Sea Island to City. a Study of St. Helena Islanders in Harlem and Other Urban Centers 9780231890274

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STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW Edited by the FACULTY OF TOLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

NUMBER 368

SEA ISLAND TO CITY A STUDY OF ST. H E L E N A

ISLANDERS

IN

HARLEM AND O T H E R URBAN CENTERS BY

CLYDE VERNON K I S E R

SEA ISLAND TO CITY A Study of St. H e l e n a Islanders in H a r l e m and Other Urban Centers

BY

CLYDE VERNON KISER, PH.D. Raeareh Fellow, MUbank Memorial Fund, NOD York City Sometimt Richard Watson Oilder Fdlow in Sociology Columbia Vnivtrnity

NEW

YORK

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS Ix>ndon : P. S. King A Son, L t d .

1932

C o l ' Y K K J H T,

1932

BV COLUMBIA

UMVKKSITY

PRKSS

P R I N T E D I S T H E Ü S I I HD STA I TS OK A M k K l C A

• r a t r h i U y BrJtirotrft TO

AUGUSTUS BURTON K I S E R AND

MAY C A R P E N T E R K I S E R

FOREWORD Sea Island to City is the fourth volume to appear from the project, Negro Migration, under subsidy by the Social Science Research Council and the Columbia University Council for Research in the Social Sciences. It is the third in the History, Economics and Public Law series. By personal interview Mr. Kiser has made careful study of a considerable number of Negroes who have moved from the old long-staple cotton area to some of our metropolises. He has checked many of their statements by interviews with relatives, friends and neighbors on the island of their origin. He has studied economic and social conditions there in quest of objective material on causes of the movement. And he has surveyed the Negro sections of some of the cities in which they are now located in search of material showing consequences to the migrants themselves. His technique in handling carefully gathered case material is an excellent exemplification of that method. His conclusions are interesting and strikingly significant, tending in some instances to throw serious doubt on certain of the currently held theories of cause and result. His picture of Harlem is valid and convincing as is his portrayal of the rustic life of a well nigh pure southern Negro group. The volume is a valuable addition to the literature on the Negro as well as to the subject of Internal Migration. F R A N K A L E X A N D E R ROSS

7

PREFACE IT is a far cry from the placid rural life of a remote South Carolina sea island to the feverish and congested existence of Harlem. Y e t this is but an instance of the change and adjustment that is being experienced to-day by large numbers of rural bred Negroes. Many problems follow such an abrupt transition in mode of life. Urban conditions of employment, of housing and family life, of law and order, of health and sanitation, and of the whole round of leisure time activities are vastly different from those found in a rural area. B y the study of a specific, selected group of migrants it seemed possible to secure a sounder understanding of the causes, operation, and results of Negro migration and of that general drift f r o m farms to the cities which is a conspicuous feature of modern existence. A n intensive study of a particular southern N e g r o community from which many individuals have gone, followed by visits to the homes of such migrants in the cities of chief destination, is an approach seldom used heretofore by students of the movements of colored population. Such a method may be regarded as a case analysis of N e g r o migration, which is thus analyzed from the point of view of the community from which Negro migrants came and also from the standpoint of information received directly from migrants in their urban homes. The present study developed from the writer's participation in a general survey of St. Helena Island, South Carolina, in 1928. Several investigators under the joint auspices of the Social Science Research Council and the Institute for 9

IO

PREFACE

Research in Social Science of the University of North Carolina and under the direction of Dr. T . J . W o o f t e r , J r . , spent several months of residence on St. Helena while they were studying various phases of the Island's culture. A t the outset questions were raised concerning the causes of migration from that area. Here was a community of Negro landowners. Problems of racial friction and of landlessness, often mentioned as important causes of general Negro migration, were absent. Y e t the N e g r o population of this area declined f r o m 8,285 in 1 9 0 0 to 4,458 in 1 9 3 0 . The absence of factors in St. Helena which are often said to be fundamental reasons f o r movements of colored population seemed to make it highly desirable to extend the study of causes of migration. It was believed that interviews with migrants themselves would afford a good approach to the further understanding of psychological and sociological factors involved, and would provide a more adequate check on the inoperation of the usually attributed factors of racial friction and f a r m tenancy. It also seemed possible that such interviews might a f f o r d first hand information concerning other motives and other aspects of the movements. D o the poor educational facilities afforded the Negro in the rural South constitute a fundamental cause of migration? In their travels f r o m the open f a r m regions to large cities of the North, do Negroes come directly or do they pass through intermediate stages of residence in villages and moderately urban towns ? In the attempt to answer such questions as these not only was an intensive study of St. Helena carried on but, in addition, some three hundred migrants were trailed to their homes in five cities of chief destination—Savannah, Charleston, Philadelphia, N e w Y o r k , and Boston. F r o m interviews with these migrants the writer secured their own versions of the circumstances surrounding their departures from home

PREFACE

II

and information concerning their present status in the urban environments.

T h i s phase of the w o r k was carried out

under the guidance of D r . F r a n k A . R o s s of Columbia U n i versity, and was financed by the Social Science Research Council and by the Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Council for R e search in the Social Sciences. Chapter I introduces the reader to the conditions of life and the problems created and encountered by N e g r o migrants resident in Harlem.

T h e contrast to this urban environment

is given in Chapter I I , in which the life in rural St. Helena is described.

T h e comparison of conditions in these t w o

chapters reveals the importance of the movement f r o m the Island to the cities and indicates some of the sociological factors involved in the transition.

T h e t w o f o l l o w i n g chap-

ters are devoted to separate aspects of the causes f o r leaving St. Helena.

In the first of these, a chronological account o f

the environmental changes conducive to migration is presented.

Next, the subjective

factors inducing

migration

are examined and discussed on the basis of personal testimonies of

migrants.

Statistics and discussions

concern-

ing the mechanics of the migration, the distribution migrants

in

various

localities,

and

features may be found in Chapter

the V.

of

demographical

T h e extent

and

character of mobility of Islanders f r o m one destination to another after they have once l e f t home are described in the section on

Secondary

Migration.

Finally,

Chapter

VII

deals with the status of migrants as it w a s found in 19281929, and on the basis of information received during the course of the investigation a discussion is presented of the process of adjustment to urban conditions.

In the appen-

dices the method o f procedure o f this study is described, census figures of population changes in St. Helena T o w n s h i p are given, and mortality rates f o r N e g r o e s and whites o f

12

PREFACE

Manhattan in 1930 are presented. Three life stories written by St. Helena migrants are also included. This study does not pretend to be an exhaustive analysis of conditions in all cities to which Negro migrants have gone. It is specialized rather than comprehensive in its scope, dealing with the situation of migrants from a particular locale as it was found in several cities, particularly in New York. Conditions among varied groups of Negro migrants living in urban centers have already been thoroughly described by several students.1 The author is under obligations to Dr. T. J. Woofter, Jr., for his direction of the phase of this survey which was carried on in St. Helena and for his permission to make reference to Black Yeomanry, his comprehensive report of the St. Helena investigation. From the initial planning of the survey of Islanders in cities to the completion of the manuscript, Dr. Frank A. Ross, sponsor of the New York phase of the study, constantly gave much assistance and encouragement. The writer is also greatly indebted to Dr. Louise V. Kennedy for her help in organizing the material and for her invaluable aid in preparing the manuscript for the printer. During the course of the survey and especially when final revisions of the manuscript were being made, the writer profited much from the suggestions of Professors R. M. Maclver, R. E. Chaddock, A. A. Tenney, and R. S. Lynd. 1 For a comprehensive treatment of the effects of Negro migration to northern cities, see such studies as: Chicago Race Commission, The Negro in Chicago, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1922; Woofter, T. J., Jr., Negro Problems in Cities, New York, Doubleday, Doran and Company, 1928; Kennedy, Louise V., The Negro Peasant Turns Cityward, New York, Columbia University Press, 1930; Johnson, Charles S., The Negro in American Civilization, New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1930; and various first hand surveys which have been made by the National Urban League and are on file in their office.

PREFACE

I 3

Mr. Ira deA. Reid of the National Urban League and Mr. James H. Hubert of the New York Urban League read parts of the manuscript and gave other assistance for which the writer is very grateful. The author is indebted to Dr. Guion Griffis Johnson for the privilege of examining, before publication, her manuscript A Social History of the Sea Islands. He wishes to thank Mrs. Gertrude Stewart for her help in selecting the title of the book. He desires, also, to take this opportunity to thank the Yaddo Corporation for the privilege of spending a portion of the summer of 1929 at Triuna-on-Lake-George, New York, in company with the staff of St. Helena investigators and other students of similar interests. He wishes to express his gratitude to the Milbank Memorial Fund for the research fellowship which has been the source of much assistance and has made it possible for him to devote much time to the completion of the document. Finally, the writer wishes to acknowledge the fact that without the cooperation of large numbers of St. Helena migrants and of many other individuals whose names cannot be mentioned for lack of space, this study would have been impossible. C. V. K. N E W YORK C I T Y , MAY,

1932.

CONTENTS r«u F O R E W O R D BY F R A N K

A. R o s s

7

PREFACE

9 C H A P T E R HARLEM—NEW

YORK

I

CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

Entrance of the Negroes into Harlem The Harlem of To-day Occupations Income, Rents, and Housing Health Juvenile Delinquency and Crime Recreation Illicit Activities Churches Harlem's Sea Islanders

. . . .

C H A P T E R ST.

HELENA

18 24 28 31 34 39 41 45 52 55

II

ISLAND—PAST

AND

PRESENT

Early History Means of Sustenance Domestic Life Community Activities

58 63 70 73 C H A P T E R

E V E N T S AND CHANGES

III

INDUCING

MIGRATION

Civil War to the Storm of 1893 From the Storm to the Advent of the Boll Weevil Since 1919 Summary C H A P T E R M O T I V E S OF T H E

85 97 108 112

IV MIGRANTS

117 129 131

Sustenance and Security More Agreeable Type of Work Comfort and Recreation 15

16

CONTENTS FACE

V i s i t i n g in the Cities Contact with Friends and Relatives Racial Attitudes Miscellaneous S u m m a r y of Causes of M i g r a t i o n

133 134 135 138 138

C H A P T E R THE

V

M I G R A N T S AND T H E I R

DISPERSION

Dispersion 145 147 D e m o g r a p h i c Characteristics T h e Mechanics of the Migration 149 P e r m a n e n t Migration 153 Migration to Beaufort and to Surrounding Rural N e i g h b o r h o o d s . 155 M i g r a t i o n to Savannah 158 Migration to Charleston 159 Migration to N e w Y o r k . 162 M i g r a t i o n to Boston and Philadelphia 168 C H A P T E R SECONDARY

VI

MIGRATION

Chronic Ramblers. E x t e n t and Character of Secondary M o v e m e n t s C H A P T E R

174 176

VII

I S L A N D E R S IN T H E

CITIES

Livelihood H o m e Life Recreation . . Group L i f e

191 201 206 209 C H A P T E R

VIII

CONCLUSION

General S u m m a r y

216

APPENDIX A . — M e t h o d of Procedure

225

APPENDIX B . — P o p u l a t i o n of St. H e l e n a T o w n s h i p since 1870. . .

230

APPENDIX C . — M o r t a l i t y Rates in Manhattan

232

APPENDIX D . — T h r e e L i f e Stories Obtained from M i g r a n t s . . .

235

BIBLIOGRAPHY

265

INDEX

269

CHAPTER

I

H A R L E M — N E W YORK CITY'S BLACK

BELT

HARLEM is a city of Negro migrants. Few of the adults living in N e w Y o r k ' s black belt are natives of Manhattan and few are white. Some of the dusky inhabitants came directly from the W e s t Indies, from the Azores, and even from A f r i c a . But for the most part, the grown-up black folk who walk Lenox and Seventh Avenues above 125th Street once trod the furrows in the cotton fields of the South. It is difficult to realize that the Harlemites, now an apartment and tenement-dwelling folk in one of the largest and most highly urbanized metropolises of all time, are only one to three centuries removed from kraal life in A f r i c a ; that among them can yet be found a few who were once chattels of southern plantation owners; that most of them are natives of the rural South and were " reared to the plow." T h e transition from " hut-dwelling " in A f r i c a to slave life in America and the abrupt change from rural to urban existence are fundamental aspects of Negro migration. The hopes which prompted the migration of many thousands of colored persons to Harlem are reminiscent of the belief held by slave forebears that freedom would bring a better day. Regardless of whether specific aspirations of migrants have been as vain as the freedman's dream of receiving from the government a mule and forty acres of land, the recent cityward trend of the colored population probably signifies a change in Negro life second in importance only to emancipation. While the migration of Negroes to New Y o r k is only an epitome of the general movement of blacks from rural 17

18

SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

regions to urban centers, in no other city in the world is there found such a large concentration. During the initial stages of the transition many problems have arisen in cities to which Negroes have gone, but probably in no place are these more apparent than in Harlem, the urban capital of the Negro. T h e lure of Harlem has been widespread. It has penetrated even into the remote self-contained communities of the South Carolina sea islands. Gullah Negroes from St. Helena Island, a representative community of these low lands, have come in large numbers to the metropolis. T h i s chapter is devoted to a description of the main currents of life in New Y o r k ' s black belt, the problems and situations encountered and created there by Negro migrants. 1 A n understanding of this background is essential to a full appreciation of the significance of the process of migration. T h e present study attempts a genetic interpretation of the phenomenon of population movements by tracing back a certain group of migrants to the specific southern community from which they came. A clear realization of their present mode of living in the northern city both intensifies the contrasting situations in the South from which they departed and clarifies the forces which have led them to seek new homes. E N T R A N C E OF T H E NEGROES I N T O

HARLEM

F o r years Harlem was separated from the thriving city of N e w Y o r k by farms and wooded land. 2 Even after its 1

Cf. references given in footnote ( i ) , p. 12.

For accounts of the early history of Harlem, see Pierce, Carl Horton, New Harlem, Past and Present, New Harlem Publishing Company, New York, 1903, chapters i and ii. This is an interesting and apparently authentic treatment of early Harlem, together with what seems to be partisan treatment of land ownership. See also Irving, Washington, A History of New York ... by Diedrich Knickerbocker, George P. Putnam and Son, New York, 1867; and Riker, James, Harlem: Its Origin and Early Annals, New York, 1881. 2

HARLEM—NEW

YORK CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

19

annexation to New York City this section was characterized by a distinct atmosphere. Removed as it was from the turmoil of " downtown," and yet easily accessible by the newly-built " elevated " with its tiny steam engines, it was a comparatively quiet and desirable section in which to live during the " mauve decade." Older residents can recall the 125th Street cable cars that furnished the chief means of movement from one part of Harlem to another. Scattering families of Negroes had long lived in or near the premises of white employers. These few domestic workers who lived in basements or in the inauspicious quarters provided in the alleys had long been accommodated to a white environment. Such individuals had become recognized residents of the neighborhood and their presence was taken as a matter of course by the whites. Not until Negroes seeking homes began coming into the area were the seeds of Negro Harlem sown. Minor disagreements are encountered in published and oral statements concerning the exact date of origin of this newer movement. There is universal agreement, however, in attributing to Philip A. Payton, a Negro real estate dealer, much of the responsibility for the early growth of Negro Harlem. According to Mr. William H. Wortham, an official in the Philip A. Payton, Jr., Company, parts of Harlem had deteriorated somewhat as a residential section by the close of the nineteenth century. Improved dwellings had been erected on the hitherto undeveloped Washington Heights. Many Harlemites had built homes of their own in various suburbs. House rentals declined sharply. Mr. Payton was aware of the general trend of real estate in this area and kept his eyes open for an opportunity to introduce tenants of his race. In 1903, according to Mr. Wortham, the white managers of the house at 31 West 134th Street, east of Lenox Avenue, 3 3

This information was furnished to the present writer by Mr. Wortham.

20

SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

were having difficulty in holding their tenants because of the neighborhood feeling over a death—a suspected murder— which had recently occurred there. Mr. Payton approached the managers and offered to fill the house with Negro tenants at rentals of about five dollars more per month per flat than the whites had been paying. The white managers accepted the proposition. Mr. Payton had no difficulty in finding Negro tenants. His first came from 99th Street between Central Park West and Columbus Avenue, where a small colony had lived for a long time. Later, as he and other Negro real estate dealers bought or secured control of other houses, tenants were drawn from the Columbus Hill section—then the chief Negro area of the city—and from other small colonies in Manhattan. They were attracted to Harlem by the possibility of securing more comfortable living quarters than were available in the congested Negro sections of that date. Old Harlem, however, did not welcome the intrusion. White families vacated houses adjacent to those newly occupied by Negroes, only to have their places filled by the latter. The process was one accompanied by resentment and opposition on the part of the white residents. A f t e r the movement spread west of Lenox Avenue, and began to encroach upon adjoining white neighborhoods, " the whole movement in the eyes of the whites, took on the aspect of an ' invasion '; they became panic-stricken and began fleeing as from a plague. The presence of one colored family in the block, no matter how well bred and orderly, was sufficient to precipitate a flight." 4 T h e First Report of the Tenement House Department of the City of New York, 1902-1903, in vol. ii, p. 64, shows that there w e r e 101 N e g r o e s in the block between 134th and 135th Streets, F i f t h and L e n o x A v e n u e s . T h i s is the block mentioned as the scene of M r . P a y t o n ' s activities, so that he evidently accelerated rather than initiated the movement of Negroes to H a r l e m . 4

Johnson, J a m e s Weldon, " T h e M a k i n g of H a r l e m , " Survey

vol. liii, p. 636, M a r c h , 1925.

Graphic,

HARLEM—NEW

YORK

CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

21

C o n t e m p o r a r y newspaper articles indicate the feeling that w a s aroused by the influx o f colored residents.

T h e follow-

ing news item is an illustration. Indignation meetings were held yesterday and last night throughout the neighborhood of W e s t 135th Street, where thirty-five white families are to be ejected today to make room for Negro families. Not only will the white families in Nos. 168 and 170 W e s t 135th Street obey the command of a Negro real estate agent to vacate, but it was said last night that there would be a general exodus of whites from that locality. Residents in adjacent streets believe that there is a definite plan on foot to plant a large Negro colony there and they say they will get out at once. Real estate men who own or have charge of new apartment houses in the vicinity say the influx of Negroes will greatly diminish the value of property in that part of the city and that eventually all buildings will have to be rented to Negroes or stand idle. Philip Pay ton, a Negro who controls the houses on 135th Street, declared that he was acting entirely within the law in driving the whites out, as none of them held yearly leases. They received their notice to vacate on July 6 and have only until July 10, to make room for the Negroes. One report had it yesterday that Hannah Elias was the owner of the house in 135th Street where Negroes are to be installed today, but Payton denied it, saying the property was owned by a white person. It is generally believed by the residents, however, that the establishment of the Negroes in 135th Street is only the nucleus of a Negro settlement that will extend over a very wide area of Harlem within the next few years. 8 T h e white home owners suffered, not only through the necessity of disposing of their dwelling places, but also by a depreciation in the selling value of their property, due to the deluge of such sales. 8

Non-resident real estate owners, on

New York Herald, July 10, 1906, p. 14.

22

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

the other hand, were interested in rents; they took advantage of the abnormal situation and raised the monthly rents when Negroes began occupying the apartments. The increase in rent made possible by the overwhelming demand for homes on the part of Negroes, served to hasten the evacuation by tenant whites. In 1 9 1 4 , some white real estate owners formed the Harlem Property Owners Improvement Association, the chief purpose of which was to limit the Negro invasion of Harlem. Their attempts were fruitless, however, partly because by that time the movement had gained much momentum and partly because many real estate owners, chiefly non-resident, sought Negro tenants in order to increase revenue from their properties. A n anonymous undated letter sent to a real estate owner illustrates something of the feeling engendered by announcements of real estate companies that they would begin renting apartments to Negroes. Harry Bierhoff, President The Rock Reality Company 345 Lenox Avenue, N. Y . C. Dear Sir:

We have been informed of your intention to rent your house at 46 West 117th Street to Negro tenants. This is wholly unamerican, and is totally against our principles. We ask you in a gentlemanly way to rescind your order, or unpleasant things may happen. May your decision be the right one. (Signed) K . K . K . Realm 7, Chapter 3 8 Letters such as the above, however, were of little avail. Negroes continued to come. 6

Original document in the files of the N e w Y o r k Urban League.

The

HARLEM—NEW

YORK CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

MANHATTAN AND HER PRINCIPAL NEGRO SETTLEMENT PER CENT N E G R O IN AREA I N D I C A T E D

W.IIS

m [ W. 15»

W. 114

Map I.

10 and o v e r s o to s o .¡1 Less than 50

24

SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

T H E HARLEM OF TO-DAY

T h e boundary of Negro Harlem is not yet fixed. Since a few families of Negroes entrenched themselves on 134th Street, in 1903, the area of Negro occupancy has constantly broadened. In speaking of the " boundaries" o f Negro Harlem, too, one should keep in mind the fact that there are areas of mixed population between those occupied predominantly by Negroes and those occupied chiefly by whites. T h e most predominantly black area, in 1930, as indicated on M a p I, comprised all the territory north of 126th Street between Eighth Avenue and the Harlem River, except a few blocks south of 134th Street and east of F i f t h Avenue. In this area Negroes numbered 106,538 and constituted 97.4 per cent of the population. This is represented by the central cross-hatched area on Map I and by the black portion of Map II. I f the contiguous areas in which the Negroes constituted over half of the total population are added, then roughly the boundaries extend westward to Amsterdam Avenue between 130th and 155th Streets, and southward to 114th Street between Eighth and Lenox Avenues. (See Map I.) I f the populations of these contiguous areas are added to the central area first described, Negroes numbered 143,594 and constituted 80.8 per cent of the population. W i t h the possible exception of the small extreme southerly portions of this area, the boundaries of this district delineate those of what might well be regarded as Negro Harlem. Outside of these boundaries, however, are adjacent areas in which from less than one per cent to almost half the total population were Negroes. If the inhabitants of the whole area indicated on Map I are considered, Negroes numbered 192,620 and represented 37.9 per cent of the entire population. T h e varying proportions which colored people formed of the total inhabitants are shown by Sanitary Districts on Map II.

HARLEM—NEW

YORK CITY'S BLACK BELT

PER C E N T IN T O T A L

NEGRO

POPULATION

BY S A N I T A R Y DISTRICTS ^ H ^ B 10 a n d over | 75 to 81 | 50 to 14E 5 S 3

"

to 4 1

|»'y.\'..'j 10 fO Z * I

I Uridtr 10

W. 101 ST CENTRAL PARK

Map II.

25

26

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

The transformation of Harlem from an area of whites to one of Negroes has been rapid indeed. The small area in which Negroes made up 97.4 per cent of the population in 1 9 3 0 was only 62 per cent Negro in 1920 and only 1 7 . 3 in 1 9 1 0 . In the larger area, the population of which was fourfifths Negro in 1930, Negroes made up only two-fifths of the total population in 1920 and approximately one-eighth in 1 9 1 0 . In the entire area considered, the total population of which was over one-third black in 1930, Negroes constituted only one-eighth of the inhabitants in 1 9 2 0 and one-twentieth in 1 9 1 0 . Is it strange, then, that Harlem should be a center of attention? The rapid massing of 190,000 people in a metropolitan area has created fresh material for the playwright and novelist, acute problems for the social pathologist, and splendid opportunities for the sociologist to observe processes of adaptation. Harlem's densely populated Black Belt with its hues varying from the " high yellows " to the " coal blacks," is made up of a highly heterogeneous population. Drawn from widely scattered birthplaces, such as the bollweevil-ridden sections of the South, the West Indies, Cuba, the Azores and Madeira, South America, and even far-flung regions in A f r i c a , these people range from the very poor to the very wealthy, from illiterates to holders of University degrees, from desperate criminals to citizens of the highest moral tone, and from the most superstitious to the most rational. The swarming of such a large number of people, so many of whom are alien to the ways of the city, into this narrow area, has been accompanied by acute needs for readjustment in housing regulations, for public health work, for law enforcement, and for education in its many aspects. So much has been written about the bright lights, the color, the gaiety, the jazz, and the debauchery of Harlem that the ordinary routine and problems of the masses of people there

HARLEM—NEW

YORK

CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

27

have been obscured. The " slumming parties " that go to Harlem for thrills usually see only what they expect to see. The night-club guests participate in the hilarity but seldom realize that while they sit until the wee hours of the morning in a Harlem cabaret or night club, enjoying the entertainment furnished by Negro performers, there are thousands of black folk slumbering within a few blocks, ready the next morning to begin another day of toil. Everything is not gaiety in Harlem. The problem of earning a livelihood preoccupies the thoughts and energies of many. Coming from rural sections of the South where the pace of work is slow, many inhabitants of Harlem have found it difficult to adjust themselves to the highly mechanized environment. The necessity of cash disbursements for food, clothes, and shelter constitutes a source of constant worry. Clock-like regularity in hours of labor is necessary if the job is to be held. Little wonder that on the faces of some, unaccustomed to the swift tempo of New York life, can be discerned the marks of disillusionment, anxiety, and care. There is nothing romantic about the phase of Harlem's life which can be seen as these toilers fare forth to their work. Here is a middle-aged man who must ride for twenty minutes before he arrives at the building of which he is caretaker, where he must rake down the banked clinkers of the furnace, shovel coal, and have the building warm and the water hot by the time the occupants are ready to rise. Here is a girl who must reach the home of her white employer in time to have breakfast prepared for the family. During the evening subway rush hours, on boarding a Lenox Avenue train at the Ninety-sixth Street Station one may find only a sprinkling of whites. The cars are packed with Negroes returning f r o m work; some reading the tabloids, others wearily hanging to the straps, or crowding the seats. How different f r o m the behavior of a crowd of

28

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

chattering N e g r o e s returning at nightfall f r o m the cotton fields of the S o u t h ! OCCUPATIONS

M o s t o f these N e g r o e s have come to N e w Y o r k expecting a means of livelihood.

M a n y , however, do not come primar-

ily f o r the purpose o f getting w o r k .

S o m e want to live in

Harlem and to participate in the life there. j o i n friends and relatives.

Others want to

Regardless of the motive f o r

coming, all must support themselves or be supported others.

What

opportunities do they h a v e ?

They

by

came

originally as unskilled laborers and as domestic workers.

A

m a j o r i t y o f the g a i n f u l l y employed still belong to these t w o occupational groups, but in recent years new fields have been opened to them. Census figures concerning the occupations of N e g r o e s in N e w Y o r k C i t y in 1930 are not yet available.

F r o m 1910

to 1920, however, striking changes were made in the proportion o f

N e g r o e s in various lines of w o r k .

In

1910,

almost one-half of the N e g r o male w o r k e r s in N e w Y o r k were e n g a g e d in domestic and personal services.

T h e pro-

portion dropped to a little above one-third in 1920. Industrial fields open to N e g r o w o m e n are naturally more restricted than those open to males.

Domestic and personal

service is still the dominant field and to a much greater extent than a m o n g the males.

T h e percentage in domestic and per-

sonal service, however, declined slightly during the 191 o1920 decade.

O n the other hand, a gradual infiltration into

manufacturing and mechanical industries—chiefly as laborers in garment trades and paper b o x f a c t o r i e s — i s shown by the Census

figures.

A m o n g the males, too, domestic and personal service constituted the most important single field o f occupation.

On

the other hand, whereas only one-eighth of all N e g r o males

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gainfully employed in 1 9 1 0 had occupations in manufacturing and mechanical fields, the proportion increased to over one-fifth in 1920. Professional, public service, and clerical pursuits constitute small proportions but in actual numbers there were significant increases from 1 9 1 0 to 1920. The proportion engaged in trade remained practically at a standstill.7 Though no recent adequate survey of Negro business in Harlem has been made, the most casual observation of the stores in any part of that section discloses that Harlem Negroes buy most of their food, clothing, and services from whites. A s in other parts of the city, practically all of the mercantile, grocery and drug stores as well as delicatessens, cafes, and movie houses, are owned and operated by whites. Here and there are found Negro retail stores, restaurants, and printing shops, but they have had difficulty in competing with the white establishments, some of which are branches of the regular chain stores. Complaints are made by Negro retailers that members of their own race prefer to patronize whites. Some attribute this non-cooperative attitude to jealousies, stating that one Negro is unwilling to see another get ahead. It seems likely, however, that the real reason may be the simple lack of well organized Negro establishments which can compete in prices and quality of goods with those of the more experienced white merchants. Impressive indications that a change has begun may be noted from the success of various fairly recent experiments. The Dunbar National Bank, 150th Street and Eighth Avenue, incorporated in 1928, is not entirely managed by Negroes, but all of the employees are colored and Harlemites are wont to point to the establishment with pride as being one of their own. 7

United States Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Censtis, 1920, vol. iv, pp. 1158 et seq.; Thirteenth Census, 1910, vol. iv, table viii.

30

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Although the development of Negro business enterprises in Harlem has been slow, a few Negro leaders and organizations have been working to improve conditions in this respect. In particular, the National Negro Business League, founded by Booker T . Washington in 1 9 c » and with present headquarters in downtown New York, has within the past two years been able to show concrete results, among the most impressive of which has been the organization of the Colored Merchants Association, Inc. Members of this organization retain control of their stores, but have the advantages of cheaper prices through cooperative buying, expert advice and services, and the advantages which accrue from the uniform store fronts and fixtures, and C. M. A. advertisements. A t present there are twenty-five C. M. A. stores in New York, seventeen of which are in Harlem. Another interesting step has been the organization, in 1929, of the Peoples Economic Association, Inc., the objective of which is " to enable the Negro to reduce the demands on charity by improving his economic condition." Mr. Benjamin Curley, an official of the National Negro Business League and of the National Colored Merchants Association Stores, Inc., was the sponsor of the Peoples Economic Association. The Association was successful in having the Banking Department of the State of New Y o r k grant a charter to the Peoples Credit Union, " a cooperative bank concerned with the smallest units of saving and equally small questions of credit." A pamphlet issued by this Association states that " The charter was the first of any kind ever granted by the Banking Department of the State of New York to an all-Negro management personnel." 8 The Peoples Credit Union, according to its first yearly financial 8 F o r an interesting account of the experiment, see Curley, C. Benjamin, " Harlem Has a Little Bank," Southern Workman, vol. lx, pp. 483-486, November, 1931.

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statement, began business January, 1930, " without a dollar." A t the close of the year there were 201 shareholders owning shares, reserves, and undivided profits amounting to a total of $9,216.68. In New Y o r k , as in all large cities and among both races, there is much unemployment even in normal times. Newcomers naturally encounter greater difficulties in getting jobs than do individuals more familiar with the city, particularly if their color weighs against them. During periods of depression, Negroes, for the above reasons, have greater difficulty finding other jobs once they are unemployed. " T h e N e g r o is the last man hired and the first man fired," said a well-known Negro minister in Harlem in his plea for funds to feed hungry Negroes during the winter of 19301931. Mr. James H. Hubert, Secretary of the New Y o r k Urban League, estimated that early in 1931, 25,000 Negroes (more than a tenth of the entire population of Harlem) were unemployed. 9 During that winter, disproportionately large numbers of poorly clad Negroes shivered as they stood in bread lines at free soup kitchens, vainly tramped the streets in search of work, pushed and crowded into free employment agencies, and spent their dimes for the warmth afforded by " early bird " matinees at the cheap movie houses. There is little indication that in the winter of 1931-1932, there was any improvement in the situation. INCOME, RENTS, A N D HOUSING

In order to show the seriousness of the economic condition of the marginal workers in Harlem—and the rank and file are marginal laborers—the following figures are given relative to income, rent, and housing. These figures were 9 Hubert, James H., " Harlem Faces Unemployment," vol. ix, p. 42, February, 1931.

Opportunity,

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obtained in 1 9 2 7 by a nonpartisan and unbiased s u r v e y , bef o r e the economic depression and during a w a v e of unprecedented prosperity.

T h e y represent a state of a f f a i r s even

then considered serious by the city w e l f a r e agencies.

Since

a large proportion of the inhabitants of H a r l e m are unskilled laborers, one naturally expects them to be poorly paid.

But

not only are they poorly paid; as a group, they must also bear a heavier rent burden. T h e Negro families in the West Harlem section have undoubtedly the most serious housing problem in the city. These f a m ilies in all the income levels show higher actual rental and higher percentage of income used for rent than any other section of the city. The percentage paid for rent varies from 1 per cent to 20 per cent higher for West Harlem that for any other section. Although the income of the Negro family is about 1 7 per cent lower than that of the typical family for the entire city, it must pay almost $3.00 more per room per month. The West Harlem family pays nearly one-third of its income f o r rent, as compared with approximately one-fifth for the whole city. Conditions as to crowding in this neighborhood are about the same as in the city as a whole, although the percentage of families having two or more persons per room is somewhat higher ( 1 0 per cent rather than 8*4 per cent) and the percentage of families having more than one and less than two persons per room is correspondingly lower. This section, based on a survey of eighty-nine families, shows the following comparisons: 1 0 Typical Family Entire City $1,570.00 Annual Income 316.00 Annual Rent 6.6 7 Rent per Room per month Per cent of Income f o r rent . . 1923

Typical Family West Harlem $1,300.00 480.00 9-50 3297

10 Batchelor, Carey, What the Tenement Family Has and What It Pays for It. Report of a city-wide study made in 1928-1929 by the United Neighborhood Houses in cooperation with the League of Mothers Clubs, PP. 5-6.

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Although the number of cases studied by the United Neighborhood Houses appears to be somewhat small, a study of a much larger sample group made by the New York Urban League in 1927, indicates that the picture revealed by the United Neighborhood Houses' report is not too bleak and is probably fairly accurate. The average weekly wage of the 1,763 males of the Urban League study was $24.32. Family earnings were investigated for a single month in 1927. The earnings of almost one-sixth of the families studied were less than $75.00. Seven-eighths of the families earned less than $125.00, and slightly more than one in one hundred earned more than $ 1 7 5 . 0 0 per month. In spite of the low incomes received by the Harlem families studied by the Urban League, between three-quarters and four-fifths paid monthly rent ranging from $32.23 to $ 5 1 . 1 2 . 1 1 In order to pay the high rents many families have found it necessary to take in lodgers. Woofter reports that out cf 1,624 Negro families canvassed in New York City in 1927, nearly a third took in lodgers. 12 Unattached individuals sometimes " double u p " in single rooms in private homes. This " doubling up " is described as follows in the Urban League's report: Very recently there has come to the attention of the Urban League, the rapid increase of the " Repeating " or " Hot Bed " system. It is impossible to find out the extent of this practice, though it has existed for some time. This system may be explained as the double renting of a lodging room. It may be let to both a day worker and a night worker, one of them sleeps in the day and the other at night—or to a Pullman porter who simply desires to maintain a room as a residence in the city. 11 Tzventy-Four Hundred Negro Families in Harlem, Unpublished Mss., New York Urban League Files, pp. 19-20. 12

Woofter, T. J., Jr., Negro Problems in Cities, New York, 1926, p. 87. For a comparison of rents paid by white and colored families of similar economic status, see ibid., pp. 126-135.

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Very often the rooms of children of the family are let out to night workers. One tenant stated that two years ago the block in which he lived was opened to colored tenants in this section of the city, the rental of which was more than $20.00 per room. When the tenants complained that it was extraordinarily high, they were instructed that the rent could be paid through the aforementioned system. 13 Another effect of the low incomes received appears in the amazing proportion of mothers in Harlem who daily go out from their homes as wage earners. The Urban League study revealed that 55 per cent of the mothers in the families included in the survey worked more or less regularly outside their homes. 13 Among the facts disclosed by the report of the Joint Committee on Negro Child Study in New Y o r k City, published in 1927, was the illuminating one that " the proportion of Negro married women working is over four times as great as that of the native white women, and over five times that of the foreign born women." 1 4 In families in which the mothers work, their children have the entire day to themselves, often being locked out of their homes until the mother returns. There are few playgrounds in Harlem; so the child " takes to the street." HEALTH

With the great amount of overcrowding, it is not surprising that the general health of the Harlem Negroes is poor. That the incidence of tuberculosis among urban Negroes is higher than among rural Negroes has been repeatedly pointed out. Further, the mortality rates from this disease have been found to differ not only by race and for rural and urban areas but also city by city and by periods for the same city. is 13 14

Twenty-Four

Hundred

Negro

Families

in Harlem,

A Study of Delinquent and Neglected Negro New York City Children's Court, 1025, p. 12. 15

p. 1 1 .

Children

Before

the

Such differences suggest that the mortality rates are highly sensitive

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In Manhattan Borough, as in other northern centers, the general death rate and the mortality rates from pneumonia and tuberculosis are higher for Negroes than for whites.

In

comparing rates, however, it is highly desirable to take into account differences in the age composition of whites and Negroes in Manhattan.

This is especially true when com-

parison of rates from specific diseases is made.

Tubercu-

losis for instance, finds its heaviest incidence among the lower middle-aged classes, the period in which there are disproportionate numbers of Negroes in Manhattan, while heart disease mainly affects the older portions of the population. There are two statistical methods of controlling the age factor.

One is that of giving the rates for specific age

groups; the other is that of obtaining the total rate standardized for age.

Rates for specific age groups may be found

in the appendix, page 2 3 2 .

W h e n the total rates from

specific diseases for Negroes and whites are standardized for age, 16 the following comparisons appear: to environmental conditions and that the process of adaptation of migrants to city life may be largely responsible f o r extremely high death rates from tuberculosis among southern born Negroes who are recent arrivals in northern cities. 16 Data available in the reports of the New Y o r k City Department of Health are given f o r white and colored by health areas. However, since crude rates are often misleading, the author felt it necessary to standardize f o r age and was forced to resort to the original tabulation sheets of the Health Department f o r classifications by age. A t the same time he was enabled to eliminate the colored other than Negro from the lumped colored as published. These rates, therefore, do not correspond to any data heretofore published. T h e estimated white and Negro populations of Manhattan as of July 1, 1930, were obtained by application of the arithmetical progression to the differences between the 1920 and 1930 figures as given by the United States Census reports. In standardizing f o r age, the age distribution of the total population of the United States in 1920 was used.

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R A T E S STANDARDIZED FOR A C E

Cause of Death All Causes (charged to area) Pneumonia (both f o r m s ) * . . Heart Diseases No. 90 (Int. list of causes) Pulmonary Tuberculosis . . .

Whites Crude Standardized 14.1 13.8 (per i,ooo) 153.5 165.7 (per 100,000) 2864 261.9 86.7

74.5

Crude 16.0 214.3 238.5 261.4

Negroes Standards 19.7 (per 1,0 264.5 (per io< 389.3 235-3

* Rates f o r specific diseases are based on total deaiths, residents and non-reside

Standardization amounts to showing what the rates for Negroes and whites of Manhattan would be if the t w o populations had equal proportions in the several age groups. By this process of standardization the differences between the rates are generally emphasized, due to the fact that the Negroes have an abnormal age distribution with a noticeable concentration in the lower middle-age period. In November, 1930, the Committee on Neighborhood Health Development issued a report of a demographic study of health in Central Harlem. 1 7 T h e area of Central Harlem is practically the same as that which has been described as Negro Harlem on M a p I. In that area there was a total population of 205,829 in 1930, of which Negroes constituted 142,206, or 69.1 per cent. The crude death rates in specific health areas indicate interesting differences within the Harlem area. North of 126th Street, where the population is over 90 per cent Negro, Lenox Avenue roughly divides the areas having relatively high death rates f r o m those with low rates. East of Lenox Avenue in the two districts above 126th Street the crude rates were exceedingly h i g h — 1 8 . 9 and 17.2 per 1,000 population. West of this Avenue, rates in the specific areas were 14.2, 1 7 New Y o r k City, Committee on Neighborhood Health Development, Central Harlem Health Center District: A Memorandum Concerning 1929 Population, Vital Statistics, Communicable Disease Registration, New York City, Department of Health.

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13.5, and 13.4—the last being a trifle lower than that for the whole of Manhattan. Anyone familiar with Harlem knows that, in general, the housing conditions west of Lenox Avenue are much better than in the section east of this Avenue. West of Lenox are found the owners and renters of brownstone fronts and tenants who can afford to pay the higher rents. The economic status of this group is decidedly higher, for while many squalid quarters do exist west of Lenox, they do not abound in such numbers as where, east of that Avenue, the cold water flats prevail. In a section of the city where health conditions are poor and where there are so many ignorant and superstitious inhabitants, it is little wonder that charlatans ply a profitable business. It is almost impossible to go through Harlem, especially on Saturday afternoon when the streets are filled, without encountering several quack doctors surrounded by the curious and the gullible. Some display well-worn charts of the human anatomy and by help of a pointer, indicate to the on-lookers the supposed nature of certain diseases and the reasons why potions, herbs, and salves can eradicate the ailments. Others seek to draw a crowd by exhibiting snakes wrapped around their necks, and by performing sleight of hand. Some venders are white, some black, but apparently the most successful are the light West Indians who pose as East Indians. Nor is quackery confined to medicine for the cure of physical ailments. At 162 West 129th Street, the following sign was displayed in an apartment window: " Prof. Ed. Barritt, School of Metaphysics, Spiritual Messenger, and Divine Healing Meetings." A few steps beyond and across the street was another placard in an apartment window, " Zandros Good Luck Incense Sold Here. 25c a can." The North Harlem Medical Society has been cooperating

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with the City Health Department in an attempt to rid the section of " fakers " and to educate the public, but it will be a long time before the vast number of individuals in Harlem will become enlightened on health matters. T h e y have come in large numbers f r o m a section in which home remedies, chill tonics, patent medicines, prayer, and sometimes sorcery are the chief tools in the fight f o r health. Progress f r o m the use of nostrums to the adoption of the principles of hygienic living is always slow. There are, however, cheerful signs. F o r the first time in their lives many Negroes have access to clinical service, lyingin hospitals, visiting nurses, nursery schools, milk stations, and good counsel concerning birth control. T h e community work of Harlem Hospital and of Henry Street Settlement has demonstrated that the health of Negro families can be greatly improved when the basic principles of disease prevention are learned. T h e New Y o r k U r b a n League has contributed much toward improving conditions by conducting local programs in health and general community welfare. The expansion of facilities f o r training N e g r o nurses and physicians is to be seen in the reorganization of the medical board of Harlem Hospital early in 1 9 3 0 — t h e chief feature being the placing of Negro physicians on a " full footing of equality " with the whites so f a r as representation on the medical board and opportunity f o r hospital training and experience are concerned. 18 One may perhaps find hope f o r better conditions as the Negro becomes better acclimated, and learns a f e w of the basic principles necessary to a dweller in a northern city. Kennedy sums up the health conditions of the Negro in the northern cities by the following statement: Although the migration brought the Negroes to a more severe 18

New York Herald Tribune, Feb. 14, 1930, p. 1.

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climate and to a more strenuous mode of life, it also brought them under the influence of more rigidly enforced sanitary regulations and in touch with publicly-given information concerning the importance of higher health standards. Change of climate has undoubtedly affected the death rate and the amount of sickness, though bad housing and poverty were so prevalent among the migrants that it is difficult to know to what extent the health situation should be attributed to climate and to what extent to living conditions. On the whole, it seems probable that the Negro has the capacity of adapting himself, if he is given a chance to attain a normal standard of living. 19 J U V E N I L E D E L I N Q U E N C Y AND CRIME

Rates of delinquency in Harlem are very high. A s the Joint Committee on Negro Child Study in New Y o r k City points out in the 1927 report, the necessity for wage earning by mothers, the lack of wholesome recreational facilities, and the tendency toward truancy resulting from retardation in school, are contributing causes of the disproportionate amount of juvenile delinquency among Negroes. 20 In 1925, although the Negroes constituted only 3 per cent c f the total population of New Y o r k City, 8 per cent of the 11,512 cases brought before the New Y o r k City Children's Court were of colored children. 21 It is to the credit of the Negro, however, that of the number of Negro cases brought before the court, the charge of " disorderly conduct " was most common, whereas for whites the prevalent offense was stealing. For Negro boys the second most common offense was desertion; for the white boys, burglary. In 1930, Negro children constituted 11.6 per cent of the 19

Kennedy, Louise V . , The Negro Peasant Turns Cityward, N e w Y o r k ,

1930, p. 180. 20 A Study of Delinquent and Neglected Negro New York City Children's Court, 1925, p. 12.

" Ibid., p. 6.

Children

Before

the

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total 12,718 arraigned for all allegations, although Negroes were but 4.7 per cent of the total population. The proportion is almost precisely the same when the 8,179 arraigned for delinquency are considered apart from the " neglected children, material witnesses and others." 22 A fairer comparison of the relative tendency to delinquency among whites and Negroes should take into account the total number of white and Negro children over seven and under sixteen, the age limits of the legally defined delinquent child.23 T h e delinquent Negro children (excluding neglected children, material witnesses, and others) constituted 2.5 per cent of the total number of Negro children of the same age in New Y o r k City in 1930. The white delinquents comprised less than 1 per cent of all whites of the same age group. The figures themselves make one suspicious that the high rate for Negroes and the preponderance of minor offenses are due to the prosecuting of Negroes accused of minor offenses and to the quashing of those against whites. It may be that Negroes are more harshly penalized for minor offenses than are whites. The showing made by Negroes is even worse when adult offenders are considered. In 1929, Negroes constituted 17.1 per cent of the total 53,531 inmates received from the Courts by all prisons serving Greater New Y o r k , although in 1930 they constituted only 4.7 per cent of the population. If the contrast between whites and blacks is stated in another manner, the number of Negro inmates received in the prisons constituted about five per cent of all Negroes twenty to fortyfive years of age in New Y o r k City, whereas the white prisoners represented 1.5 per cent. Almost one-third of 22

Annual

Report

of the Children's

Court

of the City

of New

York,

1930, p. 22. 2S

Children's Court A c t of the City of N e w Y o r k , ch. 254, L a w s of 1924,

f r o m ibid., p. 11.

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all female prison inmates received were Negroes. Onequarter of the Negro prisoners were females. White female inmates constituted only 11.4 per cent of all whites received." T h e poor showing made by the Negroes in such comparisons, however, is doubtless due in large measure to the inability of Negro offenders to furnish bail, to employ attorneys, and to pay fines. According to information received from police officers of the 32nd (Harlem) Precinct, serious offenses are relatively few among Negroes. There are no Negro gangs in the area, although there are a few Negroes affiliated with white gangs. A white detective who regularly visits the cheap dance halls, pool rooms, and night clubs of Harlem stated that he had arrested more Negroes for " cutting " than for any other offense. Contrary to the belief commonly held by whites, knives—not razors—are the weapons commonly used. The officers characterized Negro offenses as lacking in cleverness, not perpetrated generally as a result of long-standing hatred against another person, and not planned. Offenses are usually committed " on the spur o f the moment," and since one or more of the individuals is generally intoxicated, the occasion for such outbursts may be very trivial. RECREATION

W e have noted at some length the more dreary conditions of Harlem. The casual visitor, especially if he sees this region at night, visions little of the drab features described on the foregoing pages. He will notice the gaiety of the well-dressed people, young men and women for the most part, w h o throng Seventh and Lenox Avenues in quest of pleasure. Interspersed in the crowd here and there will be seen white couples who have come to participate in the rev2*

Report

133-134-

of

the Department

of

Correction

for

the Year

1919, pp.

42

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elry. Harlem has been called the " playground of New Y o r k , " because here, probably more than in any other area of the city with the exception of the Broadway theatre zone, are the evenings so completely given over to pleasure seekers. The Lafayette Theatre on Seventh Avenue at 1 3 1 s t Street draws a full house practically every night. The show lasts for three hours, having an all-Negro orchestra and cast, though many members of the chorus could readily pass as white. This theatre is by far the best in quality of building, orchestra, vaudeville, and movies. The vaudeville " bill " is usually made up of music by a jazz orchestra, the regular singing and dancing acts of the girls, dialogues by black faced comedians, clog dancing, male quartets, and soloists. The movies shown here are the same as those shown in middle-class white neighborhoods. There is much spontaneity on the part of both performers and audience. The Alhambra, farther down Seventh Avenue at 125th Street, has a larger but less ornate building than the Lafayette. Staging, costumes, and cast are poorer, orchestra smaller, jokes more ribald, dancing more suggestive, and the films are decidedly cheaper. This theatre is on the fringe of Harlem, and whites of the laboring class attend in fairly large numbers. They seem to enjoy the crude entertainment as much as do the Negroes. These are the two largest theatres of Harlem. Until recently, the Lincoln Theatre on Lenox Avenue at 135th Street vied with the Lafayette for patronage. Its main trouble seemed to be, however, that it charged Lafayette admission prices and gave shows of Alhambra quality. Recently the Lincoln has ended its career and the building is being used by a Baptist congregation. There are many small movie houses with low admission prices. During the afternoons, flocks of black urchins can be seen standing around these. Since they are not allowed

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to enter unless accompanied by an adult, they keep a sharp lookout for individuals who are going into the show. When a grown-up enters the lobby, he is beseiged by half a dozen lads, each one offering him a dime and begging him to buy an extra ticket. In practically all of these cheap shows the ventilation is poor, " Wild West " pictures constitute the major part of the program, and heroes such as Tom Mix and Jack Holt are wildly acclaimed by the youthful admirers. Although practically all the films shown in Harlem are those produced for white entertainment, recently a few have been produced with Negro casts and for Negro audiences. They have not been uniformly of high grade, but their reception by Negro audiences gives promise of further specializations of this type. Harlem contains many night clubs and cabarets. Although these were originally developed for the entertainment of Negroes, two are now patronized almost exclusively by whites. The most widely known are the Cotton Club on Lenox and Connie's Inn on Seventh. Until about eleven o'clock the Negro orchestra plays while the patrons eat, drink and dance. Then the floor is cleared and the show begins. Brown-skinned girls and smiling, chocolate-colored, light-footed boys entertain the patrons. During an intermission at midnight the patrons use the floor for half an hour. By three or four o'clock the whites—the " dickeys," as the Negroes call them—who have '' done Harlem," disperse as the entertainment ends. The visitor to Harlem can find somewhat less theatrical but decidedly more characteristic forms of entertainment in the cabarets and dance halls patronized almost exclusively by the Negroes. These are numerous and are as popular as are the Negro playhouses. They have been vividly portrayed by Henry J. McGuinn. The following quotation indicates the character of the lowest grades of dancing in Harlem.

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A dance given by a club in New York was very wet, the boys having had " good stuff " imported from Canada. Men having a surplus supply acted as bootleggers for others. The dancing of 60 per cent of the couples was obviously based on erotic thrill. One man confessed that he had landed a woman during the dancing that he had been trying to " make " for over a year. An election-night dance was quite spirited. At least 10 per cent of the people drank liquor from bottles and hip flasks. Many minors were present when the dance closed at two in the morning. The dancing in the majority of the cases was fairly modest, but no effort was made to suppress the conduct of extreme couples. The special officer present centered his entire attention on maintaining order. The men's room was littered with whiskey bottles and boys were seen making up a pot to buy a quart across the street. Several of the boys lost from $2.00 to $10.00 to card sharks who operated at the dance.25 Pool rooms provide a common means of recreation. These are generally located in poor quarters, usually in buildings which have been neglected and in which rents are low. They are in rooms formerly occupied by stores, in basements, and on upper floors. Little attempt is made to brighten the appearance of the interiors. T h e chairs within the pool rooms are generally filled with loiterers who joke and converse familiarly with the players and with the manager. Those who cannot afford to go elsewhere f o r their recreation, find free chairs and can watch the games while they participate in the conversation. There are many pool rooms in which it appears that the same players and on-lookers habitually congregate. Individuals are called by their first names by the manager and often all participate in praising or bantering a player. In general, it appears that the pool rooms provide wholesome recreation. In a few cases they may constitute centers f o r gambling and 25 Woofter, T. J., Jr., Negro Problems in Cities, part iv, " Recreation," by Henry J. McGuinn.

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m a y o f f e r h a n g - o u t s f o r the depraved, but usually those w h o f r e q u e n t these places come m a i n l y f o r the g a m e and

for

association w i t h friends. A

unique

form of

entertainment

exists

in the

" rent

parties " w h i c h o r i g i n a t e d as means o f helping t o d e f r a y the h i g h cost o f h o u s i n g in H a r l e m .

T o the esoteric g r o u p a

small card b e a r i n g lines similar t o the f o l l o w i n g is sufficient announcement of a good time: Shake it and break it.

H a n g it on the

wall, sling it out the window, and catch it before it falls at A SOCIAL WHIST

PARTY

Given by Jane Doe 2 E . 133rd St. A p t . 1 Saturday E v e n i n g March 16, 1929 Music by T e x a s Slim

Refreshments

T h e r e v e n u e f r o m the " rent parties " is derived f r o m admission prices, usually t w e n t y - f i v e cents, and f r o m the sale o f refreshments.

N o t so much f r o m the desire to help a f a m i l y

pay the m o n t h l y rent as f r o m an assurance that here will be found

wild

dissipation,

music,

orgiastic

dancing,

" hard

l i c k e r , " and pickled p i g s ' feet, d o the H a r l e m i t e s c r o w d into the r o o m s a n d " m a k e w h o o p e e . "

O r i g i n a l l y an attempt b y

a destitute f a m i l y t o raise f u n d s f o r rent and at the same time t o p r o v i d e entertainment f o r their friends, the " rent p a r t y " has become a systematized practice, o r g a n i z e d and b o r d e r i n g on the " r a c k e t . "

In m a n y cases, h o w e v e r , it is still a serious

and imminent need w h i c h m o t i v a t e s them. ILLICIT

ACTIVITIES

T h e r e are several f o r m s o f illicit or h a l f - s h a d y occupations w h i c h h a v e a fertile

field

for growth

in the black

area.

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Fostered as they are by the high cost of living and low remuneration for labor, they have reached a climax during the recent depression. There are the so-called " grills" and " cafes," the pool rooms, the " numbers " rings which have gained great popularity, prostitution and its kindred evils, and traffic in stolen goods. It is astonishing what a large number of " grills " and " cafes " with interiors concealed by mahogany or walnut screens, or by curtains covering a large part of the plate-glass windows, is supported by the population of Harlem. Almost any Negro passerby knows that these places are not cafes at all but are speakeasies. Indeed, the screen constitutes a form of advertising and access is easy. The interiors of the " grills " stand in marked contrast to the gilded night clubs of Harlem frequented by whites of both sexes. They are usually dingy and filled with thick cigar smoke. Unlike the more fashionable speakeasies, they are rarely entered by women. In fact, few white men patronize them. Reminiscent of the saloons of an earlier day are the long bars with brass rails, stools at one end, and free pretzels. The speakeasies are the hang-outs for Negroes of meagre means. They seem to constitute the club rooms of the neighborhood. Over small glasses of cheap gin and steins of beer, half-drunk Negroes tell of their past experiences. Conversations centering around " numbers," baseball, boxing, liquor, and " sky-larkin ' " may be heard. Although the speakeasies are the centers of a vast amount of illicit liquor traffic and are concentrated on the two main avenues of Harlem, it is rare that drunken Negroes are seen on the streets. The speakeasies are shelters for those who have " taken on " too much. Bartenders and patrons usually prevent a " soaked " Negro from leaving the places alone. Both liquor traffickers and imbibers have learned that while Harlem speakeasies are notoriously unmolested by officers,

HARLEM—NEW

YORK CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

the black patrolmen on Harlem beats will not tolerate drunkenness on the streets. Characteristic of Harlem are the " numbers" pools, a form of lottery organized on a grand scale in which the patrons stake their money on a certain combination and order of three numbers heretofore taken from the weekly Clearing House figures. Any amount of money may be staked and should the individual be lucky enough to have guessed the correct combination and order, he usually receives, less a small fee for the " runner," or solicitor, 540 times as much as the amount of his wager. His chances for getting the correct three figures in order, however, are 1 to 998. At these odds, it is small wonder that the backers of the pools have found them most lucrative. The insidiousness of the " numbers " pool lies mainly in the fact that not only men, but women and children stake their pennies, nickels, and dimes in the vain hope of sudden affluence. The experiences of wives and mothers of Harlem with the " numbers " ring can too often be related in terms of the loss of paltry earnings and savings. Each week the " runner "—and each pool has many such—makes his round of the houses assigned to him. From whomsoever he can induce to take a chance he collects small sums of money. There is anxious waiting for the publication of the figures at the end of the week. The tabloids prominently publish them; thus reaping large benefits by sales to people who have played the " numbers." It is interesting to speculate on the extent to which superstition impinges upon the gambling proclivities of Negroes. The writer talked to one Negro woman who stated that she felt " blue, blue, blue " because she had lost her previous week's wages in the " numbers " pool. On the preceding Wednesday night, she had dreamed that 623 would be the lucky number, but not until Saturday morning did she stake

48

SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

her money. She was sure that the loss was due to the fact that she had not played Thursday morning. Another woman tells of dreaming a certain combination of figures. The next morning she gave her husband a few dollars to stake on the number. A t the end of the week she saw from the papers that her guess was correct. She anxiously awaited the return of her husband at nightfall, only to learn that he had entered the correct combination but wrong order of figures. A white police officer in Harlem informed the writer that credulous individuals desiring to win money in the " numbers racket " sometimes paid fees to fortune tellers and to imposters who garbed themselves as mystics and extracted fees for praying that a certain number would be the lucky one. T o most of the bookmakers this gambling device has proved very profitable. One has built up a ring of thirteen " runners." He came to New York from the South in 1 9 1 7 with less than one hundred dollars and began work as a longshoreman. He was lucky enough to win a " pot of money " himself, and with this as a nucleus he gradually built up a lottery of his own. He has recently bought $40,000 worth of local real estate. His own apartment in one of his two buildings is luxuriously furnished. His fifteen other apartments he rents at high rates. The Hofstadter Committee, investigating certain public evils in New York, called in for questioning two " n u m b e r s " barons in 1 9 3 1 . The subsequent expose of the extent to which this " racket " has been developed in Harlem is astounding. One of the larger " kings " banked $ 1 , 2 5 1 , 5 3 6 . 2 9 during the last three years, while another banked $ 1 , 7 5 3 , 3 4 2 . 3 3 in six years. 28 26

New York Herald Tribune, May 14, 1931, p. 1, and May 15, 1931, p. 1. Recently the " numbers racket" has had a series of reverses. On December 24, 1930, the New Y o r k Clearing House ceased publishing its daily reports in exact numbers. The lottery medium next used was the volume of transactions during the day reported by the New York Stock

HARLEM—NEW

YORK

CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

49

Prostitution is probably more prevalent in Harlem that in white sections of Manhattan. " In 1926," according to Waterman, " Negroes contributed 13 per cent of the total women arraigned in Women's Court; in 1927 they contributed 1 9 per cent; in 1928 they contributed 20 per cent; and in 1929, 22 per cent were Negro defendants. (Percentages compiled from Reports of Chief City Magistrate for years 1926, 1927, 1928 and 1929.) " 27 Negro women constituted but three to five per cent of the total women in New York City during these years; so the number of arrests per year is f a r greater than the " expected " proportion. It must be remembered, however, that Negro prostitutes are more likely to be apprehended than are whites, so that the actual relative amount of prostitution cannot be ascertained by comparison of frequency of arrests. Police officers in Harlem have stated to the author that patronage by whites is frequent. Soliciting on the streets by women themselves is practically non-existent. Negro " pimps " serve in this capacity. The prostitutes themselves remain in their rented rooms where they receive their customers. Officers in Harlem say that prosecution of prostitutes has probably been a little less stringent after the recent break-up of the vice squad. The fact that stealing constitutes a relatively small proporExchange. But on January 28, 1931, it was announced by the New York Times of thait date that the New York Stock Exchange would begin publishing this daily report to the nearest 100,000. This practice, however, has apparently been reversed. Another serious blow was the action of the Hofstadter Committee, already mentioned. However, it is doubtful if so widespread a practice and one deeiply seated in the lives of so many can be terminated or even seriously impaired by legislative investigation or by altering the medium. The writer has been informed by local devotees that horse-racing figures are being used now by some rings and that others have found similar devices, j 2 7 Waterman, W. C., Prostitution and Its Repression in New York \City, 1900-1931, New York, Columbia University Press, 1932, p. 130.

5°

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

tion of the charges against Negro children as compared with the white delinquents has already been mentioned. There is in Harlem, however, a traffic in stolen goods which, while apparently not large at present, is alarming because of the number of small boys who are taught by elders the sly arts of the trade, and who in large proportions may become more serious offenders. Lacking statistics, a concrete case will show how the system works. While the writer was visiting in the home of an old slaveborn woman who lived with her daughter, there came a slight tap at the door. A " who's zat? " from the daughter elicited a grunt which obviously came from a child. The door was opened. In stepped four boys ranging from fourteen or fifteen down to ten years of age. The oldest boy carried in his hand a paper shopping bag which at first he hesitated to open because of the stranger's presence. A f t e r the woman asked him what he had in his bag, however, he gingerly opened it, and without saying a word, withdrew a yellow silk dress. " J o h n n y , you tief! Y o u tief! They put you on chain gang! Y o u t i e f ! " cried the daughter, in the meantime, however, eagerly examining the dress in admiration, placing it in front of her, and exclaiming regretfully because she could not purchase it since she did not have the $ 1 0 which the boys asked. The children departed. The old woman, though she said not a word during the time the boys were there, understood the exact situation. The dress, she said, had been " snitched " from a store. Shaking her old gray head, she said, " I don' like New York. It's too wicked! People is too wil'! They is full o' hell! If you don' start prayin' f ' r 'em now, won' be no use f ' r to pray! Too fuh gone! " These children are mere apprentices in the more extensive " racket " of the itinerant " fence " who sells goods at ridi^

HARLEM—NEW culously low prices. Harlem.

YORK CITY'S BLACK BELT

51

Such racketeers are not confined t o

One is likely to be accosted in almost any section

o f New Y o r k City by a man who " must get rid o f some goods at any price."

In white neighborhoods, however, the

prospective buyer is usually told a fanciful story in order t o convey assurance that the goods were honestly obtained.

In

Harlem, the prospective purchasers are almost invariably told that the goods are " hot stuff " even if they actually have not been stolen. W h i l e the struggle for existence in Harlem is keen, while the economic condition o f many o f its inhabitants is desperate, while dissipation and depravity are rife, a considerable portion o f Harlem Negroes live wholesome and happy lives not unlike those o f their white neighbors on W a s h i n g t o n and

Morningside

Heights.

In

the

main,

the

Harlem

Negroes are a hard-working folk whose struggle for satisfactory livelihood allows little time or money to be used f o r more than the simplest forms o f recreation.

T h e small pro-

portion who frequent the dance halls, speakeasies, and pool rooms have been responsible for Harlem's reputation as a Negro Bohemia.

Family supporters are rarely seen among

the night carousers.

Harlem fathers and mothers generally

spend the few evening hours of leisure at home. o f daily work necessitates early retirement.

T h e grind

Once or twice a

week, however, the father may go out in order to attend a lodge meeting,

church

affair,

movie,

or boxing

match.

V i s i t i n g in the homes o f near-by friends is a very common means o f recreation—perhaps the chief means a m o n g the married women.

Y o u n g men and women in Harlem, as

elsewhere, have their intimate circles o f friends and it is in company with one o r more o f the members o f these small groups that the individual spends much o f his leisure time. Couples and small parties o f either or both sexes stroll along

SEA

52

ISLAND

TO

CITY

the avenues, go to the movies, to dances, to night classes, to the library, to club meetings, to the churches. CHURCHES

Much of the social life of Harlem revolves about the churches. Preaching services, Sunday School, and the societies, clubs, and unions provide many occasions for church attendance, meetings in homes, and visiting around. Superficial observation in several churches is sufficient to indicate that in Harlem, at least, the church is not decadent. Harlem is probably more predominantly Protestant than is any other section in New Y o r k City of equal size or population. According to a survey sponsored in 1930 by the Greater New Y o r k Federation of Churches, 28 there were 160 Negro Protestant churches in Harlem and eight Catholic churches—three of which are all Negro and five of which are Negro and white. T h e total Negro church membership in Harlem was stated to be 67,723 in 1930—42 per cent of the total Negro population. 28 Baptists rank first in numerical importance, there being almost 28,000. The Methodists (including Methodist Episcopal, A f r i c a n M. E., A f r i c a n M. E. Z., American M. E., Colored M. E., and Wesleyan Methodist) collectively reported approximately 21,000. There were almost 5,000 Roman Catholics, 1,800 Presbyterians, 1,000 Adventists, 1,000 Congregationalists, 1,000 Moravians and Lutherans, and 9,000 in other Protestant groups. Included in the reported 160 Negro churches of Manhattan were 122 organizations meeting in residences, in basements, and store fronts. In number these organizations are conspicuous. Forty-four of the 122 reported by the Federation 28 The Negro Churches of Manhattan: A Study made in 1930, The Greater New York Federation of Churches. 29

Ibid., p. 25.

HARLEM—NEW

YORK

CITY'S

BLACK

BELT

53

bore standard denominational names—Baptist for the most part. The present author in personal canvass, discovered many with strange names, such as Bible Truth Church of God, The Church of the Spiritual Temple of Truth, Community Center Spiritualist Church, Silver Light Spiritualist Church, the Church of God in Christ, and the Prince of Piece [sic]. Most of these are located on side streets and occupy limited space in antiquated buildings originally designed for other purposes. A t the door of 32 West 132nd Street, a small frame structure, the following sign was displayed : " The Barefoot Prophet, Clayburn Martin, will conduct a soul saving and Divine Healing Campaign, at Beulah Baptist Church, 32 West 132nd Street. The Pastor will conduct the meetings assisted by other Prominent ministers and gospel singers. Opening day, Monday, April 22nd, 1929." The weird sects and small missions, in spite of their large number, reach only a small proportion of the church-going population. In sharp contrast are churches like St. Mark's Methodist and the Abyssinian Baptist Church. St. Mark's is claimed by some to be the most expensive Negro church in the world. Its activities are many—charitable, educational, and recreational. In 1930, the church property of St. Mark's was valued at $550,000.00. 80 The 2,075 members enrolled in the church support an annual budget of $55,000.00, representing an average cost per member of approximately $26.50. In an interview with the minister in 1932, the writer was informed that there are generally eighteen workers on the paid staff, including a musical director and associates, a kindergarten teacher, a social service worker, directors of the social and recreational department, and stenographers and janitors. There are clubs and organizations for members 80

The Negro Churches of Manhattan: A Study Mode in 1930, New 1 York, The Greater New York Federation of Churches, p. 12.

SEA ISLAND TO CITY

54

of all a g e s ; kindergarten classes; junior and senior scout w o r k and corresponding clubs f o r the g i r l s ; a literary society, most of the members of which are students of

Columbia

U n i v e r s i t y , City College, and H u n t e r ; men's Bible classes; women's missionary societies, clubs, and the like. Only a f e w blocks f r o m St. M a r k ' s is the Abyssinian Baptist Church, another well k n o w n organization in religious circles of Harlem.

T h e writer is indebted to M r . A . C.

Powell, J r . , assistant pastor of the church, f o r the following description of its activities. One of the most progressive and oldest Negro churches is the Abyssinian Baptist in New Y o r k City. It has been under the leadership of Dr. A . Clayton Powell for the last two decades. Last year its fiscal roll showed 9,788 active financial members. Organized one hundred and twenty-three years ago by slaves, today it is composed of Negroes and whites from every walk of life. In the past seven years it has raised half a million dollars to pay entirely f o r its new buildings. These buildings are Gothic in design comprising the church proper, the community house and parsonage, and the old folk's home. The church has two auditoriums; one seating 2,200, the other 1,100, the latter being a convertible " little theatre." The Community House has the various necessary rooms for carrying on its social work. This includes a banquet room seating 250 and a smaller one holding fifty; a gymnasium, a roof garden, domestic science department, free nursing service and nursing school, a school of religious education under Columbia University's supervision, a bible day school f o r children, the largest vacation daily bible school in the country, an employment agency, a music school, fifty-five clubs, thirty-two paid workers under A . C. Powell, J r . One summer camp is supported and a chair of Religious Education is endowed at the cost of $2,500 at Virginia Union University. In A f r i c a one missionary's salary is paid totaling over $ 1 , 2 0 0 a year. Besides the churches, there are other agencies conducive to

HARLEM—NEW

YORK CITY'S BLACK BELT

55

wholesome living. The fraternal orders, Y. M. C. A., the public libraries, public schools, reading clubs, sewing circles, amateur musical organizations, and organized societies of many kinds provide individuals with wholesome leisure-time activities. The normal life of the majority of Harlem Negroes is far from depraved and in many respects is similar to that in the South. " Visiting around " costs little and is perhaps the predominant recreation of the masses. H A R L E M ' S SEA ISLANDERS

The vast majority of the Negroes of Harlem have come in very recent years from the rural reaches of the southern states. No more vital problem exists for the Negro than a determination of what is involved in the transition from life in the rural South to urban existence. Are the moves likely to yield a net of good to the individual, or are the costs greater than the gains ? T o obtain some inkling as to the answer to this question, it is necessary not only to study conditions in this locality but to trace back some of the inhabitants of Harlem to their earlier southern homes and to vision in the lives of their brothers and sisters and cousins who have not migrated what the life of the migrants would have been had they stayed at home. For this purpose, scattered individuals living in present-day Harlem have been interviewed. These were migrants—recent or of a former day—from an isolated Negro community, St. Helena Island, lying near the mainland of South Carolina about midway between Charleston and Savannah. This Island, rich in tradition, has always had, even during the slave-period, a vast preponderance of Negroes, unusually pure in stock and culturally distinct because of the homogeneity of the population and the geographic isolation. From this distant primitive " Gullah " community have come to gay

56

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

Lenox and Seventh Avenues some 500 Negroes. Hundreds have gone to other cities. The drift from the Island has been in operation since the Civil War. Let us now turn to this community and see in operation the economic and social forces which have tended to impel a large proportion of that population to " throw down de ole' heavy hoe," leave their little farms and their placid community life for the more complex and hectic existence of the city.

CHAPTER

II

S T . H E L E N A — P A S T AND P R E S E N T

along the South Atlantic seacoast from Charleston harbor to Florida and separated from the mainland by wide marshes and tidal estuaries, lies a series of islands long known as the Sea Islands. Famous for generations for their crops of indigo, rice, and long-staple cotton, centers of romantic interest to writers such as Poe and Lanier, they have long been important in the life and tradition of the South. On a fringe of the mainland mid-way between Savannah and Charleston is the sleepy little town of Beaufort, South Carolina, like both its elder sisters proud of its tradition, uncertain as to its future. Across a channel from Beaufort town is located St. Helena Island, one of the largest of the islands, about fifteen miles long and from four to seven miles in width. This, together with Ladies Island, far inferior in size, constitutes St. Helena Township. Though early settled, this Island retains a wealth of wild flora and fauna. The sandy loam, the moisture-laden sea breezes, the mild climate, the long summers and early springs, are conducive to luxuriant vegetation. Palmettoes, dogwood, pines, and century-old live oaks laden with long silvery streamers of spanish moss grow here in abundance. Yellow jessamine trails its way over the bushes and into the trees. Golden bells lie along the borders of the many trails. One finds rushes and sea weeds crowding the banks of the estuaries. STRETCHING

57

SEA

58

ISLAND

TO

CITY

The creeks teem with fish, clams, crabs, and shrimp. Oysters line the borders of the streams at low tide. Alligators cautiously leave the water to lie in the warm mud banks. Small sharks are not uncommon. Marsh hens and wild ducks make their nests in the dense rushes of the marshes. Partridge and quail are plentiful. Sea gulls, pelicans, and kingfishers fly near the surface of the streams in their quest for food. Generous as nature is, the Island is no Utopia. The many bogs and quagmires of this low land are breeding places for mosquitoes. Malarial fever takes its human toll every year. Within a generation large portions of the Island have been inundated three times by storms which destroyed crops, demolished houses, and drowned live-stock and even human beings. EARLY HISTORY

The Island was first claimed by the Spaniards and was named for a Spanish patron saint, Santa Elena. 1 The white population from the beginning, however, was drawn largely from England, Ireland, and the British colonies of the mainland. The first warrant for land in St. Helena was apparently made out in 1698—granting " unto M.r John Stewart a Plantation Contaneing One Thous. d Acres of Land on y. e Island of St. Helena, being a Neck of Land formerly Inhabited by the Poctalagoes, Lying North West of y. e Lands Setled by M. r Thomas Niern." 2 The population of St. Helena to-day consists almost wholly of Negroes. There were 168 whites and 4,458 Negroes in 1 Johnson, Guion Griffis, A Social History of the Sea Islands, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1930, p. 1. Note: Unless otherwise stated, the historical facts of this chapter are drawn from this book. For a full treatment, see that volume. 2

Salley, A. S., Jr., Warrants for Lands in South Carolina, Columbia, S. C., By the State Co., 1915, p. 152.

1692-1711,

ST.

HELENA—PAST

AND

PRESENT

59

3

1930. Indeed most of the Negroes are pure blacks, there being few mulattoes and but slight trace of Indian blood. The explanation of the presence of so few whites there is part of the history of this Island, and the unequal balance has existed from the beginning of its history. Some of the early settlers on St. Helena had been planters in the Barbados, where a slave economy had prevailed. They brought black servitors to St. Helena for the purpose of cutting live oaks for ship timbers and for the growing of indigo and rice. F o r many years the chief activities of the pioneers were those of clearing land, of lumbering, and of small scale tillage. A s the region developed, indigo culture became a highly profitable undertaking, since the product was in considerable demand in England. The difficulty of cultivation and the poisonous nature of the crop made slave labor particularly suitable, so that the importation of Negroes from the Barbados and from A f r i c a to supply this need accounts for the presence of increasing numbers of blacks in St. Helena. With the coming of the Revolutionary War, the main market for indigo was cut off and the crop was discontinued. It was never reintroduced. The brief regime of indigo—for it lasted little more than a quarter-century—had been sufficient, however, to establish the plantation-slavery system, a social-economic system to which sea-island cotton culture, introduced soon after the Revolution, was peculiarly adapted. 8 United States Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census, 1930, Population Bulletin, Second Series, South Carolina, p. 36. In 1926, the year in which a special enumeration of St. Helena Negroes was made under the direction of T. J. Woofter, Jr., there were 4,665 Negroes. The few resident whites were not enumerated. The names of the 1928 NegTO inhabitants were checked with the 1920 U. S. Census names. The purpose of the check was to ascertain the number of migrants and to get the number of residents missed by the 1928 enumeration. Allowance for births and deaths was made by securing a transcript of these records from the South Carolina Bureau of Vital Statistics.

6o

SEA ISLAND

TO

CITY

For over a century sea-island cotton was destined to be the chief crop of this region. Its introduction augmented the need for slaves and entrenched more firmly the slavery system. Well-marked social stratification existed here as in all ante-bellum cotton areas. A t the top were the f e w planters who owned from one hundred to two hundred slaves. N e x t were the holders of considerably smaller numbers. N e x t were the white managers and foremen hired for the administration of the plantations. Finally there were the poor whites whose fathers came as "indentured servants. By the slaves as well as by the aristocrats, these were referred to as " white trash." A t the bottom of the scale were the slaves, who soon greatly out-numbered the whites. E v e n among the Negroes caste existed. The house servants gloried in the " quality " of their masters and mistresses, and considered themselves as being on a higher level than were the " low blood fiel' han's." A glimpse of St. Helena during the slave regime is given by " Uncle " S a m Polite, born and reared in slavery and now in his eighties. The picture of that early home life comes clearly from Uncle Sam as he stands by the fire—a rugged old man, and still able to beat many a younger one at his work. He tells of the row of slave cabins, always calling it " de Street." " When de morning star shine, de driver blow he horn, and de wimmen mus' get up ' fore dat an' cook dey brekwus'. . . . Den all go to de wood, pick up a stick, throw him in de yaa'd for fire at Bighouse. Den tek pail and go to de fiel' wid hoe in de hand. De overseer gib tree tasks acre) to each one. When time for eat, we sit right down in de row an' eat an' den back to wuk." ( " And what did you have for breakfast?" I ask.) " O h , we has hominy, or flour an' oshtuh, or crab an' hominy. Such like as dat." * * Cooley, Rossa B., Homes Inc., 1926, pp. 77-78.

of the Freed,

New York, New

Republic,

ST. HELENA—PAST

AND

PRESENT

61

A good description is also given by old " Uncle " Carolina. " We had two streets of houses," said he. " It wasn't a rough time fo' me in slavery. Y o ' see I ate f'om de table. Sence, I had to scuffle fo' myself " (and Carolina had proved himself a poor " scuffler " for he had not been able to hold on to the land and home left him by his parents). " I might as well tell oonuh, I well off wid de white people. Dey all right, only driver bery rough. He ben a cole black man. W e all gits up fo' dayclean, my father ben head man obuh plow han's, an' my mother in de fiel' wid de hoe. W e lib in de 'Street' bery well. One chimney house, one room. Cuffy and me sleep in loft on moss, kiver wid blanket, for Maussuh gib one to parents an' one to chillun. Parents sleep on board nailed up side of de house, on moss too." 5 Soon after the outbreak of the Civil W a r , a very unique situation developed. In 1861, Federal troops entered Port Royal Sound, captured and occupied St. Helena and some of the surrounding islands. Before the arrival of the troops, however, the whites had news of their coming; so they hurriedly left to seek refuge up-State. In some instances a few house servants accompanied their mistresses, but practically all the slaves remained behind to bring the crops to maturity. Soon after the occupation by Federal troops, Northern leaders realized the helplessness of the Negroes so recently thrown upon their own resources. Government officials in Washington were notified concerning the conditions, and in response Edward L . Pierce of the United States Treasury Department was sent to the Island to supervise the handling of the crops. From the Freedman's Relief Association of New Y o r k and from the Educational Commission of Boston, fifty-nine men were sent to aid Mr. Pierce in the economic and social rehabilitation of the sea-island territory. 6

Ibid., pp. 123-124.

62

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

These men were ministers, teachers, physicians, and farm supervisors. Mr. Pierce's headquarters were on Pope's Plantation, St. Helena, and twenty-three of the assistants were in different parts of the Island, the rest being stationed on neighboring islands and the mainland. In 1862, Laura M. Towne and Ellen Murray went down to the Island from Philadelphia in response to the call for help in educating the Negroes. They later established Penn School, an institution which is now the community center of the Island. It is difficult to say what would have been the outcome for the people on St. Helena had they not been guided by the sympathetic whites from the North during the trying times of war and reconstruction. A t the close of the war, the former slave-owners did not return to the Island. Some, perhaps, had been killed, but there was little inducement for those still living to return to their old plantations. Their land holdings had passed out of their control and their human property, indispensable to their economic advantage, had been freed. The Federal government in 1861 levied an annual tax on all states and territories. In 1862 an enabling act was passed providing for the appointment of direct tax commissioners to collect the portion of the tax assessed against the southern states. In the event that voluntary payment was not made, the commissioners were empowered to make collection by sale of land. The latter procedure was followed in South Carolina, 110,000 acres being sold in the Beaufort District alone, most of it in 1863. However, sales continued until the board of commissioners disbanded in 1870. The peculiar feature of the Federal land sales in South Carolina was that the Negro ex-slaves were given an opportunity to buy small parcels. This came about by virtue of instructions issued in 1863 by the President; namely, that parts of certain tracts be divided into small parcels and sold

ST.

HELENA—PAST

AND

PRESENT

63

to " heads of families of the A f r i c a n race, one only to each, preferring such as by their good conduct, meritorious services, or exemplary character, will be examples of moral propriety and industry to those of the same race, for the charitable purpose of providing homes for such heads of families." 8 B y 1865, according to Johnson, 347 purchases had been made by Negroes on St. Helena. T h e prices paid centered around $1.50 per acre, although the range was from $1.00 to $17.50. M E A N S OF

SUSTENANCE

Through hurricane and tempest and many other forms of adversity, the descendants of the first slaves have retained their land, paying the taxes necessary to hold their possessions and living their lives as independent self-respecting farmers. Their trials have been many. There was little heritage from the former white plantation owners in the w a y of farm management. T h e slaves had worked at specific tasks under close supervision. F e w slaves had the opportunity or inclination to learn very much about seed selection, marketing, purchasing, drainage, rotation, care of live-stock, or the general coordination of work involved in the operation of a farm. Such activities were managed by the owners, managers, and foremen. W i t h the purchase of small farms each owner had all of these responsibilities thrust upon his shoulders. Crude implements and poor work animals have been the best that most could afford. Recently a few steps have been taken in the cooperative purchase of implements. Due mainly to lack of training in cooperative ventures and perhaps partly to the desires of ex-slaves to be completely independent, individualism has prevailed and each owner has attempted to provide for himself the tools and services needed. 6

Johnson, G u i o n G., A

Social

History

of the Sea

Islands,

pp. 183-190,

quoting f r o m " Instructions Issued by President Lincoln . . . to the U n i t e d States Direct T a x Direct

Tax

Laws,

Commissioners pp. 61-66, House

for South Ex.

Doc.

Carolina," Compilation

of

no. 146, 40th C o n g . , 2d Sess.

64

SEA ISLAND

TO

CITY

The old plantation names have persisted, although the broad acres of the former slave owners have been parceled into many small tracts. Unpretentious but well-kept homes scattered throughout the area of St. Helena have taken the places of the " slave streets " near the former plantation mansions. One or two of the old mansions still exist, but for the most part the only remains of them are the fallen walls surrounded by the still stately live oaks. Hired managers, foremen, and drivers, too, have passed from the scene. Bells no longer call the Negroes to labor and " tasks " are not assigned by foremen. Each farmer goes quietly about his work and he alone is responsible for his success or failure. Life on St. Helena to-day is quiet and simple. On the whole Island there is neither a railroad nor a hard-surfaced highway. There is, in fact, no town, the nearest approach to one being Frogmore, which is located at a fork near the center of the Island. Here is a large credit merchandising store— owned by whites—where anything from a bull-tongue plow to a yard of calico can be bought. In this building is located the post-office to which mail is brought from Beaufort each day. The Island's only physician, a native of St. Helena and a graduate of Howard Medical School, lives near. One or two small repair shops, a blacksmith shop, a cotton gin, and half a dozen houses complete the chief trading center of the Island. It is impossible to portray the St. Helena Negro apart from his regional setting. He lives in an isolated low country which, however prominent historically, has in more recent times been well-nigh forgotten. The effects of physical isolation are still observed in material and non-material usages. The continued use of the ox as a beast of burden, of the small hand-sickle for cutting grass, and of the open fireplace for cooking, is without doubt largely attributable to physical isolation. Likewise, the " Gullah " dialect, which at

ST. HELENA—PAST

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once arouses the interest of the visitor, the superstitions, the " praise house " and the " just law " (self administration of punishment for minor offenses) have been able to persist in a mechanical and scientific age, largely by virtue of the fact that St. Helena has been geographically cut off from the ways of the mainland. The main occupation on the Island is farming. There are oyster canneries but these employ very few workers and operate only part time. Another source of income utilized by many Islanders is seasonal labor in near-by cities, chiefly Savannah. The men usually find temporary employment in that city as stevedores or cotton-gin workers, and the women do housework or labor in factories. At home, however, man gets his living primarily from the soil. By the help of his mule or his ox he turns the land of his few acres, plants, cultivates, and gathers his crop. If nature is kind, the yield is plentiful. A prolonged drought, a windstorm, or a flood brings a real hardship. The size of the landholdings on St. Helena ranges from one or two acres, to fifty acres. They still follow the old plantation outlines and the local neighborhoods retain the ante-bellum plantation names: Tom Fripp, Jane Pritchard, Coffin Point, Frogmore, and Land's End. Among the present " owners " of these farms there are many who do not possess a clear title. The land was originally bought in fee simple but few of the original purchasers took the trouble to provide for the distribution of property among their heirs. One of the government agents, Mr. Philbrick, predicted at the outset that confusion was bound to arise when children of the original purchasers and their children's children would claim their share of the land. It is bad enough to trace a title and find out whether it is good for anything here in systematic New England, . . . but it makes my orderly bones ache to think of a time when, after some

66

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ISLAND

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men now purchasing land shall die, leaving two or three sets of children, some born under wedlock and some not, some not their own but their wives' children, some even of questionable parentage, and some who were never heard of before, all claiming a slice of the deceased man's land, and of course claiming the best.* W h e n the writer asked young Island migrants in the cities if they owned land, they almost invariably answered that they had an " interest " in some. T h e number of individuals nowadays having an " interest " in most of the small tracts may be ascertained somewhat by the eighteen quit-claim signatures which a recent purchaser of a small tract o f land secured in order to obtain a clear title. Among the owners of the larger farms will be found some who live well, whether or not they are able to show much in the way o f cash returns at the end of the year. They have learned that the chief function of the farm is to feed the family and the farm animals. T h e houses in which they live are generally well above the average. T h e livestock of these larger farms usually consist o f two horses, one or two cows, several hogs, and a flock of chickens and turkeys. Their large farms have been acquired by outright purchase of surrounding tracts, through inheritance and marriage. Many o f the male heads of such families have had instruction in farm work at Penn School. A few have gone to Tuskegee and Hampton and have returned to put their knowledge into practice. T o the provision of vegetables, home grown meat, hay, and forage they have given as much thought as to the " money crops." Side incomes are often derived from seasonal work in Savannah, from the operation of small grocery " shops," and from sale of miscellaneous produce. A few have particular hobbies, such as turkeys, chickens, and bees. Tangible results of the industry and thrift of a few 7 Pearson, Elizabeth Ware (ed.), Letters from Port Royal Written at the Time of the Civil War, Boston, W. B. Clarke Co., 1906, pp. 273-274-

ST. HELENA—PAST

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67

in this class may be seen in the comfortable homes in which such families live. T h e following data were taken f r o m one of the large owners. B e f o r e the decline of sea-island cotton he is reputed to have been unusually successful. H i s cash income was then much greater. T h e amount of money in the bank which he reported in 1 9 2 8 is very small. In 1 9 2 6 he lost practically $ 2 , 0 0 0 in savings when a bank in B e a u f o r t failed. Notwithstanding these reversals the food, clothes, and shelter provided to the members of his family are much better than is the average lot of the Islander. He gave the following report: Acreage: 56 Home: Owned and free of debt; obtained by inheritance and purchase; condition of home is fair, screened. Number in household: 4 Livestock and poultry: 4 horses, 2 milch cows, 1 calf, 7 pigs, 28 chickens, 4 turkeys. Vehicles: I buggy, 1 cart, 1 boat. Implements: I plow, 1 cultivator, 1 harrow. Farm income: Wages Sale of crops Sale of eggs Sale of chickens Total

$309.00 27.00 13*00 21.00 $370.00

Money in bank : $250.00. Chief crops: Corn, potatoes, rice, and peanuts. A t the other end of the economic scale are the f e w families who are eking out an existence on holdings less than ten acres in size. In this class will be found old widows living alone or perhaps with a " d r i f t " — a n adopted child. Most of the f a r m labor on these extremely small places is done by hand. Perhaps a relative or friend volunteers occasionally to plough the f e w rows of potatoes, peas, and corn. It is surprising

SEA ¡SLAND

68

TO CITY

that those in this class m a n a g e to get along as well as they do.

T h e interiors of their one-room or t w o - r o o m houses

generally express stark poverty.

F r o m friends and relatives,

however, the poorest secure help in the f o r m of f o o d and clothes.

In some instances a son or a daughter in the city

occasionally sends small amounts of money, especially when the t a x payments are due. A u n t R o s e f u r n i s h e s an example of a w i d o w in reduced circumstances.

A l t h o u g h s e v e n t y - f o u r y e a r s of

maintains her h o m e on a small plot of land.

age,

she

L i v i n g with

her are three undernourished " dopted chillun " ; she tends her small patch of

potatoes, keeps a

f e w chickens,

receives

occasional pittances f r o m relatives in the city, earns a little money now and then as a " midder " and as a scrub w o m a n in the near-by home of white residents. R e g a r d l e s s of their hardships, most of these individuals p r e f e r to remain in their o w n little homes.

T h e county poor-

house f o r N e g r o e s in B e a u f o r t C o u n t y w a s closed several years ago, because there were none w h o wanted to g o there. A c c o r d i n g to W o o f t e r , s i x needy Islanders received a total of $ 2 3 . 5 0 (three to five dollars e a c h ) used f o r that purpose. 8

f r o m county f u n d s

M o s t of them, however, do what

they can to get along themselves and accept f r o m neighbors and relatives occasional small g i f t s . T h e r e are also a f e w large families living in houses of inadequate size and o w n i n g extremely small parcels of land. Situations of this kind are sometimes due to the f a i l u r e of parents to improve the conditions under which they began their married careers.

T h e f o l l o w i n g report of one of these

families w a s received. Acreage: 4 (cultivated). H o m e : 2 rooms—owned and free of debt. 8 Woofter, T . J., Jr., Black Company, 1930, p. 209.

Yeomanry,

N e w Y o r k , Henry Holt and

ST. HELENA—PAST

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69

Number in household: 7 (ages of the five children range from one to eleven years). Livestock and poultry: 1 cow, 2 hogs, and chickens. Occupation of father: Farming and picking oysters in season. T h e majority of farmers stand between the two extremes mentioned above. T h e implements on the ten to fifteen acre f a r m s are naturally f e w and crude. T h e land is barely scratched with an old plow often drawn by a single ox. A large part of the labor is done by man alone. 9 There is generally a four-room house on the place, one work animal, one or two hogs, a cow, and some poultry. A good illustration of this class is provided by Richard Johnson's family. Acreage: 15. House: 3 rooms—Home obtained by marriage and purchase. Condition of house: Fair—unscreened. Occupants: 4. Livestock and poultry: 1 ox, 1 calf, 1 pig, 6 chickens. Vehicles: 1 boat. Family income: Wages $260.00 Sale of cow No money in bank. Once the Islander devoted the m a j o r part of his attention to sea-island cotton, but since the advent of the boll weevil in 1 9 1 9 , there has been no universal money crop. A f e w farmers grow a little short-staple cotton with a f a i r degree of success, inasmuch as this variety is less susceptible to the ravages of the pest. S o m e of the more enterprising have tried truck growing on a commercial scale, but facilities f o r economical marketing f r o m this remote section will have to be improved before this type of f a r m i n g can become general. Most of the families now depend upon their f e w acres of 8

Woofter, T. J., Jr., op. cit., pp. 116-117.

7°

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

corn, peas, potatoes, and their poultry and hogs for livelihood. Those who live near waterfronts have convenient recourse to the permanent supply of fish food there, but, strange to say, relatively few take advantage of this. Even during the oyster season, families living near the borders of tidal streams have been known to subsist largely on grits, molasses, and salt-pork. The average farms are too small to have any land for pasturage or for growing a sufficient amount of feed for the animals. Consequently the livestock is generally poor and of a run-out breed. One of the reasons given by a native for keeping an ox instead of a mule was that " you can feed de ox some moss and give 'em drink of water and plow 'em next day." This, of course, is an exaggeration but the statement conveys a truth. However poor the livestock, the mule or the ox is the prized possession and one of the tragedies of a family is the loss of the work animal. Farm implements are generally poor and methods of work are consequently inefficient. The writer witnessed a scene on the Island which demonstrates something of the backwardness of agriculture among the small-scale farmers. A Negro living on T o m Fripp Plantation hitched his ox to a two-wheel cart and drove him half a mile down to a creek shore. There he tied the ox to a tree, took from the bottom of his cart-bed a small hand-sickle, got into a leaky bateau and rowed across the creek to a marsh on the other side. There he worked for about an hour with his hand-sickle, cutting some marsh grass. With a scythe he could have done the work in ten minutes. When he had finished cutting, he carried the grass to the boat, rowed across, tied his boat, and emptied it by throwing the grass out on the shore. Then by armfuls he loaded his small cart and drove home. DOMESTIC LIFE

The economic and social unity which characterizes the

ST. HELENA—PAST

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71

present Negro family of St. Helena is greatly different f r o m the family organization among the ante-bellum Negroes. During the slave regime the N e g r o families on each plantation lived in separate huts along " de s t r e e t " near the owner's mansion. Each plantation was a little world in itself and the Negroes contributed collectively toward its upkeep. In return there was furnished to each family its food, clothes, and shelter. T h e " s t r e e t " disappeared with the passing of the plantation. T h e small white-washed houses in which the families now live are singly located on small plots of land. Each family works directly as a unit in feeding, clothing, and maintaining the health of its members. T h e father, mother, and children are often seen in the field together during planting and harvesting seasons. T h e father is running furrows with an ox-drawn plow, a child behind him dropping seeds, potato slips, or tomato plants, at each step the mother covering them with a cumbersome hoe or setting out the plants by piercing holes in the ground with a sharp stick, inserting the roots, and packing the earth with deft movements of the hand. The whole family may be seen in the field together again during the harvesting. Children hurry home at the end of the school day, don their working clothes and help their parents dig potatoes, pick peas, pull corn, and store the provisions for the winter. Families are large on St. Helena. Quite a few of the old mothers boast of having had twelve or fourteen " hed of chillun." Marriages are early and the birth rate is high. A third of the married women are wedded by the time they are seventeen, three-quarters by twenty, and nearly all by twenty-five. 10 During the years 1920-1927, the average annual birth rate was 30.2 per 1,000 population. 11 Woofter, T . J., Jr., op. cit., p. 208. 11

In 1927 the birth rate for the colored population of the registration

SEA

72

ISLAND

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CITY

Such figures as are available would lead one to believe that the infant mortality is strikingly low.

A c c o r d i n g to existing

r e c o r d s , " the average annual number of deaths of children under one year of age w a s but 4 8 per 1 , 0 0 0 births during the 1 9 2 0 - 1 9 2 8 p e r i o d — a situation seldom surpassed in the most advanced white populations. 1 3 Only the most difficult obstetrical cases are attended by the local

doctor.

The

midwives

T h a n k s to the community

have

a

virtual

monopoly.

classes f o r midwives at

Penn

School, however, the " midders " on the Island are unusually well equipped to p e r f o r m their services. Illegitimacy on the Island is extremely high.

Of

the

1 , 1 7 0 births recorded during the years 1 9 2 0 - 1 9 2 7 , 3 8 1 , or 3 2 6 per 1 , 0 0 0 , were reported as illegitimate. 14

T h e name of

the father w a s recorded on 1 6 0 of the certificates of illegitimate

children.

Illegitimacy

does

not

have

the

odium

area in continental United States was 25, against a rate of 26.2 in 1926, while the birth rate for the white population was 20.2, against a rate of 20.3 in 1926. The urban rate for the colored was 25.5, while that for the rural part of the area was 24.8, and corresponding rates for the white population were 20.6 and 19.9, respectively. Birth, Stillbirth, and Infant Mortality Statistics: 1927, pt. ii, Washington, D. C., U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census, 1929, p. 12. 12

A transcript of the records of birth was secured from the South Carolina Bureau of Vital Statistics. See Woofter, T. J., Jr., Black Yeomanry, p. 108. 18 In 1927 the infant mortality rate in the registration area of continental United States was 100 among the colored and 61 among the white. Birth, Stillbirth, and Infant Mortality Statistics: 1927, pp. 47-52. It seems highly probable that inaccurate recording accounts in large measure for the low rate in St. Helena. Many deaths doubtless occur without the physician's attendance and, as in all rural areas, burials can easily take place without the knowledge of health authorities. 14 In 1927, the ratio of illegitimate births to total births in the registration area of continental United States was 128.4 per 1,000 among the colored, and 16.3 per 1,000 among the whites. Birth, Stillbirth and Infant Mortality Statistics: 1927. p. 25.

ST. HELENA—PAST

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15

attached to it that an outsider might expect. There is no problem of securing a home for the children of unmarried mothers. The mother simply brings the child up in her father's family or perchance gives him to an aunt or uncle. There is often an old widow who is glad to take in the child. It is not rare for the couple to marry after the child is born. C O M M U N I T Y ACTIVITIES

Almost three-quarters of a century has elapsed since the "big gun shoot " of Federal troops entering Port Royal sent the St. Helena whites scurrying for safety. Unlettered, and accustomed only to working under close supervision, the Negroes left behind constituted a helpless lot. And yet, children of these slaves own and till the land of the former whites. The struggles against economic hardships have been many and trying. Fortitude and endurance have been necessary to withstand the dull monotony of an unvaried life. But during the years since the Negroes became freedmen, 15

The high percentage of illegitimacy may possibly be explained by a combination of factors, such as the lack of recreational facilities and the survival of slave attitudes. The slavery heritage is probably the most important single factor. The reader must remember that Negroes were torn from their native African homes and brought to America purely for economic motives. The whites who captured slaves in Africa were not missionaries. Likewise, with all due respect to the old southern plantation owners, it must be admitted that slaves were purchased by them primarily for utilitarian purposes. Nowhere in the slave system is there found any primary concern for the moral education of the slaves. The Negro woman belonged, body and soul, to her master. If he made advances to her, there was no ground on which she could refuse him. Also, the owners were not greatly concerned about the sex relations of the slaves among themselves. In fact, in some instances, they even bred slaves for the market. Undoubtedly in most cases monogamy was encouraged, but it can readily be understood that the slave-holder's reputation was not at stake if an unmarried slave girl became the mother of a child. The Negro woman has simply not had the cultural, inheritance of strict observance to white conventions of sex. It is grossly unfair to the Negro to point to his comparatively high rate of illegitimacy as an inherent moral weakness.

74

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the Islanders have been greatly aided by an institution called Penn School. Founded in 1862 as a school f o r the education of the exslaves, Penn Normal, Industrial, and Agricultural School has extended its activities until it is now the community center of the Island. Nowhere in the country can be found a rural school more directly related to the life of the community. It is still supported almost entirely by philanthropy from the North. Since 1902, the school has been under the direction of Misses Rossa B. Cooley and Grace Bigelow House, immediate successors to the founders, Laura M. Towne and Ellen Murray. With the exception of the two principals, all the teachers are Negroes. The material equipment of the school consists of about 300 acres of land, a community house, two dormitories, the principal's home, several homes for married resident teachers, class-rooms, the industrial department, the school barn, dairy and milk room. This equipment suggests the wide variety of practical instruction offered. Besides the academic courses, the high school boys must receive practical training in agriculture and in one of the trades of blacksmithing, carpentry, cobbling, wheelwrighting, and basketry. The girls are given training in the different phases of domestic science and home gardening. The community activities of Penn School include farm demonstrations for adult males and extension classes for adult women in public health, cooking, preserving, canning, and sewing. There is also a class conducted at Penn by the county nurse for the midwives of the Island. A few of the boys and girls live with relatives in Beaufort in winter in order to attend the Negro school there. Before domestic science was offered to girls at Penn, a few of the Island girls attended the Miss Mather's School near Port Royal, which specialized in training in housekeeping and

ST.

HELENA—PAST

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PRESENT

75

through its employment agency placed the girls in positions with northern families. Distributed over the Island are nine small county schools with an enrollment in 1927-1928 of 688 pupils. In most cases the school buildings are very poor and meagerly equipped. In T o m Fripp School, probably the worst on the Island, the pupils sit on rough-hewn benches with neither a writing desk nor back rest. Three schools had an enrollment of more than 75 pupils per teacher, and all o f the schools except two were of the one-teacher variety. There is, however, one very good county school, the Lee School, established in 1927 as a result of funds secured f r o m the Rosenwald Foundation. The average school-year salary for the teachers was $185 in 1927-1928, and the average term was 100 days. From the South Carolina Educational Bureau, the information was obtained that in 1927-1928 the current expenditures 16 per pupil per year was $3.36 for St. Helena Negroes as compared with $56 spent per white pupil for,the corresponding year in the whole of Beaufort County. A discussion of county schools inevitably brings up the corresponding subject of taxation. T a x e s on St. Helena are relatively small in absolute amount as well as in proportion to income. T h e average income, however, is so very small that any tax whatsoever generally cuts into the funds necessary for the barest subsistence. In his study of taxation, Dr. Clarence Heer has made some interesting comparisons of burdensomeness of taxation between St. Helena Island and the whole state of South Carolina. According to his report, the average state and local tax payments for St. Helena Islanders in 1927 was $16.60 per family. T h e average income for this area for that year was $420 per family. The 1» Teachers' salaries, transportation, fuel, and incidentals are included. See Woofter, Black Yeomanry, p. 277.

;6

SEA

ISLAND

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CITY

proportion of taxes to income per family is thus seen to be approximately $4 per hundred. In the same year, the average state and local tax payments f o r the people throughout the state was $103.74 per family. T h e average income for that year was $2,119 P61" family, showing a ratio of family taxes to family income of almost $5 per hundred. 17 It is not difficult to realize that although the ratio of taxes to income on St. Helena is smaller than is that for the tax payers of the whole state, the burdensomeness is greater on the Island. If a family has an annual income of $2,119 it can much more easily bear a $100 impost than can the St. Helena family endure a burden of $17 with an annual income of only $420. Moreover, the Islanders receive back a very small proportion of their taxes in school and road appropriations. We have already noted the inadequate support given by the county funds for education. N e x t to nothing is spent by the county for maintenance of roads on the Island. T h i s the Islanders do not resent, however, because about 90 per cent of them are too poor to own automobiles. Only 57 motor vehicles were listed for taxation by the residents in 1927. This fact, however, does not j u s t i f y the county's levy of taxes against St. Helena for highway expenditures in other sections of the county. In spite of the burdensomeness of taxes on St. Helena, property is rarely sold for failure to meet the payments. The county tax collector stated that no other group of people in Beaufort County was so regular in paying its yearly taxes. Undoubtedly, in many cases there must be painful skimping and saving in order to raise the funds. In many cases, relatives living in cities send the money each year so that the farm will be saved f r o m public sale. 17

W o o f t e r , ibid., p. 274.

News

Letter,

See also, The

vol. x i v , no. 22, April, 1928.

University

of North

Carolina

ST. HELENA—PAST

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77

The seven churches on St. Helena represent only two denominations ; six are Baptist, the other is Methodist. These churches, humble in appearance though some of them are, are of great importance in the lives of the people. On a Sunday afternoon the black folk may be seen lingering in the church yards long a f t e r the service has been completed. If the occasion f o r the gathering is that of a wedding or an " all-day service with dinner on the ground," there is mirth and happiness among young and old. Located near Penn School, at the center of the Island, are two churches, Brick and Ebenezer, within a stone's throw of each other. S o f a r as membership is concerned, these are the two most important on the Island. Both are Baptist. In 1928, according to W o o f t e r , the enrollment of Ebenezer members numbered well over a thousand. This number, however, includes some who have migrated f r o m St. Helena and have retained their membership. Brick stands second in number of members. The remaining churches have fewer enrolled. Brick Church was built in 1885. Some years later a disagreement among the members as to who should be pastor led to the withdrawal of part of the membership, who founded Ebenezer. The former is one of the most beautiful sights on the Island. It is a simple brick building, but age has weathered its exterior walls so that they harmonize with the moss-laden live oaks around it. In the church yard stand a few tomb stones, some so old that they, too, resemble in color the moss overhead. Ebenezer, a f e w steps away, is a small frame building. Painted gray and trimmed white, this church with its tiny portico and open belfry could easily fit into a New England landscape. The venerable appearance befits Brick Church, inasmuch as it is really the forebear of two churches other than Ebenezer. Parent of two churches, it is grandparent of a third. About

SEA ISLAND

78

TO CITY

five miles a w a y " another o f f - s h o o t of B r i c k Church has split again and there is another pair of churches j u s t across the road

from

each

18

other."

The

two

remaining

Baptist

churches are also located together near the southern e x t r e m i t y of St. Helena. I t is difficult to say whether the main function of churches in S t . Helena is spiritual or social in nature.

T h e depth of

satisfaction experienced by the " seekers " a f t e r they have " f o u n d , " by the newly-baptized, by those w h o p r a y until they are exhausted, a witness to their services cannot doubt. A t the same time, the churches u n i f y l i f e in the several surrounding plantations. f o r the y o u n g and old.

T h e y provide common meeting places T o " belong " to a church is to have

status a m o n g the other church members, and, as will be noted later, the churches in S t . Helena are peculiarly active agencies of social control. T h e f a c t that there is only one small church building to approximately 6 0 0 Islanders, h o w e v e r , suggests that there are many w h o attend irregularly or do not belong at all. in all populations, there are scorners w h o laugh

As

at the

" hypocrites " within the church and say they p r e f e r to remain " outside."

N o n - m e m b e r s , h o w e v e r , do not escape the

influence of the church.

T h e y attend " big m e e t i n g s , " wed-

dings, f u n e r a l s , picnics, and singings.

Non-members

in-

volved in minor o f f e n s e s , like members, p r e f e r the prompt and inexpensive courts.

" church trials " to those of

the secular

( S e e pages 7 9 - 8 0 . )

Doubtless there are subtle social cleavages existing between members of different churches, especially among members of the respective " split " churches. different groups, h o w e v e r ,

Cooperation a m o n g the

is common.

Friendly

rivalry

exists in the singing conventions in which various and 18

quartets

participate,

first

W o o f t e r , T . J., Jr., op. cit., p. 235.

in

one

church

and

choirs then

ST. HELENA—PAST

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79

in another. Arrangements are commonly made whereby important services in one church will not conflict in time with those of another, thus making it possible for members to attend both meetings. A most unique and interesting supplement to the church is the praise house. This institution originated during slavery simply as a convenient place for the plantation slaves to worship. There are some twenty-five of these houses now on the Island. They are located near the geographic centers of present-day " plantations," so that they are within easy reach of the people for neighborhood services held on week nights. Meetings in the praise houses as well as in the churches sometimes culminate in a " shout," a sort of dance. The Islander, however, distinguishes sharply between the " shout " and the " dance." If the feet are crossed while engaging in the bodily manifestations of religious zeal, the act is considered a " dance," and more than likely the guilty one will be disciplined. Deacons have been seen carefully watching the feet of those who become over-excited in their shouting, for the orthodox consider those who attend a dance given purely for recreation to be among the damned and to interpolate the steps into religious observances is sacrilege. Another peculiarity of the church on St. Helena is its participation in affairs which in a more differentiated society are handled by other organizations. The chief example of this is the settlement by the church of petty offenses committed on the Island. If, for instance, two natives become involved in an altercation, or if one commits a minor offense against another, the affair is settled in a church trial. Unless the offense is a serious one, the county court of Beaufort rarely hears of it. Public opinion would condemn the plaintiff's reporting to civil authorities any offense of a minor nature. If settlement can be secured in the churches with which the

8o

SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

Islanders are familiar, w h y g o to the trouble and expense involved in paying court fees and attending court? Civil law is dreaded and is generally spoken of as the " unjust law " as contrasted with the " just law " of the church, due to the discrimination and injustice that the civil courts have inflicted, as well as to the costs attendant upon litigation. The civil law is used as a last resort only if the defendant fails to comply with the decree given at the church trial, but natives report that this is rarely necessary. While the research staff was in residence on the Island, two Negro youths attempted to steal some gasoline f r o m a tank in the shed at headquarters. T h e boys were apprehended and the owner of the property brought charges against them in the church. One of the accused " skipped " to Savannah before the church trial was held. T h e other was ordered by the church to pay f o r the stolen gas. No fine was imposed and there were no fees of any kind. Serious ofFenses are few. Dr. R. M . Brown, a member of the investigating staff, learned that during a twenty-year period preceding 1928, there were about twenty-eight convictions in the magistrate's court in a normal year. Furthermore, a check for one such year revealed that about half of the cases and nearly all of the serious ones were those of non-residents of the township. T h e distribution of the twenty-eight cases is as follows: assault and battery, 8 ; miscellaneous minor offenses, 8 ; disorderly conduct, 4 ; breach of peace, 4 ; larceny, 3 ; carrying concealed weapon, 1. Threefourths of the convictions are for emotional outbursts with results too sudden for the church machinery to intervene. 19 T h e phenomenon of migration, especially the return movement, may eventually necessitate the abandonment of the voluntary control by the church. W o o f t e r notes that already there are signs that returned migrants and visitors from the 19

W o o f t e r , T . J., Jr., op. cit.,

p. 241.

ST. HELENA—PAST AND PRESENT

81

mainland have tended to increase the serious offenses on the Island. 20 Another custom peculiar to St. Helena Island, so far as the writer can learn, is that of " house blessings." On S t Helena practically all new structures, dwellings or barns, receive a public " blessing " before they are occupied. T h e writer visited one o f these, possibly a rather exaggerated example. The crowd congregated from near and far, riding on mules, in buggies, ox-carts, and antiquated Fords. A service was started as solemn as that of church or praise house. Verses from the Bible were read and a hymn sung. At first, singing was not accompanied by bodily movement. But soon the gentle clapping of hands was heard and bodies began swaying to the rhythm. The movement became general, the swaying more pronounced, and the singing more spontaneous, more vivacious until the whole group entered into the spirit of the music. Here and there an individual began shuffling his feet. Some one grasped the hand of a near-by girl and almost instantly a ring was formed of some dozen. Hands clasped, they circled with faces turned outward toward those packed solidly against the four walls. Each shuffled his feet, doing a dance closely akin to the " Charleston." L i f e in St. Helena, as we have viewed it, is essentially that of family and neighborhood association. It is the simple life of an agricultural people in an area where such terms as employers and employees have little meaning; where incomes are small and cash is rare; where oxen and crude implements are the chief aids in farming; where denim and gingham-clad individuals of the black race have obtained their living directly from the soil—at death surrendering their land to their children and their bodies to the soil from which 20 Woofter, T. J., Jr., op. cit., p. 242.

82

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TO CITY

their sustenance came. Activities are not hurried here. Ox-carts, buggies, and leaky bateaus are still common means of travel. Punctuality at church services is not essential because the meetings often continue throughout the day; individuals enter and leave at will. Conversation and general loafing at a store or repair shop often detain an Islander for several hours after his small business has been transacted. Recreation is simple. Visiting, fishing, hunting, parties, prayer-meetings, and picnics constitute the major forms. From the point of view of their independence, self-respect and community life, the Islanders are greatly different from the Negro croppers in the cotton and tobacco tenancy areas of the South. There is among them little of the inferiority reaction or color-consciousness that one finds in most groups of southern Negroes. On his little farm, the Islander may barely " bale out a living," but he does not have to pay deference to a white land-owner. The homes are theirs. They own the land. The community life is of their own making. In spite of these apparent advantages of St. Helena over the tenancy areas, streams of migrants have gone from the Island in almost as large proportions as from the tenancy sections. Islanders have managed to hold their land, but the land has lost many Islanders. When the question of causes for the migration of Negroes to the cities is raised, two stereotyped explanations are sometimes given. One is farm tenancy and the other is race friction. Doubtless these two conditions have had much to do with migration from some Negro communities, but the movement from St. Helena well demonstrates that these factors are not the only causes, indeed are not fundamental causes. From St. Helena, where both of these factors are absent, nearly half of the population has departed. The explanation of this flow cannot be stated in terms of one or two universally operative causes. Rather, the movement must be analyzed in terms of environmental

ST. HELENA—PAST

AND

PRESENT

83

changes and alterations in the personal attitudes of the individuals. St. Helena has been unable to hold its young people. The old Islanders are satisfied with their conditions but the young ones read and hear of what they consider to be a more attractive life. In some instances, children, after an early marriage, settle down near the old folks, but from most families members have gone to the cities to get jobs at stevedores, porters, cobblers, carpenters, masons, domestic workers, hair dressers, and factory workers. Catastrophes, crop failures, disorganization of Island families through death of parents, have provided the immediate occasions for Islanders to depart for destinations where they hope to be able to earn cash money and to live in a more lively environment than that afforded by St. Helena. Once in the cities, they impart information to friends and relatives remaining. In Harlem, especially, experiences are encountered which are vastly different from those in St. Helena. Life in Harlem is the very antithesis of Island existence. Incomes are in cash rather than in kind, and the necessities of life must be bought rather than raised. Power-driven machines aid in the work. Living quarters are rented. Often the very meals are taken outside of the home. From the proceeds of the weekly pay envelope, the Harlemite feels the necessity of extracting enough for the purchase of stylish clothes, cosmetics, cigarettes, and a radio. T h e social life consists of rent parties, theatre-going and commercialized dancing in place of the simple activities of the Island. There are many opportunities for cultural and vocational improvement afforded by the large churches, libraries, schools, and colleges. In spite of the radical change of experiences encountered in coming to New York, the home ties of migrants are very strong in many instances. Visits from New York to St. Helena are made every year by a few and somewhat less fre-

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SEA ISLAND TO CITY

quently by many others. There are often festive occasions in the families when a prosperous member returns for a visit, bringing, perhaps, a present for each of the household. Neighbors gather for the evening and hear strange stories o f life in the great city. Restless nephews and nieces ask to be taken on the return trip. Aunties exact promises of a " store bought " dress or shawl. Often the funerals in St. Helena are delayed until sons or daughters from far-away cities arrive. Since several days are frequently required, the corpse is sometimes " buried shallow " and taken up again for the regular funeral and final interment. Often " hurry calls " are sent when serious illness appears, in order that the city dwellers may arrive home in time to see their loved ones before they " pass wit de tide." Perhaps even more pathetic is the sight of a young person returned for burial to the Island—victim of an accident, perhaps, but most likely one who through ignorance and poverty on his own part as well as through negligence on the part of city authorities, has succumbed to tuberculosis or pneumonia in a northern center. Almost invariably Islanders in New York expressed the desire of being returned to St. Helena for permanent resting. " Eart' det bears you lies lightest on your bones."

CHAPTER

III

EVENTS AND C H A N G E S INDUCING MIGRATION

SINCE the transition of St. Helena from an island of plantation owners, drivers, and slaves to a land of small independent free-holders, two great events have interrupted the calm of life there. Each one threatened the existence of the community through the impairment of means of livelihood. The first was a disastrous storm in 1893. T h e second w a s the coming of the boll weevil in 1919. T h e y constitute turning points in the post-bellum history of St. Helena and are used commonly by Islanders as rough indicators of time. Consequently, the history o f St. Helena after the Civil W a r falls into three periods: 1. F r o m the W a r to the 1893 storm. 2. F r o m the storm to the advent o f the boll weevil in 1919. 3. Since 1919. 1.

CIVIL W A R TO T H E STORM OF 1 8 9 3

Immediately preceding the Civil W a r , the plantation owners had as their chief crops, sea-island cotton. T h e hazards connected with the g r o w i n g of this plant were inherent in the topography of the land best suited to its culture. Along tidal rivers long-staple cotton throve, but floods were here most common. Fortunately for the plantation owner, however, his holdings were usually so large and scattered that he could well withstand the losses when an occasional tract was drowned out by abnormal rises of the water. B u t when, with the Federal sale of land to Negroes, the culture of this 8s

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plant passed from a large-plantation basis to that of family holdings, the risks were vastly multiplied. F o r a plantation owner to lose the crop from a ten-acre tract meant a mere deduction from his income, but for a Negro family to lose its entire year's sustenance meant hardships of very serious consequence. Added to these greater risks of a folk just released from slavery and therefore not accustomed to the responsibilities of the free planter, was the necessity that confronted them of cultivating their small plots with the crude implements that a small-scale farmer could afford. There is no means of knowing what the outcome would have been for these people had they been thrown totally upon their own resources at this critical period. Fortunately, however, from three large northern cities aid was sent. In 1862, the Freedman's Relief Association, the Educational Commission, and the Port Royal Relief Committee were organized in New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, respectively. These organizations furnished financial aid and sent upward of sixty-five trained individuals to work under Federal direction in the social and economic rehabilitation of the sea-island territory. 1 Even with the assistance of the northern whites, the Negroes had a difficult time. Emancipation did not simply mean that the Negroes were freed, henceforth to hustle for themselves. It meant a profound change in the social organization within the Negro group itself. Before emancipation, there were slave families, but the slave family was not a unit in itself. There had been little chance for the development of the stabilizing features of family life; since the members belonged to the master, the family could be dissolved at his will. 'Johnson, Guion Griffis, A Social History of the Sea Islands, pp. 162-166.

EVENTS

AND CHANCES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

87

In the slave households the black mother usually had the distinction of being the " provider." T o her the rations and material f o r clothing were dealt out f r o m the plantation storehouse and it was upon her that the family, including the slave father, depended largely f o r food and f o r " handouts " in the w a y of clothes. 2 Concerning the reorganization of family life a f t e r Reconstruction, Johnson s a y s : The significant change in family life was the elevated status of the husband. In attempting to stabilize family life, the superintendents and teachers had appealed to the man as the head of the family and had urged him to assume his rightful responsibilities. Black men who had been accustomed to the dominance of women during slavery came now to warn their wives to keep their places. The land which they bought from the Government was in their own names and they came to look upon the house as theirs, not that of their wives as in slavery days. 3 T h e enhanced status of the male, however, did not always bring about the desired stabilization. Some of the men, although they were glad to escape the domination of women, were apparently unwilling to assume the responsibilities attached to family life. Johnson records part of a letter written in 1862 f r o m a M r . Charles W a r e to a friend in the North, which evinces the necessity of occasional forced marriages in St. Helena during the early transition period. She also cites several steps taken by the missionaries with the view of educating the N e g r o to his new family responsibility. Orders were issued by M r . Pierce " requiring that all marriages among people be regularly performed by a minister according to law, and he strictly forbade a couple's living together until the ceremony had been pronounced." 2

Ibid., pp. 137-140.

3 Ibid., p. 208.

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ISLAND

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Negroes wete " urged to buy a table whenever possible and to have regular times for the family meal when all should assemble for the occasion." * The reactions of the newly-freed Negroes to the attempts of the northern whites to remould in a day their social patterns, were doubtless not always encouraging. The confusion indicated above was increased by disputes due to the indefiniteness of family relationships during slavery and the lack of provision for inheritance under the slave system. 5 Johnson states that " controversies over land and the rightful title thereto retarded the progress of the St. Helena people by reducing the acreage and profits of farming and by arousing disputes which sent some of the best blood from the Island." 8 Due probably as much to the inexperience of the northern overseers as to the irresponsibility of the Negroes, the cotton crops failed miserably during the first few years of cultivation. The only good crop of sea-island cotton grown during the Federal occupation was that of 1863. After the war, sea-island cotton planters faced a series of failures and the freedmen began to feel the pinch of hard times. . . . The crops of 1866, 1867 and 1868 were likewise failures, and at the same time the price of cotton dropped. These conditions drove several of the northern planters from St. Helena; and, for the first time, large tracts of land lay idle.7 In May, 1872, there were 3 1 8 farms advertised for sale in the Beaufort Republican. Johnson aptly calls this period T " starving time." *Ibid., pp. 178-179. 5 See p. 65, supra. 8

Johnson, op. cit., p. 204.

7

Ibid., pp. 200-203.

EVENTS

AND CHANGES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

89

The reader must remember that the farmers of St. Helena were owners of the land which they tilled. The situation was greatly different from that which sprang up after slavery in most sections of the South and which has persisted there, where a large proportion of the tillers became croppers, owning neither the home and farm nor the live-stock. Under this system the needs of the cropper and his family are provided by the " time-merchant," who is frequently the landlord himself, and a lien on the cropper's share of the crop is the security. The cropper has no need for cash to meet tax payments, to make repairs, and to purchase live-stock and implements. All of these cash expenses are met by the landlord. The St. Helenian, on the other hand, is himself an entrepeneur in that he is the owner, purchaser of necessities, payer of taxes, and sole risk-bearer as well as the actual laborer on the farm. Like the cropper, he is sometimes provided with credit by one of the white merchants of the Island for the purchase of supplies which cannot be produced at home. Unlike the cropper, he, as an owner, has need for cash to pay taxes and to meet the many incidental expenses, such as repairs and replacements. The type of credit generally extended to croppers is not satisfactory for owners. Under slavery, the burden of taxation had fallen indirectly on the Islander. A f t e r he became free, he felt the direct incidence of it. Necessary money could be secured only by marketing the crop or by labor for wages. Fortunately, in 1868 an industry sprang up in this vicinity which continued to play an important role until the closing days of the century. This new industry, phosphate mining, 8 tended to hold the 8 Phosphorite, when occurring in large deposits, is a mineral of much economic value f o r conversion into the superphosphate largely used as a fertilizing agent. Many of the impure substances thus utilized are not strictly phosphorite, but pass under such names as " rock-phosphate," or, when nodular, as " c o p r o l i t e " (q. v . ) , even if not of true coprolitic origin.

SEA

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ISLAND

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CITY

population, especially restless young males who were not interested in farming or in school. It helped to put the region on a sound economic basis. In 1868, as soon as the agricultural demand for phosphates warranted it,8 the first plant was built at Lambs, South Carolina, by the Charleston Mining and Manufacturing Company. Other companies sprang up, most of them being located on the narrow belt about sixty miles long, lying between Beaufort and Charleston. In 1870 there were five companies in the field. In 1884 there were sixteen and by 1891 the number reached twenty-two. In the environs of St. Helena, six river phosphate companies (including the Coosaw Mining Company, the largest in the whole field), one land company, and two fertilizer factories were operating in 1892. 10 Phosphate is found in both marine and dry-land deposits. Hence there are two methods by which it is obtained, dredging and land-mining. The prevalence of dredging over land-mining in the South Carolina area was due not only to the greater abundance of deposits in the waters of this region, but also to the fact that when the industries were first T h e ultimate source of these mineral phosphates may be referred in most cases to the apatite widely distributed in crystalline rocks. Being soluble in water containing carbonic acid or organic acids it may be readily removed in solution, and may thus furnish plants and animals with the phosphates required in their structures. O n the decay of these structures the phosphates are returned to the inorganic world, thus completing the cycle. The Encyclopacdia Britannica, N e w Y o r k , T h e Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., eleventh edition, 1910, vol. x x i , p. 475. 9 Although bones and fish have been used as fertilizer f o r centuries, apparently not until the middle of the nineteenth century was the discovery made that the value of bones as fertilizer was due to the phosphoric acid they contained and not to the gelatin and fat. See W a g g a m a n , W i l l i a m H., and H e n r y W . Easterwood, Phosphoric Acid, Phosphates, and phosphatic Fertilizers, N e w Y o r k , T h e Chemical Catalog Company, Inc., 1927, p. 17.

i» United

States

1914, P- 217.

Geological

Survey,

Bulletin 580, Washington, D. C.,

EVENTS

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CHANGES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

gi

started, the right of dredging in the streams was granted by state authorities with but slight limitation. 11 Collectively, the phosphate companies near Beaufort furnished part-time work or full work to about 1,000 St. Helena Negroes. The Coosaw Mining Company alone owned four tug-boats. Each tug was accompanied by a dredge and wash boat. Ten men usually went on the dredges and ten on the wash boats. A s a rule, two small boats, each containing two men, followed the dredge and wash boats. The men in the small boats were " hand pickers "—sometimes owning their boat and being paid by the ton; at other times hired by the company. One man rowed or poled the boat, another waded or swam alongside, salvaging the phosphates missed by the dredge. It is not difficult to imagine the psychic effects on the younger inhabitants of an isolated farming region when lucrative industry springs up, providing means for earning " cash money " and also affording a chance for the young fellows of the section to be with one another. Boys left school to seek work in the near-by streams. In a letter, Miss Towne spoke of the mines as having a tendency to " set all the boys wild." 1 2 Exciting times there must have been— crap games, fights, accidents, play, and sacrifice were probably common in the lives of the " dredge han's." While the industry was flourishing, many doubtless remained who would have migrated had there not been this means of earning money. Miss Towne, in her diary, wrote several times about the mines being inducements for the boys to leave school. But the presence of these enterprises tended to hold the young men on the Island even if they dropped out of school. Johnson notes the following quotation from the 11 12

See infra, pp. 100-102.

Holland, Rupert S., Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne, Cambridge, 1912, p. 273.

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November 23, 1 8 7 1 , issue of the Beaufort Republican, " Our colored friends can look to the future with pleasure and know that they will not have to roam over the country next summer to look for work but will find it on Bull River at the Oak Point Mine." The presence of these industries in and near St. Helena enabled many farmers to pull through the difficult seasons with which all tillers of the soil are occasionally forced to contend. Besides the development of phosphate mining, there were two other factors conducive to retention of population on St. Helena during the early period. The first was the increased knowledge and experience of the former slaves. Crop failures and mortgaged homes, so frequent during the decade immediately following emancipation, became less common as the individuals learned the importance of industry and thrift and became more proficient in handling their affairs. Paternalism was gradually replaced by self-direction as the Islanders learned more about soil preparation, seed selection, cooperative ditching, and care of live-stock. The increased knowledge bore fruit in larger yields, in better quality of cotton, and in improvements of farm homes. The second factor was the general economic improvement throughout the country after the difficult days of Reconstruction and the depression of the seventies. Savannah regained its pre-war importance as a cotton center. From St. Helena wharves, Islanders shipped their staple directly or through cotton merchants to Savannah markets and went there themselves during the slack seasons of the year in order to get temporary employment at the docks, in the gins, and in the warehouses, only to return to the Island for the new crop year. According to United States Census reports, the early period was marked by normal increase of population: from 6,152 in 1870 to 6,644 in 1880, to 7,747 in 1890. The

EVENTS

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93

number of migrants was low, probably ranging f r o m forty to fifty individuals per year, and consisting largely of young people with a preponderance of males. 18 T h e sporadic movement, however, is worthy of careful study. T h e few individuals who departed were pioneers w h o blazed the routes of travel and greatly influenced the selection of destinations of the larger numbers in later periods. Briefly, there were three factors bringing about migration and influencing the directional trend of the few early migrants from St. Helena: easy channels to port cities as compared with difficult accessibility to inland centers, exceptional opportunities in Savannah and other port cities as compared with the Island and the hinterland, and the practice of the northern whites active on the Island in sending " o u t p o s t " individuals as domestic servants to friends in northern cities. T h e fact that Savannah was early a cotton-shipping center was responsible for the ante-bellum establishment of direct boat lines from St. Helena to that city for the transport of long-staple cotton. A line from near-by Beaufort to Savannah also was opened. These were the only connections between the Island and a m a j o r city. Savannah thus became the normal first destination for migrants. From such evidence as one can get at this late date, it would seem probable that occasional families faced with reverses in their Island homes, left St. Helena for Savannah. Y o u n g landless men found employment as deck hands and firemen on boats operating on these lines. Adult males sought and secured employment in the cotton warehouses and on the wharves o f Savannah in order to acquire the cash for taxes on their small holdings, usually returning to St. Helena after a few months of work. Most of the propertyless doubtless remained in the city until they secured jobs on decks, in boiler l s This number has been arrived at by several indirect methods, all of which tend to substantiate this approximation.

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rooms and kitchens of coastwise liners bound for Jacksonville, Philadelphia, New York, or Boston—the chief outlets from Savannah. During the entire first period under investigation, railroads leading out from Savannah were poorly developed and offered little inducement as means of travel. The earliest direct land route from Savannah to the northern cities was the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad. Not until 1902, however, were the petty, often near-bankrupt, railroads of the seaboard consolidated into this one company. 14 The chaotic situation of the north-and-south rail routes was even surpassed by that prevailing among roads leading inland. The great era of railroad building arrived only late in the period and such roads as existed were little more than local lines. Moreover, coastal cities, particularly those in the North, offered greater inducements to Islanders already in Savannah than could inland cities. During the quarter-century following the Civil War, the port cities of the North were by far the chief centers of demand for the sort of labor that the Island could supply. The rise of the great cities of the Middle West in a measure created a demand for Negro labor, but this was adequately supplied from the reaches of the western South, where the Negroes found it relatively easy to follow up the Mississippi basin to such cities as St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Chicago. 14 The parent road of the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad was the Richmond and Petersburg, chartered in 1836. In 1898, this road purchased the Petersburg Railroad Company and changed its name to that of Atlantic Coast Line of Virginia. Practically parallel to the history in Virginia is the story of the consolidation of local lines in South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. In 1900, the Atlantic Coast Line of South Carolina and the Wilmington and Weldon of North Carolina were absorbed by the Atlantic Coast Line of Virginia. In 1902, this company purchased the Savannah, Florida, and Western. See Dozier, H. D., A History of the Atlantic Coast Line, 1920, pp. 1-3.

EVENTS

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INDUCING

MIGRATION

95

Besides the early sea-farers to Philadelphia, N e w Y o r k , and Boston, individuals were sent there by northern whites living on St. Helena.

In order to help N e g r o families meet

expenses during periods o f hard times, and occasionally in order to provide a home f o r a y o u n g " d r i f t , " friends and relatives o f the w e l f a r e w o r k e r s on the Island were induced to accept certain y o u n g Islanders as household workers in northern homes.

In a letter dated A p r i l 27, 1867, M i s s

T o w n e explains how this operated. I wish you could have the comfort the Heacocks have in the little darkies they sent North. T h e two young girls are large and strong and able to do pretty much all the work of the house. They work without wages till they are of age, but are to have the privilege of schooling. T h e experiment has been a perfect success, and every few weeks one sends to them for another girl or boy, and all have given satisfaction so far. 1 5 A g a i n she writes concerning a N e g r o boy w h o m she w a s temporarily keeping at her headquarters.

She had removed

the lad f r o m his o w n home because of the father's cruelty. M y little oaf, Pompey, gets into all sorts of scrapes, and every one's hand is against him, because he ran away from the hateful man who had him, and that man has relatives and influence. I have written to Charleston to see if he cannot be got into the Orphans' Home. But he will only be put out again and go through more hard treatment, I am afraid. Doesn't Mr. Thompson want such a little boy? Tell him this boy is about ten, is black as coal, hearty and strong. H e is up to everything but work, and yet I am sure a good boy could be made out of him. He steals eatables whenever he is hungry and can't get them otherwise, but has taken nothing else. Mrs. Thompson asked me about bringing a child North, and if you could see her about taking this boy, and if she would, it would be such a blessing. I will bring him North when I come, without expense 15

Holland, Rupert, S., Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne, p. 182.

SEA ISLAND

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TO CITY

to her. I think I can get a pass and take him free. I shall want to know soon, because I do not want to keep him here, where I have to support him. 1 4 I n 1 9 2 9 , the w r i t e r visited several w h o came N o r t h under similar circumstances, a m o n g them a w o m a n then seventyt w o y e a r s of age whose migration f r o m S t . Helena to a distant northern destination w a s ascribed to the influence of the P e n n School teachers.

S p e a k i n g o f the part played

by the f o u n d e r s of the school in starting a stream of m i g r a tion n o r t h w a r d , she said in part (the f o l l o w i n g being approximately her o w n w o r d s ) : They had a system of sending Penn School girls to see the North. E v e r y couple of years they wanted to send a new one. I was the first Penn scholar they s e n t . " M r s . Ruggles, a lady from Milton, Massachusetts, who assisted Miss Towne at Penn and the woman who first taught me a. b. c., secured a place for me during the summer of 1 8 7 6 with an old lady friend. I 6tayed there the summer and went back home in the fall. I went to Penn that year. Well, the next spring another girl had the privilege of being sent North. A neighboring family of the lady I'd worked f o r the preceding year in Milton, however, wrote me to come and work with them permanently. So that spring I went to Milton again and stayed with the family for ten years. A f t e r ten years with them, I decided to go to Boston and learn dressmaking. I liked the family I was working f o r mighty well, but you see how it was. I was living with white people and since Milton is a small town, there naturally wasn't ia 17

Ibid., pp. 193-194.

Possibly the first student f r o m Penn School proper, but not the first student whose northward migration was due to the influence of northern teachers. Another case is that of a lady who accompanied the teacher of Village School to Philadelphia in 1867. Village School was located in another part of the Island but was under the direction of the Penn founders. In the appendix, pp. 235-247 her own life story may be found.

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many colored girls for me to associate with. To tell the truth, I was so much alone there, and that breeds dissatisfaction, so I went to Boston. By that time there were a few people from home living there. I attended church in Boston even when I was living in Milton. You see, I was brung up a Baptist, but these people were Congregationalists. I went to church with them and joined. During the entire early period the migration from St. Helena was slight. The population trend was upward and the decadal increases were due almost entirely to excess of births over losses from deaths and emigration. The isolated cases of migrants were largely those of unattached male drifters and to a small degree those of girl students sent away as houseworkers. The drifters to Savannah and the girl students sent northward present interesting contrasts. Y e t both were instrumental in establishing Atlantic sea-coast cities as the most popular destination for prospective Island migrants. Of the two types of movement, the drift to Savannah was a reaction to circumstances more spontaneous than the suggested and directed movement of girls. On the other hand, the girls, being chosen by white missionaries to work in the homes of friends in the North, were probably a select group so f a r as qualities of honesty, industry, and ability were concerned. The number of Islanders in northern cities was augmented by a few friends of the girls already there and by the slow but constant drift of males who had worked for a time around Savannah wharves and finally secured jobs on ships which transported them to the several northern port cities. 2. FROM T H E STORM TO T H E ADVENT OF T H E BOLL WEEVIL

The big cyclone hit in 1893. The rain started of a Friday afternoon in August. By Sunday morning it was terrible.

9«

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

People couldn't go to church. Some of 'em started but had to turn back. Sunday night was the climax of the storm. Our house was situated on a peninsula between two rivers. The force of the storm came to us from the east. Terrible f o r c e ! T h e tide rose so that it came over the porch and on into the first floor. S o even while the storm was raging, we went to go up-stairs. N e x t the roof blew o f f . T h e wind lifted the roof bodily up. A s the roof went o f f , the partition began to close in. M y husband went to put his weight against the wall to protect us if he could. T h e storm, thus described so vividly by E s s i e R o b e r t s , was a turning point in the destiny of the Island. Well, God moves in a mysterious way his wonders to perform. On one side of the house was a fig tree. The house jammed into the tree. T h e upstairs floor started coming down, but the fig tree held it on one side. Otherwise we go out to sea. When my husband was trying to protect us by holding his weight against the wall, the piece above the door came down and cracked his skull. But even half-crazed as he was, he got us out of that room. W e got all the children out. Oldest boy swam out and gave the alarm that the house was going away, but the fig tree kept the second floor f r o m falling. W e got some wet blankets and huddled up under them. N e x t morning my husband went f o r o x and cart and carried us away. Oxen saved themselves by swimmin'. Cows can swim. Most all the hogs, chickens, and turkeys drowned. Blood of animals looked like it was all over the place when the tide went down. Couldn't see where you had planted your potatoes. I was frightened by storm for long time after that. The storm left the Island desolate so f a r as crops were concerned. M y husband was unable to work on account of injuries on his head as well as on account of his declining health in general. So, in 1893, I went over to B e a u f o r t and worked in the home of a lady who had been sent down to B e a u f o r t by the Red Cross to do relief work on the Island. M y husband and children remained in a relative's home on the Island. B v

EVENTS

AND CHANGES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

gg

Christmas time, he became so sick that it was necessary for me to return. I stayed with him all that winter. H e got so weak he couldn't even go to bed alone. W e sent little child Bessie, less than a year old then, to live with a cousin so I could take care of him. T h e doctors in B e a u f o r t raised so much fuss about Red Cross taking trade away from them that we had to go to a private doctor. While living in B e a u f o r t this time, I learned f r o m my employer, Mrs. Dana, about one M r s . Christensen, a lady whose father and mother moved to B e a u f o r t after the war. This M r s . Christensen had married Captain Christensen, a man in service at Port Royal. E v e r y summer Mrs. Christensen went to Brookline, Massachusetts. Late in the spring of 1 9 0 1 , the year after my husband died, I learned from M r s . Dana that Mrs. Christensen wanted a maid; so I took the boat and went up. A s long as my summer job lasted with the Christensens, I lived with them. M y children had been left with my cousin on the Island. Later she brought them up to me. A n o t h e r instance of the effect of the storm is that given by V i o l a W a r e : T h e situation on the Island that caused me to leave more than anything else was the 1893 storm. W e had been growing corn and cotton. Then here come 'long the storm. It blow down the little out-buildings, killed our turkeys and destroyed the crops. Water spread out all over our place. W e had worked hard many years takin' care of the soil. Water just washed it all away. Then, a f t e r the storm, my father begin complainin' more than ever about his asthma. H e couldn't work. J u s t got discouraged. I stopped going to school there on D r . White plantation in 1897 and stayed home to help mamma. She wasn' well neither. In 1899, my cousin in N e w Y o r k wanted me to pay her a visit. Well, I thought it might be a chance to help out at home if I

SEA ISLAND

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TO CITY

could get away and make some money. Truth, though, is I didn* think I was Ieavin' f o r good when I left. These stories illustrate the dread developed by the hurricane itself and the havoc it w r o u g h t to the crops.

T h e des-

perate need of many Islanders m a y be judged somewhat by the fact that soon a f t e r the catastrophe a R e d Cross relief station w a s established m the vicinity. storm, however, w a s belated.

T h e full effect of the

T h e sand and saline deposits

which covered the fertile land spoke all too clearly of the time that must elapse before productivity could be resumed on the old scale. Probably the worst sufferers were those whose homes were located on peninsulas, on the small islets within St. Helena, and along the tidal rivers, but the direct or indirect effect of the storm impinged in some degree upon all.

Dis-

couragement w a s a natural result. Phosphate mining in South Carolina w a s becoming a sick industry before the advent of the storm, but the hurricane hastened

its

decline.

Dredges

were

destroyed,

carried a w a y , and small boats lost or ruined.

lighters

T h e hurricane

w a s largely responsible f o r the C o o s a w M i n i n g Company's moving its operation base.

F o r three years preceding the

storm, its future had been uncertain. T h e initial set-back of the mining interests w a s state interference.

In 1 8 9 0 , B e n Tillman, the fiery cyclopean champion

of the plebians, w a s candidate f o r election as Governor o f South Carolina. two factions. " Tillmanites."

T h e Democratic party had been split into T h e r e were the regular Democrats and the In his campaign speeches, Tillman declared

himself to be a friend of the " o n e gallus "

f a r m e r , and

launched an attack on the " great octopus phosphate industries," which he alleged were getting rich selling expensive fertilizer to the f a r m e r s without bearing their proportionate tax burdens.

EVENTS

AND

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INDUCING

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IOi

T i l l m a n w a s elected, and shortly thereafter he gave

a

lengthy message to the Legislature setting f o r t h his attitude t o w a r d the phosphate companies.

H e reiterated his desire

to impose a royalty of t w o dollars per ton on the phosphate taken

f r o m the navigable

waters

of

the

State.

In

his

message, the f o l l o w i n g statements were included: In 1870 the Radical Legislature granted privileges to a corporation known as the River and Marine Company to mine rock in the navigable waters of the State for twenty-one years. The State received nothing for this valuable franchise. . . . The Coosaw Mining Company obtained from the original grantors exclusive right to mine in Coosaw River, and with a paid-up capital of $275,000 commenced operations. In 1876 the General Assembly passed an act confirming the exclusive right of the Coosaw Company to mine in that river for the term of twentyone years at a fixed royalty of $1 per ton, and this lease will expire on the 1st of March, 1891. The act of 1876 . . . was drawn by the attorney of the Coosaw Company, and so adroitly worded as to give color to the claim that the grant to that river was perpetual " so long as that company shall make true returns," etc., and under this the company . . . claims that its tenure is not a lease expiring in 1891, but a contract running for all time. This claim is preposterous, . . . and this General A s sembly must not hesitate to move forward and act . . . promptly and decisively. 18 T h e request of the G o v e r n o r w a s granted by the Legislature.

Royalties

were

increased and the territory

was

t h r o w n open to any company willing to accept the State's conditions.

Licenses were issued to three newly created com-

panies, but an organization which had previously operated under an old charter secured an order f r o m the U n i t e d States Circuit C o u r t e n j o i n i n g the new companies f r o m mining. 18 Journal of the House of Representatives of the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina, Session Commencing November 25, 1890, p. 150.

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TO CITY

N o t until 1 8 9 2 did the courts finally allow the licensed companies to begin w o r k . 1 9

D u r i n g the long litigation e x p o r t s

of S o u t h Carolina phosphates to E u r o p e ceased. U p to this time the rock from Coosaw River had enjoyed a high reputation in Europe, but when the supply was stopped the foreign consumers were forced to use Florida rock, which thus gained its first foothold and whose superiority became so apparent that the South Carolina rock was no longer preferred. The Coosaw Mining Company resumed operations in 1892, but in 1893 a disastrous cyclone destroyed the plants of practically all the river companies and paralyzed the industry f o r some time. The richer deposits had by this time been exhausted, and the competition of Florida, Tennessee, and Algiers phosphate had become keen; the cyclone, therefore, came at a critical time and injured the river mining beyond hope of recovery. 20 Destructive as w a s the storm and burdensome as the increased royalties might have been, the companies could have survived these reversals had not competition with F l o r i d a mines been so keen.

Phosphate mining in F l o r i d a did not

begin until 1 8 8 8 and only on a very small scale during that initial year.

B u t the f o l l o w i n g year witnessed the installa-

tion of mechanical equipment by the Peace R i v e r Phosphate C o m p a n y and the D e S o t o Phosphate Company. 2 1

T h e chief

advantage of the F l o r i d a rock w a s its higher percentage of lime phosphate. 22 M i n i n g operations in F l o r i d a were not so expensive as in South Carolina.

In F l o r i d a the chief deposits w e r e f o u n d

in dry land and the mining therefore consisted of the com19 Reports and Resolution of the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina, 1892, vol. i, pp. 235-250. 20 United States Geological Survey, Bulletin 580, pp. 217-218. 21 Waggaman and Easterwood, Phosphoric Acid, phosphates, phosphatic Fertilisers, p. 63. 22 United States Geological Survey, Bulletin 580, p. 197.

and

EVENTS

AND

CHANGES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

I03

paratively simple process of dragging off the over-burden of clay and scooping up the phosphates, an operation which came to be carried on by machine methods. The phosphate thus mined did not have to be washed and dried, as did that taken from river beds. The beds were ordinarily much thicker than were the land deposits in South Carolina." In face of the handicaps related above, the marine companies of the Beaufort, South Carolina, area gradually expired. The Brotherhood Mine ceased operation in 1893. Later in the same year the Pacific Mining Company succumbed. In 1894 the Sea Island Company sold out to the Coosaw Mining Company, and this large enterprise went out of business in 1904. The Central lasted until 1906 and when it closed down the mining of phosphate in the St. Helena vicinity was a thing of the past. Negroes had to turn elsewhere for employment. Another economic asset to St. Helena Islanders was a wooden dry-dock built in 1894 by the Navy Department at Parris Island, just across the Sound from St. Helena. A few Island Negroes found employment there. Unfortunately, however, its life was short, and in 1898 it became necessary to replace it with one built of concrete. Either through political influence or through desire for economies on the part of the Navy Department, another dock was built in the Charleston Navy Yard. Thus another significant though small source of employment for St. Helena men was gone. Along with the development of phosphate mining in Florida was the rise of the turpentine industry in the same state. Mr. Buckner, now of the State Board of Fisheries of South Carolina, told the writer that during the nineties he had about two hundred Negroes transported to Florida from Colleton and Beaufort Counties to work in the turpentine 23 Waggaman and Easterwood, op. cit., pp. 63-82.

S E A

104

ISLAND

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CITY

industry. He did not think that many St. Helena Islanders were included in this particular gang, but he was reasonably sure that the Island was represented by Negro migrants recruited by other representatives. During this period came the most remarkable changes in population. The 1900 Census reported 8,819 24 inhabitants in St. Helena Township, 8,285 of whom were Negroes." This is the maximum number ever reported in this area. But from 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 1 0 , the loss of population was twenty-five per cent. Although the size of the population has continued to decline, there has not been an intercensal loss as heavy in per cent or in absolute number as was that during the first decade of the century. This demonstrates the considerable delay between a catastrophe and the crest of the result. The storm came in 1893 and after that year the phosphate industry declined rapidly, but not until the 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 1 0 decade was there any considerable exodus from St. Helena. Catastrophes come without warning and affect many individuals who have given little thought to migration. The train of economic hardships which followed the storm—successive years of poor crops and the decline of phosphate mining— effected a gradual change of attitudes. During the ten years of senescence of the mining industry, apparently, many hoped that it would boom again. The gradual realization that such hopes were vain, plus the bad crop years of the first decade of the century, were probably the chief causes underlying the 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 1 0 exodus. More frequent temporary trips to near-by places for the purpose of earning money were necessitated and in this manner many individuals gradually 2

* United States Bureau of the Census, Twelfth

Census,

1900, vol. i,

P- 35»25

Datum obtained through the courtesy of the Bureau of the Census. The number of whites present in 1900 included white soldiers stationed at Fort Fremont.

EVENTS

AND CHANGES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

IC >5

broke away from home ties. A s the number of individuals who had established themselves permanently in various cities increased, departures were stimulated by inter-communication of migrants and residents. In August, 1 9 1 1 , the Island was again visited by a hurricane. This storm was not so bad as the one in 1893, but certain sections suffered a great deal in loss of crops. In the cities visited by the writer, individuals were encountered who left the Island immediately after this storm, most of them going first to Savannah. The storm, like the previous one, came at a time when migration of one or more members of many families offered the only means of pulling through the ensuing winter. One of the migrants stated that four left from her home and that hers was not an exceptional case. A storm like this one apparently not only necessitates immediate migration in order to earn money for food, but the influence may be prolonged for several years. The soil is injured by the salty back-water which overflows the banks of the tidal estuaries and spreads over the fields. Several years are sometimes required before the land can be sufficiently reclaimed to be of use. It is worth while to mention the abandonment of Fort Fremont in 1 9 1 3 as another economic loss to St. Helena. This Fort was built in 1899 and until it was abandoned white soldiers were stationed there. The extent of the influence of the removal of these soldiers is not ascertainable, but it is quite likely that their presence had offered a small but steady market for vegetables, chickens, milk, and butter for a few of the St. Helena inhabitants and that their departure was a serious blow to many families in the neighborhood. Small wonder that shortly after the beginning of the century, the channels of migration, at first carrying away but few of the Island youths, were soon over-running. Another factor which should be mentioned is the series of

io6

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

poor crop years in cotton. Mr. M. D. Batchelder, secretary of the MacDonald-Wilkins Company in St. Helena (a company which bought fully 90 per cent of all the sea-island cotton grown by the Negroes up to 1 9 1 0 or 1 9 1 1 , and approximately 65 to 70 per cent from that time on), stated after careful examination of the records of yearly purchases of cotton that the years 1903-04, 1905-06, 1906-07, 1907-08, 1 9 1 0 - 1 1 , 1 9 1 1 - 1 2 , 1 9 1 5 - 1 6 , and 1 9 1 6 - 1 7 were particularly bad crop years. It will be noticed that in three cases there are consecutive bad seasons, two of two years in duration and one of three years. Migrants who left the Island during these years corroborate the implication that there was considerable destitution and that migration was in large measure a flight from what was believed to be a dull, profitless, and uncertain occupation. The case of Ernest Campbell illustrates the effect of bad crop years on the stability of population. Besides having a farm, Campbell was the proprietor of a small merchandising store. He carried a few time accounts, most of which he failed to collect in 1 9 1 6 . Hoping to be able to do so the following year, he did not press his debtors. But the next year was a repetition of the previous one so far as crops were concerned. Campbell, not anticipating another bad year, had built a new home. His money was gone. Being something of an impetuous individual, he packed his suit-case and came to New Y o r k in search of work. Within a few months he saved enough money to send for his wife and daughter. The selective draft cannot be neglected as a cause for a small stream of involuntary migration during the World War, but possibly of greater numerical significance at this time were the high wages in the industrial centers. Here, as elsewhere, men who had done a little carpentry gathered together hammers, saws, drawing knives, and chisels and set out in response to the lure of war-time wages. They flocked

EVENTS

AND CHANGES INDUCING MIGRATION

ioy

to the cantonments and to the wharves of the Atlantic seaboard cities. In those hectic days almost any able-bodied person could get a job. The loss of Negro population in St. Helena during the 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 2 0 decade was approximately 1 0 per c e n t . " A s f o r migration routes during the second period, 1 8 9 3 1 9 1 9 , there was little change over the preceding period. T h e tide continued to flow to the destinations along the seaboard. But, judging from a sample of 1 7 0 St. Helena migrants in New Y o r k City, there was beginning to occur an interesting change in the mode of travel and in directness of migration from St. Helena to N e w Y o r k . Increasing tendencies to come by train instead of by ship were manifested, and whereas the older migrants generally stopped in Savannah to work for a while, those coming to N e w Y o r k in more recent years have in larger proportions made the direct trip. These two changes became most pronounced after 1920, but apparently had their beginnings between 1 9 1 0 and 1920. In a later chapter the figures substantiating this will be presented. Negro Harlem did not exist before 1900. T h e lure of New Y o r k in recent years has been the lure of Harlem. Furthermore, the direct trip to that destination has been made possible f o r many of the latest migrants by the help of Islanders already established in N e w Y o r k . Facilities f o r travel by rail from Savannah to New Y o r k , 26 According to the U. S. Census, 6,210 Negroes were enumerated in 1910 and 5,150 in 1920, representing a loss of approximately 15 per cent. A name-for-name check of the Negroes enumerated in 1928 with those enumerated in 1920, however, revealed that approximatly 600 were missed in the 1920 enumeration. The 1920 Census was taken in January, only a few months after the Islanders had their bitter experience with the boll weevil. Local Islanders stated that during the winter 1919-1920, the number of Islanders doing temporary work in Savannah was unusually large. Temporary absence from St. Helena, and omission through error, undoubtedly account for most of the 600 missed by the 1920 Census.

SEA ISLAND

io8

TO CITY

too, have improved considerably

since

migrants usually came N o r t h by water. come by rail.

1900.

The

early

N o w the m a j o r i t y

A n Islander explained the difference in the

mode o f travel by saying, " In old times, folks travel cheap as they could. H o w e v e r , there

Y o u n g folks now travel s w i f as they can." are still advantages in coming by

ship.

Segregation f r o m the whites is not so irksome as in the trains o f the South.

Sleeping quarters are included in the

price of the ticket and the cost is a trifle cheaper than the day-coach fare by rail. 3.

SINCE

1919

T h e third and last period of the migration is that f r o m the coming the boll weevil in

1 9 1 9 until

1928, the year

in

which the survey was undertaken. D u r i n g this period the shrinkage of N e g r o population in St. Helena was approximately one-sixth.

T h e complete de-

cline of sea-island cotton a f t e r the infestation of the boll weevil in 1 9 1 9 w a s closely followed by restriction of immigrants into this country.

These new factors were doubtless

responsible in a broad w a y f o r the extent and direction of the emigration of that period.

Increasing tendencies were

manifested f o r migrants to omit the " Savannah stage " and to come directly f r o m the Island to N e w Y o r k and other northern cities where they could easily get jobs. B e f o r e the boll w e e v i l 2 7 reached St. Helena, the farmers 27 This insect (Anthonomus grandis) crossed the Rio Grande from Mexico and entered this country near Brownsville, Texas, in 1892. Concerning the phenomenal spread of the weevil, R. B. Vance said in part, " For the first ten years after crossing the Rio Grande the weevil's annual rate of spread was 5,640 square miles. In 1903 the weevil had reached the western tip of Louisiana, by 1906 Arkansas. The Mississippi River was crossed in 1907, and by 1910 the weevil had covered southern Mississippi and penetrated into Alabama. For the ten years from 1901 to 1911 the insect increased its annual spread of 26,880 square miles. A f t e r reaching Georgia in 1914 it spread rapidly, and in 1916 the

EVENTS

AND CHANGES INDUCING MIGRATION

iog

were given warning and were urged to devote more attention to food and feed crops. In 1 9 1 8 the pest invaded parts of the mainland surrounding St. Helena, but the Island was left unmolested. During that year the Penn School teachers bottled a few specimens and carried them around f o r exhibition at farmers' meetings, schools, churches, and praise houses. Armed with this visible proof that the much discussed weevil was a reality, they urged diversification of crops as a method of lessening the losses that an invasion of the insects would incur. Some heeded—others did not. The following year the Island was overrun by the pest. Some interpreted the ravage as a plague sent f r o m God and would take no steps to combat it. A farmer-preacher informed the writer that it was sent as a punishment f o r the wickedness of the people and supported his contention by Biblical reference to former plagues. Others remembered the specimens shown the preceding year and accused the whites of being deliberate conveyors of the insects. When the weevils reached the sea-island cotton area, they encountered a type of plant peculiarly favorable to their habits. Experimental studies have confirmed the " feeding choice " of the weevils f o r sea-island cotton bolls and leaves but a preference f o r short-staple squares. Actually, however, the short-staple variety grows more rapidly than does the long-staple; so there is less opportunity f o r the squares to be punctured. 28 weevil increased its flights to add 71,800 square miles of new territory. It touched South Carolina in 1917, swept across the state in two years and virtually covered North Carolina by 1923." Vance, Rupert B., Human Factors in Cotton Culture, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, University of North Carolina Press, 1929, p. 95. 28

Smith, George D., Studies in the Biology of the Mexican Cotton Boll Weevil on Short-Staple Upland, Long-Staple Upland, and Sea-Island Cotton, Washington, D. C., U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bulletin 926, April, 1921.

no

SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

In 1 9 1 7 , two years before the weevil attacked sea-island cotton, 1,093 bales were produced in Beaufort County. The following year, 1,688 bales were grown. In 1 9 1 9 , only 167 were reported. 2 ® In 1920, many of the Island farmers hoped for better luck, but the weevils had found cozy places for hibernation in the thick brush, moss, and leaves surrounding the cotton fields. Since 1920 no one on the Island has made a serious attempt to reintroduce the once famous crop. The upland variety has been grown by a few with a fair degree of success. It is not difficult to understand, however, the attitude of the Islanders toward such a change. There is a striking difference in the prices received for the two kinds of cotton. The price of sea-island cotton was approximately 2.3 times as great as the American short-staple upland. 30 We have already spoken of the extremely small landholdings of the St. Helena families. Little above the subsistence level was earned by the average family even when the sea-island lint was cultivated, as has previously been stated. Naturally they have a poor chance in growing a variety which brings much less per pound and is produced most economically by the owners of vast fields in the south-western and delta cotton regions. The climate and soil of St. Helena are quite favorable to truck farming, but before the recent construction of the bridge across the Beaufort River, this section was poorly located for getting the produce to market. Even now, the marketing difficulties constitute a handicap. Comparatively few have acquired enough skill and equipment to grow truck on a commercial scale. A native Islander compares economic conditions before and after the advent of the boll weevil: 29

Department of Commerce, U. S. Bureau of Census, Annual on Cotton Ginning. ,0

Reports

Brown, Harry Bates, Cotton, New York, McGraw Hill Book Co., 1927, p. 128.

EVENTS

AND

CHANGES

INDUCING

MIGRATION

m

Money not like it was in times back. Leedle better wages, but you could save more in times back. Folks has more then. W'en I used to plant long cotton, acre brung bale, that is long cotton. Never planted less'n six acres—never got less'n two and half bales 'tall. Then, w'en boll weevil come along 'n other things, shucks, 'ent no money. An' this short cotton— shucks, 'ent nothin' to it. Things sho' 'ent like was in times back w'en long cotton was here. W e can fin' somethin' to eat, somethin' to wear, somethin' to gin little to lodges, but f' as havin' little bank account—shucks, 'ent nothin' to it. An' look at meat n' grits you have to buy. Think how much meat you hav' to buy to feed three in family. What's meat, too? Shucks, 'ent nothing to that three times a day. Folks has to mov' w'en boll weevil come. Yes, suh. In Savannah people say, " Y o ' goin' home ? " " No, suh, I 'ent going' home. 'Ent nothin' there but boll weevil! " My Lord, that was a joke in Savannah. Soon after the infestation of the boll weevil, the Negroes of St. Helena found unusual opportunities to obtain jobs in the cities. T h e Congressional acts of 1921 and 1924 relative to the restriction of immigration into this country served to diminish considerably the source f r o m which industries had long drawn yearly additions and replacements of unskilled laborers. Some writers have described the resulting situation as a " vacuum " in the labor supply into which the southern Negroes were drawn in increasing numbers. There is no doubt that this coincidence of a " pushing " force in the rural regions with a " pulling " force in the cities has been responsible in a broad w a y for much of the latest migration from St. Helena. A few St. Helena Negroes went to Florida during the short-lived spectacular real-estate boom in 1925. T h e impressive developments which were planned, advertised, and in some cases put into effect, together with the huge influx of people from all parts of the country, created jobs for car-

112

SEA ISLAND

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CITY

penters, laborers, cooks, and household help. Negroes from near-by southern states went there in answer to the call, some of the Islanders among their number. The bubble was of short duration but many of the Negro migrants secured their first taste of city life. Many went from there to northern cities instead of returning home. It is true that the two chief features of the last period were the destruction of cotton by the boll weevil and the increased demand for Negro labor due to the more stringent immigration laws of 1921 and 1924. These two factors have been given prominent place by students of Negro migration and there is no doubt that they were the important " broad " causes of the latest migration from St. Helena. However, changes in the population of the Island indicate that the most phenomenal loss occurred before either of these influences came into operation. During the first decade of the century the Negro population declined a quarter. During the second decade it declined a tenth. The loss was one-fifth during the last. SUMMARY

T h e foregoing account of environmental changes in St. Helena, in summary has been that of the abrupt transition f r o m a slave to a free-holding economy with its attendant social changes. T h e many hardships of the post-Civil W a r years were withstood by most Islanders. Only a few drifted away or were sent away. Phosphate mining enabled many to supplement the income from the small farms. T h e Islanders knew very little about any cities other than Savannah during those years. The storm of 1893, the decline of phosphate mining, bad crop years, other reversals of a minor nature, together with developments of the transportation facilities, were the main factors conducive to changes in attitudes of individuals con-

EVENTS AND CHANGES INDUCING MIGRATION

113

cerning continued residence in St. Helena. Furthermore, the services o f all of the children in the large families were not needed on the small farms. Equally important was the fact that each child could not expect to inherit enough for a farm o f his own. I n more recent years, the influence of the World W a r , the boll weevil, and immigration restrictions have served to pry the Islanders from their rural homes. Ever since the arrival o f pioneer migrants in the various cities, the factor of communication o f these individuals with their home folk has been present. It is impossible to isolate the effectiveness of this factor and to compare its influence with that o f broad social and economic changes. In migration, as in all social phenomena, the various factors are merged and interrelated. T h e influence of friends and relatives is an aspect of the total complex of causes—not an independent causal factor. In many cases, however, friends and relatives already in the cities stimulate and facilitate further migration. Their letters, return visits, invitations to visit them, and their offers to pay the expenses of such trips are potent inducements for many Islanders.

CHAPTER MOTIVES OF T H E

IV MIGRANTS

THE foregoing account of environmental changes in St. Helena does not tell the complete story of causes of migration. Motives themselves are not thereby revealed. Many individuals have withstood the changes and remained on the Island. Others have departed for reasons quite apart from catastrophic happenings or economic reversals. The personal testimonies of migrants themselves indicate the manner in which the external factors previously described are mediated into personal desires effecting migration. A well-known Negro editor recently made the statement that the history of Negro migration would have to be rewritten when a just appraisal is made of the data existing in letters, diaries, and other documents of a personal nature. Implicit in his statement is probably an undue disparagement of studies which have been made, especially of those which have dealt to some extent with psychological factors. It is true, however, that the human aspect of population movements has been largely neglected. Most studies have explained the recent movements of Negroes from rural areas to the cities, and from the South to the North, largely in terms of broad causes—the weevil infestation, the curtailment of European labor supply by restrictive immigration acts, farm tenancy, racial discrimination, and the like. There is no doubt that in a general way great events influence population movements. They do affect the migration of masses. Excellent studies of mass movements have been 114

MOTIVES OF THE MIGRANTS made, and at least some of the writers have been very careful in attempting to appraise the influence of various factors. In most investigations, however, comparatively little data, written or oral, have been secured from actual individuals concerned. Changes of Negro population as revealed in census reports have been drawn upon to indicate the extent of mass movements. Economic and social conditions among Negroes in cities and rural sections of the South have been considered propulsive forces. Developments in transportation, industry, education, and recreational facilities in the cities, North and South, have been presented as pulling forces. Such procedure, o f course, is fundamental, but if it is followed to the entire exclusion of personal testimony of Negro migrants themselves, there is danger of inaccurate, stereotyped explanation, of too much emphasis on some factors and insufficient emphasis on others. A t best the interpretation is incomplete. While it does not seem probable that the history of Negro migration " will have to be rewritten," this survey of St. Helena Islanders in several cities does indicate that certain stereotyped causes often presented in general investigations of Negro migration are less important than some writers would have us believe, and that study of the migrants themselves affords a good avenue to the discovery and evaluation of psychological factors underlying the movements. Why have many individuals,born and reared in St. Helena, gone voluntarily from their homes? W h y do they choose the unknown in preference to familiar surroundings; contacts with strangers as against continued association with parents, brothers, sisters, relatives, and home friends? First o f all, there are certain basic conditions which are not confined to St. Helena but have been present as potential or actual causes of migrations at all times. Economic hardship has been a factor underlying most population move-

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ments. There are other reasons which might be duplicated among any migrants from rural areas to urban centers. The dislike for farming as a means of livelihood and as a mode of life is fundamental in practically all cityward movements. In St. Helena these basic factors are brought into prominence through certain local situations and particular events more or less peculiar to the Island. " I left St. Helena for the same reason that most others did; I wanted to better my condition." Perhaps this reason could be cited by any migrant from any place. The basic cause of a voluntary change of domicile is the desire to improve one or more " specific conditions." Nomads leave one place and go to another when enticements seem greater. They wish to better their conditions—to find more permanent oases, greener pastures, sunnier climes, or a more bountiful food supply. Immigrants to this country desire to " better their conditions "—social, economic, political, or religious. Various St. Helenians, however, making this assertion, would not have reference to the same conditions, or even to identical sets of conditions. There are differences, for instance, according to time of migration. In St. Helena, as well as in the cities to which Islanders have gone, many changes have taken place since the Civil War. Seventy years have elapsed, and the Island population of unlettered, newly freed slaves, has become one largely of individuals born of land-owning parents. Hurricanes, droughts, and floods have impinged upon the Islanders, affecting some far more than others. The opening up of the phosphate mines furnished opportunities for side incomes during the eighties and early nineties. The passing of this industry necessitated temporary migration from St. Helena if these incomes were to continue. Many individuals were satisfied to remain in St. Helena as long as they could grow sea-island cotton; the

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incursion of the boll weevil was immediately followed by the decline of this money crop. Changes have also taken place in the cities throughout the country. Not until urban centers could absorb large numbers of migrants did the influence of friends and relatives become a really important factor in stimulating and facilitating further migration. Not until Negro Harlem came into existence could participation in life there enter into the complex of causes for leaving home. Motives are mixed rather than pure. Each individual presents a complex of factors responsible for his migration. Desires which appear to be leading ones are discernible and it is on the basis of these that the testimonies presented are grouped. No attempt has been made, however, to separate the specific factors in individual cases. It is by the study of cases rather than by discussion of specific desires that the interrelation of factors is learned. S U S T E N A N C E AND

SECURITY

Despite the economic hardships that were encountered during the years immediately following the Civil War, there was almost no migration. The Islanders of that time had little besides their former slave condition by which to judge their economic status. If they could " pull through " each year, even in a scanty fashion, they probably seldom complained. For them cotton was the traditional source of wealth and to its culture they naturally looked for a livelihood. They knew little of cities other than Savannah, and their trips to that city were temporary. Their interests lay in St. Helena. During the nineties the attitude concerning continued residence in St. Helena began to change. Free-born children of the original slaves had begotten sons and daughters. The population of the Island was larger than it had ever been. In many of the small houses the number of occupants was

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augmented by " in-laws," cousins, and " grands." There were many mouths to be fed, but in normal times the proceeds from cotton, the " w o r k - o u t " money, and the home-grown food supplies enabled the Islanders to get along. But the wrecking of homes and the destruction of crops brought about by the 1893 storm reduced many families to actual need. The subsequent decline of the phosphate industry necessitated departures from the Island. Further, the Malthusian principle of pressure of population on food supply began to be manifest. Many of the youngsters who began leaving at this time naturally did not have the interest in St. Helena that their parents had. Their fathers were the sole owners of the land and to many of them the new experience of owning and operating a f a r m was doubtless enthralling. But the gross acreage of tillable land remained practically constant and there had been few annexations to the small tracts originally bought by ex-slaves. Each child of the family, as a co-heir, could not expect to inherit enough land for a farm of his own. F o r this reason many of the second generation of freedmen in St. Helena did not feel that they were rooted to the soil as their fathers had been. During the years following the disaster of 1893 and after the phosphate mines closed down, many youngsters left in order to help their families. The following are causes of migration or general opinions concerning migration of individuals who left St. Helena at specified times. The economic motive appears dominant, although there are other factors entering into each situation. Case No. 1 (Female; left Island in 1891 at age 1 1 ) People don't leave the Island because they want to. It's because they can't make a living there. I would like to live down there, but to live down there now, you have to have some kind of a little business besides farming. If you don't have anything besides farming, you have to have a little bank account to pull

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you over certain months of the year, and if you don't have some income to replenish it, even the bank account will all dribble away. People talk about new ideas in farming, but when I was young, the old people lived well. T h e whole Island was prosperous. Sometimes when it come time to reap rice, my father would have two or three barrels of old rice left over. Didn't have to buy much to eat—just flour, coffee, tea, and such like. Naturally people are going to move. Then when they go back down there, everything seems so dull, they just don't like to stay there. But I hold up f o r the South. If there was any way to make money down there, I certainly would move back. T h e f o l l o w i n g case is interesting because it illustrates the manner in which the e f f e c t o f a catastrophe on population movements m a y be delayed f o r several years.

Cases such

as this, as well as the population losses revealed by census reports, indicate the lag of migration behind catastrophes. Case No. 2 ( F e m a l e ; left Island in 1896 at age 2 6 ) Hannah Pinkney, the mother of Nellie and E d w a r d , was born on Hopes plantation in 1870. When she was eighteen years old, she married and moved to her husband's place on a near-by farm. Shortly before the catastrophic storm of 1893 her husband died, leaving her with three small children to support. The entire crop of cotton, corn, and sweet potatoes was completely destroyed by the storm. The ensuing winter was the hardest she has ever experienced. There was no male member of the household old enough to g o to Savannah to work, as did many of the men that year. B y the help of her relatives and friends, however, they managed to pull through and plant another crop the following spring. Due to the inundation of the previous year, her land was too soggy to yield anything. " I didn't reap what I sowed," she said. The following year was a repetition so f a r as crop yield was concerned; so in 1896 Hannah despondently left her three

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children with their Pinkney grandparents and set out for Savannah with the expectation of sending for her children or coming for them as soon as she was settled and was financially able to rent a house sufficiently large to care for them. This she did at the end of three years. Thomas Campbell spoke of the isolation of St. Helena and of consequent unfavorable marketing conditions. Case No. 3 (Male; left Island in 1904 at age 20) Work was scase—couldn' mek a devilish lot. What you mek you couldn' hardly get it off. Wasn' no bridge then. What you got off didn' bring nothin'. Grocery man took it all. I come away for money. A f t e r old woman died, I turned over to her mother the horse, cow and told her to raise the kid. Sent her provisions and groceries from Savannah. It's good at home, but my home—I tell the truth, but if anybody wanted me to come back now—well, if I get so I can see it to leave here—but people down there that I know ded out. Grocery men too ' tek everyting.' If you got somethin' people wanted if you don' let 'em hav' it at dere price, you gonna hav' it now. So I just had to mek a run to Savannah to earn money for rations and clothes. In the two following cases the migrants mention foreclosures on chattel mortgages by the white merchants of St. Helena as being contributing causes. Case No. 4 (Female; left Island in 1908 at age 24) " You want to know why I leave? " began Rebecca. " Wasn't nothing wrong with the Island when I first went to Savannah. I like my home all right. I left for the reason most people leave. I left simply to better my condition. Folks ain't got no means of makin' no money on the Island. 'Nother thing is this: When people start out to mek a crop, lot of 'em don' have enough money to buy the seed. Well, they borrow money from one of the merchants on the Island. These merchants furnish 'em little stuff to eat till crop is made. You know, corn meal, flour,

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molasses. Might have to sell 'em a few little tools, too. Well, all this don't amount to much expense, but still sometime people don't mek enough to pay for it if they don' mek nothin' off the crop. What the merchant do then ? Well, before he loans any money, he takes a mortgage. If he just loans a little for seed, or runs the people, he takes a chattel mortgage. Well, some of 'em is kind enough to let the debt run over another year, but most of 'em take your animal. Then what you gonna do? Now that wasn't my experience. We never did lose no animal like that, but I know some that did. That's why people, even when they don't leave for good, many times have to go over to Savannah to work for few months out of the year." Case No. 5 (Male; left Island in 1909 at age 1 7 ) " I first left home in 1909 at the age of 1 7 , " said Joe. " I left to better my condition. Wasn't any means of making any money on the Island. People used to live well on the Island, but that was back in the times when people raised nearly everything they needed to eat. But when I began growing up I looked around and saw the drift of things. A few white people began moving on the Island and they wasn't the same high type as Mr. MacDonald. Mr. MacDonald would always carry you over if you couldn't pay him up at the end of the year. Look what they do now. The end of the year comes. You have had a bad year. Y o u owe for your seed or fertilizer or rations for the year. You can't pay it if you don't have it. Then what are you going to do? Well, they will take your cow or your pig or your ox or your mule or your cart. What are you going to do next year if you got no mule ? What are you going to eat if they take your cow or pig? That's the time when people get disgusted and discouraged and have to move. " Well, I stayed over in Savannah for about seven years. Once I made a short run down to Jacksonville, but for just a couple of weeks to look the place over. Decided wasn' no use in me moving farther south. I began to see that wages were better up North. Letters from friends caused me to ask myself the question: 'Well, if they can do that well, why can't I ? '

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Wages was not much in Savannah nohow. Not much better than you could do on the Island catchin* fish to eat. I was up here f o r four years doing first one thing and then another. W a r time came along and I was drug off in that f o r three years. Over the other side f o r two years. I wouldn't go in the war again for a million dollars but still I wouldn't take a million dollars for the things I saw and the experience I had. Well, of course, I'd grab a million dollars f o r almost anything, but I mean that it was an education to me. I could have read about the things I saw and they wouldn't mean anything to me. " Well, that's the way it is about N e w Y o r k . E v e r y person, I don't care who he is nor where he is, wants to see N e w Y o r k some day. They have all kind of ideas about what it is like and still don't have the right idea and can't have until they see it themselves. I go home every two years. Everybody on the Island nearly knows me. When I go home, my mother's house can't hold all the people. I have set up all night talking to people down there about the things I've seen up here. Then when I finish one or two of them will say ' Uncle J o e , can't you take me back up there with y o u ? ' O r ' won't you take care of me till I can get a job ? ' I have two nieces now who want me to ask them to come up here. But I got too much to think about to take the responsibility of looking out for two young girls here in N e w Y o r k . " F r o m 1 9 1 0 to 1 9 1 9 , there were several bad crop years in St.

Helena.

Many

young

persons

became

discouraged,

particularly a f t e r the war-time w a g e s in cities were available. Case No. 6 ( M a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 8 at age 1 8 ) Well, I tell you. Conditions is so indifferent down there. Little farms are so small that the average family just can' do m o r n exist by farmin' alone. Y o u ' v e got to have some other little job besides farmin' to work at several months of the year. Some goes to Savannah. Some to Beaufort. Then, there's a little work on the Island. That kind of arrangement didn't suit me. I want to do one thing and that thing specifically.

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Then, another thing that caused me to leave was this: Over on Johnson plantation several people done lost their little farms to M r . C. through mortgages. If I hadn't left, he'd been ownin' my little spot right now. Back in 1 9 1 6 , we borrowed $ 1 7 6 f r o m M r . C. to run us over a year. Hadn't made nothin' that year. Y e a r went roun' and all we had to meet his note was $ 2 5 . I had been workin' f o r him at his saw-mill in Beaufort—goin' backward and forwards across the R i v e r every day. H e was just payin' me $ 1 . 2 5 a day and I was payin' $ 1 a week out of my own wages on the mortgage. I says to myself, " Man, you ent gonna own this lan'." But things went mighty slow. H e was chargin' 8 per cent interest, and the little weekly dollar payments he didn't consider as bein' paid so f a r as interest calculations went. E v e r y week, though, when I handed him a dollar, he'd smile. One time he said, " K e e p it up, Lester, drops of water'll wear away a stone." I say, " Y e s , M r . C. but it takes time!" I worked f o r him, though, off and on two years. I just got too ambitious f o r him. I saw I never could get that paid by little dribbles like that. So, in 1 9 1 8 , I just picked up and went over to Savannah. Got a job helping around a construction camp. M y pay was $ 1 2 a week. I took three out of that f o r my board, room, and laundry every week; so that left me nine clear. I began sending M r . C. six and eight dollars a week. That was more like it. A f t e r several months, I took a trip back home. Went by to see M r . C. " W h y you leave me, L e s ter? " h e ax. " More money. T w e l v e dollars a week. Takes money if I ever pay you off f o r that mortgage." " I'll give you nine dollars a week to come back to work f o r me," he said. Well, I thought I'd better stay on the good side of him; so I worked for him a while till I had every cent of that bill paid. When I finished, I thinks to myself, " Old man, you've got enough out of me. L a n ' paid for. I'm gone." Well, that's the reason I first left the Island f o r Savannah, and that's the reason I went back. Worked in Savannah several months again, n' went back to the Island. I'd saved up a little money, so I says to myself, " Well, it takes money to get a decent

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start farming. I got enough money here to take me to New Y o r k , pay my board a month, and come back if I don't like it." While I was in Savannah, a friend, M r . Grier, wrote me a couple times to come up, an' 1 wouldn't have no trouble findin' a job. H e wasn't doing public work himself, but said he was sure I could get located all right. Told me it was to the advantage of colored people to leave the South and come to New Y o r k . Well, as I was sayin', I didn't know whether I would stay or not. Main thing was my big notion to see N e w Y o r k . In the f o l l o w i n g case, the m i g r a n t ' s statements concerning cotton sales r e f e r to the period preceding the decline of seaisland cotton.

H e r more general r e m a r k s in regard to the

" kind " income were made in reference to present-day St. Helena. Case No. 7 ( F e m a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 0 at age 2 1 ) Down on the Island people put out their cotton in the spring and gin about October. Maybe some of the most industrious will get about $500 or $1,000. That's got to run them till the next fall. They don't get nothing f o r their produce. The cities, B e a u f o r t and Savannah, don't pay anything for vegetables. Everybody has their own and not many have to buy. Here in N e w Y o r k , I buy what I call " baby eggs " f o r my baby. I pay 65 cents a dozen. Down on the Island, my mother might take a dozen eggs to Beaufort and get six cents for them. She might pick cotton, four or five pounds for one cent, and get 50 cents or 60 cents f o r a day of back-breaking work. Here in New Y o r k , you wake up in the morning and have $ 1 5 in your pocket, but no food. But you can buy that. On the Island you wake up with a pantry full of food, but not a dime. Y o u don't see much money on the Island. What little money they do make, though, goes to buy clothes. Case No. 8 ( M a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 4 at age 20) If you can step from the road up to the curbstone, you gonna do it. That's the reason I left the Island. It wasn't because

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my uncle didn't want to do f o r me. It was because he couldn't do f o r me. Y o u see, when my father and mother died, I was taken in by my uncle to be raised. Well, you know how it is with boys when they get a certain age. They want to get out and see the country. Ain't satisfied long in one place. It's gettin' worse all the time. People leave the Island soon as they get a little age. They used to stay until they was 'bout twenty-one. N o w some of 'em leave when ten. Case No. 9 ( M a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 4 at age 2 0 ) Can't make anything on Island, borrowing from lenders to help make the crop. Market prices on the Island are lower than elsewhere. T o carry produce to Port R o y a l means transportation charge. Can't have anything on the Island. If I can't make enough money to save little $ 1 0 or $ 1 1 a week, I might as well not work. I'd join the street loafers. They manage to sleep and eat. If that's all you can get out of working, why work? But that's just what they do on the Island. Laborers in the oyster factories go to work in the dark and come home in the dark. A n d for that they get 30 or 40 cents a day. T h e t w o f o l l o w i n g testimonies are those of t w o women w h o l e f t home as children.

T h e remarks, t h e r e f o r e , are

generally concerned w i t h the hardships c o n f r o n t e d by their parents.

T h e first is that of a child involved in f a m i l y mi-

gration to S a v a n n a h ; the second is that of a girl w h o , because her f a t h e r w a s sick, w e n t to near-by P a r r i s Island in order to help her f a m i l y out of its financial difficulties. Case No. 1 0 ( F e m a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 3 at age 9 ) I never did, even when I was a child, have no intention of farming all my life. I never worked much on a farm. Father never did compel me to go out and dig in the ground. But I could look around and see how things was going. During

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summer while you was working your back off in the cotton field, prices would be tree high. Then when you finally pick your cotton and carry it to the store, prices would be down so low that after you sold it, you wouldn't get enough to run you through the winter. My father had to go to Savannah to work during the winter months even before he moved over there. He had to do this to keep the family up during the cold months. Think people want to live in a place like that? Finally we just moved over there. Case No. n (Female; left Island in 1 9 1 4 at age 14 ) In 1914, when Marrie was only 14 years old, she wanted to help make some money for her family because her father was sick. She said she didn't like the farm, anyway. The people advised her that she was too young to get a job, but she did find one as a helper in a white family's home on Parris Island. She tried to get work on Parris Island instead of Savannah because she wanted to be as near her father as possible. Concerning the general situation of affairs on the Island so f a r as her family was concerned, Marrie said in part, speaking of her father: He couldn't even buy his children a pair of shoes. Even when he wasn' sick, all went to pay his debt. He can't bring no money home after selling his cotton an' settlin' up. He hav' to leave home to work, an' knock aroun' before he go to work to get provisions. That's all the kick that made me say I wasn't going to stay aroun' there. Cotton always high as tree when you work it, but when you sell it, you don't get nothin'. Case No. 12 ( M a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 7 at age 1 7 ) I figured it this way. I just wanted to travel. I could work and dig all year on the Island and best I could do would be to make $ 1 0 0 and take a chance on making nothin*. Well, I figured I could make 'roun' thirty or thirty-five dollars every week and at that rate save possibly $ 1 0 0 every two months. ' Cos I was single then. Couldn't save that much married. So I decided

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I'd be a fool to stay there n' dig all my life at that rate. P a y day, little as it was, would come once a season. In public work you get paid every week. First place I went to was Savannah. Went there because that's the seventy-five cent stop. Most people who leave the Island stop there first. Thought I'd soon save up enough to travel up North. I began writing my brothers who were up here. They said, " Y e s , jobs are good up here." In 1923, some of my friends I was working with and I decided to catch the boat and travel up to Philly. W e stopped there, worked one month. Didn't like it. Came on over to my brothers in Brooklyn. Case No. 1 3 ( M a l e ; left Island in 1 9 1 7 at age 3 1 ) The people will continue leaving the South and will continue coming North just as long as they have better opportunities in the North. It's getting too easy now f o r people to travel to be willing to tolerate hardships which they can remedy by picking up and traveling a f e w hundred miles. And it's just due to the narrowness of the southern people that they don't provide better means for the people to make a living. In Savannah, they expect you to work for two dollars a day. If companies in the North can a f f o r d to pay five or six dollars a day, there is no reason why they can't in the South. They get the same price f o r their goods. Tariff affects the southern manufacturer in just the same way that it does the northern manufacturer. Then, look how they do in L o n g Island. T h e people who raise truck in L o n g Island, make plenty of money. Companies send representatives around to visit the farms. A patch of potatoes, lettuce, or anything, is bought before it is half matured; just like out West, a representative comes around and buys the wheat sometimes as soon as the shoots come through the soil. But down South, everything seems to be run on such a small scale. Everyone tries to do his own marketing. If the St. Helena niggers were not so devilish superstitious and short

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sighted, they could get together and rent a freight car for $32. This car would bring their produce straight from Beaufort to New York. As it now is, when one ships a little himself he has to take what he can get and pay a freight rate that eats up his profits. The complete abandonment of sea-island cotton after the coming of the boll weevil in 1 9 1 9 seemed to blight still further the attraction of home f o r its young people. The lure of the cities, on the other hand, became stronger than ever. Prospective migrants from St. Helena knew little or nothing of the effect of the immigration laws of 1922 and 1924, or the labor supply of the North, but from letters received from friends they learned that jobs could be secured, that large numbers of Negroes were coming to the cities from all sections of the South, that life in the city was quite different from that in St. Helena, that victrolas, pianos, radios, and new clothes were being bought, and that there were amusement places galore. The economic inducement was back of most departures, but the thought of " city life " rather than " livelihood in the city " seemed to be uppermost in the minds of many. Illustrative cases may be found on pages 1 3 0 - 1 3 3 . There were, of course, exceptions. Some migrants would have preferred to remain in St. Helena, had they thought they could make a living there. In the words of one migrant who left in 1 9 1 9 , however, " Many people found it impossible to make money on the Island after the boll weevil reached St. Helena. They had to turn their eyes in other directions." Thomas Polite also gave the following reason for leaving St. Helena in 1923 : The Island is o. k., but there's no way to make any money

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down there. I didn't have any personal reason for leaving except I wanted to make a little cash. You can plant you some corn and vege-tubles, peas, sweet potatoes, okra, and raise you a few chickens and hogs. You have plenty to eat in a way, but folks get tired just livin' like that. No way to make a little change. You see, my father died when I was four years old. We moved back to the Island after his det'. I went to Penn two terms, took harness makin', and carpentry. When I was seventeen, I decided to move over to Savannah where I could go to school and make a little money on the side. Well, you know how that goes. Can't make anything, odd times goin' to school n' working. I just got impatient—wanted to make mo'. Cos school is all right in its place. You might be able to use somethin' you learn in school. MORE AGREEABLE T Y P E OF WORK

Among the Island migrants, dissatisfaction with farming as an occupation was not always due primarily to the low income which the individuals had received as tillers of the soil. Some seemed to be chiefly interested in obtaining a different type of work. As in other agricultural communities, many of the young people have no inclination to follow in the footsteps of their parents. Some have the attitude that they can secure easier work than that of farming. Some dislike the fact that the rewards for farming consist mainly of " kind " income and that the little cash which can be obtained is derived but once a year, or very irregularly. Many Penn School students who have received training in industrial work and in the domestic arts feel that such skill can be used to better advantage in cities. A great many others who have not received such training prefer the regular wages which can be secured from common labor in the cities to the irregular cash rewards for farming. On my first trip to the sea islands years ago, I had seen the truck gardens about Norfolk, an omen of the new days in

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the coastal plains of the Carolinas. Beginnings even then had been made about Beaufort, our county seat on Port Royal Island. Would these people on the nearby islands, I asked myself, be able to hold their lands? Would the land be able to hold them ? Often in those days we would stop a young fellow driving an oxcart and ask him what he had been doing since he left school. Usually the answer would be " Nuttin'," and with a few more questions we would find that he was busy on the home farm. One morning when we met Roachie on the road with his cart full of marsh grass, I asked the usual question and received the usual answer. Even when caught with the goods, farming was " Nuttin'." 1 Even when explicit statements are made by individual migrants, it is difficult to know in a specific case whether the desire for an increased income or for a more agreeable type of work is the dominant interest. In most instances, no doubt, the two aspects are merged into a general dissatisfaction with farming as a means of livelihood and as a mode of life. Therefore, while no claim is made that the following cases illustrate the dominance of a desire for a more agreeable occupation, yet they reveal a discontent with farm life which is unquestionably a contributing motive for many migrations. Case No. 14 (Female; left Island in 1901 at age 16) I didn't leave home because of hard times especially. My father is Captain Brown, one of the best known farmers on the Island. We always was good livers. Always had plenty to eat and what we had to wear was as good as any worn on the Island. But from a kid up, I never did like to live in the country. It's a good place to visit, but not for me is it a good place to live. 1

Cooley, Rossa B., School Acres, Yale University Press, 1930, pp. 125-126.

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

In 1901, when I was sixteen, my sister returned to the Island f r o m N e w Y o r k when m y mother died. She brought me back with her. I've been here ever since, except to make summer trips with the people I w o r k with. I ' v e been to C a l i f o r n i a f o u r summers to work in the summer home of the man I w o r k f o r . H e ' s a millionaire. Case N o . 15 ( M a l e ; l e f t Island in 1911 at age 19) Y o u n g people is more restless than old people. O l d people would live down there fifty or sixty years. S o m e never got no farther a w a y than Savannah. O t h e r s never even got to B e a u fort, a f e w miles a w a y . Y o u n g people g r o w up now and say, " I want to get ' w a y f r o m heah. N o diggin' in de sile f o ' me. L e t other man do the diggin'. I'm through with farmin'." I would be a fool to move back. H a v e to be out in the hot sun diggin' in the sile. I can't see it. Case N o . 16 ( F e m a l e ; l e f t Island in 1920 at age 2 6 ) I was married in 1912 and my husband died in 1918. During the six years I had six children, twins once. O n e of them died when he was a baby. O t h e r five lived. T h r e e are on the Island now, g o i n g to Penn School. Y o u ask me w h y I leave the Island to come t o N e w Y o r k ? That's the same question a white lady I was w o r k i n ' f o r asked me. She said " Lilly, w h y should y o u leave y o u r home and come w a y up to N e w Y o r k ? " W e l l , I say, when you have children, you've got to get along somehow. W h e n y o u live o n the f a r m , the man is the strength. Must be a man to till the land. I doesn't have strength to f a r m . T r u t h is, is very little I ever wuked on f a r m . S o since I had friends and relatives in N e w Y o r k , I thought I could do best by sending the support d o w n to the Island and let m y children live with their gran'. COMFORT A N D RECREATION

B e s i d e s the low i n c o m e a n d i r k s o m e l a b o r i n v o l v e d

in

f a r m i n g , a complaint r a t h e r f r e q u e n t l y v o i c e d b y m i g r a n t s

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TO CITY

was that they did not like to live in the country. Much of this general dissatisfaction doubtless grew out of the poor economic conditions and was partly the desire for a more agreeable job, but there are other specific elements in the complex. The " economic man " is as difficult to locate in St. Helena as elsewhere. The particular desires which migrant individuals have thought they could better fulfill by leaving St. Helena for the cities are many and diverse. Some dislike the country because the conveniences are few, some because life for them is dull there. Islanders hear of the " conveniences " and " life " in the cities. Letters from friends, oral statements from migrants visiting St. Helena, visits to friends in cities, and temporary sojourns to near-by places for seasonal work, lead many to believe that the city offers more joys than does the country. Case No. 17 (Female; left Island in 1901 at age 1 1 ) I didn' leave 'count of no hard times. My people always was well livers. Some people better off than others. Some people barely bale out a livin'. Some don't have 'nuf land to make their bread. Don't blame us for leaving. We hear 'bout people in the North. Some have automobile. Some have victrola. Case No. 18 (Female; left Island in 1925 at age 20) You can buy more things you want up here. Get things for the house and buy clothes up here that you couldn't think about having down South. Nothing for a colored girl to do down there. Only thing a girl could do is to work in the oyster factories, and that's considered men's work. Too nasty for a girl, too. Of course, I had a teaching job there one year, but you know there are not many teaching jobs on the Island for girls. The desire to quit the " dull life " of St. Helena has been especially prominent among the more recent migrants.

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

133

Case N o . 19 ( M a l e ; left Island in 1925 at age 1 7 ) T h e people had been livin' in the dark. T h e y didn't k n o w they was in reach of any place other than the cotton field. T h e n , when the war broke out and soldiers were carried away, they saw how easy it was to travel. T h e y naturally would not be content to go back to the country to spend their days. T h e i r eyes were opened. T h e y tasted something better. T h e y wrote to their friends a f t e r they came to N e w Y o r k , and opened their eyes. S o the people began coming. W h e n they get here and stay a while, maybe they have a relative or friend that wants to come up. S o they send him money. A n d now, most e v e r y family, I guess, around Beaufort, Hilton Head, and St. Helena, has friends or relatives in N e w Y o r k . T h e young people have their faces turned this way. Soon as they get old enough, they'll come right up. Nothin' to stop 'em. I got a friend w h o is comin' up pretty soon himself. Case N o . 20 ( F e m a l e ; l e f t Island in 1919 at age 14) Got tired living on Island. T o o lonesome. G o to bed at six o'clock. Everything dead. N o dances, no moving picture show, nothing to go to. Cos' every once in a while they would have a dance, but here you could go to 'em every Saturday night. T h a t ' s why people move more than anything else. VISITING IN T H E

CITIES

S o m e o f the m i g r a n t s f r o m S t . H e l e n a stated that their departures f r o m the Island w e r e intended t o be visits.

The

real m o t i v e s back o f such trips, h o w e v e r , w e r e not a l w a y s simply those o f r e n e w i n g association w i t h acquaintances in the cities.

S o m e accepted invitations in o r d e r t o " investi-

g a t e c o n d i t i o n s , " others in order t o " see the c i t y . " F o r v a r i o u s reasons m a n y o f the " visitors " did not r e t u r n to the

Island

for

permanent

dwelling.

The

case

below

describes the change in attitude t o w a r d St. H e l e n a a f t e r a f e w w e e k s ' residence in N e w Y o r k .

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Case N o . 21 ( M a l e ; l e f t Island in 1901 at age 2 3 ) " I'll be back in less than six months," M r . W . told his father w h e n he set out to visit his brother in N e w Y o r k in 1901. He had been teaching f o r three y e a r s in one of the small Island schools. H i s home was much better than that of the average Islander. W h e n he left, he had full intentions of returning in time to resume his work as teacher in the late fall. H e managed to secure a j o b in N e w Y o r k and never returned to St. Helena except f o r occasional visits. C O N T A C T W I T H FRIENDS A N D R E L A T I V E S

M a n y m i g r a n t s m e n t i o n e d the part p l a y e d b y f r i e n d s a n d relatives in s t i m u l a t i n g their d e p a r t u r e s o r in i n f l u e n c i n g t h e i r choices o f destination.

T h e m a n n e r in w h i c h I s l a n d e r s in

specific cities tend t o m a i n t a i n those places as destinations h a s a l r e a d y been c o m m e n t e d upon.

I n relatively f e w cases,

h o w e v e r , h a v e m i g r a n t s g o n e f r o m their h o m e s m a i n l y f o r the p u r p o s e o f b e i n g w i t h p a r t i c u l a r individuals.

The

p a r e n t s w h o j o i n e d m i g r a n t children, the individuals

few who

" l e f t m a i n l y o n l o v e a f f a i r , " a n d s o m e o f the children sent t o the h o m e s o f c i t y - d w e l l i n g relatives are the m o s t i m p o r t a n t e x a m p l e s o f t h o s e interested in p r o x i m i t y t o certain indiv i d u a l s in the cities. Case N o . 22 ( M a l e ; l e f t Island in 1925 at age 58) A sequence of factors w a s responsible for T h o m a s Smith's departure. In 1923, his w i f e died. O f his six living children, only one was at home. F o u r had gone to the cities and the other had married and was living on another plantation. In 1925, his remaining child died. Several years prior to this, Smith had the misfortune of losing an eye. H i s remaining eye began giving him so much trouble that he feared total blindness. A f t e r the death of his child, his daughters in N e w Y o r k wrote to him and urged that he come up and live with them instead of remaining alone at home. T h e y told him he could take treat-

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

135

ment for his eye, and as a further inducement secured for him a job as caretaker of an apartment building. It is somewhat surprising that in previous studies of N e g r o migration, little attention has been given to the factor of family dissolution. Approximately one-fourth o f the 223 individuals interviewed in N e w Y o r k left home shortly after the death of a member of the family. Almost one-half of those who left under such circumstances were dependent children whose relatives in the cities provided homes for them. Disruption of family life often crystallizes the desires of older children to leave home in search of work. RACIAL

ATTITUDES

Racial hatred has had very little to do with migration from St. Helena. Some of the migrants voiced their resentment against excessive taxation of St. Helena property, and against certain white merchants and white teachers in St. Helena. While the Islanders w h o complained of these conditions often interpreted the acts of whites in terms of exploitation of Negroes, there was a total absence of complaints of terrorism, segregation, insults, embarrassments, and of " superior " attitudes of whites toward Negroes in St. Helena—conditions which are common in many bi-racial communities of the South. M a n y of the stated grievances were expressions of attitudes which had developed after leaving St. Helena, rather than statements of motives for leaving home. Case No. 23 (Male; left Island in 1909 at age 17) In thirty years from now, the Island will be owned by the white people. The only people living there will be the old standbys and after they die out the only Negroes there will be the servants and tenants. It will no longer be an Island owned by colored people. The entering wedge is being driven. Miss K.,

136

SEA ISLAND

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though she claims to be doing great service down there, is in reality just getting rich herself. She is buying up land every chance she gets. What does she do with it a f t e r she buys it? She puts a fence around it and puts up " No Trespassing " signs. If a cow or a pig happens to get on the place you have to pay to get it back. Other white people are doing the same thing. A n d look what taxes are doing. When I was down there our taxes was around four dollars. Now they jumped to fifteen. F i f t e e n dollars is something hard to get on the Island. If it wasn't for the people in New Y o r k and other cities who send money back down to the Island to keep the taxes paid up, the land would have been lost long ago. They got a shrewd bunch of politicians around Beaufort. Our taxes triffled (trebled) in just a short time. I'm going down to St. Helena next summer and I'm going to the Court House in Beaufort to see why the taxes has gone up so much and them knowing how hard the people suffer on the Island. The Island people is the highest taxed of any in the State of South Carolina. I'm willing to sacrifice my head f o r the people down there. Some of them are in desperate circumstances. They don't even have enough to eat part of the time. Y o u have been down there. Y o u saw what they wear. Building that big bridge across the river and taxing the po' people to death to pay for it! W h y did they do it? Listen, that bridge is just a cat's paw to get the land away from the colored people. Just mark my words. Case No. 24 (Female; left Island in 1 9 1 0 at age 2 1 ) All southern people are against the colored. Been tryin' to hold them down. Want to keep 'em diggin' all their life. That's what Moton does at Tuskegee. That's what the new teachers at Penn School do. Wish I could go down there an' tell them teachers such as Miss R . what I think of 'em havin' 'em workin' on a farm at school, havin' the girls ironin'—things they can learn at home! Wantin' 'em to stay under-dogs all their life. I wouldn't give a dime for the whole Island! A n ' when you go back down there, you tell Miss R . to practice more charity!

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

137

Island migrants who, before coming to New Y o r k , lived in Savannah, or in other bi-racial southern communities, sometimes encountered experiences or witnessed scenes in such intermediate destinations which colored their attitudes toward all whites. Some doubtless acquired racial antipathy after hearing stories told by migrants from other sections of the South. Case No. 25 (Male; left Island in 1903 at age 21) White folks don't treat Negroes too good any way. White folks all through the southern states is different from what they is in New York. They don't want to see you have a good time there. All you can do is to go to a movie n' drink a bottle of soda pop. That's 'bout all the pleasure you can get down in Savannah. Wages nothing either. I worked longshore, waterfront, you know, ten hours a day for $1.80. Case No. 26 (Female; left Island in 1895 at age 15) I have a kind of respect for the Island, but since I moved away and had my eyes opened I've just got disgusted with the merciless treatment the folks get down there. They work hard, and get nothing for it. Of course, they have enough to eat. It's easy enough to get enough to eat, but people want to have a little extra. Of course, the old people are used to their fare, and they never leave, but the children won't stand for the situation down there. One of them leaves and writes back about his job, his pay, the city. Another comes up, and another, and another. I never could see why the white people in the South want to keep their feet on the necks of the blacks. They want the Negroes to stay down there, but they want them to stay down. They won't give a good man a chance. If a man has his collar torn from behind, and he don't know it, it don't hurt him none to wear it. He can go in the best kind of society and if he don't know his collar's torn, he won't be dissatisfied, but the minute he realizes it, he is ill at ease. It's the same way with the nigger in the South. A s long as

138

SEA ISLAND

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CITY

he's down there, ignorant of better places, he ain' gonna want to move. Let folks 'gin tellin' him about 'nother place where he's treated better n' he ain' gonna want to stay in the South much longer. God knows a change is gonna be made, and if the South don't realize it, they gonna wake up n' find all the niggers gone. Up here, though, you have the same thing to a less degree. Over where I work in the dye factory, they expect more from a colored girl if she's to keep her job. They won't give a colored girl a break. MISCELLANEOUS

There are miscellaneous personal reasons for leaving St. Helena. A few leave in order to attend school but actually do not return home. Cases have been noted of departures apparently motivated by desires to express resentment against certain individuals. Domestic quarrels sometimes result in the migration of one or more members of the family. A few cases have been reported in which the chief reason for migrating seemed to be that of escaping dominance of a parent or a guardian. There are also rare instances of hasty departures in order to escape punishment for minor offenses committed in St. Helena. S U M M A R Y OF CAUSES OF MIGRATION

In the preceding chapter an account was given of environmental changes in St. Helena, development of transportation lines to various cities, and growth of opportunities for Negroes to secure work in those cities. The present chapter, consisting largely of testimonies by migrants, purports to give a suggestion of the manner in which such changes have altered the attitudes of St. Helena inhabitants. In some degree the cases reveal the manner in which individuals make up their minds to leave home. They demonstrate the presence of concrete immediate events which pro-

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

139

vide the occasion for going. Actual migration is generally preceded by a period of time during which the individual is dissatisfied with one or more conditions. The dissatisfaction may be due to a succession of poor crops, to inability to earn side incomes in the area, to damage wrought by a storm or by the weevil infestation, or to monotony of rural life. There are factors, however, which hold the individual and tend to postpone his leaving. Family responsibilities may prevent his departure. Perhaps his services are needed to finish the crop. Perhaps he lacks sufficient money to pay the fare to his chosen destination. He may have vague hopes that conditions in St. Helena will improve. A death occurs in the family, the crop year is completed, immediate cash is needed for specific purposes, a friend in the city sends him passenger fare, a particularly poor crop-yield is sustained— any of these may serve as immediate occasions for his migration. Sometimes the motive may originate with such events and may be effective immediately. At any rate, it is out of the conjunction of immediate stimuli with long-standing attitudes that much of the migration from St. Helena frequently comes. There are cases in which permanent absence from the Island was not intended when the departures were made, but these migrants differ from the others merely in the fact that their decisions are made in terms of remaining away from home instead of in terms of leaving it. Favorable experiences in the city rather than unfavorable experiences at home constitute the immediate stimuli and are responsible for the continued absence from St. Helena. The necessity of taking into account the subjective factors as well as the objective conditions becomes clearer if we consider that many Islanders have remained in St. Helena. Some have been faced with hardships similar to those which confronted the migrants. Storms, crop-reversals, and the weevil infestation have affected many who nevertheless continue to live there.

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SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

Older individuals are held by familial responsibilities, ownership of land, and by community ties which mean more to them than to their migrant sons and daughters. They are not so readily fascinated by stories of the bright lights. If money is needed in emergencies, parents may often seek temporary work in Savannah or near-by places, but their interests remain in St. Helena. Among the young, unmarried individuals still resident in St. Helena, there are many potential migrants, individuals who are " waiting their chances," but there are a few w h o prefer to remain. The latter are not easily tempted by stories concerning the cities. Some have had temporary residence off the Island and have found it dissatisfying. Others apparently do not care to make the test They are not oblivious to the possibility of earning more per week away from home, but they consider the freedom, fresh air, inexpensive living, and community life of the neighborhood as being of greater value than " cash money." Doubtless such individuals are the ones who will carry on the farms after their parents pass on. The following testimony was reported to have been made by one of the Islanders who managed to remain at home in spite of the boll weevil's coming. De las' time I talk f r ' m dis platform, I talk 'bout Mr. Cotton, but dis time I'm goin' to talk 'bout prowision. I raise good cotton, too. De merchants kin trus' my cotton. But cotton ain't stan' no mo' an' I say, " Look yuh! Wut yo' goin' to do 'bout de animul an' de chillun? " Fust I study 'bout de animul. Got two horse and a half to feed, so I 'cide to plant me some oats. Den I tek five task o' lan' (a task is one-fourth of an acre), an' plow it an' I harrow it, an' I plush dat lan'. An' den it ain't suit me an' I plush um again. Den I tek bough outen de woods an' trail um ober de lan' fo' help cover de seed. An' it ain't ben long fo' I look yonder an' I see de oats sta't fo' sprout up in de fiel'.

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

141

An', my frien's, wen de time come, I cut eight wagon load off dat field', an' my animul, dey live on um fr'm dat day to dis! Well, dat fix de horses, but how 'bout de chillun? I fix to plant co'n fo* de chillun. Y o know some people tink yo' kin raise crop outen de lan'. But I tell yo' right now, yo' try to raise crop outen de lan' an' yo' ain't raise um mo' dan dat high. An' den de white people say yo' kin raise crop wid de fertilizer, but I cyant raise my crop dat-a-way, 'cause I cyant buy de fertilizer. But I go in de wood an' I rake me trash, an' I go in de crick an' I cut me ma'sh. Hab dem long kin' of boats dat ketch me up yuh—an' I had manure in de shed an' I pit um all on de lan'. A n ' I raise me a crop too! Ain't got no cotton, but I got oats fo' de horse, an' co'n and peas an' sweet potatoes fo' de chillun, an' den a few head ob hog to pit 'long wid dat. Now de people go to Savannah an' all about fo' wuk-out money. Wuk-out money is all right, but wuk-out money's like las' night rain—run in one han' an' run out de udder. I ain't got no money but I got de prowision! 2 Testimonies similar to the above have been related by residents to the present writer. They indicate that those who prefer to remain place greater value on the unhurried life of St. Helena, community relationships, and independence than they do on economic advance or other reported advantages of city life. For them, farming is not only a means of livelihood, but a way of life itself. T h e y do not find life monotonous. Their associations with friends of long standing at the farmers' fairs, church meetings, and picnics are more attractive to them than are the commercialized forms of recreation in the cities. The testimonies have revealed a variety of desires on the part of migrants. Some individuals have been practically forced to leave home in order to earn a livelihood or to be supported by others. Large families attempting to eke out Cooley, Rossa B., School 112-113. 2

Acres,

Yale University Press, 1930, pp.

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SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

an existence on the small farms have been beset by many difficulties. Catastrophes, absence of opportunities for earning side incomes, poor crops, and finally the ingress of the boll weevil have given rise to urgent need and have necessitated departures of members from families. Young children have often been taken to the homes of city-dwelling relatives when their Island homes were disrupted by deaths. Under similar circumstances aged parents sometimes joined their children in urban centers. Among the individuals who left under less exacting circumstances were a few students seeking further education and a fairly large number of thrifty and industrious individuals who were chiefly interested in providing security and comforts for themselves, but were little interested in the bright lights of the city. In the main, however, the movement has been a manifestation of revolt against the mode of life afforded in St. Helena. Many young Islanders, like the sons and daughters of farmers elsewhere, are not inclined to remain on the farm all their lives. F r o m stories told by friends in the cities, they get the impression that cities afford more lucrative occupations, greater opportunities for " getting ahead," and a wider variety of experiences than they can hope to have in St. Helena. An explanation of the motives of young Islanders, however, should involve more than that of general attitudes of disfavor toward farming as a life occupation. It is necessary to consider the status of these individuals at the time they left home. Most of them were unmarried individuals living with their parents. In many cases they had recently attained the age at which youngsters begin to want jobs and money of their own. The family economy and " kind " income were not satisfying to them. T o earn a livelihood for themselves, to have money in their own jeans, and to

MOTIVES

OF THE

MIGRANTS

143

wear clothes o f their own choice which they provided for themselves, they, like other youthful individuals, interpreted as symbols o f adulthood and o f independence. S u c h desires were intensified when migrant friends returned to the Island for visits.

O n e individual spoke o f his

embarrassment and first desire to leave S t . Helena when two o f his friends visited him at Penn School.

T h e visitors had

been working in Savannah and had bought a new outfit o f clothes.

" Here they were with their s o f t leather English

shoes, and I saw them glancing down at my brogans with steel snaps."

A young man whom the writer visited in

Savannah, told o f a similar experience. I f I'd had my way about it, I never would have finished Penn School. O f course, I could have dropped out, but my father insisted that I stay in school and he paid my little fees. Hadn't been for that I sure would have dropped out. I wanted to get out and. make money. Wanted to come to Savannah. I used to see these boys who come back from Savannah and hear them telling about how much money they made. Sure did make me think I was missing something staying in school. Couldn't see that I was getting anywhere, you know. One time while I was at Penn—that was back when I wore knee pants—couple of boys about my age stopped over on the Penn grounds. They had been off working in Savannah. Both of 'em wearing wide trousers, sticking way out at the side of their legs. Well, they came strutting around on the Penn grounds with their hands in their pockets so you could see how wide their pants were. Well, there I was with my little tight breeches on. Sure did make me feel shame. I wanted to leave right then and go off to work. Discussions among Islanders themselves also seemed to arouse the desires o f individuals to experience on their own account the reputed advantages o f the cities. Young boys hear of others making good.

J u s t makes farm

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SEA ISLAND

TO

CITY

life seem slow. I never did like to stay long in one place, nohow. I want to be on the move. Always hear so much about New York. Just wanted to see the place. Wasn't because of hard times especially. Young folks just ain't satisfied to see so little and stay around on farm all their lives like old folks did. The influence of discussion and mass suggestion is also seen in such statements as: " People from the Island nowadays just come to New York for the style. Everybody seems to think they got to make a trip up here when they grow up " ; " Seems like everybody was headed that way " ; " The majority of folks was up here." Expressions of dissatisfaction with the simple types of recreation in St. Helena have been especially prominent among the more recent migrants to Harlem. Prayer meetings, neighborhood gatherings, and the occasional Saturday night parties seem very tame in comparison with the gay life their friends in Harlem report. Members of the younger generation in St. Helena are lured by stories of brilliantly lighted streets, movie theatres, pool rooms, unregulated manner of spending leisure time, and by the ease with which friends of the opposite sex can be acquired. The fundamental desires of Island migrants, therefore, seem to be practically the same as those which one might attribute to individuals involved in the general drift from rural areas to urban centers. Racial, religious, and political problems have played little part. Farmer boys and girls of St. Helena, as elsewhere, are imbued with the idea that they must go to the cities in order to find " good jobs," and a more stimulating environment.

C H A P T E R

V

T H E MIGRANTS AND T H E I R

DISPERSION

R E A L I Z I N G that remarkable changes were coming in St. Helena, in 1928 a group of investigators under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council, and directed by Dr. T. J. Woofter, Jr., of the University of North Carolina, attempted a rather comprehensive survey of this community. The time for such a study seemed opportune. Many changes had already taken place, but the culture of the Islanders seemed to be, as yet, quite distinct. A modern bridge connecting St. Helena with the mainland had been completed the preceding year. The passing to and fro of residents and non-residents was greatly facilitated, and diffusion of ideas and practices from the mainland, it was thought, would result in material dilution of the Island's culture. The writer's special interest was migration from the Island. By various means (see pages 225-226, appendix) a fairly complete list of the living migrants was obtained. This list included 1,610 migrants, 1 , 1 1 3 of whom left the Island after 1920 and 497 before that year. 1 DISPERSION

St. Helenians have followed much the same trend as that of general Negro migration from South Atlantic areas. Practically none are on the western coast, in New Orleans, or in the small manufacturing towns of the Carolina-Piedmont section. In the cities to which Islanders have gone, how1

Woofter, T. J., Jr. Black

Yeomanry,

p. 93. 145

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SEA

ISLAND

TO

CITY

ever, 2 the trends of growth have not in most cases been the same as has that of the total Negro population. St. Helenians have contributed vastly more than their share to Savannah, considerably more than their " expected " quotas to New Y o r k , Boston, and Charleston, but much less to Jacksonville and Philadelphia, and practically none to other towns of the Atlantic coast. There are several reasons why St. Helena Islanders have gone to seaport cities. Perhaps the most effective factor now is the well established residence of Islanders in the specified cities, who communicate with friends and relatives back home and are actively or passively influential in the continuation of migration to the same localities. T h e main factors responsible for the initiation of the trend to port cities were two. T h e first was the drift to Savannah and subsequent migration by ship. T h e second was the early placing of a few Penn School students in Philadelphia and Boston, supplemented by the activities of Miss Mather's school on the mainland. 2 The reports given to enumerators by resident members of families indicated that about half of the migrants were living in Savannah, onequarter in New Y o r k , and most of the remaining fourth in other cities along the Atlantic coast. The year following the establishment of this list, an attempt was made to locate representative individuals among the migrants in various localities. This resulted in a more accurate distribution. Field investigation in cities in which groups were found revealed that in Savannah there were 40 per cent of the migrants, in New Y o r k 30 per cent, in miscellaneous northern cities about 20 per cent, and in miscellaneous southern cities, towns, and rural areas, about 10 per cent. More specifically, there were approximately 600 in Savannah, 480 in New York, 100 in Philadelphia, 75 in Charleston, 50 in Boston, and 20 in Jacksonville. In small towns and rural backwashes of South Carolina there were about 120, and in other miscellaneous towns, north and south, there were reported about 80. Less than ten were living in western or middle-western residences. The residence of about 75 could not be discovered. Since these figures were obtained largely from the point of migration and not from complete enumeration in any of the various cities themselves, a more exact distribution is unwarranted. (C/. Woofter, T . J., Jr., Black Yeomanry, p. 93.)

THE if ¡GRANTS

AND

THEIR

DISPERSION

DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

Males and females are fairly equally represented among the total migrants f r o m St. Helena. While the census figures for several decades have shown a predominance of females resident on the Island (98.7 N e g r o males to 100 females in 1900,94.7 in 1910,92.2 in 1920, a n d 9 4 . o in 1930) and while from this there might be deduced excessive male migration, it must be borne in mind that in the entire Negro population of the country the females exceed males. Further, the census has tended to miss those who have gone to Savannah and near-by places for temporary labor. O n the other hand, enumeration of migrants in two places to which they have gone indicates an excess of females among the migrants. This, in turn, must be discounted, however, since males are more likely to have been missed than females. T h e reports of Islanders concerning missing members, supplemented by a check of the 1928 enumeration of Island inhabitants with the 1920 United States Census enumeration, revealed no sex selection whatsoever. T h i s list was fairly complete for the migrants who left after 1920, and contained only a small, but seemingly representative, proportion of the migrants before 1920.® T h e movement from this area has not conformed to the tendency found in most other migrations studied, where females remained behind until the male pioneers had broken the trails. W h e n all the evidence is weighed, one arrives at the conclusion that in all periods the movements of both sexes have been very similar. While there was some excess of males in the decade of 1900-1910, it seems that this was not large and the movement since 1920 appears to have largely counterbalanced this disproportion. 3 Among the 1,610 migrants thus enumerated there were 804 males, 805 females, and one of unknown sex. Of the total number, 1,113 left the Island after 1920 and 497 before that date.

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Although the total number of migrants is approximately equally divided between the sexes, there are rather noticeable differences in such distributions in several specific cities. In N e w Y o r k and Boston there are more females than males. 4 The reverse seems to be true in Savannah. In the remaining destinations there are approximately equal numbers of males and females. In Savannah, there appears to be little difference in the number of each sex among the Islanders who have taken up permanent residence there, but there seems to be a permanent excess of male transients. I f these are included the males constitute a plurality. It also seems likely that a greater proportion of males than females would be included among the migrants to miscellaneous destinations, particularly in the North and West, thus serving to counterbalance the slight excess of females in N e w Y o r k and Boston. There is also a limited number of drifters, practically all of whom are males. The bulk of the migrants from St. Helena leave home at an early age. During the course of the interviews with 223 Islanders in N e w Y o r k , the writer learned from 202 their ages at the time they left home. Almost two-thirds were 1 5 to 25 and only five were more than 3 5 years of age when they departed. Similar data f o r Savannah, Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston substantiate the findings in New York. 4 No significant differences in numbers of each sex were found in separate lists f o r each locality reported as the destination. The surveys of migrants themselves in the cities in which they were resident, might seem to refute this. In N e w Y o r k there were only 196 males to 268 females, or 72.4 males to 100 females. Most probably, a large disproportion of females was enumerated. The true situation lies considerably nearer to equality—perhaps between 80 and 85 males to 100 females. In Boston, more females than males were interviewed but the same bias operated here and the total number of Islanders in that city is too small to render the difference statistically significant.

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The extent to which young individuals have been involved in the migration from St. Helena is revealed somewhat by an analysis of the ages of those remaining in St. Helena. In 1900, when the population was at its maximum, Negroes 20 to 29 years of age constituted 19.5 per cent of the total Island Negro population—almost precisely the same proportion as that of all Negroes of this age in the United States. In 1928, however, the proportion of this age in St. Helena was only 15.5. There were compensating increases in the proportions of individuals over forty years of age. The effect of migration may also be seen in the abnormally low proportion of children under five. In 1900, this proportion for Negroes of St. Helena was 9 per cent. It dropped to 6.2 per cent in 1928. This decrease is mainly due to the migration of young people of child-bearing age, thus depriving the Island of children who would have been born there had the migrants remained. It is unfortunate that the canvass of the missing members conducted on the Island itself elicited marital condition as of the date of the canvass rather than as of the time of the migration. However, from the data obtained from migrants resident in New York it was found that but a small minority of the migrants were married at the time they left the Island. Among the 223 Islanders interviewed in that city, 188 (approximately 85 per cent) were single when they left, twenty-seven were married, six were widowed, one was " separated," and the marital status of one was not learned. Practically no difference is found in the proportions when the sexes are considered separately. T H E M E C H A N I C S OF T H E M I G R A T I O N

Antecedent to much of the permanent migration from St. Helena is the process of gradually breaking away from home ties. There is a great deal of temporary migration composed

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of individuals who go to Savannah for casual employment, seasonally or occasionally, or for protracted visits to friends and relatives. The seasonal migrants are those who go regularly at definite times of the year when there is a coincidence of temporary cessation of farm work in St. Helena and temporary demand for laborers in Savannah. Most of these are male heads of families and Penn School students. The former find release from farm duties in the fall when the crops are harvested, at a time when the demand for stevedores, ginners, and turpentine workers is heaviest in Savannah. The latter are free to migrate at the end of the school year in late spring in order to find summer employment as housemaids, hotel workers, and the like. The migration of housewives and unmarried non-students is more casual. Housework at home is a fairly constant obligation and the demand for the type of work available to housewives in the near-by cities does not fluctuate greatly with the seasons. Some of the unmarried individuals not enrolled in Penn School constantly drift away throughout the year, some returning and others remaining away. Let us consider further in this connection the heads of families who make seasonal or non-seasonal trips to Savannah. We have already noted in a previous chapter that farming as a sole occupation is very rare in St. Helena. Woofter makes the following statement concerning the extent to which the " breadwinners " of St. Helena depend on outside wages: Disregarding the few teachers, preachers, and the island doctor, all of whom supplement their income by farming, there are now four rather distinct categories of breadwinners: First, a small group of about eighty-five farmers who put their major emphasis on the cultivation of the land. Even this group, however, derives almost as much of its income from outside wages as it does from cultivation of the land. This includes seven per cent of all the families. Second, is a large group of about

THE

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six hundred, whose attention is divided between farming and wage-earning, and who derive between $50 and $100 in cash from their farms and enough produce to almost feed the family. Their outside earnings are slightly more than the proceeds from the cultivation of the soil. This includes 50 per cent of all families. Third, is a group of about four hundred and fifty who place their major dependence on the wages derived from work in the oyster canneries or near-by truck farms. This includes 37 per cent of all families. Fourth, is a group of about fifty old people, who, in a city, would normally be dependent upon their relatives or upon charity, but who, owning land and house, are able to eke out an existence by gardening a little, by raising some poultry and pigs, picking up a dollar here and a dollar there at odd jobs, and receiving sporadic remittances from children in the city.5 The underlying reasons for failure to provide 4 sufficient income by farming alone, are the small size of the farms, poor equipment, large families, absence of a money crop, and insufficient amount of attention to food and feed crops before the demise of long-staple cotton. Since farming alone has not enabled the Islander to support his family, he has long been confronted with the following two choices. The whole family may migrate from the Island, or the family may remain and be partly supported by farm income and partly by wages earned elsewhere by one or more members of the family. For several reasons, however, there have been few cases of family migration. The farms and homes are owned by the people. Therefore, there is no direct rent to pay and eviction is impossible except for arrears of taxes. Much of the food can be grown at home or obtained from the creeks. Cash is needed mainly for taxes, clothes, repairs, and replacements. If the family were to move, rent would have to be paid, all 5

Woofter, T . J., Jr., Black Yeomanry, pp. 115-116.

8

See supra, pp. 63-73.

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of the food would have to be bought at city prices, much trouble would be encountered in getting a satisfactory salesprice or rent-price for the place in St. Helena, and some expense in moving the household furniture itself would be involved. Furthermore, the heads of families are not quickly lured to the cities by " tales of gold." The neighborhood and the community relationship probably mean a great deal more to the settled inhabitants of St. Helena than to the younger generation. One o f the Island dwellers expressed the belief that the old people will not leave the Island permanently " less'n they killed." Instead, then, of the movement of the family as a whole, most of the members remain and the father or another member goes in search of temporary work. Since in but few instances can this be found on the Island, the earner of cash is driven to absent himself for a while from St. Helena. Thus all o f the family can remain together in St. Helena part of the time, and part of the family all of the time. In some cases an annual trip away from the Island is made by the migrant member as regularly as the yearly routine of farm work is carried on. Temporary migration from St. Helena to surrounding sea islands or neighboring rural districts is now quite rare. When the phosphate mining industry was thriving, some of the males secured temporary jobs in the mines throughout the sea-island territory, but its extinction is now complete. Occasionally workers still obtain employment at one or another of the saw mills of the adjacent mainland, or find occupations as waitress or helper in the hotels and homes of near-by villages. A few go to the city of Charleston for temporary work, while some travel as far as New York and live with relatives for six months or more, thus having an opportunity to earn a little cash. Savannah, however, is the chief goal of temporary laborers. That city is readily ac-

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cessible, and there is a seasonal demand for laborers, both male and female. A fairly typical case of an Islander who has made many seasonal trips to Savannah is that o f Henry Mack. Although he owns fifteen acres of land on the Island, he has not at any time followed farming as a sole occupation. Even before the coming of the boll weevil, September usually found Mack on his w a y to Savannah—leaving the small amount of cotton to be picked by his w i f e and a few occasional helpers. He usually returns in January or February in order to get the land " bruck " and the seed planted for the ensuing year. T h e plan fits in well with the demand in Savannah for laborers. His wife explained that September, October, November, and December " is de good mont's in Savannah, but in spring time ros'n fiel' (turpentine industry) n' cotton wuk all both get slim." Mack's w i f e sometimes makes the trip and secures housekeeping jobs, but she and her husband have never gone at the same time. " Never did say mov' an' say go there n'stay there n' wuk. But when he goes, I stay. W h e n he stays, sometimes I go n' wuk. Both couldn' go same time. Raise few peas, corn, 'taters. Det's 'bout all. Cos' got a little vege-tubles, tomatoes, n' okra. Got 'bout six acres planted in all. One of us got to stay tend det." Departures of students for various places occur in the spring, but fewer individuals are involved than in the drift of adults in the fall. T h e boys want summer jobs, preferably work which allows them to put into practice a trade they have learned at Penn School, or light manual work such as that of a porter. A s a last resort they apply at the wharves. P E R M A N E N T MIGRATION

Those who maintain their residence in St. Helena, such as casual workers and individuals who make occasional visits away, perhaps should hardly be termed migrants. Never-

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theless, the rambling, the visiting, and the seasonal ebb and flow of individuals seeking temporary work constitute stages preliminary to permanent migration on the part o f many individuals. Islanders are thus given their first contacts with outsiders. Many, caught up in seasonal tides, do not return, although they leave with the intention o f staying only a few months. This is especially true of those who are not bound to the Island by marital ties or by desire to continue courses at Penn School. After dwelling in the city for a few months they begin thinking in terms of longer residence there. Some remain because they are not especially needed on the farms, other youngsters being still at home. Some stay because they enjoy the larger opportunities for association and recreation, others because they feel freer, or because they honestly think they can better help their families at home by continued residence in the city. There are, however, large numbers of migrants who leave the Island with the intention of staying. Among these are a few cases of whole families moving over to Savannah or to other cities because of particularly unsuccessful attempts at farming. Sometimes two newly-weds, having no land of their own, decide to go to a city, where both can earn. In the few cases of family migration, of course, children are sometimes involved. Sometimes a child is removed from home to take residence with a relative off the Island. The immediate occasion for such a migration is often death of a parent, the separation of parents, family destitution, or simply the desire of a relative for companionship. The child may be a " d r i f t " (illegitimate or orphaned) who is " passed around " among the relatives. Further, many Island mothers are apparently not averse to sparing one of their children to a sister, cousin, mother, or aunt for an indefinite period. There is, in such cases, one mouth less to feed and one less body to clothe.

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155

For the most part, however, those w h o leave with no intention of returning are the young people of both sexes, who grow up and drift away from home before they are married. A s indicated in previous chapters, the lack of land, the " subsistence " returns for their labor at home, and the uneventful life in the rural areas have caused many to lose interest in farming after they hear of opportunities for employment and for more varied recreation in the cities. Migration from St. Helena has proceeded in t w o fashions: ( 1 ) to a single destination of permanent and present residence, ( 2 ) movement to present destination via one or more intermediate residences. Both forms have been preceded in many cases by short-time absences f r o m St. Helena. For convenience and clarity, the first will be called primary migration; the second, secondary. T h e present chapter will be confined largely to the primary type, while secondary migration will be the subject of Chapter V I . M I G R A T I O N TO B E A U F O R T A N D TO S U R R O U N D I N G R U R A L NEIGHBORHOODS

A very small number of migrants go to Beaufort, the small town on the mainland just across the Beaufort River from St. Helena Township. There are few inducements to go there. Opportunities for work are very limited. T h e few who procure jobs there usually commute daily from their homes. This involves little trouble for those who live on Ladies Island, the portion of St. Helena Township nearest to Beaufort. The presence of Beaufort has had a distinctly stabilizing effect on the population of Ladies Island. In contrast with the population loss of St. Helena Island, there was a slight increase during the 1920-1928 period in the numbers living on Ladies Island. If more automobiles were owned in St. Helena Township, the benefits to be derived from the few

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opportunities for work on the adjacent mainland would probably not be so narrowly confined to individuals living on Ladies. In the early morning hours a few housewives from Ladies cross the bridge, on foot or in primitive Island vehicles, carrying with them a few vegetables, fish, or crabs. Sometimes they sell their wares to a merchant in Beaufort, taking in exchange cash, a " due bill," or " trade." O f t e n they attempt to dispose of their merchandise directly to the Beaufort housewives, visiting back-doors, or shouting their wares on the streets. Picturesque indeed are the old women with large baskets balanced on their heads, proceeding slowly along the streets and calling their goods in the singular. " Berry! T o m a t o ! Chicken! " or " Crab, crab, a shrimp, a crab! " There are a few cases of temporary residence of Islanders in Beaufort, probably the most frequent being that of Island girls who secure jobs in the homes of white people. In a small Beaufort tavern, in which the writer once stopped, were employed two Penn students. These girls, " Peaches and Blossom," were working there during the summer and intended to return to school in the fall. Small children are sometimes sent to relatives in Beaufort. A m o n g the migrants studied, few were found to have gone to one of the surrounding sea islands. This can be readily understood, inasmuch as the catastrophes, bad crop years, and boll-weevil infestation have been uniformly prevalent over the whole region. T h e individuals who migrate from St. Helena to another sea island usually go in order to join relatives. T h e presence of kin in the neighboring sea islands is explainable not so much by occasional exogamous marriages of St. Helena Islanders today, as by the fact that many Negroes f r o m islands surrounding St. Helena flocked to the latter place during the Civil War. 7 V i v i d pictures have 7

It will be remembered

(see p. 62) that the headquarters of

Mr.

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been presented of the arrival of hungry and ragged Negroes from neighboring islands. Some remained and constituted part of the purchasers of land. Their descendants have uncles, aunts, and cousins in the neighboring islands. There are occasional marriages between St. Helena Islanders and inhabitants of other sea islands; so a few from St. Helena leave home to live with their partners. E v e n when such newly-wedded couples settle in St. Helena, the exogamous marriages offer potential causes f o r later migration to the homes of the partners away f r o m St. Helena. F o r instance, if one parent dies, the children are sometimes taken to the homes of grandparents or other relatives living on a neighboring island. Cato Baily, a native of Cain's Neck (near St. Helena) married an Island girl and came there to live. W h e n he died ( 1 9 2 1 ) the mother and her three children went to live with her husband's people in Cain's Neck. There are somewhat similar cases of migration of minors to other near-by destinations, such as John's Island, Edisto Island, and Y o u n g ' s Island. Practically none of the Island migrants have gone to rural areas of the mainland. This is true not only concerning the area near St. Helena but for the whole rural South. The situation of the Negro landowner in St. Helena is generally better than that of the Negro tenant in a bi-racial community. The trend, instead, has been to the cities and the reasons therefor are generally discouragement over farming, the lure of the cities, and the presence of relatives already in cities. Edward L. Pierce, supervisor of all relief workers in sea-island territory, were on St. Helena. The selection of St. Helena might have been a military measure, inasmuch as this Island is bounded on one side by Port Royal Sound, the entrance used by Federal vessels. Most probably, however, this Island was selected because it contained more Negroes than any other.

15«

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MIGRATION TO S A V A N N A H

Permanent migration to Savannah differs f r o m the temporary movement largely in the degree to which the factors underlying the temporary migration are intensified. T h e usual trend is for those who have made temporary visits to friends or secured temporary employment in that city to make their stays longer and longer. Soon they become regular residents of the city and their visits are with relatives on the Island rather than in the homes of Savannah. T o detail the complex of influences would be but to reiterate what has already been said of the temporary migrants. A case illustrative of permanent settlement indicates the way in which it takes place. My father always had a lot of land on the Island back as far as I can remember. W e always planted corn, potatoes, and stuff to eat and depended on the cotton crop to pay the expenses of farming and to pay for our clothes. Since that's a trucking country down there, everybody always has plenty of vegetables to eat. But besides this kind of produce, you've got to have a little money crop. Prices are cheap; so you couldn't get much for any surplus food crops you grow. Well, in 1920, people put out their second crop since the arrival of the boll weevil. The weevil first came in 1919. People didn't make anything but they just seemed to trust that they would do better next year. Same thing happened over again. That's when a lot of people began going to Savannah. Some would go to stay. Others would go for a few weeks. Some others would work backwards and forwards. They'd work a week or two and then come home to help out for about the same length of time. I stopped in Savannah because it only costs seventy-five cents to go there. Another thing was that I could come home on week-ends to spend a day with my people. I didn't come every week, but about once every two weeks.

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T h u s while the proximity of a city the size and importance of Savannah has enabled many families to recoup their losses f r o m catastrophes and bad crop years, it has also been largely responsible for the unrest of young individuals freer to leave permanently than are their elders. While the city has long provided opportunities for Islanders to earn supplementary incomes, it has also given many a taste of city life, and has made them dissatisfied with further residence in St. Helena. Y o u n g people constitute the largest element of permanent Savannah migrants at the time of migration. Many soon tire of Savannah and eventually go to northern cities, notably to New Y o r k . Although Savannah is the most important first destination, the Islanders there constitute a more transient population than in any other city. It is a center to which Islanders g o and return from St. Helena and it is also a city through the portals of which many permanent migrants pass after a period of residence there. A discussion of the subsequent migration from Savannah and of the underlying causes is set forth in Chapter V I . MIGRATION TO CHARLESTON

A t the present time Charleston is not an important destination for St. Helena migrants. It is more unpopular than Savannah because of its relative inaccessibility and fewer opportunities for securing work. In 1928, there were approximately seventy-five St. Helena migrants in Charleston as compared with five hundred in Savannah. Before the Civil W a r , Charleston was a thriving and progressive city. T h e fine old homes there still bear testimony to the prosperity that existed when the owners of great plantations of the surrounding countryside lived in the city where they could best keep in touch with northern markets, supervise the shipment o f rice and sea-island cotton, and at the same time enable their children to be educated and reared in the refinement that was Charleston's.

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Some o f the slave owners were able to withstand the losses incurred during the Civil W a r . Again the wharves bustled with activity each year as freed Negroes and poor whites loaded the ships with the long-staple, now grown by tenants o f the former slave owners and by the owners of small farms. During the score of years that phosphate mining lasted, many shipments of the rock were sent from Charleston to European markets. F r o m such evidence as can now be obtained, it seems that in the older days the city was a fairly important destination for St. Helena migrants. But Charleston is now a decadent city. Phosphate and sea-island cotton shipments have ceased. Manufacturers desiring to establish certain industries there have been balked by old and conservative but influential citizens who do not care to see Charleston become a manufacturing town. Both whites and blacks are leaving the city in great numbers. The very economic factors which are driving out native Charlestonians naturally militate against the migration of Islanders to that city. Friends and relatives already in Charleston are in large measure responsible for the choice of this destination by the few migrants who now go there. These inducements are usually in the form of oral invitations to visit or letters stating a job is available. Some have previously worked temporarily in Savannah and desire to go next to Charleston either because of a particular dislike for Savannah or simply " to try another city." Several of the migrants stated that the Negro sections in Savannah were " too congested " or " too noisy," or that the Negroes in Savannah " raise too much hell." It is true that in Charleston the Negro alleys and courts are scattered over the city instead of being concentrated in such segregated areas as " The F o r t " or " Yemacraw " in Savannah, but if the picture portrayed by Heyward's Porgy is accurate there is plenty of " hell-rais-

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ing " in Cat Fish R o w and other streets occupied by Negroes in Charleston. In 1 9 1 5 , Clara Jackson left St. Helena for Charleston. She was twenty-six years of age and unmarried at the time of migration. Her immediate cause for leaving was the remarriage of her father and the entrance of the stepmother into the home. Back of this concrete immediate cause was the impossibility of earning money on the Island. " No way for women to make money. People is po' dey. Live in po' houses. Has po' mule and po' ox. Everything po' on Island! " The reason she gave for choosing Charleston instead of Savannah was that she heard a great deal about the poor conditions of the sections in which Negroes were segregated in Savannah. A concrete example of the influence of the presence of one individual already in the city on future migration to the same destination is illustrated by other migrations linked with Clara's. During the Christmas season of 1924, she was visited by her sister and brother-in-law from St. Helena. Dan Perry, the brother-in-law, decided to remain in the city for a few weeks in order to look for a job. Three weeks later he secured work in a laundry. His wife returned to St. Helena and continues to live there with her " adopted." Dan visits home quite often, especially during the summer, and in turn is visited by his wife. In the early part of 1925, Dan wrote to a male relative, Harvey Jenkins, telling him of a job as a fireman in the same laundry in which he himself was employed. The letter came at an opportune time because the Wiggins saw-mill, located on the mainland near St. Helena, at which Jenkins had been working since the weevil's infestation in 1 9 1 9 , had just closed. Harvey went to Charleston, leaving his w i f e and one " adopted " to care for the farm. Harvey and Dan " batch " together in Charleston. Both have intentions of eventually

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returning to St. Helena, but not until they can see their w a y clear to earn a livelihood there. Jacksonville, 8 like Charleston, attracts f e w o f the Islanders in comparison w i t h the other southern destination, Savannah. T h e latter city offers more opportunities f o r w o r k and is the chief stepping stone f o r N e w Y o r k . M I G R A T I O N TO N E W Y O R K

A little over half of the total number of Islanders interviewed in N e w Y o r k did not make the abrupt transition f r o m f a r m to urban life.

T h e y lived in other cities,

Savannah, before coming to N e w Y o r k .

mainly

T h e r e have been,

however, tendencies t o w a r d an increasing proportion direct migration.

of

A m o n g the 2 1 4 Islanders in N e w Y o r k

whose directness o f travel to that city was learned, 100 made the direct trip.

T h o s e w h o left home b e f o r e 1 9 1 0 were f o r

the most part indirect m i g r a n t s ; among those w h o left during the period 1910-1920, a much smaller m a j o r i t y were secondary migrants; o f those w h o migrated since 1920, most have come directly f r o m St. Helena to N e w Y o r k .

There was

apparently a very small number of Islanders in N e w Y o r k before the nineties.

M a r t h a W a t k i n s l e f t St. Helena in

1887, and a f t e r staying in Savannah f o r a short time proceeded to N e w Y o r k on the strength o f assurances f r o m the head-waiter of the hotel dining room in which she had been employed as a waitress that she could earn much higher wages f o r the same type of w o r k in the latter city.

She

knew no one in N e w Y o r k when she set out f o r the city. 8 T h e small number in Jacksonville and the remoteness of the locality rendered impractical a study of migrants there. Information obtained f r o m Islanders in other localities w h o have lived there indicate that there is nothing distinctive about this destination. Apparently, most of the migrants there drifted down a f t e r a period of residence in Savannah. From Savannah, however, the city lies in an opposite direction to the more attractive northern cities.

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She secured a rooming place on 14th Street. There were few colored persons in the city then, she said, and each time she met one on the street she stopped and asked from whence he came, hoping always that she would find someone from her home. She later learned through correspondence with her mother that two other Islanders were in New Y o r k at the time, managed to find one of them, and after that the two were together a great deal. During the eighties and nineties a few girls came northward to fill housekeeping positions secured through the Miss Mather School. This school was located on the mainland near Beaufort and served both as a domestic science training school for colored girls and as an employment agency for those who had received the training. Belle Jackson thus secured a job in Hartford, Connecticut, in 1884 and a few years later came down to New York. B y this time there were a few roamers, mainly males, who had worked their way from Savannah. (See page 93.) These, together with the few females sent to fill specific jobs, constituted the nucleus of Islanders in New York. Like the pioneer migrants to other cities they eventually established that city as one of the popular destinations. Their number was constantly augmented by the influence of these pioneers on friends and relatives. Although New Y o r k was early established as one of the destinations of St. Helena migrants, over half of the present Islanders now living in that city have come since 1920. Approximately two-thirds of the 100 primary migrants to New Y o r k came after that date. The data indicate that whereas Savannah is in truth what the migrants variously term the first step, first stop, steppingstone, and gate-way, New Y o r k is the main final goal. The number leaving that city for other places is insignificant. Many Islanders interrogated in all other localities indicated

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that they had hopes and even intentions of coming, some day, t o New York. Several of the migrants in New Y o r k expressed the view that very many young Islanders living in St. Helena and in other places were " waiting their chances " to come to Harlem. It is interesting to note that quite a number of permanent migrants to New York had no intention at the time of migration of remaining away f r o m home permanently. T h e following case illustrates the change of attitude that comes to many a f t e r they reside f o r a time in New York. I don't know what it was that held me in New York after I got here. I didn't have a job for some little time but it was just the lure of the city—just the difference between life here and on the Island that made me like it. Down there the only recreation we had was prayer meeting and little parties held very infrequently. Just the same thing over and over again. Of course, down there they never know anything else but after one gets to the city he sees the change. Between the Island and New York there is little of the seasonal migration characteristic of the seasonal ebb and flow between St. Helena and Savannah. The greater distance to be traveled and expense involved render impractical brief trips f o r the purpose of earning " cash money." A f t e r living for a few months in the city, many do not care t o return except f o r visits and many of these visits are emergency trips made when the death of a parent or sibling in St. Helena has occurred or is expected. The fact that few whole families migrate f r o m St. Helena has already been mentioned. A m o n g the sample 100 direct migrants interviewed in New York, only six cases involving sixteen individuals were found. The largest family among these was that of a young man, his wife, and two small children. There were two families with a child each at the time of migration. T h e three other families represented could

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well be dropped from the category of family migrants. T w o of the latter were composed of newly-wedded couples and had never set up a household in St. Helena. The other, also childless at the time of migration, involved a husband who set out alone for New York, and his wife, whom he brought there one year later. General causes of family migration are not noticeably different from those of the individual migrants. There is manifested in the records of the husbands and wives the same background of discontent with economic hardships, the same dissatisfaction with farming as a means of livelihood, the same yearnings to see the city about which they have heard so much from relatives and friends already in New York, and the same type of immediate causes which serve to sever the last ties holding them to the Island. In the cases presented below, the immediate causes were deaths among parents or foster parents of one of the married couple, extremely bad crop years, and the event of marriage itself. Dan Smith and his wife had been struggling along on the farm with the latter's foster mother. They were married in 1920, a most discouraging time for a young couple to begin farming in St. Helena. Only one year previously the boll weevil had put an end to the Island's traditional money crop. Perhaps through a sense of obligation to the foster mother who had cared for her after her own mother left for Boston years before, Dan's wife was reluctant to move. The fostermother died in 1922, and shortly thereafter the husband, wife, and two children joined relatives in New York. In contrast with the foregoing clear-cut case of family migration there are several borderline ones. One instance is that of a widower who came to New York alone soon after the death of his wife, and later returned for his one son. Another is that of a woman, who upon separation from her husband, brought her daughter to New York with her while

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TO CITY

the husband went to Savannah. In 1 9 1 0 , after serving eight years in the Navy, a male migrant wrote to his wife giving her the time of arrival of his ship in New York. He asked her to meet him. She left their one son with the child's grandmother and joined her husband. A household was set up by the two in New York. Four years later when the grandmother died, the son was brought to New York. Several instances were found of the migration of widows and widowers soon after the death of their husbands or wives. (See pages 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 . ) The foregoing accounts of the circumstances surrounding the migration of families and widowed individuals were given because these represent the few interesting deviates from the norm. Among the individuals who had not been married before leaving St. Helena, about one-fourth were under 1 5 years of age. These, like a few within the 15-20 age group, left the Island accompanied by an elder migrant or were almost entirely directed by others in the matter of time of migration and destination. About one-fifth were minors whose migration both as regards destination and time of migration seems to have been determined by themselves. That Island females in New York outnumber the males has already been mentioned. From such evidence as is now available, however, it appears that among the very earliest migrants to the city the males were somewhat in the majority. The male drifters from Savannah probably outnumbered the few females who were sent to New York in order to fill housekeeping positions. In fact, practically all of the girls sent northward by the philanthropic whites in St. Helena went to Boston and Philadelphia, the two cities most familiar to those whites. It seems probable that the Island girls sent from the near-by training school on the mainland were the chief female pioneers to New York. A f t e r New Y o r k became established, however, and

THE MIGRANTS

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167

especially after transportation facilities improved, Island girls could make the long trip to New York without great difficulty and without fear of being alone in a strange city. Those already in the city send minute instructions concerning trains and ships. They meet the new arrivals at the station or dock, take them to their own homes, help them to secure jobs, and put them in touch with other Islanders. Not only does this make it as easy for females to come to New York as for males, but girls possibly have a slight advantage in getting a job. They are already fitted for work in the cities through their courses in domestic science. The fact that houseworkers, by the nature of their tasks, become intimately acquainted with their employers, too, enables them to hear of other openings for their friends. Male migrants differ from females very little in age and marital status at the time of migration, and are also similar in their reasons for wanting to come to New York. Perhaps the women who came to New York during the early years mainly to take specific jobs, were steadier workers and cared less for adventure than did the sea-faring males of that period who drifted into port. But the recent young migrants, males and females, usually have had the dual desire of securing a good job and of taking part in Harlem life. Most of the men in New York seemed to have chosen that city because of the belief that a wider selection of jobs was offered than elsewhere, and the occupational distribution of St. Helena males in New York seems to substantiate this. However, males have failed to find the superior opportunities for which they were looking and have finally secured employment as ordinary laborers. But even among these, there have been few who have left New York. I f they are not held by their jobs, they are reluctant to leave the attractive life in Harlem. It is probably the lure of this large city that has made it

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TO CITY

the most attractive destination and which holds the migrants a f t e r they arrive.

T h e y o u n g Islander hears more about

N e w Y o r k n o w a d a y s than he does of Boston and Philadelphia, the t w o popular destinations o f the earliest period. B e f o r e 1910, there w a s no N e g r o Harlem to speak o f ; most of the Negroes in N e w Y o r k were then living in the squalid Columbus Hill section or in other small colonies.

Now,

however, migrants w h o have lived in both Boston and N e w Y o r k , speak o f the tameness pared w i t h Harlem.

of the B a y State city as com-

T h e y o u n g prospective migrant may

have heard the names Boston and Philadelphia, but knows little about them and has no friends of his o w n age there. Small wonder that w h e n this is coupled with the easy trip to the great metropolis, f e w g o to other northern cities. M I G R A T I O N TO BOSTON A N D P H I L A D E L P H I A

T h e movement f r o m St. Helena to Boston has never been numerically very great and the city has declined in importance as a destination f o r St. Helena migrants.

H o w e v e r , the fact

that the present residents of Boston came there in the early migration is sufficient to warrant a rather careful study of this group of ex-Islanders.

T h e migrants living in Boston

are largely pioneers of the movement f r o m St. Helena, individuals w h o left at a time w h e n migration to a f a r - a w a y city was a fair indication of one's resourcefulness. T o the best knowledge of the writer, there are approximately thirty females and twenty males f r o m St. Helena living in Boston.

T h e difference in the number of the sexes

is not significant because the total number of cases is very small.

Obviously one is not warranted in expressing such a

difference in terms of number of males per 100 females. T h e actual numerical difference is small and might easily be due to omission of males or to chance variation.

THE MIGRANTS

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169

F r o m all except one of the residents " visited in Boston and surrounding suburbs, the time of migration was learned. One individual left home in 1 8 6 7 , eleven left during the 1 8 9 0 - 1 9 0 0 decade, eight during 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 1 0 , and ten since 1 9 1 0 . In other words, twenty left before 1 9 1 0 and ten a f t e r that date. A comparison of the Islanders in Boston with those in New Y o r k f r o m the point of view of proportion leaving before and after 1 9 1 o reveals that whereas two-thirds of the Boston group departed f r o m St. Helena before 1 9 1 0 , less than one-third of those in New Y o r k had left before that year. Since the migration to Boston is characterized as an early movement, it follows that few of the Island's younger generation are now living there. A n age distribution (as of 1 9 2 9 ) of the thirty migrants of known age reveals only one under twenty, five being twenty-odd years of age, eight being thirty-odd, nine being forty-odd, six over fifty, and one over seventy. There is little in the life of R o x b u r y , the primary Negro section of Boston, that can compete with the lure of Harlem for the younger generation of Islanders. Twenty-eight individuals interviewed by the writer made the direct trip from St. Helena to Boston. Sixteen of these are still living in Boston, and twelve are now in N e w Y o r k . The first direct migrants f r o m St. Helena to Boston were the 9 The above remarks on the Boston migrants are based on interviews with thirty-one residents of Boston and fifteen present residents of New York who once lived in Boston, a total of forty-six cases, thirty-three females and thirteen males. The thirty-one individuals interviewed in Boston constitute a fair proportion, nearly two-thirds, of the number living in that city, since only fifty were reported to be living there in 1929. Twenty-seven of the individuals interviewed were living in Boston proper at the time the visits were made, two were in West Medford, one in Lynn, and one in West Everett. Among those now living in Boston proper, however, a few have resided previously in one of the suburbs mentioned before or in Melrose, Salem, Newton, Milton, Brookline, or Dorchester.

170

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TO CITY

girls sent there either by the Penn teachers or by the school headed by Miss Mather. Possibly the first was Dorothy Porter, who went from Penn School in 1876 to take a summer job in Brookline. The story of her departure has already been set forth in Chapter I I I . ( See pages 96-97.) Ella Beam came directly from St. Helena to Boston in 1893, having secured a housekeeping job there through the school conducted by Miss Mather. She stated that she did not leave home on account of hard times. When she left, her father was doing well on the farm. There were several boys in the family, so she was rarely called upon to go into the field. She felt, however, that she was not especially needed at home. The fact that she manifested sufficient initiative to take the course at the training school is perhaps indicative of the courage and energy of a woman who wanted to better her condition. She had been in Boston only one year when she secured for a fourteen-year-old Island girl a simple job of caring for children in the home of a Melrose family. The 1893 storm had " t o r n up things" at the younger girl's home. The father found work at a near-by place and the problem of finding a position for the little girl was solved by Ella in Boston. Again, in 1908, Mrs. Beam was directly responsible for the migration of her two sisters to Boston. Her mother died that year, and a brother who had been in New York since 1901 went down to the Island for the funeral. A f t e r talking the matter over with the father, those concerned decided it was best that Hattie and Julia, ages fifteen and fourteen respectively, should return with the brother as far as New York and proceed from there to Boston, where Ella could care for them. The direct invitation to share one's home is not the only manner in which individuals already in Boston stimulated migration. The discussions among the Islanders at home

THE MIGRANTS

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DISPERSION

171

was another aspect of the general factor of influence of friends and relatives. Josephine Dealy, a young widow of twenty-six, left for Boston in 1906 on strength of assurances from Penn School girls that Boston was a good city in which to find work. Grace Smith's direct migration from St. Helena in 1908 illustrates a half-blind reaction to vague knowledge of cities to which Islanders have gone. For more than a year prior to her departure, she and a friend talked constantly of coming North. Neither of the girls was bound by strong family ties to the Island. Grace had been reared by an uncle and her friend was a hired girl, a native of North Carolina, in the home of a well known white family of the Island. Grace had a sister living in New York, and through correspondence with her learned something of the wages " up North." When she was asked why she came to Boston instead of New York, she replied: " Well, I was put in charge of my girl friend. I don't know why she wanted to go to Boston. Don't guess she knew any more about it than I did. I thought Boston was in walking distance from New Y o r k . " All of the migrants who made the direct trip from St. Helena to Boston after 1 9 1 0 were influenced to some degree by a friend or relative already in the city. In three cases, deaths in the family precipitated the coming of children from such Island families to the homes of relatives. In 1 9 1 4 , Sadie Simkins, at the age of 17, came to Boston after having received a letter from a friend informing her that she could easily get a job. In her case, the predisposing cause for migration was the fact that there was " no way for a girl to make money on the Island." She wanted to " make a few dollars," as she heard her friends were doing. In 1 9 1 9 , Dorothy Bington came to Boston to visit a cousin. She had no intention of remaining, but she liked the city, found a job, and remained. Rita Jones came at the age of twenty-two

172

SEA

ISLAND

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CITY

after several urgent requests from a friend in Boston. She explained that there was no particular reason why she should remain in St. Helena. She had been reared by an aunt, her father was away from St. Helena, and she had no " stake in the land." Isadora Johnson accompanied an aunt to Boston on the latter's return trip from a visit to the Island. In 1922, Clarence Patterson at the age of twenty-three, his wife, and one-year-old son came to Boston. Clarence attributed his migration to the coming of the boll weevil in St. Helena. His choice of Boston was due to the fact that a sister was already there, friends were there, and his w i f e had worked there temporarily a few years previously. T w o years after the family migrated to Boston, they were joined by Mrs. Patterson's brother and sister. The sister had been teaching in St. Helena but the forty-dollar-a-month salary for only part of the year was too low to suit her. The brother " didn't have any special reason for leaving but just wanted to make a change." The foregoing account indicates that after Boston was established as a destination, the accumulation of numbers there continued until the rise of Negro Harlem made New Y o r k the most popular northern destination for Island Negroes. The decline of Boston and the rise of New York as an attractive destination are trends which harmonize with the relative growth of total Negro population in the two cities during the past decade. From 1920-1930, the total Negro population of Boston increased from 16,350 to 20,574, approximately 25 per cent. During the same period the increase in New York was from 152,467 to 327,706, or about 1 1 5 per cent.10 In several respects, Philadelphia resembles Boston as a destination for Island migrants. The city was early estab10 United States Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census, 1920, vol. i, p. 47; Fifteenth Census, 1930, Population Bulletin, Second Series, New York, pp. 72-73; Massachusetts, p. 15.

THE MIGRANTS

AND THEIR

DISPERSION

lished as a northern destination, but in recent years relatively f e w of the St. Helenians have gone there. Probably more of the girls sent northward during the early period were sent to Philadelphia than to any other northern city. T h e two Penn School founders were from Philadelphia and it is apparent that they were able to place more girls in homes of their native city than in other cities of the North. In 1 9 2 8 , there were approximately 100 Islanders in Philadelphia. A rather superficial study 1 1 of the migrants in that city indicates that Islanders there are well scattered over the city. T h e Negro neighborhoods resemble those in Boston. There are many small tenements and a few single family dwellings. There are no large central places of amusements. The stories told by Harlem residents probably sound more alluring to young Islanders than do those they hear concerning Philadelphia. Fifteen individuals interviewed in N e w Y o r k first lived in Philadelphia but later took the short trip to New Y o r k in the hope of getting work other than " hard labor " jobs, to be near relatives in New Y o r k , or to take part in the Harlem life of which they had heard. T h e story of the dispersion of migrants has been related thus f a r f r o m the standpoint of cities in which migrants were living in 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 2 9 . Some came directly to these destinations f r o m St. Helena. Others lived in intermediate cities before they finally reached the destinations in which they were located in 1928-1929. The extent and character of subsequent movements, and the causes underlying changes of residence f r o m one city to another will be taken up in the following chapter. 11

No attempt was made to investigate the situation in Philadelphia, until after the Boston survey. The latter indicated that as much could be gained f r o m a general inquiry as from the more elaborate and laborious questioning of an unrepresentative sample. It seemed futile to make a survey in Philadelphia, as it would have been a substantiation of information already received. A considerable amount of information regarding Islanders in Philadelphia had already been obtained from individuals in New Y o r k who had once lived in Philadelphia.

CHAPTER

VI

SECONDARY MIGRATION CHRONIC RAMBLERS

IN song and story, in fiction and biography, on the stage, and on the screen, the Negro " natural born travelin' man " has been glorified and condemned. John Henry is the prototype of physical endurance among the Negroes, but he is even more often pictured as a wanderer and the stories concerning him have been carried in various versions to all parts of the South by his fellow roamers. 1 In Rainbow Round My Shoulder, Odum follows the " blue trail of Black Ulysses " and recounts his many experiences. In Hallelujah, a screen production, Daniel Haynes strummed on his " music box " while riding a freight train from place to place. The following accounts indicate that representatives from St. Helena may be found among these wanderers. Fus left home right after 1911 storm. Went with fellow over to Savannah. Got a job haulin' f dray. Held this job few months an' then b'gin loadin' n' unloadin' ships. Didn' like that much. Too many mean niggers dey. When I in Savannah I learn all 'bout automobiles. Cos' I never did own one over dey but know plenty folks did. Got so I tear down engine n' put it back. Den I goes down to Jacksonville n' got a job. No special reason to go. Wanted to see the place. Seem like lotta people headed that way. Guess jus' seein' det ship marked Jacksonville 1 Johnson, Guy B., John Henry: Tracking Down a Negro Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 1929. 174

Legend,

SECONDARY

MIGRATION

175

made me want to go. Got a job as mechanic dey. Drif on down to Miami n' en creep on back up to Baltimo'. Been seven years when I got to Baltimo' since I be home. Old man writes n' tells me come home, so I come on. Stayed 'round little while n' got res'less 'gin. Went over to Wiggins 2 n' got a job as mechanic in a saw mill. But, shucks, nothin' dey. I be 'round Savannah, Jacksonville, Miami, n' Baltimo' so much, think I be satisfy 'round Wiggins? Shucks, no! Man, I pull up n' sold out. Come on over to Charleston where I started in some kind of work—keepin' engines in repair n' all like that. My brother is a kind of a rounder. Never know just when he's goin' to leave home. He just picks up and goes on short notice. He's a bad boy. Don't stay long no place. Here now —somewhere else tomorrow, 'cordin' to the wind. He don't care for home folks. He's out for a good time. He was over in Philadelphia four or five years and I was right over here in New York. I kept writin' for him to come to see me, but he wouldn't pay me no min' at all. Finally when mamma came up here, he did come over to the city. First time he'd ever been in New York. He's worked on boats all 'long up and down the coast. Made trips to Florida, Savannah, Charleston, Baltimore, and Boston. My brother has hit the trail. He used to write home occasionally, but we never knew where he would be from one letter to the next. Once we heard from him in Savannah, next in Brunswick, and then he came North again. Don't know where he is now. H e hasn't written for two years. I keep his insurance paid but I get right fretted sometimes, thinking that I'm wasting this money. I don't know whether he livin' or dead. Wasn't nothin' that drove me away from home. I just felt like leaving and I left. Just got tired staying there. Never did like to stay in one place stationary a long time. I don't know where I'll be tomorrow. May be here. May go South. May 2

Wiggins is a small village located on the mainland near St. Helena.

176

SEA ISLAND

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CITY

go West. I got my eye on the West now. Been thinkin' of goin' out to Detroit to work in Ford's factory. He treats his men pretty fair. Don't pay less than five dollars a day to no man. If I wasn't married, I'd been away from here long time ago. It seems likely that not more than five per cent of the total migrants from St. Helena could be classed as chronic ramblers. True, there are many who have moved more than once after leaving St. Helena, but most of these were individuals quite unlike the roamers just depicted above. Practically none of the females, for instance, " drif' an' creep," yet the proportion of female migrants who have moved about does not differ significantly from that of the males. Females often go from one place to another to take housekeeping jobs and to work in summer resorts. One woman changed residence twelve times from 1900 to 1928, but the motive underlying each trip was clear-cut and in no manner except number of moves does she resemble the roamers. W i t h this brief picture of the roustabout, we will leave him to his travels and devote our attention to more representative types of secondary migration. E X T E N T A N D C H A R A C T E R OF S E C O N D A R Y

MOVEMENTS

T h e destination distribution of migrants from St. Helena given on page 146 shows that Islanders away from home are approximately equally divided between the South and the North. Studies of the migrants in the various cities, however, indicate that the ultimate direction of the movement is northward. Few of the northern residents return to the South, and judging from the tendencies of the past as well as from stated hopes and intentions on the part of the present residents in southern cities, many who live in Savannah and Charleston will eventually come to the North. The two chief initial movements of St. Helena Islanders

SECONDARY

MIGRATION

177

are the primary exodus from St. Helena to Savannah and the direct migration from the Island to New York. Next to these in volume is the secondary drift from Savannah to New York. Individuals making one of these three movements constitute approximately three-fourths of all migrants from the Island. A n analysis of the previous residences of 2 1 4 Islanders living in New Y o r k who supplied such information affords a more detailed description of the extent and character of secondary migration. Uniformities in character of migration are revealed by dividing the 2 1 4 migrants into three main groups. First, there are 100 whose first move was to New York. Of these, 93 have made no second move and seven have had secondary travels. The latter, after an original stay in New Y o r k , have had one or more residences out of the city, only to return there in the end. Next, are 54 secondary migrants who lived for a time in Savannah before proceeding directly from that city to New York. Of these 39 had Savannah as the only intermediate place of residence between the Island and New York. The remaining fifteen had lived in other places prior to residence in Savannah. The third group is made up of 60 secondary migrants who came to New Y o r k via other cities than Savannah, although in a few cases individuals in this group had lived in Savannah prior to residence in the city from which the departure for New Y o r k was made. It is in this group, largely, that the individuals responsible for multiple secondary movements are found. The fact that 100 out of 2 1 4 Islanders living in New Y o r k came directly from St. Helena seems to be highly significant. Data have been presented (page 1 6 2 ) to indicate that the more recent migrants have been largely responsible for the high proportion coming directly from the Island. These data reveal an increasing tendency to omit intermediate stages of residence. The lure of Negro Har-

SEA

I78

ISLAND

TO

CITY

lem, the opening of opportunities for Negroes in the northern city, and the presence of friends and relatives who stimulate and facilitate the direct trip have seemed to increase the proportion of those who make the abrupt transition from rural to metropolitan life. There is not so much difference as one might expect between the extent of multiple movements of males and that of females. Approximately one-third of the 81 males and one-half of the 133 females interviewed in New Y o r k came directly from St. Helena and have not changed their residence. Roughly, another third of the males and a quarter of the females lived in one intermediate city before coming to New Y o r k . The remaining third of the males and the remaining fourth of the females lived in more than one intermediate city. Males constituted about 38 per cent of all migrants interviewed and were responsible for about 42 per cent of the movements recorded. T h e following table presents the data in more detailed form. 1928-1929

DISTRIBUTION OF M I G R A N T S L I V I N G IN N E W YORK ACCORDING TO T O T A L N U M B E R OF M O V E S *

(Includes migration from St. Helena as one move) Total Males Females

Number of Moves 1 2 3

26 23 "

67 31 15

4 5

9 5 3 2

7 6 1 2

6

7

93 54 26 16

11

4 4 3

8

2

1

9

—

1

I I

10

—

1

11

—

—

12

—

—

13

—

1

Total

81

133

214

* I t s h o u l d b e n o t e d t h a t o n l y w i t h d e a t h is t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f

further

SECONDARY

MIGRATION

179

A detailed story of even so few secondary migrants would involve extremely elaborate classifications according to direction of move, destination, duration of the stays, and reasons for change of address. W i t h the broad reaches of the Atlantic coast and the West available it is small wonder that there are found many variations in number and order of destinations among the secondary migrations. More important, however, than any other secondary migrations of Islanders has been the drift from Savannah to N e w Y o r k . T h e importance of the former city as a gatew a y to the latter has already been mentioned. T o follow a migrant through the St. Helena to Savannah to N e w Y o r k movement may be the best manner of presenting the conditions underlying this frequently found succession of addresses. Here, for instance, is Henry, a youth who left St. Helena in 1920 at the age of eighteen. He was the oldest of eight children, who, with their parents, occupied a four-room Island house. His father owned fifteen acres of land, an ox, a milch cow, two hogs, and a score of hens. For many years the same twelve acres of land had been devoted to the culture of sea-island cotton and the remaining three acres were taken up by the home, the small stalls, the chicken lot, and garden. In order to support the large family on such a small plot of land, the father had long been accustomed to work seasonally in Savannah. Ever since Henry was old enough to hold on to the plow-handles and to direct the o x along the furrows, he had done a great deal of the farm work. He dropped out of school when he was fifteen, having attended a small plantation school five years, followed by three years at Penn. migration terminated. It should also be noted that the figures are probably conservative inasmuch as individuals are prone to forget certain movements and since those most likely to migrate are frequently the ones most difficult to locate.

i8o

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

During the time of cotton planting, chopping, cultivation, and picking, Henry was quite busy. The remainder of the time he had little to do. Occasionally he was able to get in a few days of labor at the oyster factory near-by or on a neighbor's farm. Outside of that, he had earned no money which he could call his own. The proceeds from the farm, of course, belonged to the whole family. A new suit and new shoes were rarely bought for him. When such articles did come his way, his father was the provider. Henry's recreation was cheap. Hunting, fishing, visiting, church and school gatherings, occasional parties, and the usual amount of horseplay and loafing in company with other boys of the neighborhood constituted his chief round of " pleasuring himself." Except Saturday and Sunday nights, he went to bed early and arose before " day-clean." The coming of the boll weevil in 1 9 1 9 was responsible for the departure of Henry's best friends. Henry wanted to leave, too, but his mother insisted on his staying inasmuch as he was really the head of the house while his father was away. Parties seemed particularly dull. Sundays he now spent at home sometimes because his friends had become dispersed. Occasionally one of his friends would return for a visit from Savannah and give glowing accounts of the money he earned and spent. The following year, 1920, Henry accompanied his father to Savannah. He could not endure another year at home and he was successful in convincing his mother that the other children could do all of the work necessary toward growing a few peas, potatoes, and garden vegetables. Housing conditions and neighborhood life in Yemacraw, the Negro section to which Henry moved, were greatly different from those in St. Helena. His home in St. Helena, while well filled with brothers and sisters, was distant from other houses and there was plenty of room surrounding it.

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181

In Yemacraw, he and his father roomed in a house which was located in a narrow alley. There were many children and numerous fellow-roomers under one roof. His alley and contiguous ones were lined with dozens of houses filled to capacity. Scores of children played in the very narrow streets and after the laboring population returned each evening, adult gossipers crowded the small stoops along the passage way. No less different from his former experiences in St. Helena was Henry's work life at the port. His first job was that of trucking bales of cotton from the wharf into the ship. The white overseer seemed unnecessarily curt and overbearing. At first Henry resented the invectives of the white man, but he soon learned that the best policy was to overlook the swearing of his boss. Henry quickly discovered that little was free in the city. Each meal had to be paid for with real money. A f t e r he had cashed a few vouchers, however, he became resigned to the money economy and adopted the attitude of " getting by " at the end of the week. He would like to save a little money, of course, but unless he had a particular objective, such as a new suit of clothes, a hat, or a pair of shoes, he had a very hard time saving. A f t e r paying for his room, board, laundry, and pressing each week, he usually had little left, even if he had put in full time. His scanty recreation usually consumed his meagre surplus and often he found it necessary to borrow a dollar to tide him over until the next pay day. This in general was the type of life he led in Savannah for three years. He had drifted from job to job, working in the cotton gin, in the guano factory, and back again to the wharf. He moved from Yemacraw to a similar neighborhood known as The Fort, and back again to Yemacraw. B y 1923, Henry was beginning to get tired of Savannah. Friends of his in New York gave him an idea of the

SEA ISLAND

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differences in wages and general conditions. B y self-denial which his Savannah friends could not understand, he managed to save thirty dollars and bought a ticket for New Y o r k . Shortly after his arrival in that city, Henry secured a job as elevator-boy in a building where his friends worked. His wages were $ 2 0 per week. F o r $ 1 2 a week he secured board and a satisfactory place in which to live. He was apt at learning to operate the car and before the week was finished, he was as skillful as the best. His work, however, was deadening. His friends in New Y o r k had said very little about the grind of work. He could look forward to the evenings, but evenings were so short. In Savannah he could walk into the port any time and wait f o r a ship to come in, for he was generally paid by the hour. Here he had to get up when his alarm clock rang and hurry to his place of work. More than he had anticipated, he missed his Savannah friends during the first few weeks. Often he wandered along the streets alone or sat in his room because his best friends were working or had other engagements for the evening. He gradually acquired other acquaintances and his former homesickness wore off. His next set-back was the loss of his job. His boss told him that they found it necessary to reduce expenses and since Henry was the last one employed the management would have to drop him. The next job was not so easily obtained. Everyone was talking of hard times. F o r three weeks, Henry walked the streets and applied at employment agencies. His few dollars were soon spent. He surrendered his room and accepted the invitation of relatives to live with them until he found a job. By the help of a friend he finally managed to get a place as a porter in one of the large railroad stations. He is still employed there. His wages and tips barely enable him to pay his expenses now, but he has no intention of leaving New York. He is hoping that conditions will improve and now

SECONDARY

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that he has become accustomed to the ways of the city, he does not care to return to the wharves of Savannah or to the farm life of St. Helena. The deviations from the most frequently found single type of secondary migration—the simple step from Savannah to New York—present interesting contrasts. We have already spoken of the " ramblers." There are also miscellaneous cases involving residence in the West and mid-West, and trips abroad by soldiers during the War. There are also movements which are not regarded as secondary migrations, inasmuch as no change of residence is involved. F o r instance, there are a few cases of males among those interviewed who have skirted the Atlantic coast scores of times in the capacity of stokers, dish-washers, and porters of Savannah, New Y o r k , and Boston liners. One man joined the N a v y and made three trips around the world. These are not ramblers moving from job to job. Their w o r k — and not their search for work—necessitated travel. About one-third of the 1 1 4 indirect migrants to New Y o r k changed residences from one southern city to another on an average of two times each before they finally came to New Y o r k . Such trips were generally very short in distance. A few went from Savannah to Jacksonville and to other distant destinations within the South, but such changes of address were confined mainly within a semi-circular area delineated by a radius of seventy-five miles with St. Helena as the center. This territory includes Savannah, Charleston, and the sea islands contiguous to St. Helena. Interviews with individuals who made such moves before they finally came northward indicate that the migrants involved had not completely broken away from home. Some stated that they did not care to go so f a r from home that frequent visits to their relatives would be impossible. Others would have come to a

SEA ISLAND TO CITY northern destination earlier had an opportunity been presented. Apart from the South-to-North translocation, the secondary mobility of Island migrants within areas of the North has been approximately the same as that within the South. Practically the same number of individuals and number of moves per individual are involved within the two areas. 3 Viewed in the perspective of total migration of the Islanders, movements within both sections are of minor importance. New Y o r k is similar to Savannah in that it occupies the central position to which, from which, and near which, subsequent movements take place. Cases of egress from N e w Y o r k to other cities, however, have been rare in comparison with the movement from other destinations to New Y o r k and between other destinations. Whereas thirty-eight out of 1 1 4 indirect migrants to New Y o r k came from Boston and Philadelphia, only four out of the total thirty-one interviewed in Boston formerly lived in New Y o r k . Philadelphia residents and Islanders living in New Y o r k who had formerly lived in the Quaker City stated that there are very few departures from New Y o r k f o r residence in Philadelphia. Individuals move about within the North for a variety of reasons. Dissatisfaction with the cities of residence sometimes grew out of the belief that other cities offered better working conditions. Several of the migrants who came from Philadelphia to New Y o r k stated that in the former city they had access to " hard labor " jobs only, whereas friends in New Y o r k with no better education seemed to have better jobs. Others moved from one northern city to another in order to be near relatives. The lure of Harlem brought many to New Y o r k f r o m other places. The duration of stay in destinations between St. Helena 3 Forty-four individuals made seventy-three such changes of address within the North.

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and New Y o r k varies greatly among the individuals interviewed, due to the wide range in time such individuals have been away from the Island. It seems, however, that among the migrants passing through the first and most important destination, Savannah, a larger proportion of the recent ones spend only one to three years there than did the earlier migrants, who did not have the lure of Harlem or the presence of a large number of acquaintances in New York to entice them away from Savannah. We have already noted that an increasing percentage of the migrants come directly from St. Helena to New York, omitting the Savannah stage altogether. Variations from the most frequently found secondary movements of St. Helena Islanders are exemplified by several cases. Beatrice Bingham, at the age of four, was taken by a relative to Philadelphia in 1900. One year later, she was taken by her mother to Boston. She completed high school here and entered college in Hampton, Virginia. She graduated in 1 9 1 1 and taught school the following winter in Virginia. One year later, she returned to Boston, and after three months of residence there she accompanied a friend to Connecticut on the basis of assurance that she could secure employment in a resort. Successful in this, she later accompanied her employer to Santa Barbara, California, for a year and returned with her to Bronxville, New York. Her housekeeping duties were unsatisfactory here, so after one winter of residence she found a rooming place with a friend in Manhattan and found housework of a more agreeable nature. T w o years later, however, Beatrice returned to California in order to work for " three wealthy sisters " whom she had met on her previous trip. Her loneliness was unbearable in her new place; so at the behest of a friend she went to Chicago to learn " hair-dressing." A f t e r three years of residence in the latter city, her thumb became so

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badly infected that she had to quit work. Her mother, then living in New York, urged her to return East. Another case is that of a male who changed residence several times after coming to New York, only to return. You know, I was a little disappointed. I didn' know the swing was so different up here. I was hoping to get some kind of light work in a store or some place like that. Thought I wouldn't have any trouble since I'd been through Penn School. When I got here, though, I found that a fellow had a hard time getting a job like that. Nobody in New York is going to give a job like that to just anybody who comes in and asks for it. It got me pretty bad to have to start in doing hard manual labor. First job I got was driving a truck. I hadn't done any hard work in my life. I'd been working around the store and going to school all my days. In June, though, I had saved up enough money to send for my wife and son. She got a job doing housework for a family. Soon after that I heard about an examination that was being given for skilled work in the Post Office. I took the exam but before I could hear from it, I decided to go over to Philadelphia to get a job. A friend of mine over there wrote me telling me he was working for a construction company that could use some more men. I didn't like my job over here so very well and I figured three years in one place was about enough. We had just moved in this house that we are in now, but I decided to go over there by myself and if I got a job and liked the place, the wife and kid would come on over. Well, I went over there. This friend took me around to his boss the next day and told him here was a fellow who wanted work. He asked me a few questions and put me on the job. After I was over there about three months I sent for my family. Pretty soon after they got there this company had a contract job over in Chester, Pa. I went over there but my wife kept the house in Philadelphia. She never did move over to Chester. After I got over to Philadelphia I heard from my civil ser-

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vice job. I made 98 on the examination and was in line for a job. The salary I could start off with, though, was not nearly so much as I was making with the construction company, so I wrote back that I did not care to take the appointment. I have since regretted very much that I did not, because it was a lifetime job with a pension after retirement. I didn't look ahead of time then to consider all that. About eighteen months after I first went to Philadelphia I had a letter from a friend in Buffalo, N. Y . He was a porter on a train and he told me that if I wanted to come up here he thought I could get a job on a train from Buffalo to Montreal, Canada. Well, just like always, I was ready to go. My wife didn't go along. She came back to New York and got this same apartment which we had been in before and began doing housework. I told her I expected to be back in New York sooner or later anyway. Well, I was lucky enough to get the job. I lived in Buffalo for six months and then decided I would make my headquarters in Montreal just for a change. I could stay over there as easy as I could stay in Buffalo. Just renting a room, you know. I just wanted to have the chance to write some of my friends down on the Island and tell them I was out of the United States altogether. I stayed in Montreal for only three months. Made some interesting trips up there. Went over to see Niagara Falls once. Three months after I moved to Montreal, I stopped the porter job and came back to my family in New York. I had no intention of working more than several months when I first went to Buffalo. My main object was to see some of the country. The movement from St. Helena does not substantiate the theory held by some that migrants from the farms to the city pass through intermediate stages of residence in villages, towns, and cities, each successive change of domicile being toward a larger center. Almost half of the migrants interviewed in New Y o r k made the trip direct from the open country of St. Helena to the great metropolis. Neither does the analysis of the previous residences of the indirect migrants

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now resident in New York support the theory. 4 Only in rare cases have Islanders passed through the village or small town stages. If there is a tendency for cityward migration to proceed in the manner indicated above, the cases of the Islanders demonstrate that such factors as accessibility, opportunities for work, desires of rural folk to participate in city life, and the presence of friends and relatives already in the cities, may prevent its operation. The causes of secondary movements are not greatly different from those of primary migration. In both cases there is a dissatisfaction with conditions at home and a more or less definite expectation of bettering such conditions in the prospective destination. The choice of destination, in both types of migration, is largely affected by the presence of friends and relatives in other places, by reports of economic conditions, and by accessibility of the destination. There are, however, interesting differences between the two types of migration as far as specific circumstances of the movements are concerned. When an Islander leaves home, he breaks away from family, friends, church, and neighborhood bonds. His translocation involves a change in his mode of life. He is to become an employee instead of a free agent. He will doubtless move into a bi-racial community. He will perhaps enter a lodging house. These are new experiences for the migrant fresh from St. Helena. Such profound changes are not encountered by subsequent migration from city to city. On the other hand, the race factor and the squalid neighbourhood factor—absent altogether in the causes for leaving St. Helena—have been mentioned by a few as being partial reasons for leaving Savannah for New York. In general, the study of secondary migration seems to in4 There is a rough approximation, of course, simply by virtue of the supremacy in size of N e w York to any possible previous residence.

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dicate that ( 1 ) Chronic ramblers are not so frequently found among Negroes as the sagas would imply; ( 2 ) There is an increasing tendency to come directly to New York and to omit the intermediate stages between St. Helena and the metropolis; ( 3 ) Departures from New York for residence in other cities are few. How do Islanders themselves react to the new cultural milieux into which they are suddenly thrown when they move from St. Helena to Savannah and from Savannah to New Y o r k ? Here are three types of communities widely different insofar as opportunities given the Negro are concerned. What changes of personality, if any, are likely to follow such changes of residence ? Answers to these questions will be attempted in the next chapter.

CHAPTER

VII

ISLANDERS I N T H E C I T I E S

IN previous chapters extremes of urban and rural conditions of Negro life have been presented. Harlem is the N e g r o metropolis. A m o n g its black residents, perhaps none were reared in an environment less affected by modern inventions, mechanization, and the corresponding modes of life than were the five hundred who came from St. Helena. B y virtue of the preliminary study of St. Helena and of the subsequent visits to the homes of these Sea Islanders in New Y o r k and other cities of chief destination, it is possible to indicate the most striking changes to which these former St. Helenians have been subjected and, to some degree, the effect of the transition on the habits, activities, and attitudes of the migrants themselves. The reader will find three life stories written by migrants in Appendix D. These may be regarded as a supplement to this chapter. T o give a comprehensive report of the changes involved in transference from rural to urban patterns of life and to describe in detail the manner in which such alterations have been met, would be beyond the scope of this survey. The processes of adjustment are so multiform that students concerning themselves with this phase of Negro migration alone have found it necessary to delimit their investigations to particular aspects or topics. 1 1 Woofter, T . J., Jr., Negro Problems in Cities, New York, Doubleday, Doran and Company, 1928. Kennedy, Louise V., The Negro Peasant Turns Cityward, New York, Columbia University Press, 1930. The conditions among St. Helenians in the cities as described in this chapter may be compared with the status of Negro migrants in various urban centers by consulting these references and the others given in footnote ( 1 ) , p. 12. 190

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T h e effects of such changes on the emotional make-up of individuals are, of course, even more complex and intricate. Cities are selective as well as determinative and the separation of these factors is difficult, if not impossible. 2 T h e determinative influences vary in degree and kind in the separate cities to which migrants have gone, and within each city Island-born individuals have had varying lengths of exposure to the influence of urban life. T h i s chapter will be confined to certain contrasts between Island residents and urban-dwelling migrants as these were apparent during the investigations of 1928-1929. Among the most important transitions are those involved in conditions underlying livelihood, home life, recreation, and group activities. Furthermore, inter-urban differences among migrants also exist by virtue of certain dissimilarities in the cities themselves. LIVELIHOOD

T h e problem of earning a livelihood in St. Helena is vastly different from that presented to the migrants in their new homes. St. Helenians live close to the soil and get their sustenance therefrom. In the main, they deal directly with the natural environment and are immediately affected by its vicissitudes. " That shower was worth ten bushels of potatoes," or " The drought cut my yield by one-half " are frequently heard expressions. St. Helena farmers, like all landowning agriculturists, plan and direct their own work. The time o f work and manner of employment are gauged by the season and by the sun, only loosely by the clock. T h e income is mainly in " kind," food for the family and feed f o r the animals and poultry. T o w a r d the production of these necessities the family is a working unit. All of its members 2 Maclver, Robert M., Society: Its Structure and Changes, New York, Ray Long and Richard R. Smith, 1931, pp. 363-376.

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work together or at separate tasks toward their common maintenance and comfort. Necessary cash for repairs, replacements, taxes, clothes, and such articles of food that must be purchased, is obtained in part by incidental sale of produce, by occasional " work out " money, or by contributions f r o m migrant members of the family. T h e range of economic status has been described in Chapter II, pages 66-69. T h e salient points are the uniformity o f occupation and the subsistence level of the large number of Island inhabitants. One migrant truthfully described the status of St. Helenians by the statement, " Most of them have enough to eat but they have few comforts and conveniences." T h e intensity of religion, superstitions, and individualism may be due in part to the conditions underlying maintenance in an isolated rural area where changes have been slow. God is the dispenser of sunshine, rain and harvest, and the sender of hail-storms, floods, hurricanes, droughts and pests. Some of the Islanders closely follow the signs of the zodiac and perform certain farm and household tasks accordingly. Self-reliance and individualism, however, are supported by ownership of land, self-direction in work, self-sufficiency of families, and the almost complete absence of whites. W h e n Islanders come to the cities, they are immediately confronted with many novel situations surrounding the problem of earning a livelihood. They must deal with a manmade environment. Their work is more specialized and is gauged closely by the clock instead of the natural environment. T h e y must work for others, directed in the time at which they shall work and constantly supervised. T h e y find themselves in competition with other laborers. A s Negroes, they are subjected to various degrees of discriminations and handicaps in the several cities to which they go. Such an abrupt transition from the irregular and self-

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directed work of St. Helena to the regular and supervised occupations of a city wage earner has been difficult for many. I come up in January and got a job doing housework. I wasn' use to cold. Didn' know how it would ak on me. One snowy day soon after I started to work, the lady wanted me to wash some windows on the outside. I told her I wasn' long come from South an' wasn' use to cold weather. Didn' want to go outside an' wash windows in that cold weather. Told her I could do it some other time. Told her she could get somebody else to wash the windows if she had to have it done then. She said she would have to take the money out of my wages to pay for it. I told her if that's the way she felt about it, I would have to let her pay me up an' I could leave. I valued my life just as highly as she did hers. She paid me an' I left. Stories have been told of prolonged periods of search for work, of drifting from job to job, of being fired, of total unfamiliarity with jobs—some of which were obtained by false statements concerning previous experience. A few, possibly ten per cent of the male migrants in New York, have had considerable training at Penn School, but even these have usually found it necessary to begin their city employment careers at the bottom rung. As a rule, they have found their training of small avail in the large city. The student who was " handy " with the hammer and saw, soon learns that his skill is worth little as an aid toward getting employment with the great construction companies. He is totally unfamiliar with all-steel and stone construction work, with steel girders, cranes, and riveters. Added to these difficulties are the frequent racial discriminations encountered from employers and labor unions when Negro males seek employment as skilled laborers. James Croft, a graduate of Penn, spoke of his disappointment in being unable " t o get some kind of light work, in a store or something like that." When John Gables tried to

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obtain work in New York in 1 9 1 0 , he was " bitterly disappointed." He had received training in the several crafts but the employers to whom he applied were not impressed. He finally secured a job as porter in a small hotel—precisely the occupation against which his father had always warned him. He remained there only one week. The wages were merely $5.50, but his chief reason for leaving was his fear that his father would learn of the kind of position he had. He sought work at the docks. One of the men noted his youthful appearance and told him, " Y o u belong at your mother's breast. Too young for the wharf." He was taken, however, as a night worker. During the first night, his boss was well pleased. During the second, John fell asleep while sitting on a box awaiting the arrival of a tug loaded with lumber. Had it not been for the good impression he had made the preceding night, John stated, he would have lost his job. The admonition " Boy, you must never go to sleep on this job again," was thereafter heeded. A s we have noted in the former chapter, migrants stated, explicitly or implicitly, that they left home in order to better their conditions. In the main the problems involved in this attempt have been similar. It is conceivable that the first migrants experienced more difficulties of adjustment than did the recent ones who were " sheltered " by their predecessors from the very beginning of their city residence. For a time, no doubt, most of the recent ones suffer nostalgia, but not so keenly do they experience the pangs of loneliness. Besides being company for the migrants fresh from St. Helena, relatives aid the newcomers in other ways. They help them find jobs and rooming places, introduce them to their circles of friends, and take them to places of amusement. They furnish advice concerning the importance of neatness in certain types of work. They tell them where and how they can get the best values in the purchase of food, clothes, and household furnishings.

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Islanders living in the different cities of chief destination also a f f o r d good illustrations of differential transition from rural to urban conditions. Within each city, of course, individual migrants differ by virtue of varying lengths of residence a w a y f r o m the Island and because of differences in capacity to adjust themselves to a changed environment. However, the dissimilarity of cities with respect to proximity to St. Helena, size of population, mechanization of industry, and types of homes and neighborhood afforded to the Negro inhabitants are responsible f o r clearly discernible group differences of Islanders in one city from those in another. With reference to these factors, the five cities to which Islanders have mainly gone may be divided into three types of communities, each representing a stage of transition from rural to urban modes of life. T h e first is that found in Savannah and Charleston; the second, in Philadelphia and Boston; and the third, in New Y o r k . In the southern cities, Savannah and Charleston, most of the Islanders earn their living in large part at the lowly jobs which have long been allocated to colored laborers. Over four-fifths of the migrants living in Savannah whose occupations were reported in 1 9 2 8 s were stevedores, porters, street-workers, and general laborers in cotton gins, guano factories, and turpentine industries. About one-tenth were skilled or semi-skilled workers, such as carpenters, blacksmiths, cobblers, barbers, mechanics, and truck drivers. The 3

Many of these reports were not secured directly from the migrants. They were given by St. Helena residents at the time of the enumeration of inhabitants and migrants from the Island. The occupations of 156 males were thus learned, but in some cases the reports were of a vague nature, denoting the industry in which the migrants were employed rather than the exact nature of the work. However, on the basis of the specific reports and information received f r o m subsequent interviews with migrants in Savannah, the above figures are believed to be approximately correct.

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few others were store keepers, agents, and petty clerks. The wages of the unskilled laborers centered around $ 1 2 per week. The amounts earned by the others varied from $ 1 2 to $ 2 0 per week. The gainfully employed females * were generally houseworkers, maids, cooks, and laundresses. A few worked in a cigar factory. The domestic workers usually received about $6 per week and their meals. Others were able to earn from $ 7 to $ 1 0 . Wage earning in Savannah, however different from the self-directed farm work in St. Helena, more closely resembles the conditions of rural life than does that in the northern cities. There the pace of work is not so swift as in the more urbanized centers. Mechanization and specialization have not proceeded so far. The laborers around the wharves, cotton gins, and guano factories handle products with which they were familiar in St. Helena. The females in domestic service work under conditions somewhat similar to that of the rural hired help, taking their meals in the homes of their employers and receiving very little in cash. Charleston, being less important as a commercial and manufacturing city than Savannah, offers fewer chances for employment to St. Helena Negroes. The modes of livelihood of those who have gone to Charleston, however, seemed to be little different from those of Islanders in Savannah. Males, with few exceptions, were found to be occupied in approximately the same proportion according to economic * T h e reports of St. Helena residents, together with the interviews with migrants, indicate that about three-fourths of the female migrants were gainfully employed. Also, on the basis of information from these two sources, it appears that approximately one-half of the married women work for wages. A small proportion of the latter, however, do not have households in Savannah, but have left their homes in St. Helena f o r extended periods and have taken up residence with children or relatives in the city in order to secure work.

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class. Like the females in Savannah, the houseworkers in Charleston "were regarded as servants rather than as wage earners. Islanders in Boston and Philadelphia seemed to be faced with approximately identical sets of conditions, so f a r as earning a livelihood is concerned. 5 The occupations, though mainly unskilled labor and domestic service, are more mechanized, and contacts with employers are more impersonal than in the southern cities. T h e precise amount of wages earned by Islanders in Boston and Philadelphia, as in other cities, was not an object of the survey. F r o m general information received f r o m migrants and others familiar with laboring conditions in these two cities at the time the study was made, it seems s a f e to say that the unskilled males usually earned about $ 2 0 per week and the houseworkers from $ 5 to $ 1 6 , depending upon the number of hours they were employed. Such wages, however, should not be compared with those earned in the South without taking into consideration the greater expense required in the northern cities f o r necessities, especially f o r rent. The rent paid for dwelling by migrants in Boston and Philadelphia centered between $ 3 0 and $40 per month. 5 T h e eight males interviewed in Boston were occupied as f o l l o w s : one was a postal clerk, two were chefs, one was a painter, two worked in a soap factory, one was a hotel porter, and another was a janitor. A l l except four of the twenty-one females interviewed were gainfully employed. (Nine of the twelve who were married helped their husbands, by this means, to maintain the household.) Thirteen were houseworkers, one was a cook, another was a laundress, one worked in a dye factory, and one cared f o r children placed in her home by a public welfare agency.

Among twenty male migrants in Philadelphia f o r whom occupational data were secured, the following distribution was found: one foreman of a gang of house carpenters, one painter, four truck and hack drivers, seven porters, three stevedores, and four general laborers. A l l except three of the nineteen females whose occupations were learned, were engaged in work outside their homes. Eleven were employed as houseworkers, three as cooks, one as a laundress, another as a maid, and three simply worked in their own homes.

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According to some of the Islanders in these cities, racial factors impinge upon employment, but the discrimination is more subtle than the open type found in the southern cities. The following statement is the reaction of a Negro who lived in Savannah before coming to Boston and is fairly typical of the attitude of others who had made an intermediate stop in Savannah. The arts is against our race. Down South, they'll give a nigger a job, but they don't want him to spend his money 'long side them. In other words, he can work with them, but he can't spend with them. Here in Boston, he can spend with the whites, but he can't work with them. Of course, they'll tell him there is no openin' or somethin' like that. They'll tell him in a nice way. St. Helena Islanders in New York have experienced the greatest transition from rural to urban modes of earning a living. They are engaged in a wider variety of occupations, the tempo of work is swifter, and contacts with employers more impersonal than in the other cities. Of the 87 male Islanders interviewed in New York, 51 were unskilled laborers, 1 3 were skilled, 1 5 were in clerical occupations, 3 were professional men, 1 was leader of a " numbers " ring, 1 was pensioned, 1 was unemployed, and 2 were of school age. Among the 1 3 6 females interviewed, 22 reported that they did no work outside of their homes, and 83 were gainfully employed as houseworkers. The remainder were laundresses, janitresses, seamstresses, hair dressers, one visiting nurse of professional status, and children of school or preschool age. The reports of these migrants in 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 2 9 8 indicated 8

The study of the Island migrants in Harlem was made in 1928-1929, before the advent of the present depression. Since that time some have suffered temporary or permanent unemployment and probably most of them have had their wages reduced. Since the depression, several

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that the unskilled laborers earned about $20 per week and the female houseworkers, generally employed on an hourly basis, earned approximately $16. T h e skilled laborers, of w h o m practically none belonged to trade unions, rarely earned more than $30 per week. Several of the post-office employees drew salaries ranging around $2,200 per year and have good assurance of a life-time job with pension. Perhaps one or t w o Islanders were of even better economic status. Possibly more than those in any other city, the migrants in N e w Y o r k have tended to rise or fall to levels of occupation commensurate with their training, intelligence, and skill. T h i s is indicated not only by the greater differentiation of occupations among the Islanders, but also by statements of visits were made by the writer to the homes of Islanders believed to be fairly well acquainted with present general conditions among the St. Helenians in Harlem. These individuals estimated that from ten to fifteen per cent of the formerly gainfully employed Islanders had lost their jobs. According to their statements, women doing housework had fared better during the depression than had the males. In a few cases women who formerly did no housework outside their homes had found it necessary to go out in search of work and were generally able to pick up a few dollars per week. Despite the depression, there have been very few cases of returns home. Practically every Islander in New Y o r k has close relatives in the city and there are some cases of individuals being "helped along." A few unattached individuals who lived in rooms or apartments of their own before the depression have accepted invitations to the homes of their relatives. There, they are " hanging on," trusting that a " change " will come. They think that their chances for employment are better in the city than in St. Helena. From information received through correspondence with home folk, they learn that the Islanders are having much difficulty in earning " w o r k o u t " money in the near-by places. Conditions of unemployment among Negroes in New York, however, have served to discourage other Islanders from coming to the city during the past two years. Island residents are advised by friends and relatives that they should not leave home until conditions in New Y o r k improve.

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St. Helenians concerning the relatively better chances in New York for getting work other than " hard labor " jobs. The chief complaints of the laboring classes in New York, so far as livelihood is concerned, were the excessive rents which had to be met, the coldness of employers and landlords, and the swift tempo of the work. " Some people say they won't go back to the Island lessen they killed. I don't look at it that way. U p here it's just work, work, work. Livin' is so high that you've just got to scrub and scrub for the pennies to pay the bills." " In the city you get higher wages, but you got to run here n' run there. You a slave to the clock in New York." There are those, however, who have been able to get into harmony with, and to enjoy, the regular activity of urban life. Ordinarily everything goes along like clock-work. It's so different from anything I ever did before. Everybody who works in the Post Office sure knows his job. He's got to know it, and consequently everything runs smoothly. Sometimes when four of us are together sorting mail into the different bags, we strike up a song. Again, when a boat is ready to leave and we know we've got a set time to get the mail on her, we all get right in the game. No singing or joking then, but we all enjoy the little rush periods. Makes you think you're getting something done. Since there are so many variables in the conditions of livelihood in St. Helena and in the cities, the question " Have the Islanders improved their economic condition by leaving home? " must be answered with qualifications and in relative terms. Those in professional and clerical services and most of the skilled laborers have undoubtedly improved their economic status considerably by leaving the Island. Even a few of the unskilled and domestic workers who have managed to

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labor steadily and to spend wisely, live in comfortable homes and in some cases have pianos, victrolas, and radios. The mass of the unskilled laborers w h o earn from $9 to $12 in the southern cities and from $15 to $20 in the northern centers may be able to provide themselves with certain comforts which they could not have in St. Helena, and to this extent they might be said to be " better o f f . " W h e n the question is considered from the point of view of security, however, there seems to be little difference between their status in St. Helena and in the cities. In neither place, apparently, have these workers been able or inclined to provide materially for a " rainy day." The rent T and food cost alone in N e w Y o r k , for instance, is sufficient to reduce an annual family wage of $1,000 in New Y o r k to a parity with the average family income of $427 in St. Helena. 8 HOME LIFE

In the transference of residence f r o m St. Helena to the city much more is involved than changes in economic status and other related factors surrounding the problem of earning a livelihood. T h e migrants also encounter many alterations in the nature of their home life. O n the Island domestic and work life form an inseparable whole. Members of the family are constantly together in their work-a-day activities. There are many functions to fulfill and in the performance of these father, mother, and children participate. Household work, care of poultry and domestic animals, and home gardening comprise a large part of the work of the females 7 In H a r l e m the average five-room apartment furnishing steam heat and hot water rented f o r $60 per month in 1928-1929. Single rooms in this type of building usually brought $5 per week. " Cold water flats " in Harlem w e r e generally $40 per month and the same type could usually be obtained for $30 in Brooklyn or in Columbus Hill. Cf. W o o f t e r , Black Yeomanry, p. 99.

• W o o f t e r , T . J., Jr., Black Yeomanry, p. 100.

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and children, although these are ever ready to take their turns in planting, hoeing, or harvesting the crop. Thus members of the Island families spend the major portion of their lives in company with one another. There are few evening attractions and even courting is usually confined to Saturday evenings and Sundays; consequently, during the week there is little dispersal of the young people from the immediate vicinity of their homes. According to the season, members of the family congregate in the evenings on the small porches or around the hearthstone and discuss farm and neighborhood activities. In such an environment the family is a strong agency of social control. Under the constant tutelage of parents in the home and in the fields, the children are early inculcated into the usages and practices of their elders. Problems of wayward children seem to be few under such circumstances. The neighborhood environment, too, is conducive to the proper rearing of children. Mischievous deeds are reported to the parents by observing neighbors, and unless punishment ensues there will be neighborhood gossip to the effect that the children of the particular parents concerned are only " half brung up." There are several differences of far-reaching importance between the home life in St. Helena and that experienced by migrants in the cities. When an Islander leaves his rural home in St. Helena and takes up residence in a city, he encounters situations which are well known to be conducive to family disintegration. H e enters an apartment, flat, or single-family house which is closely surrounded by the homes of others. The area of privacy or of " domestic rights " is thus limited to the interior of his home—perhaps consisting of only one room. In the several cities to which Islanders have migrated in numbers, the homes which they occupy are of certain dom-

ISLANDERS

IN THE

CITIES

203

inant types. In Savannah, the bulk of the Islanders are huddled into two segregated Negro sections, Yemacraw and The Fort. They live in small frame houses closely lined along both sides of the narrow alleys. In Charleston, the Islanders are found to be scattered throughout the city. There are many small " nests " o f Negroes in the alleys and courts which have been given over to Negro occupancy. In that city some Islanders live in small frame single-family houses. Others have flats in large two or three story frame buildings, aptly called " fire-traps." In Boston and in Philadelphia, there are apartment dwellers, flat dwellers, and occupants of single-family houses ranging from those who rent dingy houses in "courts," alleys, and " terraces " to three or four who own spacious homes. In Harlem the greatest transition is made in type of housing facilities, for here the Islanders almost invariably live in apartments and in tenements. Under the roof which covers their home, many other families dwell. This, however, is a fundamental condition of urban life and does not necessarily imply that all of the St. Helenians in New York live under undesirable circumstances. Visits to 107 households in Harlem indicated that about one in seven of the Island families lived in new apartment buildings and had the comforts that are found in the average white family of clerical or low proprietary status. At the other extreme, approximately two families out of seven were found in conditions of filth and depravity, dwelling in basements and flats of deteriorated buildings. The remainder, averaging about four in seven of the families investigated, were living in homes which might be regarded as fairly typical of Harlem. There were shades of difference in the dwellings of this group; by virtue of industry and thrift some were maintaining themselves in plain but comfortable homes. Others had few furnishings but were decidedly better off than the families in the lowest grade described.

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TO CITY

In addition to these differences of physical surroundings which the migrants have encountered, they have also had to adjust themselves to the fact that in the cities home life and work are dissociated. The wage earner leaves his home each day in pursuit of his livelihood, and can be present only during non-working hours or days. If there are two or more family supporters, each probably goes to a separate job. Children do practically nothing toward the maintenance of the household. Along with this disappearance of the working unity goes a breakdown of the social unity characteristic of rural families. The many attractions and the variety of possible uses of leisure time tend to keep apart the members of the urban household much more than is the case in St. Helena. There are many differences, however, in the character of home life of St. Helenians in the cities. A large portion of the migrants begin their city careers as lodgers. Some live in the homes of relatives. Others continually drift from one rooming house to another. Two or more unmarried individuals often take an apartment together. Moreover, unattached migrants doubtless spend less of their leisure time at home than do the married. Lodgers, especially, are likely to regard " home " as little more than a " camping" or " sleeping " place. Their high degree of transiency from one rooming place to another, on the other hand, is perhaps indicative of a vain search for a " home." It would seem that the more normal home life afforded by marriage facilitates adjustment to urban conditions. Adequate studies of the effect of migration on the fertility of Negro migrants are few. The small number of families visited in this survey warrants little more than suggestive comments. The data available, however, lend support to the belief that fertility is significantly reduced by migration. 9 * Early marriages and high fertility have been characteristic of

St.

ISLANDERS

IN THE

CITIES

205

Marriages are later and apparently less permanent in the city. Island migrants have expressed the belief that in St. Helena practically no use is made of contraceptive devices, whereas such are used to some extent among those who have come to the cities. Attitudes concerning children in the home are also different. " Don't want any of the devilish things. No place for children to play in the city, except to run f r o m one side of the room to another." Implicit in the foregoing discussion has been the smaller amount of social control exerted by urban households over the individual members. There is not the constant propinquity of members of the family that is characteristic of St. Helena. Many of the migrants are lodgers and thus are especially free from restrictions which might be imposed by a family group. T h e impersonal nature of contacts in urban neighborhoods also militates against effective control. Many of the migrants who now have children in the cities have spoken of the difficulty of rearing them properly. These problems of adjustment to changed conditions of home life are, in large part, similar in each of the cities. Differing aspects, however, seem to be brought to a focus in various cities. In Savannah and New Y o r k , the two cities Helena. To be a mother at sixteen years of age, a mother of more than ten children, and a grandmother before the age of forty, have not been uncommon in this area. Such conditions are now less frequent than they were before large numbers of the young Islanders had their faces turned toward the cities. Included in 107 households visited in New York, were 56 families in which one or both parents were from St. Helena, in which the marriage took place after the departures from the Island, and in which there had been no separations. Twenty-four out of forty wives married 1-10 years had borne no children. Five of the fourteen married 10-20 years were childless, as were the two wives married 20-30 years. None of the wives had borne more than six children and only seven of the total fifty-six had given birth to more than two. In Boston, eight of the twenty-one families visited were childless, although in only one case was the duration of marriage less than three years.

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to which most of the recent migration, particularly, has been confined, unattached lodgers are more in evidence than among the more settled inhabitants of Charleston or Boston. In the southern cities difficulties of adjustment to urban patterns of home life are probably accentuated by racial attitudes and by dwelling in neglected, segregated sections. In the northern cities, and especially in New York, the absence of personal relationships with neighbors changes the tone of home life and facilitates the emancipation of individuals within the family. RECREATION

Recreation in St. Helena is the simple sort characteristic of the countryside. As in other rural sections, the attitude seems to prevail that there is little time for play during the week. The youngsters rarely stray from their homes after the completion of the day's work. On Saturday afternoons, however, little work is ordinarily done in the fields. Groups of young boys may be found congregated around a plantation center, a " shop," " churchyard," garage or school. Perhaps there is a cornfield baseball game between the " Frogmore " and the " Solid South " teams. Young girls often take Saturday afternoon as a time for cleaning the yard or the parlor, for ironing their clothes, or for preparing their hair. Mothers and fathers may depart for the lodge house, for Saturday is a popular time for meeting. The creeks provide many occasions for " pleasuring " oneself by fishing. It is not uncommon for small groups to agree to meet at designated places at two or three o'clock in the morning in order to reach the creek by the time the tide changes. The fear of sharks and alligators, of crabs, and of treacherous waters prevents much indulgence in swimming, and the leaky bateaus are infrequently used except as means of conveyance.

ISLANDERS

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207

Sunday, however, is the great day for rest and recreation. Church meetings are the chief neighborhood affairs and to these believers and non-believers go. Besides the emotional relief afforded by services within the church, these meetings offer opportunities for patriarchs to glory in their importance, singers to exercise their vocal qualities, neighbors to meet together, young people to associate with friends of the same and opposite sex, and children to run and play with others. Various other neighborhood gatherings, such as farmers' fairs, " celebrations " at Penn School, house blessings, and funerals provide somewhat the same opportunities for association. In striking dissimilarity to the rural forms of recreation are those accessible to Islanders living in the cities. Neighborhood activities in which all share, are practically non-existent. Commercialized forms, always available, play a proportionately larger part. There are also increased opportunities and stimulations for reading daily papers, magazines, and books, and for the enjoyment afforded by victrolas, pianos, and radios. Possibly much of the so-called " dullness " of St. Helena was due to the necessity of working alone and of the infrequency with which one could be with his friends. Daily association with members outside the household is possible in the cities. Much of the work is done in company with others and individuals can easily get together during nonworking hours. Migrants themselves differ a great deal in the type of recreation in which they indulge. There are more varied opportunities for the satisfaction of leisure time interests. Married migrants often depart little from the ways of St. Helena. Most of the hours away from work are spent at home. There is much visiting, participation in church and lodge activities, and relatively infrequent trips to the movies or other innocuous places of amusement.

SEA ISLAND

2O8

TO CITY

T h e forms of recreation afforded by the various cities, too, differ somewhat.

Migrants w h o formerly lived in Savannah

spoke of the restricted nature of the amusements open to N e g r o e s in that city.

In some of the smaller movie theatres

f o r whites in Savannah and Charleston, the balconies are reserved f o r Negroes.

Practically the only commercialized

places of amusement where Negroes might feel free, h o w ever, are the few dingy and o f t e n transitory movies, pool rooms, and dance halls which are patronized solely by the blacks.

In the alleys, on the stoops, and in the homes of

the crowded F o r t and Y e m a c r a w sections time is " killed " in various ways.

General loafing, visiting, singing, gossip-

ing, banjo playing, seem to be the predominant pursuits. Drinking, dice rolling, and allied " vices " are reported as being more common among

Islanders

in the F o r t

and

Y e m a c r a w sections of Savannah than among the St. Helenians in any other place.

I f this is true, it suggests the influ-

ence of such factors as the initial problems of adjustment ( for practically all of the migrants in Savannah came directly f r o m St. Helena) and the necessity of providing one's o w n amusement in a segregated N e g r o area. In Boston and Philadelphia, Islanders seem to demand little " excitement."

A s stated before, St.

these cities seem to be a more settled group.

Helenians

in

H o m e life,

visits, and a f e w group activities consume practically all of their leisure time.

T h e r e are no large central places of

amusement f o r Negroes in these cities, but the small theatres and dance halls are more inviting than are those in the southern cities.

T h e r e are racial barriers so far as entrance in

some of the theatres patronized by whites are concerned, but there are others to which Negroes may go. T h e type of amusement afforded the N e g r o in H a r l e m has been described in the chapter which deals with general con-

ISLANDERS ditions in that area. 1 0

IN THE CITIES

2Og

I n their recreation Islanders in H a r -

lem are probably less hampered by attitudes o f whites than is the case in any o f the other cities.

T h e y have access to

large centers o f amusement, to scores o f smaller places, and to broad Seventh Avenue

( H a r l e m ' s equivalent to

Fifth

A v e n u e ) on which they can promenade. T h e effect o f the change in character and range o f possible leisure-time activities upon migrants from a rural area depends in large part upon individual temperaments.

Ex-

tremes o f detrimental and o f beneficial results o f such a transition are found, and the subjection o f Islanders to these varied sources o f

recreation

serves to reveal

individual

differences in strength o f character, in intelligence, and in temperament. GROUP L I F E

Closely related to the foregoing changes encountered by Island migrants are the many differences in group life.

In

S t . Helena, the Islander is more or less intimately acquainted with all the others in his vicinity.

Residents o f adjoining

and near-by plantations are neighbors, and the neighborhood may embrace an area a score o f square miles in size.

There

are a few Islanders who claim to know most o f the families in S t . Helena and such claims are credible.

It has already

been noted that the influence o f Penn School, located approximately at the center of the Island, has served to unify the whole Island into a single community.

Students come f r o m

all parts o f S t . Helena and parents from Lands E n d to Coffins Point, the extremes of the Island, frequently attend the community exercises at Penn.

Community classes, fairs,

farm demonstrations, and church services also have brought together Islanders from the many small neighborhoods. In the cities the Islander is thrown into the midst of 10

See Chapter I, supra.

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strangers. With relatively few individuals does he enjoy the primary relationship characteristic of St. Helena. In the process of becoming affiliated with certain groups he is greatly influenced at first by his kinsfolk already in the city, but later he has a better opportunity to select the type of associates he prefers. Urban group life of Island migrants is more differentiated than was that in St. Helena. Special interests rather than kinship and proximity underlie companion choices and types of group affiliation. Despite the urban influences which tend to break down the insularity of migrants within the cities a considerable amount of cohesiveness exists. In all the cities the Islanders are a more or less interrelated group. There are few who do not have close relatives in the city and manage to keep in touch with them. During the course of the interviews, the writer frequently encountered Islanders visiting in the homes at which he called. The tendency for St. Helenians in New York to care for unemployed relatives during the present depression is another indication of the cohesiveness of the migrants. Still another illustration might be found in the surprising frequency of intra-marriages among Islanders after they leave home. In New York among sixty-one females who married after they left St. Helena, almost half (twenty-seven) married Island-born males. Most of the exogamous marriages were contracted with Negroes from other parts of South Carolina and from Georgia. There have been a few cases of marriages with West Indian Negroes, but from all that could be learned this type of intermarriage has been less successful than have the others. It would be interesting to collect sufficient data on intermarriage of southern and West Indian Negroes to warrant conclusive statements. Besides frequent visiting and intra-marriages, there are organizations which attest to the tendency of Islanders to

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211

keep in touch with one another in the cities. In Savannah, a club known as the " Emporia " has a membership chiefly made up of St. Helenians. The main purpose seems to be recreational. Ice-cream suppers, fish fries, and similar means are used f o r raising funds. With the proceeds the members serve refreshments at their own meetings and sometimes take excursion trips on the river. The Fourth of July and Labor Day are anxiously awaited by many Island migrants in Savannah. Three or four weeks previous to these days, posters advertising a round-trip excursion to St. Helena are nailed in conspicuous places in the Negro sections. The ship leaves Savannah early in the morning and there are five hours of merry making during the trip. Many of the joy seekers are met by relatives at the St. Helena landing. Together they enjoy picnic dinners, fish fries, and baseball games. About seven in the evening the Savannah dwellers board the boat and reach their homes at midnight. In New Y o r k there are two organizations of St. Helena Negroes. The Penn School Club, organized about 1 9 2 6 for the purpose of contributing financial aid to the Island school, is apparently maintained principally because of the pleasure certain Islanders have in gathering together. In 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 2 9 there were approximately forty members. Once a month they meet in a club room in the New York Urban League building. A f t e r the meeting is called to order, verses are read from the Bible and the Lord's Prayer is repeated. A hymn is sung and after this comes the roll call. A s the names are called, members walk to the front and deposit the small monthly dues on the treasurer's desk. The program continues with readings, renditions at the piano, sometimes singing by a male quartet, and brief talks on assigned topics. A s in most clubs of this kind, there are often absences or excuses on the part of one or more scheduled to perform, and their places are filled by impromptu

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TO CITY

remarks of the less timid. The chief source of revenue comes from the annual dance. In 1929, this was held in the Imperial Auditorium at 160 West 129th Street. The cost of the hall, including orchestra and kitchen privileges, was fifty-five dollars. Notwithstanding this and although the general admission was only seventy-five cents per person, enough money was cleared to pay the annually pledged $ 1 5 0 to Penn School. The large attendance is therefore apparent. In the spring of 1929, the St. Helena League and Benefit Club was organized, primarily as an insurance society. From proceeds of the fund destitute members are aided, and sick benefits and funeral expenses are paid, the latter including the cost of transportation of the body to St. Helena. In 1 9 3 1 , there were approximately one hundred members and the amount of money in the treasury was well over $1,000. The fund has been built up not only by membership dues, but also from profits accruing from dances. Islanders become affiliated with church groups, lodges, and other organizations in which there are outsiders as well as other Islanders. In Savannah there was reported to be some tendency for St. Helenians to attend the same churches, but this does not appear to be true of other cities. In Harlem there are three churches to which Islanders belong in fairly large numbers, Abyssinian Baptist, Metropolitan Baptist, and Walker Memorial Baptist; but they may be found in at least nine other churches. As in occupations, Islanders tend to become more differentiated in religious preferences, although practically all remain Baptists and Methodists. However, representatives may be found in the extreme and intermediate types of Harlem churches described in the initial chapter. The religious activities of migrants in cities is at once indicative of changes and hangovers from those of St. Helena. In contrast to the small groups of life-long neighbors in the

ISLANDERS

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213

churches of the Island, are the large congregations made up of Negroes from many parts of the South and elsewhere. There is some indication of a decline of interest in church attendance among the young migrants. This, however, is a natural result of transference from a rural neighborhood where the church offers one of the chief means of bringing individuals of the community together. Another factor is the freedom of the individual from the type of family and neighborhood control characteristic of the farming regions. Despite such changes, however, the church continues to play an important role in the lives of many migrants. It offers one of the principal outlets for individuals who are disinclined or unable to participate in the ordinary forms of revelry in New York. Some writers have pointed to the religious life of Negro migrants in cities as indicative of the persistence of rural culture. It is true that in many churches shouting, dancing, and spontaneous remarks made by members during the course of the sermon may be frequently seen and heard. After the services, too, Negroes often tend to linger in the church and around the doors and steps, as they have been accustomed to do in the South. Statements are sometimes made that lodges and fraternal orders find their most fertile field of growth in the provinces and that they tend to disintegrate under urban conditions. This does not appear to be true insofar as the St. Helenians, or Harlem Negroes in general, are concerned. Some of the Islanders have membership in three or four of these secret societies and devote much time and interest to them. Island women, little less than the men, display this tendency. Among the most important organizations to which St. Helena migrants belong are Elks, Knights of Pythias, and Household of Ruth. In summary, there are basic differences between urban and

214

SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

rural life which Islanders encounter regardless of the city to which they go. Few of the St. Helenians have been afforded a gradual transition by intermediate residence in a village or small town, but the initial contacts are softened somewhat for those of the more recent comers who first take up residence with or near their relatives. There are interesting differences, however, between the various cities with respect to opportunities and conditions underlying the processes of earning a living, of home life, of recreation, and of group activities. In the southern cities, near at hand to St. Helena, the character of occupations in which Islanders engage, the homes in which they live, the recreational life, and the neighborhood are of a provincial rather than urban nature. Yet it appears that in these cities maladjustments are more in evidence than in the larger cities of the North. Practically all of the Islanders in these southern centers came directly from the Island and were immediately thrown into an environment where racial attitudes impinge upon conditions of employment, housing, and recreation. In Boston and Philadelphia, especially in the former city, Islanders have settled down to a quiet life and show fewer traces of maladjustment accruing from migration than is the case in the other cities. Relatively few of the recent Islanders were found in these cities, however. Those who have continued to live in Boston generally prefer the type of life they find there to the hectic existence in New York of which they hear. The migrants in Boston frequently complained of subtle discrimination against employment of Negroes in any except menial occupations. These complaints, which came from the older migrants, seemed, however, to be expressions of a stoical philosophy and it appeared unlikely that many of them were potential motives for leaving the city. The chief problem focalized in New York seemed to be

ISLANDERS

IN THE

CITIES

215

the difficulty of adjustment to the swift tempo of work and to the depersonalized nature of occupations and neighborhood life. The trained and the intelligent possibly have better opportunities in New York than elsewhere, but it also appears that the marginal laborers have little to gain in coming to a highly urbanized environment where mechanization and specialization have proceeded far. There seem, on the other hand, to be fewer complaints of racial discrimination in New York than in the other cities. Islanders, like other Negroes of Harlem, know that their presence would not be desired in many of the cafes and theatres patronized by whites, but this is not so serious a handicap as it is in many other places since Harlem itself has plenty of these to offer. The visits to Negroes in the several cities have indicated the presence of problems which await further investigation, and many of the foregoing comments have been suggestive rather than conclusive. Such may serve, however, to point out specific problems and to indicate something of their nature. For example, the factors influencing social disorganization among Negroes could probably be more adequately understood if it were possible to make more comprehensive analyses of migrants from a specific locality in the various cities to which they have gone. The problems which arise from the transference of a rural population into urban centers are many-sided, and only a few of these have been suggested in this study of a specific group. Additional and more specialized investigations would produce valuable material for comparison or contrast, substantiation or refutation. Necessarily a full understanding of the consequences of the urban trend among Negroes must be postponed until the migrants have had time to make more than an initial adjustment.

CHAPTER

Vili

CONCLUSION GENERAL SUMMARY

AN intensive study of migration from a specific area of the South affords an opportunity to evaluate certain generalizations which have been made concerning the causes, nature, and results of movements of the colored population. This investigation indicates that the first hand reports of migrants themselves, an approach heretofore seldom used, offers a valuable means of studying the process of migration as it is actually experienced. In the first place, the migration from St. Helena does not substantiate certain frequently expressed opinions concerning the reasons for the movements of Negroes to cities. In accounting for migration various writers have apparently emphasized too exclusively unsatisfactory Negro-white relations and farm tenancy. Doubtless these conditions have acted as repellent forces in bi-racial tenancy areas, but in St. Helena such conditions are absent. Despite this absence, however, the Negro population of the Island declined from 8,285 in 1900 to 4,458 in 1930—approximately forty-five per cent. During this time, and long before, the population of the Island has been almost wholly Negro. T h e resident whites, ranging in number from one to t w o hundred, have rarely been accused of exploitation, and such factors as threats, terrorism, and condescending attitudes on the part of whites have been absent altogether. Complaints of burdensome taxation have been frequent and the figures cited in Chapter II have indicated that county officials have discrim216

CONCLUSION

21?

inated against the taxpayers of St. Helena. Grievances of this kind, however, may be heard from whites as well as from Negroes in the rural South, and such exploitation has little of the race antagonism which accompanies J i m Crow regulations, segregation, or violence. Attitudes of unfriendliness toward whites have been acquired by Islanders in some instances after they have left home, but such feeling has had practically nothing to do with causing departures from St. Helena. St. Helenians are land owners. They have no landlords whose orders they must obey. There is not the yearly trek from farm to farm so frequently found in the cotton and tobacco tenancy areas, nor are there any conditions approximating peonage. The poor educational facilities offered to Negroes in the South have also been cited as causes of the cityward movement of the colored population. Little of the migration from St. Helena, however, seems due to this factor. It is true that the county schools in St. Helena are poor, but the ineffectiveness of this condition as a cause of migration is amply indicated by the lack of family migration in which children are involved, and by the small proportion of children who are sent away in order to attend better schools. In St. Helena, too, the Islanders have access to Penn Normal, Industrial and Agricultural School, an institution unsurpassed by any of its kind in the country, yet the presence of this school has not succeeded in keeping the inhabitants on the Island. Moreover, the school records of 1 5 8 living individuals who graduated prior to 1929 reveal the fact that the proportion of Penn School alumni who have migrated is approximately the same as that of the general Island population. The study of migration from St. Helena indicates, furthermore, that the underlying causes for departure are practically

2l8

SEA ISLAND

TO

CITY

the same as those which are well known to be responsible for the general drift of young people—white or colored—from the farms of various sections of the country. Increased industrialization has given rise to large cities and the corresponding development in means of communication and transportation have served to break the isolation of rural areas. The dissatisfaction of young people with the conditions at home is intensified by the knowledge that friends are " making good " in the cities. A f t e r hearing stories of the economic and recreational opportunities available in the cities, the uneventful life on the farm seems dull to many. Interviews with Islanders who left at different dates from the time of the Civil W a r to the present, afford many specific examples of the manner in which general economic and social changes have impinged upon the individual and altered his attitude toward residence in St. Helena. They have demonstrated the complex nature of the circumstances surrounding individual departures. General dissatisfaction with economic conditions or monotony of life are often predisposing causes but the immediate occasions for migration are usually specific and concrete incidents. In some cases, the immediate cause itself may give rise to the motive for migration and the departure is made immediately. Ordinarily, however, it appears that Islanders have been rather slow to "make up their miftds " to leave home. There were relatively few immediate permanent departures after the two storms and after the infestation of the boll weevil. The effects of such occurrences were prolonged and were manifested in successive years of hardship. During such periods many individuals lost hope of any improvement in conditions and when timely chances were presented, they left home. Concerning the nature of internal migration, statements have been made at times that the movement usually proceeds

CONCLUSION

219

from the open country to village to town to city to metropolis. There are indications that the early migrants adhered somewhat to this tendency, but this is not true of the recent ones. The study of previous residences of Islanders now residing in New Y o r k revealed an unmistakably increasing tendency for direct trips from the rural homes to the metropolis. Among the residents who left home before 1 9 1 0 , the majority had intermediate residences before coming to the city. Those who left during the 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 2 0 decade were about equally divided between direct and indirect migrants. Among those now in New York who departed from St. Helena after 1920, the direct migrants outnumbered the others. Furthermore, a study of the consecutive moves of Islanders who have resided in intermediate localities before proceeding to New Y o r k , indicates that only roughly have progressively larger cities been chosen as successive destinations. In most cases the village and small town steps have been omitted altogether. The drifters and the students were the pioneers. The numbers of St. Helenians in the various destinations increased, although slowly before 1900, by arrivals who came under similar circumstances or by those who came at the solicitation of migrants already in the cities. A f t e r 1900, when large numbers left the Island, practically all followed their predecessors to the established destinations. In fairly recent years, Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston have declined as important destinations. Savannah and New Y o r k are the two principal localities to which Islanders move. It is impossible to state categorically whether or not the Islanders have benefited themselves by leaving home. The migration has extended over a long period and during this time conditions in St. Helena and in the cities have undergone many changes. Moreover, most of the migrants have been young individuals who were just beginning their careers of

220

SEA ISLAND

TO

CITY

employment at the time they left home. It would be difficult to ascertain what the outcome for many would have been had they remained. Whether it is best for an individual to live in the city or in the country depends upon his abilities, likes, and dislikes. There are intangible values in rural life which some Islanders prize more highly than the possibility of economic advancement and other reported advantages of urban life. O n the whole, it is evident that the migrants have not uniformly bettered their economic and social status. In broad perspective, the results of the migration may be summarized according to those which appear to be losses and those which seem to be gains. In the process of adjustment, at least, the migrant loses the independence which was his in St. Helena by virtue of farm ownership and self-direction in work. He leaves an assured livelihood for one far more precarious. He is deprived of the advantages of close group and family life. He leaves the open country and enters neighborhoods where congestion and bad housing are encountered. O n the other hand, there are benefits such as the money wage and the chance to gain a higher standard of living. Electricity, plumbing, and labor-saving devices common in urban homes eliminate much of the drudgery in the household. Other comforts and small luxuries in the line of clothes, household fittings, radios, and pianos apparently have been more accessible to migrants than to residents of St. Helena. Daily recreation in company with others is afforded by the proximity to friends and by the constant presence of places of entertainment. In pursuit of leisure-time activities, the individual is freed from the limitation of a rural environment and from the close control of family and intimate neighbors. Such liberation is often conducive to activities of an unwholesome nature, but it also enables the migrant to

CONCLUSION

221

develop his interests in vocational and cultural fields. In the northern cities, especially, there are increased opportunities for education. Few children of school age are involved in the migration, but the offspring of the present migrants will have access to schools of a highly developed character. A study such as this raises certain questions. In spite of the money wages, is the Islander better off on the farms of St. Helena ? There he does not encounter hardships because of his color. He is independent and less affected by economic depressions similar to that of the present time. Apparently the Negroes themselves do not think that their former lot is preferable. Few have returned. Another question is that concerning the health of Negro migrants in cities. Hitherto, the high rates of death from tuberculosis and pneumonia have led some to believe that Negroes are inherently incapacitated for urban life, especially in the North. The trend of the rates, the differential mortality by cities, and by sections within the same city, however, indicate that the excessive tolls from these diseases are in part due to circumstances which can be altered by housing programs, health work, and education. While the Islanders leave an environment where tuberculosis, pneumonia, and venereal diseases are much less common than in the cities, they also leave the low land where malaria and typhoid fever have long been fearful diseases. The transplantation of the rural Negro to the cities also gives rise to problems of family dissolution. There are some indications of trends toward later marriages, of increasing separations after marriage, and of smaller families. Studies of Negro families in other cities similar to the recent one by Frazier, 1 offer peculiarly hopeful fields. A n additional aim of studies such as this might well be to ascertain 1

Frazier, E. Franklin, The Negro Family in Chicago, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1932, 294 pp.

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SEA ISLAND

TO CITY

whether the reduced fertility of migrant families is mainly due to increased knowledge and use of contraceptives, to later marriages, or to greater incidence of venereal diseases. Figures purporting to indicate the relatively high amount of delinquency among colored newcomers in cities frequently have been cited. It is necessary, however, to investigate further such figures if they simply represent the frequency of arrests or incarcerations. The bias of such data is well known. Studies of Negro neighborhoods, of Negro prisoners, of the trends in commission of certain offenses, and of the tendency of Negroes to become affiliated with organized crime, would yield information of a more significant character. Questions which especially need further investigation are those pertaining to the effect of migration upon the political, religious, and general social status of the Negro. In the northern cities many colored individuals have their first privilege of voting. Is this right exercised intelligently or does the Negro sell his vote to local political bosses for a mess of pottage? Is the right to vote a good promise of the right to hold office ? Do urban Negroes of the laboring class show tendencies toward Socialism or Communism? Little material other than that afforded by impressionistic statements and by local studies is now available. The many Negro churches in New Y o r k and other cities attest to the continued importance of religion in the lives of many Negro migrants. On the other hand, there is an obvious decline of religious interest on the part of young migrants. Ratios of church membership in the population are valuable but inadequate indices of religious attitudes. Studies of the function of the church in the lives of the urban Negro, of the attitudes of non-members, and of trends with respect to these questions should be of much value. Other investigations might include a study of the place of lodges and benefit societies in the social pattern of the migrants.

CONCLUSION

223

Has the migration tended to increase the self-respect and race consciousness of Negroes? On the whole, it appears that it has. As for St. Helenians, however, they have had a cultural background different from that of most southern Negroes. Transference to bi-racial areas has given them greater race consciousness, but residence in the southern cities, especially, has probably detracted from the self-respect characteristic of independent land-owning farmers of St. Helena. In the northern cities the Islanders are again enabled to escape many of the open discriminations which they experienced in the South. The movement of Negroes from the farm to the cities is c f profound sociological significance. Old customs must be discarded, particularly when the change of residence involves such fundamental alterations in modes of life and community relationship as does that represented by the movement from a remote sea island to large urban centers. Problems of a far-reaching nature accompany the process of adjustment to such changed conditions. This study of a specific group has been carried through in the effort to contribute to a clearer understanding of these implications of migration. An appreciation of the significance of the concentration in cities of rural Negroes depends in no small degree upon the further comprehension of processes and factors involved.

A P P E N D I X

A

M E T H O D OF PROCEDURE

In January, 1928, a group of investigators under the direction of Dr. T . J. W o o f t e r , Jr., began a study of the various phases of Negro life in St. Helena, South Carolina. One of the first tasks was that of getting an enumeration of many facts of a social and economic nature concerning the Island inhabitants. Enumeration schedules were prepared and sixteen native Islanders were employed to take the census, each covering the plantation on which he lived and, in some cases, adjoining plantations. Several of these had had experience in the official decadal census. A m o n g them, also, were several teachers in the schools of the Island. A s soon as the census was nearing completion, names of each resident and basic data such as plantation residence, sex, age, and marital status, were transcribed from the family schedules to white cards. Yellow cards were used for individuals reported as missing from the households. For these migrants, in addition to the age, sex, and marital data, the year of departure and the destination were recorded when such information could be secured. In order to check the enumeration all the cards were taken by the writer to Washington and compared in detail with the original schedules of the 1920 United States Census. This procedure, it was thought, would not only afford a more complete enumeration of residents but would also make it possible to secure a full list of individuals who left home after 1920. T h e Island enumeration of missing members was known to be unsatisfactory, especially insofar as the migration of whole families was concerned. Information of individuals involved in such movements obviously would not come from the report of missing members of Island households. 225

226

APPENDIX

A

Fortunately, enumerators of the 1920 official census had followed the practice of entering the name of the plantation in the column reserved f o r street addresses, so that the comparison with the 1928 investigation was greatly facilitated. T h e names of all of the inhabitants of St. Helena reported in 1920 were taken in order from the schedules, and a search was made f o r each in the file of white cards, representing the 1928 residents. If the proper card was found, it was checked. If it could not be located among those representing the 1928 residents, the yellow cards, comprising the names of reported missing members, were examined. If this search also proved fruitless, a third file, that secured by a transcription of the death certificates, was consulted. When a name could not be found in any of these files, a blue card was made. Obviously, the individuals whose names had to be entered on blue cards were either nonreported migrants, non-reported residents, or deceased persons whose deaths had not been recorded. In order to follow up and clarify such information f o r specific individuals, the writer returned to St. Helena and consulted the native enumerators. In practically all cases these Islanders or others were able to state readily whether the individuals concerned were still living in St. Helena, had migrated, or had died. A s soon as this initial phase of the investigation was completed, attention was then turned toward the migrants. From Negroes in St. Helena and from white residents of the Island and surrounding territory who were familiar with events and changes that had occurred there, local interpretations of the factors underlying the migration from St. Helena were secured. Whenever objective occurrences were given as the reason for the departure of inhabitants, these were investigated and substantiated in historic or other authentic documents. Because of this background of an earlier study, the writer was assigned the task of making a study of the St. Helenians in N e w Y o r k City, and other cities of chief destination. During the latter part of the summer of 1928 the writer spent two weeks in each of the cities, Savannah and Charleston. A large number of street addresses of migrants in these places were

APPENDIX

A

22 7

secured from the residents of St. Helena, and other addresses were obtained from individuals who were located and interviewed. Migrants were visited in their homes and were induced to discuss their reasons for leaving the Island and the economic and social situations in which they found themselves. Although an insufficient amount of time was spent in these cities to carry out an intensive survey, the writer was able to learn much in regard to the general conditions underlying livelihood, home life, recreation, and group associations of the majority of Islanders in these localities. On the assumption that migrants in New York had made the greatest transition from rural to urban conditions, it was deemed wise to make as exhaustive a survey as possible of that group. The initial contacts with Islanders in New York were made through the Penn School Club. Before any homes were visited, the writer attended one of the monthly meetings of this Club, and explained to the members the general nature of the study of St. Helena and of the proposed visits to homes of St. Helenians in New York. Shortly thereafter two Islanders who were reputed to have a wide acquaintance among the migrants in New York and to enjoy their confidence, were hired to provide street addresses. Visits to the homes of Islanders in Savannah and in Charleston had afforded some indication of the most hopeful technique which might be employed and of the kind of information which might be sought without danger of jeopardizing the study through the arousal of suspicion. Among case workers there is fair agreement that little data should be recorded in the presence of clients visited. Some believe that the mere sight of pencil and pad in the hands of an investigator inhibits information which otherwise might be freely given. While this rule might, perhaps, be rigidly observed to advantage among case workers whose visits are confined to specific types of individuals, such as the destitute, the criminal, or the psychopathic, it seemed likely that among a group of migrants, presumably a normal population, there would be cases in which such recording could be safely done in the client's presence. To the writer the chief

228

APPENDIX

A

concern was getting in rapport with the person being interviewed. T h e policy generally followed w a s that of recording in the presence of the migrant such information as could be entered by a figure or by a single word, such as date of birth, time of migration, dates and duration of previous residences in their correct order, marital status at the time of the visit and at the time of departure f r o m home, etc. A f t e r experimentation, t w o schedule f o r m s w e r e devised f o r recording quantitative d a t a : one f o r individual migrants, the other f o r households. These were not used at the time of the visit, however, in any instance where there was an indication that a suspicious attitude might thus be aroused. Migrants usually gave fairly lengthy accounts of the circumstances surrounding their departures f r o m home, the general conditions conducive to the migration f r o m the Island, and their experiences in the cities and attitudes t o w a r d returning to St. Helena. Immediately a f t e r leaving each house the stories as told by the migrants were written in full, or the salient points were recorded, at least, b e f o r e another visit w a s made. V i s i t s to the homes of 223 Islanders extended over a period of approximately nine months. D u r i n g this time a f e w real friendships developed f r o m contact with certain Islanders, and many casual visits were repeated. Invitations to dine in homes, to attend meetings of the P e n n School Club and its annual dance, and to participate in other activities were accepted as frequently as possible. D u r i n g this period, also, the writer secured much of the material relating to general phases of l i f e in Harlem which is presented in the first chapter. M o v i e theatres, night clubs, dance halls, pool rooms, speakeasies, and similar places were visited with v a r y i n g degrees of frequency. Church services in the various types of churches described in the initial chapter were attended. Information was solicited f r o m the Harlem police station, f r o m merchants, f r o m the N e w Y o r k U r b a n League, and f r o m other organizations. T h e same procedure was followed in Boston. In visiting thirty-one of the reported fifty Islanders in that city, two weeks

APPENDIX

A

229

were spent in the summer of 1929. A brief visit of an exploratory nature in Philadelphia tended to confirm the reports that in many respects the Islanders living there differed little from those in Boston so f a r as employment, housing, recreation, and home life were concerned. Statements of Islanders in N e w Y o r k and Boston who had formerly lived in Philadelphia, as well as the basic age and occupational data afforded by the enumeration of migrants by the Island enumerators (see page 1 9 7 ) , also tended to substantiate the impression of similarity of conditions surrounding Islanders in Boston and in Philadelphia. No further study, therefore, was made in the Quaker City. In general, the method followed in this investigation has been that of hearing f r o m migrants themselves their versions concerning the causes, operation, and outcome of transference of residence from rural to urban centers. In presenting the material, as well as in gathering the data, this objective has been kept in mind. Such a method could be followed more extensively through the collection of life stories similar to those presented in Appendix D. Perhaps even more enlightening data exists in letters written f r o m migrant to home folk and f r o m home folk to migrant. Series of correspondence between two individuals should be particularly valuable, although such a collection would obviously be difficult to obtain. T h e stories obtained through this investigation indicate an important avenue of approach to the study of the urban trend of population.

APPENDIX

B

POPULATION OF S T . H E L E N A TOWNSHIP S I N C E 1 8 7 0 Total Population

Year 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1928 1930

6,152 a 6,644" 7,747 e 8,585 d 6,487 e

,

5.704« 4,821 * 4.626 1

Whites 87» 100* 125 * 300 d 277' 108« J 56* 1681

Negroes

Per Cent Change Negro Population

6,065» 6,544* 7,622 * 8,285 d 6,210 f 5,596« 4,665* 4,458'

» Ninth

Census of the United States,

1870, vol. i, p. 258.

b

Tenth

Census of the United States,

1880, vol. i, p. 327.

c

Compendium

d

of the Eleventh

+ 7-9 + 16.4 + 8.7 — 25.0 — 99 — 20.3

Census, 1890, p. 360.

A total population of 8,819 was reported in the Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, pt. i, vol. i, p. 351. Judging from information received from several reliable sources, however, there are indications that the St. Helena enumeration of 1900 was somewhat padded. This deduction seems to be supported by a special tabulation of the Negro inhabitants from the 1900 Census schedules. This count was made f o r the purpose of this study by the Bureau of the Census and the data were sent June 10, 1931. According to this tabulation, there were 8,285 Negroes in St. Helena in 1900. Thus a remainder of 534 whites is implied. The number of whites present in 1900 was substantially larger than in 1890 due to the establishment of Fort Fremont, a military garrison, in 1899. According to a communication received from the office of the Adjutant General, War Department, Washington, however, the military personnel of the garrison on June 30, 1900, consisted of two officers and 76 enlisted men. A count made by the Bureau of the Census of the white population of Fort Fremont as returned in the 1900 enumeration revealed 96 persons, including the families of soldiers that may have been present and perhaps a few other white residents living near the fort. On the basis of this information together with that received from local 230

APPENDIX

B

231

individuals concerning the number of whites who have ever lived in S t Helena, the above adjustments are believed to be substantially correct. e

Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, vol. iii, p. 642.

f

Figures by race secured from a special tabulation from the original census sheets by the writer. Approximately 100 of the whites were enlisted men stationed at Fort Fremont. This garrison, according to official information, was abandoned in 1913. * Population figures by townships were not published in the 1920 Census reports. A tabulation of the inhabitants from the 1920 original census schedules revealed 5,050 Negroes and 108 whites. The Negro population was adjusted for Penn School boarders and for individuals apparently missed in the 1920 enumeration. Cf., pp. 225-226, supra. h

St. Helena enumeration of Negroes in 1926. supra. 1

Fifteenth Census of the United States, South Carolina, p. 36. * Estimate.

Unofficial. Cf., p. 225,

1930, Population Bulletin,

APPENDIX

C

MORTALITY RATES IN MANHATTAN, 1930 TABLE I NEGRO DEATHS—ALL CAUSES

Age

(') Under J . . . 5">4 15-24 2 5-34 35-44 45-64 65 and over. Total

Total Negro Deaths (2)

Estimated Negro Population July I, 1930 (3)

R a t e Per 1,000 Population (4)

635 «03 344 641 728 911 272

16,912 27,036 40,930 65.399 45.683 28.339 2,909

37-5 3-8 8.4 9.8 >5-9 3»' 93-5

3.634

227,208

16.0

Age Standard* (5) 10.9 20.8 '7-7 16.2 >3-4 16. i 4-7

£ Products Columns (4) »nd (5) (6)

4« .8 '•5 1.6 2.1 5-2 4-4

•9-7t

* The A g e Standard used in these tables is taken f r o m United States Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census, 1920, vol. ii, p. 155. t Total rate standardized for age. T A B L E II WHITE DEATHS—ALL CAUSES Estimated White Population July 1, 1930 (3)

(0

Total White Deaths (2)

Under 5 . . • 5"'4 «5-24 25-34 35-44 45-64 65 and over

2,226 435 952 1,496 2,604 8,489 6,614

94.037 227,590 287,223 3'3.379 289,079 330.267 75.241

23-7 '•9 3-3 4.8 9.0 25-7 87.9

22,816

1,616,816

14.1

Age

Total

R a t e Per 1,000 Population (4)

Total rate standardized for age. 232

Age Standard (5) 10.9 20.8 '7-7 16.2 '34 16.1 4-7

2 Products Columns (4) and (5) (6) 2.6 •4 .6 .8 1.2 4.1 138«

APPENDIX T A B L E NEGRO D E A T H S

FROM I M P O R T A N T C A U S E S

Pulmonary Tuberculosis

o H

15-24

25-34 35-44

45-64

65 and over

Total . . .

'5

18 142 «83

140 87 9

X

T2 w tt
°3

20

309-4

594 j 261.4

CLASSIFIED

235-3

487

ACCORDING

GROUPS

Pneumonia (Both Forms)

Age

Under 5 5-M

i

III

TO S P E C I F I C A G E

I I

C

363.5 687 s

Heart Diseases f

J= «u Q

•

1 73 1 Ü *

L Q S S M u X CL. «"St » £ 8 ¡I- tSt U . A "" « ¡H

O H

5

16

11.8 . 18.5 •

39.'; • 76.5 . 107 2 3 4 2 , • 240 8 4 6 . 9 . 122 4'93-9 j • 5°

I I

214.3 J 264.5

542

238.5 389-3

* In computing rates for specific diseases, the same estimated population figures were used as in Table I. (See footnote 16, p. 35 supra.) The age standard used in this table is the same as that given in Table I. t Heart Diseases # 90, as given in the International List of Causes.

I

APPENDIX T A B L E

C IV

W H I T E D E A T H S FROM IMPORTANT C A U S E S C L A S S I F I E D ACCORDING TO SPECIFIC A G E GROUPS

Age

o H

• o „8 £8 «8 « ~ Si

Under 5 . . . 5">4 IS-24 2534 35-44 45 4 65 and over

'5 «7 221 278 296 466 109

16.0 7-5 76.9 88.7 1024 141.1 144.9

Total...

1,402

86.7

Pneumonia (Both Forms)

• o Dili B t T3 «is, - ' S- «

a X

* s§

3 o S-

CL, O.

• o I c1* is-s M Û *

ü 8

!„üj?

V

IL

532-8 3° »3-2 73 , 2S-4 128 40.8 243 84.1 842 254.9 1 665 8838 2,482

'53-5

M rt u 0

'0

H

•0 *

b Q « 9

ON \

v 8

«

0 0 14.9 34 67 23-3 29.0 91 91.0 263 1,831 554-4 2.377 3>59-2

S oi

74-5

Heart Diseases f

Total Rate Standardii For Age*

Pulmonary Tuberculosis

165.7

4,663

288-4 261.9

* In computing rates for specific diseases, the same estimated population figures were used as in Table II. The age standard used in this table is the same as that given in Table I I . t Heart Diseases # 90, as given in the International List of Causes. N O T E : General death rates and deaths from important causes f o r S t Helena may be found in Woofter, T. J., J r . , Black Yeomanry, pp. 268-269.

APPENDIX THREE I.

LIFE

D

STORIES O B T A I N E D FROM

MIGRANTS

" A U T O B I O G R A P H Y , " BY A N N I E GLOVER

1

T o my maternal grandmother pleasure at the expense of others was very displeasing. A woman of f e w words, a devout Christian, her face deeply expressed her feelings. I cannot remember of her ever knowingly offending any one. W h e n I think of her I hesitate to set down the things essential to this chapter and sincerely hope that no one will take offense at what I write, for I desire to offend no one. W h e n I was seven months old my mother died, leaving me with her mother who, although she had already reared a family did not consider it a hardship, but a duty to care for me. A n d care for me she certainly did. Safely through all the diseases to which children are subject, even smallpox, she brought me without the aid of a doctor. W h e n my mother died my grandmother's household consisted of my grandfather and grandmother, my mother's two youngest sisters, a brother and my mother's four children, two boys and two girls. M y sister being only two years older than I, there were really two babies. Years after, mother's youngest sister told me that my father was very fond of his children at that time and although he lived quite a distance from my grandmother's not a single night passed that he did not come to see them after his day's work and taking my sister on one knee and me on the other, would sing to us, and no matter how cross I was could always quiet me. If his voice were as sweet then as it sounded to me years afterwards I don't wonder. Father was an early riser and much of his basket and fanner 1 Miss Glover left S t Helena at an earlier date than did any of the other living migrants from the Island, having departed from there in 1867.

235

236

APPENDIX

D

making was done before daylight, and I can still hear his sweet tenor voice as he worked and sang. You will see that with so many older ones, I must have received a good deal of attention; but in those days on St. Helena, no matter how much a child was petted, he was taught obedience, and being obedient saved my life. When I was between seven and eight, because I had a cold, my grandmother knowing that I was learning to swim said to me one morning, " Don't you go in the water today." Although I went down to the creek with the other children I had no thought of disobeying her, so when two of the older girls, one of them my cousin whose mother was also dead, wanted to take me into the water I drew back saying, " No, ma told me not to go in the water." They then turned to my stepmother's little girl who was a little older than I and offered to take her. Getting into a hole they became alarmed, and in order to save themselves let her go and she was drowned. My sister who died before I left St. Helena, never lived with my stepmother, and my brothers were too large for her to beat, so she vented her spite on me. Father's fondness for me was very displeasing to her, and if he took me onto his knee, or fondled me in any way the look which she gave me took away all the pleasure, and I usually had to suffer for it as soon as he was out of sight and hearing. - When I was nine years old, my cousin was so badly burned that she lost one of her toes. Hearing my stepmother tell a relative that she was glad of it, because the girl helped to drown her daughter, I repeated it to my elder brother, who had he known what I was going to suffer by his doing so, would never have repeated it for he loved me dearly, having as they say on St. Helena, " minded me " when I was a baby. When my uncle, the girl's father, accused my stepmother of saying what she did, she emphatically denied it. Father was not at home and my brothers were going to be away the next day. The next morning she whipped me, she said, for tearing my frock and said in an undertone that she hadn't begun to give me what she was going to give me. I, of course, knew that she was only waiting for my brothers to get away. Meanwhile she sent me to watch the

APPENDIX

D

237

cow, and when I thought she wasn't looking I started for my grandmother's. Not finding her at home, I then went over to my mother's eldest sister's, but she, not wishing to have trouble with my father, allowed my stepmother to take me away. But after what I went through that day, she vowed that no dead sister's child should ever appeal to her for protection and not receive it; and she kept her word, for afterwards when the one who was burned appealed to her for protection she gave it to her. If Portia had gone through what I did before I sobbed myself to sleep that night she might well have said, " My little body is aweary of this great world." To reach my father's house from the old fields we had to go through a stretch of woods and just before coming out of them my stepmother stopped and got some chinkapin switches, I will not attempt to say how many, but she took me into the house, locked the door, then into the bed room, locked that door, then stripped me, and when she had used up those chinkapin switches my body was completely covered with welts. One would have thought my father knew his wife well enough to know that I could not have done what I did without her punishing me. Seemingly he did not, for when on his return home that night she told him that I had run away, he tied me to the rafters and whipped me with the bridle reins. Knowing what I had already gone through, for I had told them, my brothers cried. That was all they could do then, but as soon as they had an opportunity to do so they talked, and so well did they talk that my grandmother asked my father to give me back to her. My paternal grandfather, a very quiet, but firm man, told father to send me back to my grandmother, and a few days later father came home from the old fields and with set face told me to take my clothes and go back to my grandmother. It did not take me long to collect my few pieces of clothing, but, child though I was, experience had taught me to conceal the great joy which I felt until I had gotten where my father and stepmother couldn't see my face; and then joy got into my feet as well as my face, and I lost no time in getting to my grandmother.

238

APPENDIX

D

M y stepmother's hatred for me was so great, one would have thought she would have been glad to have me out of her sight, but she was constantly saying she needed m e ; in fact made me such a bone of contention between my father and grandmother, that at last father, realizing that there would always be friction, said he would send me North, and Miss Ely, one of the teachers at the Village School, where I attended, readily agreed to bring me. My grandmother did not oppose this for she felt that I would be better off anywhere than with my stepmother. Realizing that coming North would give me advantages that her children would not get, my stepmother, unknown to my father or any of my relatives, went to Miss Ely and tried to dissuade her from her purpose. Failing in this she had almost prevailed on my father to change his mind and not send me. But here my grandfather stepped in again with, " Moses, send that child North! " So on the 19th of July, 1867, when I was ten years old, I left St. Helena not to see it again for nearly seven years. I was perfectly delighted with the idea of coming North, why not? All my teachers except Uncle Tim who taught me the alphabet, were from the North and they were adorable. On reaching Philadelphia, Miss E l y placed me with some elderly colored people, Mr. and Mrs. Hubert, until she could take me to my permanent home. Mr. and Mrs. Hubert, who had no children of their own but an adopted son who was not at home, were very fond of me and would like to have kept me. Never shall I forget the serious look of Mr. Hubert's face nor his fervent, " God bless you," when he bid me good-bye the morning Miss Ely came for me. We rode to the station in street cars drawn by mules, and left the train at a station called Washington's Crossing. The station being on the Jersey side, we walked across the bridge and were in Taylorsville, Pennsylvania, where Washington was when he crossed the Delaware. I was placed in a family by the name of Taylor. They lived on a farm and I liked it. Mr. Taylor was nice to me from the first, and I liked being with him. Sometimes I rode with him in the farm wagon behind Kate and Nelle, the mules, and once he asked me if I wouldn't like to get upon Kate's back and I

APPENDIX

D

2 39

thought I would, but no sooner had he put me there than fear seized me and I cried out to be taken down, so he took me down saying, " Kate wouldn't hurt you." Mrs. Taylor, a Quakeress, was a good woman, but I don't think she liked children as well as he did. She hadn't much patience with me, used to box my ears and tell me that I was more trouble than good to her. And yet she learned to love me, for in answer to a letter which I wrote her fifteen years after I left her thanking her for what she had done for me, she told me how Eldridge cried for me, and added, " and I cried too." A day or two after I went into the family a baby came. H e was their first, and the first white baby I had ever seen. H e did not tarry long, less than a month. They put Sweet Alyssum around him, and he looked very sweet. I had never seen Sweet Alyssum before, and never see it now but I think of that baby. Mrs. Taylor had two sisters younger than herself. The younger one, Miss L., was six years older than I and spent much time at her sister's that first winter I was there. I was always glad to see her for she was very nice to me, but I didn't like grandmother—and was never glad to see her. All she seemed to think of was saving. She wanted me to go barefooted and as I had chills and fever every afternoon, I asked Mr. Taylor if I couldn't wear my shoes and he told me I could and Miss L. was always ready to defend me too. The Taylor's did not live near the school house and perhaps they thought my not being acclimated it was best for me not to go to school that first winter, for I did not go until spring when they moved nearer the school house which was directly opposite Mrs. Taylor's father. One or two boys in the neighborhood called me nigger. This I resented, and as all the children on St. Helena fought, I wanted to fight; but Mrs. Taylor said I musn't, told me I wasn't a nigger (now that's just why I wanted to fight those boys), and as long as I behaved myself was as good as anybody. So well did she impress this upon me that one woman by whom I was employed told some one that I carried my head so high I couldn't

240

APPENDIX

D

see the family at the table. I am sure she wouldn't have found me that way if she hadn't tried so hard to impress me that I was her inferior. I shall never forget my first two or three days at Taylorsville school. I had never seen so many white children before, and at recess kept to myself. I think the teacher, who was very nice, must have told the girls to ask me to play with them for one of them came to me and said, " Will you come and play with us ? " But the next day when I went out to play with them one of them stood aloof and when they went to see what the trouble was they looked at me and walked away. I made no attempt to follow them nor did I go near them the next day until they came and asked me to play with them. A f t e r that there was no objection to playing with them. I got along well in my studies for I was fond of books, and out of school read everything I could get hold of, and when the Taylors found me reading books that they read, they would say to me, " You musn't read these books, they are too old for you." But a child must do something; and as they did not provide me with what they considered suitable f o r me and I had no other children to play with I continued to read. Sometimes when Mrs. Taylor went away she left me at her mother's and I always enjoyed that because there was a book case full of these. In March before I was thirteen in April the Taylor's moved to Brownsburg, three miles from Taylorsville, and although I think the house must have set at least a half mile in from the main road, if any one had asked me if I were lonesome I would have said, " No." That summer at Brownsburg I read the life of Isaac T . Hopper by Lydia Maria Child and little did I think when reading it that I would ever be a resident of her native city. Early that summer Mr. Taylor had a law suit with his uncle; and one morning during that time everybody seemed to have overslept and if Mrs. Taylor had struck me that morning I wouldn't have minded it, but when Mr. Taylor, who had always been so nice to me, did it I was so hurt I could not forget it. U p to this time if Mrs. Taylor had had a woman or girl to assist in the

APPENDIX

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work she was always careful to keep me from them as much as possible and had never allowed me to room with any of them, but that summer a girl a little older than I came there and M r s Taylor let her room with me. Mary knew something about Philadelphia and talked a good deal about Philadelphia and as Mrs. Hubert had said to me the morning I left her, " N o w if those people don't treat you right, come back to us," I was glad to hear about Philadelphia. .Mary told me that if I could get to Yardleyville, I could beg a ride on a canal boat from there to Bristol, and that there was a steamboat, John Warner, which left Bristol every afternoon for Philadelphia, the fare being twenty-five cents. Now when we first moved to Brownsburg I had picked up and sold forty cents worth of bones and I hadn't spent a cent of it, so I had enough to pay my fare. The second Sunday in October, 1870, the Taylors went away f o r the day and when they returned that night I had everything all packed and, O h ! how my heart ached when I bid those children goodnight. There were two. E . two years old and the baby three months. I didn't sleep much for, of course, I had to get a good s-tart before daylight, but when I woke up my heart was heavy, I hardly knew what to do. I woke Mary and said, " I don't know whether to go or not. What would you do ? " " I don't care," she replied, and she wasn't pleased at being awakened either. Well I got up, dressed myself and took my carpet bag in one hand and a bundle in the other; I went down stairs. T h e stairs led me into the dining room; I glanced at the clock; it was just two o'clock and the moon was shining brightly. I passed on into the kitchen, quietly unbolted the door and went out. ( A s I write I am appalled to think of a child of my age starting out alone at that time in the morning. " But they that know nothing fear nothing.") The lane to the main road seemed very long although I walked fast. J u s t before I got to the road I saw a man coming toward me in a light uncovered buggy. He looked hard at me but said nothing. Once in the main road I headed straight for Taylorsville, three miles away from Yardleyville four miles farther, and let me tell you grass did not grow under my feet. Just as I got

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to the school house at Taylorsville I heard some one coming behind me in a buggy and was sure it was Mr. Taylor after me, so I went into the school yard and hid behind the coal bin until the way was clear. I had never been to Yardleyville, but I knew that all I had to do was to keep on the straight road. I reached Yardleyville before daylight and seeing a canal boat went to it and asked the man if he would let me ride. He was a kind hearted man and told me that I could. I got onto the boat and went down into the cabin and kept out of sight until I felt that I was safe to go on deck. The man was steering the boat while one of his little boys was driving the mules. He looked at me sharply and said, " Now you run away from them people, you know you did." I made no attempt to deny this but said, " Well, Mrs. Taylor was always telling me that I was more trouble than I was good to her, so I thought I might as well come away." On reaching Bristol I went into an office and asked a man if he would tell me where the boat for Philadelphia was. He very kindly came out, walked down and showed me the boat. When they came to collect the fare I paid my quarter and had fifteen cents left, but I wasn't worried for I felt that I would be all right when I got to the Hubert's. It was unusual to see a child of my age traveling alone in those days and people noticed and tried to get me to talk, but I was not talkative, and after a while the stewardess came and said, " I have been trying to get a chance to speak to this little girl, I'd like you for my little girl." On the other side of the boat a six footer was passing and she looked toward him and said, " There's a brother of mine, he'll do for a beau for you." I don't know that she expected this was to please me, but I do know that they were all very much pleased at my exhibition of displeasure. They finally got me to tell them where I was going, and the stewardess, oh, she was such a good woman, told me to leave some of my baggage on the boat and go down for it the next morning. I think the Hubert's lived on Eighth (8th) Street near Spring Garden. I had no great difficulty in finding the house but when I got there, a white woman sat at the window, and when I in-

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quired for Mrs. Hubert, said that Mr. and Mrs. Hubert were both dead and their son had sold the house. Imagine my feelings if you can. Seeing dismay in my face the woman added, " Mrs. Hubert's sister, Miss Walker, lives across the street at Doctor Hitchcock's." Now Mrs. Hubert's sister roomed at the Hubert's when I was there, and I didn't like her but there was nothing to do but go to her, so I went. They kept me over night and after breakfast I went down to the boat and that good woman was glad to see me. Oh, how many times I have wished I knew that woman's name and address, for I certainly would have written and thanked her for her kind interest in me. I had been on the boat only a few minutes when a lady and a gentleman came towards us. He had side whiskers and kindly blue eyes, and she had a nice face and pretty black eyes. Mrs. Busby, one of the women interested in me the night before, had rooms in the house with those people and had told them about me and I firmly believe that God put it into the hearts of those people to go down to that boat for me. They asked me if I wouldn't like to live with them, told me about their two little girls, and that they thought we'd have good times together. They were so persuasive that I finally said I would go, but not for less than a dollar a week. The gentleman said he guessed they could pay me that. The stewardess told me to come to see her when the boat was in, and that she would call to see me some time. She sent a friend to call to take me to Sunday School. Well, to return to the lady and gentleman, I think he went to market and she took me home with her, and that afternoon went with me to get my carpet bag. As for the two little girls, we certainly did have good times in spite of my feeling afraid at times that Mr. Taylor might come to Philadelphia after me. Dr. and Mrs. C. went to Philadelphia from Lowell and returned the spring after I went to live with them. I cannot tell how happy I was to leave Philadelphia; for not until then did I feel that I was beyond the reach of the Taylors. Some may wonder why I should have written years afterwards to thank Mrs. Taylor for what she did for me. Well,

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she was never cruel to me; taught me to do my work well, never allowed me to do work that was too heavy f o r me, and if I had been her own child could not have more persistently guarded me against evil. For this last, more than anything else I have always been grateful to her. It was just a little before my fourteenth birthday that I came to Lowell and as Dr. C's family did not go to housekeeping ' till fall, I went to live with one of Mrs. C's sisters. She was very motherly and I always loved her. She used to tell me not to take so much pains with my ironing but just give certain things a lick and a promise; but having been taught to take as much pains with a dish towel as a table napkin it was not easy to do this. I was so fond of her that I would like to have stayed with her, but she didn't need me and I went to live in her husband's brother's family. I remained here a little more than two years working for my board in winter and going to school. In this family was a married daughter, one of the sweetest women I have ever known. The family was very nice to me, not only giving me articles of clothing but making them over f o r me. In December, 1873, I left Lowell for St. Helena, sailing from Providence to Savannah. That I should have no trouble, the family told me on reaching Boston to take a carriage to the Providence station. Mr. F . , the married daughter's husband who was in business in Boston, was waiting there and saw me safely on board the train for Providence. Father was expecting me but as I did not get in on the noon train thought I would not get in until the next day so there was no one to meet me, and I was eight miles from home. A man by the name of Joe Massey, who at that time lived just across the ferry, drove me to St. Helena. I went to my grandmother's first, but I saw my father that night. I made my home with my grandmother who was glad to have me with her, although I did some things which she considered positively wicked. For instance, I went down to the creek one Sunday with no intention whatever of getting crabs, but it was low tide, and these crabs came along, so I took them out of the water. When my grandmother saw me coming, she said, " Y o u can't cook them in my house."

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I returned to St. Helena with the intention of remaining there, but I had not been there a great while before I became discontented and wanted to return to Lowell. Father wanted me to stay down there, and as an inducement said he would give me five acres of land. But at that time I wouldn't have stayed f o r all the land in the state. Mrs. F., the married daughter of the family in which I lived before returning to St. Helena, had gone to housekeeping, and had written that she would like to have me with her, so in September, 1874, I returned to Lowell after an absence of eight months. The young people had an upper apartment in M r . F ' s father's house and Mrs. F ' s mother, who was a great reader, took me to the city library and introduced me to the librarian and told him that I would like to take books from the library. Oh, but wasn't I happy, and didn't I read ? I was treated as one of the family, and if I took a book from the library which, although would do me no real harm, they thought would do me no good, they unhesitatingly told me so and in this way guided my reading. It was while in this family that I began going by my grandmother's name and after becoming of age had my name legally changed to Glover. When I was eighteen I united with the Mt. Vernon F . Baptist Church. Reverend George S . Ricker, now of Wichita, Kansas, baptized me. Although I read a great deal and remembered well what I read, I was not satisfied. I wanted to go to school, so Mrs. Ricker, who before her marriage taught at Storer, Harper's Ferry, advised me to go there, and there I found some of God's own people. Y e a r s afterward when one of my race remarked in my presence that white people didn't care anything f o r colored people, I could not hold my peace and said, " With the schools throughout the South, established and maintained by white people for colored people, I would have to be very ignorant, or unjust to make such a statement." And to you of my race who I have heard say " I don't like white people for what they have done to my people " I say I

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like them f o r what they have done and are doing f o r m y people. D o you not know of any white man or w o m a n w h o has given the best there was in him or her f o r your people ? Y e a , given their very lives. F o u r years ago when I visited St. H e l e n a and witnessed the work being done there by the Misses Cooley and House, I thanked G o d f o r such big-hearted Christian women. How many of you realize that those w o m e n are practically isolated? H o w many of you w h o say the bitter things w h i c h you do would be willing to do what they and others are d o i n g ? In saying this I have not lost sight of the splendid w o r k being done by that band of colored teachers at the P e n n School, but they are w o r k i n g f o r their race. I have been told that since 1900 forty-five ( 4 5 ) per cent of the inhabitants of St. Helena have migrated. A stranger going there might ask, " W h y this exodus f r o m such a beautiful p l a c e ? " If one could exist on beauty of a place, S t . Helena would certainly retain her inhabitants. T h e school is doing w o n d e r f u l w o r k . I t turns out trained cooks, waitresses, laundresses and so forth, but an expert cook or laundress, especially if she is a young woman, does not want to spend her time tilling the soil. Neither does a proficient shoemaker or mechanic. H u m a n nature is the same the world o v e r ; the young men and women of St. Helena like nice and pretty things as well as those of other p l a c e s ; and as no factory can exist on its home trade alone, but must seek an outside market f o r its goods, so the boys and girls of St. Helena seek Boston, N e w Y o r k , Philadelphia and other cities as markets f o r their goods. T h e majority of those w h o come a w a y return on visits, and what they have is an incentive to others to g o and do likewise. L e t it not be thought that the only motive of these young men and women is to provide themselves with pretty things, for in many instances the financial aid rendered parents is greater than they could possibly give if they remained at home. Some, of course, are disappointed and some are unfortunate through their very generosity. I tried to persuade one y o u n g woman who

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had become broken in health to return home, telling her that my cousin and I would defray her expenses, but she preferred going to the State Almshouse, where she died, to becoming a burden on her parents. I know one woman who has been away nearly forty years, and thinks the place and people are just as they were when she left there. When she had been away from St. Helena three years she told me that she did not intend to return until she had some nice clothes, amongst them a silk dress. Knowing that clothes hanging in her home on St. Helena would get wet when it rained, I said, " Where are you going to hang it ? " I question whether leaving the Island has benefited her. I have been to St. Helena three times since I first left and the cnly time I took my best was when I went with the intention of remaining there, but I must admit that on my last visit I wished I had some of them with me, although the lack of them did not make me unhappy, for a woman once told me with unfeigned disgust that she had as lief talk to a jackass about dress as to me. W h y should I make myself unhappy about dress, a thing that's pretty today and ugly tomorrow. Nature is always beautiful and I love it. I love St. Helena for her natural beauty. I love her people for their unselfishness and hospitality. When I last saw St. Helena her clear skies, her beautiful sunshine, her gray moss and live oaks, her vivid greens, her mocking bird singing on the wing enthralled me, and though I am more than a thousand miles from her I still see St. Helena. Home of the gray moss and the Live Oak, Land of sunshine and light, F r e e from the city's grime and smoke, F r e e from the city's horrors of the night, Land where the mocking bird sings on the wing, S t . Helena T o you may my heart forever cling. A N N I E M . GLOVER,

November

13, 1929, West Medford,

Mass.

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2. L I F E S T O R Y OF M A R T I N V .

WASHINGTON

Bounded by Coffins Point Sound on the north, Broad River on the south, Beaufort River on the west, and many small islands on the east, in the State of South Carolina, County of Beaufort, is the beautiful Island of St. Helena. It was there, that I was born, September 1878. M y father, Benjamin Washington, and my mother, Ellen Washington, are both dead. They are survived by eleven children; eight boys and three girls. There was a ninth boy, the youngest of all the children, but he passed away at the youthful age of five. M y father was a veteran of the Civil W a r . Unfortunately, he had no education. H e was given a medal, a silver watch chain, as a token of his valor when the Civil W a r was in progress. M y mother was fortunate enough to secure a grammar school education. Because of the lack of his education, my father was not anxious for his children to attend school; he preferred to have them work on the farm. But my mother, who knew the value of an education, endeavored to make it possible for me and the rest of the children to attend the public schools. The public schools of St. Helena Island, however, functioned only three and one-half and sometimes four months per year, due to the inadequate appropriation by the State, South Carolina, and the County, Beaufort. Thus, the pupils were given eight to eight and one-half months vacation yearly. This was a big disadvantage, for unless a pupil was very, very apt he could learn but little in four months, and too, before the next term began, he perhaps had forgotten the greater portion of what he had learned during the previous term. There was an unwritten law in St. Helena, that children should not be sent to school until they were seven years old. I therefore, was not allowed to register until I was seven years of age. W h e n I first went to school I did not like it. It was tiresome to me. I made, therefore, very little progress during my first two terms at school. Both my father and mother were v e n industrious, and wanted their children to emulate them in this particular instance. They thought that an early training would

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instill such a desire into them; hence, when their children were, in their opinion, old or large enough to help in the home, or on the farms, they would be assigned to such work as their ages and sizes warranted. This was not an erroneous idea, for while there are no professional members in my immediate family, every one of them is industrious. At the age of nine I had a fair knowledge of general housework, and also began to help a little on the farm. It was also at this age, shortly after my third school term began, that my teacher caught me stealing lessons from a classmate. Without a word of warning, he seized his whip (a whip that he kept always to chastise his pupils when they disobeyed) and lashed me severely six times. Did he hurt me? Well, I didn't steal any more lessons. The punishment, although severe, did me much good. It caused me to realize that if I wanted to make any progress in school, I would have to rely upon my own efforts. I was seized with an entirely different spirit. Not only did I determine to do as well as the leaders of my class, but I wanted to excel them. I gave serious attention to my lessons while at school, and at home when the opportunity permitted me to study at home. The result of my efforts was a double promotion at conclusion of two of my public school sessions. I was interested in baseball, as well as other outside games. Fishing and hunting were also two of my hobbies. As I grew older, I developed a more eager desire to indulge in them. My father never objected to my going fishing, for it would mean a meal of fresh fish for the family. But when I asked his permission to join other boys in a baseball game, or some other game, his reply would be, " I need your help in the cornfield this afternoon." H e did not like baseball or any other game. H e thought they were dangerous, and could not understand why anyone was interested in them. However, most of the time he would rescind, and grant my request to indulge in the famous pastime. At the age of thirteen I made the test that enabled me to enter Penn Normal and Industrial School (now Penn Normal, Industrial and Agricultural School), the oldest and best school of its

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kind throughout the entire South for Negroes. This school was founded in 1862 by Miss L a u r a M. Town and Miss Ellen E . Murray. They are dead, but the memory of their sincere devotion and their accomplishments will ever live in the minds of the inhabitants of St. Helena Island. On reporting to the principal of the school, I was examined again, and later assigned to the grammar department, second year. Miss Alice Lathrope taught in this department. I was a bit shy, as almost anyone would be on entering a new school, or coming in contact with many unfamiliar faces. This feeling soon disappeared, f o r Miss Lathrope welcomed me, and the kind and gentle manner in which she spoke to me caused me to feel as if I were at home and my mother were smilingly speaking to me. Therefore, in spite of the new environment, I soon ceased to be a stranger. This school functioned eight and a half months per year. A f t e r working three hours on the farm every morning, I had to walk nearly three miles to school, for that was the distance from my home to the school. On returning home f r o m school, I was compelled to put in from two to three hours more on the farm. These occurrences averaged at least four days per week, while the school term and farming season were in progress. While I realized that my assistance was needed on the f a r m farming became monotonous to me, especially after I began to attend Penn School. I wanted more time to study my school lessons at home, and more time for recreation. Then, too, I did not get anything from my labor on the farm, other than food and clothes, and occasionally, a few dimes. However, I felt it my duty to do the best I could at school and on the farm. A t the age of fifteen, I was promoted to the Normal Department under the principal, Miss Ellen Murray. Like Miss Lathrope, she was patient, pleasant, calm and so much devoted to the education and welfare of her pupils that illness did not always prevent her coming to the school, even if she was forced to return to her home an hour or two after she had reported. I graduated and received my diploma in June, 1896. I wanted to attend the 1897 school session in order to become

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a postgraduate, but because of the untimely death of the printing instructor, I was prevailed upon by the principal to take charge of the printing office. I was a bit reluctant about accepting this offer, f o r although I had taken typesetting lessons in this same office during my last two terms at school, and had acquired a fair general knowledge of the little press, I did not think that I knew enough about it to shoulder the entire responsibility. And too, the pay was much too small, especially for such an undertaking. The principal insisted, however, so I accepted. Much to my surprise, the little hand press had no terror f o r me, and at the expiration of thirty days, I could handle it is skillfully as my predecessor. I did very little farming between the years 1897 and 1900, f o r aside from working around the school, I worked at odd jobs. Business was not good, however, and wages low; therefore my financial outlook was not encouraging. One of my brothers was in New Y o r k City, and indications were that he was doing well, f o r he would send five dollars, and sometimes ten dollars to our mother. This, of course, gave me an incentive to visit and find out if the Empire City had anything in store for me. I left St. Helena, en route to New Y o r k City, on April 1 5 , 1901, and four days later I arrived into the big city. Shortly after my arrival, through the kindness of a friend, I visited many places of interest. N e w Y o r k appealed to me as being the most beautiful, the most wonderful, and the best city in the world. When I left St. Helena, it was not my intention to remain in New Y o r k City indefinitely, but in spite of the fact that St. Helena was a beautiful island, with pleasant, hospitable and religious people, it did not o f f e r as many opportunities f o r a livelihood, for education, and for enjoyment, as did New Y o r k —hence the appeal. I am forced to admit that I experienced a little hardship the first f e w weeks of my arrival here. This was owing to the fact that I was unfamiliar with things in general. Then, too, work was scarce and wages were not as good as I thought they would be. Nevertheless, there seemed to be opportunities for one who was ambitious. I was nearly three weeks in New Y o r k City

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before I finally found a job. I later became more familiar with the city, and could find employment easily, but the work was unsatisfactory and wages low. In 1902 I succeeded in getting a position that appealed to me. Quite a little responsibility was attached to it, but it was superior to other jobs that I had held, and the wages fair. I was given four half days off each month. When off, I would seek some kind of amusement, and when the opportunity permitted, I would go to the library and would occasionally also hear a good lecture. I held this position about ten months before I gave it up for a much better one. A f t e r I had been about three months on my latest acquired position, I received a telegram from my father, informing me that my mother was critically ill, and that I should come home immediately. I complied with his request, but to my great sorrow, my mother died before I arrived. This was a very sad occasion. The shock was beyond expression. A f t e r a brief stay with the family, however, I returned to New York City, went to work, and endeavored to forget the unhappy occurrence. While I had always endeavored to give the best service possible on any job that I held, I had never been satisfied with any, for I always felt that there was a better position somewhere in the big city for me. I worked on my last acquired job about six years, when I decided to take the Civil Service test for Postal Clerk. I filed an application, took the test, and was appointed as sub-clerk in July, 1908. Three months later I was made a regular clerk. It was this year, 1908, that I met and courted Miss Mamie Jones of Savannah, Georgia. We were married in June, the following year. Although the salary was small, six hundred dollars per year for first year clerks, I was enthusiastic over my new position, for there was a chance for advancement. At the expiration of five years my salary rose to twelve hundred. This was the maximum salary for clerks and carriers in the first class offices, previous to the entry of the United States into the World War. Nothing had occurred to mar my happiness since my mother's

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death until July 1923, when my father passed away. His death did not upset me as much as had my mother's, for I was fortunate enough to be at his bedside eight days previous to his death, and helped to care f o r him as best I could. A f t e r the necessary arrangements of my father's estate were made, I returned to New Y o r k City, and resumed my duties in the Post Office. Being a Special Clerk, my salary now is twenty-three hundred dollars, annually. Three years ago I founded a Penn School Club in New Y o r k City. This Club is now giving scholarships to two students of Penn Normal, Industrial and Agricultural School. Will I ever make St. Helena Island my permanent home again? This is problematical. If I continue to do well in New Y o r k , and help a little at home, in the meanwhile, I may remain in the big city. But, in spite of this, if circumstances arise that warrant my making St. Helena my future permanent abode, I shall not hesitate to pack my little trunk and leave f o r ever, the wonderful New Y o r k for beautiful St. Helena. MARTIN V . 3 . " M Y T R U E L I F E S T O R Y , " BY J O H N B .

WASHINGTON COLEMAN

I was born forty years ago on Hopes Plantation, St. Helena Island, South Carolina. A t the age of five and a half years I was taken to the fields by my father, Simon, and my mother, Isabella. This seems rather strange but there was always something that a kid of five years could do on the farm. If it wasn't thinning the cotton or corn—that is leaving one, two or three plants in each hill—it was picking cotton or peas. However, I was not carried on the farm for the services I could render, but because I was mischievous to the extent that I would go in the creek which was not even a full stone's throw f r o m our house, and take my two sisters (of which one was a baby) in my father's little boat and fishing outfit, thinking I could catch fish. B u t of the several trips that we have made, each one being less than fifty feet from the shore, I have never caught a single fish.

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A t the age of seven I began going to Penn School, located near the central part of the Island. This school was started in 1862 by two ladies, Misses L a u r a M . Towne and Ellen Murray, who were sent down there to do relief work during the Civil W a r , but it was supported by a philanthropist society of Philadelphia, Pa. One dollar was the full tuition, including books, but when the seasons f o r the farmers were bad the tuition was fifty cents for each child. The term began in October and ended in June. During the autumn months before I went to school, I had to pick cotton; the winter months I had to milk the cows or chop weeds on lands that my father anticipated planting that year. During March, April and M a y I had to scatter manure, sow or cover seeds. In those days we covered seeds on sandy and loam soils with our feet. Sometimes if my work didn't prove satisfactory to my parents at 9 A . M . I couldn't go to school that day. That happened when I was about ten years and older. Penn is about three and a half miles from our home farm, four and a half miles from our Mulberry Hill f a r m and five and a half miles from our McTureous farm, but we went to the latter very rarely, as we only owned five acres there. Our biggest f a r m was on Mulberry H i l l ; that contained fifty-eight acres. However, on these distant farms my mother or sister would bring my breakfast in the field and I would eat, comb my hair, wash my face, hands and feet in the nearest ditch or pond that contained clean water, and go direct from the farm to school. I did little or no work after school, f o r I would get home very late as the sessions were from ten A . M . to four P . M . In June 1906, I was graduated from Penn School, completing the tenth grade, and on the Monday after the fourth Sunday in J u l y 1906, my father granted me permission to go to work at Fort Scriven, Georgia, a fort situated on Tibee Island eighteen miles northeast of Savannah, Georgia, and about fifty miles from St. Helena Island. I stopped in Savannah that night and went to Fort Scriven the following day to find out that a sea-wall was being built there by our Government to prevent further washing away of the Island. But a contractor by the name of Fendall

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had this job (but Mr. Fendall for me of course). Mr. Fendall hired me, immediately, for he needed men badly. As a boy I was very frail and very much undeveloped, but despite the fact that I had done much hard work on the farm, my father did not let me do any heavy work. So I was much out of my place when Mr. Fendall told me to get a wheelbarrow. I was so glad for my first job that for a while I overlooked the fact that the work was too hard for me. After wheeling concrete for less than half an hour from a mixing machine upon a gang-plank which was about a hundred feet long, eighteen inches wide and seven or eight feet high, the wheelbarrow loaded with concrete got away from me and fell to the ground and almost seriously injured one of the men working below me on the sea wall. Despite the fact that I had all I could do to keep myself from going down with that wheelbarrow, the boss fired me. But before I could get my coat, he got into an argument with one of his drivers, called " Johnny," from Hilton Head Island, South Carolina, who was driving two mules hauling sand for the mixing of the concrete under Mr. Fendall's supervision. The argument ended with Johnny losing his job, so Mr. Fendall then asked me if I could drive a pair of mules. I replied in the affirmative and was given the job at the same salary that I had started in for—six dollars per week and three meals a day. Everybody slept in a big shack on the floor or table with his coat or whatever pad he could get to put at his head. I was on that job for seven weeks and got along all right until a friend persuaded me to go to Savannah where he was then living; that I would be able to get twelve dollars per week and learn something about city life, as I had lived in the city only one night of my life then. I took his suggestion into consideration for a while and eventually decided to go to Savannah, as it was beginning to get cold, and sleeping on the floor in the shack was getting more uncomfortable. I went to Savannah about the last Wednesday in September to find out that things were not as this friend had told me, for I could not get anything to do except trucking bales of cotton almost one quarter of a

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mile for three cents per bale. Most times we had to truck across railroad tracks with no gang-plank by which to have made trucking easy. And, too, we had to wait sometimes for half an hour for the cotton to come from the press. When the command was given to truck away, the boys would rush; each one tried to get the most bales out of each lot, and most of them were experienced truckers and knew just how to catch a bale of cotton on their trucks to make trucking easy. I was the slowest and the most awkward of them all. On the first day, I trucked twenty-one bales and drew sixty-three cents; the second day twenty-nine bales and drew eighty-seven cents; and the third day thirty-three bales and drew ninety-nine cents. By this time there was hardly a spot on my hands not blistered, as I did not use gloves. That night I went to my room which I had hired for seventy-five cents per week to find my cousin, Nat Owens, who had an adjoining room and who was also a former resident of St. Helena Island, taking a bath, after which he asked me to help him rub himself down with some sort of oil that he had there for that purpose or to take the stiffness and soreness out of his joints caused by lifting, pulling and trucking lumber, for he was a longshoreman and the system of longshoring then was very poor, especially in Savannah, as most of the work was done by man power. On the following day, which was Saturday, I went across the Savannah River which is called Sea Board to Smith and Kelly firm; this was the place I intended to get a job when I left Fort Scriven, but they did not need any men. This being Saturday, pay day and the first of the week, a number of the men were leaving, so the boss took my name, and told me to get a buggy which was a frame built on two wheels like a cart that is used on southern farms by small farmers, but this buggy was not as large, and of course, the handles were shorter. This buggy was approximately three and a half feet long, two and a half feet wide and three and a half feet high. Since it was so heavy when it was empty and it was just seven A. M., I knew then that I could not last for ten hours, as the day's work would end at six P. M., allowing one hour for lunch. However, I started to

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work, and when I told one of the men who was loading my buggy with fertilizer—as this firm dealt in rocks, phosphoric acid and guano—that I was going to quit, he said: " I f you do the boss will put you in jail." I didn't believe him, but since I had not been from the country very long, I took no chances to quit on my volition, but to let the boss fire me, by pushing the buggy into an iron stanchion which was beside the gang-plank and broke the axle to the extent that one of the wheels came off. The boss began to curse me, but while he was cursing me I got my coat and left, for I was sure that I was fired. When he found out that I had left he sent a man to tell me to come back and go to work, that everything was all right, but I did not, for I knew that those buggies were still there and just as heavy. On my way home, I thought of the prodigal son in the Bible; of how he was forced to eat husks that he was supposed to give to the swine, because he was overcome by hunger. I realized that my father had plenty of food at home, such as sweet potatoes, peanuts, rice, hominy, milk, meat, eggs and chickens. I also realized that there was much to be harvested which would cause my father to hire at least three persons every day at fifty cents each. Therefore, I decided to go home where I would be carefree as far as rent to pay, food to eat, buggies and trucks to push. Not until then did I realize how fine a place was S t . Helena Island and how independent one could be by living there, and how much freedom one could enjoy on the farm, though early to bed and early to rise. That Saturday night I began to sing this song: " 'Mid pleasure and palaces, tho' I may roam, Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home. A charm from the sky seems to hallow me there, Which, seek thro' the world, is not met with elsewhere. Home, home, sweet, sweet home, Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home." No place like home, There's no place like home! (St. Helena Island).

The following morning which was Sunday, I left Savannah on a little boat, called Imogene, owned by McDonald Wilkins and Company of St. Helena Island. I reached home that even-

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ing, and never appreciated being home in my life so much as I did then. I just knew how easy and carefree it was to live on St. Helena Island, and f r o m then to now I love to live on St. Helena and hate to live in Savannah. About the middle of the next month which was October, Miss Ellen Murray, one of the two founders of Penn School and also a teacher there for forty-four years, had left there for some reason and opened up the Frogmore Plantation Public School with Miss Alice Lathrop, who was also a teacher and Assistant Principal at Penn School f o r many years. They converted the school into an industrial school and hired me as assistant teacher f o r four dollars per month, but in the meantime I had a chance to continue my high school course. This was a small school of only two classrooms, but we taught about two hundred pupils by giving them part time. When school closed in June, 1907, I went back to the farm. In October of the same year I went back to Frogmore School with Miss Murray and Miss Lathrop for five dollars per month. In February, 1908, Miss Murray died, so I decided to come to New Y o r k City and work for a while, so that I could get money to start a little store. I needed money for my fare, so I went in the river to pick oysters f o r -Mr. George Lowden's oyster factory, at Club Bridge on Frogmore Plantation. I picked fifteen bushels of oysters at twelve cents per bushel, but took three days to sell them. On the way to the factory my boat sank and I had to swim to save my life. On reaching home, I learned that Frogmore School would be reopened March first, and that I was appointed teacher of one of the classrooms at ten dollars per month, but was told not to tell anyone that I wasn't twenty-one years old. I taught the kindergarten, the first, second and third grades for four months, which ended the last of June, f o r that salary. In July, I returned to the f a r m f o r a little while after which I attended the Summer Normal for teachers at Beaufort, South Carolina, and secured second grade A Certificate at the County Teacher's examination which was held that fall. On the first Monday in November I went back to Frogmore School as assistant teacher for twenty dollars per month for six

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months, which terminated in May, 1909. In J u n e I returned to the farm for two months, then attended the Beaufort Summer Normal for one month, after which I went to a saw-mill to work as things were slow on the farm, caused by bad seasons. This saw-mill was at Wiggins, South Carolina, about thirty or forty miles northeast of St. Helena Island. I worked twelve hours a day for one dollar and ten cents, but didn't stay there very long for my health was not so good. In November I was appointed principal of Mulberry Hill School f o r twenty-five dollars per month, which was about one mile f r o m where I lived. The school term ended in April 1 9 1 0 . In J u n e I left f o r N e w "York City, coming up for the summer only via S . S . Mohawk f r o m Charleston, South Carolina. M y two sisters were up here before and living here, so my younger sister's boss, M r . Osborne of Morris Avenue, met me at Pier 37, and took me to his home. I lived there for three days before I found my cousin, the late Walter Days, formerly of Capers Plantation, St. Helena Island, and who was living at one hundred and twenty-sixth street near Amsterdam Avenue. I tried to get a job but met with no success, so I went down to Pier 36 and got a job in the trucking gang f o r thirty cents an hour. One night I was sent in the ship hole f o r three hours and within that short time I lost the soles of my shoes, stowing freight, including rolled and barbed wire. One hour to me was like five, and my pay at the end of the week was two dollars and forty cents, for I couldn't get hired every day, and the most I could make when I did get hired was ninety cents per day. The week be forti J u l y fourth, I went to Grants' employment agency, one hundred and thirty-first street near L e n o x Avenue, and bought a kitchen man's job f o r two dollars in Seagate, N e w Y o r k . This job paid me five dollars per week with very little tips, and I wasn't even worth that f o r I was useless as a kitchen man, but because of my willingness and obedience, and too, because it was difficult to get men to leave the city, the lady, Madam Felt, decided to keep me. Despite the fact that she liked me as a helper, I was conscious of the fact that I was going back to St. Helena Island to teach that autumn, and wanted an over-

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coat, a gold watch, two suits of clothes, two pairs of shoes, three or four suits of underwear, two hats, three or four shirts, a nice pair of kid gloves, a walking cane, a half dozen neckties and money to pay my f a r e to St. Helena Island. Those were the things that I wanted long ago, but I did not have the money to get them, as I was helping my father to buy more land. The most I could have gotten out of this job, which would end in September, was sixty dollars, so I left there about J u l y fifteenth and came to New Y o r k City. Pier 36 of the Clyde Line was too hard for me, so I went to Pier 37. They hired very f e w colored people there but I would pull my cap down over my face and walk in with the gang of white men. Sometimes it would be four hours before the boss comprehended me. Sometimes he didn't see me at all, but whenever he saw me, he would check me out at once. I would get my money on pay day f o r I worked on a check. The first week I made five dollars and eighty-five cents; the second week I went over to Pier 38, the Mallory Line, f o r the same amount (thirty cents per hour) but more employment. M y job over there was to run the hooks and carry the chains. I have made from thirteen to twenty-one dollars per week there. On the twenty-second of October, 1910, I left N e w Y o r k City via Clyde S. S . Commanche, satisfied with my success. On my way down I was robbed of thirty-five dollars, all of the money I had, but after panhandling for two days in Charleston, I reached home. I was sick f o r a few days from the hunger I suffered. In November I resumed my teaching at Mulberry Hill and at the end of the term, which ended in April 1 9 1 1 , I started a little grocery store with two hundred dollars worth of goods. The storm of August, 1 9 1 1 , had done much damage to the farmers, so I didn't do very much that year. In November I went to teach as usual, opening my store mornings and evenings but all day on Saturday. In 1 9 1 2 I began selling second hand shoes, which I found to be very profitable. I also added a five acre cotton farm to my business in 1 9 1 3 . M y reason for doing so was to give a f e w people one or two days work each week, and let them pay for their groceries on Saturdays instead of crediting them until fall or winter.

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2ÓI

That summer I attended the Beaufort Normal School for teachers. At this time I was engaged in farming, teaching, storekeeping, buying and selling chickens, terrapins, and cotton. My salary for teaching was kept out of my business. During 1 9 1 2 - 1 9 1 3 I did a profitable little business. During 1914-1915 my business suffered a severe blow. I could not collect much money from the people, though I had securities, and if I took them, I could not find anyone to buy for cash. I was forced to take a horse from a man, named Adam Richardson, and I sold it for fifty-five dollars, but had to wait three years before I could get paid. It was the first and last security that I have ever taken from anyone. In the spring of 1916 after school had been closed, I decided to get a grist mill and feed grinder. I ordered them from Sears, Roebuck and Company, Chicago, Illinois. In the meantime I got married on March twenty-eighth, 1916, to a dear girl who though being a native of St. Helena Island and a teacher there at the time, was also a student of Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. We both saw life in the same way, and although all of my money was invested, I could see a good living ahead for me. After getting married I left the following day for New York City and made arrangements for the mill to be put up in my absence. We spent two months on our honeymoon, after which my wife took a job as cook in a Hungarian restaurant and I went to longshore at Piers 36, 37 and 38, for I was well developed then. We went back home in October 1916. My wife kept the store, my brother looked after the mills while I was teaching. Business was very good, caused by the World War. On December 18, 1916, our store caught afire and was burnt to ashes. We lost everything including the mills and engine, as the buildings were very close together. My friends who owed me money came to my rescue and paid what they could, after which I went to McDonald Wilkins and Company and mortgaged three horses, six cows, a mill and an engine that I anticipated buying for a loan of four hundred dollars. They had about one thousand dollars worth of mortgages for their money at 10 per cent, but I didn't mind it, for I intended to pay my just debts. With the money I borrowed

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and the money I collected, I bought a mill, feeder, engine, sieve and built a milling house. The farm was such a success that I paid all my debts with cotton alone. On Manjh 25, 1917, a little boy was born in our family. His name is John J a y Coleman. He lives with me now. I continued farming, teaching and milling with much success until June 17, 1919, when my dear beloved wife, Josephine, died suddenly of indigestion. July of the same year, the boll weevil or cotton destroyer reached us and I lost money on the farm that year, for besides my own labor, fertilizer and teams, I had employed from two to three persons at seventy-five cents per day the year round. This was my last year of farming. In November I was on the job teaching again as usual at Mulberry Hill. And while teaching I was appointed as one of the four enumerators for the 14th U . S. Census on St. Helena and Ladies Island. I started my new job on January 2, 1920, leaving a substitute in my school, and paid him at the rate of thirty-five dollars per month, the salary that I was getting at the time. When this job was completed I resumed teaching again as usual, and this was a six months' term; four from the county, one from the parents of the community and one from the Rosenwald Fund. The school was closed in April 1920, and I left on May tenth for New York, being despondent over my wife's death. B y this time I was very well known by the bosses at Piers 35. 36, 37 and 38, also 45 of West Street, and in view of the fact that there was plenty of work on the docks I worked five months out of six for a salary of not less than a hundred and fifty dollars per. The last of October I went home and began teaching and milling from November, 1920, to May, 1921, when I attended Orangeburg College of South Carolina for six weeks and then came home and attended the Beaufort Summer School for one month. On the fifth of November, 1 9 2 1 , there was an explosion in the engine room of my mill house with two barrels of gasoline nearby, one of which was opened. I lost everything including

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buildings and milling in less than half an hour. There is little or no facilitation there to put out a fire once it is started. I was taken from the engine room in a semi-conscious state and had to be given several quarts of fresh milk f o r relief before the arrival of Dr. Y o r k W . Bailey, who lived three miles away. The week of November fifth, 1 9 2 1 , I resumed teaching as usual at Mulberry Hill. In February, 1922, I built another milling house and bought another milling outfit with the aid of a friend who went into partnership with me, but business was a little dull, and as I was so discouraged over my loss, I decided to come to New Y o r k City for the summer with the hope that I would forget my troubles. I reached here on May 17, 1922, and since I was down and out I looked f o r a job immediately and found one on the following day, May 18. I am thankful that I have been working ever since, though not on that job, f o r in J u l y , 1922, I took the Post Office clerk's examination and was appointed substitute clerk with a night job of from four to five hours per night at sixty cents an hour. On October 2 8 , 1 was married to Miss Etta Parker of Wilson, North Carolina, but living then at the Y . W . C. A . on one hundred and thirty-seventh street near Seventh Avenue. Still fretting over my loss on St. Helena Island, I decided to stay up here for a while, as " A rolling stone gathers no moss." I held on to my longshore job by day and the Post Office job by night until I was made a regular clerk in the Post Office on October 1, 1923, at fourteen hundred dollars per year. In April 1924, my salary was raised to fifteen hundred dollars per year and on May 1 7 , 1924, exactly two years from the time I left home, I was there again to see the last of my beloved father, who died cn May 30, of that year, after which I came back to New Y o r k City. On January x, 1925, my salary was raised to eighteen hundred dollars by an Act of Congress giving a three hundred dollar raise to Postal Clerks. On November 23, 1925, a boy was born in our family. H i s name is Clinton. I was raised one hundred dollars every year until I reached twenty-one hundred dollars, the top grade ior Post Office clerks, in 1927. I am still working at that salary. In 1928 I went down South

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again to take my brother, Isaiah, who died here on February 1, and who had been here since 1917. I love the Island as usual, for I still have the most of my folks down there, including my mother, one brother, three sisters and a host of friends and acquaintances that I have associated with thirty-three years of my life and have found none dearer. But conditions there include the elimination of cotton from the farm as the major crop; most of the farmers are small farmers unorganized to the extent that they have to pay a high price for rations, farm implements, fertilizer, and of course would have to sell their products for whatever price the local buyers may offer; the reduction of population on St. Helena Island of nearly two thousand people within the last fifteen years; the drainage system that the State of South Carolina fails to aid the farmers with. For example, every ditch eventually empties in the river, and the lands are in small tracts, usually one-half to one mile long and about one hundred and fifty feet wide. You need to drain your land between you and the river, and everybody must dig his ditches. If he doesn't dig them himself he will suffer, and very rarely a farm pays unless it is near to the river. Ten or fifteen years ago when most of the lands were under cultivation, the people would cooperate and dig their ditches, but we cannot expect them to drain their lands when the lands are not under cultivation, unless the State would drain their lands and have them to pay in their taxes. Besides, non-drainage creates much disease. If I ever go home to live again I must have some money or a permanent job, even though it may not pay as much as the one I have now, for forty dollars per week in New York City is no more than twenty-five dollars per week on St. Helena Island. But believe me or not, I will not see my happiest day unless I can live on St. Helena Island, while in good health, as a resident before life's journey is over, for I still believe that " there is no place like home." JOHN B.

COLEMAN.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Batchelor, Carey, What the Tenement Family Has and What It Pays for It, Report of a City-wide study made in 1928-1929 by the United Neighborhood Houses in cooperation with the League of Mothers Clubs, New York, Welfare Council, Typed Mss., n pp. Brown, Harry Bates, Cotton, New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1927, 517 pp. Cooley, Rossa B., Homes of the Freed, New York, New Republic, Inc., 1926, 199 pp.

, School Acres, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1930, 166 pp. Curley, C. Benjamin, " Harlem Has a Little Bank," Southern Workman, vol. 60, pp. 483-486, November, 1931. Dozier, H. D., A History of the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad, New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1920, 197 pp. Encyclopaedia Brittanica, Inc., Eleventh Edition, vol. 21, " Phosphates." Frazier, E. Franklin, The Negro Family in Chicago, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1932, 294 pp. The Greater New York Federation of Churches, The Negro Churches of Manhattan: A Study Made in 1930, New York, The Federation, I93I. 35 PPHolland, Rupert S., Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne, Cambridge, The Riverside Press, 1912, 310 pp. Hubert, James H., " Harlem Faces Unemployment," Opportunity, vol. 9, pp. 42-45, February, 1931. Irving, Washington, A History of New York . . . by Diedrich Knickerbocker, New York, George P. Putnam and Son, 1867, 459 pp. Johnson, Guion Griffis, A Social History of the Sea Islands, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1930, 245 pp. Johnson, Guy B., Folk Culture on St. Helena Island, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1930, 183 pp. , John Henry: Tracking Down a Negro Legend, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1929, 155 pp. Johnson, James Weldon, " T h e Making of Harlem," Survey Graphic, vol. 53, PP- 635-639, March, 1925. Joint Committee on Negro Child Study in New York City, A Study of Delinquent and Neglected Children Before the New York City Children's Court in 1925, The Committee, 1927, 48 pp. Kennedy, Louise V., The Negro Peasant Turns Cityward, New York, Columbia University Press, 1930, 270 pp. Lynd, Robert S. and Helen Merrell, Middletown, New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1929, 550 pp. 265

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Maclver, Robert M., Society: Its Structure and Changes, New York, Ray Long and Richard R. Smith, 1931, 569 pp. New York City. Children's Court, Annual Report, 1930, New York, The Children's Court, 1931, 47 pp. . Committee on Neighborhood Health Development, Central Harlem Health Center District: A Memorandum Concerning 1929 Population, Vital Statistics, Communicable Disease Registration, New York, Department of Health, 1930, 16 pp. . Department of Correction, Annual Report, 1929, New York, The Department, 1930, 180 pp. New York Urban League, Twenty-four Hundred Negro Families in Harlem, Unpublished Mss., New York Urban League Files, 1927. Odum, Howard W., Rainbow Round My Shoulder; the Blue Trail of Black Ulysses, Indianapolis, Indiana, Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1928, 322 pp. Pearson, Elizabeth Ware (ed.), Letters from Port Royal Written at the Time of the Civil War, Boston, W. B. Clarke Company, 1906, 345 pp. Pierce, Carl Horton, New Harlem, Past and Present, New York, New Harlem Publishing Company, 1903, 33a pp. Riker, James, Harlem: Its Origin and Early Annals, New York, printed for the author, 1881, 636 pp. Salley, A. S., Jr. (ed.), Warrants for Lands in South Carolina, 16921711, Columbia, South Carolina. Printed for The Historical Commission of South Carolina by the State Company, 1915, 264 pp. South Carolina. Journal of the General Assembly of South Carolina, 1890, Columbia, State Printing Office, 1891, 517 pp. . Journal of the General Assembly of South Carolina, 1891, Columbia, State Printing Office, 1892, 718 pp. . Reports and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina, 1892, Columbia, State Printing Office,' 1893, 590 pp. United States Bureau of the Census, Birth, Stillbirth and Infant Mortality Statistics: 1927, Part II, Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office. United States Bureau of the Census, Decennial Reports, Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office. Ninth Census of the United States, 1870, vol. i. Tenth Census of the United States, 1880, vol. i. Compendium of the Eleventh Census, 1890. Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, part i, vol. i. Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, vols, i-iii. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920, vols. i-iv. Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, Population Bulletin, Second Series : South Carolina, New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Georgia.

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United States Department of Agriculture, Annual Reports on Cotton Ginning, 1917, 1918, 1919, Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office. United States Department of Agriculture, " Studies in the Biology of the Mexican Cotton Boll Weevil on Short-Staple Upland, LongStaple Upland, and Sea-Island Cottons," by George D. Smith. Agriculture Bulletin 926, Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1921, 44 pp. United States Geological Survey, " The Phosphate Deposits of South Carolina," by G. Sherburne Rogers. Geological Survey Bulletin 5