: The Bracarense Ceramics

List of Figures and Tables in the Catalogue Figure 1. Quantity and percentage relation of the imported products and regional and local productions. Figure 2. Quantity and percentage relation of wine amphorae. Figure 3. Quantity and percentage relation of olive oil amphorae. Figure 4. Quantity and percentage relation of fish amphorae. Figure 5. Quantity and percentage relation of amphorae of undetermined content. Figure 6. Graffiti in Haltern 70 amphorae bases. Figure 7. Quantity and percentage relation of amphorae of regional and local production. Figure 8. Quantity and percentage relation of the stages of Italic terra sigillata. Figure 9. Decorated Italic Terra sigillata. Figure 10. Quantity and percentage relation of decorated Italic terra sigillata. Figure 11. Plain Italic Terra sigillata. Figure 12. Quantity and percentage relation of types and respective variants of Italic terra sigillata. Figure 13. Quantity and percentage relation of plain Italic terra sigillata. Figure 14. Italic terra sigillata bases. Figure 15. Quantity and percentage relation of Italic terra sigillata bases. Figure 16. Italic terra sigillata stamps. Figure 17. Italic terra sigillata graffiti. Figure 18. Quantity and percentage relation of decorated terra sigillata from the south of Gallia. Figure 19. Quantity and percentage relation of plain terra sigillata from the south of Gallia. Figure 20. Terra sigillata stamps from the south of Gallia. Figure 21. Terra sigillata graffiti from the south of Gallia. Figure 22. Quantity and percentage relation of decorated Hispanic terra sigillata. Figure 23. Quantity and percentage relation of plain Hispanic terra sigillata. Figure 24. Hispanic terra sigillata stamps. Figure 25. Hispanic terra sigillata graffiti. Figure 26. Italic thin-walled wares. Figure 27. Quantity and percentage relation of Italic thin-walled wares. Figure 28. Hispanic thin-walled wares. Figure 29. Quantity and percentage relation of Hispanic thin-walled wares. Figure 30. Thin-walled wares from the South of Gallia. Figure 31. Quantity and percentage relation of thin-walled wares from the south of Gallia. Figure 32. Quantity and percentage relation of Bracarense. Figure 33. Quantity and percentage of types of oil-lamps. Figure 34. Quantity and percentage relation of oil-lamps groups.

69

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 1- Quantity and percentage relation of the imported products and regional and local productions

9%

Amphorae

Amount

%

Wine

132

9.06

Fish sauces

283

19.42

Olive oil

29

1.99

undefined

11

0.75

Regional and local

69

4.74

Haltern 70

933

64.04

Total

1457

100.00

Wine Fish sauces

19%

Olive oil undefined

2%

64%

Regional and local

1%

Haltern 70

5%

Figure 2- Quantity and percentage relation of wine amphorae

Wine amphorae

NMI

% wine

Rodian type

NF 58

24

2.25

1.65

Dressel 2/4 (Italic)

57

28

2.63

1.92

Dressel 2/4 (Gaulish)

6

6

0.56

0.41

Dressel 2/4 (Baetican)

20

9

0.85

0.62

Dressel 2/4 (Tarraconensis)

5

4

0.38

0.27

Dressel 2/4 (Eastern)

3

2

0.19

0.14

Dressel 2/4 (African)

3

3

0.28

0.21

Dressel 28

2

2

0.19

0.14

Gauloise 4

18

11

1.03

0.75

Matagallares I

1

1

0.09

0.07

Beltrán 68

1

1

0.09

0.07

Urceus type

52

41

3.85

2.81

Haltern 70

3614

Total

3840

1000 900

NMI

800

%vinárias

700 600 500 400 300 200 100

70

Haltern 70

Urceus type

Beltrán 68

Matagallares I

Gauloise 4

Dressel 28

Dressel 2/4 (African)

Dressel 2/4 (Eastern)

Dressel 2/4 (Tarraconensis)

Dressel 2/4 (Baetican)

Dressel 2/4 (Gaulish)

Dressel 2/4 (Italic)

Rodian type

0

933

87.61

1065

100.00

% of total

64.04 73.10

Catalogue

Figure 3. Quantity and percentage relation of olive oil amphorae.

NF

NMI

%

% amount of amphorae

"Arcaic Dressel 20 "/Type B (Augustan-Tiberian)

2

2

6.90

0.14

Dressel 20

40

27

93.10

1.85

Total

42

29

100.00

1.99

Oil amphorae 100

80

60

40

20

NMI % Dressel 20

"Arcaic Dressel 20 "/Type B (Augustan-Tiberian)

0

Figure 4. Quantity and percentage relation of fish amphorae.

Fish sauces amphorae

NF NMI

Dressel 7/11 (Baetican) 128 Dressel 7/11? (Lusitanian) 1 Beltrán II A 1 Beltrán II B 8 Puerto Real 1 2 Dressel 7–11 (Lusitanian - Peniche) 13 Dressel 14 (Baetican) 17 Dressel 14, A (Lusitanian) 50 Dressel 14, B (Lusitanian) 73 Dressel 14, C (Lusitanian) 7 Late Dressel 14 (Lusitanian) 2 Dressel 14, ind. (Lusitanian) 20 Almagro 51 C (Baetican) 4 Almagro 51 C (Lusitanian) 12 “Almagro 50” / Keay XVI A 2 “Almagro 50” / Keay XVI C 1 Almagro 50 / Keay XXII 9 Beltrán 72 B 2 Total 352

80

70

60

50

70 1 1 8 2 11 17 50 70 7 2 18 4 10 2 1 7 2 283

40

30

20

NMI % fish sauces

10

71

Beltrán 72 B

Almagro 50 / Keay XXII

Dressel 14, A (Lusitanian) Dressel 14, B (Lusitanian) Dressel 14, C (Lusitanian) Late Dressel 14 (Lusitanian) Dressel 14, ind. (Lusitanian) Almagro 51 C (Baetican) Almagro 51 C (Lusitanian) "Almagro 50" / Keay XVI A "Almagro 50" / Keay XVI C

Dressel 14 (Baetican)

Puerto Real 1

Dressel 7-11 (Lusitanian - Peniche)

Beltrán II B

Beltrán II A

Dressel 7/11? (Lusitanian)

Dressel 7/11 (Baetican)

0

% fish sauces

% amount of amphorae

24.73 0.35 0.35 2.83 0.71 3.89 6.01 17.67 24.73 2.47 0.71 6.36 1.41 3.53 0.71 0.35 2.47 0.71 100.00

4.80 0.07 0.07 0.55 0.14 0.75 1.17 3.43 4.80 0.48 0.14 1.24 0.27 0.69 0.14 0.07 0.48 0.14 19.42

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 5. Quantity and percentage relation of amphorae of undetermined content.

60 50

Amphorae of undefined content

NF

NMI

%

Richborough 527

10

6

Type 8.1.3.3. (PE 18)

2

2

Dressel 30

1

1

Majuelo II / Pinheiro "Tardia"

1

1

Africana Grande B

1

1

15

11

54.55 18.18 9.09 9.09 9.09 100.00

Total

40 30 20

NMI

10

%

Africana Grande B

Majuelo II / Pinheiro "Tardia"

Dressel 30

Type 8.1.3.3. (PE 18)

Richborough 527

0

Figure 6. Graffiti in Haltern 70 amphorae bases.

72

% amount of amphorae 0.41 0.14 0.07 0.07 0.07 0.76

Catalogue

Figure 7. Quantity and percentage relation of amphorae of regional and local production.

Amphorae of regional and local production Regional Form I Forma Regional II (Beltrán 72 var. B) Regional Form II (“Almagro 50”/Keay XVI, C) Module 1 (local) Module 2 (local) Module 3 a (local) Module 3 b (local) Local undefined (late ?) Total

80 70 60 50

NMI

40 30

%

20 10

NF

NMI

%

1

1

1.45

% amount of amphorae 0.07

1

1

1.45

0.07

86

49

71.01

3.36

3 8 1 1 6 107

3 8 1 1 5 69

4.35 11.59 1.45 1.45 7.25 100.00

0.21 0.55 0.07 0.07 0.34 4.74

Local undefined (late ?)

Module 3 b (local)

Module 3 a (local)

Module 2 (local)

Module 1 (local)

Regional Form II ("Almagro 50"/Keay XVI, C)

Forma Regional II (Beltrán 72 var. B)

Regional Form I

0

Figure 8. Quantity and percentage relation of the stages of Italic terra sigillata.

Phases Early Classic Classic / Advanced Advanced Advanced / Late Late Total

100 90

Decorated Plain shapes Bases shapes 2 8 3 22 95

13

14

155

53.45

11

26

17

8

62

21.38

25

5

30

10.34

2 172

43

4 290

1.38 100.00

2 49

70 60 50 40 Decorated shapes

30

Plain shapes Bases

20

Stamps

10 0 Classic

Classic / Advanced

Advanced Advanced / Late

Late

73

% by phases 4.14 9.31

33

80

Early

2 2

Total by phases 12 27

Stamps

26

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 9. Decorated Italic terra sigillata.

Production chronology

Decorated shapes

Amount

10 B.C - Era

Type Consp. R.1.1[1]

2

10 B.C – Era

Type Consp. R.1.2[1]

1

15 B.C – 14

Type Consp. R.2.1[1]

4

15 B.C – 14

Type Consp. R.2.2[1]

1

15 B.C – 14

Type Consp. R.2.3[1]

1

14 B.C – 37+

Type Consp. R.4.1[1]

1

1

15 B.C – 15

Type Consp. R.5.2[1]

1

1

14 – 30/50

Type Consp. R.7.1[1]

1

14 – 30/50

Type Consp. R.7.2[1]

1

2

14 – 37/54

Type Consp. R9?

2

2

14? – c. 37?

Type Consp. R.10.2[1]

1

1

41 – 54

Type Consp. R.11.1[1]

1

1

Era – 37

Type Consp. R.12

1

1

c. Era - c. 37

Drag. II?

1

1

c. 27 B.C – 14

Drag. VII

2

2

c. 27 B.C – 14

Drag. IX? Drag. XIV? Type Consp. K Drag. 29 Late-Italic

1

1

1

1

1

1

Ind.

25

--------

1∗

c. Era – c. 37 c. 40 – c. 50 variable

Amount by shape 3 6

Total ∗

In the Consp. this shape dates from 15B.C. –14/37 . Figure 10. Quantity and percentage relation of decorated Italic terra sigillata.

Decorated shapes

% decorated % Italic production

74

undefined

0.34 8.62 16.90

Drag. XIV? / Type Consp. K

2.04 51.02 100.00

Drag. 29 Late italic

1 25 49

0 Drag. VII

0.34

Drag. IX?

2.04

10

Drag. II?

1

20

Type Consp.R.11.1.[1]

0.34 0.34 0.69 0.34

Type Consp.R.12

2.04 2.04 4.08 2.04

Type Consp.R.10.2.[1]

1 1 2 1

30

Type Consp.R.7.2.[1]

0.34

Type Consp.R.9.?

2.04

% Italic production

40

Type Consp.R.7.1.[1]

1

% decorated

Type Consp.R.5.2.[1]

0.34

Type Consp.R.4.1.[1]

2.04

Amount 50

Type Consp.R.2.3.[1]

1

60

Type Consp.R.2.2.[1]

0.69 0.34 1.38 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.69

Type Consp.R.2.1.[1]

4.08 2.04 8.16 2.04 2.04 2.04 2.04 2.04 2.04 4.08

Type Consp.R.1.2.[1]

2 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 2

Type Consp.R.1.1.[1]

Type Consp.R.1.1.[1] Type Consp.R.1.2.[1] Type Consp.R.2.1.[1] Type Consp.R.2.2.[1] Type Consp.R.2.3.[1] Type Consp.R.4.1.[1] Type Consp.R.5.2.[1] Type Consp.R.7.1.[1] Type Consp.R.7.2.[1] Type Consp.R.9.? Type Consp.R.10.2.[1] Type Consp.R.11.1.[1] Type Consp.R.12 Drag. II? Drag. VII Drag. IX? Drag. XIV? / Type Consp. K Drag. 29 Late Italic undefined Total

Amount

Catalogue

Figure 11. Plain Italic terra sigillata.

Production chronology

Plain shapes

40 B.C. - 15/10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 50 - c. 125 -11 B.C. / 9 B.C. 11/9 B.C. - 10 11/9 B.C. - 10 -9 / 14 14 - 54 14 - 54 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. -10 B.C.

Type Consp. 1.2 [2] Type Consp. 2.3 [1] Type Consp. 3.1 [1] Type Consp. 4.2 [1] Type Consp. 4.4 [1?] Type Consp. 4.4 [2?] Type Consp. 4.5 [1] Type Consp. 4.6 [1] Type Consp. 4.6 [2] Type Consp. 12.1[1] Type Consp. 12.1 [2] Type Consp. 12.1 [3] Type Consp. 12.2 [1] Type Consp. 12.3 [1?] Type Consp. 12.3 [2] Type Consp. 12.3 Type Consp. 12.4 [1] Type Consp. 12.4 [2] Type Consp. 12.5 [1] Type Consp. 12.5 [1?] Type Consp. 12.5 [2] Type Consp. 13.3 [1] Type Consp. 14.1 [1] Type Consp. 14.1 [2] Type Consp. 14.1 [3] Type Consp. 14.1 [5] Type Consp. 14.1 [5?] Type Consp. 14.2 [1] Type Consp. 14.2 [2] Type Consp. 14.2 [2?] Type Consp. 14.2 [3?] Type Consp. 14.2 Type Consp. 14.3 [1] Type Consp. 15.2 [1] Type Consp. 15? Type Consp. 17.2 [1?] Type Consp. 18.2 [1] Type Consp. 18.2 [1?] Type Consp. 18.2 [2] Type Consp. 18.2 [3] Type Consp. 18.2. [4] Type Consp. 18.2. [4?] Type Consp. 18.2 Type Consp. 18 Type Consp. 18.2 [5]

15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14. 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 10 15 B.C. - 15 15 B.C. - 15 20 B.C. - 10 B.C. 10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. – 37 10 B.C. – 37 15 B.C. – 10 B.C.

Amount of Amount of specimens by specimens type 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 9 3 2 1 3 3 4 1 1 7 1 4 2 2

31

1 2 1 1 5 1 1

10 B.C. - 37 10 B.C. - 37 Era - 37 10 B.C. - 50 Era - 50 Era - 50 Era - 30 30 - 50 30 - 50 30 - 50 30 - 50 30 - 50 10 B.C. - 50 10 B.C. - 41 10 B.C. - 41 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14 15 B.C. - 14/37 15 B.C. - 14/37

1

15 B.C. - 14/37 15 B.C. - 14/37 15 B.C. - 14/37 15 B.C. - 14/37

1 1 1

Production chronology

15 B.C. - 14/37 15 B.C. - 37 25? - 65?

15

1

25? - 65?

1

25? - 65? 25 - 75

1 1 1 1 1 4 2 7 1 2 1 2 3 2

25 - 75 25 - 75

2

25 - 75? 14 - 68 Era - 50 c. Era - 20 14 - 20 9 - 37 37 - 69 14 - 37 14 - 37 27 B.C. - 20 B.C. 27 B.C. - 37 TOTAL

1

24

75

Plain shapes Type Consp. 19.2 [1] Type Consp. 19.2 [1?] Type Consp. 19.3 [2] Type Consp. 20.1 [1] Type Consp. 20.2 [1] Type Consp. 20.2 [1?] Type Consp. 20.3 [2] Type Consp. 20.4 [1] Type Consp. 20.4 [2] Type Consp. 20.4[3] Type Consp. 20.4 [4] Type Consp. 20.4 Type Consp. 20? Type Consp. 21.2[1] Type Consp. 21.3 [1] Type Consp. 22.1 [1] Type Consp. 22.1 [2] Type Consp. 22.1 [3] Type Consp. 22.1 Type Consp. 22.2 [1] Type Consp. 22.2 [1?] Type Consp. 22.3 [1] Type Consp. 22.5 [1] Type Consp. 22.5 [2] Type Consp. 22.5 [2?] Type Consp. 22.6 [1] Type Consp. 22? Type Consp. 23.1 [1] Type Consp. 23.1 [1?] Type Consp. 23.1 [2] Type Consp. 23.2 [1] Type Consp. 23.2 [1?] Type Consp. 23.2 [2?] Type Consp. 23 Type Consp. 27.1 [2] Type Consp. 28.3 [1] Type Consp. 31.1 [1] Type Consp. 31.1 [2] Type Consp. 33.1 [2] Type Consp. 34.1 [2] Type Consp. 36.4 [2] Type Consp. 37.5 [1] Type Consp. 38.3 [1] Type Consp. 50.1 [2]

Amount of Amount of specimens by specimens type 4 1

8

3 3 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 2 1 1 3 4 3 7 3 7 1 2 1 4

17

4

35

1 1 1 1 1 1 1

10

1 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 172

1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 172

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 12. Quantity and percentage relation of types and respective variants of Italic terra sigillata.

Plain Italic terra sigillata type Type Consp.1.2.[2] Type Consp.2.3.[1] Type Consp.3.1.[1] Type Consp.4.2.[1] Type Consp.4.4.[1?] Type Consp.4.4.[2?] Type Consp.4.5.[1] Type Consp.4.6.[1] Type Consp.4.6.[2] Type Consp.12.1.[1] Type Consp.12.1.[2] Type Consp.12.1.[3] Type Consp.12.2.[1] Type Consp.12.3.[1?] Type Consp.12.3.[2] Type Consp.12.3 Type Consp.12.4.[1] Type Consp.12.4.[2] Type Consp.12.5.[1] Type Consp.12.5.[1?] Type Consp.12.5.[2] Type Consp.13.3.[1] Type Consp.14.1.[1] Type Consp.14.1.[2] Type Consp.14.1.[3] Type Consp.14.1.[5] Type Consp.14.1.[5?] Type Consp.14.2.[1] Type Consp.14.2.[2] Type Consp.14.2.[2?] Type Consp.14.2.[3?] Type Consp.14.2. Type Consp.14.3.[1] Type Consp.15.2.[1] Type Consp.15? Type Consp.17.2.[1?] Type Consp.18.2.[1] Type Consp.18.2.[1?] Type Consp.18.2.[2] Type Consp.18.2.[3] Type Consp.18.2.[4] Type Consp.18.2.[4?] Type Consp.18.2 Type Consp.18. Type Consp.18.2.[5]

Amount

% plain

1 1 2 1 1 1 3 2 1 3 3 4 1 1 7 1 4 2 2 1 2 1 1 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 7 1 2 1 2 3 2

0.58 0.58 1.16 0.58 0.58 0.58 1.74 1.16 0.58 1.74 1.74 2.33 0.58 0.58 4.07 0.58 2.33 1.16 1.16 0.58 1.16 0.58 0.58 2.91 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 2.33 1.16 4.07 0.58 1.16 0.58 1.16 1.74 1.16

% Italic production 0.34 0.34 0.69 0.34 0.34 0.34 1.03 0.69 0.34 1.03 1.03 1.38 0.34 0.34 2.41 0.34 1.38 0.69 0.69 0.34 0.69 0.34 0.34 1.72 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 1.38 0.69 2.41 0.34 0.69 0.34 0.69 1.03 0.69

Plain Italic terra sigillata type Type Consp.19.2.[1] Type Consp.19.2.[1?] Type Consp.19.3.[2] Type Consp.20.1.[1] Type Consp.20.2.[1] Type Consp.20.2.[1?] Type Consp.20.3.[2] Type Consp.20.4.[1] Type Consp.20.4.[2] Type Consp.20.4.[3] Type Consp.20.4.[4] Type Consp.20.4. Type Consp.20? Type Consp.21.2.[1] Type Consp.21.3.[1] Type Consp.22.1.[1] Type Consp.22.1.[2] Type Consp.22.1.[3] Type Consp.22.1. Type Consp.22.2.[1] Type Consp.22.2.[1?] Type Consp.22.3.[1] Type Consp.22.5.[1] Type Consp.22.5.[2] Type Consp.22.5.[2?] Type Consp.22.6.[1] Type Consp.22? Type Consp.23.1.[1] Type Consp.23.1.[1?] Type Consp.23.1.[2] Type Consp.23.2.[1] Type Consp.23.2.[1?] Type Consp.23.2.[2?] Type Consp.23. Type Consp.27.1.[2] Type Consp.28.3.[1] Type Consp.31.1.[1] Type Consp.31.1.[2] Type Consp.33.1.[2] Type Consp.34.1.[2] Type Consp.36.4.[2] Type Consp.37.5.[1] Type Consp.38.3.[1] Type Consp.50.1.[2] Total

76

Amount

% plain

4 1 3 3 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 2 1 1 3 4 3 7 3 7 1 2 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 172

2.33 0.58 1.74 1.74 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 1.16 1.16 1.74 1.16 0.58 0.58 1.74 2.33 1.74 4.07 1.74 4.07 0.58 1.16 0.58 2.33 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 1.74 1.16 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 0.58 1.16 0.58 0.58 0.58 100.00

% Italic production 1.38 0.34 1.03 1.03 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.69 0.69 1.03 0.69 0.34 0.34 1.03 1.38 1.03 2.41 1.03 2.41 0.34 0.69 0.34 1.38 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 1.03 0.69 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.34 0.69 0.34 0.34 0.34 59.31

Catalogue

Figure 13. Quantity and percentage relation of plain Italic terra sigillata.

Plain Italic terra sigillata type Type Consp.1 Type Consp.2 Type Consp.3 Type Consp.4 Type Consp.12 Type Consp.13 Type Consp.14 Type Consp.15 Type Consp.17 Type Consp.18 Type Consp.19 Type Consp.20 Type Consp.21 Type Consp.22 Type Consp.23 Type Consp.27 Type Consp.28 Type Consp.31 Type Consp.33 Type Consp.34 Type Consp.36 Type Consp.37 Type Consp.38 Type Consp.50 Total

Amount % plain 1 1 2 9 31 1 15 2 1 24 8 17 4 35 10 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 172

0.58 0.58 1.16 5.23 18.02 0.58 8.72 1.16 0.58 13.95 4.65 9.88 2.33 20.35 5.81 0.58 0.58 1.16 0.58 0.58 1.16 0.58 0.58 0.58 100.00

% Italic production 0.34 0.34 0.69 3.10 10.69 0.34 5.17 0.69 0.34 8.28 2.76 5.86 1.38 12.07 3.45 0.34 0.34 0.69 0.34 0.34 0.69 0.34 0.34 0.34 59.31

40

35

30

25

20

15

Amount

10

% Italic production

% plain

5

77

Type Consp.50

Type Consp.38

Type Consp.37

Type Consp.36

Type Consp.34

Type Consp.33

Type Consp.31

Type Consp.28

Type Consp.27

Type Consp.23

Type Consp.22

Type Consp.21

Type Consp.20

Type Consp.19

Type Consp.18

Type Consp.17

Type Consp.15

Type Consp.14

Type Consp.13

Type Consp.12

Type Consp.4

Type Consp.3

Type Consp.2

Type Consp.1

0

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 14. Italic terra sigillata bases.

Production chronology

Bases

Amount

c. 27 B.C. – c. 10 B.C. c. 27 B.C. – c. 10 B.C. c. 27 B.C. – c. 10 B.C. c. 27 B.C. – c. 37 c. 27 B.C. – 14 c. 27 B.C. – 14 c. Era – 37 c. 41 – c. 117 c. 27 B.C. – c. 100/150 c. 27 B.C. – c. 100/150 c. 27 B.C. – c. 100/150 c. 20 B.C. – 75 c. 20 B.C. – 75 c. 50 – c. 75 c. 50. – c. 75 c. 50 – c. 75. TOTAL

Type Consp.B 1.1 Type Consp.B 1.4 Type Consp.B 1.5 Type Consp.B 1.7 Type Consp.B 2.3 Type Consp.B 2.4 Type Consp.B 2.5 Type Consp.B 2.10 Type Consp.B 3.16 Type Consp.B 3.17 Type Consp.B 3.18 Type Consp.B 4.7 Type Consp.B 4.8 Type Consp.B 4.10 Type Consp.B 4.12 Type Consp. B 4.13

2 1 5 2 1 10 7 1 2 1 1 1 5 1 1 2 43

Amount by shapes 10

19

4

10

43

NF

% Bases

Type Consp. B 1.1

2

4.65

% Italic production 0.69

Type Consp. B 1.4

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 1.5

5

11.63

1.72

Type Consp. B 1.7

2

4.65

0.69

Type Consp. B 2.3

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 2.4

10

23.26

3.45

Type Consp. B 2.5

7

16.28

2.41

Type Consp. B 2.10

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 3.16

2

4.65

0.69

Type Consp. B 3.17

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 3.18

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 4.7

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 4.8

5

11.63

1.72

Type Consp. B 4.10

1

2.33

0.34

Type Consp. B 4.12

1

2.33

0.34

Bases

Figure 15. Quantity and percentage relation of Italic terra sigillata bases. 25

20

15

Type Consp. B 4.13 Total

2

4.65

0.69

43

100.00

14.83

10

NF

5

% Bases % Italic production

78

Type Consp. B 4.13

Type Consp. B 4.12

Type Consp. B 4.10

Type Consp. B 4.8

Type Consp. B 4.7

Type Consp. B 3.18

Type Consp. B 3.17

Type Consp. B 3.16

Type Consp. B 2.10

Type Consp. B 2.5

Type Consp. B 2.4

Type Consp. B 2.3

Type Consp. B 1.7

Type Consp. B 1.5

Type Consp. B 1.4

Type Consp. B 1.1

0

ANT/CORN

PVBLIVS CORNELIVS escravo ANTHVS

34 181

2 441

19 311

787

L·TITI / […]

[VM] BRI ou [VM] BRI

A·TITI

A·TITI

SEX·AVILLI MANI·

EVHODI

AGA

L·TITI THYRSVS (2)?

VMBRICIVS (1)

A·TITIVS (3)

79

A·TITIVS (3)

SEX·AVILLIVS MANIVS (1)

EVHODVS (2)

AGATHEMERVS

29 478

2 166

2 166

19 202

C·SENTI

C·SENTIVS (1)

1 623

RAS […]

1 567

4 762

2 170

24 508 24 500

OCK

RASINIVS (2)

[GRA?] T / [L·]VBT

P·COR/ANT

PVBLIVS CORNELIVS escravo ANTHUS

PVBLIVS escravo GRATVS

[L·AVIL]/[SVR] AE ou [L·AVIL]I / [SVR] AE

Stamp

L·AVILLIVS SVRA

Potter

Arezzo or Po Valley

30 B.C. -10 B.C.

10 B.C. - 10

5 B.C. - 40 Pozzuoli

Pisa

Pisa

Arezzo or Po Valley

30 B.C. -10 B.C.

Augustan

Arezzo

Arezzo or Provincial

Arezzo

Arezzo

Arezzo

Arezzo

Arezzo

Arezzo

Production sites

10 B.C. – c. 37

20 B.C. - 10

20 B.C. - 20

15 B.C. - 40

15 – 5 B.C.

5 B.C. +

5 B. C. +

10 B.C. - 10

Chronology

100

451

531

100

100

100

291

100

100

311

___________

311

100

OCK

Stamp-frame

Cavalariças

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV; 81 Est. XV 1999–1353 e XXX, nº 80

1999– 1319

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV; 81; Est. XV e XXX, nº 81 Quinta do Fujacal

Basal interior Basal interior

1991– 1725

Delgado, 1985: 14; 30–1; Est. II, IV-V, nº 3 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV

Habitações a Norte das Termas Basal interior

1991– 1743

1991– 1662

Delgado, 1985: 14; 30–1; Est. IV-V, nº 4 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV Delgado, Santos, 1984: 52; Est. I, III-IV, nº1; Delgado, 1985: 30–1 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV

1999– 1910

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV; 82; Est. XV e XXX, nº 83

1991– 1742

Antigas escavações

Casa da Bica

1991– 1659

Delgado, 1985: 13–4; 30–1; Est. IV-V, nº 2 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV

2003– 1154

1999– 1354

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV; 81–82; Est. XV e XXX, nº 82

____

1991– 1678

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 53; Est. III-IV, nº2; Est. V, nº 37; Delgado, 1985: 30–1 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV Adília Alarcão, 1971: quadro Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV

1991– 1673

Nº

Delgado, 1985: 13; 30–1; Est. IV-V, nº 1 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 55, quadro IV

Bibliography

Antigas escavações

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

São Geraldo

Unknown

Basal interior Basal interior

R. Nossa Sra. do Leite

Basal interior

Antigas escavações

Antigas escavações

R. Damião de Gois

Provenance

Cavalariças

[…]E

Graffiti

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 16. Italic terra sigillata stamps.

B 4.1

Type Consp.

Undefined

ver

Type Consp. B 1.5

Type Consp. B 1.5

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

____________

Undefined

Undefined

Shape

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

Ill.

Catalogue

P [RI] N

PRIN

80

-------------------

---------------

TOTAL

CO [I?...]

-------------------

---------------

CO [I?...]

[…]/[…] VI [P?...] ou […] VI [B?…]

[?...] / TITI

AVSDR

C·RC

[…]/[…] VI [P?...] ou […] VI [B?…]

[?…] / TITI

AVSDR

C·R ( ) C ( )

[…] VS·OF

[…] VS·EL /

PRI

PRI (2)

[…] VS·EL / […] VS·OF

20 573

LIIPIDVS·

LEPIDVS

-------

-----

-------

-------

-------

-------

1 606

--------

29 547

30 988

382?

778

OCK

PHILAI / [A] VILLI

[…]S

Stamp

AVILLIVS escravo PHILA( )?

EROS

Potter

10 B.C. - 10

15 +

15 +

?

?

?

?

?

10 B.C. – 10 ?

10 B.C. – 10 ?

?

?

?

Pozzuoli

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Vasanello

Production sites

15 +

15 +

c. 10 B.C. – 10?

1 - 20

10 B.C. - 10

10 B.C. - 15

10 B.C. – 10 ?

10 B.C. – 1 +

Chronology

100

602 in p.p.

603 in p.p.

261?

Undefined

Undefined

602 in p.p.

261

São Geraldo

Basal interior

Cardoso da Saudade Unknown Cavalariças Maximinos

Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior

Casa da Bica

R. Frei Caetano Brandão

Basal interior

Basal interior

Quinta do Fujacal

São Geraldo

Basal interior Basal interior

2000– 0313

Edifício Cardoso da Saudade

Basal interior

1999– 1357 1999– 1911

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV; 83; Est. XV e XXX, nº 88 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV; 82; Est. XV e XXX, nº 86

26

26

25

24

1991– 1684

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 53; Est. III-IV, nº 3 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV

22 23

1991– 1663

Delgado 1985: 15; Est. IV-V, nº 6 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

Ill.

Delgado, 1985: 14; Est. IV-V, nº 5 Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV

1999– 1909

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV; 82; Est. XV e XXX, nº 87

2003– 1153

2003– 1143

2003– 1082

2002– 1077

2002– 1241

1999– 1923

Nº

Cavalariças Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV; 82; Est. XIV e XXX, nº 84

Morais, 1997–98: 54; 56, quadro IV; 82; Est. XV e XXX, nº 85

Bibliography

Basal interior

São Geraldo

Provenance

Cavalariças

Graffiti

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 16 (cont.). Italic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

100

100

Type Consp.B 4.2 Undefined

532

100

129?

OCK

Stamp-frame

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Shape

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

81

----

-----

-----

-----

-----

---

---

---

TOTAL

---

----

-----

---

----

----

----

Stamp nº 15

[…]S

EROS

OCK

Stamp nº 2

P·COR/ANT

Stamp

P V B L I V S CORNELIVS escravo ANTHUS

Potter

C 10 B.C. - 10

50 - 75

25 B.C. - 100/150

25 - 75

27 B.C. - 14

10 B.C. - 10

10 - 37?

Chronology

?

?

?

A Determinar

?

A determinar

Arezzo

----

----

----

----

----

Type Consp. 23.2.1 Type Consp. B 3.17 Type Consp. B 4.13 Type Consp. B 2.4

Stamp nº 15

Type Consp.B 2.4

Stamp nº 2

OCK

Stamp-frame

Undefined

Undefined

Shape

Stamp nº 15

Stamp nº 2

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 17. Italic terra sigillata graffiti.

Production site

X

K

F

H

?

?

[…] E

Graffiti

Cavalariças

Cavalariças

Albergue

Cavalariças

Colina de Maximinos

Cavalariças

A n t i g a s Escavações

Provenance

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 67; Est. V, nº 38

Bibliography

1999–1368

2003–1798

1999–1332

2003–1775

1991–1778

2002–1241

1991–1678

Nº

7

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

Ilustration

Catalogue

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 18. Quantity and percentage relation of decorated terra sigillata from the south of Gallia.

Decorated south % Amount Gaulish terrra sigillata decorated Drag 29 75 50.00 Drag 30 61 40.67 Drag 37 9 6.00 Hermet 9 4 2.67 Knorr 78 1 0.67 Total 150 100.00

80 70 60

% Gaulish production 9.36 7.62 1.12 0.50 0.12 18.73

50 40

Amount % decorated

30

% Gaulish production 20 10 0

Drag 29

Drag 30

Drag 37

Hermet 9

Knorr 78

Figure 19. Quantity and percentage relation of plain terra sigillata from the south of Gallia.

Plain south Gaulish Amount % plain % Gaulish production terra sigillata Ritt 1 2 0.31 0.25 Drag 2/21 2 0.31 0.25 Drag 17 b 4 0.61 0.50 Drag 16 3 0.46 0.37 Drag 4/22 2 0.31 0.25 Drag 15/17 142 21.81 17.73 Drag 18/31 208 31.95 25.97 Ritt 5 3 0.46 0.37 Hermet 31 1 0.15 0.12 Ritt 9 7 1.08 0.87 Drag 24/25 133 20.43 16.60 Drag 27 123 18.89 15.36 Drag 33 3 0.46 0.37 Drag 35 2 0.31 0.25 Drag 36 8 1.23 1.00 Ritt 14 a 1 0.15 0.12 Hermet 18 1 0.15 0.12 Ritt 12 2 0.31 0.25 Curle 11 1 0.15 0.12 Hermet 25 1 0.15 0.12 Haltern 16 1 0.15 0.12 Drag 45 1 0.15 0.12 Total 651 100.00 81.27

250 200 150 100 Amount % plain

50

% Gaulish production

Drag 45

Haltern 16

Hermet 25

Ritt 12

82

Curle 11

Hermet 18

Drag 36

Ritt 14 a

Drag 35

Drag 33

Drag 27

Ritt 9

Drag 24/25

Ritt 5

Hermet 31

Drag 15/17

Drag 18/31

Drag 16

Drag 4/22

Drag 17 b

Ritt 1

Drag 2/21

0

ALBVS · F

[…] · ANI

OAPRI

OAVCIO

[B ?]ASSI

BIO FECIT

[B] IOFECIT

B[…]; BIO

ALBVS (i)

ANNIVS (i)

APER (i)

AVCIVS

BASSVS (i)

BIO

BIO

BIO

83

70

CELERN (N retro)

IIMII

FELICI[O]

[O]F FELIX

FIRMO

OF[F]IRM

CELER (Mn)

EMIA

FELICIO

FELIX

FIRMO (i)

FIRMO (i)

Tiberio – Claudian Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 27

Undefined

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Stamp-frame

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 20. Terra sigillata stamps from the south of Gallia.

La Graufesenque

Claudian

122; 129; 386; 426

123; 386; 426

La Graufesenque

Nero Vespasian

120–121; 385

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

Sul da Gália

La Graufesenque

Nero

Vespasian

Claudian

La Graufesenque

Claudius Nero Undefined

Undefined

La Graufesenque

60 – 80

Undefined

Drag. 29 b

Undefined

Undefined

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Sul da Gália

Claudius Nero

Nero

Claudian

Claudian

Claudius Nero Nero -Vespasian

Claudian

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

Undefined

La Graufesenque

Domician

Drag. 27

La Graufesenque

Claudius Nero

Undefined

Shapes

South of Gallia

Production sites

80 – 120

Chronology

119; 385

114; 384

65; 368

OF CASTI

59; 366; 424

359

359

43; 359; 424

38–9

31

18–19; 350

17; 349

12

14

Oswald

CASTVS (i)

C·A·[…]

C·A·PI·TVF

AND

AMANDVS

CAPITO or CAPITVS CAPITO or CAPITVS ?

Stamp

Potter

R

Graffiti

Bibliography

Unknown

Unknown

Maximinos

Casa da Bica

Leste da casa da Bica

São Geraldo

Rua D. Paio Mendes Seminário de Santiago (claustro)

Cavalariças

Carvalheiras

Rua Frei Caetano Brandão

Unknown

Hospital

São Geraldo

Carvalheiras

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 56; Est. I, III-IV; nº 8; Delgado, 1985: 30–1

2003– 1145

1991– 1770

Delgado, 1985; 15–6; 30–1; Est. II, IV-V, nº 7 Delgado, 1985; 16; 30–1; Est. IV-V; nº 8

1991– 1736

2001– 0965 1999– 1919 2003– 1162 2003– 1755

1991– 1772

2003– 1158 1999– 1912 1999– 1350

1991– 1787

1991– 1711 1999– 1351

Nº

2001– 1101 1991– 1726 1991– 1671 2002– 1151

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 55; Est. III-IV; nº 7; Delgado, 1985: 30–1

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXIV e XXXIV, nº 44 Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXIV e XXXIV, nº 45 Delgado, Santos, 1984: 55; Est. III-IV; nº 6 Delgado, 1985: 30–1

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 53; Est. I, III-IV; nº 4 Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXIV Albergue Distrital e XXXIV, nº 43 Seminário Delgado, Santos, 1984: 54; de Santiago Est. III-IV; nº 5; (claustro) Delgado, 1985; 30–1; Cónego Arlindo

Provenance

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

Ill.

Catalogue

IVN (N retro)

IIVNT ou IIVM

LICN

MACCARVS

MA CER

IVNIVS

IVNIVS ?

LICINIVS

MACCARVS

MACER

84

OFMODE[S]

OF·M[O]

MO

MO[M]

MOMMO

MOMMO

MOMMO

MAX

FM […] V·

MODESTVS (i)

MASCVS or MASCVVS? MAXIMVS or MAXVMVS

MASCLI […]

IVCVND

IVCVNDVS (i)

MASCLVS (i)

IN?[…]

INGENVVS ?

MANDVILMA

IAIHIII ?

IAIHIII ?

MANDVILVS

GAINNIM

GAINNVS

MANDVILMA

F·V∗ […]

FVSCVS (i) ?

MANDVILVS

Stamp

Potter

208–9; 407

208–9; 407

208–9; 407

207–8; 406–7

186; 428

192–93; 403

182; 401

182; 401

175; 399

163–165; 396; 427 173–174; 398; 428

394

145–146; 392 148–149; 393 153–154; 394

129

387; 426

Oswald

Claudian

Claudian

Nero Vespasian

Nero

Flavian

Claudius -Vespasian

Vespasian

Claudian

Claudian

Vespasian

Nero

Claudian

Flavian

60 – 80

Nero

Claudian

Tiberio– Claudian

Domician

Nero

Chronology

Drag. 27

Drag. 24/25

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 16

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Ritt. 9

Undefined

Drag. 27

Shapes

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (in small circle) Rectangular (in small circle)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Stamp-frame

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 20 (cont.). Terra sigillata stamps from the south of Gallia.

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque?

Production sites La Graufesenque La Graufesenque?

RVF

F?

X

T

Graffiti

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 56; Est. III-IV; nº 9 Delgado, 1985: 30–1

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXIV e XXXIV, nº 46

Delgado, 1985: 19; Est. II, IV-V; nº 17

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 60; Est. I, III-IV; nº 18

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 60; Est. I, III-IV, nº 19 Delgado, 1985: 16; 30–1; Est. II, IV-V; nº 9

Bibliography

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 56–7; Est. I, III-IV; nº 10 Delgado, 1985: 30–1 Delgado, 1985: 16; 30–1; Est. IV-V; nº 10 Delgado, 1985: 17; 30–1; Est. II, IV-V; nº 11 Delgado, Santos, 1984: 57; Colina da Cividade Est. I, III-IV; nº 11 Delgado, 1985: 30–1

Seminário Santiago (claustro) Leste da Casa da Bica Colina da Cividade

Termas

Seminário Santiago (claustro) Largo S. João do Souto

Carvalheiras

São Geraldo

Rua Frei Caetano Brandão

Termas

Carvalheiras

Carvalheiras

Casa da Bica

Carvalheiras

Colina da Cividade Habitações a Norte das Termas Seminário Santiago (claustro) Rua Damião de Góis

Provenance

1991– 1784

1991– 1655 1991– 1802

1991– 1734

2003– 1148 1999– 1345

1991– 1681

1991– 1808 2002– 2002 2004– 0085 1999– 1800 2002– 2003 1999– 1924 2003– 1146 1996– 0532 2003– 1150

1991– 1733

1991– 1806 1991– 1721

Nº

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

Ill.

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

OFNON

OFNTVF

NONVS,C.

NOTVS ?

OFIPONT

PRIMV

OFPRM

OFPRIM

PRIMI

[O]FPVDEN

SABIOF

OSABIM

PONTIVS or PONTVS

PRIMVS

PRIMVS

PRIMVS

PRIMVS

PVDENS

SABINVS (i)

SABINVS (i)

[O]FPA·

[…]NI (N retro)

NIGER

PATER

OFN (N retro)

NIGER

NICIVS

[O]FM[V]RANI

MVRRANVS

NICIVS

213–14; 408

OFM[V]RANI ou OFM[V] RANI

MVRRANVS

85

272–73; 417

272–73; 417

253–54; 414

248–250; 414 248–250; 141 248–250; 414 248–250; 414

243; 413

229; 411

_______

221

220

219

213–14; 408

208–9; 407

OF[…]M

MOMMO?

Oswald

Stamp

Potter

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

?

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Shapes

Basal interior Basal interior

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Circle?

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

?

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Stamp-frame

Figure 20 (cont.). Terra sigillata stamps from the south of Gallia.

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Nero – Vespasian

Domitian

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque? La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque? La Graufesenque? La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Production sites La Graufesenque

Nero Vespasian

Claudian

40 – 79

40 – 79

Vespasian

Vespasian

Vespasian

Nero

Nero – Vespasian

Vespasian

Claudian

?

Vespasian

Nero

Claudius – Nero

Chronology

?

?

X

Graffiti

Carvalheiras

Rua D. Paio Mendes Seminário Santiago (claustro) Seminário Santiago (claustro)

Termas

Termas

Braga s/ contexto

Seminário Santiago (claustro)

Termas

Rua Damião de Góis Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Rua Frei Caetano Brandão

Cavalariças

Fonte do Ídolo

Habitações a Norte das Termas

Colina da Cividade

Carvalheiras

Provenance

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 58; Est. III-IV, nº 13 Delgado, 1985: 30–1 Delgado, Santos, 1984: 58–9; Est. I, III-IV, nº 14 Delgado, 1985: 30–1

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 57–8; Est. III-IV; nº 12 Delgado, 1985: 30–1

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXIV e XXXIV, nº 47 Delgado, 1985: 19; Est. II, IV-V; nº 15

Delgado, 1985: 18; 30–1; Est. IV-V; nº 13

Delgado, 1985: 17–8; 30–1; Est. II, IV-V; nº 12

Bibliography

1999– 1324

1991– 1735

1991– 1679

1991– 1741 19992172 1999– 2382 20022004

1991– 1682

1999– 1336 1991– 1803 2003– 1147 2001– 0962 1999– 1915

____

1991– 1672

1991– 1807

2002– 1289

Nº

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

Ill.

Catalogue

Stamp

[O]FSABI

OF·SAB[…]

[…]B·N

[OF]·SE

OFS[E]CVN

O[…]TI

VAD (sic)

[C·VA] L·ALBAN

OFVITA

OFVITAL

[V]ITALOF

OF·S[…]

OF[N?...]

OF[...]

OF[...]

OF[...]

F[...]

OF[...]

O[...]

Potter

SABINVS (i)

SABINVS (i)

SABINVS (i)?

SECVNDVS (i)

SECVNDVS (i)

TITVS (i)

VADVS

C. VALERIVS ALBANVS

VITALIS (i)

VITALIS (ii)

VITALIS (ii)

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

340–342; 422 340–342; 422

340

324; 428

323

318

287–89; 418

287–89; 418

272–73; 417

272–73; 417

272–73; 417

Oswald

86 Claudius Nero

40 - 60

Flavian

Domitian Trajan

Claudian

?

?

Claudian

Domitian

60 – 80

Nero

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 33

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Shapes

Rectangular (plain-ended frame?) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame?) Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (plain-ended frame) Rectangular (in small circle)

Stamp-frame

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 20 (cont.). Terra sigillata stamps from the south of Gallia.

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque?

Claudius Nero Nero Flavian Flavian

La Graufesenque

Production sites La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

Claudius Nero

Vespasian

40 – 60

Flavian

Domitian

Chronology

A

?

Graffiti

Bibliography

Cavalariças

São Geraldo

R. Frei Caetano Brandão

Fujacal

Jardim da Misericórdia Seminário Santiago (claustro)

Quinta do Fujacal

Cavalariças

Carvalheiras

Albergue

Carvalheiras

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 60; Est. II, III-IV, nº 20;

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXVI e XXXIV, nº 52 Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXVI e XXXIV, nº 53

Delgado, 1985: 18–9; 30–1; Est. II, IV-V, nº 14 Seminário Delgado, Santos, 1984: 59; Santiago Est. I, III-IV, nº 15 (claustro) Delgado, 1985: 30–1 Cangosta da Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXV Palha e XXXIV, nº 48 Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXV Albergue Distrital e XXXIV, nº 50 Seminário Delgado, Santos, 1984: Santiago 59–60; Est. I, III-IV, nº 16; (claustro) Delgado, 1985: 30–1 Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXV Quinta do Fujacal e XXXIV, nº 49

Carvalheiras

Termas

São Geraldo

Provenance

2003– 1157 2003– 1155 2003– 1751 1999– 1334

1991– 1712

1999– 1328 1999– 1330 1999– 1325 1991– 1926 1999– 1315 1999– 1922

Sem número

2000– 0314 1997– 1324

Sem número

2003– 1149 1999– 1913 2003– 1756 1999– 1908

Nº

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

Ill.

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

?/?

? /?

?/?

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

[…E ou F?]S

Undefined

[…]Λ

[…]N (retro)

Undefined

Undefined

[…]R?E

Undefined

[O?...]

PA[…]

Undefined

Undefined

SA[…]

Undefined

[…]V

O?[...]

Undefined

Undefined

O[...]

Undefined

[…?]ID […?]

O[...]

Undefined

Undefined

O[...]

Stamp

Stamp

Undefined

Potter

Potter

Oswald

Oswald

87 Flavian

undefined

Claudian

60 – 80

Claudian

50 – 70

Domitian

undefined

Domitian

Nero – Vespasian Claudius Nero Claudius Vespasian

50 – 70

20 – 40

40 – 50

Claudius Nero

Chronology

Chronology

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 24/25

Undefined

Drag. 27

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 27

Shapes

Shapes

Basal interior

Basal interior

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Undefined

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame Position of Stamp-frame

Circle

Rectangular (undefined) Rectangular (undefined) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Rectangular ?

Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame) Rectangular (round-ended frame)

Stamp-frame

Stamp-frame

Figure 20 (cont.). Terra sigillata stamps from the south of Gallia.

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Production sites Production sites La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

VI

[…?] A [N ou M …?]

T?

Grafffii

Graffiti

Carvalheiras

Albergue Distrital

Albergue Distrital

Carvalheiras

Seminário Santiago

Termas

Termas

Hospital

Cardoso da Saudade

Cavalariças

Edifício Cardoso da Saudade

Termas

Carvalheiras

Fujacal

Cavalariças

Misericórdia

Provenance

Provenance

Delgado, 1985: 27; Est. VI, nº 39

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXVI e XXXIV, nº 51

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXVI e XXXIV, nº 55

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXVI e XXXIV, nº 54 Delgado, 1985: 19; Est. II, IV-V, nº 16

Bibliography

Bibliography

1991– 1914 2003– 1753 2003– 1444 2003– 0205 1997– 1323 1999– 1925 1991– 1810

1999– 1316

2002– 2044 2003– 1749 2003– 1757 2003– 1758 2003– 0207 2004– 0087 1999– 1355 1991– 1676

Nº

Nº

89

88

87

86

85

84

83

82

81

80

79

78

77

76

75

74

Ill.

Catalogue

88

--------------

--------------

---------------------------

--------------

--------------

--------------------------TOTAL

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

Vespasian Claudian Domitian 40 – 60 Nero - Vespasian undeterminate Flavian Vespasian Flavian

Domitian Flavian

Nero - Vespasian Drag. 18/31 Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Drag. 18/31

Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Shape Drag. 27

? ?

ΛE[S ?]

[…]ONT[…]

? ? ? A T? […?] A [N ou M…?] VI IV […]ITONS

X

RVF

F?

X

T

Graffiti R

Cardoso da Saudade Carvalheiras

São Geraldo

Hospital

Seminário de Santiago (claustro) Braga sem contexto Rua D. Paio Mendes São Geraldo São Geraldo Termas Hospital Carvalheiras Braga São Geraldo

Termas

Carvalheiras

Carvalheiras

Carvalheiras

Provenance Albergue Distrital

Figure 21. Terra sigillata graffiti from the south of Gallia.

La Graufesenque La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Vespasian

Nero - Vespasian

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Flavian

Flavian

IIVNT ou IIVM

La Graufesenque

La Graufesenque

Nero

IVCVND

Production site La Graufesenque

Claudian

Chronology Claudius - Nero

Stamp ALBVS · F

MANDVILVS MAXIMVS or MAX MAXVMVS PONTIVS or OFIPONT PONTVS PRIMVS PRIMV PRIMVS PRIMI SABINVS (i) [O]FSABI undeterminate OF[...] undeterminate SA[…] undeterminate […E ou F?]S undeterminate ?/? -----------------------------------------------------

IVNIVS ?

Potter ALBVS (i) IVCVNDVS (i)

Morais, 1997–98: Est. XXVI, XXXIV, nº 56 Morais, 1997–98 : Est. XXVI, XXXIV, nº 57

Bibliography

1999–1349 2001–1193

1999–1578

1999–1339

1991–1741 2002–2004 2003–1149 2003–1751 2003–0207 1999–1316 1991–1810 1991–1683 1999–1921

1991–1682

1999–1345

2003–1150

1999–1800

2002–2002

Nº 1999–1351

18 19 19

17

16

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

6

5

4

3

2

Ilustration 1

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Catalogue

Figure 22. Quantity and percentage relation of decorated Hispanic terra sigillata.

Decorated Hispânic terra sigillata Drag 29 Drag 29/37 Drag 37 Hisp 40 Drag 30 Hisp 49 Hisp 1 Hisp 2 Hisp 20 Hisp 20 ou 82 Hermet 13 Total

800 700 600 500

Amount % decorated 532 4 686 10 11 2 3 1 3 1 1 1254

42.42 0.32 54.70 0.80 0.88 0.16 0.24 0.08 0.24 0.08 0.08 100.00

400 300 Amount

200

% decorated % Hispanic production

100

89

Hermet 13

Hisp 20 ou 82

Hisp 20

Hisp 2

Hisp 1

Hisp 49

Drag 30

Hisp 40

Drag 37

Drag 29/37

Drag 29

0

% Hispanic production 14.54 0.11 18.74 0.27 0.30 0.05 0.08 0.03 0.08 0.03 0.03 34.26

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 23. Quantity and percentage relation of plain Hispanic terra sigillata.

Plain Hispanic terra sigillata Drag 15/17 Drag 18/31 Drag 24/25 Drag 27 Ritt 8 Drag 35 Drag 36 Drag 39 Drag 44 Hisp 9 Hisp 4 Ludow. Tb Hisp 10 Drag 33 Hisp 5 Hisp 7 Hermet 13 Hisp 2 Hisp 20 Hisp 21 Hisp 54 Hisp 23 Hisp 28 Hisp 34 Hisp 51 Hisp 88 Hisp 91 Hisp 94 Hisp 1? Hisp 69 Total

Amount % plain 965 79 111 559 44 134 228 33 23 3 97 40 6 6 1 15 10 18 13 1 1 1 1 1 3 5 2 4 1 1 2406

40.11 3.28 4.61 23.23 1.83 5.57 9.48 1.37 0.96 0.12 4.03 1.66 0.25 0.25 0.04 0.62 0.42 0.75 0.54 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.12 0.21 0.08 0.17 0.04 0.04 100.00

% Hispânic production 26.37 2.16 3.03 15.27 1.20 3.66 6.23 0.90 0.63 0.08 2.65 1.09 0.16 0.16 0.03 0.41 0.27 0.49 0.36 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.08 0.14 0.05 0.11 0.03 0.03 65.74

1200 1000 Amount 800

% plain % Hispânic production

600 400 200

Drag 15/17 Drag 18/31 Drag 24/25 Drag 27 Ritt 8 Drag 35 Drag 36 Drag 39 Drag 44 Hisp 9 Hisp 4 Ludow. Tb Hisp 10 Drag 33 Hisp 5 Hisp 7 Hermet 13 Hisp 2 Hisp 20 Hisp 21 Hisp 54 Hisp 23 Hisp 28 Hisp 34 Hisp 51 Hisp 88 Hisp 91 Hisp 94 Hisp 1? Hisp 69

0

90

50 - 100 50 - 100 50 - 100 50 - 100 50 - 100

[…] G […]

[...] E? [...]

[...] S? [...]

[...?] o

[...?] DA [?...]

91 75 - 125

AGI·LIANI

[EXOFAG] ILIANI

IA·NI:

OF·AVITIAN[I]

[…]ITO

AGILIANVS

AGILIANVS

AGILIANVS

AVITIANVS

BRITTO

75 - 125

100 - 125

100 - 125

75 - 125

AGI·LIANI

AGILIANVS

75 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 100

[…] D […]

AE·FRO[NTO]

50 -100

TITI hedera SA[GE]NI hedera

TITVS♥SAGENVS♥

AE[MILIVS]·FRO[NTO]

Chronology

Stamp

Potter

Undefined

La Rioja (Arenzana de Arriba – La Puebla)

Rectangular frame (concave)

Insert in the decoration Insert in the decoration Insert in the decoration Insert in the decoration Insert in the decoration Insert in the decoration Rectangular frame (plainended ) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (bifid– ends) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame

Insert in the decoration

Stamp-frame

unknown

Fujacal

Basal interior

Basal interior

Fujacal

Cardoso da Saudade

R. Sº António das Travessas

R. Sº António das Travessas

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Cavalariças

Basal interior

Cavalariças

Colina da Cividade Colina da Cividade Colina da Cividade

Albergue

R. Sº António das Travessas

Provenance

Carvalheiras

Graffiti

External

External

External

External

External

External

External

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 24. Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

La Rioja

Undefined

La Rioja (Tricio)

Drag. 15/17

La Rioja (Tricio) Undefined

Drag. 15/17

La Rioja (Tricio)

La Rioja (Tricio)

Drag. 15/17

Dec. Undefined

Drag. 37

Drag. 37

Dec. Undefined Dec. Undefined Dec. Undefined

Drag. 37

Shapes

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

Production sites

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 61, nº 21; Est. II-V Delgado: 1985: 30–31

Delgado, 1985: 20, nº 18; 30– 31; Est. II-V

Bibliography

1991– 1773

1999– 1317

1999– 2566

1991– 1714

2002 1941

2002– 1942

1991– 1996

2003– 0202 2002– 1076 2002– 1075 2003– 1752 2002– 1078 2003– 0203

2003– 0199

Nº

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

Ilustration

Catalogue

92

[…]F[…]VMA

LA[P]ILLI·

IVNIVS ou IVLIVS MA[-]

LAPILLIVS

FVLVIPATOF

FVLVIVIS PATERNVS

OG[…; N?]I·TR

OF·FV·[P…]

FVLVIVIS PATERNVS

G[-] ANNIVS TRITIENSIS

[…]K

FVK ?

[EX]OFVLP

C[…]

CLODIVIS ?

FVLVIVIS PATERNVS

75 - 100

C·L·O[D] or C·L·O[II]

CLODIVIS

50 – 100

100 – 125

75 – 100

75 – 125

75 – 100

50 – 100

75 – 125

?

50 - 100

CANT·OF

CANTABER

Chronology

Stamp

Potter

Drag. 15/17

La Rioja (Tricio – El Quemao)

Rectangular frame (plainended ) Rectangular frame (plainended )

Rectangular frame (plainended )

Rectangular frame (plainended )

Rectangular frame (plainended )

Rectangular frame (plain-ended ) Rectangular frame (bífidends) Rectangular frame (bifid-ends) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Stamp-frame

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

R. Sº António das Travessas

Fujacal

Edificio Cardoso da Saudade

Seminário Santiago

unknown

Colina da Cividade

Fujacal

Basal interior Basal interior

Colina da Cividade

Basal interior

Fujacal

Provenance

Colina da Cividade

Graffiti

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

La Rioja (Tricio)

Undefined

La Rioja (Arenzana de Arriba – La Puebla)

Undefined

La Rioja (Tricio)

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

La Rioja (Tricio)

La Rioja (Tricio)

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Undefined

Undefined

Shapes

La Rioja ?

La Rioja

La Rioja

Production sites La Rioja (Arenzana de Abajo)

Delgado, 1985: 26, nº 38; Est. III-V Delgado, 1985: 21, nº 30–31; Est. II; IV-V Delgado, Santos, 1984: 62, nº 22; Est. II-IV Delgado, 1985: 30–31 Delgado, Santos, 1984: 62, nº 23; Est. II-V Delgado, 1985: 30–31

Delgado, 1985: 21, nº 19; 30– 31; Est. II-IV

Bibliography

2001– 1010

1999– 1326

2003–1167

1991– 1731

1991– 1767

1991– 1696

1991– 1709

1991– 1690

1991– 1692

2003–1169

Nº

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

Ilustration

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

75 – 125 75 – 100

OF·LA·PIL·I·

[…]ILLI·O[F]

[…]APILLI

[…]LAPILLI

[…]PILL

[…] F?·LA·P?[…]

[…]PI[LL…]

[…]LI

L[A?...]

OF·L[…]

LAPILLIVS

LAPILLIVS

LAPILLIVS

LAPILLIVS

LAPILLIVS

LAPILLIVS

LAPILLIVS

93

LAPILLIVS?

LAPILLIVS?

LAPILLIVS?

75 - 100

50 - 100

75 - 100

75 - 100

75 – 125

75 – 125

75 – 100

75 – 100

75 – 100

OF·LA·PIL·I·

LAPILLIVS

Chronology

Stamp

Potter

La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao)

La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao)

La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Tricio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Tricio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao)

La Rioja (Tricio – El Quemao)

Production sites La Rioja (Tricio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Tricio – El Quemao)

Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Rectangular frame

Rectangular frame

Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Rectangular frame

Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Stamp-frame

Cavalariças Cavalariças R. Frei Caetano Brandão

Basal interior Basal interior

Termas

Basal interior

Basal interior

Praia das Sapatas

Albergue

Basal interior Basal interior

R. Sº António das Travessas

Basal interior

unknown

R. Sº António das Travessas

Cavalariças

Provenance

R. Frei Caetano Brandão

T

Graffiti

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Shapes

Delgado, 1985: 22, nº 22; 30–31; Est. II; IV-V

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 63, nº 24; Est. III-IV Delgado, 1985: 30–31

Bibliography

2003–1175

1999– 1335

2003–1168

1991– 1675

1999– 1927

2003–1170

2003–1166

2003–1172

1991– 1685

2003– 1748

1999– 1337

Nº

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

Ilustration

Catalogue

Stamp

[…]L

LVC·[…]

OF·LVPI

OFLSEM

O·L·SEM[…]

EXOFMA[C]ER

OF·MA·SI

[…]MVALER?

OF·MAVRI?

OFM·M

Potter

LAPILLIVS?

LVCIVS ANIVS

LVCIVS PI[-]

LVCIVS SEMPRONIVS

LVCIVS SEMPRONIVS

MACER?

M[-]ASELLIVS?

94

MATERNVS VALERIVS?

MAVRVS

MEM MI

75 - 100

100 - 125

100 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 100

50 - 100

75 - 125

100 - 150

100 - 125

Chronology

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja ?

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja

Production sites La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao)

Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior

Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Basal interior

Termas

Colina da Cividade

Colina da Cividade

unknown

São Geraldo

Basal interior CAMAN

R. Sº António das Travessas

Colina da Cividade

Colina da Cividade

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Termas

Basal interior

Provenance Colina da Cividade

X

Graffiti

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Rectangular frame (roundended )

Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Shapes

Delgado, 1985: 24, nº 29; Est. III-V Delgado, 1985: 22–23, nº 24; 30–31; Est. III-V

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 65–66, nº 31; Est. III-IV

Delgado, 1985: 24, nº 28; Est. III-IV Delgado, Santos, 1984: 64, nº 26; Est. II-IV Delgado, 1985: 30–31

Delgado, 1985: 22, nº 23; Est. III-V

Bibliography

1991– 1724

1991– 1719

1991– 1694

2003–1174

1999– 1916

2003–1177

1991– 1713

1991– 1720

2003– 0204

1991– 1805

Nº

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

Ilustration

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

95 75 - 125

[…]EM·VALE

[…S]EM[…]

SEMPRONIVS VALERIVS

SEMPRONIVS […?]

75 - 125

75 - 125

50 - 100

?

75 - 100

75 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 125

75 - 125

Chronology

SEMPRONIVS VALERIVS

EXOF·SEMVA

N PROTAE

N [-]·PROTAE

SEMPRONIVS VALERIVS

N·PROTAE

N [-]·PROTAE

OFSATOR

[…]VE

PATRICIVS VE[-]

SATVRVS ou SATURNINVS ?

[N]AS·DII

NAS[-] DE [-]

OF·[R]V[…]

IIX·OFIMIC

MICCIO

RVFVS ?

Stamp

Potter

La Rioja

La Rioja (Triccio)

La Rioja (Triccio)

La Rioja (Triccio)

La Rioja

La Rioja

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja

Rectangular frame

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior

R. Nª Sª do Leite

R. S. António das Travessas

Albergue

Cardoso da Saudade

Cavalariças

Praia das Sapatas

Cavalariças

Basal interior Basal interior

Cavalariças

Basal interior

R. Pêro Magalhães Gondavo

Colina da Cividade

Provenance

Cardoso da Saudade

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (bifidends)

Graffiti

Basal interior

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (bifidends)

Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Position of stamp-frame

Stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

ver

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 27

Undefined

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 27

Undefined

Undefined

La Rioja (Triccio)

La Rioja

Shapes

Production sites

Delgado, 1985: 24, nº 27; 30– 31; Est. IV-V

Delgado, 1985: 23, nº 26; 30– 31; Est. IV-V

Delgado, 1985: 23, nº 25; 30– 31; Est. III-V

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 63, nº 25; Est. III-IV Delgado, 1985: 30–31

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 65, nº 29; Est. II-IV

Bibliography

1991– 1818

2002– 2039

1999– 1361

1991– 1674

1991– 1995

1991– 1967

1991– 1997

1991– 1800

2003–1160

1991– 1687

1991– 1723

Nº

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

Ilustration

Catalogue

96

OF·V·[…]

VALERIVS ou V[-] PARVS ? 75 - 125

100 - 125

OF VA?[PA?]

VALERIVS PATERNVS?

100 - 125

75 - 125

[…]VAI

VALERIVS ?

100 - 125

VAP

IIXOV

VALERIVS?

75 - 100

VALERIVS PATERNVS

ILXOV

VALERIVS ?

75 - 125

75 - 125

VA[C?]V[?]ERE

VA[C?]V[?]ERE

Chronology

VALERIVS MATERNVS […]ALE?·MT·A

Stamp

Potter

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 27

La Rioja (Triccio – El Quemao) La Rioja (Bezares and Arenzana de Arriba) La Rioja (Triccio)

La Rioja (Triccio)

La Rioja

Basal interior Basal interior

Basal interior

Basal interior Basal interior

Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Rectangular frame (bifidends)

Basal interior

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Position of stamp-frame

Stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

La Rioja (Bezares and Arenzana de Arriba)

La Rioja ?

Drag. 15/17

Shapes

La Rioja ?

Production sites Graffiti

R. Frei Caetano Brandão

unknown

Braga

Albergue

R. Frei Caetano Brandão

unknown

Praia das Sapatas

Fujacal

Provenance

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 64–65, nº 27; Est. II-IV Delgado, 1985: 30–31 Delgado, Santos, 1984: 65, nº 28; Est. II-IV

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 66, nº 35; Est. II-IV

Delgado, 1985: 25, nº 31; Est. III-V

Bibliography

2003–1164

1991– 1768

1991– 1740

1999– 1331

2003–1173

1991– 1769

1991– 1716

2000– 0464

Nº

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

Ilustration

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

OF[…]

OF[…]

OF·[…]

?

?

?

EX·O[…]

?

OF[…]

EXO[…]

?

?

EXOF[…]

?

OF[…]

OF·M[…]

?

?

EX·OF·V[…]

?

EX[…]

[…]TRI

FIRMVS TRITIENSIS ou SEGIVS TRITIENSIS ?

?

Stamp

Potter

97 75 – 125

75 – 125

75 – 125

100 – 125

100 – 125

75 – 100

75 – 100

75 - 125

75 - 125

50 - 100

75 - 100

100 - 125

Chronology

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja

Production sites

Casa da bica Colina da Cividade Cardoso da Saudade Albergue Colina da Cividade

Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior

Colina da Cividade

Termas

Basal interior

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (roundended )

Termas

Basal interior Colina da Cividade

unknown

Basal interior

Basal interior

Albergue

Basal interior

Provenance R. Frei Caetano Brandão

Graffiti

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Rectangular frame

Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 15/17

Undefined

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 15/17

Shapes

Delgado, 1985: 26, nº 35; Est. III-V

Delgado, 1985: 25, nº 30; Est. III-IV Delgado, 1985: 25–26, nº 34; Est. IV-V Delgado, 1985: 26, nº 36; Est. III-V

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 66, nº 34;

Delgado, 1985: 65, nº 30; Est. II-IV Delgado, 1985: 25, nº 32; Est. III-V Delgado, 1985: 25, nº 33; Est. IV-V

Bibliography

1991– 1715

2002–1171

1991– 1804

1991– 1660

1991– 1722

1991– 1698

1999– 1917

1991– 1657

1991– 1728

1991– 1775

1999– 1360

2002– 2030

Nº

76

75

74

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

Ilustration

Catalogue

Stamp

OF[…]

O[…]

O[…]

O[…]

O[…]

O[…]

O[…]

[…]ATI·

[…]TR

[…]I

[…]A

Potter

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

98

?

?

?

75 – 125

75 – 125

75 – 125

75 – 100

100 – 125

75 – 100

50 – 75

75 – 125

?

100 – 125

75 – 100

Chronology

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja?

La Rioja?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja?

Production sites

R. Frei Caetano Brandão Termas Rua do Anjo R. Sº António das Travessas

Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior

Basal interior

Albergue

Basal interior

Rectangular frame (bifidends)

Colina da Cividade

Basal interior

Colina de Maximinos

unknown

Colina da Cividade

Basal interior

Basal interior

Albergue

Basal interior

Provenance R. Sº António das Travessas

Graffiti

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Rectangular frame (roundended )

Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (roundended ) Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 27

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 18/31

Drag. 27

Undefined

Shapes

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 66, nº 32; Est. II-IV

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 66, nº 23; Est. II-IV

Delgado, 1985: 26, nº 37; Est. III-V

Bibliography

1991– 1782

1991– 1771

2003– 0309

2004– 0088

2003– 0206

2003–1163

2003–1161

1991– 1965

1991– 1690

2003–1176

2003–1141

Nº

87

86

85

84

83

82

81

80

79

78

77

Ilustration

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

[…]V?

[?...]I

[…?]N[?...]

?

?

?

[?…]

[?...]

[?…]

[?…]

[?…]

[?...]

?

?

?

?

?

[?...]A

?

?

[?...]

?

[…]OSA[…]

II[…]

?

?

Stamp

Potter

99 100 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 125

100 - 125

75 - 100

100 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 125

?

75 - 125

75 – 125

Chronology

La Rioja ?

La Rioja?

La Rioja?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

La Rioja ?

Production sites

Cartela Undefined Rectangular frame Rectangular frame (roundended ) Cartela Undefined Rectangular frame Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (roundended ?) Rectangular frame (plain ended ?) Rectangular frame (roundended )

Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame (bifidends) Rectangular frame

Stamp-frame

Colina da Cividade R. Frei Caetano Brandão Colina da Cividade Braga Colina da Cividade Termas

Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior

Carvalheiras

Basal interior Basal interior

Basal interior

2003– 0208

1991– 1783

2003–1159

2002– 2022

2003– 0800 2001– 1009

2003– 1754

2002–1165

R. Sº António das Travessas

2003–1156

1999– 2169

2003–1178

1991– 1333

Nº

2004– 0068

Bibliography

Cavalariças

Fujacal

Basal interior Basal interior Basal interior

Termas

Basal interior

Cavalariças

Provenance

R. Sº António das Travessas

AL and A

Graffiti

Basal interior

Basal interior

Position of stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 27

Undefined

Drag. 24/25

Undefined

Drag. 27

Undefined

Drag. 15/17

Undefined

Drag. 15/17

Hisp. 4

Undefined

Shapes

100

99

98

97

96

95

94

93

92

91

90

89

88

Ilustration

Catalogue

O?IPIIII

TITVS OPPIVS

100 La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja

75 - 100

75 - 100

50 - 100

50 - 100 50 - 100

100 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 100

Production site La Rioja La Rioja

75 - 100

50 - 100

25 - 50

?

Chronology

50 - 100

50 - 100 50 - 100

Chronology

NA

NA

Stamp

rosette

?

Potter

/ Ilegível

?

TOTAL

Stamp

Potter

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 15/17

Hisp. 20?

Undefined Undefined

Drag. 37

Drag. 37

Drag. 37

Drag. 37

Drag. 29 Drag. 29

Shape

Undefined

Andújar and Singilia

Basal interior

Basal interior

Delgado, 1985: 27, nº 40: Est. VI Delgado, 1985: 28, nº 52: Est. VI

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 68, nº 45; Est. V

Bibliography

Unknown

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 68, nº 48; Est. V Delgado, Santos, 1984: 67, nº Seminário de Santiago 42; Est. V

Fujacal Fujacal Necrópole da Rodovia

Colina da Cividade

Cardoso da Saudade

Cavalariças

Unknown

Unknown Unknown

Provenance

Figure 25. Hispanic terra sigillata graffiti.

CIRR

TVE [I?] NO

[…?] A?IIM […?]

[…?] IM ALERI

?

CO […?]

[…?] XO [O?...]

R

ECE KA

Graffiti

Maximinos

São Geraldo

Carvalheiras

Basal interior Rectangular frame (plain ended ) Rectangular frame (roundended )

São Geraldo

Basal interior

Provenance

Rectangular frame (plain ended )

Graffiti

Position of stamp-frame

Stamp-frame

Figure 24 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata stamps.

Drag. 24/25

Undefined

Drag. 24/25

Shapes

Andújar

unknown

La Rioja ?

Production sites

1991–1680

1991–1744

2002–2027

2002–2026 2002–2036

1991–1727

1991–1780

2002–2018

1991–1745

2001–1301 2002–2015

Nº

Bibliography

11

10

9

7 8

6

5

4

3

1 2

Ilustration

1991– 1658

1997– 1325

2002– 2045

2002– 0929

Nº

104

104

103

102

101

Ilustration

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

MACER?

EXOFMA[C] ER

La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja

75 - 100

75 - 125 50 - 100 75 - 125 75 - 100 100 - 125 75 - 125 100 - 125

?

75 - 100 50 - 100 75 - 100

La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja

75 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 100

50 - 100

50 - 100

75 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 100

La Rioja

La Rioja

100 - 125

75 - 125

La Rioja

75 -125

101 Indterminada

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Drag. 27 Drag. 33 Undefined

Hisp. 4

Drag. 15/17 Drag. 15/17 Drag. 15/17 Drag. 15/17 Drag. 15/17 Drag. 15/17 Drag. 15/17

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 15/17

Drag. 15/17

Seminário de Santiago

Unknown

Termas

Unknown

Colina da Cividade

Unknown

Fujacal

Colina da Cividade

Colina da Cividade

São Geraldo

Termas Termas Fujacal

Unknown

Seminário de Santiago Seminário de Santiago Cardoso da Saudade Fujacal Termas Cavalariças Unknown São Geraldo Termas

Fujacal

Figure 25 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata graffiti.

A [?...]

XXX [I?]

X

R /?/ ANNO 1711 and Crowned bust 1771

PO [?...]

MAR

SAFL / AFL

EVT

CAMAN

RF ? TI [F?…]

MAI […?]

[…I?] N [?] M [?...] P [?...] X X ? […M] AKI [?...]

MAN

SVLCA?

TA […]

Delgado, 1985: 28, nº 50: Est. VI Delgado, Santos, 1984: 68, nº 49; Est. V

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 68, nº 44; Est. V

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 67, nº 43; Est. V

Delgado, 1985: 27, nº 42: Est. VI Delgado, Santos, 1984: 68, nº 46; Est. V

Delgado, 1985: 28, nº 48: Est. VI

Delgado, 1985: 27, nº 43: Est. VI Delgado, Santos, 1984: 68, nº 47; Est. V

2002–2028

1991–1779

1991–1710

S / nº

1991–1691

1991–1689

1929–1329

1991–1774

1991–1801

1999–1916

2000–2174 2002–2017 2002–2025

1991–1816

1999–1322 1999–1318 2000–0553 1991–2374 1991–1688 1997- 1340 2002–2041

2000–0559

1991–1730

1991–1717

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

23 24 25

22

15 16 17 18 19 20 21

14

13

12

Catalogue

OF·LA·PIL·I·

102

La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja

75 - 125

75 - 100

100 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 125 50 - 100 75 - 100

75 - 100

75 - 125

La Rioja La Rioja

La Rioja

100 - 150

75 - 125 100 - 125

La Rioja

50 - 100

La Rioja

La Rioja

75 - 125

75 - 100

La Rioja

75 - 100

La Rioja La Rioja La rioja La Rioja La Rioja

La Rioja

75 - 125

75 - 100 75 - 125 100 - 200 100 - 125 75 - 125

La Rioja

75 - 125

Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Carvalheiras Unknown

Unknown

Hospital Granjinhos Cavalariças Seminário de Santiago Necrópole da via XVII / Lgo. Carlos Amarante Cavalariças Unknown Termas Unknown Carvalheiras

Figure 25 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata graffiti.

? A?

Vegetal motive?

T R […?] TA […] X X

RF

A

[L?] A [?...] [L?] F […?] S; [?F] A

Fujacal

Seminário de Santiago Hospital

[…] AL […] Vegetal motive? [I ou T] A […K?] A

Cardoso da Saudade

R. Frei Caetano Brandão Seminário de Santiago Necrópole da via XVII / R. D. João C. Novais e Sousa

Cardoso da Saudade

Seminário de Santiago Termas

CO [?...]

[…O?] BO

X

?

AL?

CA?

[…?] ME [?...]

Delgado, 1985: 28, nº 49: Est. VI

Delgado, 1985: 29, nº 45: Est. VI

Delgado, 1985: 27, nº 41: Est. VI Delgado, Santos, 1984: 67, nº 41; Est. V

Delgado, 1985: 27, nº 46: Est. VI

2001–1198 2002–2038

1991–1693

1999–1337 2002–2023 2002–2033 2002–2037 2002–2042

2002–2016

2002–2035

1999–1321 1999–1338 1999–1356

1991–1815

1999–1320

1991–1738

1991–1809

2002–2021

2002–2024

2002–1943

1991–1814

1999–2717

1999–1359

57 58

56

51 52 53 54 55

50

49

46 47 48

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

103

TOTAL

? LVCIVS ANIVS

La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja La Rioja

75 - 125

75 - 125 100 - 125

75 - 125

75 - 125 75 - 100 100 - 125

75 - 125

50 - 100

75 - 125

75 - 100

75 - 100

75 - 125 50 – 100?

75 - 100

50 - 100 75 - 125

100 - 150

50 - 75 50 - 75

II[…]

LVC·[…] Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined

Undefined Undefined Undefined

Undefined

Undefined Undefined

Undefined

São Geraldo Carvalheiras

Termas

Termas Cavalariças

Cardoso da Saudade

Albergue Maximinos

Casa da Bica

Praia das Sapatas

Termas Seminário de Santiago

Unknown

Seminário de Santiago Carvalheiras Fujacal R. Frei Caetano Brandão Maximinos Fujacal Termas

Figure 25 (cont.). Hispanic terra sigillata graffiti.

X […]MII […]

X

? AL e A

Vegetal motive?

RVF […?] E

Vegetal motive?

vegetal motive or number?

Crismon?

A ou V

[…?] A [N?...]

[…?] EA SABI […] […] GER

?

X [X?] X

MAR?

Delgado, 1985: 28, nº 54: Est. VI

Delgado, 1985: 28, nº 53: Est. VI Delgado, 1985: 27, nº 55: Est. VI

Delgado, Santos, 1984: 67, nº 40; Est. V

2003–1750 2002–2019

2003–0204

2002–2040 1999–1333

1991–1674

1999–1352 1999–1920

1991–1656

1991–1661

2002–2034

2002–1944

1991–1686

2002–2032 1999–1215 2002–2043

2002–2031

1999–1918 1999–1327

2002–2020

77 78 78

76

74 75

73

71 72

70

69

68

67

66

63 64 65

62

60 61

59

Catalogue

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 26. Italic thin-walled wares.

Production chronology 1st quarter of the second century B.C. / Augustan? 1st quarter of the second century B.C./ Augustan? Augustan 3 rd quarter of the first century B. C. / Claudian 75 B.C / Augustan 2nd half of the first century B.C. / Beginnings of the Era 2nd half of the first century B.C. / Beginnings of the Era 2nd half of the first century B.C. / Beginnings of the Era 70–60 B.C / Augustan 1st half of the first century B.C. / Claudian 1st half of the first century B.C. / Claudian? 1st half of the first century B.C. / Claudian 2 nd half of the first century B.C. / Tiberian c. 50 B.C / Tiberian c. 50 B.C / Tiberian

Production

Type

Amount of specimens

Italic (Etrury)

Forma II

2

Italic (Etrury)

Forma II?

1

Italic (Etrury)

Forma II D

1

Italic (Etrury)

Forma II / III

1

Italic (Etrury)

Forma III a

1

Italic (Etrury)

Forma VIII B

2

Italic (Etrury)

Forma VIII C

8

Italic (Etrury)

Forma VIII C?

5

Italic (Etrury)

Forma IX

1

Italic (Etrury)

Forma X

4

Italic (Etrury)

Forma X?

2

Italic (Etrury)

Forma X C

1

Italic (Etrury)

Forma XI A

1

Italic (Etrury) Italic (Etrury)

2 2

Tiberian

Italic (Etrury?)

Claudius-Nero / Vespasian Claudius-Nero / Vespasian 1st half of the first century B.C. / Augustan Claudius-Nero / Vespasian

Italic (Etrury?) Italic (Etrury?)

Forma XI B Forma XI B? Forma XXX (Type 2/219) Forma XXXII Forma XXXII?

Italic (Etrury)

Undefined

42

Italic (Etrury-Sutri) Italic (Western Centre area of the Po Valley)

Forma XXXII

2

c. 30 B.C / Claudian? c. 30 B.C / Claudian

Italic (Western Centre area of the Po Valley)

c. 30 B.C / Claudian

Italic (Western Centre area of the Po Valley)

Augustan 1st half of the first century B.C. / / Claudian 1st half of the first century B.C. / / Claudian? 1st half of the first century B.C. / / Claudian?

Italic (Central Italy?)

Type I / 62 Forma XXXIII / XXXV (Type 2/232, 2/405) Forma XXXIII / XXXV (Type 2/232, 2/405?) Type 2/412 Forma X A (Type 2/386) Forma X A (Type 2/386?)

Italic (Campania) Italic (Campania) Italic (Campania)

Undefined

First century B.C. / 20

Italic (Siracusa)

First century B.C. / 20?

Italic (Siracusa)

Forma V (Type I/47) Undefined

Italic (Liguria) Italic (Liguria)

Forma XXIV Undefined

20–15 B.C / Nero 20–15 B.C / Nero? TOTAL

Amount of specimens by production

82

2 1 1

1 20

40

19 1

1

3 1

6

2

3 7 1 1

10

2 141

104

Catalogue

Figure 27. Quantity and percentage relation of Italic thin-walled wares.

Type Forma II (A) Forma II ? (A) Forma II D (A) Forma II / III (A) Forma III a (A) Forma VIII B (A) Forma VIII C (A) Forma VIII C ? (A) Forma IX (A) Forma X (A) Forma X ? (A) Forma X C (A) Forma XI A (A) Forma XI B (A) Forma XI B ? (A) Forma XXX (Type 2/219) (A) Forma XXXII (A) Forma XXXII ? (A) undefined (Etrury) (A) Forma XXXII (B) Type 1/ 62 (C) Forma XXXIII / XXXV (Type 2/232, 2/405) (C) Forma XXXIII / XXXV (Type 2/232, 2/405 ?) (C) Type 2/412 (D) Forma X A (Type 2/386) (E) Forma X A (Type 2/386 ?) (E) undefined (E) Forma V (Type 1/47) (F) undefined (F) Forma XXIV (G) undefined (G) Total

Amount

% Italic

2 1 1 1 1 2 8 5 1 4 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 42 2 1

1.42 0.71 0.71 0.71 0.71 1.42 5.67 3.55 0.71 2.84 1.42 0.71 0.71 1.42 1.42 1.42 0.71 0.71 29.79 1.42 0.71

% amount of thinwalled wares 0.85 0.43 0.43 0.43 0.43 0.85 3.40 2.13 0.43 1.70 0.85 0.43 0.43 0.85 0.85 0.85 0.43 0.43 17.87 0.85 0.43

20

14.18

8.51

19

13.48

8.09

1 3 1 2 3 7 1 1 141

0.71 2.13 0.71 1.42 2.13 4.96 0.71 0.71 100.00

0.43 1.28 0.43 0.85 1.28 2.98 0.43 0.43 60.00

(A) - Italic (Etrury) (B) - Italic (Etrury-Sutri) (C) - Italic (Western Central area of the Po Valley) (D) - Italic (Central-Italy ?) (E) - Italic (Campania) (F) - Italic (Siracusa) (G) - Italic (Liguria)

45 40 Amount

35

% Italic

30

% amount of thin-walled wares

25 20 15 10 5 0

Forma XXIV (G)

undefined (G)

Forma V (Type 1/47) (F)

undefined (F)

Forma X A (Type 2/386 ?) (E)

undefined (E)

Forma X A (Type 2/386) (E)

Type 2/412 (D)

Forma XXXIII / XXXV (Type 2/232, 2/405 ?) (C) Forma XXXIII / XXXV (Type 2/232, 2/405) (C)

Type 1/ 62 (C)

Forma XXXII (B)

Forma XXXII ? (A)

undefined (Etrury) (A)

Forma XXXII (A)

Forma XI B ? (A)

Forma XXX (Type 2/219) (A)

Forma XI B (A)

Forma XI A (A)

Forma X ? (A)

Forma X C (A)

Forma X (A)

Forma VIII C ? (A)

Forma IX (A)

Forma VIII C (A)

Forma III a (A)

Forma VIII B (A)

Forma II D (A)

Forma II / III (A)

Forma II ? (A)

Forma II (A)

105

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta Figure 28. Hispanic thin-walled wares.

Production chronology

Production

Type

Amount os specimens

Amount of specimens by production

Last quarter of the 2nd century B.C. / Augustan

Catalunya

Forma II

2

2

Baetica (Cordoba?)

Forma II (Type I / 35)

4

Baetica (Cordoba?)

Forma II

1

Baetica (Cadiz)

Forma XXXIV

Tiberian / Nero – Vespasian?

Baetica (Cadiz)

Forma XXXIV B

4 2

Tiberian / Claudian - Nero Tiberian / Flavian Tiberian / Flavian?

Baetica Baetica Baetica

Forma XXXVI Forma XXXVII, 1 Forma XXXVII, 1?

Claudius - Nero / Vespasian

Baetica

Forma XXXVII

2nd half of the first century B.C 2nd half of the first century B.C 2nd half of the first century B.C 2nd half of the first century B.C

Merida Merida Merida Merida

Forma XLIII Forma XLIII? Forma XLIV Forma XLIII ou XLIV

21 6 4 4

35

Augustan

Hispanic Regional

Forma LXX

1

1

Last quarter of the 2nd century B.C. / Augustan Last quarter of the 2nd century B.C. / Augustan Tiberian / Nero – Vespasian?

TOTAL

39

3 13 9 3

77

106

Catalogue

Figure 29. Quantity and percentage relation of Hispanic thin-walled wares.

Type

% amount thinwalled wares 0.85 1.70 0.43 1.70 0.85 1.28 5.53 3.83 1.28 8.94 2.55 1.70 1.70 0.43 32.77

Amount % Hispanic

Forma II (A) Forma II (Type 1/35) Forma II (B) Forma XXXIV Forma XXXIV B Forma XXXVI Forma XXXVII, 1 Forma XXXVII, 1 ? Forma XVII Forma XLIII Forma XLIII ? Forma XLIV Forma XLIII or XLIV Forma LXX TOTAL

2 4 1 4 2 3 13 9 3 21 6 4 4 1 77

2.60 5.19 1.30 5.19 2.60 3.90 16.88 11.69 3.90 27.27 7.79 5.19 5.19 1.30 100.00

(A) - Catalunya (B) - Baetican (Cordoba?)

30

25

Amount 20

% Hispanic % amount thin-walled wares

15

10

5

0 Forma LXX

Forma XLIII ou XLIV

Forma XLIV

Forma XLIII ?

Forma XLIII

Forma XVII

Forma XXXVII, 1 ?

Forma XXXVII, 1

Forma XXXVI

Forma XXXIV B

Forma XXXIV

Forma II (B)

Forma II (Type 1/35)

Forma II (A)

107

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 30. Thin-walled wares from the South of Gallia.

Production chronology Augustan / Claudian Augustan / Claudian Augustan / Claudian Augustan / Claudian Augustan / Claudian? Augustan / Claudian? Augustan / Claudian

Claudius / Nero

Production South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) South Gallia (La Graufesenque)

Type

Amount of specimens

Forma XI B

3

Forma XII

1

Forma XXXVII

5

Forma XL Forma XL?

3

15

1

undefined

1

Olla globular

1

Type 2 / 237

2

TOTAL

Amount of specimens by production

2 17

108

Catalogue

Figure 31. Quantity and percentage relation of thin-walled wares from the south of Gallia.

Type

Amount % Gaulish

Forma XI B Forma XII Forma XXXVII Forma XL Forma XL ? undefined rounded Olla Type 2/237 Total

35

3 1 5 3 1 1 1 2 17

17.65 5.88 29.41 17.65 5.88 5.88 5.88 11.76 100.00

% amount thinwalled wares 1.28 0.43 2.13 1.28 0.43 0.43 0.43 0.85 7.23

30 25

Amount % Gaulish

20

% amount thin-walled wares 15 10 5

Type 2/237

rounded Olla

undefined

Forma XL ?

Forma XL

Forma XI B

Forma XII

Forma XXXVII

0

Figure 32. Quantity and percentage relation of Bracarense.

Bracarenses Drag. 29 Drag. 37/AJ.1 Hermet 13 Drag. 24/25 Drag. 27 Drag. 35 Drag. 36 Hisp. 4 "Hisp. 5" Mayet L Mayet LII Coarse ware Total

300

250

200

150

Amount

100

% Bracarenses

50

109

Coarse ware

Mayet LII

Mayet L

"Hisp. 5"

Hisp. 4

Drag. 36

Drag. 35

Drag. 27

Drag. 24/25

Hermet 13

Drag. 37/AJ.1

Drag. 29

0

Amount 285 10 2 64 64 8 123 81 5 2 9 35 688

% Bracarenses 41.42 1.45 0.29 9.30 9.30 1.16 17.88 11.77 0.73 0.29 1.31 5.09 100.00

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Figure 33. Quantity and percentage of types of oil-lamps.

Lamps Dressel 4 (Vogelkopflampen) Loeschcke I A Loeschcke I B Loeschcke III Loeschcke undefined (I or II) Loeschcke IV Voluted undefined type Loeschcke V Denauve VF Denauve D/VE Denauve IV V G Deriving from Type Dressel 9 Deriving from Dressel 9, unusual Dressel 19 ? Dressel 20 Dressel 28 Discus undefined type Dressel - Lamboglia 30 B Loeschcke X Firmalampen, unusual Denauve XI B Rounded nozzles, unusual Glazed Loeschcke III Glazed Dressel 20 Local undefined type Total

180

Amount 2 9 1 6 8 11 157 13 1 1 1 2 1 1 15 47 114 22 40 18 1 150 1 1 14 637

% by type 0.31 1.41 0.16 0.94 1.26 1.73 24.65 2.04 0.16 0.16 0.16 0.31 0.16 0.16 2.35 7.38 17.90 3.45 6.28 2.83 0.16 23.55 0.16 0.16 2.20 100.00

160 140 120 100 80

Amount % by type

60 40

110

Local undefined …

Glazed Dressel 20

Glazed…

Rounded …

Denauve XI B

Firmalampen, …

Loeschcke X

Dressel -…

Discus …

Dressel 28

Dressel 20

Dressel 19 ?

Deriving from …

Deriving from …

Denauve IV V G

Denauve D/VE

Denauve VF

Loeschcke V

Voluted…

Loeschcke IV

Loeschcke …

Loeschcke III

Loeschcke I B

Loeschcke I A

0

Dressel 4 …

20

Catalogue

Figure 34. Quantity and percentage relation of oil-lamps groups.

Series of oil-lamps 1 st group - Late Republican 2 nd group - Voluted 3 rd group - Discus 4 th group - Firmalampen 5 th group - “Mineiras” 6 th group - Rounded nozzles 7 th group - Glazed 8 th group - unknown type Total

Amount % by groups 2 0.31 208 32.65 199 31.24 58 9.11 3 0.47 151 23.70 2 0.31 14 2.20 637 100.00

250

200

150

100 Amount % by groups

50

111

8 th group - unknown type

7 th group - Glazed

6 th group Rounded nozzles

5 th group “Mineiras”

4 th group Firmalampen

3 rd group - Discus

2 nd group - Voluted

1 st group - Late Republican

0

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

112

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Provenance: Largo de Santa Cruz Chronology: Roman Use: Pivot stone Fabric: Local N.I.: 2001.1310

Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: Roman Use: Clay wedge Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.2592

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Roman Use: Pivot stone Fabric: Local N.I.: 2002.0314

Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Bitroncoconic rack Fabric: Local N.I.: 2001.1303

113

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: Roman Use: Clay disk (support ring) Fabric: Local N.I.: 2002.0311

Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Separator or insulator Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.1319

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Provenance: Póvoa do Lanhoso Chronology: Roman Use: Clay disk (support ring) Fabric: Local N.I.: 2002.0313

Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Separator or insulator Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.1320

114

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Separator or insulator Fabric: Local N.I.: 2002.0312

Provenance: Colina do Alto da Cividade Chronology: Roman Use: Clay plaque Fabric: Local N.I.: 2001.1306

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Provenance: Rua Damião de Góis Chronology: Roman Use: Separator or insulator Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0259

Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Clay scoria Fabric: Local N.I.: 2001.1302

115

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: End of the 1st century B. C. / middle of the 1st century Use: Mold Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.1376

Esc. 1:4 Provenance: Rua Santos da Cunha Chronology: middle of the 1st century B.C. Use: Oil-lamp mold (Loeschcke IV?) Fabric: Local N.I.: 1993.0695

116

Provenance: Rua Santos da Cunha Chronology: middle of the 1st century B.C. Use: Oil-lamp mold (Loeschcke IV?) Fabric: Local ---N.I.: Roman

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.1382

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0882

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1995.0895

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.1391

117

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Seminário Santiago Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0003

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Misericórdia Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.2902

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.2797

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1990.1288

118

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0876

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Braga Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.1377

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Seminário de Santiago Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0025

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0548

119

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Spindle whorl Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0737

Shape: Crucible (bronze production) Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0068

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crucible (production of black glass) Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 2000.0959

Shape: Crucible (bronze production) Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0065

120

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crucible (bronze production) Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0066

Shape: Crucible (gold production) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1996.0894

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crucible (bronze production) Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0067

Shape: Crucible (gold production) Provenance: Rua D. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 2002.0332

121

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crucible (gold production) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Roman Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.0869

Shape: Situla ceramic casting mold Provenance: Albergue Distrital Chronology: End of the 1st century B.C. / middle 1st century Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.0701

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Situla ceramic casting mold Provenance: Albergue Distrital Chronology: End of the 1st century B.C. / middle 1st century Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1998.1076

Shape: Situla ceramic casting mold Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: End of the 1st century B.C. / middle 1st century Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 2002.1288

122

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Situla casting mold handle Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: End of the 1st century B.C. / middle 1st century Use: Smelting-works Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.0862

Esc.1:16

Shape: Lomweight Loomweight Tipo: --Provenance: Braga Chronology: Roman Use: Sewing and weaving Fabric: Roman Local N.I.: ---

123

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Game counter (calculus) Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0825

Shape: Game counter(calculus) Provenance: Misericórdia Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.2546

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Game counter (calculus) Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1994.0736

Shape: Game counter (calculus) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0889

124

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Game counter (calculus) Provenance: Jardim da Misericórdia Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0828

Shape: Game counter (calculus) used like opercula amphorae Provenance: Avenida Imaculada Conceição, Lote A eB Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1998.1204

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Game counter (calculus) used like opercula amphorae Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0886

Shape: Game counter (calculus) used like opercula amphorae Provenance: Rua 25 de Abril Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.2543

125

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Game counter (calculus) used like opercula amphorae Provenance: Misericórdia Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1996.0913

Shape: Abacus beads Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0280

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Ficha de jogo (calculus) anterior tampa de ânfora Provenance: Avenida Imaculada Conceição, Lote A eB Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1998.1205

126

Shape: Abacus beads Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: unknown Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0281

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Dice Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 1st and 2nd centuries Use: Games Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0872

127

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Rhodian Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 15 B. C - 150 Fabric: Aegean N.I.: 1999.1071

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Rhodian Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 15 B. C - 150 Fabric: Aegean N.I.: 2003.0553

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Rhodian Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 15 B. C - 150 Fabric: Aegean N.I.: 1997.1072

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Rhodian Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 15 B. C - 150 Fabric: Aegean N.I.: 1997.1034

128

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Rhodian Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 15 B. C - 150 Fabric: Aegean N.I.: 1999.0993

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1997.0980

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Sé Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1999.0050

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c 14 Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0283

129

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1997.0983

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic/ Campanian N.I.: 1997.0572

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic/Campanian Italic N.I.: 1997.1098

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic/ Campanian N.I.: 1997.0986

130

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 14 Fabric: Italic/Campanian N.I.: 1997.1188

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: Augustan – end of the 1st century / early 2nd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 1999.0501

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 1st / 3rd century Fabric: Italic/Campanian N.I.: 1998.1304

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Rua do Anjo Chronology: Augustan – end of the 1st century / early 2nd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 2003.0382

131

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: Augustan – end of the 1st century / early 2nd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 2003.0542

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 1st century – 1st decades of the 2nd century Fabric: Baetica / Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0973

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: Augustan – end of the 1st century / early 2nd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 2003.0565

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 1st century – 1st decades of the 2nd century Fabric: Baetican / Cadiz N.I.: 1998.0785

132

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4 Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 1st century – 1st decades of the 2nd century Fabric: Baetican / Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0263

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st century – 1st decades of the 2nd century Fabric: Eastern N.I.: 2003.0213

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Rua do Anjo Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – end 2nd century Fabric: Tarraconensis N.I.: 2003.0363

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st century – 1st decades of the 2nd century Fabric: Eastern N.I.: 1997.0979

133

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 2-4 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 2nd century Fabric: African N.I.: 1999.0986

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 28 Provenance: Necrópole da Rua do Caires Chronology: c. 15 B. C. – c. 3rd century Fabric: Baetica / Guadalquivir N.I.: 1991.0692

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Dressel 28 Provenance: Quinta do Fujacal/Rua 25 de Abril Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – c. 3rd century Fabric: Baetica / Cadiz N.I.: 1997.1414

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Gauloise 4 Provenance: São Sebastião Chronology: Augustan / Tiberian – 3rd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 2002.1286

134

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:10 Shape: Wine amphora Type: Gauloise 4 Provenance: Termas Chronology: Augustan / Tiberian – 3rd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 1991.1461

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Gauloise 4 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: Augustan / Tiberian – 3rd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 1998.1316

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Gauloise 4 Provenance: Termas Chronology: Augustan / Tiberian – 3rd century Fabric: South of Gaul N.I.: 1999.2636

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Urceus Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica /Guadalquivir N.I.: 1998.1314

135

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Urceus Provenance: Termas Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Baetico /Guadalquivir N.I.: 1999.2627

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Urceus Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica /Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.0229

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Urceus Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica /Guadalquivir N.I.: 1998.0789

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Urceus Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica /Guadalquivir N.I.: 1998.0658

136

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Matagallares I Provenance: Termas Chronology: 3rd / 4th century Fabric: Baetica/Granada? N.I.: 1999.2636

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine amphora Type: Beltrán 68 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: middle 3rd – middle 5th century Fabric: Baetica /Cadiz N.I.: 1998.1316

137

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: “Arcaic” Dressel 20 Type B Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: Augustan - Tiberian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0475

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: c. 15- 70 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1022

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: c. 15 - 55 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1026

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: c. 15 - 55 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0407

138

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: c. 135 - 160 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1215

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Praia das Sapatas Chronology: c. 200-280 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1991.2328

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Termas Chronology: c. 130- 170 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1992.2621

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Escola Velha da Sé Chronology: c. 200-250 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0513

139

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:10

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: c. 200-250 Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1991.2290

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: Augustan- Tiberius Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0540

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: Tiberius - Trajan Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir (L leaf F leaf O = L.F.O.; La Catria) N.I.: 2002.2001

140

Shape: Olive-oil amphora Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Rua dos Bombeiros Voluntários Chronology: 1st century – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0558

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 2003.0240

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 B.C. – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 2003.0235

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 B.C. – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0772

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1998.1096

141

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. - 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1999.0080

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. - 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0764

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. - 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 2003.0295

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 15 B.C. - 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0761

142

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7-11 ? Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 15 B.C. - 2nd century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 2003.0566

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Beltran II B Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 15 B.C. – 3rd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0770

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Beltran II A Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 15 B.C. - 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1998.1312

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Puerto Real 1 Provenance: Misericórdia Chronology: 1st half of the 2nd century – early 3rd century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0771

143

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Puerto Real 1 Provenance: Necrópole Via XVII Chronology: 1st half of the 2nd century – early 3rd century Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997. 1413

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Undetermined Undeterminate Provenance: Rua do Alcaide Chronology: c. 15 B.C. - 2nd /3rd century ? Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0756

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Undetermined Undeterminate Provenance: Necrópole Via XV2nd century Chronology: c. 15 B.C. - 2nd /3rd century ? Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997. 0747

Shape: opercula Provenance: Albergue Chronology: c. 15 B.C. - 2nd /3rd century ? Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 2003.0399

144

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 A Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Tiberian – 2nd century Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1998.1315

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 A Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Late Augustan / Tiberian Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1997.1119

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 B Provenance: Termas Chronology: Middle 1st century – 3rd century Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1999.2612

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 B Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: Claudian – end of the Ist century / early 2nd century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 2003.0541

145

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 B Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Claudian – end of the Ist century / early 2nd century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1997.1114

Esc. 1:10 Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1997.0451

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 14 C Provenance: Antigas Escavações mid-4th century Chronology: 2nd century – meados IV Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 2003.0222

Shape: opercula Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1997.0238

146

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: opercula Provenance: Jardins da Misericórdia Chronology: 1st – 2nd century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 2003.0398

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7 - 11 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 15 B. C. - Flavian Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.1032

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7 - 11 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.1031

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7 - 11 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.1029

147

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7 - 11 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.1030

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7 - 11 Provenance: Rua dos Falcões Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.1269

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Dressel 7 - 11 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.0596

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Undetermined Indeterminado Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 2003.0312

148

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Indeterminado Undetermined Provenance: Irmandade Santa Cruz Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.1268

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 51 A/B Provenance: Salvamento Quinta do Fujacal Chronology: late 2nd century – 4th century Fabric: Baetican/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1991.2273

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: opercula Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: First half of the 1st century Fabric: Lusitanian/Peniche N.I.: 1997.0596

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 51 C Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: late 2nd century – 4th century Fabric: Baetican/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0316

149

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 51 C Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: late 2nd century – 4th century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1997.0592

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 51 C Provenance: Termas Chronology: late 2nd century – 4th century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1999.2625

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 51 C Provenance: Sé Chronology: late 2nd century – 4th century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1999.0074

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: “Almagro 50” / Keay XVI, var. a Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: late 2nd century – 3rd century Fabric: Baetica / Cadiz N.I.: 2003.0404

150

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 50 Keay XVI, var. c Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Late 2nd century – 4th/5th century Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz Lusitanian N.I.: 1998.0782

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 50/ Keay XXII Provenance: Carvalheiras century Chronology: 3rd century – mid-5th middle 5th century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1998.0776

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 50 / Keay XXII Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 3rd century – mid-5th middle 5th century century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 1997.1101

Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Almagro 50/ Keay XXII Provenance: Braga sem contexto Chronology: 3rd century – middle century mid-5th5th century Fabric: Lusitanian N.I.: 2003.0544

151

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Shape: Fish sauce amphora Type: Beltrán 72 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 3rd century - Late 4th century / early 5th century Fabric: Baetica/ Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.0170

152

Catalogue

Esc.1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Undefined content Type: Richborough 527 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Late 1st century – 4th century Fabric: Italic/ Lipari? N.I.: 2003.0218

Shape: Undefined content Type: Richborough 527 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Late 1st century – 4th century Fabric: Italic/ Lipari? N.I.: 1998.0788

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Undefined content Type: Richborough 527 Provenance: Braga sem contexto Chronology: Late 1st century – 4th century Fabric: Italic/ Lipari? N.I.: 2003.0265

Shape: Undefined content Type: Richborough 527 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Late 1st century – 4th century Fabric: Italic/ Lipari? N.I.: 1998.0790

153

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Undefined content Type: PE 18 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. – 50/70 Fabric: Baleares/Ibiza N.I.: 1998.0760

Shape: Undefined content Type: Majuello II Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 3rd century – 1st half of the 5th century Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.0408

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Undefined content Type: Dressel 30 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Late 2nd century / Late 4th century Fabric: Mauretania N.I.: 1998.0792

Shape: Undefined content Type: “Africana Grande” B Provenance: Termas Chronology: Late 2nd century / Late 4th century Fabric: North of Tunisia N.I.: 1999.2610

154

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4 Shape: Wine amphorae and by-products Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 15 B.C - Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2002.1004

Shape: Wine amphorae and by-products Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: c. 15 B.C - Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2002.2226

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 15 B.C - Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2002.2181

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Braga Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.0264

155

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1141

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2002.2262

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 15 A.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.1185

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Livraria Cruz/ Av. da Imaculada Conceição Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1185

156

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Braga Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1184

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 15 A.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.1191

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Late Tiberian/ early Claudian Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2003.1192

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1137

157

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.0609

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1140

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4 Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.0532

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1172

158

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Braga sem contexto Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.1186

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Rua dos Bombeiros Voluntários Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Cadiz N.I.: 1997.0232

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:10

Shape: Wine and by-products amphorae Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 1997.0228

Shape: Opercula Type: Haltern 70 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 15 B.C. – Antonine Fabric: Baetica/Guadalquivir N.I.: 2002.1294

159

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module I Provenance: Termas Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 2003.0275

Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module I Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0236

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4 Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module I Provenance: Quinta do Fujacal/Rua 25 de Abril Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.0728

Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module II Provenance: Casa da Bica Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.2296

160

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module II Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 1st century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.2294

Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module III B Provenance: Póvoa do Lanhoso (uillae) Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0231

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Flat base amphorae Type: Module III A Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0230

Shape: Unknown Type: Undetermined Undeterminate Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st – 2nd centuries Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0233

161

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Shape: Unknwon Type: Undetermined Undeterminate (Imitation Almagro 51C?) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Late 2nd – 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1997.0234

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Unknown Type: Module IV Provenance: Termas Chronology: 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 2003.0260

162

Catalogue

Esc.1:4

Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Dramont D1 Provenance: Salvamento Quinta do Fujacal Chronology: Mid-1st Middle 1st century – middlecentury 2nd century century - mid-2nd Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1999.0110

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type I Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 10 B.C. - c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1998.1181

Esc.1:4

Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Dramont D2 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: Italic/Campanian Late Claudian - Early Antonine Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1997.1289

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type I Provenance: Albergue Chronology: c. 10 B.C. - c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1999.0353

163

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:4 Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type II A Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: c. 10 B.C. – c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1994.0484

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type II B Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 10 B.C. – c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.0342

Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type II A Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 10 B.C. – c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.0349

Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type II C Provenance: Misericórdia Chronology: c. 10 B.C. – c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1999.0350

164

Catalogue

Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type II D Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 10 B.C. – c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.1098

Esc.1:4

Shape: Mortaria Type: Type III Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: c. 10 B.C. – c. 70 Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.0346

165

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 1.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 10 B.C. – Era Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1809

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 2.1 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1271

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 1.2 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 10 B.C. – Era Fabric: Italic Type (M.Perenius.Barghates) N.I.: 1996.0448

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 2.2 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1083

166

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 2.3 Provenance: Quinta do Fujacal Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2000.0264

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 5.2 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 15 15 B.C. B.C. - 15 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1808

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 4.1 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 -14 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1307

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 7.1 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 14 – 30/50 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1283

167

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 7.2 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 14 – 30/50. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1864

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 10.2 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 14? – c. 37? Fabric: Italic Type (Puzzuoli, N.Naevius.Hilarus) N.I.: 1996.0455

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 9? Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 14 – 30/50 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1273

Shape: Cup Type: Consp. R 11.1 Provenance: Largo São João do Souto Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Italic Type (P.Cornelius) N.I.: 1995.0315

168

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Consp. R 12 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Era - 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1802

Shape: Kantharos Type: Drag. VII Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 27 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type (Rasinius) N.I.: 1991.1835

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Crater Type: Drag. II? Provenance: Termas Chronology: Era - 37 Fabric: Italic Type (P.Cornelius) N.I.: 1998.1548

Shape: Crater Type: Drag. XIV / Type Consp. K.C.? Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: Era – c. 37 Fabric: Italic Type (Cornelius) N.I.: 2003.1384

169

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Drag. 29 Provenance: Rua Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: c. 40 – c. 50 Fabric: Late Italic Type (Rasinius) N.I.: 1991.1841

Shape: Skyphos Type: Drag. IX? Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: Augustan Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1379

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Skyphos Type: Drag. VII Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: Augustan Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1371

170

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 1.2 Provenance: Albergue Distrital Chronology: c. 40 B.C. - 15/10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1265

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 3.1 Provenance: Hospital Chronology: 50 – 125 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1246

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 2.3 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 15 B.C. - 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1262

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 4.2 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 11/9 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1881

171

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 4.4 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 11/9 11/9B.C. B.C.- 10 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1996.0447

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 4.6 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 14 – 54 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2000.0279

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 4.5 Provenance: Caetano Brandão Chronology: 9 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1296

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 12.1 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 – 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1847

172

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 12.2 Provenance: Rua Santo António das Travessas Chronology: 15 – 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1282

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 12.4 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1996.0468

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 12.3 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 15 – 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1801

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 12.5 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1780

173

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 13.3 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 15 B.C. – 10 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1303

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 14.2 Provenance: Casa da Bica Chronology: 15 B.C. - 10 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1309

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 14.1 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 B.C. – 10 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2001.0002

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 14.3 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 15 B.C. - 10 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1304

174

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 15.2 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 B.C. - 10 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1236

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 19.2 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 10 B.C. – 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1996.0443

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 18.2 Provenance: Sé Chronology: 10 B.C. – 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.2669

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 19.3 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: Era - 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1873

175

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 20.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 10 B.C. - 50 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1264

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 20.3 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Era - 30 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1788

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: 20.2 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: Era - 50 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1363

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 20.4 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 30 - 50 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1774

176

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 21.2 Provenance: Braga Chronology: 10 B.C. – 41 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1221

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 22.1 Provenance: R. D. Afonso Henriques Chronology: 15 B.C. B.C. - 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1805

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 21.3 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 10 B.C. - 41 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1773

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 22.2 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14/37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1227

177

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 22.3 Utilização: Maximinos Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14/37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1996.0469

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 22.6 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14/37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1863

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 22.5 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 15 B.C. – 14/37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1786

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 23.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 25? – 65? Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1781

178

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 23.2 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 25 - 75 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1775

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 28.3 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Era - 50 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1790

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 27.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 14 - 68 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1245

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 31.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Era - 20 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1810

179

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 34.1 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 37 – 69 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1272

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 37.5 Provenance: Largo de São Paulo Chronology: 14 - 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1996.0466

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 36.4 Provenance: Rua Damião de Góis Chronology: 14 – 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1297

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. 38.3 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 27 – 20 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1778

180

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Consp. 50.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 27 B.C. – 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1791

181

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 1.1 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 27 – 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1996.0450

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 1.5 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 27 – 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1793

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 1.4 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 27 – 10 B.C. Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1376

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 1.7 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 27 B.C. – 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1377

182

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 2.3 Provenance: Largo São João do Souto Chronology: 27 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1256

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. 2.5 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Era - 37 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1378

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 2.4 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 27 B.C. – 14 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1778

Shape: Plate Type: Consp. B 2.10 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 41 – 117 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1373

183

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 3.16 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 27 B.C. - 100/150 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1388

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 3.18 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 27 B.C. - 100/150 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1380

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 3.17 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 27 B.C. - 100/150 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.1332

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 4.7 Provenance: Praia das Sapatas Chronology: 20 B.C. – 75 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1991.1867

184

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 4.8 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 20 B.C. – 75 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 2003.1792

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 4.12 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 50 - 75 Fabric: Italic Type N.I: 2003.1795

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 4.10 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 B.C. – 75 Fabric: Italic Type N.I.: 1999.0071

Shape: Bowl Type: Consp. B 4.13 Provenance: Rua de São Geraldo Chronology: 50 - 75 Fabric: Italic Type N.I: 2003.1382

185

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

186

Catalogue

187

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 a Provenance: Albergue Distrital Chronology: 20 – 40 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Stabilio or Cantus). N.I.: 1999.1668

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 c Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 60 – 80 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1991.1932

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 b Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 40 – 60 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Bio). N.I.: 2001.0965

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 40 – 60 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Calus) N.I.: 1999.1687

188

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 60 – 80 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Calus) N.I.: 1999.1688

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.0522

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 60 – 80 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2006.0528

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 60 – 80 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Ianus) N.I.: 2003.1072

189

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 80 - 120 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Germanus) N.I.: 2003.1067

Shape: Bowl Type: Hermet 9 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 40 – 55 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2001.0651

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Hermet 9 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 40 -– 55 50 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2001.0963

Shape: Bowl Type: Hermet 9 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 40 – 55 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2001.0976

190

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Hermet 9 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 40 – 55 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2001.0975

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 60 – 80 Fabric: Gaulish Gaulish(Montans) (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.1125

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Knorr 78 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 70 – 90 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.0520

191

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Ritterling 1 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 55-70 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.1700

Shape: Plate Dragendorff 1717b a Type: Dragendorff Provenance: Termas Chronology: 25 – 45 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1999.1694

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 2 / 21 Provenance: Praia das Sapatas Chronology: 20 – 40 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1999.1720

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 17 b Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 30 – 50 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1999.1664

192

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 16 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Manduilus) N.I.: 1996.0532

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 15 / 17 Provenance: Jardins da Misericórdia Chronology: 45 – 70 / 80 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1998.1456

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 4 / 22 Provenance: R. São Sebastião Chronology: 30 – 50 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.1142

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 18 / 31 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 45 – 69 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, (i) Sabinus) N.I.: 1991.1735

193

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Ritterling 5 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 30 – 50 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1991.1402

Shape: Bowl Type: Ritterling 9 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 31 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1991.1733, 1991.1733nº 21

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Hermet 31 Provenance: R. Damião de Góis Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.1767

Shape: Cup or bowl Type: Dragendorff 24 / 25 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1997.1323, 1997.1323 nº 87

194

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 27 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1999.1603

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 35 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 69 – 96 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.1729

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 33 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 – 90 / 100 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Vedus) N.I.: 1997.1324

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 36 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 69 – 96 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2002.1267

195

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Ritterling 14 a Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque, Marble). N.I.: 2003.1095

Shape: Bowl Type: Ritterling 12 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 45 – 70 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1999.1662

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Atramentarium (Ink Pot) Type: Hermet 18 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 1999.1665

Shape: Bowl Type: Curle 11 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 100 – 110 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2002.1247

196

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Hermet 25 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 41 – 54 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.1113

Shape: Mortarium Type: Dragendorff 45 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 150 – 200 Fabric: Gaulish (Lezoux) N.I.: 2002.1079

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Hermet 16 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 20 – 40 Fabric: Gaulish (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2001.1257

197

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

198

Catalogue

199

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

200

Catalogue

201

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Casa da Bica Chronology: 50 – 70 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: unknown

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 50 – 70 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1996.0533

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 Provenance: R. São Geraldo Chronology: 50 – 80 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1576

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 – 80 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1584

202

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 / 37 Provenance: R. Stº António das Travessas Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1012

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 / 37 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1997.1336

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 29 / 37 Provenance: R. Stº António das Travessas Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1011

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37, var. A Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1732

203

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37, var. A Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1582

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37, var. A Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 100 – 150 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.0735

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37, var. A Provenance: R. Stº António das Travessas Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1014

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37, var. B Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 70 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.1954

204

Catalogue

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 37, var. B Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 75 – 125 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1998.0992

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4 Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 40 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 70 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.1963

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 40 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 70 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.1998

205

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1581

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.0669

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 30 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 – 60 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2000.0568

Shape: Cup Type: Hispanic 49 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2211

206

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 1 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 80 - 100/120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1739

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 20 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1999.2597

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Beaker Becker Type: Hispanic 2 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2291

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hermet 13 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.0408

207

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 15 / 17 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 50 – 80 / 100 Fabric: Hispanic (Tricio) N.I.: 1991.1999

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 15 / 17 Provenance: Rua do Caires Chronology: 125 – 250 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.1025

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 15 / 17 Provenance: R. Stº António das Travessas Chronology: 75 – 125 Fabric: Hispanic (Tricio, Agilianus) N.I.: 2002.1942

Shape: Plate Type: Dragendorff 18 / 31 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1991.1990

208

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup or Bowl Type: Dragendorff 24 / 25 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 40 – 50 / 80 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1999.2125

Shape: Cup or Bowl Type: Dragendorff 24 / 25 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2000.0294

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup or Bowl Type: Dragendorff 24 / 25 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2004.0084

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 27 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 50 – 70 / 80 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1993.0688

209

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 27 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1999.2174

Shape: Bowl Type: Ritterling 8 Provenance: R. Stº António das Travessas Chronology: 75 - 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2194

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Ritterling 8 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 40 - 60 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1104

Shape: Bowl Type: Ritterling 8 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 100 – 200 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1200

210

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 35 Provenance: Cerca do Seminário de Santiago Chronology: 50 – 70 / 80 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1996.1047

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 36 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1994.0666

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 36 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1999.2173

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 39 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1286

211

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 39 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2000.0023

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 44 Provenance: R. Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 100 – 150 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2372

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Dragendorff 44 Provenance: Largo de São Paulo Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: unknown

Shape: Bowl Type: Hispanic 9 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 25 – 50 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2364

212

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Hispanic 4 Provenance: Granjinhos Chronology: 100 – 125 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2168

Shape: Bowl Type: Ludowici Tb. Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2006.0001

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Hispanic 4 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 100 – 150 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1993.0699

Shape: Plate Type: Hispanic 17 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: unknown

213

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Hispanic 10 Provenance: Praia das Sapatas Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2187

Shape: Bowl Type: Hispanic 5 Provenance: Casa da Bica Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2161

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Dragendorff 33 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1724

Shape: Opercula Type: Hispanic 7 Provenance: R. Stº António das Travessas Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2268

214

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4 Shape: Opercula Type: Hispanic 7 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2215

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hermet 13 Provenance: Quinta do Fujacal Chronology: 120 – 170 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2174

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hermet 13 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: unknown

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hermet 13 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1715

215

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Beaker Type: Hispanic 2 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2365

Shape: Beaker Type: Hispanic 2 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1586

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Beaker Type: Hispanic 2 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 80 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1199

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 20 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 70 – 100 / 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.0274

216

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 20 Provenance: Praia das Sapatas Chronology: 100 – 125 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2158

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 21 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2210

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 20 Provenance: Necrópole da Rua do Caires Chronology: 100 – 125 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2027

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Hispanic 54 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1516

217

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Type: Hispanic 23 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2395

Shape: Crater Type: Hispanic 34 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1210

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Type: Hispanic 28 Provenance: Antigas Escavações Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2295

Shape: Atramentarium (Ink Pot) Type: Hispanic 51 Provenance: R. D. João C. Novais e Sousa Chronology: 50 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2175

218

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Base Type: Hispanic 88 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 80 – 120 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 1993.0796

Shape: Cup Type: Hispanic 94 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 40 – 70 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2195

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Hispanic 91 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 75 – 100 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2001.1001

Shape: Cup Type: Hispanic 94 Provenance: Escola Velha da Sé Chronology: 50 – 75 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2176

219

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Hispanic 94 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 100 – 125 Fabric: Hispanic N.I.: 2002.2220

220

Catalogue

221

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

222

Catalogue

223

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

224

Catalogue

225

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

226

Catalogue

227

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

228

Catalogue

229

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma II Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st quarter of the second century B.C. – Augustan? Fabric: Italic (Etrury) N.I.: 2003.0434

Shape: Cup Type: Forma II/III Provenance: Termas Chronology: 3rd quarter of the first century B.C. Claudian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1999.1392

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma II D Provenance: Termas Chronology: Augustan Fabric: Italic (Etrury) N.I.: 1999.1393

Shape: Cup Type: Forma III a Provenance: Termas Chronology: 75 B.C. - Augustan Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2000.0253

230

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma VIII B Provenance: Termas Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. – Beginnings of the Era Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0474

Shape: Cup Type: Forma VIII C Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. – Beginnings of the Era Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1999.1394

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma VIII C Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. – Beginnings of the Era Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1999.1389

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma IX Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 70-60 B.C./ Augustan Fabric: Italic N.I.: 1999.1395

231

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma X Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 1st half of the first century B.C. – Claudian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0412

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma X Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 1st half of the first century B.C. – Claudian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2000.0255

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma X Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st half of the first century B.C. – Claudian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0413

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma X C Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st half of the first century B.C. – Claudian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0421

232

Catalogue

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XI A Provenance: Rua Damião de Góis Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Tiberian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0414

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXX (Tipo 2/219) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Tiberian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0439

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XI B Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: c. 50 B.C./ Tiberian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0451

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXII (Tipo 2/219) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Claudian - Nero/ Vespasian Fabric: Italic N.I.: 2003.0426

233

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXII Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: Claudius – Nero/ Vespasian Fabric: Italic (Etrury – Sutri) N.I.: 2003.1077

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXIII/XXXV (Tipo 2/232, 2/405) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 30 B.C./ Claudian Fabric: Italic Italic(Western (WesternCentral Centre area area of ofthe thePo Po Valley) N.I.: 2000.0260

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Tipo I/62 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: c. 30 B.C./Claudian? Fabric: Italic (Western Central Centre area of of the thePo Po Valley Valley) Italic (Western N.I.: 2003.0490

234

Shape: Bowl Type: Tipo 2/412 Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan Fabric: Italic Italic(Central (centro - Italic Italic?) ?) N.I.: 2003.0425

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma X A (Tipo 2/386) Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 1st half of the first century B.C. – Claudian Fabric: Italic (Campanian) N.I.: 2003.0428

Shape: Cup Type: Forma V (Tipo 1/47) Provenance: Rua do Caires Chronology: 1st century B.C./ 20 Fabric: Italic (Siracusa) N.I.: 2000.0116

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma V (Tipo 1/47) Provenance: Teatro Circo Chronology: 1st century B.C./ 20 Fabric: Italic (Siracusa) N.I.: 2004.0057

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXIV Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 20-15 B.C./ Nero Fabric: Italic (Liguria) N.I.: 1999.0466

235

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup? Type: Undetermined Undeterminate Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 20- 15 B.C./ Nero Fabric: Italic (Liguria) N.I.: 2003.0429

236

Catalogue

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma II Provenance: Termas Chronology: Last quarter of the 2nd century B.C. – Augustan Fabric: Catalunya N.I.: 2003.0447

Shape: Cup Type: Forma II (Tipo I/35) Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Last quarter of the 2nd century B.C. – Augustan Fabric: Baetica (Cordoba?) N.I.: 2003.0448

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma II (Tipo I/35) Provenance: Termas Chronology: Last quarter of the 2nd century B.C. – Augustan Fabric: Baetica (Cordoba?) N.I.: 2003.0469

237

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXXIV Provenance: Termas Chronology: Tiberius/ Nero - Vespasian? Fabric: Baetica (Cadiz) N.I.: 2000.0342

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXXIV Provenance: Rua Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: Tiberius/ Nero - Vespasian? Fabric: Baetica (Cadiz) N.I.: 2003.0499

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXXIV B Provenance: Termas Chronology: Tiberius/ Nero - Vespasian? Fabric: Baetica (Cadiz) N.I.: 1999.0450

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXXIV B Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Tiberius/ Nero - Vespasian? Fabric: Baetica (Cadiz) N.I.: 2003.0505

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXXVI Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Tiberio/Claudian - Nero Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1999.1398

238

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVI Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Tiberio/ Claudian - Nero Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.0453

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVII, XXXVII 1 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Tiberio/ Flavian Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1999.0451

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma Forma XXXVII, XXXVII 1 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Tiberio/ Flavian Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 1999.1390

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVII Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Claudius – Nero/ Vespasian Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2001.0463

239

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVII Provenance: Termas Chronology: Claudius – Nero/ Vespasian Fabric: Baetica N.I.: 2003.0504

Shape: Type: Forma XLIII Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2001.0462

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIII Provenance: Casa da Bica Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 1999.1399

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIII Provenance: Braga Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2003.0461

240

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIII Provenance: Rua Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2003.0462

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIII Provenance: Rua Frei Caetano Brandão Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2001.0459

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIII Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2003.0468

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIV Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2003.0503

241

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIV Provenance: Braga Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2003.0485

Shape: Cup Type: Forma LXX Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: Augustan Fabric: Regional Hispanic N.I.: 2003.1084

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XLIII or XLIV Provenance: Braga Chronology: 2nd half of the first century B.C. Fabric: Merida N.I.: 2003.0486

242

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XI B Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 1999.1397

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XI B Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0430

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XI B Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.1807

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XII Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0494

243

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVII Provenance: Braga sem contexto Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0488

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVII Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0432

Esc.1:2 Esc.1:2

Shape: Bowl Type: Forma XXXVII Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 1999.0465

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XL Provenance: Termas Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0497

244

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XL Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0444

Shape: Bowl Type: Tipo 2/237 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Claudius - Nero Fabric: South Gallia (La Graufesenque) N.I.: 2003.0445

Esc.1:2

Shape: Globular Type: Olla Provenance: Rua Santo António das Travessas Chronology: Augustan - Claudian Fabric: South Gallia (Narbonne – Sallèles d’Aude?) N.I.: 2003.0450

245

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2

Shape: Cup? Type: Undefined Provenance: Casa da Bica (Colina da Cividade) Chronology: 31 - 54 Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0467

Shape: Cup? Type: Forma XXXVII? Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 41 - 68 Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0469

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2

Shape: Cup? Type: Forma XXXVII? Provenance: Albergue Distrital Chronology: 41 - 68 Fabric: Local N.I.: 1999.0464

Shape: Cup Type: Forma XXXVIII B? Provenance: Rua Damião de Góis Chronology: 40 - 100 Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.1825

246

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50-100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1002

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 50-100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1991.1411

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 29 Provenance: S. Geraldo Chronology: 50-100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2001.0001

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Salvamento na Rua Imaculada Conceição (Livraria Cruz) Chronology: 50-100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1991.1418

247

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Albergue Chronology: 50-100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1287

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 37/ Aj. 1 Provenance: São Sebastião Chronology: 75 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2135

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 37/ Aj. 1 Provenance: Avenida Central (Sepultura 9) Chronology: 50-100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1997.1345

Shape: Cup or Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 24/25 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 50 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1991.1413

248

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup or Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 24/25 Provenance: Seminário de Santiago Chronology: 50 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1991.0717

Shape: Cup Type: Imitation Dragendorff 27 Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 70 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2114

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup or Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 24/25 Provenance: Praia das Sapatas Chronology: 50 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2001.1335

Shape: Cup Type: Imitation Dragendorff 35 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 50 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2003.1078

249

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Imitation Dragendorff 35 Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: 60 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2097

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 36 Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 80 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2093

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Type: Imitation Dragendorff 35 Provenance: Fujacal Chronology: 60 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2109

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 36 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2071

250

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 36 Provenance: Rua Santo António das Travessas Chronology: 80 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2112

Shape: Cup Type: Imitation Hispanic 5, var. Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 80 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2001.1427

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 36 Provenance: Braga/ sem contexto Chronology: 80 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1993.0686

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Hispanic 4 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 100 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.0248

251

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Hispanic 4 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 100 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.0228

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Hispanic 4 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 100 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.0247

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Hispanic 4 Provenance: Rua Santo António das Travessas Chronology: 100 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2001.1015

252

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Type: Imitation Dragendorff 29 Provenance: Edifício Cardoso da Saudade and Seminário de Santiago 1996 Chronology: 50 - 100 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2001.1419 and 1991.0762

Esc.1:4

Shape: Closed vessel Type: Imitation Hermet 13 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 80 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 1991.2259

253

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Type: Imitation Mayet L Provenance: São Torcato Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1980

Shape: Pot Type: Imitation Mayet L Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1976

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Type: Imitation Mayet L Provenance: Citânia de Briteiros Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1982

Shape: Pot Type: Imitation Mayet L Provenance: Citânia de Briteiros Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1981

254

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Type: Imitation Mayet L Provenance: Citânia de Briteiros Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1983

Shape: Bowl Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2148

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Jug Type: Imitation Mayet L II Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.0259

Shape: Bowl Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2139

255

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Provenance: Hospital Chronology: 50 – 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2116

Shape: Bowl Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2000.0577

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Bowl Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2138

Shape: Bowl Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2000.0581

256

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Cup Provenance: São Sebastião Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2151

Shape: Pot Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2000.2153

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Provenance: São Sebastião Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2150

Shape: Pot Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2140

257

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Jug Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2152

Shape: Jug Provenance: Rua Damião de Góis Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2000.0573

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Jug Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2000

Shape: Jug Provenance: São Sebastião Chronology: 50 - 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2149

258

Catalogue

Esc. 1:4 Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Provenance: Hospital Chronology: 50 – 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2132

Shape: Pot Provenance: Termas Chronology: 50 – 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.1975

Esc. 1:4

Esc. 1:4

Shape: Pot Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: 50 – 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2156

Shape: Pot Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 50 – 120 Fabric: Bracarense N.I.: 2002.2146

259

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:2

Esc. 1:2

Shape: Late Republican Lamp Type: Dressel 4 (Vogelkopflampen) (Vogelkopplampen) Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: Augustan Fabric: Central Italy NI: 1991.1618.

Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke I B Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Tiberian/ Claudian Fabric: Central Italy NI: 2000.0618

Esc. 1:2

Esc.1:2

Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke I A Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: Augustan/ Tiberian Fabric: Central Italy NI: 2002-2353

Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke III Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: 1st half of the first century Fabric: Central Italy NI: 2001.0993 2000.0993

260

Catalogue

Esc. 1:2

Esc.1:2 Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke IV Provenance: Necrópole da Avenida da Liberdade Chronology: Augustan – early 2nd century (peak in the 2nd and 3rd quarter of the first century) Fabric: Central Italy NI: 1994.0732

Shape: Voluted Type: Denauve IV D/ VE Provenance: São Geraldo Chronology: Augustan – before mid first century Fabric: Central Italy NI: 2003.1080

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2

Shape: Voluted Type: Denauve VF Provenance: Braga Chronology: 2nd quarter of the first century (?) Fabric: Central Italy NI: 1991.1641

Shape: Voluted Type: Denauve IV V G Provenance: Termas Chronology: Augustan – end of the first century / early 2nd century (peak in the 2nd and 3rd quarter of the first century) Fabric: Central Italy NI: 2001.1242

261

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2

Shape: Discus Type: Dressel Dressel19? 19 Provenance: Maximinos Chronology: Flavian – middle of the 2nd century (peak in 80/110) Fabric: Central Italy NI: 2002.2301

Shape: Discus Type: Dressel - Lamboglia 30 B (Warzenlampe). Provenance: Cavalariças Chronology: 3rd – 4th century (sometimes existent in early 5th century) Fabric: Baetica (Cadiz). NI: 1991.1263

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2

Shape: Discus Type: Dressel 28 Provenance: Termas Chronology: 2nd half of the 2nd century / 3rd century Fabric: África Proconsularis NI: 2001.0998

Shape: Firmalampen Type: Loeschcke X Provenance: Albergue Chronology: Late Late 1st 1stcentury century––mid middle of the 2nd century 2nd century Fabric: Hispanic terra sigillata (Tricio). NI: 2002.2350

262

Catalogue

Esc.1:2

Esc.1:2 Shape: “Mineira” Type: Deriving from type Dressel 9 Provenance: Maximinios Chronology: 2nd century – early 3rd century (peak in the 2nd half of the 2nd century) Fabric: Sudoeste Peninsular NI: 1991.1623

Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke III Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 1st half of the 1st century Fabric: Central Italy NI: 1998.1520

Esc.1:2 Shape: “Mineira” Type: Deriving from type Dressel 9, unusual Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 2nd century – early 3rd century (peak in the 2nd half of the 2nd century) Fabric: Peninsular Southwest NI: 1999.0442

263

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2

Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke III Provenance: Termas Chronology: 1st half of the 1st century Fabric: Local NI: 2001.1225

Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke IV (?) Provenance: Cardoso da Saudade Chronology: Late Flavian period – early Antonine Fabric: Local (MVNTR[EP] = L. MUNATIVS THREPTVS) NI: 2002.2234

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2 Shape: Voluted Type: Loeschcke V Provenance: Necrópole da Via XVII Chronology: Late Claudian – early 2nd century (peak c. 75/80 - Handrian) Fabric: Local (LVC) NI: 1991.1538

Shape: Discus Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Avenida da Liberdade Chronology: Late 1st century - 1st half of the 2nd century Fabric: Local (BASS[I] = BASSVS) N.I.: 1994.0969

264

Catalogue

Esc. 1:2

Esc. 1:2

Shape: Discus Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: Late 1st century - 1st half of the 2 nd century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1992.0985

Shape: Discus Type: Undeterminate type Provenance: Necrópole da Avenida Central Chronology: Late 1st century - 1st half of the 2nd century Fabric: Local NI: 1994.0901

Esc. 1:2 Shape: Discus Type: Dressel 20 Provenance: Necrópole da Avenida central Chronology: Late 1st century - 1st half of the 2nd century Fabric: Local (EX O[F] / L·V·CR·ETI = LVCRETIVS) NI: 1991.0607

265

Esc. 1:2 Shape: Discus Type: Dressel 28 Provenance: Necrópole da Via XVII Chronology: 2nd half of the 2nd century – 3rd century Fabric: Local (E[X?]MIC = MICIVS?) NI: 1991.1652

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2 Shape: Discus Type: Dressel- Lamboglia 30B Provenance: Carvalheiras Chronology: 3rd century – 4th century (sometimes existent in early 5th century) Fabric: Local NI: 1992.0877

Shape: Firmalampen Type: Firmalampen, unusual Provenance: Necrópole da Via XVII Chronology: Late 3rd century – early 4th century Fabric: Local NI: 1991.1649

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2 Shape: Firmalampen Type: Loeschcke X Provenance: Necrópole da Via XVII Chronology: Late 1st century / middle of the 2nd century Fabric: Local NI: 1991.1537 266

Shape: Firmalampen Type: Firmalampen, unusual Provenance: Teatro Chronology: After 294 Fabric: Local (EX O(F) LICINIVS) NI: 2004.0362

Catalogue

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2 Shape: Firmalampen Type: Firmalampen, unusual Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: Late 3rd century – early 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991.1546

Shape: Round nozzle Type: Round nozzle, unusual Provenance: Póvoa do Lanhoso (uillae) Chronology: Late 3rd century – early 4th century Fabric: Local NI: 1991.0738

Esc. 1:2 Esc. 1:2 Shape: Firmalampen Type: Firmalampen, unusual Provenance: Rua 25 de Abril Chronology: Late 3rd century – early 4th century Fabric: Local N.I.: 2000.0320

Shape: Round nozzle Type: Denauve XI B Provenance: Salvamento na R. D. Afonso Henrique Chronology: Late 3rd century – early 4th century Fabric: Local NI: 2002.0955

267

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Esc. 1:2 Shape: Open Lamp Provenance: Colina da Cividade Chronology: 2nd half of the 4th century / 5th century + Fabric: Local N.I.: 1991. 0500

268

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317

318

Indecis

INDEX OF NAMES Agrippa Postumus 16, 18 André Soares iii, 22 Antonine Pius 25, 29 Antonines viii Ap. Claudius Pulcro 12 Appian 12 Aquinus Mela 46 Artemidorus of Ephesos 10 Artenodorus Asclepiades of Mirlea 10 Aspidium 21 Augustus v, vii, 4, 9–11, 13–18, 33, 42, 44, 63 Ausonius xii, 10, 19, 29, 61 Avienus 30, 31 Bassi 67 Bio 59, 83, 188 Bracaraugustani 16 C. Caetronius Miccio i, viii, 46 C. Calpetanus Rantius viii C. Domicio Flaco 12 C. Furnius 16 Caius Antistio Vetus 12 Caius Calvisius Sabinus 12 Caligula vii, viii Caracalla viii, 19 Cato 9 Cicerus 12, 28, 47 Claudius vii, viii, 9, 11, 14, 25, 38, 45, 52, 54, 83–88, 104 Claudius Ptolomaeus 9 Constantine 19 Cornelius Nepos 9 D. Diogo de Sousa 45 D. Iunius Brutus i, 11–13, 38 D. Rodrigo da Cunha 22 Dio Cassius 11–13, 16 Diocletian vii, ix, 19, 25 Diodorus Siculus 9, 13 Dionysius of Halicarnassus 9 Egeria 10, 286 Eudoxio de Cicico 31 Evergetes II 31 Flavian vii, viii, 14, 17, 19, 38, 54, 56, 64 Flavius 11 Floro 4, 13 Gaditan(s) vii, 12, 31, 32 Gaius 9, 46 Galba viii, 32 Georgius Braun city plan Hadrian viii Hanno 30 Hidacius (or Idacius) 10 Himilco 30 Horace 13 Jerónimo Contador de Argote 22, 40, 45 Juan de Bíclaro 21 Julia Domma Julius Caesar vii, viii, 12, 32 319

Julius-Claudius vii, 42 King Leovigild 20 L. Arruntius viii, 46 L. Castricius Honoratus 29 Lepidus 9, 12 Lucio Cornelio Balbo 12 Lucretii 54, 67, 68 Luís Cardoso 22 M. Perpena 12 M. Vipsanius Agrippa 18 Marcial 9 Marcus Aurelius 18, 29 Martin of Dume 10, 20 Mic(io?) 67 Nereid vii Nero viii, 11 Octavi Orosius 10, 11, 13, 26 Ovid 11, 28 P. Carisius P. Cornelius 59 P. Licinius Crassus 12 Paternus 19 Paullus Fabius Maximus 16, 18 Perenius 59 Philon 29 Plautius 9 Pliny, the Elder Plutarch Polybius 10 Pompeius Trogus 9 Pompey 32 Pomponius Mela 9 Posidonius of Apameia 10 Publius 67 Pytheas 31 Q. Servillius Caepio Rasinius 59 Rutilius Pudens Crispinus 19 Sallustius 9 Severus viii Sex. Iulius Possessor 29 Silius Italicus 9 Strabo 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 23, 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, 33, 37, 38, 41 Suetonius 13 T. Statilius Taurus 12 Theodoric Theodoric II 20 Tiberius v, vii, viii, 10, 18, 46, 59 Timeo 31 Titus Livius 28 Trajan viii Triton vii Varro 9 Veleius Paterculus 13 Vespasian viii, 9, 17, 18, 64, Viriatus Vitruvius 41

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

INDEX OF PLACES

Braga iii, iv, xi, 8, 10, 12, 16, 18, 21, 22, 32, 38, 40, 42, 45, 47, 49, 52, 53, 55, 61, 64, 67 Bragança 4 Brigantium vii, viii, 12, 26, 32, 33, 37, 42, 60 Britain 26 Britannia viii, ix, 13, 23, 26, 31, 37, 57 Briteiros 13, 65, 66, 67 British Isles 26, 29, 30 Brittany 30 Burdigala 33, 60 Burdigalia 37 Cabanelas 8 Cabo de Mar 36 Cabo Espichel Cabrera 3 59 Cabril 7 Cacia 34, 36 Cadiz 9, 10, 30, 31, 32, 33, 59, 60 Caesaraugusta v Caetobriga 34 Cala 38, 40, 61 Cala Culip IV 59 Caldas das Taipas 38 Caldo 7 Campa Torres 49 Campo de Jales 4 Campo de las Cercas 14 Campus Martius 11 Cantabric sea 26 Cantón 14 Cape Nerium 10 Caporum 42 Cappadocia 9 Caranico 42 Cartaghe Carvalheiras xi Cassiterides 29, 30, 31 Castelo de Gaia 33, 34 Castelo de Paiva 5 Castillejo 14 Castro de Espina del Gallego 14 Castro Lapario 32 Castro Marim 31, 36 Castromao 32, 33 Catoira 33 Cávado iii, 5, 7, 8, 23, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 55, 60, 61 Cavalos de Fão 35, 38 Celenis 42, 44 Cerqueiros 8 Chaves 4, 10, 67 Cildá 14 Citadel 14 Clunia vii, 19 Coaña 23 Colina da Cividade 7, 56 Conimbriga 41, 53 Corbuba Cotero del Marojo

A Lanzada 26, 33, 36 Abdera 31 Abelheiras 8 Abul 31 Ad Duos Pontes 42 Aeminium 41 Alalia 31 Alexandria 26, 27 Alfeizerão 34, 36 Algarve 5, 29, 30, 36 Alobre 32, 33 Alto da Cividade 12, 19 Alto da Pena 44 Alto Minho 4 Amarela 1 Amares 8 Amasia 9 Andalucia 31 Andújar 59. 63, 64, 65, 66 Antioch 27 Apúlia 6, 8 Aquis Querquennis 14, 64 Arae August(a)e 17 Areal de Caíde 40, 44 Aregenses 21 Areias de Vilar 8 Arezzo 59 Arles 60 Arosa 36 Artabros Golf 9 Astorga 9, 16, 19, 42, 49, 53 Asturia 5, 11, 12, 13, 17, 19 Asturica Augusta v, 16, 42, 49, 53, 54, 55 Athens 31 Atlantic v, vii, viii, 1, 5, 6, 7, 9, 13, 15, 23, 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37, 41, 44, 45, 49, 57, 60 Atlantic Ocean 1 Atricondo 42 Aude-Garonne 60 Ave 3, 7, 8, 23, 36, 38, 42, 44, 60 Avenida Imaculada Conceição 19 Baetica vii, 13, 18, 45, 46, 47, 49, 53, 57, 59, 60, 63, 65 Bagunte 23 Baixo Minho 21 Balsa 34 Banjas 5 Barca do Lago iii, 40, 41, 44, 61 Barcelos 7, 8, 33, 40, 44 Bays 5, 6, 9, 33 Belo 53 Bergido 42 Bouzas 36 Bracara Augusta iii, v, vii, viii, xi, xii, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34, 36, 38, 40, 42, 44, 46, 50, 52, 54, 56, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, Bracarum oppidum Augusta 9 320

Indecis

Cotero del Medio 14 Coto da Pena 33 Cristelo 44 Deep esturies Douro iii, 1, 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 15, 19, 21, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 53, 59, 60, 61 Douro Valley 60 Eburobrittium 41 Egypt ix, 26, 31, 67 Eiras Velhas 32 Elviña 33 Emerita Augusta v English Channel 26, 29 Entre Douro e Minho 1, 15, 21 Ermidas 32, 33 Ervedosa 4 Esposende 6, 8, 23, 33, 35, 38, 42, 44 Este 7, 8 Etrury 34, 73 Facha 33, 38 Fão 6, 35, 38, 41 Farum Precantium 26 Finisterra cape 37 Fluvial valleys 6 Fonte Videira 8 Forca 33 Fornelos 8 Forte de Lobelhe 44 Fozara 33 Francos 32 Furada 40 Gadeira 10 Gadir 12, 31, 32 Gallaecia vii, ix, 5, 10, 11, 12, 17, 19, 20, 37, 44, 45, 49, 52 Gallaic isthmus 60 Gallician Mountains Garona 29, 37 Gaul Gaulic isthmus 37 Geira viii Gerês 1, 7, 15 Germania v, 11 Gesoriacum vii, 33, 60 Glandimiro 42, 44 Gondomar 5 Gralheira 4 Granada 59 Great Port of Artabros 10 Grovelos 5 Guadalquivir 29, 57 Guadiana 30 Guifões 29, 35, 36, 61 Hispalis 29, 60 Hispania iii, ix, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 26, 31, 42, Hispania Citerior 9, 19 Hispania noua Citerior Antoniniana 19 Hispania Ulterior 11, 12 321

Homem 7, 8 Iberia 10 Iberian Peninsula iii, v, 10, 13, 30, 32, 33 Ínfias Manor 8 Ireland 31 Irish coast 30 Italica 53 Italy (Central) La Graufesenque 59, 68 La Lanzada 33 La Muela 14 Lagoon system 6 Lagos 36 Largo D. João Peculiar iii, 16 Larouco 7 Legio v, 19, 49 Leixões 35, 36, 61 Léon 4, 19 Lezoux 59 Lima 5, 7, 10, 11, 30, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42 Lixus 31, 32 Locus religiosus 17 Lucus Augusti 16, 42, 44, 55 Lugar do Seixo 4 Lugo 4, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 26, 30, 38, 54 Lusitania 12, 17, 18, 53, 59 Macedinho 4 Málaka 31, 32 Manhente 8 Mansiones 3, 9, 42 Massalia 10 Massilia 27 Mauritania viii, 57 Mediterranean v, 11, 24, 26, 27, 30–32, 38, 41, 52, 54 Merida 53, 63, 66 Milhazes 8 Minho i, iii, v, xi, 1, 2, 4, 18–21, 30, 34, 36–38, 41, 44, 45, 60, 61 Minor Asia 9 Mira 36 Miróbriga 34 Mondego 30, 34, 36 Mont Sinai Montalegre 7 Montans 59 Monte Bernorio 14 Monte-More 5 Morro da Sé 32, 33 Mozinho 53 Mundinae 54 Mutationes 9, 42 Myrtilis 41 Narbona 29, 37 Naturay bays Neiva 3, 7, 41 North Africa 31 North Atlantic iii, 1 North of Spain 3, 36 North of the Peninsula vii, 5, 10, 11, 13, 15, 17, 20, 23

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Northern coast of Portugal 64 Northern provinces v North-South axis vii, 13 Northwest i, v, vii, viii, xi, xii, 3–5, 7, 19, 29, 49, Northwest coast 5 Northwest sector of the Peninsula Northwestern Iberian Peninsula v Nova Carthago 60 O Neixón 32 Ocean viii, 1, 5, 10, 23, Oestrimnides 30 Olisipo vii, viii, 12, 34, 42 Orense 4, 21, 32, 33, 42, 64 Ossonoba 34 Ostia viii, 25, 27, 31, 32, 38, 41, 47, 60 Outão 26 Outeiro dos Picoutos 44 Oviedo 4 Padim da Graça 8 Palestine 10 Paredes 5 Parretas 8 Peña Cutral 14 Peneda 1 Penices 33 Peniche 5, 34, 36 Peninsula iii, v, vii – ix, xi, xii, 1, 5, 7, 10 – 13, 15, 17 – 20, 23, 30 – 33, 42, 49, 52, 60 Pias 5 Piraeus 27 Pisa 59 Pisuerga 19 Po Valley 59 Poço das Freitas 4 Pollentia 53 Ponte Neviae 42 Port Vendres I 59 Port of Fão 6 Portela 8, 42 Porto iii, 5, 6, 32 – 36. 38, 61, 64 Portuguese coast 5, 7, 30 Portuguese territory 4, 6, 7, 18, 26, 30, 34, 36, 45, 57, 59, 61 Portus Amanum 37 Portus Blendium 37 Portus Iuliobrigensium Portus Veseiasueca 37 Portus Victoriae 37 Póvoa do Varzim 8 Prado 7, 8, 55, 67 Praetoria 43, 46 Promontories 6, 9 Provincia Hispania Nova Citerior 19 Puente Melchor 57 Puzzuoli 32 Quays 6, 33 Quebrosa 8 Quinta do Fujacal 19 Rabagão 7

Rates xii, 28, 44 Recarea 33 Rias Altas 37 Rias Baixas 9, 10, 31, 34 Ribeiro de Seixo 8 River estuaries 9 River of forgetfulness 11 Romariz 33 Roríz 67 Rua dos Bombeiros Voluntários 19 S. Frutuoso 8 S. Gens 8 S. Julião 32 S. Lourenço 23, 33 S. Martinho de Dume 8 S. Pedro de Maximinos 22 S. Salvador 4 S. Sebastião 21, 22, 34, 61 S. Torcato 66 S. Vítor 8 Sabor 5, 21 Sacrum promontory 10 Sado 30 Salacia 34, 41 Sanfins 12, 13, 17, 67 Santa Iría 5 Santa Justa 5 Santa Luzia 13, 33 Santa Marina-monte 14 Santa Olaia 31 Santa Tecla iii, 13, 33, 38, 44 Santarão 8 Santo Estêvão da Facha 33, 38 Scallabis 41 Sea i, iii, v, vii, xii, 1, 3, 5 – 7, 10, 11, 24 – 35, 37, 41, 42, 44 -46, 60, 61 Sellium 41 Semelhe 8, 16 Seminário de Santiago 45 Serra da Arga 5 Serra da Padrela 4, 8 Serra das Banjas 5 Seville 29 Sexi 31 Silver way 23 Sines Soajo 1 South of England 31 South of Peninsula Southern provinces v Sta Ana Chapel 45 Sta. Luzia 23 Sta. Tecla; Santa Tecla iii, 13, 23, 33, 38, 44 Stationes 9, 33 Strait of Gibraltar 31 – 33, 57 Tabernae 42, 54, 57 Talabriga 41 Tamel 8 Tanais 31 322

Indecis

Tarraco 13, 16, 19, 60 Tarraconensis vii, ix, 9, 18, 19 Tarragona 18, 53 Tejo 12, 27, 30, 34, 36, 42 Temple to Mars 11 Terroso 23, 33 Tibre 27 – 29, 38 Timalino 42 Tinas 5 Tingentera 9 Troia 34 Tomada de Salgueiro 8 Tongobriga 64, 67 Toralla 33, 36 Torch of Donón 26 Trás-os-Montes Três Minas 4 Tricio 59, 60 Tritium Magallum 53 Tui 21, 38 Turdetania 10 Turris Augusti 26 Ulla 26, 30, 34 Urrós 4 Uttaris 42 Valley 3, 14, 42, 53, 59, 60 Valongo 5, 8 Vasanello 59 Via Nova 42 Via vicinales Viae privatae Viana do Castelo 4, 30, 33, 44 Vicus 42, 44 Vieiros 8 Vigo 15, 26, 33, 36, 37 Vila Frescainha 8 Vila Nova de Famalicão 32, 33 Vila Nova de Gaia 23, 32, 38 Vila Verde 4, 8 Western Centre area of the Po Valley 59 XIX v, 5, 32, 42 XVI v, 42, 57 XVII v, 5, 42 XVIII v, 5, 42, 45, 54 XX (per loca maritima) i, v, 5, 42, 44 Zamora 4, 19 Zaragoça 53

GENERAL INDEX Note that this index is not intended to be exhaustive. Entries are limited to major topics. 1st millennium BC 2nd millennium BC African viii, 31, 57, 59 African lamps Africana Grande B 57 Agrarian properties 45 Agricultural Chemistry 64 Agro-pastoral 3 Alluvial plains 1 Alluvium Plains 1, 3, 24 Almagro 57 Altar(s) 18, 59 Alum 57 Amber 30 Amphorae warehouse 44 Amphorae(as) iii – v, xi, 13, 17, 24, 25, 27, 32 - 34, 36 – 38, 47, 49, 52, 53, 55, 57, 59 – 61, 69 Amphoriskos 32 Anchor 25, 27, 38 Anchorage(s) 6, 26, 33 - 35, 37, 38, 40, 61 Ancient Times 6, 8, 10, 11, 13, 24, 26, 30, 37, 46 Annona ix, 27 Anonymous of Ravenna 9, 42 Antonine Itinerary i, 9, 42, 44, 45 Antrocology Applied mask 66 Arboreal species 3 Arboreal vegetation 3 Archaeological evidences viii, xii, 22 Architectus 26 Armed forces4, 11 Army vii, 13, 14 Arteries of penetration 9 Aryballos 32 Asturian-Cantabrian Wars 13 Atlantic climatic 3 Atlantic current 26 Atlantic influence 7 Atlantic navigation 6, 31 Atlantic route(s) v, viii, 23, 31, 33, 37, 57, 60 Atlantic sea-routes v Atlantic species 2 Attic ware 33 Austurian rebellion viii Average costs 24 Azores anticyclone 5 Baetica orientation 1 Bandles diadems Baugaudic movements Beakers 66 Beltran 68 57 Bidental 16 Bidiurnal system 5 Birds 25, 66 Black and Red slip ware 32 323

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Book of the Invasions 30 Bowls 65, 66 Bracarense i, 12, 21, 44, 49, 50, 55, 63- 69 Brambles 2 Bronze Age 3, 30 Brooche 32 Broom 2 Cabotage 25, 27, 33, 36, 37, 40, 60 Caetra coins 13 Campanian of Kouass type 32 Campanian ware 33 Campo de las Cercas 14 Cantabrian v, 4, 5, 10, 12 – 14, 17, 18, 33, 37, 60 Cantabrian currents Caput civitatis 18 Cardines 14 Cargo 12, 25, 28, 29, 38 Cassirite Caulinitic clay 63, 63, 67 Cereals 2, 3, 25 Chevrons 66 Christianity 19 Circle 66 Circulation of goods 23, 42 Citizenship viii, xi Civil servants 49 Civil War 32 Cladivata 27 Clay 8, 9, 38, 55, 56, 63, 64, 67, 68 Clay pits 8, 55, 56, 64, 67, 68 Clay plate of Astorga 9 Clothes 23 Coast morphology 6 Coastal fires 26 Coastal route 10 Collegia 24, 54 Collegium 24 Commerce v, 9, 11, 23, 24, 28, 29, Commercial activity 6, 32, 36, 47 Commercial businesses 24 Commercial contacts xi, 12 Commercial navigation vii Commercial routes v, 23 Commercium 23 Conductor 56, 67 Conquered territory xi Constitutio Antoniniana viii Consumer city v Consumption i, xii, 23, 24, 26, 27, 37, 49, 52, 53, 57 Continental waterways v Contracts 67 Control iii, ix, xi, 3, 4, 11 – 15, 19, 21, 27, 30, 31, 33, 34, 46, 54, 56 Cookwares Corbita 27 Cork oak 7 Council of Toledo 19 Craftspeople 63 Crisis vii-viii

Crystalline rocks 5 Cupper 30 Cups 66 Curatores Curle 11 59 Decadrachma 32 Deciduous leaf trees 2 Decumani 14 Defense control Deforestation 3 Defructum 57 Deities 15, 34, 45 Demographic growing 19 Dendrochronology Digesto 27, 29 Distribution 1, 5, 23, 24, 33, 42, 55, 57, 59, 66 Dolia 55 Domestic animals 3 Donation charters 45 Donkey 24 Drag. 24/25 64, 65 Drag. 27 64, 65 Drag. 29 59, 64, 66 Drag. 35 64, 65 Drag. 36 65 Drag. 37 / Aj. 1 65 Drainage 3, 30 Dramont 1 59 Dramont 2 Dressel 1 A 26 Dressel 14 57 Dressel 20 59, 63 Dressel 20 lamps Dressel 2–4 17, 52, 57 Dressel 30 57 Dressel 7–11 57 Early Empire iii, iv, vii, viii, xi, 4, 27, 44, 49, 53, 60 Earrings 3 Economic activity v, 4, 23 Economic administration 4 Economic advantages 18, 47 Economic changes vii Economic conditions viii, xi Economic control 13, 46 Economic geography i, xi, 1, 3, 7 Economic interaction 12 Economic policy 5 Economic resources 6, 33, 46 Economic restrictions xi Economy of scale 55 Edaphology 64 Editum de pretiis rerum venalium Emporiums 24 Epigraphy i, 16, 24, 27, 45, 46, 49 Episcopal 19 Equestrian vii, 46, 47 Equestrian statue iii, 18 Etruscans 16 Eucalyptus 7 324

Indecis

Ex novo 15 Exactores 26 Exchange v, 23, 24, 33, 37, 42, 44, 45, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60 Exchange properties Exotic pottery 23 Expansion policy 14 Exploration 32 Extraction 4, 37, 68 Farmers ix, 20 Farming 2, 3, 8, 24, 31, 54, 55 Feritas 14 Ferns 2 Finances viii Fine ware 47, 55, 59, 63 Firmitas 15 First expedition(s) vii, 11 Fish fauna 8 Fish supply Fish-sauces 59 Flagons 66 Fluvial 6, 24 Foedus 12, 32 Food supply Fora 23 Foreign market(s) 23 Forum 18, 21, 22, 26, 47 Free peasants ix Freeborn 24 Freedmen 24 Frontiers 13 Fulmen regale 16 Fundi 8 Genius Macelli 45 Gentile markets 23 Georgius Braun city plan Glass 23, 32, 38 Glass beads 23 Glaulus Global market v Gold viii, 3–5, 8, 9, 11–13, 23, 30, 37, 44 Gorses 2 Governors vii, viii, 46 Granite rocks 1 Greek coins 32 Greek sailors 31 Grey thin ware 44 Gubernator 27 Guerrilla warface Haltern 16 59 Haltern 70 13, 17, 34, 36, 44, 47, 49, 52, 57, 59, 61, 69 Harbours 26 Hares 66 Heathers 2 Hermet 13 66 Hermet 25 59 Hermet 9 59 High precipitation 1 Hisp. 23 59 Hisp. 28

Hisp. 34 Hisp. 4 65 Hisp. 5 59, 65 Hisp. 5, var. 65 Hisp. 54 Hisp. 91 Hispanic sigillata Holly 7 Horrearii 27 Human sacrifices 12 Humanists 21, 22 Humidity 1, 3 Hydrographic web 6 Hypsometric chart 1 Iberain-Punic coarse ware Imperial authority xii Imperial cult xii, 16, 18, 19 Imperial fiscus 4 Imports v, 19 Impurity 16 Industrial business 4 Inland v, viii, 3, 23, 26, 29, 37, 44, 49 Inscriptions i, 4, 16, 18, 26, 27, 29, 45, 52 Internal trade 23 Inventory census Iron Age 3 Isis 18, 27 Isis Augusta 18 Itacic sigillata Ius civile 17 Ius latii viii, 17 Ivory 30 Jewel(s) 3, 13 Jugs 66 Juridical decentralization Juridical hearings Juridical legacies 19 Juridical legate 18 Juridical promotion viii, ix, 17 Juridical statute 17 Kaolin(s) 1, 8 Kiln 55, 57, 63, 67 Knorr 78 59 Lagoon system 6 Lamps iv, 17, 38, 49, 53–55, 59, 63, 64, 67–69 Land roads 23 Land routes viii Land transport v Landowners 19 Lares viales 45 Late Bronze Age 30 Late Empire 10, 19, 20, 34, 57 Latin epigraphes 45 Latin right 17 Latin statute 17 Leather boats 29 Legate viii, 16, 18 Legati iuridici 52 Legatus 16, 17, 45, 46, 49 325

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Lenuncularii 27 Lighthouse(s) vii, 6, 26, 33 Linter 28 Lintrarii 27 Literacy Lithologic point 1 Local v, viii, xi, xii, 2, 11, 12, 18, 21, 38, 46, 49, 50, 54, 56, 57, 63, 66, 69 Local economies v Local trade v Locatio conduction operarum Locatio conduction operis faciendi Locatio conduction rei Locatio-conductio 54, 56, 67 Locator 56, 67 Loeschke X lamps Logistics help 12 Long distant journeys Long-distance exchange v Lusitanian wars vii, 11 Luxury commodities 24 Magister navis 27 Magistrates viii, xi, 18, 46 Magna mercatura 46 Maps of course 6 Mare clausum 25 Maritime communications vii, 13 Maritime trade viii, 57 Maritime traffic viii, 25 Market trends 24 Market(s) v, 3, 11, 23, 24, 42, 45, 52–56 Marshes 3 Massaliote Matagallares I 57 Mayet L 66 Mayet LII 66 Mayet XL Mayet XXI Mayet XXXVII Mechanic equipment 4 Mediaeval documents 45 Medieval borough 21 Medieval city 21 Mediterranean climate 7 Mensores 27 Mercator 46, 47, 54 Mesolithic 29 Metal 4 Metamorphic formations 1 Metope 66 Military anarchy vii Military campaigns v, 13 Military contingents 13, 14 Military influence 14 Military purposes 14, 29 Military sites/military structures Military supply v Military technicians 11 Military unities 14

Mineral resources 1, 4, 8, 14, 33 Mines 4, 5, 8, 9, 13, 44, 46 Minor roades Mixed route 44 Moderate amplitude 5 Modern Age 3, 29 Monetary system 4, 5 Monoxyle boats 29 Monoxyle canoe 29, 30 Morphological dynamics 6 Mortaria 49, 59, 60 Mould 32, 64 Mule 24 Municipal statute 17 Municipality 4, 8, 17, 40, 54, 56, 67 Muriagogoi 27 Muse 66 Native populations vii, xii Native productions Native warrious Natives xii, 12, 18, 57 Nausus 29 Nautae 27, 28 Nautical charts 6 Nautical utensils 25 Nautilus 66 Naval fleet 12 Naves codicariae 29 Naves fluminales 28 Naves onerariae 27, 29 Naviculari(us) Navigable rivers iii, 5, 10, 36, 38 Navigation structures 6 Necklaces 3 Negotia 46, 47 Negotiatores i, xii, 12, 46, 47, 52, 54 North winds 1 Notitia Dignitatium Oceanic characteristics 5 Officinator(es) 67 Olive oil 57, 69 Olive trees 2 Open sea navigation iii, 5, 28, 33 Ordo decurionum 18 Ore-shoots 5 Overland roads 23, 40 Overland routes i, viii, 42, 53 Overseas 25 Ox 5 Oxyrhyncus papyri 67 Pacification 4, 12–14, 16, 17 Pack animals 24, 25, 40, 60 Painted ware 63 Paleocarpology 3 Paleonology 3 Pax romana 33 Pedologic nature 3 Pegmatitic resources Pendants 3 326

Indecis

Permanent ports 33 Personal rights Phoenician 24, 30–32 Photograms 19 Pilgrims 41 Pilots 25, 35 Pinaster 7 Plank canoe 29, 30 Plateiai 14 Pollinic diagrams 3 Polymetallic sulphurets 4 Ponto 27, 28 Population density 1, 3, 18, 52, 56 Portonarii 29 Portorium 26, 46 Ports of call 33, 34, 36, 38, 60 Ports of support 33 Pots 66 Potters 55, 59, 63, 67 Pottery workshops Praefectus 32, 46 Praefectus fabrum 32 Pre-Roman i, viii, 2, 3, 23, 26, 29, 30, 32, 34, 35 Priests xii, 17 Prisoners xi, 11 Private buildings 19 Private enterprise 12 Private goods 47 Procônsul viii, 11, 12, 38, 45, 46 Procuratio 5, 16 Procurator(s) Procuratores augusti 52 Procuratores metallorum 4 Prodigia 16 Products iii, 8, 23, 26, 27, 31, 40, 49 52, 53, 55–57, 59, 60, 69, 70 Propaganda xi, 13, 18 Propulsion systems 25 Proto-historic age 8 Proto-historic communities 3, 12 Provincial vii, viii, 10, 12, 19, 42, 54, 59, 63 Provincial armies viii Public buildings 15 Puerto Real I 57 Punic 29, 31, 32, 33, 36 Punic coarse ware 325 Punic traders Punitive campaigns 11 Punitive expedition 11 Quadragesima Hispaniarum Quagesima 46 Quartered troops 14 Quartz 1, 8 Quartz alignments 1 Quartz gold antimonisferous Quaternary 6 Quinquagesima Hispaniarum viii Rates vii, 28, 44 Ratiarii 27 327

Redistribution xii, 24, 26, 27, 36, 37, 44, 56 Redistribution mechanisms 24 Redistributor centre 44, 53- 55 Re-foundation 16 Regional iii, v, viii, xii, 7, 14, 18, 19, 24, 36, 44, 50–51, 53–55, 57, 63, 69, 73 Regional Form I 51, 57, 73 Regional elites xii Regional Form II 3, 51, 57 Regional scale 24, 36, 54 Relative humidity 1 Religious calendar 25 Richborough 527 51, 57 Rings 3, 55 Ritt. 14a Ritt. 9 59 River boats i, 25, 28, 38 River navigation 6, 44 River routes i, iii, vii, 6, 36, 37, 42, 44 River transport Riverboats 25, 28, 29 Rivers alluviums 5 Road networks Road network 1, 3, 9, 14, 37, 42, 45 Rodian Type Roman i, iii-viii, xi, xii, 1–16, 19, 21–38, 40, 41, 44–47, 51–56, 60, 61, 63, 64, 67, 68 Roman age xii, 4, 5, 8, 30–32, 37 Roman Civilization vii Roman economy v, vi Roman Empire v, viii. xi, 37, 67 Roman laws 14 Roman model xii Roman port 6 Roman power 4, 63 Roman tradesmen’s vii Roman troops 11 Roman world v, vii, xi, 10–12, 19, 24, 26, 28, 30, 46, 47, 54, 67, 68 Rotundae 27 Routes i, iii, v, vii, viii, 6, 9, 23, 24, 29, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 41, 42, 44, 53–55, 57, 60 Royal charters 45 Rural elites 3 Saccarii 27 Sailor 25, 26, 31, 33, 34 Salines 7 Salt supply 6 Saltire motif 66 Sandbanks 37 Sauces 59 Scapha 29 Scaphari 27 Sea i, iii, v, vii, xii, 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 24–35, 37, 41, 42, 44–46, 60, 61 Sea winds 1 Seasons 1 Second Cantabrian war 18 Second expedition 11, 12

Self-Sufficiency and Trade in Bracara Augusta

Secondary agglomerations 3 Secondary roads 40, 42, 44 Sedimentary rocks 1 Selling properties Self-sufficiency viii, xi, 49, 56 Semicircular turrets 19 Semi-swamps areas 3 Senatorial 17, 18, 46, 47 Senior officers viii Sertorian wars 12 Shallow ports 6 Silver 4, 8, 23, 30 Silvopastoral resources 8 Slaves xi, 20, 46 Small glasses 66 Small harbour 44 Small pots 66 Soil division 1 Soil erosion 3 South Gaulish sigillata Specialized trade 47 Spontaneous oak 2 St. Andrew’s cross Stability i, xii, 23 Stars 25 State viii, ix, 11, 13, 26, 66 Stele 30, 34 Stenopoi 14 Stereoscopic analisys Stlatta 29 Strigae 14 Subsistence economy 8, 24, 53 Suevic Synodoi 11 Syrian-Palestinian glass 32 Tablewares Tabula Loureiorum Tabularii 27, 54 Tartessic traders 29 Taxation Taxes 40, 46 Territorium metallorum 4 Tetrarchy 19 Thermal amplitude 1 Thin-walled 17, 44, 49, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 69, 104–109 Tin 9, 12, 13, 23, 26, 29–30, 31, 44 Tituli picti 57 Tools 4, 17, 27 Torches 26 Towing ways 29

Tracks 24 Traction systems 24 Trade i, v, vii, viii, xi, xii, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18–47, 49, 50, 52–58, 60, 63, 64, 66, 68 Trade networks xi Traders 19, 29, 46, 47, 52, 54, 56 Transaction 23, 47 Transport in galleries 4 Transport networks v Transportation capacity 24 Troops 5, 11, 12, 14, 20 25, 38 Type 8.1.3.3 (PE -18) 57 Urban activity 4 Urban centres 3, 4, 16 Urban development xii Urban expansion 56 Urban life ix, 19, 20, 24, 56 Urban mentality 11 Urban population xiii Urban valuation 56 Urbanisation xiii, 7, 8 Urbanisation projects xiii Urbanised centres 6 Urbanistic principles 15 Urbanitas 14 Urinatores 25, 27 Utilitas 15 Utricularii 27 Vegeiia 29 Vegetal motifs 66 Venustas 15 Vessels i, 3, 6, 12, 25–30, 32, 35, 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, 55, 61, 66 Victory 11, 13, 66 Vigesima hereditatium 46 Vigesima libertatis 46 Vigilance 4 Vines 2 Vineyard 2 Visigothic Age 31 Visigoths 20, 21 Volute lamps Walls iii, 19, 40, 65 War remains xi Warehouse 27, 38, 44, 67 Web of roads 24 Wills 45 Wind(s) system Winter 7, 25, 37, 40, 41 Yoke 24

328