Sea Fights in the East Indies in the Years 1602-1939 [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674430099, 9780674334441

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SEA F I G H T S IN T H E EAST INDIES

LONDON : HUMPHREY MILFORD Oxford University

Press

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SEA F I G H T S I N T H E EAST I N D I E S I N T H E YEARS 1602-1639 WITH A N I N T R O D U C T I O N

BY

BOIES P E N R O S E CURATOR O F P R I N T S I N T H E P E N N S Y L V A N I A M U S E U M

CAMBRIDGE, M A S S A C H U S E T T S

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1931

COPYRIGHT, 1 9 3 1 B Y T H E P R E S I D E N T AND FELLOWS OF HARVARD COLLEGE

P R I N T E D AT T H E HARVARD U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S CAMBRIDGE, M A S S . , U . S . A .

T H I S BOOK IS DEDICATED TO T H E MEMORY O F

CAPTAIN NICHOLAS DOWNTON WHO D I E D I N 1 6 1 5

His Epitaph reads: "Lamented, admired, unequalled! He was the true hero, piety and valour being Seasoned by gravity and modesty."

FOREWORD >HIS work comprises a collection of contemporary accounts of the more important sea fights in the Indian Ocean and adjacent waters during the first four decades of the seventeenth century. For the sake of brevity and because of their irrelevance no attempt has been made to include single ship actions, or encounters of a minor nature; only the narratives describing considerable engagements have been reprinted, with the idea that the reader may get a continuous outline of this phase of Eastern Colonial history of the period. Since a work of this kind should be complete in its continuity, I have supplied accounts of engagements of which no newsletters exist, from the pages of Purchas or of Sir Thomas Herbert. Of the accounts included here, seven are news-letters. It may be a justifiable conclusion that the remaining four accounts were originally printed as news-letters, — such was the importance of these battles, — but they

1

vii

may well have been read out of existence or otherwise destroyed. So great is the scarcity of most existing news-letters, that such a condition is extremely possible. Of the news-letters, I am greatly indebted to the British Museum for permission to reprint the first two, and for Shilling's action; and to the Harvard College Library for John Taylor's account of Weddell's fight and the loss of the Lion. The remaining news-letters are from copies in my own library. BOIES

PENROSE

CONTENTS FRONTISPIECE

III

FROM NO. V I L I , JOHN TAYLOR'S A FAMOUS FIGHT UNDER CAPTAINE WEDDELL, 1 6 2 7 , IN THE HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY. INTRODUCTION;

EUROPEAN

SEAFARERS

IN THE

EAST

INDIES, 1 4 9 7 - 1 6 4 0 I.

A

TRUE

AND

3

PERFECT

RELATION

CONCERN-

I N G T H E F I G H T OF F I V E D U T C H S H I P S THE

PORTUGAL

AGAINST

FLEET, 1602

41

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE

42

FROM THE COPY IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. II.

AN

HISTORICAL

VOYAGE

AND

BY ADMIRAL

TRUE

OF

A

MATALIFE, 1605-1607

DISCOURSE

.

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE

53 54

FROM THE COPY IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. III.

T H E F I G H T S OFF S W A L L Y R O A D , 1 6 1 2 , W R I T T E N BY

THOMAS

BEST

87

FROM BOOK I V OF SAMUEL PURCHAS'S HAKLUYTUS POSTHUMUS OR PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES, 1624. IV.

T H E R E P U L S E OF T H E P O R T U G A L S B Y NICHOLAS

CAPTAIN

DOWNTON, 1 6 1 5

107

FROM BOOK I V OF PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES, 1624. V.

THE

FIGHTS

BETWEEN

THE

DUTCH

AND

SIR

T H O M A S D A L E , FROM T H E R E P O R T OF C A P T A I N MARTIN

PRING

From Book V of Purchas

169 His Pilgrimes,

1624.

ix

VI.

THE

TRUE

RELATION

OF

THE

FIGHT

WITH

FOUR PORTINGALS, 1620

195

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE

196

FROM THE COPY IN THE BRITISH M U S E U M .

VII.

T H E T A K I N G OF O R M U S , 1 6 2 7 From Sir Thomas Herbert's Relation travaile ^ 1638.

VIII.

A

219 oj some yeares

F A M O U S F I G H T WHERE F O U R E N G L I S H AND

F O U R D U T C H SHIPS F O U G H T E I G H T P O R T U G A L L G A L L I O N S , BY JOHN T A Y L O R , 1 6 2 7

233

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE

234

FROM THE COPY IN THE HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY.

IX.

A

RELATION

OF

SOME

CONFLICTS

BETWEEN

THE P O R T U G A L S AND THE E N G L I S H A T S U R A T , 1630

273

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE

274

FROM THE COPY IN THE PENROSE COLLECTION.

X.

A T E R R I B L E SEA FIGHT BETWEEN N I N E H O L LANDERS

AND

THREE

ENGLISH

GALLIONS,

1639

281

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE

282

FROM THE COPY IN THE PENROSE COLLECTION.

L I S T OF W O R K S

CONSULTED

297

INTRODUCTION

European Seafarers in the East Indies (1497-1640)

I

T HAS been said that Portuguese enterprise in the East was inspired by desire of conquest, commerce, and conversion; that Dutch enterprise was inspired by desire of conquest and commerce; and that English enterprise was inspired by a desire of commerce alone. Like all generalizations this is open to criticism in many points, yet in the main it sums up the systems of the three great European powers in the East. For Portugal conversion was as important a factor as conquest or commerce, if not more so. To Henry the Navigator and to Manuel the Fortunate the conquest of the Indies was the greatest of the Crusades — it was a flank attack on the infidel, intended to ruin his commerce and to take him in the rear. In considering the whole history of Portugal in the East we must regard this as the most important single feature in their vast 3

scheme. Hatred of the Mohammedans, blind proselytism, the horrors of the Inquisition, barbarous cruelty, in short the whole hierarchy of bigoted Catholicism at its worst, characterized their policy from beginning to end, and hastened that end with dire results. For Holland as for England, on the other hand, this aspect was entirely absent. Neither nation had an axe to grind with the native peoples with whom they came in contact; rather they sought to conciliate the native population and did not interfere with their beliefs and their ways of life. True it is that the Dutch rule in Java and the Malay Archipelago was often marked by revolting cruelty, but religion played no part in it, and the Dutch acted as they did merely for commercial reasons, because they were shrewd, hardheaded, close-fisted business men. Holland's game of conquest, however, was always the keystone in her policy. She early perceived that the Spice Islands were too small for more than one European nation, and she determined that that European nation should be herself. She accordingly established a monopoly there, by fair means when possible, and by foul means when fair ones

failed. Sir W. W. Hunter ^ well points out that no European nation has ever won a dominant place in the East which did not make it a national concern; this Holland did. Small in area, hke Portugal, but stout of heart and invigorated by her hard-won independence, she was willing to put her shoulder against the wheel and use every effort to establish herself in the proud position of Queen of the Indies. Not only politically but psychologically was the Dutch East India Company a national enterprise; and its enthusiastic backing and huge capital contrasted strangely with the small group of London merchants who formed the Honourable East India Company. As to the three systems of Portugal, Holland, and England, that of the Dutch ever bore away the palm whenever these nations came in conflict. The Portuguese might repulse the Hollanders at Malacca, and the English fleet might worst them off Java, but the ultimate result was never in doubt, and the Dutch power in the East, with the whole of a free and vigorous nation behind it, rose splendidly to its destiny. Fortunately for the historian's convenience the " History of British India, London, 1899-1900.

entrance of new powers into the Indian Ocean synchronizes with the turns of two centuries. A t the close of the fifteenth, da Gama landed at Calicut; at the close of the sixteenth, Houtman reached J a v a ; while on 31 December 1600, the very last day of that splendid century. Queen Elizabeth granted the charter to the Honourable East India Company. Throughout the sixteenth century, therefore, Portugal had things pretty much her own way between the Cape of Good Hope and Papua; yet the early years of the following century saw her go down completely before the two new powers. " T h e actual achievement of Portugal in Asia," wrote Hunter,' "was not a land-empire but the overlordship of the sea. Her sphere of influence stretched eastwards across the vast basin six thousand miles from the African coast to the Moluccas, and northward four thousand miles from the Cape of Good Hope to the Persian Gulf. Her political frontier, that is the line which she had more or less continuously to hold, was not defended by rivers or mountains. It was the open edge of the ocean following, at the height of the « Op. cit., p. 134.

6

Portuguese power, a sinuous route from Natal northeast to Ormuz, from Ormuz southeast to Cape Comorin, from Comorin northeast again to Bengal, then southeast to Malacca, J a v a , and the Spice Islands — a jagged semi-circle of over 15,000 miles. That a small European nation, then numbering perhaps not more than a million of souls, should continue to hold this frontier was impossible when stronger European rivals came upon the scene. That Portugal should have held it for a century against the Mussulman world is an enduring glory to herself and to Christendom." They were real men, those early Portuguese. Brilliant, resourceful, absolutely fearless, they conquered all before them, with odds against them of a thousand or more to one. Even the most prosaic account of Portugal's conquest reads like an epic; and although marred by fiendish cruelty, Portugal's part in the history of the East must be ever glorious. We can only wonder how these men accomplished such feats. Da Gama reached the Malabar coast in M a y , 1498, after an adventurous voyage of 4a weeks. It is related that the night before he set forth he spent at prayer in a chapel by the Tagus — a 7

very significant gesture which harked back to Godfrey of Bouillon. Not coasting Guinea and the Congo, but sailing as the crow flies down Sierra Leone to the Cape of Good Hope, he rounded Africa and brought his small fleet in safety to Calicut. Cortes in Mexico, Pizarro in Peru, and da Gama in India, all succeeded because they had the good fortune to land at tremendously advantageous moments. In da Gama's case, South India was ruled by a number of petty Moslem princelings, whose domains were declining into anarchy and stagnation. The old order in India was fast dying out, and the new order had not made its appearance. Had da Gama landed a generation previously, he might have met with a determined and united resistance from the native states; as it was, he found them all at war, divided, and rotting. Had he come a generation or more later, he would have found the Mogul emperors in supreme power, and his voyage would doubtless have ended in a very different manner. The venture, however, was merely one of discovery and experiment; it remained for his successors to cast the Portuguese policy in the Indies.

A second voyage was sent out in 1500, commanded by Cabrai. After touching at (and thereby discovering) Brazil, this fleet proceeded to Malabar, where it had a sharp encounter with the Arab merchant fleet then trading with Calicut. Cabrai established a permanent shore agency, left a garrison, and then sailed home with a rich cargo. The brush with the Arabs precipitated matters, and determined King Manuel to adopt a rigorous policy of armed monopoly, and the complete destruction of Arab commerce. Always regarded as a crusade, Portuguese enterprise in the East had now definitely determined to exterminate the infidel. Meanwhile news had come that the Moslems had put every man in Cabral's garrison to the sword. Accordingly, in 1502, da Gama left the Tagus with a fleet of twenty large vessels, constituting the greatest armament sent forth by Portugal up to that time. He met the Arab fleet off Calicut, defeated it decisively, and took several thousand prisoners, on whom he reaped a terrible vengeance, cutting off the noses, ears, and hands of these unfortunate 'Moslems and sending them to the R a j a to make curry of. His next step was to

re-establish the factory, leaving a strong, wellequipped garrison. Portugal, by defeating the Arabs, by founding a powerful shore agency, and by terrorizing the native population, had now established a foothold in India. Naturally enough it happened that no sooner had da Gama's richly laden fleet turned its back on the Malabar coast than the Arabs attacked the garrison at Calicut with the fury that seems to be given to their religion alone. This time the story was different, thanks to da Gama's precautions, and the fort held out against the furious hordes under the banner of the crescent. The success of the siege was due in no small measure to a body of Hindus, who thus appear as the first native soldiers in European service. Meanwhile the two Albuquerques had come out with a large fleet, and had struck a mortal blow at the Arab Red Sea trade. This was followed in 1504-05 by the combined fleets of Pacheco and Saarez, who met and completely annihilated a great Arab fleet off Malabar, thereby breaking forever Arab supremacy between Cutch and Comorin. In 1505 Almeida was sent out as the first vice10

roy of the Indies, with full instructions to use his power to consolidate all conquests, and establish a safe trade route. B y this time the whole Moslem world was aroused by the Portuguese menace, and Almeida perceived that a far more serious storm was brewing than any which his predecessor had had to encounter; the Mameluk Sultan in Cairo had decided to avenge the insults and to win back the conquests of the unclean Christians. While Almeida was winning a hold on the E a s t African coast, a vast armament was being equipped at Suez.

T h e A r a b fleets of 1504 and

1505 had been merchant ships of various nationalities; now for the first time Portugal was faced by one of the great Mohammedan powers, ready to fight to the bitter end. A t length news came to the Portuguese in 1508 that part of the Mameluk fleet had taken to the sea. Almeida sent his son, a youth of twenty-two, with half the Portuguese fleet, to find the enemy. This the young Almeida soon did, and in the unequal struggle which followed won a hero's death and a decisive victory. I t was only a part of the E g y p t i a n fleet, however, and it remained for the father in the following year to deal the final blow, II

which he did by delivering a deadly and crushing defeat on the vast Moslem armament off Diu, west of the Gulf of Cambay. So far as Portugal was concerned, this was the end of the Arabs in the Indian Ocean — she had little to fear from that quarter any longer. Egypt, reeling beneath this overwhelming disaster, fell an easy prey to the Ottoman eight years later, while the Turks in their turn merely contented themselves with privateering expeditions against the Portuguese merchant ships, and never seriously menaced the supremacy which Almeida had so gallantly established. Portugal had hitherto had only a sea-policy, that of defeating all hostile navies (especially Moslem) and establishing safe trade routes. Her only footholds on land were at Calicut and Cochin. It accordingly remained for the Great Albuquerque — the Portuguese Mars — to change the sea-policy to a land-policy. Albuquerque forged the links of the Portuguese empire. Beginning with Mozambique, which controlled the East African coast and all the western area of the Indian Ocean, he conquered and set up a strong post in Malacca ( 1 5 1 1 ) and captured and fortified Ormuz (1515), the key to the Persian Gulf. In 12

India he took Goa (1510) with a pirate's help, making it the Portuguese capital and planting the seed to its romantic century of wealth, luxury, and vice. From Malacca as a base he sent out expeditions to explore the isles of fabled treasures to the eastward. In turn J a v a , Borneo, and Celebes were discovered, and Portuguese enterprise soon spread itself to the Moluccas. B y 1 5 1 5 all this was done, seventeen years after da Gama had first entered the Indian Ocean. Probably no other nation in history has ever had seventeen such years as these. Her conquests are easily on a par with those of Alexander and Tamerlane. With her far-flung empire thus consolidated, and with fabulous wealth at her complete command, Portugal now flourished and grew rich. Her ships blackened the seas, her trade found its way to every mart in Christendom, and her able administration reaped where her splendid conquerors had sown. Goa, her eastern capital, became one of the most splendid and magnificent places in the world. When Linschoten saw it, in the fifteen eighties, it was like a city in the Arabian Nights. Along with this splendid prosperity, neverthe13

less, the germs of decay were growing, so slowly at first that they were not patent for years; yet they attacked the roots of the whole system. Religious bigotry and proselytism, fostered by the Inquisition, sapped the vitals of the empire, while mere cruel terrorism took the place of the strength — albeit cruel strength — on which the early giants had relied. Insofar as any one date can be taken as of prime importance in the ruin of the Portuguese empire, it is 6 May 1542, when Francis Xavier set foot ashore at Goa. From then on the Jesuits did their worst, using every form of bribery, threat, and torture to effect a conversion. Burton, writing 80 years ago, refers to " fire and steel, the dungeon and the rack, the rice-pot and the rupee," which played " the persuasive part in the good work . . . assigned to them." ' Facetious as this quotation may seem, it sums up in a nutshell the methods used, and the satisfaction at the result, for the Jesuits were fanatics, and like all fanatics they did irreparable harm. Second only to the machinations of the missionaries, racial degeneration must rank as a ' Goa and the Blue Mountains, ed. 1851, p. 109.

14

prime cause of Portugal's decline. The shortsighted policy, advocated by Albuquerque, of intermarriage with the natives, resulted in the creation of a half-breed population with the bad qualities of both races and none of their good qualities. When the grand generation of the original Portuguese had died out, their place was filled by a shiftless, half-native, half-European population, which in turn produced a still more worthless and degenerate race. The intermarriages led to the adoption of Asiatic dress and manners. Even the second and third generations of the white strains that remained pure seemed to undergo an unhappy metamorphosis, due no doubt to climatic and environmental reasons. Meanwhile a similar process seems to have overtaken the population at home. The flower of Portugal went to the Indies and few lived to return; with the inevitable result that their places were filled by inferior physical types. It has been said that the Portuguese of the seventeenth and later centuries were an entirely different race from the Portuguese of the age of discoveries. Linschoten estimated that of those who went out to the East, not one in ten returned. At home 15

slavery hastened the change, as an infusion of inferior, alien peoples took the place of those who had gone to India; while the remaining Portuguese did not scruple to intermarry with their slaves. Likewise in India slavery flourished as a pernicious institution, discrediting manual labor and producing a general decline of morals. The nation that had sent out da Gama, Cabrai, Almeida, and Albuquerque, one after the other, now seemed totally unable to produce great men, or even tolerable leaders. In their stead were men of little ability and much greed. This brings up a third reason for Portugal's decline — the dishonesty and corruption of her officials. Increasing as the sixteenth century waned, the flagrant abuses of administration gnawed at the vitals of the empire. Instead of going to nourish the motherland, most of the wealth was diverted by dishonest channels for the purposes of vice and luxury. Nepotism, the farming of taxes and concessions, private speculation, embezzlement, all were there. With the home government months away, and with the proverbial "wealth of the Indies" at hand, the temptation proved too strong, with the result that i6

Portugal, along about 1580, found herself impoverished and exhausted. The wealth had disappeared as wonderfully and as quickly as it had come; war, luxury, and the church no doubt squandered most, while the racial decline and rise of slavery did not react to make good the losses. Last among the causes of decline is Portugal's absorption by Spain. In 1578 King Sebastian fell before the Moors at Al Kasr, to be succeeded by the idiot Prince Henry, who died eighteen months later. Such was the tragic end of the great house of Aviz, founded by John of Gaunt and his sonin-law, John I, and Portugal awoke one morning to find herself subject to Philip II. Now her entire outlook was changed. From a nation whose destiny had been in the East she was dragged into the maelstrom of Europe— the revolt of the Netherlands, the English invasion scheme, and all the rest of Philip's plans, stupidities, and misfortunes. When at length Portugal found herself once more a free and independent nation (1640), the sceptre of the Indies had irrevocably passed to Holland and England. When, therefore, the first expeditions from the Thames and the Texel came upon the scene, they encountered a giant 17

empire in decay, without vitality and without ambition. Ever since the days of Queen Mary, Englishmen had sought a sea-route to India; Borough and Willoughby, Chancellor and Jenkinson attempting to solve the mystery of a northeast passage; Frobisher and Gilbert, Baffin and Davis staking their fortunes on a northwest one. Not one of these numerous expeditions was successful in its aims, and several of them ended in disastrous tragedies, in spite of the splendid heroism and perseverance of both the leaders and men. B y the defeat of the Armada, however, England's position was changed. She no longer needed to seek a new trade route to the East, for now she had every opportunity of sailing to the Indies around Africa. After all, what if Spain should dispute her use of this route? The Spice Islands had been known to Englishmen for some years, for Drake in 1579-80 had crossed from the Philippines to J a v a by way of Ternate and Celebes, to be followed over much the same course by Cavendish, eight years later. Neither of these fleets had spent much time there, nor had they entered into any negotiations 18

with the local powers; but they had given England a first-hand knowledge of the fabled wealth of these regions. Even greater interest was aroused by the overland journey of Ralph Fitch, who in 1583 crossed the Syrian Desert and reached Ormuz, where he was arrested and sent to Goa by the Portuguese. From Goa he eventually effected his escape, and fled northward, meeting the Sultan Akbar at Agra. From there he descended the Ganges, explored Bengal and Burma in turn, and eventually pushed on via Pegu to the Shan States of Siam. His furthest east was Malacca, which he reached in 1588; then, turning westward at last, he proceeded to Cochin, Goa, Ormuz, and so home, arriving in England in 1591. The effect of his travels was magical, even at a time when exploration and romantic adventure had become commonplace; and it had the effect of drawing men's minds more than ever to the Indies. Drake had merely coasted the Spice Islands; Fitch had penetrated far into the continental hinterland, and had returned with an account that read like a fairy-tale. About the same time that Fitch was entering London after his eight years absence, Sir James 19

Lancaster was leaving Plymouth with a small fleet of three vessels. Lancaster returned in 1594 after a disastrous voyage, made the more heroic by the great hardship and suffering of his personnel; but he had reached the Spice Islands, he had exposed the emptiness of Catholic monopoly in the Indian Ocean, and he had shown the way for English enterprise. Fitch and Lancaster had given England a good lead on Holland, yet Elizabeth still cherished some illusions about Philip, while there was still some support for the northeast passage and the Levant trade route. Needless to say, Holland had no illusions about Spain whatsoever; with her it was the Cape route or none, and she was determined to strike while the iron was hot. An abortive expedition in 1596 financed by Sir Robert Dudley, and commanded by Captain Benjamin Wood, proved a further handicap on England's good start, so that when Lancaster reached Sumatra in June, 1602, on the first voyage of the East India Company, he found the Dutch already strong rivals. What Fitch had done for England, Linschoten did for Holland. This plucky, adventurous Dutchman had gone out to Goa in 1583 and had 20

obtained a position in the train of the Portuguese Archbishop, dwelling there for six years. On his return in 1592 he wrote an intensely interesting work/ supplementing his personal observations and experiences with accurate descriptions of the places he had not visited, so that his work was a veritable encyclopaedia of the Indies.

His ac-

count of life in Goa was especially vivid, while the maps and sailing directions which the work contains gave it great practical value. It is perhaps needless to emphasize another important factor that drove Holland eastward — her hatred of Spain and her desire for revenge for the tyranny of Alva and Don Juan. The thought of her foremost citizens ruthlessly executed, and of her fairest fields devastated, filled the Dutch with a deadly hatred, and goaded them on to strike Spain and Portugal a blow from which they would never recover. In 1595 Holland's first expedition set forth, a squadron of four vessels commanded by Cornelius Houtman. Using Linschoten's sailing direction, Houtman reached Java, and in the face of » D u t c h edition, 1595 — first English edition, 1598, published under the title: " J . H . van Linschoten his discours of voyages into ye E a s t e & W e s t Indies."

21

Portuguese opposition made a treaty with the local potentate of Bantam, which opened up the East Indies to another nation than Portugal. Houtman returned in 1597, having lost well over half his crews, but having triumphed in showing that the thing could be done. So aroused was Holland by this voyage that in 1598 five fleets set out, including the famous one under van Neck and Warwijck, whose return, laden with tons of precious cargo, threw the nation into a white heat of enthusiasm. So heartily did the whole country enter into these enterprises that nine more squadrons had sailed ere the various associations for eastern trade were amalgamated by the States-General in 1602 into the Dutch East India Company. Holland was now several lengths ahead of England. As indicated above, Holland also had an advantage over England in the national character of its enterprise. As a nation Holland was heart and soul behind its Eastern trade, while in England interest was restricted to a few merchants and bankers. When the Dutch Company was formed it had the enormous capital of six and a half million florins (say £540,000), whereas dur11

ing the period of the "seperate voyages" of the English Company, the average capital put into each voyage was only fifty or sixty thousand pounds. In addition the Dutch Company was directly under the government, while the English Company was a private and individual enterprise. In Holland the government was in close touch with the directors, who in turn made reports to the States-General. All orders to the Company's servants were supervised by the government, while direct administration was carried out by the Council of Seventeen, a Board of Control intermediate between the Company itself and the ruling powers of the nation. From the time of Lancaster's first voyage to the outbreak of the Civil War, the history of the Indian Ocean and Archipelago falls roughly into three phases. The first of these lasted until 1616, marking what might be called the experimental period; it saw the gradual establishment of an Eastern colonial system for England and Holland. In this period both nations formed their East India Companies; both sought to secure a foothold, if not a monopoly, on trade, particularly trade in the Spice Islands and the Malay 23

Archipelago; and both strove to defeat Portugal in order to establish themselves. Holland in this period beat the Portuguese off Bantam in 1602, so that the road to the Moluccas was permanently opened, while their influence throughout the Islands was rapidly diminished by Dutch energy during the later years. Although Admiral Matelife failed to capture Malacca in 1606, he handled the Portuguese fleet very severely. Goa had been threatened previously (1603), and in waters nearer home the Dutch had crushed the Spanish fleet at Gibraltar in 1607. When Pieter Both went out in 1609 as the first governor-general, his instructions were that " T h e commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should have the least part." During these years the main Dutch station was at Bantam, where Houtman had left a few men to start a factory in 1597, while the Dutch Company reached out its irresistible tentacles to Macassar (1607), Amboyna (1609), and the Moluccas (1609). For England this period marks the "seperate voyages," each of which formed an independent venture, each being wound up on the return by a 24

division of profits. Soon the defects of this system became glaringly apparent; so slow were the voyages, and so long did it take to wind up the affairs of each, that there arose a considerable amount of overlapping, superfluity, and even competition. The individual nature of each voyage, making it an independent enterprise, promoted such discord as to menace the whole future of the Company. In 1 6 1 2 the evils of this system caused the birth of the period of the " J o i n t Stocks." Now subscriptions were not taken for a single voyage, as previously, but for several, to carry on the trade for some years. Eventually the Joint Stock group grew too powerful for the central Company, and was in turn supplanted, at the Restoration, by the system of buying and selling shares, very much as we know it in limited companies today. English factories were set up at Bantam (1603), Surat (1609), Japan (1613), and Amboyna (1615), but none of their enterprises could compare in scale with those of the Dutch. It is true that when the Joint Stocks were started the Company raised the unprecedented sum of £430,000, which put it almost in a class with Hol-

25

land financially; but as the actual money was to be paid in over a period of four years, the number of English ships in the East remained only a fraction of the vast Dutch fleet. For England during this period, however, Portugal was the great rival, and it was against her that England's two splendid and gallant actions of these years took place. Best sowed and Downton reaped. Portugal, which had barred Middleton from Surat in 1 6 1 1 , now went down in two smashing defeats from a vastly inferior force. It is difficult and perhaps unjust to say whether the English crews were braver than their rivals, for ability doubtless turned the scales more than courage; and the English crews were old hands of the deep water school, led by captains whose knowledge of navigation was unsurpassed. Both Best and Downton utilized the tides and the shoals with supreme skill and with deadly results to the Portuguese, and, if the casualties are not exaggerated, the English gunnery must have been immeasurably superior. Fortunately for England both these engagements took place near shore; during Best's fight a large camp of Mogul troops was close at hand: 26

" all the camp standing by the sea-side looking on us." Quite naturally the effect on the natives was instantaneous. Accustomed for a century to regard the Portuguese not only as invincible, but almost as supermen, the credulous Moslems and Hindus now saw two small English ships battling a whole armada — and beating it. In this one engagement the weakness of Portugal lay exposed to India, and the news travelled like wildfire, so that when, shortly after this, the Portuguese seized a great ship in Swally Road in which the Great Mogul's mother was financially interested, Jahangir retaliated by driving the Portuguese from Surat. Portugal strove hard to avenge the defeat of i 6 i 2 ; when Down ton came, he learned that a great force was being put in readiness to crush him. Best had shown the .Portuguese that odds of three to one in their favor were too easy for the English, so the Viceroy was taking the precaution that the odds be five or six to one. If Best's fight was a great psychological victory for England, Downton's was even more so. The Mogul governor of Surat watched the whole of it from shore, and feeling that Downton had saved him from a 27

Portuguese land-attack, pitched a splendid camp right at the water's edge. When Jahangir heard of the result of the battle he was highly pleased, and "much applauded our people's resolution, saying his country was before them to do therein whatsoever ourselves desired," and speaking " v e r y despitefully and reproachfully of the Portingales." ' Previously Preston, the factor at Surat, had written the Company that the Indians hated the Portuguese so much that "they vowed they would not leave the Portingales until they had expelled tham their countries." "" A most important result of these victories was that when Sir Thomas Roe arrived in India in 1615 he found all the powers ready to grant the English practically unlimited privileges. His reception by Jahangir could never have been the success it was without the guns of Best and Downton, while everywhere the English were hailed as deliverers from the seemingly invincible tyranny of Portugal. The second phase of the period now emerges. England and Holland, having beaten the Portu' Thomas Keridge to East India Company, 20 March, 1 6 1 5 ; State Papers, East India, p. 946. ^ Idem, 1615, State Papers, East India, p. 859.

28

guese and having established themselves, now saw in each other the great enemy. Both's instructions (quoted above) about the Spice Islands had continued to be the keystone of Dutch policy. From the first Dutch aggression had been evident, but it increased tenfold as the years went on. During his four years as governor-general. Both had brought the richest and more important of the Spice Islands within a network of treaties, and had secured the Straits of Sunda. His successors extended the same policy, at first driving out the English by competition, or by chastising the natives who traded with them, later becoming much more open in their hostility. From 1613 to 1623 there were constant negotiations going on between the rival companies at home, and constant strife between them in the East, becoming extremely acute after 1616. At home a joint conference was held in London in 1 6 1 3 - 1 4 , which came to nothing, and was followed by a conference at the Hague in 1615, which proved equally fruitless. Further negotiations were opened in 1618, which resulted in the Treaty of 1619, a scrap of paper which proved completely impossible to the English. In the 29

East, Holland was rendering the position of the London Company absolutely untenable. When in 1615 the English encouraged its factors to break into the Spice Islands, the Dutch sent out seven great ships, with the threat of sinking any interloper. It was reported from Bantam that " t h e envy of the Hollanders is so great that to take out one of our own eyes, they will lose both their own," ' while in 1617 came the news that fifty Englishmen were rotting in the dungeons of Amboyna, and being starved to death. In addition to befouling the English flag, the Dutch exercised all legal proceedings with the view of insulting the English; even the bare affirmation of a thieving native was taken against them. In February, 1617, the Dutch took the ship Swan after a hard fight, while in July they took two more vessels off Macassar, their excuse being that they were at war with the Bandanese, and that the English were helping the natives, "shewing continuance of their pride and hatred against the English." ^ In 1618 the Dutch attacked the English on ' State Papers, E a s t India, p. 1078. ' Complete minutes of Honourable E a s t India Company, 19 January, 1619. 30

the two nutmeg islands, Pularoon and Rosengyn, took the unfortunate men in the factories prisoners, and treated them so harshly that twenty are said to have perished as a result. Matters had now reached a state of open hostility. B y way of reprisal. Admiral Dale's fleet took the Black Lion off Bantam in December, 1618, and a month later the only general action took place, as described in Pring's account, the fifth of these Narratives. In a minor action off Sumatra in October, the Dutch triumphed, and the gallant old Red Dragon, Best's flagship, went down fighting against heavy odds. B y the policy of a Dutch fleet cutting off single vessels, they were eventually able to capture a total of eleven English ships. Meanwhile the Dutch had sent out a worthy successor to Both, a man who knew commerce, who knew the Indies, and who could count the costs to make Holland absolutely supreme, Jan Pieterzoon Coen. His two governor-generalships, 1618-23 ^rid 1627-30, were of the most vital importance in Dutch colonial history. His first act was to abandon Bantam and to erect a new capital at Batavia (Jacatra), forty miles to 31

the eastward, which was to be a great fortress — and also a Dutch monopoly. When news of the Treaty of 1619 reached the Indies, matters appeared to be eased for the moment, until it was seen to be only a new source of strife. The Dutch insisted that the English fulfil every condition of the Treaty to the crossing of every knowing full well that the conditions were so impossible that the London Company could never keep them all. Hardest of all conditions was one that the English should maintain a large number of war ships in the East, which the Company could never afford to do. The treaty dragged England into a war with Bantam, from which she could derive no benefit, while at the same time the behavior of the Dutch became constantly worse. Englishmen were flogged, imprisoned, and tortured upon the slightest pretext, so that in 162a Brockendon, the agent at Batavia, wrote that he could "live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch." ' The end came when Coen was absent in Europe. Under the faked-up charge of a conspiracy the entire English force in Amboyna and ad' State Papers, East India, 26 August, 1622. 32

jacent islands was apprehended, confessions that they had conspired to drive the Dutch from these islands were rung under the most exquisite tortures, and the bulk of the factors, together with some Portuguese and Japanese, were executed by the Dutch governor (1623). Such was the Amboyna Massacre, by which the Dutch finally freed themselves of the English by the most summary of all methods. English enterprise in the Spice Islands vanished with the moans of the Amboyna victims. A private company could take no revenge on a powerful nation, especially a nation whose colonies were ruled by a man like Coen — there was nothing to do but to acknowledge the facts and make a fresh start elsewhere. Henceforth England ceased to figure at all in the Malay Archipelago and beyond; for her the future lay in India. From about 1621 the third period begins to dawn, to be accentuated in its distinctness after the tragedy of Amboyna. England and Holland were now no longer rivals, but were willing to join forces to drive the Portuguese out of the East forever. In the first period Portugal had been 33

beaten, now she was to be annihilated. Likewise the scene of action shifts from the Malay Archipelago to the Arabian Sea, and more particularly to the Persian Gulf. Holland was firmly secure in her undisputed monopoly of everything east of Sumatra, and while the blood of every Englishman was boiling over Amboyna, yet the London Company was driven to Surat, where it flourished greatly. Much as England chafed at Holland, her revenge was not to be. During this period the Company, seeing that it was definitely and irrevocably ousted from the Spice Islands, spent its well directed efforts in crushing Portugal and monopolizing the Indian coast. At Surat the Company sought the good will of the Mogul, and won it. Consummate tact, self-control under provocation, and fair dealing made English influence supreme. When the Dutch, used to dealing with the local potentates of the Spice Islands, behaved in their usual fashion at the Mogul Court, they acted in a crude and boorish manner. To them one native ruler was the same as another, and they made no distinction between the refined and cultured grandeur at Agra, and the barbaric ignorance of a 34

local sultan in the Moluccas. Jahangir observed a code of manners as strict as any in Europe, and quite naturally was very much prejudiced in favor of the nation that showed some consideration and respect for that code, but to be treated like a cannibal chieftain he would not suffer. Holland made this mistake, and never became a power on the Asiatic continent; although it is only fair to add that Holland, secure in her opulent insular possessions, never thought it worth while to make a serious bid for Indian monopoly. Meanwhile the sands of Portugal's fate were fast running. Best, Downton, and Roe had given England an unshaken foothold in India, and had smashed to atoms the myth of Portuguese invincibility. All the Portuguese bases were threatened during this period. Ormuz fell in 1622, Malacca to the Dutch in 1641, Diu was cut off from Goa by the English at Surat, while Goa itself was subjected to such a relentless series of blockades that its trade never recovered. Again and again the Portuguese fleet was beaten; the campaign was even carried to Africa, where an Anglo-Dutch fleet crushed a Portuguese armament off Mosambique in 1638. 35

In vain did Portugal seek revenge. She took the Lion in 1625, and tried to surprise three ships under Captain Slade in Swally Road three years later, while she struck out at Surat in 1630, as described in the news-letter printed as No. I X . Of this last it was reported: " A l l this was in sight of divers moguls and these country people, who in admiration of so strange a manner of fighting, dispersed their letters to the Court and divers parts of this kingdom, and aver the like battle to have never been seen, heard of or ever read of in story; which has added more to our nation's fame than all the sea-fights in India." ' At Surat the English gained constantly in strength. The Moguls soon learned not to confound the peaceable and honest English traders with the Portuguese, "who prostrated themselves before a tinsel goddess, and plundered the True Believers on the holy voyage to Mecca," ® and with the Dutch, who had been guilty of piracy in 1623. In exchange for the good will of Jahangir, and his son and successor Shah Jahan, the London Company undertook a maritime patrol for ' Restali to Honourable E a s t India Company, State Papers, E a s t India, 3 1 December, 1630. » Hunter, op. cit. П., p. 52.

36

the Mogul Empire. This involved keeping open the pilgrimage route to Mecca, and keeping the sea free from pirates. As this responsibility did not involve any added burden on the Company, but entailed only what it would have done under any condition, i. e. beating the Portuguese, this arrangement worked out perfectly. A severe, although temporary setback came in 1636, when news reached Agra that two English ships of Captain Weddell had turned pirates in the Red Sea, and had plundered an Indian vessel. Instantly the Surat factory was seized, the factors imprisoned, and only released on the payment of a huge fine. No sooner had this affair blown over than Captain Weddell, the ablest of the interlopers, set up a post at Rajapur; this proved a grave threat to Surat until removed by Weddell's death in 1642. A treaty with the Mogul, negotiated by the Company, for the end of piracy on the coast, soon restored the Surat merchants to their former position, while Shah Jahan, impressed by their resolution and their reasonable behavior, soon repented for ever having punished them for the piracy of their rivals. These, then, are the three main epochs of the 37

period: first, a quarter century of establishment, combined with war against the Portuguese; second, Anglo-Dutch rivalry, ending in defeat for the English and monopoly of the Archipelago by Holland; third, virtual annihilation of Portugal, and the firm establishment of the London Company in India. In considering the early seventeenth century we must not lose sight of the very important fact that in those days there was far less distinction between peace and war than there is today. At present two nations are either at peace or at war — there is no other state of international relations. In the seventeenth century matters were far different. Nations could be at peace, or they could be at war, or they could be (and in fact usually were) in a vague transitional state between. When Drake made his famous circumnavigation, England and Spain were theoretically at peace, as were England and Spain when the guns of Best and Down ton sounded off Gujarat. Countless examples could be given of armed hostility in times of peace, and peaceful missions in times of war. This state of affairs may help to explain a great deal that would otherwise appear a con38

tradictory anomaly in the foreign policy of the time. Likewise there was far less distinction between a merchant ship and a ship of war than today. All the old East-Indiamen mounted a good array of cannon, and could be relied upon to give a splendid account of themselves against the pirates who infested every sea or against any other enemy. It is superfluous to point out the differences between a modern dreadnought and a tramp steamer, but their Jacobean prototypes were infinitely less distinct. In the early days the merchant ships were built as much for war as for trade, and were often the boats that swelled the fighting fleets in home waters in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. As we have seen, the early East-Indiamen had to be constantly prepared to fight the Dutch and the Portuguese, as well as native craft. In size these vessels ranged from 300 to 700 tons, 500 being a fair average; their keel was usually 100 to 130 feet in length, their beam 30 to 40 feet, their draught, 12 to 15 feet. They mounted 20 or 30 cannon and had a complement of 200 men or more. In appearance they were three-masted, and broad-beamed, with the 39

high poop characteristic of the time, while they usually had but one gun deck. It was these features, combined with remarkable seaworthiness and sailing qualities that made the East-Indiamen down to a century ago pre-eminent among the merchant ships of the world. Thus, at a time when the English Royal Navy was at its lowest ebb in history, the great Elizabethan traditions of seafaring were being magnificently continued by the merchant ships of the London Company. Whether off the Malabar Coast, in the Persian Gulf, or before Bantam, the grand strategy of Drake and Hawkins was ably continued by men of the type of Best and Downton. In courage, seamanship, and tactics these hardy old sailors were second to none; with the result that the Stuart merchant navy well atoned for the sordid Penington affair, and the incompetence of Wimbledon before Cadiz.

I гА T'rue and perfect "^B^ation Concerning thefightoffive Î)utch ships against the tortuga II Fleety on Tears T)ay, 1602

tract is reprinted with the permission of the British Museum authorities. The only printed description is in the auction sale catalogue of the Leconfield Library at Sotheby's, April 23, 1928. The original tract consists of a single quarto fold, with the title reproduced herewith, and six pages of text, numbered i and 4 to 8. THIS

Ά' V^/XAW;-. Í4,-#.· Λγλ^ T r ü c a n d perfcccRc^ ^^ > lation of the Ncwes fent' frora^/íír^^jthczi.offcbruaty, i6o}. - . . Concerning the ^t of ßuc Dutcbe ibippcs in the £зА In(lies,againfrthePonuga]i Fleete, coníiAing of eight great GaiUonvna sz-Gaileyes both great and fmal: wherofwasAdmixal, I>i»AjtJre4jF4rtMÍtMefJ»Ji.

^VWcirevnoíá added alb»the Voyageand Nauigsu tit» tf tießttJßiKDii$cbtJkiffts*Bdtiha·!, i» tkt lia *fBáft Indus, ùdtf tbàr ttmming bmt.

Imprinted at London Iw T.Cior Thomas / cher,andaretobefoldatthelittle (hop ^^ ioyningtothe£xchaDge. 1603. ""k • • •• » »

A TRVE

AND

particular relation of the Newes sent from Amsterdam, the ii. of February, Anno. 1603. Stilo nom, concerning the fight of fiue Dutche shippes, in the East Indies, against the Portugall Fleete, consisting of eight great Gallions, and 22. Galleyes, both great and small: whereof was Admirall Don Andreas Fartado Mendosa. IR, I have hitherto signified unto you those Newes (whiche I had heard of sundrie persons) brought by the Pinnace from the East Indies, but now, forasmuch as the Maister of the Pinnace himselfe (called Cornells Schoutein) arrived here yesternight, certifying us of all by word of mouth, therfore I have written unto you more certainly and particularly thereof. To wit. That the five shippes which sayled and departed hence, in the yeare 1601. on the 23. day of Aprili

S

43

(whereof was Admirall Wollfert Hermans^ arrived in the streight of Sunda, on Christmas day, in the saide yeare 1601. where they were advertised and warranted by a small Chinish Shippe, that before Bantam late a Portingall Armade or Navie, conteining eight great Galleons, and 11. Galleyes, great and small, which had laine before the Towne a day or two. The said Dutche Admirall caused his said five shippes to cast Anker, and tooke counsell together for their better resolution in their businesse. And because you may knowe what, and how many shippes they had in companie to attempt such, and so great an enterprise, I will rehearse and set downe their names, and burthen of the same. One shippe of the burthen of 520. tunnes, called Guelderland. One shippe of the burthen of 400. tunnes, called the Sealand. One shippe of the burthen of 2,40. tunnes, called Utrecht. One shippe of the burthen of 120. tunnes, called the Watchter. 44

One shippe of the burthen of 50. tunnes, called the Dove. Their resolution was, that they should assaile and fight with the said Armade or Na^^ie with their Ordinance: In handling whereof, our men apter, and farre better practised then the Portingalles, determining so to chase them from their siege: whereupon they set sayle, and the next day early in the morning, they begänne to fight with the Portingales shippes, and so with great force and resolution on both sides, they maintained this maner of fight with their Ordinance, not only the same whole day, but 6. or 7. dayes after, untili the first day of J a n u a r y in the yeare 1602. and tooke the same time from the said Portingales, two Galleyes, and three Galleyes which were wonderfully battered and bruised with the shot of our five shippes. After that they themselves had set them on fire, suffering them to drive downe the River upon our shippes, meaning thereby to hinder or rather to burne our shippes, but God be praised they effected no hurt at all. Finally, the Portingalles seeing no good issue 45

like to fall on their side, left their siege of Bantam.^ and departed to the He of Ambona^ on the one side whereof, they have a Castle, which they strongly fortified, and have cut downe all the Cloves Trees, and pulled them up by the rootes, or at the leastwise destroied as many of y trees as they could, committing likewise a most great, wicked, terrible, and cruell murther upon the poore inhabitants of the same He, the right nature and condition of Tyrants, which are accustomed to use crueltie upon poore disarmed men and naked creatures, when they dare not defend, nor revenge themselves upon their enemies. This is the great credit which this victorious Don Andreas Fartado Mendosa with his Armade or Navie hath gotten. Truly, it is onely the Lord God which gave so great courage and magnanimitie to the hearts of our people, with so small a power of weake men to assaile and overthrow so great and mightie a Fleete in comparison of ours, to which mercifull, loving, and omnipotent God, be all laude, praise and glorie. Amen. Our shippes remained nine dayes at Bantam^ providing themselves of all necessaries, where 46

they were welcome, and with great joy and gladnesse, received both great and small, the reason thereof was, because they thought that the Portingalles were determined to come upon them, or at least to build a Castle upon an He, hard by Bantam, but the Lord hath confounded their desseignes. Our saide shippes being appointed to make their voyage to Banda and Terrenata, for the remainder of the old account, furthered their voiage towards the same lies, where they found and sawe the cruell actions of the Portingalles, as committed by the saide Portingall Fleete in the He of Aubona, and were departed thence to Intidor, where they also have a Castle. And howbeit the He of Aubona is scituate betweene Terrenata and Banda, yet notwithstanding our shippes seperated themselves, the better to furnish their lading, whereof two directed their course for Banda, and three for Terreneta, where they found our Factor or Commissioner Francis Verdoes in good health, being in great favour with the King there, who shewed him all curtesie and kindnesse, but he had not any great store of Cloves, by reason that the yeare had bene verie 47

unseasonable and unfruitful!, and yielded but small increase, as the like had not bene seene in many yeares before. They laded such smal store of cloves as they found there, and sayled with the three shippes from thence towards Banda, to the other two, where they also found our Factor or Commissioner Adriaen Veen, in good health, where one of the two shippes was alreadie fully laden with Nutmegges and Maces, also they laded there the ship called Guelderland, (which had been in Terrenatd) and the small Pinnace the Dove, with which three shippes the Admirall Wolljert Hermans is now coming home. The Pinnace (being a little on the other side of Capo de buona Speranza) straied, having lost the company of the other two shippes, the Guelderland, and Zealand, which we also daily do expect : They sayled with these three ships from Bantam, on the 25. day of August. The other two ships, Utrecht and the Wachster, under the command of the Viceadmirall Hans Bauwell, sayled from Bantam towards Terrenata, to the ende to staie there for the new increase of cloves, meaning therewith to lade the said shippes. Jacob van Neck, with his two ships, to weete 48

the Amsterdam^ and Oer Goude, who we thought should have had their lading of Cloves in Terrenata, and had bin there long before the other ships, hath effected nothing, by reason of the great scarcitie of commodities. And whereas right over against, or hard by the Castle Tydoro, there laie two Portingalles ships, and one Magelane ship called the Fayth, which they had taken before, the said Van Neck purposed to drive the saide two Portingall ships from thence (I thinke at the request and instance of the king of Terrenata,) but his enterprise succeeded not very well, for he lost 8. or 9. of his men, whereof Nicholas Cornelison Maister of the ship Ter Goude, was one and he himselfe lost three of his fingers of his right hand: he sayled from thence towards a place called Patana, scituate after Cuda or Malaua, where he procured hälfe lading for one of his ships with Pepper, and was purposed to returne to Terrenata, or at leastwise send thither the shippe Ter Goude, to the ende to lade her with the great encrease of the new Cloves. The Admirall Jacob Van Heemskercke,w\io likewise sayled out of these Countries on the 23. of Aprili, 1601. is arrived at Bantam with sixe ships, 49

and the seventh (being the Viceadmirall, loosing the company of the other ships about the lyne) hath bene in Achein, and hath laden there some small store of Pepper, wherewith he sayled towards Bantam, where he found his company of these seven ships, (five being fully laden) departed from Bantam homewardes, the i i . of May, in the yeare 1602. which was long before these three came thence, they must be as we thinke in the He of S. Helena, because they would not willingly fall upon those coastes in the winter season: the Lorde graunt them a prosperous voyage and safe arrivali. The Admirall Jacob Van Heemskerke, is sayled further off with the two other ships towards the lies, to the end to seeke out Negotiation. Of the two shippes which went towards China, there is no newes, but only that at Bantam was a speech which is not good: to wit. That those of China should have hanged 15. or 16. of our people which went there a shoare, but thereof is small certaintie, we hope that the matter shall not be so badde. Of the shippes of Zealand is no certaintie, but only that there was a flying speech of two shippes

50

which were seene in the lies, and therefore it is supposed that the two shippes of Zealand were there. Of the English and French shippes we have no newes at all. The five shippes which sayled and departed from Bantam towards these countries, on the II. of May, 1602. are these following. Amsterdam^ Home, Enckhuysen, the blacke Lyon, the greene Lyon. FINIS.

II

· 'к «I

An historicall and true discourse of a voyage made by the Admirall Cornells Matelief the younger, into the East Indies, who departed out oj Holland in May, Anno. 1605. N regard that wee began our voyage somewhat too late in the yeare, it fell out to be so much the longer, (as I wrote vnto your worships in January last, from the Hand Mauritio, by the Admirall Steuen vander Haghen·) from whence we departed the 27. of January, and fearing the passage of those shallow places, wee caused our Pinnasses or small boates to sayle before, and in the night time to hang out Lanthornes, by which meanes wee got ouer the flats of N azare, ouer the North point called Haya de Milsa, and Perodes Banhos, and made toward Chagros, but could not get thether by the North, and therefore tooke our course Southerly, and found no ground: from thence wee past betweene Pulo Maluco, and the Maldiues, but saw no land vntill the two and

I

55

twenty of March, yet wee espied the Hand of Sumatra^ which is the point of Achin, but could not reach it. The 28. of January wee drew neere to the Nicobares, where wee tooke in fresh water, and got some Coques Nuttes, and a few Hennes, in which place the inhabitants goe altogether naked: there I thought to haue gotten some Amber, which if I had stayed there, I might haue got for fiue blankes. There our men went on shoare, and hauing mustered, prepared some instruments of wood which I as then wanted. At which time our souldiers and Sailers, desiring to know to what parts they were bound (for that as then they began to murmure amongst them-selues, saying, that they were not hyred to fight on land (and some of the chiefest Sailers stoutly maintained it.) I shewed them that the states commissaries Commission giuen vnto me, was to besiege and win the towne of Malacca.^ setting before their eyes what honor and great profit they were to expect from thence, together with the small perill which they had to incurre: saying, that I would send them to no other place, but where I would hazard mine owne life with

56

them, promising them that if they chanced to winne the towne by force of assault, they should haue the ransacking thereof, and if that they got it by treatie and composition, they should likewise haue that they found therein, reseruing some part thereof to fortifie the towne withall, wherewith they were much incouraged, and resolutely with one voyce, cryed out and sayd, that they were fully resolued to win the towne, and with that resolution wee sayled through the Straights: and vpon the last of Aprili, arriued within hälfe a mile of Malacca^ with the losse of two men onely, that dyed by the way. And being come before Malacca, I commanded that foure ships that lay in the road, (whereof one was laden for China,) should bee set on fire, but my commission being not obserued, my men giuing themselues to drinking, they let them make away, where they had three men slaine, and fifteene wounded: but I willed them onely to burne them, and not to ransake them. The next day after we consulted about our landing (for that order had beene taken long before how wee should land, and what euery man should doe) some were of opinion to land pres57

ently, others said that it was not expedient for vs to land so hastily in a strange countrey, not knowing the enemies forces, and that it was best for vs to stay the comming of the King of Ihor that was looked for within eight or ten dayes, for wee perceiued a wood neere vnto the shore, much to the enemies aduantage to play vpon vs from thence, we not being able to pursue them, and therefore alledged that they thought it not good to put the whole Fleete in danger, before the comming of the King of Ihor: who being arriued with two or three thousand men, they sayd wee might land boldly, and put our enemy in great feare: this was the iudgment of the greater part of vs, which did preuaile, though I my selfe liked better of our present landing. The eight of May we landed with the King of Ihor, (who had about three thousand men with him,) and in our landing lost not one man; for the Portugalés being two or three hundred, that stood ready on the shore to resist vs, suddenly retired into the suburbes of the towne, where they defended themselues till mid night, and then setting them on fire, and breaking the bridge, ranne into the towne. In my aduise sent vnto the

58

Commissaries, I haue declared what I haue done before Malacca^ vntill the eight of August, and what small ayde and assistance we haue receiued from the Ihorites^ with the disorder and mutiny of our people, the strength of the towne, their sallies out against vs, and how they haue with credit beene driuen back againe by vs, &c. A t such time as we intended to remooue our siege, in regarde that the Portingales Armado

as

then laye hard by Capo Rachado, which is about twelue miles from Malacca:

they of

Malacca

thought verily eyther to spoile vs, or to hinder our pretence (they of Malleye

being all gone

aboorde, except a hundred and twenty, or a hunderd and thirty men,) and issuing out of the towne with all the men they could make, set vpon vs, but we couragiously draue them back againe, with the losse of fifty of their men, and but one man of ours hurt. This done, for the space of two nights I was much troubled about shipping of our Ordnance, in regarde that

the streame was not swift,

whereby the water could not get to the shore, & the ground very muddy, so that I could hardly get our Canon aboord, but God prouided so well 59

for vs, that vpon the i6. day we all got aboord, and left not any thing on the shoare, hauing about three hundred hurt and sicke men amongst vs. Notwithstanding the 17. of August we set forward to encounter our enimy, whose Fleete was 14. Galions, 4. Galleys, and 15. or 16. Fustes or Frigates, and two or three Galions, came two or three dayes after vnto their Fleete: that euening we shotte against them, and chased them, but in the night they put on more sailes, and wee following after them all the next day, holding our course Northerly. The next night following I layd mee downe to sleepe, for I had taken no rest in three dayes and three nights before, beeing much busied about our Ordinance: In the meane time Dyrick Mol maister of my ship came vnto me, shewing me that the enemy out-sailed vs, asking me whether wee should put on any more sailes, I answered, yea; and willed him at any hand to keepe them still in sight. Not long after that he came againe, and tolde mee that the enemy had cast Anchor, whervpon I charged him to Anchor also, and to keepe aboue the winde: The rest of our ships anchred looseward, a Canon shot wide from the enemy. In the morning be60

fore the breake of day, I caused a peece to bee shotte off, to warne to set saile, for as then the enemy had gotten some-what more, and had the loose of vs: and at the same time also shotte off a warning peece vnto his shippe. Our shippe callled the Nassau, was long winding vp of her Anchor; and before I could make signes vnto her to cut the cable, a Portugall ship aborded her, which I perceiuing, wound my shippe about to ayde her, but the Sea was so calme, that I could not reache her, but by force borded Simon Man, and could by no meanes get from him. The Admirall Alloza de Caruailla, seeing vs fast together, boorded Symon Май, and Henrico de Loroinge boorded mee, (these two were the greatest Gallions the enemy had) : after that came Duarte de Guerra, and fell also vpon mee, where-with wee gaue fire on all sides, at which encounter most part of Duarte de Guerras men were kild, and hee himselfe also: Alioza de Caruailla forsooke his ship, and was likewise slaine: Όοη Henrico receiued more then a hundred shottes thorough his ship. Afterwards Claes Gherritsz Maister of the Mauritius, fell vpon Ouarte de Guerra, and set her on fire, whereby our blind also was set on fire: the 6i

other Portugall ships would haue set vpon vs, but durst not for the fire, meane time I cast out an Anchor which was cut off by my men, but they sayd that it was done by the fire. The Mauritius loosed himselfe, & Simon Man of Middleborough draue from vs, with Duarte de Guerra.^ and Alioza de Caruailla, but the people for the most part were all slaine, I hauing cast out another Anchor, called vnto them to cast one of their Cables vnto vs to stay them, but the noyse was so great that they heard vs not, so that they burnt all together. Simon Man saued the most part of his men, except eighteene that were hurt, and some that were taken prisoners, that were afterwards released by my meanes. I was still fast grapled to Henrico, to whom I promisd his life if hee would yeeld, (for hee could not defend himselfe, which hee promised to doe, many of his men being very desirous to come ouer into our ship, but I refused them (yet twelue of them came aboord) fearing that my men would fall to the spoile, for they had twise more men then wee, and our anchor would not hold, and still the enemyes fleete approached, wee beeing very weary, my Maister and my Captaine beeing slaine, and the chiefe Marchant hurt, 62

whereof not long after hee dyed, and I was forced to bee present at euery conflict. Whervpon I commanded Don Henrico to cast out anchor, but hee excused himselfe, saying, that hee was not able to doe it, for which cause I sent a man to looke whether it were so or not, which gaue himselfe to the spoyle; then I sent an other that tooke the maisters Whistle from his necke, but comming back againe, sayd that the shippe was full of dead men, and that the anchors were lost, and the cables shotte in peeces, by the Canon shotte. Where-vpon I caused a Rope to bee brought out at the Sterne, to fasten it vnto vs. In the meane time our anchor tooke holde, and his ship brake from vs, and so I lost my prize: which shewes that they which make many delayes, are often disappointed, so that it seemes that marshall affaires must bee vndertaken with quick and speedy resolution. This grieued vs much, but there was no remedie: This happened about euening. One of the enemies ships also boorded the Nassau, at which time also their Vice-roy fell vpon him on the other side, but could not winne him, and therefore set the Gallery, and the Sterne 63

of her on fire, and so shee was burnt, the Vice-roy likewise had been burnt with her if the Galleyes had not pluckt him away by force. The most part of the Nassaus men were saued: Mauritius and the Black Lion thought to haue faine vpon the Viceroy; but the winde was too calme, the rest of our ships did their endeuours, but there were some faint-hearted amongst them, notwithstanding wee held out, and fought all that day, although vnfortunately with losse of two ships on either side. The next day being the nineteene of August, all our ships being repayred, wee resolued to recouer our losses, for the which wee were much grieued, but if the Nassau had cut her Anchors in time, wee had not boorded one the other, and it had fallen out better for vs. The twentith of August wee fell to it againe, although I found not my men so ready and resolute as before, for those that had escaped out of the shippes that were burnt, especially they of Middleborough, asked mee where they should haue their moneths pay, wherevnto I answered, that it was then no time to speake of such matters; and that I knew not how the Commissaries 64

would vnderstand these things, and yet I sayd I was informed that they had behaued themselues valiantly, and that therefore it was no reason but that they should haue their due, and that to my power I would defend and maintaine them in all iust causes. Within an houre after, the men of my ship also came vnto mee, and demanded security for their moneths pay; or else they said they would not fight: they had some setters on, which as yet I dare not name. This made mee hälfe abasht, yet I vsed all the meanes that I could possible to appease them, and at the last they seemed to bee contented. About the euening wee approched the enemy againe, and then I first obserued what danger the words (of respectiue ships) set downe in our Articles brought vs into: for by meanes of the losse of the two shippes aforesaid, euery one drew back from ioyning with the enemy, beeing lothe to vse his hypoteke or assurance, whereby wee were not hälfe so forward to set vpon our enemy as wee were at the first; for not so much as a Swabber in the shippe but hee woud dispute vpon the wordes of Respectiue ships, for whereas it is sayd, that for the assurance of their pay, they shall haue the 65

ship wherein they serued, and the goods that were in it and no more, euery one was carefull for his owne. T h a t day and the next wee shotte diuers times at the Viceroy, but I perceiuing that wee had not powder enough to ouer-come such an army, nor bullets to serue our turnes, though I had caused some to bee m a d e before Malacca·^ but not sufficient, wee left off. T h e shipps that stayde behinde came neere vnto the enemy, that had his rowing Pinnasses, wherewith hee could fetch water when hee would, and in our fight carryed his hurt men to

Malacca,

wherevpon wee called a counsell together, and resolued to goe to Ihor, chiefly to release our ships, for it seemed that our enemy could sayle better then wee, as also to refresh our sicke men, to make Bullets, and to incourage the K i n g : this wee performed at Ihor, which hath one of the best riuers of the world: there wee made Bullets, but could get but little refreshing for money, I also incouraged the King of Ihor, counselling him to fortifie his towne, and shewed him how hee should doe it, which at last was begunne, and had soone beene finished, if the Hollanders would haue wrought. 66

Wee departed thence the thirteene of October, and the twentith came before Malacca, and for the space of sixe dayes laye in sight of the Towne, but could not approach neere vnto it by reason of the winde, so that the enemy placed all his shipps, being seauen Galeons and three Galleys (for the fourth was shotte to peeces by Capo Rachado) in a rowe, and all his Canon on the one side. Wee there-vpon taking counsell resolued to set vpon the enemy, but because wee had little prouision of pouder, and a long iourney to make home-ward, and perceiuing that wee could not seperate their shippes with shooting, wee agreed that three of our ships should boord them, which I thought to haue done in the night time, taking with mee the Sunne, and the Prouince of Oelje, but could not by reason of the streame: the morning beeing coole and cleere, and fitte to take some-thing in hand, the winde comming from the land, and wee lying Northerly from the roade, wee made saile, meaning to fall vpon their shippe that lay most Southerly and most beneath the streame, for the water began to turne, but the winde was so sharpe, that I could scant passe by the roade, so that wee approached neere to Ilia das noas, and 67

woond about it, but could not set vpon any of them, but vpon that which laye Norherliest (which was the greatest Gallion next vnto the Vice-royes, and had in her nineteene Brasse peeces, and three Yron peeces, a hundred and three score Portingales, and as many Moores (I willed my maister called Symon Lambrechtsz Man, whom I had taken into my ship, in the steed of Dirick Mol that was slaine, to set vpon her. Wee were forced to passe by all the shippes of the enemy, not without some hurt vnto vs, but I shotte not at all, rescuing euery thing ready vntill our aboording, but when wee were hälfe way forward amongst the enemies ships, my Maister and the Pylote counselled mee to turne our course, to whö I made answer, that I wanted no aduise nor counsaile, to delay them of till wee were aboord the Gallion, and so held on vntill we boorded her, and so let a Dragge fall, appointing ten Musquetters to keepe it, and to hinder that the enemy should not loose it, which the enemy sought to doe: I willed them also to shoote continually towards their Mersch, and from our Mersch and garnates, I caused stones and fireballes to bee cast, whereby the enimie was 68

driuen vnder his net. And as soone as I had fastned vppon him, the Sunne fell on his other side, and the Prouince came behinde vs, and brake his Spritt against the enemies shippes, the Galion had an anchor before the flood, and a cable fastned at the Vice-royes ship, but the cable was presently cutte in peeces, as also the cable that fastened the Viceroy vnto him, and so wee draue together towards the Lee: the other Portugalés perceiuing that, hoysed their sailes (which was that which I aymed at, to drawe them from the wall,) and made to sea-ward.

Wee fell vpon the

Saint Nicholas, and killed all the men, except eight Portingalles, that hidde them-selues vnder the Ballast, and so wee tooke her. M y Maister and the Pilote sayd, that it was not expedient that two of our shippes should be bound to one shippe, and that wee should leaue the Sunne alone with it, and fall vpon the Viceroy that drew neere vnto vs, which counsell I liked not, fearing to haue the like chance that I had with Henrico. A little while after Roobol Maister of the great Sunne, called vnto mee, to pray mee to let him alone in the shippe, and that hee would carry it to 69

the Sea, which I would not consent vnto, but perceiuing that I could not doe any thing to my minde, I leaft it; and presently the weather was very calme, the Portingales shippes laye loofeward from vs, whereof one made towards the great Sunne, but hee could not, fearing to be clapt on boord by vs, we perceiuing that the calme either hindred vs to come togither; I sent a boate to Roobol willing him to set fire in the shippe, where-vnto hee answered that I should hold my peace, and sayd hee would not do it, in the meane time hee got him-selfe loose, by what meanes I know not, and hoysing vp his great sayle, ranne more then a myle from the Fleete not once looking backe: In the meane while two Portingale shippes boorded the Vize-admirall, against whome came Mauritius and the Blacke Lion, and behaued them-selues so well, that the one of th' enemies shippes was burnt, and the other spoyled. The Erasmus set vppon a portingale, but they were presently separated againe, and I sayling by him willed him to bord him againe, which he did, but they were presently seperated againe. The great calme hindred mee that I could not come neere them: after that a whirle-winde rysing, 70

scattered the shippes; and with that Mauritius made towards the Portingale againe, Erasmus and I also turning towards him, which the Portingale perceiuing, yeelded vnto vs, where wee killed foure and forty Portingales, and tooke out of her eight peeces of brasse, and so set fire on hir. In the shippe which the Vize-admirall burnt there was not so much as a catte or a dogge saued: The shippe that Roobol did let go, was driuen by the Gallies to the shoare, and so the euening came vppon vs. The next morning, the Vizeroys shippe lying formost, I made towards him, but my Maister and Pilot tolde mee that I could not reach him; for which cause I made to the Galion Saint Symon, that yeelded it selfe vnto mee, for the men were most of them runne from him: the Captaine with twenty men onely remaining in her: out of her I tooke foureteene peeces, some flesh, wine, and pouder, and so set it on fire. This (thankes bee vnto GOD) was the successe of our battaile, without any great losse of men, wee burnt three Gallions, wherein many Gentlemen were slaine, and aboue foure hundred Portingale souldiers, as I was after informed by cer71

taine intercepted letters; wee our selues made our victory bloudy, for our men were so diuilishly giuen so seeke after prey and bootie, that rowing round about the Gallion that burnt, they fell to ransacking the men that swum in the water, whereby the fire got into the powder, and burnt three of our boates, wherein wee lost foure and twenty men of the White Lyon, eighteene of the Black Lion, eleuen of the Vice-Admirall,

seauen

of the Prouince,

Sunne.

and fiue of the great

God forgiue them their ouer-sight. The eight and twentie day wee went againe towards Malacca, intending to burne the Vice-roy and the Paule, but as wee had concluded the euening before to performe it: the next morning the Vice-roy himselfe caused fire to bee put into three of the Gallions, so great was their feare: I seeing that presently retired, thinking them to bee fire shippes sent for to burne vs. After that I made agreement to release the Portingales, that were in all a hundred seauenty fiue, and as many Moores, vppon condition that the Viceroy should send mee all my Duch-men that were prisoners in Mallacca, and that hee had in any place within the Indies·, and that three 72

Captaines, Christianus Swarez, Andreas Peso, and Ferdinando Marcado, should pay fiue thousand Ducats for their ransome, which should bee deuided amongst our men. Which accordingly was performed, beside a thousand Ducats which are not yet payd, for two Portingales, whereof one left his brother with me in hostage: This money I deuided amongst the Saylers, euery one hauing fiue ryals of eight, (for the Ducats make but sixe ryals) to make them the willinger to sette vppon the rest of the Armado that was gone to Nisobaer. The chiefe thing worthy the noting was that when I came the second time within the sight of Mallacca, there rose a mutinie in some of the ships saying that they would not fight, and alledging that they entred not into seruice to that end, saying that it was true that they had made me a promise to make a triall vpon Nisobaer but that they said was performed before Mallacca·. and also at Capo Rachado, as they supposed: the most part of them yeelded to reason, but those of the ViceAdmirall said they would giue eare to nothing, so that I was forced to vse some threatning wordes, and sayd that for all their deniall the matter 73

should not goe as they would haue it, and so willing, nilling, they went on with the rest. Thus I went with ail the shippes to Nisobaer, though I intended to haue sent the White-Lyon and the Vice-admirall towards Bantham^ there to take in their lading, and the next yeare to bee at home: but the most voyces would haue vs all to goe together to Nisobaer, and to trie whether wee could seperat their shippes, which wee hoped to finde all dispersed, as also to get the King of ^ueda on our side, to the end that no victuals should bee carried from thence to Malacca, and so wee came before ^ueda. The nineteene of Nouember I offered my seruice vnto the King, showing him that I was come thether to helpe him for to driue the Portingales out of his dominions, and to chase them from his Hauen, according to his letters written vnto mee, and sent to Batasaner, and that I was desirous to lade a shippe there, because his name was not yet knowne in our countrey, which I sayd would tend vnto his honor and profit. The King glad to heare that, prayed mee to helpe him to take a Pourtugale shippe and two Fregattes that laye in the riuer: Where-vpon I presently sent three 74

Boates that the same night set those three shippes on fire, after that the Maleyes had taken the goods and wares out of them, for I charged my men to take nothing from thence, there I tooke a praw comming from Malacca, and therein some letters, containing that their Armado was not farre from Paulo Bouton, and meant to sayle to the Indies the fourth of December: therfore I made hast to follow them, before that the foure Fregattes with a hundred and foure and twentie men and munition of warre, should come vnto them, and ioyne with them. The ninth of December wee gotte to Paulo Bouton, and saw the Armado, which no sooner perceiued vs, but they retyred to a place where they had streame and winde to their aduantage, and made themselues fast with foure cables before and behinde, and with a cable that reached from the one shippe to the other, and laye in such manner that wee could not come neere vnto them, vnlesse wee would winde our selues on boord of them in the night, I sent diuerse shippes vnto them, but could doe nothing. Then wee prepared a fire ship, thinking vnder the shotte of our Cannon to gette neere them, but it would not bee: 75

they had placed all their Canon on the one side, and in the midst all along their shippes they had layd Trees and Pipes filde vp with sand, and had in-sconsed them-selues in such manner, that they could turne and winde their shippes as they would, and discharge their Cannon at their pleasures, hauing a Northerlie winde that blew strongly out of the valleys, so that wee sought to get neere vnto them. When wee came towards the point of the land, it was there calme vnder the high land, and comming neere vnto them, the winde blew out of the Valleys, so that if wee would boord them, wee could not, vnlesse we would burne our selues with them, which they desire, (as it appeareth by the letters of the Viceroy) for they make their reckoning that they haue wone victory enough if by burning of two of their shippes, they burne one of ours : for the King cares not for his shippes, so he may thereby finde the meanes to hinder the Hollanders from their Nauigation. It was not good for vs to stay there any longer, for euery day wee lost our anchors, so that our resolution was to go to Pulo Lankeui, where they must of force stay, if they would goe for Mallacca, 76

that so we might set vpon them in the maine Sea. The twentith day lying vnder Lankeui, sixe miles from Poulo Bouton, wee determined to send the white Lyon to ^ueda to see if she might get three or four hundred bales of Pepper there, because at Dachin shee should finde lading enough to serue her turne: But they could get nothing in ^ueda·. For when they begin to gather the new Pepper, the old is gone, which is worth foure and twenty ryalls in Cosgie, and in Ihor, and so went to the rest of our ships againe, lying vnder Pulo Lankern to watch for the Portingales. The nine and twentith day the King of ^ueda (after that I burnt the Portugalés shippes in his Riuer) caused twenty Portugalés to bee kild, thinking so to doe mee a great pleasure therein, because I had sent him word that hee should shew some signes by his actions, that I might conceiue him to be my good friend. Your Worshippes may iudge hereby what affecton hee beareth vnto the Portugalés; From thence there is nothing to bee brought away but Pepper and victuals, whereby those of Mallacca are sustained: this people alwaies hold with the stronger part. In the deliuering of the Portingale prisoners vnto 77

the Vice roy before Mallacca, I had like to haue bene betrayed, for whereas I was so Uberai that I gaue a hundred and seauenty Portingales, and as many Moores, for fiue or sixe of my men which they had (but I reserued the Captaines and three or foure more for to get the three thousand ducats afore-said) I sent a note by a Portingale on shoare, to will the Vice-roy to send mee my men, and I would send him all his soldiers hole and disseased, which if hee refused and held mee in suspence, I said I would cast all the Portingales ouerboord, he returned with a note, whereby the Viceroy willed me to send him the Portingales, & sent me a bill of all their names both soldiers & Captaines & all others that were in my hands, & when my messeger shewed me that the prisoners were in danger of their \\\xç.b\ Andrew Hurtado made answer let him kill them, the rest will fight better an other time, which whe I vnderstood, I returned the messenger presently againe with this answer that if in the morning before Sunne rising hee did not send mee all my Duch-men I would kill all the Portingales; for I perceiued that the Viceroy delaid mee off; hee returning brought with him three Duch-men, for there were no more in the 78

towne, the rest were in the Armado at Poulo Bouton : which hee promised to send, meane time I had cali'd a Councell togither, and my white flagge hung out, and certainly if hee had staid but two houres longer, these hundred and seauenty Portingales had beene cast ouer-boord, for a warning vnto them, not to mocke with vs another time, for when they haue their desires, they scoffe at vs, and esteeme vs to bee men that know not the course of the world, and that dare not (because of the reuerence wee beare vnto them) offend them any-way, and thus the boast before the Indian Princes. I thought to haue sent a letter to the Viceroy, but deferr'd it for certaine causes, vntill some fitter time, to let him vnderstand that wee intended to make warre-like soldiers, and that if hee would deale hardlyer with my men that hee should take, then I had hetherto done with his, hee would find himselfe greatly deceuied, and that if he thought to stoppe my mouth with the Inquisition and such like masquerados, and so keepe and consume my men in his country, saying that hee could doe nothing against th' Inquisition, I and those that shal come after mee to the 79

Indies, would make warre against th' Inquisition, and cast all their shaueling Fryers ouer-boord, which would concerne the Inquisition and not him. May it therefore please the States to take such order that these fellowes may no longer terrifie vs with their vizards: And thus much I caused to bee sayd vnto the Viceroy him-selfe by the Captaines that were prisoners. Meane time I sent a Praw from ^ueda to Pulo Lankeui with one of my men in it, to see whether the enemie lay still at Poulo-bouton, who returned answer the nine and twentith day, that they were yet there, and brought two boyes prisoners with him, that tolde mee that they had sent a Galliot to Mallacca to haue aduise from the Viceroy, to know what they should do, whither they shold returne to the Indies or to Mallacca, for they durst not leaue their aduantage, without command: they said also, that when I thought to haue set on them with the fire-shippe and shotte vppon them, that twenty men were kild in the Admirall, seauen in lohn Pintos shippe, and eight in lacomo de Mararis his cousins shippe wherein they went, but what was done in the other shippes they knew not. 80

I perceiuing that there was no lading at ^ueda, and that the enemy would not leaue his place of aduantage, and that my time drew neere to go to the Molucques, durst not stay any longer, for Amboine was of force to be fortified, whilst Ternate was taken in by those of Manilles, where the Gouernor Don Pedro de Sousa with a thousand two hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians was come, and had taken the King prisoner. Therefore wee concluded, that the Vice-admirall with the White Lyon, and the great Sunne, should goe for Achin, to see if they by any meanes could make the like agreement with the King, as wee had made with the King of Ihor, and to giue the White Lion her full lading, and so send her home-ward, as also for to take in his owne lading if hee might, if not to goe presently for Bantam, and there to take in their lading, and so to returne home-ward, if hee could bee ready against the last of February, or the middle of March at the furthest, and to send the great Sunne to the coastes of Cormandel, but first to saile by Puncto de Galli vnder Celon, and there to trafficke and stay vntill the last of February, looking for the

shippes of Bengale, and other places, which at that very time came from Couchien, and then were to goe towards Masolipatan, hoping that they shall finde trafficke enough: for Pauwels van Sold, beeing in the Shippe called Oeljte, hath (as I vnderstood of the Portugalés that were taken before ^ueda) gotten three hundred bales of Gotten, linnen painted, and also some Pintados. I intended to goe the inner waye to Bantam with sixe Ships, to see if I can make agreement also with the King, and from thence to take our voyage towards Amboyna and the Molucques, for Amboyna must necessarily bee fortified, and wee must trie once againe to get the Molucques. Those of Banda play the beasts: some resolution or other must bee taken, for our men with their goods, that are there not assured of their hues, and the goods of the company are much endangered. From thence we will make towards China, and trye what we can doe there. In the boate which I tooke before Malacca vpon the three and twentith of October, I had seuen and thirtie bales, most part linnen cloath, and some Spanish Lether, whereof seauen I sent by the same, boate to Amboyna, with foure thou82

sand ryals, foure and forty men, and forty Negros, and the hälfe part of his lading of Rice, that was spoyled: and to goe to Maraza to buy good Rise, Flesh, and some Pintados or Cotton, Painted cloath, for to carry to Amboina, and to tell them that I would follow after them in the end of December: The other seuenteene Bales I gaue to our Saylers for a prize, with a Bale of thred, to make them the more willinger and readier to fight, for that they had gotten but little bootie. I hope we shall finde lading at Amboina and Banda, for the Pintados or Cotton cloath of Panwels van Sold, shall no doubt haue prepared some-thing for vs. I perceiue full well that wee shall haue long worke to doe about the Molucques, and that the time will fall out too short for vs to goe to Mouson in China·, but time will teach vs what is to bee done: if wee assure not Amboina, all our labour is in vaine, it is also against my opinion that the Spaniard should come thether. The Generali Bon Pedro de Sousa is made Marquis of Ternate-.Tivç. King that is taken is carryed to the West Indies, but his sonne is leaft with the King of Sidor, I was in good hope to haue per83

formed some-thing, but my armie is too much weakened, and I finde what hurt I receiued from the ship that was burning before Malacca, for there I lost the best men in my shippes: it is a strange thing that they are so rashlye and rudely giuen to the spoile, yet notwithstanding I must bee content and holde my peace. Your worships may hereby perceiue, how wee haue behaued our selues these nine moneths here in the Straights, some-time fortunately, and some-time crossely, but alwayes haue done the best we could, following your worships councell. I neuer wanted will nor courage to doe any seruice for my countrie, and though I haue not done as I would or desired, yet I haue performed what I could, as it is manifest by the premises. I comfort my selfe with this saying: That it is enough in great matters to will well, the Tree falls not at the first blow: if I could haue ouer-throwne those seauen shippes that lay still at Paulo Bouton, our time had beene well spent, but wee thought it not expedient to spend all our powder and munition. Wee haue yet a long iourney to make, wee must not bee too prodigali: I haue written my whole 84

minde to the generali companie, what meanes there are to beginne warre againe. The Almightie G O D giue vs a prosperous voyage, that all our endeuours may tend to the good of our natiue countrey, and of the worshipfull company. The 6. of January 1607. F I N I S .

C O R N E L I U S M A T E L I E F in 1605 was appointed admiral of a fleet of eleven vessels, which left the Texel in M a y of that year. After his return 2 Sept., 1608, he was publicly thanked by Barneveldt, and entertained by Prince Maurice. Beyond the fact that in later years he was often called upon to give advice to the Dutch East India Company, very little seems to be known about his life. See Biographie Universal, 1868.

III

The Fights o f f Swally Road, on November 2Ç and T)ecember 2¿¡., l6l2; written by Thomas Best, Commander of that Voyage

Narrative is reprinted from Best's "Journal of the tenth Voyage to the East-India," as printed by Samuel Purchas in the first volume, Book 4, Chapter VII, of "Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes," London, 1624. THIS

A Journallof the tenth Voyage to the East-India, with two shippes, the Dragon, and the Hosiander {accompanied with the James and Salomon, but those for other Voyages) and in them three hundred and eightie persons, or there-about: Written by Master

Ί

THOMAS BEST,

chief e Commander thereof.

"AHE fourteenth of November,

1612.

the

Gasila of Frigats came in sight of us, some

two hundred and fortie saile. I had thought that they had come to fight with us: but they were the

Fleet of the Merchant men bound for Cambaya. And every yeare there commeth the like Fleet, all Portugals from the South Coast, to wit, from G00, Chaul, &c. to goe to Cambaya·. and from thence they bring the greatest part of the lading, which the Caracks and Gallions carrie for Portugall. B y which may appeare the great trade that the Portugals have in these parts. 89

Notice of foure T h e sevcn and twentieth, I reGalhons. ' The fight be- ceived Letters from Master Canninz

tween foure Por-

о

Edward Christian : see^liarger'^R"

both signified

^^^ comming of foure GalHons to

¿/i?

with us, and that they were

l ì d i t Ò l i l t : i-eadie, riding at the Barre of Go«, the fourteenth of November. Z'rntsf

T h e nine and twentieth.

Master

halfourfgrllf' Canning came aboord: and the Por^^Inú^^útr^ú-tugall Fleet comming in sight of us '^^Tiiey lost in yesterday, drew neere up with the yK^^m'^'crediT floud : and at two in the after-noone I and one hundred . . . ., , , i and sixtie, or as aid set saile, and at loure I was about others five hun/">11 i 1 г 1 лг· dred men. And two Lables lengths irom the Viceietiedmaugre

Admirall, fearing to goe neerer for

thanui Salmon of Want of depth, and then I began to ter of the Hosian- play upon him both with great and small shot, that by an houre we had well peppered him with some sixe great shot. ceived

one

fiftie

From him wee re-

small

shot,

Saker

or

Minion into our Maine M a s t , and with

another

he sunke

our

long

B o a t e : but now being night we an90

chored, and saved our Boate, but lost many things out of it. The thirtieth, as soone as the day gave light, I set saile and steered betweene them, bestirring our selves with our best endevours, putting three of their foure shippes on ground on the sands thwart of the Barre of Surat. At nine I anchored. This morning the Hosiander did good service, and came through also betweene the ships, and anchored by me, upon the floud the three ships on the ground came off: we set saile, they at anchor, and came to them, and spent upon three of them, one hundred and fiftie great shot: and in the morning some fiftie shot: and at night we giving the Admirall our foure Peeces out of the Sterne for a fare-well, he gave us one of his Prow Peeces, either a whole or Demi-culvering, which came even with the top of our Fore-castle, shot thorowour Davie, killed one man, to 91

witj William Burrell, and shot the arm of another. This day the Hosiander spent wholly upon one of the ships, which was on ground, and from the enemie received many shot, one of which killed the Boat-swayne Richard Barker. Night being come wee birthed our selves some sixe miles from them, and anchored: and at nine of the clocke they sent a Frigat to us, which being come neere, came driving right on the hälfe of the Hosiander·. and being discovered by their good watch, they made to shoote at it; the first, caused it to set saile; the second went thorow their sailes, and so they tooke their leave. Their purpose, doubtless, was to have fired us, if they had found us without a good watch. The first of December, 1612. we

This Frigat was sunkc with the shot, as Mr. Salmon the actor

..

-

rode, they not comming to us, nor we . . •, . 1 was authour unto to them I they might without danger me, and eightie of

her men were 92

.

,

,

oi the sands have come to us, not we

taken up to them. This day I called a CounDecember i, 1612. gell, and concludcd to go downe to drowned.

The Portugalls

fig'hV"have

Madajeläebar

^

°

a broader channell, hoping also that the Gallions would follow us. The second, we went downe some sixe or seven leagues, but they followed us not. The third, at flood we plyed up againe, and anchored faire in sight of them. The fourth in the morning, we weighed, and stood away before them. In the after-noone they gave us over, and stood in with the land againe: and at night we directed our course for Diu. The fifth at night, we anchored some foure or five leagues to the Eastward of Diu in fourteene fathoms, faire aboord the shoare. The ninth we came to Madefeldebar, and anchored in eight fathomes. It is from Diu some ten or eleven leagues, and lyeth nearest East and by North, a faire Coast, no danger but that you see: your depth, if neare 93

utlZu^a.

Oiu^ fifteene, sixteene, when halfeway, twelve fathoms, then ten and nine, not less: it is a faire sandy Bay; and on the West-side of the Bay is a River that goeth farre into the Countrey: and this place is some five or sixe miles short to the Westward of the Isles of Mortie. The fifteenth in the morning, we departed from Madefeldebar, to go to Moha\ only to discover the Bay: because some that were there in the Ascension., reported it to be a good place to winter in. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, we anchored in the Bay of Moha·, which is from Madefeldebar nine or ten leagues, East North-east. Having found the Coast and channell very good, depth ten fathomes; no danger, but what you see. I sent our Pinnasse on land, where presently we had twenty good sheepe, at three shillings a sheepe, the best we had this Voyage. The sixteenth in the morning, I sent our Pinnasse on land, where we

94

found few people, but the ruines of a great Towne. The seventeenth in the morning, the General! of the Campe sent to me foure men, to intreat me to send unto him one of my men, that he might talke with mee. The one and twentieth I landed, and had much conference with the Generali of the Campe: he much desired that I would land two peeces of Ordnance, making many and great promises of favour to our Nation; but I refused him. He presented me with a horse and furniture, and two Agra Girdles: and I presented him a Vest of Stammell, two Peeces, two Bottles of Aquavitae, and a Knife. The two and twentieth, we saw the foure Gallions comming toward us, and at nine at night they anchored within shot of us. The three and twentieth in the morning, by Sunne, we weighed, and began with them, and continued fight 95

till ten or eleven. Then they all foure weighed, and stood away before the wind, and so went from us: for they sailed large, much better then wee: wee

followed

them

two or

three

houres, and then anchored. This day I spent upon them an hundred thirtie three great shot, and some seven hundred small shot.

In this fight

John Hackwel was killed with a great shot.

The foure Gallions anchored

from me some two leagues. The foure and twentieth, by Sunne rising, I weighed and went to the foure Gallions, and by eight began our fight, and continued it till twelve. And this day shot two hundred and fiftie great shot, and one thousand small shot.

B y this time both sides

were weary, and we all stood into the sea, and steered away South by East. The foure ships following of us, at two or three of clocke they laid it about and anchored. Now I began to take knowledge of our powder and 96

shot, and found more than hälfe of sixe hundred out shot spcnt, and of the Hosianders^ and five and , , i г i · twentie great having now spcnt О П the loure shippes shot spent on the · < i , ^ i foure Gallions, sixc hundrcd, nve and twenty great and three thous-

,

,

11

i

and small shot, shot, and three thousand small shot. Being from land some foure or five leagues, we met with a sand, whereon there was some two or two fathoms and an hälfe, and it lyeth from Moso South-South-east, or thereabout, the end of the said sand. I went over it in nine fathoms: and then were the two high hills, which are over Goga nearest North of us. Upon this sand was the Ascension cast away. The shoalding is something fast. Betweene the land and this sand is nine and ten fathoms. Wee continued steering South, with an ebbe. At low water we anchored in eight fathoms, the tide setting at East North-east, and West South-west, by the Compasse. At twelve at mid-night I weighed, wind at North North-west, and steered South South-east, depths twelve and fourteen fathoms. 97

The same taken out of M. Robert Boners Journal! who was then Master in the Dragon. The eight & twentieth day of November, we received a letter from M . Canning., & our Purser concerning Foure Gallions &3oFrigats.

foure Gallions of War, with thirty saile or brigats, which were commmg

g sabander a

to fight with US. And this day we saw them some two leagues to the Southward of the Barre of Sur at. This day the Sabandar of Surat came aboord to view us as wee judge being a friend to the Portugals., but the more he looked the worse he liked, we having all things readie, &c.

T h i s d a y wee began our fight. .

The nine and twentieth day,. , at two, . .

m the arter-noone wee set saile, and stood with the foure Gallions and Frigats which were come within some two leagues of us. The first which we met withall was the Vice-Admirall : wee gave her such a welcome, as that she was glad to haste unto the rest with all speed : night being neere and 98

Thr«ofthe ships aground.

our long Boat sunke, at our sterne with an unluckey shot, we anchored, The thirtieth day, early in the .

..

-

,

moormng wee set saile, and stood with them, and after some houres fight put three of the GalHons ashoare on the offermost sand, and then wee stood into deeper water and anchored: their Frigats were straight aboord the ships aground, and shoared them up with their yards, or els I thinke they had never come off. As soone as the Floud came wee weighed, but they were afloate ere wee could get to them: wee fought with them till it was darke, and had one man kild, and another hurt. The first day of December, 1612. we roade within a league one of the other, alwayes we had thought they would have come to us, we having gone to them three several times, but they are not so hastie. I thinke they have more minde to goe for Goa againe. 99

The nineteenth day, there came a second Messenger from a great Lord of the great Mogols from a place called the Castellet, which place this great man lyes in Campe against, sending our Generali word that if he will but come thwart that place with his ships to grace him, hee will be a sworne friend unto the English for ever. The Generali hearing that hee was a great man in favour with the King, resolved to goe to spend a day or two with him, to see what his desire was. The twentieth day, we anchored thwart of the Campe beeing close by the Sea-side, for the Castle beseiged butted upon the Sea, they in the Castle being a companie of Rebels and Rovers on the Sea. The one and twentieth day, upon receipt of good caution for his person, our Generali landed, and at three returned to ship. The two and twentieth day, we ICO

saw the foure Gallions and Frigats againe in sight, having beene at Diu for more fresh Souldiers, to have a bout more with us. At night they anchored within a mile of us. The three and twentieth day by day light, we were undersaile, and stood with the Admirall, and so fought till two of the clocke, at which time they cut their Cable, and began to runne, the Admirall having received a shot under water: but the help of the Frigats brought her upon the Carine presently, and stopped it, and so for this time fled, all the Campe standing by the Sea-side looking on us, within a league or two miles of us. For a great Commander did there just by us beseige a Castle holden by Rebels and Pirats, and were willing Spectators of this Seafight. Portugals

fain

The foure and twentieth day, we stood with them againe, and fought with them till two or three of the ICI

The number five

fights.

docke in the afternoone. They fled, and being light ships and cleane, went from us: one man kild, and no more hurt, praysed be God for all his mercies. Note, that wee have spent sixe hundred eightie great shot, and three thousand small shot out of the of Dragon, and some sixty Barrels of Powder: their Admirall had thirtie eight Peeces, and the rest thirtie by ship, very good Ordnance. This night we steered for Surat South-East, to haule without the sands. South from Mea some sixe leagues off lyes the first spit, on which sand the Ascension was lost. The same, from Extracts of a Tractate, written by Nicholas Withington, which was left in the Mogols Countrey by Captaine Best, a Factor, his Adventures and Travels therein. The third of October, Sheke Shuffe, Gouvernour of Amadavar, chiefe Citie of Guzerat, came to Surat, and so to

I02

Swally, and agreed upon articles. Master Canning had been taken by Pride goeth be- the Portugals^ but the Vice-Roy commanded to set him ashoare at Surat, saying, Let him goe heipe his Countrey-men to fight, and then we will take their ship, and the rest of them altogether. But the Purser made an escape, and so came to us on land: Master Canning was set on shoare at Surat, according to promise, and so went aboord. And the same day, being the twentieth ninth of October, the foure Portugall Gallions, with a Fleet of Portu- whole Fleet of Frigats, came in sight. The first fight. The Generali, after words of encouragement, met them, and never shot one shot, till hee came betweene their Admirall and Vice-Admirall, gave each a broad side, and a volly of small shot, which made them come no more neare for that day. The other two ships were not as yet come up; and the Hosiander could not get cleare of her anchors, and shot not one shot 103

that day. In the evening all came to an anchor in sight of other; and the Thesecond,

next moming renued their fight: the Hosiander bravely redeemed the former dayes doing nothing: the Dragon drove three of them on ground, and the Hosiander danced the Hay about them, so that they durst not shew a

The third.

man upon the Hatches. In the afternoone they got aflote with the flood, and fought till night; then anchored, and lay still the next day. The next day after, the Dragon drawing much water, and the Bay shallow, remooved to the other side of the Bay, rode at Mendafrobay^ where all that time Sarder Cham, a great Noble-man of the MogoUs, with two thousand

Horse,

was

beseiging

a

Castle of the Razbooches (which were before the Mogolls

Conquest,

the

Nobles of that countrey now living by robbery). He presented our Generali with a horse and

furniture,

which he againe gave to the Gover104

The last fight.

nour of Goga, a Port Towne to the West of Surut. After ten dayes stay heere, the Portugalls having refreshed, came thither to our ships. Sarder Cham councelled to flee: but the General! chased the Portugals in foure houres, driving them out of sight, before thousands of the countrey people, Sarder Cham relating this to the King (after the Castle razed) to his admiration, which thought none like the Portugalls at sea. The seven and twentieth of December, they returned to Swally, having lost three Saylers, and one mans arm shot off: Portugals confesse of theirs an hundred and sixtie, some report three hundred odde.

was the son of George Best (d. 1584?), Frobisher's old captain on the voyages in search of the North West Passage in 1576, 1 5 7 7 , and 1578. Thomas probably went to sea as a boy in 1583, but of his early career nothing definite is known. In 1598 he is mentioned as being a sailor of some repute in RatclifF and Limehouse. That his reputation was good in the early

THOMAS BEST ( I 5 7 O ? - I 6 3 8 ? )

105

years of James is shown by his appointment as master of the Red Dragon, of 600 tons, 30 Dec. 1 6 1 1 . On 5 Feb. following, his squadron left Gravesend on the tenth separate voyage (sometimes called the eighth) of the East India Company. On his arrival at Surat ensued the fight described in the text, after which Best went to Acheon (Jan. 1 6 1 3 ) where he established good relations with the local potentate, who called him a "clean-hearted lord." In the summer of 1 6 1 3 he called at Bantam, and then sailed home, reaching the Downs in June, 1614. (See State Papers, East Indies, 22 June, 26 J u l y , and 9 and 19 August, 1614.) From a commercial standpoint this voyage was a great success, netting a profit of 2 1 1 per cent, while its moral and historical results were as great as any expedition in the annals of the Company. Best was warmly praised by the Privy Council, who urged him to go out in command of the next voyage, but this he refused to do without permission to trade privately. Three years later, however, he did go out, as chief at Bantam; only to be dismissed for the nepotism of appointing his son as master's mate. This led to his departure from the Company's service, and his taking an appointment under the Crown. In 1623 he was Senior Officer on the Downs, and he had a sharp brush with the Dutch on 4 August of that year, who had blockaded a Dunkirk privateer. We hear of him in the disastrous Rhé expedition of 1627, while he served from 1633 or 1634 until his death as Senior Warden of Trinity House. At the end of his life he served on a committee to inquire into the frauds of the timber supply. See J . K . Laughton's article in D . N . В . , also State Papers, 1 6 1 1 - 3 8 . Hunter's History of British India, I , 290, 300-304. Rundall's Memoirs of the Empire of J a p a n (Hakluyt Society).

IV

The Repulse of the T'ortugals by the English Fleet in January., l6l^^f?om the 'Journal of Captain Nicholas "Downton.

Narrative is reprinted from the extracts from Captain Downton's Journal of the voyage of 1 6 1 3 - 1 5 , as printed in the first volume, Book IV, chapter X I , of "Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes," London, 1624. THIS

Extracts of the Journal! of Captarne N I C H O L A S D O W N T O N , who was em-ployed chiefe Commander in the second Voyage set forth for the joy ned Stockes in the East-Indies, by the Governour, Deputie, and Committees of that Societie. Wherein is related their happie success against the Vice-Roy, and all the Indian sea forces of the Portugalls, by force and cunnung attempting their destruction.

[December, Gogo burnt,

r ^ H E Portugals Forces, Acts, AtJ- tempts. Fight with the English, and disgracefull Repulse. The sixteenth. Master Elkington & wrote me that the Nabob told him that the Portugall Frigats had burnt Gogo with many Gonges or Villages thereabouts, and tenne great ships, one whereof was the Rehemee, and one hundred and twentie small Vessels: and that he was displeased with me for not shooting at them when they 109

Twentie two Portugall Frigats.

past by us; which did renue his suspition of our friendship with the Portugals·. to all which Master Elkington answered him, yet he could not rest satisfied. The three and twentieth came two Boates more for Lead. This day wee .

.

i

·

i

saw twentie two brigats, who m the night came to anchor betweene us and the Riversmouth, where they roade most part of the next day. The foure and twentieth, in the morning we saw foure Boates comming downe the River toward us, who seeing the Frigats returned two Frigats chasing them up the River: but seeing them could not fetch them up, went ashoare and fired two or three poore houses, and tooke away two or three head of Cattell, and so returned backe to their Company, who in the after-noone went up into the River together. The five and twentieth, in the morning early we saw five or sixe no

Frigats under saile an houre or two: after, we perceived a small Boat under saile standing towards us, but was presently chased by two Frigats, the men in the small Boat runne her aground and forsooke her, so that the Frigats could not float where she lay, the tyde ebbing so fast, therefore they departed without doing any further harme unto her. The sixe and twentieth, in the morning I sent the Hope to the Northwards a good way from the rest of the Fleet, to see if the Portugals would charge upon her. Poriugaii

The seven and twentieth, earley in the morning, the Frigats came and made a bravado before our ship, and then before the Salomon, which was next unto us, and from her to the Hope which roade a great way from us, who drove directly upon her with all her men stowed, not a man to be seene. The Master twice hailed them, but they would not speake, III

Their repulse,

112

whereupon they let flye at them with their Bow-pieces, having no other to ply upon them, which made them with some losse to depart: the Master doubting, that if hee had not shot, they would have boorded him, or mischieved him by fire, they comming upon the advantage both of winde and tyde, that none of the rest of the ships coulde come to the rescue; and in such sort right ahead, that hardly can he traverse any piece of Ordinance at them. In the after-noone I sent the Salomon to accompany the Hope, who went to the North-wards of her, and made five or sixe shot at the Frigats, who roade at anchor hard by the Hope. But we did not perceive any hurt she did them: wherefor I commanded my Gunner to shoot a Peece to warne them to give over, whereupon the Salomon stood againe and came to anchor. The eight and twentieth, in the morning I went in the Pinnasse

aboord the Hope and Salomon^ to understand the occasions of their shooting: and the Portugals seeing our Boates passe to and againe, removed in the after-noone, and roade a little without us to cut off all interother attempts, course. In the meane time, came the former Boat which was chased ashoare aboord the Gift, and brought some Letters from Master Elkington. The Master sent the Bearer with the Letters to mee in the Hope, where having answered Master Elkingtons Letter, I sent him backe againe to the Gift, to goe thence in the night to Surat·. but as the Gelliwat returned, the Frigats chased her, which I perceiving, caused to weave to the Gelliwat to returne, which they not seeing held on her way. But the Frigats held her so close that they were within shot of her, and made one faire shot at her, and had not the Gift let slip one Cable, and veered another, and plyed upon them with 113

A Fleet of Fri-

^^

114

her Ordnance, it would have gone hard with them: which made them give over the chase not without some damage: and late in the night upon the tyde of ebbe, I commanded the Hope and Salomon to set saile and fall neerer to the other ships, and then I went aboord the Gift. The nine and twentieth, I perceiving that my riding was of no availe to keepe the Frigats out of the River, because they coulde passe to and fro over the sands, where wanted water for my ships to swimme; and that no Boates durst come to us to fetch our goods for feare of the Frigats; neither could I heare from our friends ashoare how all things past; therefore I set saile for Swally: but being but little wind and calme, it was the next day before we arrived there. The fourteenth of Januarie, we heard of the approach of many Frigats, which roade at the Barre till next day within night, and then in

the darke came from thence, and roade within shot of us all night till morning, when they weighed and went to the Southwards; whom I thought were the Mallabars^ that the Nabob promised formerly to send mee: and therefore put forth a Flagge of Truce, and sent Master Spooner one of the Masters Mates towards them with the Gelliwat, and appointed him to have an eye backe to our signes that wee would make, if we mistrusted any thing. I seeing the Gelliwat so neere, and no shew of friendship from them in answer of ours, put forth my flag which before was taken in, and shot a peece of Ordnance for a signe to my Boat to come aboord, which presently upon sight thereof shee did, who was not scarce aboord, when our Centinell from top-mast head, discryed another Another fleet of Fleete of Frigats, who afterwards met together at the Barre, and went altogether into the River: whereby I per115

ceived they were Portugals, and was glad that our men and Boat so well escaped their hands. I thinking these Frigats were forerunners of greater forces, caused all the decks to be cleered, and the Ordnance freed, and all things else fitting both for the Ordnance, Shot,, and Barracadoes to bee in a readinesse. The seventeenth in the night, the Frigats came all forth of the River, they being in the morning at the point of the Barre. The eighteenth, there came to the water side Maugie, the Banian Captaine formerly named, with an other great man, the sonne of Clych Caun, to whom I went ashoare: whither not long after word was brought me from A fleet of ships.

aboord, that they discryed a farre off a Fleete of ships looming very bigge, which ashoare we could not see by reason of the lownesse of the place. And after leave taken on both sides, he departed, and I returned aboord,

Il6

causing all things to be set in a readinesse, which was speedily performed. Towards night, we made them to be The Portugaii sixc GalHons and three lesser shippes, forces consisted of

,

.

.

-

_

.

.

sixe Gallions, and Dcsides the sixtie former J^ngats, and three ships, and , s i x t y F r i g a t s , be- two Gallies beemg not yet come: the sides two Gallies.

. ,

,

.

,

,

i

· 11

tide being spent, they anchored till the next day. The nineteenth, they plyed up to the entrance of our new Channell, where they came to an anchor, and the two Gallies came up to them, where one of the great ships beeing too forward, came too neare the sands, and touched, but soone got off againe. The Nabob sent the Sabandar, and divers other principali men of the Towne to the Vice-Roy, with a Present of great provisions, they making some treaty of peace, but brake off, effecting nothing, great policie on both sides being used. On the NaNabobs Present bobs side, to the increase of my griefe: for he and all the Countrey in generali despaired of my being able to 117

withstand so great forces, and began to make preparative before-hand to claw the Vice-roy with Presents: for I once overthrowne, his turne had come next, to endure a great assault, or to make such peace as the enemy His feare and desired. For, peace with them was it that stood with the Vice-roys policie most to desire, for the setting trade a foote between them. On the other side, the Vice-roy seeing the tractVice-royes sub- ablenesse of the Nabob, and his seemtion ijefore. ing desire to make peace, for the Present set light of it; supposing to have made it with great royalty and profit for his owne part, after he had overthrowne us, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish; which once performed, he expected greater Presents; and great submission on their parts to him being conquerour. But it pleased God, who beheld the unjustnesse of his attempt, to turne it contrary to both their expectations: for the Vice-roy failing of his purposes in ii8

Disgrace at-

Care and prevention of the

Generali.

attempt against me, seeing he could not recover so much as a Boats thoule from me in all the time he spent, with losses and disgrace about it; afterward was forced to revive the former neglected motion of peace with the Nabob\ which Nabob beeing strengthened with a Moneths experience, notwithstanding all their bragging threats, seeing he was not able to remoove our small forces one foot out of their place, gave answer: Since with so great an army he could not prevaile against foure Merchant ships, I wil make no peace with you: and so was the Vice-roy frustrated of both his hopes. Yet now after some digression returning againe to my daily businesse. Formerly hearing of the Vice-royes ^

.

.

.

forccs to come, we imagined it would not bee so great as now by view it seemes, therefore high time to enter into best considerations, how by Gods help to resist the same. The odds and 119

advantages he had over me, put me to my shifts in casting up all things that made against me, being overtopt by his forces, whom I esteemed furnished with the principali ships and meanes of India, and people of greatest ranke and valour in these parts, in likelihood too hard for us when we should put into deepe water; nay, I Know not how to put into deepe water, but they alwayes ready to intercept, over-charge, or force me a ground irrecoverable on one side or other: my disadvantages so great in putting out, and their smaller Vessels I knew might much with fire-workes, or otherwise hazard us within at anchor where we rode, where I had hope their great ships through the shoaldnesse of water, could not nor durst not put in. The things with me to give me hope was, my people (though much with death and sicknes shortened) all from the highest to the lowest, seeme very couragious and 120

comfortable; though (for the most) ignorant, either of the danger, or how to prevent it, yet pleasing to me to see their willingnesse, M y care is not small, how to doe my best in maintaining the Honour of my Country, nor negligent in the memory of the estates and charge of my friends, and employers in this Journey; not onely for the hazard of this at present committed to my charge, but also all hope of future times, if I should now be overthrowne: by reason the enemie in getting the upper hand of me, would make his peace with these people upon what conditions he lust, to the expelling of our Nation this Countrey for ever.

And what my

care was for the saftie of my people, I referre to the consideration of such fathers, as are tender over the saftie of their obedient children.

All this

while my whole powers so kept in action, that I found little time to converse, or almost shew myselfe sensible 121

The best help

122

of the dangers approaching; yea, ever as I could be solitary and free from others; very earnestly craving aide and assistance from the Lord of hosts, and from that mightie and mercifull God, who hath manifold wayes formerly delivered me; often I say desiring his Majestie so to guide and direct me, that I might omit nothing which might tend to the safety of my owne charge, nor the danger of the enemy: and that God would grant my request, I had a strong confidence; and the same againe often queld by the assembly of my manifold and grievous offences, and but for Gods mercie sufficient to drowne the world; whereby forced afresh by prayer to pierce the heavens, and flie unto God for aide against both inward and outward assaults. I so resolved by Gods assistance what to doe, if my assistants the Masters of the Ships would yeeld thereunto; knowing if we should receive a foile riding at our anchor,

our disgrace would be greater and our enemies little abashed: but in mooving, I might moove the Vice-roy in greedinesse and pride, to doe himself wrong against the sands, hoping that that might bee an occasion whereby God might draw him to shorten his owne forces, and so might open the way for our getting out amongst the rest: which would rather have been for a necessitie, then any way hopefull: for at present our goods on the way, and daily by some and some expected to come hither, and if once gotten out, unlesse it had pleased God to make us conquerours, and drive the Vice-roy cleane away, I could not returne into my

place,

where onelt (and no where else) I could take my lading: I esteeming the Vice-roy to hold his honour in so high regard, that he must have been dead before he would have given way. I also, though helplesse, remembered two great advantages the enemie had 123

of me in this warre. Ever before my people came to fight, they are first tired, or hälfe spent with the labour of the ship, as heaving at Capstaine, or getting up our anchors, setting of sailes and other labours, which greatly quells their courages, making them in hot Countreys both weary and faint; and then of necessitie must become souldiours : whereas the Viceroy his souldiours come fresh to fight, beeing troubled with no labour, which is done by slaves and inferiour seapeople, which are never accompted companions of Souldiours. Secondly, if the Vice-roy loose many men in his ships, he may be supplyed againe out of his fresh supplyes, to be fetcht from their neerest townes by their Frigats, whereas we could not have one man supplyed, how many soever we should have slaine or disabled. This present Thursday at night, I having no Merchants at all aboord, but all employed in the Countrey 124

Consultation,

(besides those with Master Elkington at the house at Surat) I sent for all my Masters to supper, with some mates, where (as the time served) I began speech of our present businesse, desiring every man to speake freely, how he thought best for us to worke, considering to the present straight we seemed to be in; alleadging my confidence to be (for all the bragging of these Portugals abounding in force) that God would not suffer their injurious attempts upon us, that have been tender not to wrong them in the East. I have had also a jealous conceit carried over mee by the Nabobs and principals of the Countrey, as though I had been confederate with the Portugals^ for that I did not shoot at the saucy-governed bragging Frigats. I found all the Masters to my hearts desire, willing and tractable to whatsoever I should wish; and had some fewe speeches about our provident mooring, as also of the remoov125

ing somewhat lower downe. But ere long, I let them know my conceit, desiring their free opinion therein: which was, that now our ships were as fit for fight as we could make them, and our danger by night if we rode still dently)

(worke never so provi-

to prevent

therefore I thought

is not

small;

fittest

in the

morning at low water, to send downe one ship to ride, as we might have water enough at low water for all our ships: for then none can come to annoy her, which may prepare the Vice-royes mind to some attempt at high water, and as the Flood comes, the other three should beare downe against the streame (the spring now neere the highest) to proove what attempt the Vice-roy would give, to attend it, and worke accordingly as we shall see reason, in hope that God will put designes into the mind of the Vice-roy, that he may commit some error, to the weakening of his owne 126

forces; which if he doe, then will be fittest time in the darke of the night following, to put out when it shall be unfit for them to come to saile to hinder us. Or if we see reason, we may with the wind worke every day to and againe with our sailes on the Flood, to be alwaies ready in action, when the tide is aloft, which may somewhat the courage of the people quell and dismay, though the Gallants seeme to thinke otherwise. This no sooner propounde, but liked for the best way, and so we agreed to proceed, and for that I found M. Molineux willing at low water in the morning to fall downe with the Hope, which was accordingly performed. The twentieth in the morning, at low water I sent downe M. Molineux with the Hope, to prepare the Enemie to some attempt, when the tide shall be up; which beeing done, upon the flood we also with the other three ships stood after her. The Vice-roy 127

The fight with

128

and all the worthy Knights about him, supposed I had been flying, hastened also as the streame would permit them, towards the entrance to stop my comming forth; but contrariwise we all anchored short of the Hope, not altogether of purpose to leave her destitute of our helpe, but rather doubting of depth for our ships (so farre downe) to ride at low water. I was no sooner at anchor, and gone downe to my Cabbin, and set downe to write, to give my friends and Merchants ashoare notice of my purposes and resolution, howsoever it might please God to dispose of me; and that they might know it to be no rashnessq, but in good discretion to tend upon my best advantages to prejudice my enemies; but presently I had notice, that three ships with most of the Frigats were before the wind, running stem-long aboord the Hope, and the Gallions after them, so farre as the sands gave leave. We assayed

Portugals

by slaughter, sea, and

fire.

to weigh our anchor, but time not permitting, wee cut Cable, and set saile for the Hopes rescue, but the Enemies ships were aboord her, and entred their men before we came sufficiently neere them; their men being entred with great shew of resolution, but had no quiet abode there, neither could rcst in their owne ships, nor make them loose from the Hope, for our great and small shot; so that when the principali were kild, the rest in great number, for quietnesse sake, leapt into the Sea, where their Frigats tooke many of them up. But first of purpose to have burnt the Hope with them, they made preparation to fire their owne ships, which was well performed without harme to the Hope, (praised be the Lord of heaven) for so soone as the fire was wel kinled, the ships of fire were let loose, and drove a ground on the sands, where they burnt till the flowing water came and quencht them; 129

A mischance.

130

whiles day light lasted, we continued changing of shot in all our ships with the Gallions, they being on the outside of a spit of sand, and we on the inside; by which they did little harme to our Hulles, but to our ropes and sailes overhead. In this conflict besides them which were wounded, we lost five men, by great mischance the Hopes main top, top-saile, top-mast, and shrounds came a fire, and burnt away, with a great part of the maine mast, by the fire-works that were in the said top, the man being slaine that had the charge thereof. This mishap kept us from going forth into deepe water to try our fortunes with the Vice-roy, but were put to our shifts, not knowing how, or by what meanes to get the said Mast cured. The one and twentieth, I sent to weigh the anchor we had cut the day before. The two and twentieth, I understood that many great men, with five or sixe hunderd horse, and a

Portugall Father came downe to Swalley, to send on the morrow the Father with three or foure principali Moores, to conclude a peace betwixt them: and the Nabob sent me word that he sought no such thing, and was resolved to make none, but wherein we should be included. He also granted me what Timber we should want, which we made use of. Likewise we were promised provisions. The Portugals continued quiet.

Jesuites venirne.

The five and twentieth, the Muccadam of Swally came to me, and told me that the former Father had sent to intice him to poison the former Well, where hence we had our water, which he would not yeeld unto, and therefore had put into the Well some live Tortoises, who would by their death demonstrate the poysoning thereof, if it should by them be performed. At night came part of the hundred and seventie bales of Indico to the water side, which was presently 131

fetcht aboord. Isaac Beg sent me a Present of the fruits of his owne garden. This day came down the rest of the Timber for the Hopes Mast. The seven and twentieth, I sent all our Boats to sound the Swach at low water; chiefly to keep the Enemie alwayes ignorant of what I intended: whither was sent by the Enemy to prevent them, one Gaily and five Frigats, thinking to cut off our Boats, whereof they failed, as of all other things they attempted. The eight and twentieth, the iVöbob sent to the Vice-roy great store of provisions. Goats, Bread, Plantans, &c. with a banquet of sweet meates. Cogenozan sent me a Present of five Bullocks. Divers of our men died here of Fluxe and diseases. The one and thirtieth in the morning, we received aboord from Cambaya fiftie bales Indico. In the afternoone came Cogearson Allee aboord, 132

Newes of Portu-

fe/jsame.

who presented me with divers things, viz. Goats, great store of Bread, Rostmeat, Plantans, and Sugar, 8ec. With him came an old acquaintance of mine, a Persian, he reported unto me that there is newes come from Damon, Povtugals carHed thither three hundred and fiftie men to be buried, and that this newes is most certain: and by our estimate, there cannot be lesse then an hundred more kild and burnt in their ships, besides those drowned, which the tide did cast up ashoare. They also related to me, that not onely here in India they found opposition, but also the Persians against Ormus, and the Malays at Malacca, are in arms against the Portugals·, and whereas ther had been speech of a peace to bee concluded betweene the Viceroy and Mocrib Can, he wisht me to assure my selfe it was broken off, and would none be. I found his love, and tooke great content in his long staying with mee, 133

whose presence I thirsted to see, and till now he could never get leave of the Nabob to come to see mee (which without no man dare, or will be so bold) who proceeds by the great charge he hath from the King, that all things of worth, should be procured by the Nabob for the Kings use; which holds him in such doubt and jealousie, least any thing should passe by any other meanes to his disgrace, whereby he is inforced to use strange and severe courses to restraine the same. The day being farre spent, I returned him with a Present, gave money to all his people, let him see the cast of the Bullets of some of our Great Ordnance; they tooke their leave and departed. Portugall supplyes, Fire-boatesfrustrated, seeke peace and refused, their departure: Enterview of the Nabob and Generali: departure of the English. February 3.

134

The third of Februarie, there came

Supplycs sent the Vice-Roy.

to the water side twentie foure Bales Indico, seven packs white Bastas, seven packs blacke Bastas, sixe packs Cotton-yarne, foure packs blue Bastas, three packs Caudikens, one pack Crecany, al which were presently fetcht aboord: this day also the Vice,

.

.

.

i ·

i

royes supplyes came in sight, which were two ships of burthen, two Junkes, and eight or tenne of the Countrey Boates. The Nabob sent Lacandas to informe me, that these supplyes were not for warre, but fild full of combustible matter to fire, and so to be let drive with the tyde upon our ships in the night; which advise I was glad to understand, and addressed my selfe also to prevent that, and all other their attempts with smaller ships. The Spring now neere the highest, and fittest for their assaults, which every tide I expected: and to shew that I was in a readinesse to intertaine them, as also how little I cared for them (having all the time 135

formerly ridden without the like) I purposed and performed the setting and cleering our watch, Morning and Evening, with a Volley of shot from every ship, and the best Peece in m y shippe directed at the prow of the The bravera braved.

Vice-roy, which I did to daunt the courage of them hee m u s t employ, and to try his temper, whether it would make him angry or no: and I still thinke it prooved to good end. I t pleased God this day at night, when

Death of the Generals son.

I had least leisure to mourne, to call to his mercie my onely Son George Downton, who early the next morning was buried ashoare, and the Volleyes aforesaid,

appointed

to

try

the

temper of the Vice-roy, served also to honour his buriall. This morning also came to me on Mousa

Attale

a Malabar

Captaine

(with his troope attending) to visit me, expecting some businesse this d a y by the Portugals

to be attempted;

whom I intertained with all kind re136

spect, and by conference made the best use of his company that I might; by drawing from him the description of the principali Ports and Harbours in his Countrey, and manifesting the desire I had to be acquainted with him, and to intertaine love, league, and familiaritie between the English and them, with a mutual trade and traffique one with another: the which with great desire he seemed to imbrace, willing me to give him some Letters of my hand, for their ships to carry to shew to my Country-men, wheresoever they should meet them: which I delivered, as also a Letter from him to moove their King for the kind usage of our Nation, whensoever any of our ships should arrive in any of his Harbours, and so after leave taken, he departed, I presenting him with a Sword blade, and three or foure knives. The Master of the Hope complained, that besides those presently kild, he had many hurt, 137

Reisbutea

138

bruised, and disabled for service: wherefore I sent him for supply, three men from the Gijt, foure from the Hector, and foure from the Solomon. The fifth, I received letters from M. Aldworth from Baroch, who writes of their arrival there, and that the day before, nine Courses from Barock, they were set upon by two hundred theeves, Rashpooses, with Pikes, small shot, and Bowes and Arrowes: and skirmishing a little while with them, they fled, three of them being killed, and more wounded, they having shot Humfrey Elkington thorow the thigh, and killed one of the horses that Surder Canne sent to guard our men; and Master Aldworthe's horse likewise received a shot. The Nabob sent me word that the Vice-Roy would assault this day, and therefore sent Gogenozan to guard the Land; who came to the water-side and sent his sonne Mamod Jehad aboord to see mee, with a Caveleer,

called Kemagee, the sonne of Leckdarsee, Raspooso of Guigomar, or Castelletto (who maintained warre with the Mogore and Portugall together a long time) they entreated leave to see and partake in the fight: who seeing no attempt that day given, stayed aboord all night; and the Raspoose seeing the backwardnesse of the enemy, went the next day ashoare: but the other desirous to see the issue thereof, stayed two or three dayes longer aboord; and then seeing nothing would bee done by the enemie, he departed. Poiicie of the Portuiaiis.

The eight in the fore-noone, we remore Indico aboord. In the after-noone all the Frigats, with the two Junckes and two Gallyes, came driving up with the flood, making shew of some attempt at the instant, either by fire, (which I most doubted) or otherwise: whereupon we all weighed to goe nearer to them, who no sooner perceived it, but they alto139

gether made away as fast as they might, and we came to an anchor not farre from our former place. This device was nothing but to make us think that those Fire-boats should come from the Northwards, t h a t we might not mistrust their comming from the Northwards: and therefore the next day against night, they assembled both Junckes, Frigats, and Gallyes all together, a little without the sands, to take away all suspition of the N o r t h from us: which I well perceived, and did alwayes resolve, that that way was the place of most danger for us: And therefore gave a special! charge of good looking out both wayes, but chiefest t h a t w a y : which accordingly fell out; for that a little within night we did discerne them (betweene us and a great light to the Westward, upon the Hand of Gogo) creeping to the Northwards upon the flood, and then upon the last quarter ebbe, about ten of the 140

Firy

docke in the dark of the night, before the rising of the Moone, there came stratagem driving downe two Fire-boats, being towed by Frigats, whom we discovered before they came neare us, and plyed at them both with our Ordnance and small shot, whereby wee beat off the Frigats that towed them, who durst adventure no further with them, but turned them off, who came driving with the tide a prettie distance from the other. The first drove cleere of the Gift, Hector and Salomon, and came thwart the Hopes Hause, and presently blew up, and with the blow much of their ungratious stuffe: but (blessed be God) to no harme to the Hope, for that by cutting her Cable, shee cleared her selfe. The latter came likewise upon the quarter of the Hope, and then flamed up, but did no harme, driving downe the ebbe, and came foule of us againe on the flood, the abundance of fewell continually burning, which our 141

people in our Boats towed ashoare, and the former suncke downe neare us by day-light. This day I received a letter from Master Aldworth, who writes of the receit of a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas Whittington is distracted, and out of his right sences, and that he writeth somewhat doubtfully of Richard Steele. Two Fire-boats The tenth at night, neare about the same time as before, there came two Fire-boats together, towed by foure or five Frigats, which bore directly upon the Hector·, but as soone as we discovered them, the Gift and the Hector let drive at them, both with great and small shot, that the Frigats which towed them, forsooke them, and forced the actors thereof to give fire sooner then they would, and so turned them adrift: who comming burning directly towards her (but the wind being stifFe, drove them to leeward of her) within hälfe an houre 142

^ Other Fire-

after wcc pcrccived a great many Boats driving right with the Hector^ at whom they and we. discharged, which againe made the Frigats forsake them, and also those appointed for to act it, sooner then they expected, whereby they gave fire only unto two of them, being foure of them chained together: but the Hector edging to windward (and it pleased God to send a stiffe gale of wind at present, which drove them to Leeward off her) our Gunner made a shot at one of the Boats unfired, and struck her, whereupon shee tooke fire, and the vehemencie of the flames reached unto the fourth, and set her a fire also, and so they drove ashoare hard by our landing place. My Pinnasse took three of the actors in a small Cannow, wherein they thought, the exploit being done, to have escaped. Two of them were brought aboord me, and the third was left aboord the Hector: and the Gelliwat 143

returning

aboord,

found

another

which shee brought with her; one of them had his shoulder shot thorow. T h u s it pleased God to disappoint all the malitious practises of our enemies against us. T h e eleventh, the Vice-Roy seeing God crossing him in all his injurious attempts, set saile and fell downe into the Barre, where he anchored.

The

cause of his anchoring there, I was desirous to understand; I doubting it was for no other purpose, then to attempt the spoile of Surat: but I resolved, if he should so doe, to put out with m y ships, and so to set upon his Fleet (which would make his enterprise against Surat to bee given over) being desirous to assist the

place

where wee had so great a stocke, and so many of our Merchants.

B u t the

Vice-Roy would not trust mee so much, as to unman his ships, lest I Vice-Roy seek- should come against him; and thereeth peace and is

refused. 144

"

_

fore sent all the Frigats at night into

the River, with some to capitulate about a peace, whereof he had flat answere to the contrary, as aforesaid. The twelfth, Lacandas came downe, , _ , . . -κτ Ί Ί i\ mtormmg me from the isabob (he

The Jesuits factors of State, and Merchandise affaires in the East- ,

Шш. Other

.

i i

i

τ

·

·

i

bemg SO assured by the Jesuits, with whom he alwayes kept faire weather for his better securitie, if wee should be put to the worse) that there were sixe or eight Frigats gone to the Northwards, with foure or five Fire-Boats to be let drive among us in the night: and there-wished carefully to looke out, for that it should be when we should least suspect. I allowed of his kindnesse, was glad of his carefull regard, although needing no such admonition, suspecting such practices as well when they were out of sight, and furthest from us, as when they rode hard by us. The thirteenth, for as much as Frigats or other vessels in the offing could not so well discerne the place of our ships, in the darke night, for the 145

C r a f t and sub-

shadow of the shoare, though very low; therefore in the times of their hellish Gun-powder practises, they had lights for ayme given them ashoare, where fittest to come in. Now night by night we saw the like, in the like place as before; therefore esteeming some of their creatures againe to give ayme for their comming to like practises, though no vessels зеепе by day-light. And being for-

tilties of devils

.

· i

i

,

and men, prove т с п у wamed, as aforesaid, to looke

Ignesjatuiirfrus'

trau.

г

ι·ι

·

ι

i

out lor like attempts, in nope to take hold of this Fire-man, at night I sent William Gurdin ashoare with twentie men, shot and pike, to incompasse and take the blaser of the said fire, supposing it to be some traytor inhabiting these nearest parts: who in his passage comming neare it, it would seeme presently out, and again at an instant at another place contrary to their pursuit, and so playing in and out with them so long, that in the end they gave it over, es146

teeming it some delusion of the Devili, not knowing otherwise how to conjecture thereof. This present Vice-Roy de- night the Vicc-Roy set saile from the Barre, leaving in the River some twentie of his Frigats, which continued the place, shifting to relieve each other sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, and kept in the Mallabars Frigats, which were there in service for the defence of the Towne. The fourteenth, the Nabob sent me a great man and a Souldier (whom with amitie hee named his brother) to visit me, who declared his opinion, that the Vice-Roy and all his Fleet were gone for Go«, but some Frigats to attend this River, and some to returne to Diu and Ormus·. which opinion of his I see no reason for it, could not allow of; esteeming him rather gone some-whither to refresh his people, to strengthen them against our putting forth to sea, when no sands should hinder his greatest 147

ships to encounter me. He also told me that the King had sent downe forces, both to take Damon, and all the Country along the Sea-side; in which I gave him courteous hearing, beleeving as I saw reason: and that they were more willing to give our Nation entertainment and trade, then ever they did the Portugals·, the which I thought he might with very good reason speake, because the Portugall hath beene injurious alwayes, and hath exercised many vile things upon them. And yet unlesse we continue able to mate and withstand the Portugals forces; they will unsay that speech againe for their owne ease. After he had seene the ship, and viewed our Ordnance, and all our defencible preparations, hee desired leave to depart with his traine, which with all courtesie and our Boats, in best fashion was performed. Now our daily endeavour is, and long since hath beene to the clearing 148

and beginning to lade the Hope for England; which by the over-topping and threatning forces of the Vice-Roy formerly, with reason I could not resolve to doe, though time and libertie would for present have allowed the same: but by hastie snatches, as it came, ever we put it in confusedly (some into one ship, and some into another) not thinking fit in so casuali a time, to hazard all our Cargason in one ship. Besides, it was long before the Hopes burnt Mast was newly cured: and that I resolved to send home the Hope, it was not altogether for that I esteemed her fittest of burthen for stowing of our goods presently provided; but withall, by the many impediments and disabilitie in the ship, in and by the Master and Carpenter daily complained of, as that the poste within the Rudder was unsheathed (a strange and dangerous neglect, and over-sight) and therefore fittest soonest to be returned, 149

and the losse of our Quick-silver in her, which lyeth upon her Keele and Billages, another important cause. The eighteenth, the Nabob sent Cogearson Allee, the Sabandar, and other Merchants of Surat, to intreat my stay for fifteene dayes, which in no sort would I grant: then they importuned me for ten dayes, which yet by no meanes would I yeeld unto, shewing how great prejudice to my Voyage my stay heere so long might Feare for íHr«/. be. The cause of their request, was their feare lest the Vice-Roy after my departure should come against Sura/ with all his forces. Wherefore I considering the weight of this businesse, and the prejudice it might be to our selves, and also being unwilling to send them backe with a deniall, seeing them much discontented thereat as a disgrace unto them, and being loath at my departure to give the Nabob any distast therein, that have done to my uttermost hitherto to 150

give them all content possible; and knowing what future hindrance it might be to our businesse ashoare: and last of all, seeing there was six dayes worke of the ten to be done in the Hope, before we could be possibly ready; I at length (when they were altogether out of hope thereof, and upon departure) condescended to their request, whereat they were exceedingly joyfull, and departed. The two and twentieth at night, I received a Letter from Surat, informing me of the Nabobs comming to see me the next day. The three and twentieth, in the morning, came downe two Elephants and six Camels, bringing his Tents and other provisions. The foure and twentieth, Master Aldworth came downe with the rest of the Merchants to finish all businesse with me. The five and twentieth in the morning, the Nabob came downe with a 151

Enterview of

Gen.

very great traine, and sixe Elephants more, and had beene two houres ashoare before I knew thereof : which when it was told me, being sory for my neglect of him, I sent Master Aldworth, Master Elkington, and M. Oodsworth ashoare unto him, to hold him in discourse untili I came unto him, which was not long after; I purposed to go unto him (as a sonne unto his father) in my doublet and hose, without any armes or great traines, according to cus tome, thereby to shew my trust and confidence that I reposed in him: but my friends perswaded me the contrary, that I should rather goe well appointed and attended on with a sufficient guard, to continue the custome. Whereunto I consented (though in conclusion, it repented me that I had not taken mine owne course) and went ashoare with about one hundred and forty men, of pike and shot, who at my entrance into the Nabobs Tent gave

152

me a Volly of shot. The Nabob entertained me very kindly, seeming very joyfull at my comming ashoare to him: we sitting awhile under a very faire Tent, open on all sides round about, environed with many people, as well of mine as of his attendants. At length hee brought me into a more private roome neare adjoyning, having on his side onely Alle Canne^ a great Persian Captaine, and the Banian Henie for his Interpreter; and on my side. Master Aldworth, Master Elkington, and Master Dodsworth·. where hee conferred both of the estate of this Countrey at present, and also of our affaires. At length I demanded of him if he would go aboord with me to see the shippe; whereNaboh g\vcth unto he very willingly consented. Then he presented me with his owne sword (accompanyed with many good words, telling mee that it was the custome of their Countrey, to honour Captaines with armes, that had de153

Hegocth aboord.

154

served well) which as he told mee was made in his owne house, the hilts thereof being of massie gold, and in liew thereof I returned him my sute, being Sword, Dagger, Girdle and Hangers, by mee much esteemed of, and which made a great deal better shew, though of lesse value. We came both forth of the private Tent, and I walked downe to the water-side, there staying his comming; whither he sent mee a present of ten Cuttonee quilts, and twentie Topseells; and not long after came the Nabob himself, and then we tooke boat together and went aboord, where having shewed hm the lying of our Ordnance, and all our warlike preparation for defence, I presented him with a very faire standing guilt cup with a cover, and certaine very faire knives, and a Rundlet of Muskadine, with some other toyes. Then he desired to see our Ordnance shoote off, and how farre they would carry their shot

upon the water, and I gave him three. Then he would have taken leave, but I accompanied him to the shoare, and gave him at his departure eleven great shot. At our parting at the water-side, the Nabob gave me foure baskets of Grapes; he likewise gave the Gunners and Trumpeters between them two hundred Mamudies, and among the ships company five hundred Mamudies, and one hundred books of white Bastas, of two Mamudies a peece: and then after some complements we tooke leave one of the other, and departed. I rowed along the shoare for my better getting aboord, the tide runnung so swiftly, and saw Lacandas the Banian come running towards the Boat, being sent of the Nabob to know of me, if he should erect a Tombe over my sonne: I returned him many thanks, and willed Lacandas to tell him that I had already begun it: then I returned aboord, and he went to Sural·, and not 155

long after his Tents were taken downe, and went after him with the rest of his carriages. The six and twentieth, the Nabobs sonne and sonne in law (a very ingenious yong man) came aboord to take their leaves of me: upon whom I bestowed some knives, and other things which I had left, which could not be much, having still had one great man or other visite me, who seldome or never went away without some one present or other: so they viewed the shippe and departed.

Two Antelops.

156

The seventeenth there came aboord unto me the three sonnes of Allee Canne, the two yongest first, and after them came the eldest, called Guger Canne, who as yet had never been aboord: He presented me with two Antelops, male and female, whereat I was glad, since I had sent to inquire for some to send home to Sir Thomas Smith, but could not procure any. I presented him with foure

M a r c h 3.

Their depa turc.

Spanish pikes with heads, and some other things of my owne, and shewed him all the ship, with our warlike preparation for defence, as also all our Ordnance; and a little while after he tooke his leave, and at his departure I gave him eleven shot. The third of March in the afternoone, upon the tide of ebbe, and a small gale came up Northerly, to give steering way to our ships, we seeing our friends the Mallabars (which had desired to go with us) not attempting to come forth, we hastened to get up our anchors, and to set saile to proceede on our journey: yet seeing comming from the Westward another Fleete of Portugall Frigats, I was willing to shew my best, in the view of the Countrey people, to hinder their comming into the river of Surat\ which was nothing, for that there was room enough for them to passe by us every way out of reach of our shot; yet we shot at the nearest of them, 157

without hope to shoote neare them, but only to shew our good willes, and for encouragement to our friends on land; as also for those which went alongst the Coast (as I esteemed) to give knowledge to the Gallions of our comming, that they might report also that we shot at their fellowes going to Surat·, that they might also expect that wee cared the lesse for their greater strength. In our passage this night, we had divers flawes of unconstant winds, for which we came to anchor for a while. Afterwards seeing it blew steadie, though faint, wee set saile, continuing our course South by East alongst the shoare. A t that time T h e enemies forces descried.

the day-light began to discover to us 11

i ·

i

·

i

i

all things neare us; we descried betweene us and the shoare our enemies forces of Gallions, and two Gallyes, all comming to saile presently after they saw us, and stood after us with a faint gale, we standing somewhat without our course with all our sailes, 158

partly to gaine time to make ourselves in perfect readinesse to fight, partly to refresh my people that had taken much paines the night past; as also the further I draw them off the Coast, the further they will be from fresh supplyes to be sent them. But ere long, the tide of flood being come, and a little wind to hold our owne, we came to an anchor, while the enemie resting his hopes in the wind, kept longer under saile to his greater disadvantage. But I not taking it for an error in them, but of purpose to doe us more harme, it brought mee into a new and great doubt, which drew all my powers to devise how to prevent. This was, that now we were at sea, they meant to returne to Surat with al their strength, and there to worke their wills on our friends and goods, which I had no means to prevent, by following them; knowing they durst not uñarme, nor unfurnish their shippes while I was in sight of them. 159

But the time now grew so late, that I doubted by the most hast that I could make, I should hardly get off the Coast before the foule weather came; which put me into some hope, that the Vice-Roy being so great a Souldier, and so discreet a Gentleman, would not expose himself, his people and ships to such great perils as the hastning winter did threaten. While these things floted in my mind, the tide of flood was spent, and time to worke if we make use of the ebbe, we (to my great content) saw the ViceRoy his Fleete standing towards us with a fresh gale of wind. Wee likewise set saile, and stood away our owne course before him all that tide, and so spent the night to the best advantage, partly by sailing, and partly by stopping. The fifth in the morning, wee saw the enemie had gotten

but

little

ground of us: This day also we spent, as before, in riding and sailing, as 160

Wise and

time served to our best advantage: and for that the Hector went best, and the Hope (logloaden) worst, I sent to the Hector to take in her Boat, and to prepare for the Hope. I sent to the Hope to give directions to hasten to the Hector^ to be towed, and to the end she should have nothing to hinder her, I had her Boat to tow at my Sterne, and so spent the night working for the best, the wind fresh wee had no cause to anchor. This night the Vice-Roys ships got much ground of us: by this I was gotten well off from the shoare, and also an ende to the Southwards, and by his working I recovered some assurance to my conceit, that these forces would not this yeare annoy Surat: and for my businesse for encountring the enemie, I had by good leasure well considered how to contrive it, and withall I had considered of the cases sober of either, and the difference betweene the Vice-Roy and me, I meane in our i6i

severall satisfactions and contents: M y comming hither was by the authoritie of my King, and to follow the designes of my Imployers, which was in Merchants ships fitted for defence, and to endeavour by honest commerce, without striving to injury any, which God hath of his tender mercie and bountifull blessing so assisted me, that we have performed beyond my former conceit, and in most things hitherto God hath graunted me my hearts desire: and am now in a good way upon my way with the same: with which without further tempting of God, or presuming of Gods continuing mercies in further deliverances, if I by pride swarve from what is just, and before him to be allowed, whose mercies have been free, and without any cause in mee for his owne Name sake: therefore I hold it fit to proceede soberly, and attend upon the Enemies attempt, 162

yet not in a base manner, but in a warlike sort. Thankfuiicon-

On the other side, the unhappy

sideration of G o d s ^

^

^

.,

assisting our Vice-Roy a famous vahant man, cquitie and pun^ . 1 1 · л τ ι ishing the Рог/и- therefore now sent by his Master the i:«//pride. King of spaine with Ships (the principali of India) with men (all the Gallants and principali Braggards of those neerer parts of India) what to doe? Not onely to disturbe or intercept the peaceable and quiet trade of the English with the subjects of the Mogol, a great King in his owne Countrey, but to take or burne them: so little regard is had to the effusion of Christian blood; never looking towards the judgements of God, nor remembring

that as men doe

to

others, they must expect to be done to. This Captaine was furnished with abundance of all things the Countrey might yeeld, and wanted nothing but an upright cause, fit for God

to

favour. He came to the place where he found what he sought, foure poore 163

Merchants ships, a fewe men, and many of them sicke and dead; and those Braggards measured our minds by their owne, thought we would never stand out against so powerfull a force, as they esteemed they had; and the conceit of that, set those Coxcombs a madding to be doing mischief, to encrease their pride, which they intitle honour. I seeing the difference, and the cause I had to pray to God my onely refuge, whom it pleased to grant the request of me his poore and unworthy servant: in consideration whereof, I put forward the businesse, and as it were, baited my hooke, and the Fish presently ranne thereat as aforesaid. They came three Ships, and thirtie or fortie Frigats, as I imagined; with a veaze laid the Hope aboord with the flowre of all their Gallants, where by the hand of God in their amazed carriage, they received such a blow, as few (and they by their extraordinary 164

chance) escaped with safetie, and the three ships burnt. Thus it pleased God to cross their first attempt, and never after, though they beleagured us round about by sea, with all their sorts of shippes for many dayes together, our people still in action, and hälfe tired with continuali labour, some receiving in goods; yet. Blessed be God, they could never get the advantage to winne from us the vallewe of a louse, unlesse our Bullets which we lent them, his fire-boats failing, and nothing prospering; and once in foure and twentie houres, I sent him a defiance for many dayes together, to try his temper; all which must needs lie heavie on the stomacke of a Gentleman of so great courage. I esteeme now he will hazard much to recover some of his honour formerly lost (but craving pardon for this my digression, I will now returne and proceed with my former businesse.) Wherefore the sixt in the morning 165

betimes, I sent for my Master, and let him know that my purpose was, that when the Vice-Roy should come up neere with us, that we would all at once cast about with him, and charge him first on the sudden, to strike an unexpected terror in the hearts of his people, who now are bragge, seeing us go away before them. And to that end I now went aboord every ship, to give them all directions; and more, that I would cause the Hector, with her Pinnasse and mine, to take in a hundred fardels of the Hopes goods to lighten her, and mend her going: which businesse (by reason of my Pinnasse to helpe) I stayed to see it done; so that it grew to be mid-day, neere which time, my ship which I left farre asterne for my better comming aboord, strooke saile, whereat (as wee imagined) the Viceroy seeing the Admirall strike her sailes to fall a sterne, might take it of 166

purpose to stay for him in contempt, he with his Consorts bore up with the shoare, and gave over the hope of their fortunes by further following of us: which course I like very well, since he is so patient; for there is nothing under his foot that can make amends for the losse of the worst mans finger

Rash fighting is rather humour ^

then honour.

,

τ->

· 1

τ

· I

1 have. Besides, 1 wish no occasion to fight; for that which I have aireadle paid for, I am already possest on, and I am so farre from the humour to fight for honor, unless for the Honour, of my King or Countrey, that I had rather save the life or lives of one of my poorest people, then kill a thousand Enemies. Having now finished with the Vice-roy, I set my selfe to write Letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have hailed into the Bar of Goa, to proove if I could have left some Commendations there for the Vice-roy at his returne: this was my great desire that 167

1 long promised, yet so long trifled in dispatch of the Hope, that wee were shot farre past it before wee had finished the same.

N I C H O L A S D O W N T O N is first heard of as captain of the Peppercorn in Sir Henry Middleton's second (the sixth separate) East India voyage, in 1610. In November of that year he was captured at Aden, but managed to escape in a few months. Most of 1612 he spent in the Red Sea and later in the Arabian Sea, seeking to establish commercial relations. B y the autumn of that year he had reached Bantam in the T"rade's Increase·, but she struck a rock and had to put in at Tecoa to refit, so Downton sailed home in the Peppercorn. He left England again 7 March, 1614 in the New Year's Gift, on the voyage described so vividly by Purchas. After his series of battles with the Portuguese, he sailed for Bantam, where he died, 6 Aug. 1615, to be succeeded by Elkington. See J . K. Laughton in D. N. В.; State Papers, 1609-15; Hunter's History of British India, I, 307-326.

ν The Fights betwixt the 'Dutch and Sir Thomas T)ale, in 1618; from the Report of Captain Martin ^ring.

Narrative is reprinted from the Report of the fifth Voyage for the English Joint-Stock, set forth by the East-India Society, under the government of Captain Martin Pring, by whom the Report was probably written. It was printed in the first volume. Book 5, Chapter V I I , § ii, of "Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes," London, 1624. THIS

Dutch wrongs, and the Fights betwixt T H O M A S D A L E and them. [September

Dutch injuries to the English.

Sir

Sunday, the seven and twentieth in the evening. Master Bishop arrived in this Road, in a Praw, which came from Japparra, wherein was a Cogee which brought the Matran his Letter to Captaine Ball, wherefore I dispeeded him for Bantam the same night: he left two English behind him at Japparra, one of them being fled from the Dutch, and had Letters from divers of our People that are prisoners in the Moluccas, and amongst the rest, one was directed unto me from Master Richard Tatten, wherein he complaineth very much of the boarish usage of the Dutch, that will hardly allow them Rice to put in their bellies, and that upon every idle newes of the 171

comming of any ships, they are still put in Irons. French Ship The thirteenth of October in the evening, Cornelius Marthon, Commander of the French ship taken by the Dutch, came into the Road, and the same night came aboord of me, and after some discourse told me, that we had sixe ships comming for Sir Thomas this place out of England, Sir Thomas sixe ships. Oak Admirall, for some speciali businesse at the Moluccas, and that hee was bound thither with the French ship, the Souldhailer, and the Neptune, to attend the comming of good friends. The seven and twentieth in the evening, wee had foure foot and A leake againe. ап hälfe Water in the James Roy all, which wee freed in two houres with both our Pumpes, and afterward kept our Pumpe going untili the next morning about ten of the clocke, at which time by letting downe of a sayle basted with Ocum, it pleased GOD to stop the leake againe. The 172

Tantum point.

Viun point.

one and thirtieth, I discovered a place for the careening of the James Royall, upon the little Hand, that lieth next within Tanium point in the Bay of Bantam, we made all things readie to repaire unto the aforesaid Hand. The fifteenth of November, the Rose arrived from Teco, bringing newes that the Hollanders had a Factorie there established soone after our was dissolved. The nineteenth, the Moone, the Clove, the Samson, and the Pepper-corne, arrived from England, and anchored betweene Viun point, and Poolo-Paniang. This day I went aboord of them, taking with me such fresh victuals as our ship did affoord to congratulate their comming, Comming neere, I perceived the Cloue to be Admirall, and therefore went first aboord of her, where I found Sir Thomas Dale the chiefe Commander, and Captaine Jordaine the President; and I understood by them, that they 173

Sunne lost at

lost companie of the Globe to the Westward of the Cape, and (which was farre worse) that they left the Sunne (Admirall of the Fleet) in great danger of casting away, upon the He of Engano·. they themselves having much adoe to double the Hand. Two dayes they rode still in this place expecting her comming, which was long before bildged upon the Rockes, as afterwards we understood to our great griefe. The two and twentieth in the morning, the foresaid ships stood in for Bantam Road, and as they passed by the Hand where our ship lay, wee saluted them with fifteene Peeces of Ordnance, which we had formerly planted on the shoare, and withall, tooke in our Flag, to shew our respect to Sir Thomas Dale, the Admirall of that Fleet. The eight and twentieth of November, came two boats from Engano, with sixtie eight of the Sunnes men, who brought lamentable newes

174

of the losse of the said ship with many of the companie, upon the aforesaid Hand. The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Globe arLeakeagaine. ñved; this day our leake brake out againe, but was quickly stopped (GOD be praised) by remooving of the Bonnet. The thirtieth, our ship being cleared from stemme to sterne, the Carpenter went downe to search for the leake, and as they passed forward, still taking up the seeling as they went, in the formost roome saving one, they found the leake being Their leake found, being an an augur hole left open in the middle augur hole left open. of the keele; which was foure inches and three quarters about, which leake, if it had sprung upon us alone in the Sea, would have tired all our companie in foure and twenty houres, herein the great mercie of GOD did manifestly appeare, in that it never brake out but when we had a Fleet about us for our aide, GOD give us grace alwaies to remember it with

175

praise and thanksgiving to his holy Name. The second of December

being

Saturday, Sir Thomas Dale and CapA Fast in both taìne Ball came aboord, because we had proclaimed a Fast through both the Fleets, and the Exercise to bee aboord the James the next day, which was the Sabbath: on which morning, the President and divers Merchants Master ^гстда, Came aboord, bringing Master Wrenne ίηά Copland.

companie: the Preacher of

the

Sunne, who exercised in the forenoone, and Master Copland our Minister, in the after-noone. This day the Bee set saile for Engano, being formerly ordained to goe thither, in hope to recover some moneys and goods they hold of the Sunne.

The fourth

in the after-noone, the Swart Leo arrived from Potania, and rode to the Westward of Poolo Paniang\ Master Denton in regard of his acquaintance amongst the Dutch, was sent aboord of her in the barge, to enquire from 176

whence shee came: who when he came aboord, found one Hendricke Janson his old acquaintance, a man that had beene chiefe Factor for the Dutch in Potania a long time.

This

man with another inferiour Factor came aboord the Moone with Master Denton, where they were well entertained, till Sir Thomas Dale came aboord, and soone after were set on shoare at Bantam the same night, before day we resolved to goe forth with foure ships, the Moone, the Clove, the Globe, and the Samson, that we might the better incompasse her. A t breake of day wee were faire by her, and after a few exchange of Paries, they The Biacke

yccldcd up their ship, upon condition

Lion a Dutch ship

taken.

.

,

,

·

i

11

i

that they might depart with all such goods, as did properly belong unto them. On the sixt, we brought her in neere the Hand where we had left the rest of our Fleet. The fourteenth, the Bee returned againe

beaten

back

with

foule 177

weather, that she was not able to get out of the Straights.

On the six-

teenth in the after-noone, there came twenty Portuguezes aboord the James Royall, fled from the Dutch at Jacatra, which were freely received and kindly entretained. This evening, we were readie to set saile with eleven ships great and small for Jacatra, in hope to beat away the Dutch ships from thence; The names of the ships The English

were the Moone, in which Sir Thomas Dale went, the Gift, wherein I went my self, the Unicorne, the Clove, the Globe, the Samson, the Pepper-corne, the Thomas, the Bee, the Rose, and the Swart Leo ; leaving behind us the provisions, also the Prize,

and the

Advice, because they had most of her provision in them. The nineteenth in the morning, wee set saile with our Fleet aforesaid, and the same day wee anchored betweene Paolo and Poolo Tunda. 178

Paniang,

The twentieth in

the evening, we anchored with all our Fleet about a league to the Northwards of Hector-Wzxià.. This night we sent the barge to the Flemmish Hands, where they found no people at all upon the Souther Hand, there lay a Dutch Galley which they set on fire, and so returned aboord the same night. This evening, wee descried seven roders in the Bay of "Jacatra. The one and twentieth early in the morning, these seven ships stood off with us untili they were somewhat neere the Hands, and there they came to an anchor altogether. This afternoone we stood in towards them, and anchored a mile to windward of their Consultation Fleet. This evening, we had a contwixt the English and Dutch Fleets.

sultation aboord the Moone, where it ,

,

was resolved. That the next mornmg we should assault the Holland Fleet in manner following: The Globeand the Samson, for the Sunne\ and the Thomas to passe in betweene them, fitted with combustible matter to set 179

her on fire; the Moone, and the Clove, for the Golden Lion ; the Gijt and the Bee for to attempt the Angeli\ the и ni corne y and the Rose, for the Devili of Delfe\ the Pepper-corne was sent forth to surprise the bürget boat come from Jambee\ riding about three leagues oflF; whose boat with thirteene men, our barge had taken as shee was standing in with the Holland Fleet, about seven of the docke at night: this our determination being written downe, we departed aboord every man to his charge, but after we were gone. Sir Thomas Dale sent his boat aboord the Thomas, for three Sakers, which held them in worke till eight the next morning, so that the Hollanders were all away before these Ordnance were aboord the Moone, which made us all in a hurliburly to weigh, and get to seawards, that we might have sea-roome, and the advantage of the sea-turne; the which at length wee attained, getting with180

out the Iles of Point Aire\ the Holland Fleet passing betweene them and the maine of Java. So that the same night they anchored faire above the Coast of yava; and our Fleet in the offing without the Hands. T h e Fight. On the three and twentieth, in the corMopi Jour- morning, the Holland Fleet stood off mayrea"sir«o. to the Westward close under AntiM a s t e r Jordans. Lackte. The Oevill of Delfe borrowing so neere that shee came aground, and sate fast for a quarter of an houre; which was no sooner perceived by us, but forthwith we made towards them with all our Fleet; yet before we drew any thing neere, she was slipt off againe; and she with all the rest of the Fleet standing off to the Northwards: our Fleet having the weather gadge, wee paid roome upon them, till wee came within shot, and then the Moone, (wherein was Sir Thomas Dale the Admirall) begänne the fight with the headmost ship of the Dutch, named the Sunne\ our fight contini8i

tinued the space of three heures, during which time wee spent some twelve hundred great shot amongst them, and so left them for that night; they standing off so farre to the Northwards, that they got the Burger boat into their companie, and then anchored to the westwards of us, about hälfe a league: there they rode all night. The

foure and

twentieth,

both

Fleets weighed anchor, ours plying to the westward to gaine the wind; and the Hollanders ranne in to the shoare, towards Point Aire·, in the meane time wee descried three Saile comming from the westward afore the wind, which comming neere, we perceived to be the little James, the Hound, and the François \ and after they were come neere us, we joyned all together, and chased the Holland Fleet, through the Bay of Jacatra unto the Eastern point of the same; where wee all came to an anchor in the evening. 182

This night there was Junke sent from the Flemmings at Jacatra, filled with combustible matter, and set on a light fire, which came so neere unto our Fleet, that we were faine to weigh our anchors and be gone. The five and twentieth, being Christmas day, wee saw the Flemmish Fleet againe, standing to the Eastwards, and the same day, wee sent out our barge to follow them all night, and see what course they tooke, because we had left the James Royall in the Bay of Bantam^ with the Advice, and the Prize, which ships they might have surprised, if they should get Bantam before us; for there was no ship of defence, but the James, and shee unprepared, by taking in of her goods. The seven and twentieth after midnight, the Blacke Lion was set on fire by the wretched carelessnesse of three wicked fellowes, and burnt downe to the water. The thirtieth in the morning, the President went ashoare to the 183

John Jordan went ashoare at jacatra. Master Jackson slaine.

King of Jacatra, with Master John ° _ _ ^ ^ JacksoH ill companie, to vicw their _

fortifications, where an unfortunate shot tooke away his leg, and so consequently his life. The first of Januarie, the James Royall, the Advice, and the Prize arrived from Bantam. The second, Sir Thomas Dale went a shoare to visite the King of Jacatra, and to understand his resolution concerning the Outch Fort: The King gave both the President and him great content in words, promising to grant any reasonable request, if the English would assist him in surprising of the Outch Castle. This morning before day, the François departed for Polaroone, with divers provisions for reliefe of the worshipfull Gentleman, Master Nathaniel Corthof, and his companie, GOD send her thither in safetie. The sixt day, we held a consultation aboord the Moone, where it was resolved, That out of our greater ships 184

we should land six Peeces, three Culverings, and three Demi-culverings, with powder and shot, convenient to King oijacatra. assist the King of Jaccatra against the Dutch, also that Sir Thomas Dale should remaine in the Road with eight Saile, to countenance the businesse, and my self with sixe ships to plie the Straits of Sunda, to lie in wait for the Holland Fleet. The five and twentieth, being Munday, wee got into the Road of Becee, and anchored in fifteene fathoms oze, about two miles from the shoare, the South point of Becee bearing South-west one quarter west, and the North point of Sabajoa (the Wester He of Poolo Tiga, being shut in upon it) did beare North by West three leagues off. The twentie seven and twentie eight, we watered our ships, and cut wood; and my self with Master Coitmore, and other Masters went ashoare twice, to view the Harbour; which wee found to bee an excellent place for refuge of 185

a small Fleet against a greater force. The one and thirtieth, by order from the President, we put into Bantam Road with our Fleet. The first of Februarie, Captaine This agreement John Jourdan the President came was crossed by the , , , . , · i ii Рапр-ат oí Ban-з.Ъоога\ who acquamted me with all tarn who gave us , i · i i i leave to beat the the passagcs bctwixt them and the himselfe to have Dutch, in the Castle of Jacatra, durcaught the birds, .

,

.

.

,

. . .

but infinewas itig the time or my absence; which was that the Dutch had condescended to deliver over their Fort unto the English, upon condition they might depart with bag and baggage, and a ship for two thousand Rials of eight, to Carrie them for Coromandell. On the fourth. Sir Thomas Dale with sixe ships, viz. the Moone, the Clove, the James, the Pepper-corne, the Hound, and the Advice, arrived in Bantam Road. This afternoone, the rest of the ships came in. Here, after our ari vail understanding that the Pomgram of Bantam had dealt underhand with the Dutch, to have the i86

Castle of Jacatra delivered into his hands (who before had unjustly disappointed us of it) we thought it fitting, that the President, and the rest of the Principals should repaire aboord, and forthwith to get all their goods and provisions from the shoare. The tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth, we were imployed in getting the Honourable Companies moneys and goods aboord the ships: during this time, the Pangram sent divers slight messengers unto the President, to demand (as from themselves) the reason of his departure, he (as he said) giving them no other just occasion, so to leave his Countrey: whereupon the President drew certaine Articles of the severall wrongs and grievances, that the English had received from time to time at his hands, which were to bee translated into the Java language and sent unto him. The seventeenth.

Master

Ufflet 187

advised from Jacatra, that the Flemmings were fortifying daily. And also, that when the Messengers of the Pangran demanded the surrender of their Fort, with part of their Moneyes, Goods, and Ordnances; They answered, That it was their Masters goods, and therefore not fit for them to give them away. About noone, wee heard of the arrivali of two Dutch ships, in the Road of Jacatra. The same night. Sir Thomas Bale with eight ships, went for Jacatra, in quest of the said ships, and I remayned here with foure to attend upon the President. The sixe and twentieth, we had certain intelligence that foure Holland ships were at anchor in the mouth of the streights of Sunda : this evening we went out with the James Royall, the Gift, the Unicorne, and the little James·, and the next morning anchored neere Poolo-Pen-lang, to pridy up our ships, and to take in water and planks that lay by our side.

The first of March in the morning, we weighed againe and plyed towards the mouth of the Streights, where we descried the foure Dutch ships aforesaid at anchor, neere unto the Hand called Tamporon, which lyeth about three leagues to the Westward of Finn or Pallambam point. So soone as we descried them we made towards bravery, them with all speed: and they in a carelesse fashion plyed it to and againe with their top sailes hälfe mast downe, and at length as wee drew neere unto them, the Admirall and the rest bore up with our ship, being the winder most of our Fleet; and gave us two shot, one through the ships side under the hälfe decke; and the other in the steeridge side. Vinhalencie

of

This I declare, because men may the better understand the insolencie, or rather vinwalencie of this arrogant Nation, to come on with such a Spanish bravado, and so soone to run away. They had no sooner begun, 189

Their

flight,

Dutch ship other cast away.

190

but they were as quickly answered from our ship, in such a measure, that within the space of two houres (by the gracious assistancc of Almightie God) wee made them as quiet as Lambs; the Admiral!, that first gave the onset being the first that ran away, and after him all his Fleet; whom we chased untili night, and then finding them too light of foote, gave over the chase. The night wee stood over towards Poolo Tunda. The second in the afternoone, we anchored againe in the Road of Bantam·, this day we had newes from Jacatra, that one of the two Dutch ships aforenamed, was fast on ground hard by their Castle, and that they themselves at sight of Sir Thomas Dales fleet, had set her on fire. The other ship which tooke in some rich goods out of the Castle, was likewise cast away upon certaine Rocks, ten leagues to the Eastwards off Jacatra. The fourth dicto^ we received the Letter from Jo. Powell^

A Tempest.

residing in Jacatra^ that Sir Thomas Dale departed from thence the first of March with the Moone, the Hound, the Rose, and the Bee, to search out the Flemmtng that was cast away. The fourteenth in the forenoone, we had newes from Sir Thomas Oak, that Нее had gotten almost in shot of these foure ships ; and then they were taken with a calme the space of twelve houres, and after this calme there did arise a tempest in the night, which scattered them so farre asunder, that the next morning they were out of hope of their chase, and so returned to point Ayre againe, determining forthwith to come unto us with the Moone, and to leave the rest of his Fleet to take in some provisions from Jacatra.

191

(1580-1626) was a Devonshire man whose career as sea captain began as master of the Speedwell^ 50 tons, which accompanied the Discoverer on a cruising voyage along the New England coast in 1603. The following year he commanded the Phoenix in the voyage to Guiana, while in 1606 he served under Popham in the expeditions to Virginia. In 1608 he joined the East India Company, which he continued to serve for twelve years or more, being captain of the New Year's Gift from 1614 to 1616, later to be made general of the Company's ships (1619). When news of the treaty with Holland in 1619 reached the Indies, Pring committed the indiscretion of fraternizing with the Dutch, to such an extent as to fall under the displeasure of the London Company. As a result he joined the Virginia Company in 1622. See J . K. Laughton in D. N. В., State Papers, Brown's Genesis of United States. MARTIN PRING

S I R T H O M A S D A L E (C. 1570-1619), after establishing a reputation as a well known soldier of fortune in the Low Countries, was sent out to Virginia as marshal of the colony in 1609. He returned home the following year, only to be sent out again as governor in 1 6 1 1 , to find everything in virtual anarchy. Dale restored complete order, with considerable severity and great firmness, however. Sir Thomas Gates relieved him, but in 1614 Dale was sent out again as governor. For two years he ruled the colony and did so very well; his methods, although summary and vigorous, were impartial and thorough. In 1616 he returned to England with John Rolfe and his wife (Pocahontas), to be sent out to the East as admiral in 1618. Here he defeated the Dutch, and died of malaria on the Malabar coast shortly afterwards. Dale has left a reputation for his hot-headed,

192

irascible, and vitriolic temper. Such was his hatred of the D u t c h , for example, that on receiving a communication in Flemish in 1618 he "scolded, stamped on the ground, swore, cursed," asking " w h y the letters were not in French Spanish, Latin, or any other language, if we did not like to write English." ( M S Dutch Records, India Office, 1 1 1 , 3 2 . ) See J. K . Laughton in D . N . В., S. Α . Gardiner, 11, б о ба, m , 156-180; State Papers, 1609-19. Hunter's History of British India, 1, 361-384. in 1607 was serving as a captain for the East India Company. The following year he was appointed president of the council of India, sailing in March in the Ascension. She was wrecked in the Gulf of C a m b a y , and the crew reached Surat overland. With William Hawkins, Jourdain journeyed to Agra in 1611, returning in the summer of that year. In February, 1612, he was in the Red Sea, later going to Sumatra and Bantam. A t Bantam he assumed the office of president of the English in J a v a , and from then his troubles with the D u t c h started. In 1617 he returned to England, but went back to Java almost immediately, where relations with the Dutch had become quite impossible. Dale's arrival led to a dispute with Jourdain over leadership, which was eventually settled in Jourdain's favor. When sailing in the Sampson to arrange some affairs at Fatami, Jourdain was killed by the attack of some large Dutch vessels, 17 July, 1619, and the Sampson was captured after an heroic fight against heavy odds. JOHN JOURDAIN

See J. K . Laughton in D . N . В., State Papers, E a s t India, 1607-19; Hartman collection of voyages, 11, 241. Jourdain's own journal is in the British Museum, Sloane M S , 858, and has been printed by the H a k l u y t Society, 1905.

VI T'he True Relation of that worthy Sea Fight which two East India Ships had with four T'ortingals in T)ecember, 1620

THIS Tract is reprinted with the permission of the British Museum authorities from the Museum copy of the original. The " Short Title Catalogue " records two other copies, one in the Cambridge University Library and the other in the collection of Sir R . L . Harmsworth. The original consists of the title, reproduced herewith, and text pages numbered i to 22.

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THE LAMENTABLE DEATH OF C ^ P T A i N E Andrew Shilling, who was slaine by the Portingah, in the Persian Gulph. Will neither talke of the Roman glory, nor the Roman Vertues, which made that glory so translucent to the lookers on; but how? by commemoration of hystory, and publication of their worthinesse to the world, which was apparant in nothing more, then the rewarding of well deserving men, or remembring them to posteritie by some relation, or other; thus at this day is the Common Wealth of Venice^ famosed for observing the rules of Ahashuerosh, in keeping the custome of attention to his owne Chronicles, and then making a stop at Mordechaies saving his life, asking what had beene done to the man of so great deserving, and when answere was made nothing (oh blessed be those times, wherein Princes will demand such questions, and Courtiers be so

I

199

honest to tell the truth) you know what followed ? and my heart leaps for ioy to see the Emperour so gratious: From hence other

Common-Wealths

haue, or should haue such Registers, as a man by Alphabet may finde out the memorable actions of others imployed in their Countries seruice, or such Antiquaries

as shall expose the Noble

Achieuments of heroijck spirits in what kinde so ever. As for their interposition ? that would haue none, but men of Honour, and great Captaines nominated, I am sodden in my question, how came they to be so Honourable ? but from humbled Auncestors, and poore beginnings ? and all from the advancement and donation of Maiestick Princes? Oh God? he, that saw the Danow, and the vast mouth of Hister, gaping vpon the blacke Sea: hee that looked vpon Nilus

seven gates opening

themselues vpon the Mediterranean Sea: Нее that followeth the Rhine in his triple division, and braving the Ocean with his streames, and also saw the weake swellings vnder the Alpes,

or trickling

drops come out of the Hils, would wonder at the progresse of these Rivers, and stand amazed to conceiue, that such poore springs should increase 200

to such huge streames: thus fareth it with men of good deserving, the more meane, and obscure, the more glory and honour to make their vertue extend so farre, as true notice and memory of their actions, or to stepp out of the common tract of drudging and despised poverty, to take braver steps toward renowne, and riches. Therefore I embrace Master Hacklife for his voyages: the Travellers of our time for their journals: the Chronologers for their inventories: the writers of Story, for their records of memorable men, and all the lovers of their Country for attempting some exploit, or other without insulting, or ostentation: and yet remarkable to future ages: yea I protest, I thanke him: that set out the discourses of the lacob and Exchange of Bristow, with their Masters and Saylers who performed wonders, ere they could bring the ships into England·, and all others, that are so touched with truth and desire not to let passe worthy accidents, that they will publish honest discourses, which shall affoord example, or precept to idle sluggish men to be rowsed vp, and take more cheerefull courses to doe themselues, and country good. 20I

I could name many things of wonder, and other men of worth: but that I determine no such heapes, nor to raise a poore Pamphlet, to such an height, that Envies fingers shall attempt to pull it downe to rubbish, or raging feete presume to trample it to dirt: I will now onely speake of a man, of whom I am acquainted with nothing but his valour, and skill in his profession, yea I am so impartiall, that not knowing any friend, or kindred belonging vnto him, I will yet out of meere affection to vertue, and desire to worke vpon the governours of Factories, importune them to remember the liuing with reward, and the dead by recompencing their widdowes, and children; and intreat others to endevour the immitation of well deservers, and make vse of Themistocles schollership, who was so inflamed with the Trophes of Militiades, that he never desisted, till he had got the reputation of a great Captaine. This Andrew Shilling.^ of whom I would speake, and am affrayd I shall not speake sufficiently, came from all the degrees of Navali imployment to be master of a ship, yea, of many ships, till at last in the time of Sir Thomas Glover, whom master Clarke brought over with his Lady to Con202

stantinople, he arrived there himselfe with a ship called the Angeli, which he commanded, as maister Tiler did the Dragon. There was also maister Bradshaw at Aleppo, Captaine King at Xante, and many other well deserving men at Scio, Smirna, and al the ports of the Levant and Arches. But Shilling (without impeachment of the credit of others (was so liked and looked vpon with the iudicious eyes of the East India Company, that they imployed him thither, and he imployed himselfe so well, and so honestly, that he dispatched his businesse, and came with Sir Thomas Roe (who had beene Ambassadour to the great Mogull) into England. But see, what it is to thriue? the Marchants mooving in their proper elements for obtaining of wealth, and having had some passages of discontentments with former Captaines, thought it not befitting to be further molested, and therefore once againe made choice of master Shilling to goe another voyage, to which (after his accounts were rendred) he so addressed himselfe, that he scarce tarried 6 weeks, but vndertooke the busines. And in a ship, called the London, was appointed Admirall of that Fleet; the Vice Admirall was the Hart·. 203

There were also two other ships in the company, the Eagle and the Roe-buck^ all of great burthen, and daringly able to encounter with a far greater number. Thus shall honest men be imployed, and vertue can not be poore, so that whether it was their iudgement, and good husbandry, or his wisedome and care to take hold of opportunities foretop, he thought his time well bestowed in growing rich, and they thought their choice very happie to make him rich, and so vpon reciprocali agreement, he tooke the Seas for Zarret'm. the East Indies in the next ships, that were readie after Sir Thomas Roe came into England·, and after many changes, and varietie of Accidents, boysterous Seas, and mounting billowes, fearefull stormes, and some wants, he attained the desired harbour, had not an vndesired mischance flung him downe into the harbour of death: For he perished in the Sea by slaughter, which was the more lamentable, because by his vallour and directions his Company were victors, and both brought their ships to take in their lading at other places, and brought them without losse into England·, but that they counted the losse of Shilling 204

to exceed hälfe the benefit in their best fraighted ship: but how this came to passe? if you will giue me leaue to write out a worthy mans Letter, I will not leaue you, till you vnderstand as much as my selfe. After a long and tedious passage by the llands^ watring places, and Cape, we discovered divers ships, some for the West, some for the South, and many, both Flemmings and others for their Country: those which were remote we never attended, such as came within kenning had friendly salutations, and many times when we encountred with some friends, extraordinary gusts, and foggy mists did divide vs, which being vsuall, and the common effect of long iourneyes, we neither wondred at the same, nor tarried for further encombrances: but came in convenient time to S. Laurence, and from thence keeping the common road, we arrived happily at Zaretta, and yet I cannot call it so, because of some disastrous mischiefe which hapned vnto vs, and although it was a common thing to encounter with daily mischances, from tempests, enemies, and Pyrats, which were all as easily passed over, as suddenly came vpon vs: yet at this time our losse and 205

griefe was the greater, because we had not only a wealthy ship in our possession, but a valiant Captaine to manage our affaires, both which we lost to our great discomforts, when the malignity of time was overcome with industry, and our enemies departed from vs beaten and discomfited. Know then, that we haue not had long trade in Persia, till of late sending euery yeere a ship, we acquainted our selues with the inhabitants of lasques in the Persian Gulph, and so proceeded with them in orderly traffique, both to their satisfaction, & enriching our Marchants, which when the Portingalls vnderstood, they contrived by all possible meanes to intercept our iorneyes, which they performed both by secret plots, and conspiracie, and open force, and defiances. Concerning the plots, they inferred many things against vs to the people, and kindled a kind of reciprocali iealousie betweene vs: they inticed vs ashore, vnder cullour of viewing stuffs, and commodities, and then surprised vs, taking many prisoners by divers sleights, and vsing vs vnkindly, when they had vs vnder subjection. Concerning their force and power they alwayes had fiue or sixe great 206

Gallions, and shippes of warre belonging to Spaine, & imploied for the securitie of these places, and at this instant, had foure well appointed ships in readines, who lay watching for our Marchant, as a Hawke houering ouer the prey, and so resolved to take it, whosoeuer it was : all which was considered of vs in our passage, so that whe we were within 40, or 50. leagues of Zarret a Councell of warre was called, and Andrew Shilling being our Admirall, and Commaunder of our small Fleet, concluded to send the Hart being vice-Admirall, and the Eagle to lasques in Persia, and so according to our ceremonies, they tooke their leaue of vs, before we came to Zarret, and wee went directly to harbour, wher we might haue beene welcommed with all the comforts of friendly greetings, had not the Marchants vnderstood, what we had done, but apprehensiue of the danger, they would not suffer vs to land, but sent vs presently after the other to assist them: for they knewe, they should bee fought with all, if not over-set: it was not our turnes to dispute, nor had we any other part to play but obedience, and so wee put to Sea againe, taking a course to follow our shipps. 207

But we had not beene two dayes vnder sayle, before wee encountred a Portingall of 300. tunne, which at first made good semblance of opposition, till wearied with our shott, and beaten with a broad side, shee yeelded her selfe, and wee tooke possession of her: her Marchandise was but Raisons, and Dates, and fortie two

Arabian

horses: yet were they worth store of money, and might haue made vs a saving iourney. This shipp wee carried along with vs thus fraighted, and sayled a fortnight without any impeachment, or adventure, till at last by Gods eternali providence, we met our two ships returning home againe to Zarret, as not able to encounter with the Portingalsy whose strength and preparation they reported extraordinary: But the truth is, they were very rich themselues, and loath to loose al by any misadventure, which they might escape, and not wilfully run into: and yet I must confesse, they had many motiues to fight with them, & daring heartes to the encounter: For all their great burthen, and preparation, wel ? they did not ? but returned (as I sayd) and met vs at Sea, discoursing at large of the matter, and describing the maner of the Enemies 208

watches, and how brauely and warlike they were appointed: When Andrew Shilling had heard them out, and apprehended the vtmost perill, hee resolved to trie his Fortune, and set vpon them, proiecting, that if the worst came, the Portingall ship formerly taken, should be fiered, and thrust to them, which when some interposed, as pittying the losse of so many braue horses, he as brauely replyed, how doe they then in the wars, when they are compelled to kill their prisoners in colde blood, and therefore thinke neither of scruple, or nicety, but let vs follow the businesse, we take in hand. Thus we concluded to fight, and so befitting our selues, approched them on the harbour of lasques on a satterday, being about the 17. of December 1620 and within eight dayes of Christmas·. and so without more adoe we came vp with them, and to them, but the wind being contrary, we could not fight with them in harbour, nor they durst not stirre as we imagined, whervpon we desisted for that time, & woond our selues away, as if we meant not to fight at all, which questionles did much animate them, and made them suppose, that our former desisting and re209

coyling arose out of suspition of their greatnes, and power; For the next day being Sunday, they came out of the road, and in a braving and daring maner invited vs to an encounter, which we intertained with many Navali ceremonies, and putting out our cullours of defiance, with the adorning our ships to answere their proportion of Gallantnesse, we made a braue show, as if we meant to intertaine death and slaughter with mirth and iollitie. In a word, the Drums & Trumpets summon vs, & we went chearfully to the busines: Our fight began at eight of the clocke in the morning, and continued to night, when the darknes tooke either pitty vpon vs, or by way of opposition stomached our light: For many times we made fire workes, & shot flaming arrowes into their ships, we also threw burning balls, and sent cases full of stones, which killed their men without mercy: we also shot off their Admiralls rudder, that they were enforcst to come to Anchor, and repaire their losses, which as it shall seeme were very great, and so the fight continued fearefully betweene vs. In a word, such was the terror and dangerous encounter, that although Captaine Shilling our 2IO

Admìrall with all the good words, and better actions, which belonged to a principali commander, still comforted vs, and as farre as men might coniecture, warranted our prevailing at this time: yet Captaine Best his sonne, whom they call Generali in the East Indies^ taking hold of our first determination to set fire on the Portingall in our possession, with the horses, put it presently in practise, when there was neither reason nor cause, and when he was furthest from all perill, and mischiefe: as we thought we had indeed fitted and appointed her to fire, but how? in case of necessitie, which as yet came not vpon vs, nor was there any likelihood more then the chance of encounters, and fortune of warre to desparire of prevailing. Well; he tooke out as many things as he thought convenient, leaving most part of the Dates and Raisons in her, and leaving vs in kinde of confusion to see so many goodly horses perish in the raging Sea, and so to all our griefes she was fired, and thrust vp to strike amongst the Portingalls, with supposition either to destroy them, or dissipate them: But alas, all was in vaine, for either the busines was ill managed, or the Wind slacked her course, or some thing or 211

other was amisse; for she went not forward, but perished in her flames and combustion before vs all, effecting no more good, then a generali casting vp the account of the Accident, wherevnto life is subiect, and a particular examination of our owne estates, which might be subiect to the same inconveniences. But to goe forward. I must needs confesse that if it had pleased the Captaine, seeing he was so resolved, he might haue come nearer and thrust her vp more closer vpon them to their preiudice, and firing indeed; but failing, and thus disappointed, our fight continued longer, and (as I said) the very night tooke pittie vpon vs, and divided vs, in which darknes they went away into harbour, and being wonderfully torne with our shot, and dismembred with crossebarres, thought it best to repaire their ships againe, and provide more men to set vpon vs afresh. The truth is, we let them alone, and gaue way to their good husbandry, anchoring our selues in harbour, and preparing to goe about our marchandice, and set forward our traffique. But on a sudden, within 3. or 4. dayes vnexpected, they came out of the road, & braved vs againe, which when our Captaine Shilling perceived, we 212

also perceived in him, (which we never did before) very signes of discontent, as if they were presagers of some mischiefe to follow; For though the valiant man was vndaunted, yet as it happens in such cases of suspition, anger, and revenge, he thus vented out his griefe, as a Complainant against the malignitie of time, and over-sights of encounters. I see (quoth he (that in al expeditions opportunity is not to be neglected, but shee taketh it in scorne, that when she openeth her lap, we refuse her bounty and kindnes: so that if we had followed our fortune last day, and not suffered these men to haue breathed in the meditation of revenge, & gone foreward in their reparations, wee had ended the busines: but now they haue not onely got new breath, but new courages, and will returne vpon vs with greater fury and mischiefe: Besides there are severall vertues, which are vnseasonable in their practise, such as wee call pitty, commiseration, and patience, all good for nothing in these warlike trials, and among pollitick and cruel adversaries, but to draw on heavier burthens, and make vs subiect to fearefull inconveniences; wherefore if I liue, I will never bee 213

guilty of this errour againe, and if I dye, I leaue it to you all as a principle^ neuer to slacke you hand, if you finde the enemy staggering, neuer to giue ouer, till you haue made a faire Composition, or dispatched the busines. But come? seeing we must fight, let vs doe it couragiously ? that these Portingals

(with many

presidents of

former

times) may confesse, they haue met with Englishmen. After this briefe and pithy complaint, we prepared our selues, and on Childermas day our Admirall

came and anchored by their sides,

whom the Vice-Admirall

followed, & did the

like: the other two shipps being smaller, & of weaker sayle, the winde smaly helping them, could not come foreward, & so we were compelled with the London, and the Hart to make a triall with al the 4. great Portingals, which we did in such a maner, that I protest (if I might scape vaine glory or partialitie) neuer was such a fight so wel begun, nor better continued; for we tore them all to pieces, and kild so many men, that they could scarce get away from vs, nor had escaped perishing all, if mischance had

not

checked our forwardnes, and moderated our in214

suiting with the greatest losse, that we thought we could receiue; for in the midst of the conflict, while we were wrapped in smoake, and sweating in blood, a crosse shot crost vs all, and slue our Captarne·, yea he perished in the midst of our triumphs, when wee had but sixe men slaine, and very few to speake of, hurt. Andrew Shilling perished, when we by his valour prospred, and thought to haue gone cleere away with the Victory. Andrew Shilling perished to our disconsolation, & abatement of ioy when we thought of nothing but prevailing: but Wisedome was at last predominant, and in remediles cases we cast vp another account of reclaiming our selues, and tempring the sorrow, so that we were once againe divided, and the Portingalls most gladly and cunningly departed from vs, and when they were out of sight we gaue God the prayse for our deliverance, and divided the sorrow for our Captaines losse amongst vs, not a man but bemoaned his death; not a man but participated with his vertues; not a man but was the better for his instructions; not a man but wondred at his experience and skill in Navigation; not a man but lamented his vntimely death; not 215

a man but extolled his timely worthinesse, and so with one consent, he was buried with all the Ceremonies of a Generali, and cast out of sight for feare of troubling vs further, and raising new extasies to no purpose. This second encounter was more formidable then the first, and continued longer, but ended (thanks be to God) as you haue heard to our small detriment at this time, whereby we went forward in our busines, and were well-commed to lasques in Persia to advance our traffique. But how many were slaine of our enemies we know not, onely we know, their ships were made vnserviceable for the present, and report (when we were setled in harbour) assured vs, that they lost 370. Portingalls, besides Moores and Negroes, of whom they make no account, as being their slaues, and so subiect to all basenesse, prostitution, and carelesnesse. I could enlarge this Letter with many occurrences in our Voyage, both tending to navigatiö & discourse, but when our good ship called the Hart commeth into England, there are those in her, that will truely and heartily tell you, all you desire, and more then I am acquainted with: onely 216

I can assure you, our trade thriues, and we haue 1200. tunne of lading readie at Zarret, but the Portingals grow stronger, and stronger, and prepare themselues to intercept our ships both in the way of revenge, for their former losses, and out of covetuousnes and glory to enrich themselues, and performe some worthy exploit vpon vs; for they heare of our preparation, and know of our riches, which hath made them (as I sayd) prepare a greater Fleete, and maketh vs assured, there is nothing to be expected but encounters and slaughters, blood and death, happen when it will and to whom it shall This Letter was written from Swallo Road, neere Zarret the 30. of November, 1621. and brought into England with the last shipps, that came in the beginning of lune, to the comforting of many sad hearts, & recouering the staggering opiniö of the East Indiaes companies thriuing, fr5 whence I protest I haue extracted nothing but the truth, and if I by way of illustration or amplificatiô, there are some things added in the prayse of the man : Oh, let vertue haue this passage amongst you, that it is a glory to all Common-wealths, neither to obscure her, as she is of a 217

durable essence and existence, nor to be forgetfull of her servants, as they are worthie of commemoration, and well deserving in their severall places, wherein God hath bestowed them, С··) F I N I S .

(d. 1 6 2 1 ) began his career as a petty officer in the Royal N a v y . In 1603 he became one of the six chief masters of the Navy. In 1617 he obtained leave from the Admiralty to go on the fifth joint stock voyage of the East India Company. As captain of the Gift under Pring, he captured a Portuguese boat off Mozambique with a rich cargo of ivory. His return was made in 1618 in the Angel on which voyage he brought Sir Thomas Roe home from his embassy to the Great Mogul. The following year he was sent out again with a fleet of four vessels, and it was while cruising with this armament that he met the Portuguese squadron off the coast of Persia. See E. I. Carlyle in D. N. В.; Historical MSS Commission, 4th Report, App., p. 306. A N D R E W SHILLING

VII

The Taking of Ormus in 1624

THIS Narrative is reprinted from the second and enlarged edition of Sir Thomas Herbert's " A Relation of some Yeares Travaile, begunne Anno 1626. Into Afrique and the greater Asia, especially the Territories of the Persian Monarchie: and some parts of the Orientall Indies, and lies adjacent." London, 1638.

T h e particular A c t s and passages in taking this famous Citie, is thus (for some mens better satisfaction) remembred. Д Т command of Shaw Abbas the Persian Mon- L ^ arch, Emangoly-chawn

(chiefe Lord

and

Governour of those Territories that conjoyne the gulph of Persia)

descends with nine thousand

men, at such a time as he was confident to meet the English Fleet, resolv'd to further them in revenge of those many tyrannies they had endured from the braving Portugall: T h e Conditions betwixt them, under hand and seale were these: i . T h e Castle of Ormus (in case it were won) with all the Ordnance and Amunition to accrue to the English.

2. T h e Persians were to build another

Castle in the He at their owne cost, when and where they pleased. 3. T h e spoile to be equally divided.

4. T h e Christian prisoners to be dis-

posed of by the English; the Pagans by the Persians.

5. T h e Persians to allow for hälfe the 221

charges of victualls, wages, shott, powder, &c. 6. And the English to be custome free in Bandergum-broon for ever. The Captaines of best note in the Pagan Army under the Duke of Shyraz^ were Alliculybeg, Pollotbeg, Shakulibeg, Shareearee, Mahomet Sultan and Alybeg King of the Port: these with the rest of their Army encamped before Bander-gom-broon·. and two dayes after viz. the twentieth of January 1622 with small difficulty became Masters of the Port. Upon which the Duke and the English Captaines, Weddall, Blyth, and Woodcock agreed upon an immediate battery, and instantly played upon the Castle with a dozen peeces of Cannon for five houres, but gave them small hopes of sudden conquest: yet that neither pusillanimity nor doubt might be seene amongst them, the nineth of February the English transported three thousand Persians in two Frigots lately taken, and two hundred Persian Boats good for little other service: these, so soone as they were landed, having formerly made Sconces or Trenches for their men, and Bulwarks for the great Ordnance to play on, very furiously they made towards Ormus thinking to meet no great opposall; but the Por222

tugalls though they let them land and passe quietly into the Towne, with equal resolution stopt the current of their fury, at first encounter from their barracadoes defended with shott and pike, slaying above three hundred, and with their Ordnance beat them back with more haste and amazednesse than their approach had courage: in this disorder a Flancker by mischance was blowne up, but the warre continued: little hurt accruing to either party, till the 24 of February, on which day the English advanced towards the Castle, (under which was riding the Portugall Armado) and in despight of the Castle and best defence their Fleet could make, being then but five Gallyons and twenty Frigots, set fire on the Saint Pedro of one thousand five hundred tun, and Admirall of their Armado: which mischance, the rest of the Spanish Fleet with no small sorrow apprehended, and finding no repaire, to prevent more mischiefe and danger, cut the Cables, and in that flaming posture let her drive whither winde and tyde commanded her: the English saw her too hot to meddle with, and knew she could enrich the adventurer with no other booty, but Bellonaes furniture, so downe she went towards 223

Larack, in the way a rabble of Arabians and Persians boorded her, & like Jackhalls with hunger starved fury and avarice tore her asunder: that rapine, being no lesse base and outragious than the fire which two houres had [March 17, 1627] assaulted her: the seventeenth of March the Persians (to dispatch and shew they were not idle) gave fire to a Mine stuft with forty barrells of powder, which blew up a great part of the wall, through which breach the enraged Portugalls immediatly sallyed & maintain'd the fight above one houre against the amazed Persian, who had drawne out a mayne Battalion, but when the Trumpets sounded, Acha recovered sense and magnanimity, going on so courageiously, that the most slow and hindmost discovered plainly a full scorne of death, and powerfull desire of honourable execution: for nine houres this conflict continued with great fury, so that in fine the defendants were forced to retreat, advis'd to it as well by pollicie as need: for, the heated Persian supposing themselves victors, with great bravery begun to mount and enter the Citie in many quarters, at which the Portugalls were very joyfull, throwing on them such and so many Grana224

does and burning fireballs, powder-pots, and scalding lead, that the assailants in despight of their vowes and bravadoes were forced to retreat, and could not prevent a thousand of their men from perishing: which misery, when Shaculibeg at full had viewed, couragiously followed by two hundred men, hee past through the fury of those affrighting fires and took one of the Flanckers, but could not hold above hälfe an houre, they were so outragiously fryed and tormented with shewers of flames of Lead and Sulphur, and in descending were beaten off by fifty Huydalgoes, who for three houres affronted them, repell'd them, and retyred crown'd with conquest. This entertainment so cool'd their bravery, that for five dayes they did nothing but contemplate the valour and dexterity of their adversaries. But the three and twentieth day assum'd more hopes, when they beheld the fight betwixt the English and them; our Cannon from the shore, playing so hotly and battring their fortifications so soundly, that at length making the ships their object (after a great mutilation of shrowds and masts) they sunk the Vice & reare Admirall of Ru-Fryero's Fleet: by that utterly losing their late hopes and 22 s

ostentation of marine command and excellencie. March 28 necessity humbled them (plague, famine, and fluxes raging in the City) so as five dayes after, two wel-bred Gentlemen, well attended, with great gravity mounted in a faire equipage to the Enemies Camp; they were ushered in by some Coozelbashes of Shaculybegs Regiment, and after small complement, begun to treat of peace, and that there might be a cessation of Armes, which favour if the Duke would grant, they were ready to acknowledge it, and for retribution to present him two hundred thousand Tomayns in hand, with good assurance of an annuali tribute of 1 4 0 C 0 0 Ryalls, (which as afterwards they confessed was spoken in hypocrisie) the Captaine dismisses them, and appoints next day for answer, acquaints the Generali, who (wanting money) accepts their motion of peace, so they would depose five hundred thousand (amounting with us almost to two millions of pounds) and pay yeerely to the King of Persia two hundred thousand: the Portugalls return'd him an answer, they were in no such distresse, to buy any favour so dishonourably, and that greedinesse so overwhelmed them, they assured, 226

a fift part of that proportion should never buy their ablest benefits. After that they mediated a reconciliation twixt the English and them, putting them in minde, how they were Christians, and by many reciprocali favours of old (when John of Gaunt invaded them) and later times by allyances, prevalent enough to beget good will in noble spirits. If they had injured them, they were now sorry, and ready to satisfie in any punishment of paine or purse, their Kings were at the instant good friends, and how could such hostility be defended or answered by law of Nations or Religion. These and the like were sent them, but whether the behaviour of the Fidalgo displeased our Sea men, or that they understood them not, or saw themselves so farre ingaged, that with reputation they could not desist, or that it was uttered with a faigned humility, or the like, I know not; the Messenger departed not well satisfied. And two dayes after, saw apparently signes of confusion and revenge: a hideous noise of hellish thunder amazing them, caus'd by the EngHsh their blowing up two severall Mynes, which gave open prospect into the Citie; but the hearts of the assaylants durst not travell with their sight, 227

all their senses the last time were so confounded and disabled: so that very poorely they onely became spectators, and gave new courage to the dying Portugall: all of them hälfe dead, with fluxes, thirst, (the three pits in the Citie exhausted) famine or pestilence. The fourteenth day, a ship full of moores from Kishmee, arrived at Ormus to help the Portugalls; perceiving themselves intercepted, they returned back, thinking to land at some better quarter: the Persian Generali, swore they should receive no dammage by his Army, to which when they foolishly gave beliefe to, fourscore of their heads were forthwith struck off, and the rest inchayned. The Ormuzians languishing thus long under so many sorts of afflictions, every houre hoped for delivery from Ru-Friero, but he failed them. The seventeenth day another breach was made by giving fire to sixty barrels of powder, through which the Moores entred in huge swarmes, but were beat back by eighteen Gentlemen without the Bulwark; howbeit, next day they re-entred and possessed it. The eighteenth of Aprili, two famisht renegadoes stole thence into the Camp of their Adversaries, and being brought before the 228

Duke, confest the willingnesse of their departure, told him their expectation of supplies, together with their present miseries; assuring him, that they could not endure long, death raging more furiously within the City, than the greatest forces they could oppose them with. At that report, the reanimated Persian againe beseiges her, intending the next breach to enter pelimeli amongst them: which when the Portugall saw, and no safety any way appearing; the three and twentieth day (knowing no faith in the Mahomitans) they yeelded the Castle, and their treasure unto the English; only craving of them that they might receive their lives, and be conveyed safely to Muskat in Arabia'· the English assent, and very nobly transported three thousand of them, and entended like favour to the rest; but the envious Persian suddenly intercepted above three hundred Arabs hälfe Christians and Portugals: whom without parley or any signe of pitty, contrarie to their oath and honour, they beheaded; and sent their heads to Gombroon for a Trophäe, and as an assured signal of their conquest and blameworthy fury. After this, by unanime assent, the Magazeens of armour, victualls and treasure were 229

sealed up with the signets of both Nations : the interim was imployed in massacring of more than hälfe dead men, violating women, polluting Temples, and defacing verie brave and gallant houses; during which, an unworthie English man (contrarie to the order) breaks into a forbidden Monasterie stuft with riches, and in his returne is discried by the ratling of his burthensome sacriledge; at which the Persians flie to the Duke, and by consent break asunder everie thing was valuable, (the English all that time dreaming of no such accident) but when it was known, much discourse intervened on both sides, but the Pagans accounted words but ayre, and seeing their designes accomplished, made the fury and anger of the English meere provocatives of scorne and laughter: the EngHsh had no more than twentie thousand pounds paid them for their service. The brasse Ordnance in Castle and Rampires were divided, some say they were three hundred, others as many moe: howbeit, our men say there were only fifty three great brasse peeces mounted, foure brasse cannon, six brasse demicannon, sixteen cannon pedroes of brasse, and one of iron, 9 culverin of brasse, two demiculverin of brasse, 230

three of iron, ten brasse bases, seven brasse bastels, some basilisks of i i foot long, and nintie two brasse peeces unmounted; which I the rather name, in that the Portugalls bragge they had small defence, and few Ordnance; with either of which if they had been furnished, Ormus had never been triumphed over. Those belonging to the Persian were transported to other Cittadelle, to Gombroon, Larr, Shyraz, Hispahan, and Babylon. The King of Ormus, Seid Mahumet shaw, was made prisoner to the Persian, and at this day is at Shyraz under an allowance of five markes a day; his other pension (during his prosperity paid him by the Portugalls) amounted yeerely to a hundred and forty thousand ryalls. The Town at this day is wholly ruinous, the Castle excepted, which aspect keepes her former beauty, strength, and greatnesse, and is owned by the Persian, As for the common Mariners, they found enough to throw away; by that little they got, shewing their luxurie, nothing but Alea, vina, Venus, in the ascendant of their devotion. Captaine Woodcocks luck was best and worst; by rare chance he lighted upon a Frigot that was stealing away, loden with Pearles and inestimable treas231

ure, above a Million of royalls for his part only; but what joy had he in that fading pelfe? pure clay is gold, who then so mad to make the earth his Idol? Whether poore (too rich) Woodcock minded more his tempting Mammon than the stearage of his ship, who can tell ? but many felt by sad experience that the Whale his ship sunck close by Swally barre, the name neither of bird nor fish availing against the arrow of death, the mercilesse elements yeelding them no comfort: such catastrophes have ambition and too much greedinesse. For, by the too much pride (the Portugall upon all occasions braving the English) Ormus had stood; and but for too much avarice, who knows but the Whale might have swam still in the Ocean of security. Proeda faeras actes cinxit discordibus armis, Hinc cruor, hinc caedes, mors propiorque venit. Praeda vago jussit geminare pericula ponlo, Bellica cum dubtis rostra dedit ratibus. Prey guirts feirce Armies oft with irefull swords. Hence blood, hence slaughter, hasty death affords. Prey doubles danger in th' inconstant deep, Whiles warlick beaks danger-fraught ships do keep.

vili A Famous Fighi at Sea Where foure English Ships under Captaine Weddell and foure T)utch Ships fought three days neere Ormus against eight 'F^ortugall Gallions and three Friggots riAs also the losse of the good Ship Lion in ΐ62φ

T H I S Tract is reprinted with the permission of the Harvard College Library from the copy of the original edition which was formerly in the Britwell and Clawson collections. The " Short Title Catalogue," No. 23753, locates other copies in the Huntington and Chapin (Williams College) Libraries. The original is a quarto of 16 leaves: frontispiece, title, dedication, and 26 pages of text.

F A M O V Fight at Sea.

WHERE

S

FOVRE

Engliíb Ships vnder the command of Captainc hbn Wtddell^ and fourc Dutch Ships fought three dayet in the Gulfe ofPerßs nccre Огтш, tgiinil Í. /«rfw^4¿Gail>oili, tnd j . Friggots. AS ALSO

m

T h e memorable fighe and loifc o f the good Ship called the ¿ия, wir h the barbarous cruchic of (bcEnemic truly dfcbrid.

LONDON,

^ Printed by lobHaujlmd for Henry Gojfon,

i

j

то

THE

RIGHT

Worthy, Generous, and well experienced Qommander Captarne I о н Ν WEDd e l l , late Generali of the RaftIndia Fleet. Sir, hauing written the true manner of your late Famous, perillous, and fortunate Fight with the Portugalls in the Persian Gulfe, and knowing that Bookes without Patrons are like fatherlesse Children,.! imagined that it was better to send it to you for succour and protection, than to any other whomsoeuer; for the most part which is herein by Relation, I am assured that you doe know to bee true by Action, and my Pen hath but only superficially pratled of those things which you saw, did, and suffered. I therefore humbly in treat you to accept this poore Fish out of your owne Ocean, this sheepe of your owne fold, this cloath of your owne ORTHY

W

235

weauing, and this deserued memorie of part of your worthy won Reputation. Thus not doubting but your afFabilitie is correspondent to your approued knowledge and knowne sufficiencie, I commit both my selfe and this Relation to your acceptance and good censure, my best wishes still attending on you, that your fortunes be euer equall to the goodnesse of your minde. Euer at your command to be imployed, lohn Taylor

A FAMOUS F I G H T A T SEA in the Gulfe of Persia. The Eternali prouidence hauing diuided Mankinde into many Kingdomes, Climates, People and Nations, yet to the end there should bee a unitie or mutuali societie amongst all men, hee hath permitted Traffique and Commerce betwixt Nation and Nation, Realme and Realme, Nauigation and Shipping being as it were the fleeting Bridges, for the transportation and exportation of Men and Merchandize, from Countrey to Countrey, that though God hath not inriched any one Kingdome or Countrey with all things, 236

(the one hauing what the other hath not:) yet to maintaine humane Societie (but chiefly for his owne glory in dispersing his gifts) Commerce and traffique hath beene used at all times, and in all Ages; for the which noble imployments our Kingdome of England hath not beene inferiour to any Nation for the abilitie and worthinesse of Merchants, and I think not equalled by any for goodnesse and sufficiencie of skilfull Nauigators, and Marriners, and strength of shipping, and munition. So that neither the parching heat of Lybia and Ethiopia, or the benumming frigiditie of Groenland, or the Hyperborean Icie Regions, neither the farre remotenesse of China Eastwards, or the uttermost bounds of the new world America Westwards, the dangers of Stormes, Gusts, Flawes, Tempests, Spowts, and Tornadoes, or Monsoones, the hazard of Shoales, Rockes, Leakes, Enemies, Pirates, barbarous and cruell Nations, unwholsome and untemperate Ayres and Climates, Sea or Land Monsters, or what perills may be named or thought upon, hath euer daunted or hindred our Merchants and Mariners to prosecute and accomplish their continuali, laudable and profitable undertakings. 237

Amongst whom our Noble, Worshipfull, and worthy East-India Merchants, and Aduenturers, may in these later times be held as superlatiue to those of former Ages, their inestimable charge, their mighty force, their valuable returnes, and their aduenturous hazards rightly considered. All which being no part of my purpose to treat of, I referre the Reader onely to the description of two famous 3ea-fights, performed betwixt the English and the Portugals; which, though the newes of it could not be brought hither so soone as if it had beene done upon the Coast of Zealand or Flanders; yet, as soone as wind and weather could bring it, I had it, and with what time I could well spare I haue written it, assuring myselfe of what I dare assure my Reader, which is, that all is true. In which regard, I thought it unfit to let it lie buried in obliuion, or the hatefull and ingratefull graue of forgetfulnesse. In it is valour described, and manifested in the Hues and deaths of many of our English, and extreme crueltie and inhumanitie in the Enemie. But to the matter.

238

A Brave Sea-Fight in the Gulfe of Persia. 4 English Ships 1 The Royall James, Admirall. 2 The Jonas, Vice-Admirall. 3 The Starre, Reare-Admirall. 4 The Eagle, Fourth Ship. John Weddell, chiefe Commander of the English Fleet.

4 Dutch Ships 1 The South Holland, Admirall. 2 The Bantam, Vice-Admirall. 3 The Maud of Dort, Reare-Admirall. 4 The Weasope, fourth Ship. Albert Becker, chiefe Commander of the Dutch Fleet.

The 30. of January 1624. being Friday, the English and Dutch Ships being in the Road of Gumbroone, there arriued a small Frigot belonging to a place neere Chowle, (which is in warre with the Portugals) shee came in betweene the Maine and Ormus, to whom the General of the English, Capt. lohn Weddell, sent Mr. Andrew Evans, in a little Boat called a Gellywat, to know from whence he came, and whether hee could giue us any intelligence of the Portugal! Armado; his answer was, that hee came from a place some 8. or 10. Leagues to the Southwards of Chowle, laden with Pepper and other Merchandize, and withal hee said, that on the Saturday before, being the 24. of January, hee was off the 239

Cape called Cape Gordell, hälfe way betwixt the Coast of India and Cape laques, where to Seaward of him hee saw 8. great Gallions, and certaine Frigots, which Frigots gaue him chase, but hee kept himselfe so neere the shore, that they could not fetch him up; and this was the first information of the neere approach of the Enemie. The 3 1 . of January in the morning, the English and Dutch fleet heard three peeces of Ordnance goe oflF from Kishme Castle, (a strong hold, and in warre with the Portugals) the Captaine of the said Castle hauing before promised the Generali (Captaine Weddell) that if he descryed any crosse Sailes or Ships in sight of the Castle, that then he would discharge those Peeces as a warning unto him, which accordingly he did. Whereupon a man was sent up to the top-mast head in the English Admirall, to looke abroad, who being up, presently cryed a saile, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, with many Frigots in their company, then the Generali commanded the Gunner to shoot off a peece of Ordnance, to giue warning to all the fleet to put themselves in readinesse for the entertainment of the Enemie putting also the bloudy Colours out, as likewise the Dutch Ad240

mirali did the like, with all speed getting their men & boats from the shore, weighing their Anchors of all hands, and getting under saile with all possible celerity, with courage and resolution they stood towards the Enemy, (whose drift was to haue taken the English and Dutch at Anchor unprepared) but their expectations were frustrate. Towards 8, of the clocke at night it fell calme, so that our ships came to an Anchor when the Commander of the Dutch fleet (named Albert Becker) sent his Master of his ship, accompanied with some other Merchants, and the Masters aboord the Royall lames, informing Captaine Weddell that their Commander had sent to see how he did, and what hee thought the Ships and Frigots to be that they had descryed. The Commander Weddell answered, that they could bee no other than the Portugall Armado, which had bin two yeeres preparing to meet with the English and Dutch, and that now they were come in search of them, from Goa, unto this place, hoping first to conquer both our and their Nation, and afterwards to fall to worke upon Ormus, Kishme, and Gombroone, to destroy our setled trade, and to extirpate and root us out with all hostility and 241

dishonour. Then the Dutch demanded Captaine Weddels resolution, concerning so common and open an Enemy, he told them that his resolution was, for the glory of God, the honour of his Nation, the profit of worthy Imployers, and the safeguarding of Hues, ships and goods, he would fight it out, as long as a man was liuing in his ship to weare a Sword, and that he doubted not but the other three ships under his command, were all of the same mind and courage; to whom the Dutchmen answered, that they were of the like resolution, and would stick as close to the English as their shirts to their backs, and so in friendly manner, each tooke leaue of other for that night. The I. of February, being Sunday, the Dutch Admirall weighed anchor an houre before daylight, and the English presently after him, but the Dutch got the start of us all, though we made all the Saile we could; at last the English came up to him with their whole fleet, but he discharged the first shot at the Portugall Admirall, who presently answered him with three for one. The friends and foes being in Musket shot of each other, it fell calme, whereby our ships would not worke but as the tide did set them, that when the 242

Portugals were Boord and Boord, they had a great aduantage of us with their Frigots, that towed the cleare one off another often, which helpe we wanted, thus we lay some 4. or 5. houres pelting and beating one another with our Ordnance, the whilst the Frigots plyed us with small shot, as fast as they could, the Royall lames being forced to keep the Barge a head to pull the Ships head to & fro; but towards the afternoone there arose a fine gale, but the Enemy had the wind of us, whereupon the Admirall and Vice-Admirall of the Portugals bore up roome upon us, making account to lay the Royall lames aboord; the one on the Starboord, the other on the Larboord side, which Captaine Weddell perceiuing, scarce being able to shun it, he called to the Master, and told him the purpose of the Enemy, to auoyd which danger, he commanded the Master to beare a little lasking to separate them further each from other, that he might have more roome to go betweene them, the ViceAdmirall of the Enemy seeing the lames beare up so lasking, she likewise bore up with her, when suddenly Captaine Weddell perceiued that there was hope to weather him, caused his Mizzen, and

43

Mizzentop-sayle to be set, and so presently got the wind of him, edging close up with the Admirall, being within Musket-shot of them both; the Portugall Admirall put to stay, by which means the lames got the Wind of him also, hauing much adoe to get out a weather off him, comming so close under his sterne, that his boats were close at our ships side as she sheared by, when presently wee gaue him a whole broad side, euery shot raking him fore and after, tacking forthwith, and standing after him. Thus the first dayes fight lasted till fiue at Night, wherein the Royall lames lost eight men and some others which had some small hurts: Also this day the Dutch lost their chiefe Commander, a braue and valiant fellow, who liued and dyed nobly in the Bed of honour. This Fight was terrible and fierce for the time, for the Royall lames spent alone neere seuen hundred great shot, and all the other ships English and Dutch, did proportionably doe the like. The Sunne beeing set, the Enemie fell oíF, and came to an Anchor, at the East end of Kishme, the English being North-north-west from them two Leagues, thus was concluded the first dayes fight. 244

Munday the second of Februarie, beeing Candlemas day, the Wind beeing very little which blew off from Kishme, so that the Enemy had the aduantage of it, but neuer offered to make use of it, to make roome towards us; the English and Dutch being imployed busily to fit up their torne rigging and tackling, and stopping such dangerous shot as they had received in the Fight betwixt wind and water. Also the same day in the afternoone, there was a meeting aboord the Royall lames, where both English and Dutch concluded, that they would giue the Enemy fight the next morning, and that the Royall lames should be the leading ship, and the Admiral of the Dutch should second her, and that they should goe directly to the Enemies Admiral, not striking higher or lower till the lames came side by side with her. So the 3. of F. being Tuesday, both the flleets weighed Anchors at breake of day, hauing the weather gage of the Enemy, the great lames stood right with the Admiral of the Portugals, weh was headmost but one; but comming neere them they weaued to Leeward with their bright arming Swords, and we the like to them, they saluted us with a whole 245

broad side, but Captaine Weddell cömanded his men not to answer them, til they were brought neerer within danger, wch charge was obeyed, but being come neere the Admiral, and another of their ships, the great lames bestowed upon each of them a whole broad side, making them both to beare up, the one a port, & the other a starbord, by wch meanes, one of their ships was cut off and sundred form the, and was chased 3. or 4. houres by the Eagle and Weasope, the hope of the English and Dutch being, that she should no more return to her fleets company, the lames following still the Admirall and Vice Admiral, got upon the Admirals side, hauing the Vice-Admirall on his starbord bow; insomuch that this dayes fight grew very hot, for often the lames was in thickest of the enemy being at one time all round about us; but our men so plyed their Ordnance upon them, that they all refused to stand by us, but fled all before us as chaffe, dust, or smoake before the winde. In this fight the lames got betweene one of their fleet, and singled her out, lying by her sides with fore-saile, and fore-topsaile, a backe stayes, so neere, as a man might quoit a Bisket Cake into her, when straight Master 246

Johnson came up in the sterne of the lames, so neere, that he could hardly keepe cleare, to whom Captaine Weddell called, willing him to clap the Portugall aboord on the Larboord quarter (whilst the lames lay thundring upon him with her great Ordnance) hee promised to do it, but after he refused it, this Vessell had not so few as 500. shot thorow her Hull, Masts, Sailes, and Yards, before she got cleare. Note, that in the morning Cap. Weddell had fitted a Portugall Vessell (which had beene formerly taken with some Cockernuts) and purposed to haue fired her thwart the Admirals hawse she being appointed to come between the Dutch Admiral, and the lonas, but through disaster, or rather negligence in Darby the Master, who came not up according to his appointed place, she was chased by the Frigots (she hauing but ten men in her) being of no defence, they were forced to set her on fire farre from the fleet, and so the men betooke themselues to a Barge, which was left them for their safety, by which meanes the Generals proiect was disappointed. All this third day at night this Vessel burnt, and two houres before day-light, whether shee 247

was towed by some of the Enemies boates or no, is unknowne, but shee came burning amongst the English and Dutch Fleetes, and forced them from their anchors by slipping their Cables, which Anchors they tooke up some three dayes after. The 4. of February in the morning, both Fleetes made towards the Enemies, who were under saile, and made all the hast they could to get under the Hand of Lowracke, which lyeth some eight or nine miles from Ormus, unto which Hand their Frigots went a head, conducting them in ouer a Barre, whom the English and Dutch followed as farre as with safety they durst hauing neither the helpe of Pilots to shun the dangers of the place, or Frigots to goe a head as conductors, as the Enemy had. Besides, there might haue beene Ordnances planted a shore by the Enemy, which would haue beene greatly to their aduantage, or otherwise in the darke night they might haue chained two or three Frigots together, and turning them upon them, upon the Ebbe thwart their hawse might much haue indangered them, they knowing the Enemie to be implacable, malicious, and politique; these reasons caused them to follow them no further at this time, but to 248

come to an Anchor a League from them, when Captaine Weddell sent for the chiefe of the Dutch, whose resolution was to go backe againe to Gombroone, there to dispatch our Merchants affaires. So Anchors were weighed, the lames giuing them a shot for farewell, and they answered her with the like, they all getting into Gombroone Road that night, where they speedily fell to worke to repaire the ruines of warres, in fitting of Masts, Yards, Sailes, rigging and stopping breaches, all which in 3 dayes was accomplished, leauing the Portugall like a Theefe in his Mill, or a Fox in his hole, not minding to trie as yet the hazard of another bout. In this fight their Reare-Admirals maine Mast was shot by the boord, their Vice-Admirals maine top-mast was likewise shot by the boord, their Admirals Mizzen-mast, Flag, and fiag-staffe shot by the boord, and her Hull much rent and torne. Their fourth ship had the head of her maine Mast shot by the boord. Another of their ships had all her top-masts shot by the boord. In conclusion, all their eight ships were so torne and tattered, that they had neither good Masts, Sailes, or Yards to helpe themselues with, nor tide sides to 49

beare saile upon. Thus it pleased the Almighty to giue the victory of the day unto those that relie upon his promise; to that great God be all glory for euer, and let all true Christians say Amen. The 13. of February being Friday, the English and Dutch Fleets set saile at day-light from the Road of Gombroone, hauing also with them foure lunks, other vessels of lading, under the conduct and charge of the Dutch, which as soone as the Enemie perceiued, they let slip their Cables and slipped from their harbour at the Hand of Lawracke, which is foure or five Leagues from the Roade of Gombroone, the Enemie making all the sayle he could to Sea-boord of the English and Dutch all the day till Sun-set; when they were got within Saker-shot of each other, and a good bearing gale, they all kept company together all night. This 13. at night, it blew so hard at Westsouth-west, that one of their Gallions bore ouerboord the head of her maine-Mast, close under the hownds, not being able to hoyst up her maine sayle, she was forced to steere alongst with her fore-saile, fore-top-saile, her Sprit-saile, and Mizzen, the wind being at West-South-west, they steered away South and by East. 250

The 14. in the morning the Dutch Fleet staying, and bearing up unto the lunke, the night past was a starre so farre, that the English Fleet could scarce descry them; so the lames laid her fore-saile a backe staies, and staid for them, the Portugall neuer offering to alter his course, but kept on still. The same day about noone, the Dutch being come up with the English, it was agreed betweene them, that the Royall lames should giue the first on-set upon their Admirall, and the rest of the Fleet to second her; so about two of the clocke that afternoone the two Fleets came to weather of the Enemies Admirall, receiuing the first shot from their Vice-Admirall, and presently a whole broad side from their Admirall, both sides comming as neere each other as they could but well keepe cleane of each other, they fell to it of all hands pell meli, the Ordnance going off as fast as small shot, the lames for her part giuing them two broad sides, she then edged up in the winde, laying her fore-saile and fore-top-sayle, a backe stayes, as well to giue leaue to the lonas (who was second to the lames) as also to suffer the Portugall Admirall to shoot a head, which she sud251

dainly did, then the lames filling her top-sayle the second time, bore upright with the Enemie Admirall, plying her whole broad side so fast upon him, that he had scarce any leasure to returne any shot backe, whilst the English and Portugall Admirals were so nere each other, that they could hardly cleare themselues/. In this time whilst our ships plyed the Enemies Admirall, (not so much looking after or heeding the other ships) the Vice-Admirall with the rest of their Fleet were left a sterne, their Admirall plyed very hard upon the lames, giuing and receiuing many dangerous shots, the lames being shot betweene winde and water often, and had more spoyle in her Sayles and Rigging, than she had done any of the two dayes fight before, then the third time, comming side by side with each others Fleet, they let driue one at another like Thunder in the ayre, the lames comming up with the Admirall (the great ship of Damon, who the first dayes fight lost her maine Mast) crept in betwixt the lames and the Portugall Admirall, lying as a Bulwarke to weather oflF her, to receiue all that might be put upon her, and indeed all that was meant to haue beene bestowed upon the Admirall 252

was still plyed upon that great Hulke, as likewise the lonas and Dutch, did continue this third dayes fight till day-light was shut in, the Portugals edging up to get nere the Arabian shore insomuch that at 8. at Night both English and Dutch were faire by it, chasing them in. This Night the English and Dutch steered away their course for Surat, the Portugals steering for swar, a place where they haue a Castle. The Roy all lames and the rest were forced to giue ouer the Chase for these reasons. First, for that the time of yeere was so farre spent, that they should not haue time enough to deliuer their goods at Surat, and so to goe cleere off the Coast, before the Westerly Monsoone, which is a Winde that blowes at West sixe moneths together, beginning in Aprili, would be some, and so endanger the Ships in getting off againe. A second reason was, that the Royall lames had but 3 1 . Barrels, and some 500 Cartreges fild with Powder, and some 600 shot, all which was not aboue three quarters of a dayes fight for her use, for in her former dayes worke the third of February, she alone spent 1000. great shot upon

253

the Enemie, so that now through want of Powder was not able to maintaine such another dayes fight according to that rate. And this last dayes fight she lost but one man, hauing spent upon the Enemy more then three hundred great shot. To the Lord of Hosts the only giuer of victory, the mighty God of Battels, be all honour, glory, praise and dominion for euer. Amen. A note of the mens names slaine in these three severall fights with the Portugals, out of the English Fleet. Slaine in the Royall lames Richard Davis \ , , T. T- , , T. >quarter Masters. Nicholas Burton J ^ Robert Skaife, Gunners Mate. loseph Wright Thomas Bland Carpenters. lohn Burcham Godfrey Howton Richard Davis, Iunior Richard Walker Sailers. lohn Maisters William Wilcockes William Clarke \dismembered in their William Surdam/ legs, and died. Slaine in the lonas Robert Modding, Masters Mate, lohn Beedam, mid ship-man. 254

William Adams. Robert Stacie. Edward Wilkinson Robert Larke Richard Hergoll Francis Blow. Thomas Page Thomas Wilkinson Thomas Williams. Slaine in the Starre, lames Wanderton. William Carter. Reignold Sanderson. Charles Robinson. Slaine in the Eagle, lohn Sares. The Dutch lost neere the like number, amongst whom their chiefe Commander Albert Becker slaine the first dayes fight.

A Relation by Peter Hillion a Frenchman, of the force of the eight Portugal Gallions, which fought with the English and Dutch Fleet, in the Gulph of Persia; as also the spoyle they receiued by them, with the number of men slain, on the 13. and 14. of February, 1624. himselfe being then in the Admirall, which afterwards riding with three more of her Fleet at the Riuers Mouth of

255

Surat, he escaped from her, and ran to the English, which were then riding in the Barre of Surat. Their Admirall named S. Francisco Sanuer wherein was General! Non Alua Batellia, had 48. peeces of Brasse Ordnance of whole Cannon, Demy-Cannon, Cannon Pethrow, whole Culuering, and Demy-Culuering, and 350. men, of which were slaine 38, whereof three were chiefe Captaines, under the aforesaid Generali, named Lorenzo Luis, leronimo Botelia, and Brassa Coze, who all three were kild with one shot, the Ships Fore-mast, Bospreet and maine Mast, were so torne with shot, that they were unseruiceable, her Mizzen-mast, Flag and Flag-staffe, shot by the boord, with the head of her maine top-mast, and her Rigging much rent and torne. Their Vice-Admirall named likewise S. Francisco, wherein was Commander Francisco Bürge, had 32 peeces of Ordnance as the former, and 250. men, of which were slaine 3 1 . the aforesaid Commander being one of number, her maine topmast shot by the boord, her maine-Mast, fore Mast, and Bospreet so torne, that they were unseruiceable. 256

Their Reare-Admirall named S. Sebastian, (their biggest ship) wherein was Commander Don Antonio tela, who was lamed of an arme, had 40. pieces of Brasse Ordnance as the former, and 400. men, whereof 20 were slaine, her maine-Mast, fore-top-mast, fore-yard, and Sprit-sayle-topmast shot by the boord, and her fore-mast so unseruiceable, that she could beare no more saile but her Sprit-saile. Their fourth ship named S. Saluador, wherein was Commander Don Francisco de Tuar, had 24. peeces of Brasse Ordnance, and 250. men, 41 whereof were slaine, the aforesaid Commander being one of the number, his Masts being so rent and torne that they were all unseruiceable. Their fifth ship named S. Iago, wherein was Commander Simon de Kintalle, had 22, peeces of Brasse Ordnance, 200. men, whereof were slaine 83. her Masts were all standing, but she so leeked betweene wind and water, by shot receiued, that they had much to doe to free her, so that she was cast away upon the Coast of India seuen dayes after. Their sixth ship named Trinidada, wherein was Commander Pedro Alua Botelia, had 22. peeces 257

of Brasse Ordnance, and 250. men, 243. whereof were slaine, his Top-masts were all shot by the boord, and her other so torne, that she could beare no sayle thereon, but was towed by the Great Hulke Reare-Admiral, frö Muscat to Goa. Their seuenth ship named S. Antonio, wherein was Commander Antonio Burallia, had 22. peeces of Brasse Ordnance, and 200. men whereof 220 were slaine, her Masts were all standing, but hauing a leake by shot receiued betwixt wind and water, the seuenth day after shee was cast away upon the Coast of India. The eighth ship named Miserere-Cordium, wherein was Cômander Emanuel Rodreeges Chaua, had 22. peeces of Brasse Ordnance, and 200. men, whereof 3. were slaine, her fore-topmast, maine-yard, fore-yard, and maine-topsayle-yard shot by the boord, and her fore-mast so torne that it was unseruiceable. A Table containing the former numbers Ordnance.

The The The The

Admirall had Vice-Admirall had Reare-Admirall had fourth Ship had

258

48 32 40 24

Men.

350 250 400 250

Men slaine.

38 31 ao 41

Ordnance.

The The The The

fifth ship had sixth Ship had seuenth ship had eighth Ship had The summe

11 11 11 11 232

Men.

Men slaine.

200

83

250 200

243 22

200

3

2100

481

Thus it pleased God in mercy that the English and Dutch, not being hälfe the number of the Enemy, neither in men or Ordnance, that with onely the losse of 58. or 60. men, they should kill 481. of the Portugals, and withal so to beat them (notwithstanding the helpe of 16. Frigots) being so torne, that they were cast away seuen dayes after, and the rest all unseruiceable, not daring to stand to the hazard of another conflict. A b r i e f e d e s c r i p t i o n of the D i s a s t e r of the good ship called the Lion, one of our English ships, trading to the East India, who was lost in fight with the Portugalls, neere Gombroone in the Gulfe of Persia, on the eighth of Nouember 1625. The seuenth of October 1625. about 4. in the morning, the Palsgraue, Dolphin, and Lion anchored about three Leagues to the Southwards of 259

Surat Barre, and when it grew light (men being in the top) espyed certaine Roaders ryding against Surat Riuer, which some supposed to be English or Hollanders, others affirmed to be a fleet of Frigots; but in fine, about an houre after they set Sayle and steered after us, and in short space we made them to be foure Portugall Gallions, and fifteene Frigots, the wind being then OÍF shore, they could not come to us that tide, but anchored about a League from us, our Captaine perceiuing their intents, put forth an Ensigne for Councell, and the Master of each ship presently repaired aboord. At which consultation, as it was reported by our Master M. Richard Swanley, Captaine Blithe propounded that he thought it expedient to set Sayle and stand of to Sea againe, and by that meane to abate the force of the Frigots, and if it fell out so that our Ships sayled better than the Portugals, we should stand directly for Ormus; the reasons he gaue for it were these, viz. first, he doubted that the Portugall had a great force of shipping in Swalley Road. Secondly, he feared whether our Merchants had friendship with the Country people, or not, 260

by reason of the discord which was betweene them at the Dolphins preparations for England, which was the last newes he heard from thence. Thirdly, he doubted that the Portugals had made peace with the Gazerats, and had planted Ordnance a shore on Swalley sands. Нее also doubted what was become of Captaine Weddels fleet, for hee assured himselfe if there was any friends at that time in Swalley Road, they would not suffer the Portugall to ride there, for hee supposed that the Portugall had beene in fight with them the yeere past, and had either put them to the worst, or else for want of munition to effect another fight, they were forced to repayre to Ormus Castle for succour, untili supply came out of England. All which being propounded, and the unreadinesse and great charge of all three ships well considered, it was concluded to set Sayle, the which we did, the wind being Northerly, and the tide of floud come, wee stood for Sea, and the Portugall Admirall and Vice-Admirall sayling better then the rest, fetcht us up about 4. in the afternoon, at which time the Lyon being formost of our Fleet, the Enemy Admiral shot one peece of Ordnance 261

at her, for the which shee answered 3. or 4. but could hardly reach further then hälfe way: the Portugall finding his Ordnance better than ours, both Admirall and Vice-Admirall plyed upon the Lyon for the space of hälfe an houre, in which time shee receiued many shot both in her Hull and Rigging, Our Master Richard Swanley, seeing their aduantage, caused to bruile mainesaile, and edge within Musket-shot of them both, and there maintained fight with them till Sunneset, and receiued no hurt at all. All which time, and an houre after being calme, the other two ships of the Enemy were at least a League a sterne. The Palsgraue, and Dolphin all this time being right a head, kept on their course, onely plying their sterne Peeces. The Portugals seeing them still away, came both aboord of us, the one in the one quarter, and entred at least 100. of their men, hauing fire-pots, and the other in the other, and diuers sorts of fire-workes upon our decks, the Frigots (as many as could lye about us) threw firepots in at the Ports, and stuck fire pikes in her sides; all which (by the great mercy and assistance of God) we still put out. Our Admirall and Vice-Admirall in this our 262

miserie were quickly out of our sight, the cause whereof is best known to themselues. This conflict remained from 8. at night, till about I I . in which space our Master Richard Swanley was slaine, and foure more of our men were also slaine, 3. of our Masters Mates, and 20. more were exceedingly burnt, the rest almost wearied, and more discomforted by reason our Fleet had left us, and in briefe wee were in that case, that the word was giuen to blow up the ship, had not God in his wisdome stayd it, by putting it in the mind of some of our men, to let fall an Anchor, which being done (the tide running very strong) brought our ship to so strong a bitter, that the fast which the Portugals had upon us brake, whose unexpected suddaine departure from us left 50. or 60. of their men upon our Poope, who still maintained the fire in such sort, that we were forced to blow them up, which blast tore all the Sterne of our ship in peeces, from the middle-Decke upwards. The Portugals being all repulsed, and the fire being put out, we used all diligence for the clearing our ship, and getting up our maine-top-sayleyard, which then lay upon our Deck, likewise 263

bringing new sayles to our Yard, the former being all burnt and torne, all which being as well done, as haste would giue leaue, we expected their comming againe the Next tide, but they hoping wee would either haue burnt or sunke, onely left fiue Frigots without shot of us, and themselues with the other two ships that were formerly a sterne stood after the Palsgraue and Dolphin, and in short space, fetcht them up, and fought with them all that night, they standing still off to Sea, were but off our sight the next morning. The 8. day in the morning, (all the ships beeing out of our sight) it was agreed upon by the Officers of our ship, that Henry Crosbey our Masters chiefe Mate should succeed as our chiefe Commander, untili such time as it pleased God we should meet with our Commander. This being done, wee being not able to weigh our Anchor, by reason our men were most of them hurt, cut Cable in the hawse, and set as much Sayle as we durst beare (our fore-mast hauing receiued 3. shot in such wise, as it had but 4. inches hold) and stood off to Sea, and beeing faire weather, praised bee God, in short time our fore-mast was made seruiceable. 264

The Frigots aforesaid that were left by us, stood foure of them after our Fleet, and the other in for the shore, all that day we heard them in fight, but saw them not, likewise the next night wee could see the light of their Ordnance at our top-mast head; but they being to wind-ward of us, wee could not get to them, nor indeed in case if we could, for our ship was so open, and all our chiefe men were kild and hurt. The ninth in the morning, wee could neither see them nor heare them then it was thought fitting by our Master, that according to the Consultation held aboord the Palsgraue, the seuenth day wee should stand for Ormus, the which (by the assistance of God) wee did, hauing faire weather all the way; in which time of our Sayling, our Carpenters had got up all the sterne of our ship againe, as well as his store would giue him leaue, our men also were well recouered of their hurts. The fourth of Nouember we arriued at Gombroone, where we had intelligence by our Merchants there resident, that Rufrerowas riding under Ormus Hand, with i8. or 20. Frigots, the which when our Master understood, (the Merchants being then aboord) it was concluded by 265

consultation, that to prevent any ensuing danger that might happen, and also for the cleering of our ship, whereby to mount our lower Tier, all the Cloth and Currall, and foure Chests of money should be sent a shore, with as much speed as possible, the other our Master refused to send out of the ship, alledging that if it should please God they were forced to leaue the Port by any disaster, there was no stock to buy any refreshing for our men which then did want it, the rest of our Carriages and goods lying low in Hold, could not then be come by, without much time which then we wanted. It was also appointed that we should with all speed take in water, and stand for Ormus, the which was assayed to doe, and partly effected, for upon the fifth day the Merchants and our Purser rode with all speed to the Sultan, (who was then out of Towne) to in treat for Boats to Land the Goods, and to water our ships, the which he granted, and also gaue us a Boat to make us a Long boat, by reason wee had lost both our Skiffe and Long-boat the last fight. The sixth there came Boot-haylers aboord, & tooke all the goods aforesaid, and carried them a shore, & also tooke in Caske to fill with water. 266

The 7. of Nouember there came 12. Tunne of water aboord, which was presently taken in, and more Caske sent a shore; also in this short time our lower Orlope was also made Priddie, and our two chase Peeces were mounted, and wee were in good hope the next day to take in water enough to serue untili the fleet came to stand ouer for Ormus; but God hauing otherwise appointed, it fell out contrary. The eighth day, about 7. in the morning, R u frero with his Frigots came rowing towards the Ship, and being then calme that the Ship could not worke, hee came in such sort that she could haue none but her Chase Peece to beare upon them, which lay so well to passe, that they sunke two of their Frigots before they could boord her, and two more after they were by her sides.

But

after they were aboord, they plyed their small shot in such wise, that they were not able to open a Port in the ship, but were forced to shoot away Ports, and all. They also maintained such aboundance of fire works round about her that in a moment all her Masts and Sayles were on fire, her upper Decke was also on fire, the which for all their heauing 267

much water upon it, in lesse then hälfe an houre fell downe upon their heads, and put them from their Ordnannce, who seeing death on each side, some leaped ouer-boord, and put themselues to the mercy of their Enemies, the rest gaue fire to the Powder roome, and blew up the ship. Those men which leaped ouerboord, were all receiued into the Frigots, and carried unto Ormus Hand, and the next morning Rufrero gaue order to cut off all their heads but one, namely Thomas Winterborne, whom he sent with a Letter to the Merchants at Gombroone, the rest being 26. persons were immediately beheaded. Those that were blowne up in the Ship, droue a shore and were buried at Gombroone, beeing in number 42. there were also nine men a shore about the Companies affaires, and one that Rufrero sent with a Letter makes 10. whom God grant neuer worse fortune. Thus was this good ship and men unfortunately and lamentably lost yet as much courage and manly resolution as possibly could bee was performed by the English, nor can it bee imagined how more industry or truer valour could haue beene shewed; on the other side, the cruell 268

and bloud-thirsty enemy gained nothing but knocks, losse of Hues and limbes, hauing his Frigots suncke and torne in peeces, his maine purchase being dishonour and infamy, for after all our men had fought so long, and so manfully, being beseiged round about with death, as the Sea to swallow them, the fire to consume them, or the Portugals swords to cut their throats, not being possible to escape one of these wayes of eminent danger, that then in that extremity 27. men leaping into the Sea, were all alive taken up by the Enemy, whom had he then kild in heate of bloud, when warre, rage, death, fury were up, it had been then the effect and fortune of warre; but to giue them harbour all night, and the next day in cold bloud to cause them to be beheaded, it was one of the ignoblest, inhumaine, and barbarous parts of murther that could be committed.

But

Rufrero being a Portugall or Spaniard, could doe no other (for the honour of his Countrey) but shew his bloudy nature, especially to our Nation : a Barbarian, a Türke, or a lew should haue found more kindnesse, for indeed they are all of one disposition. And I am sure, no Record or Chronicle can shew, no History can report, no tradition can 269

declare, nor any memory can relate, that euer any Englishman, or almost other Nation (except the Spaniard) did murther so many disarmed naked men, hauing had them a whole night in their custody. A farewell and hearty well-wishing to the noble attempts of our English Sea and Landforces, with their Allies and Confederates. You sons of Mars that furrow Neptunes brow, And o're the dang'rous Deep (undanted) plow; You who esteeme your Countries honor more. Than life or pelfe, (which Peasants doe adore) Your noble Ancestours, whose memories Are borne by Fame as farre as Titans Rise, And uniuersally diuulg'd from thence The Circle of the worlds circumference. Let their example be a spurre to you, That you their worthy vertu es may pursue: They were but men, and you are each so much, They were victorious, may you each be such; They had good courage guided by good skill. Which skill and Courage, Fortune, Grace and Will, I doe implore th' Almighty to bestow. On you in generali, All, both high and low. Time doth record our Britaines matchlesse force By Sea and Land, with valiant foot or horse, Hath made France tremble and proud Spaine to quake, 270

And great lerusalems foundations shake: And as true valour did inspire their Brests, So Victory and Conquest crown'd their Crests. О may your good intendments fall out right, The God of Battels still your Battels fight; That as your Fathers were, so you may be. Rare Patternes unto your posteri tie: That all our Foes with terrour now may know They haue beene beaten, and they must be so. True Honour, Fame, and Victory attend you: And high lehouah in your cause defend you: That Immortality your fames may Crowne, And God may haue the Glorie and Renowne. lOHN T A Y L O R F I N I S .

(1583-1642), the stormy petrel of the London Company, first came into prominence as master's mate in the Dragon in 1617. In December of that year he became captain of the Lion, in which he returned to England. Sailing again in 1621 as master of the Jonas, he participated in the attack on Ormuz, coming home the same year (1622). His behavior during and particularly after the JOHN WEDDELL

271

siege, gave rise to some suspicions, for on 4 Dec. 1623, Weddell, described as "of RatclifF in Middlesex, gent., aged 40," was examined before the judge and high court of the Admiralty to give a detailed account of the voyage and the plunder. On 28 March, 1624 he sailed in command of the Royal James, reaching Surat in September and joining the Dutch fleet there. He returned to England in 1626, only to find himself in serious trouble with the Company for private trading. This led to his dismissal from the Company's service, after which he obtained a post in the Royal Navy, serving with Buckingham against the Isle of Phè, as master of the Rainbow. Meanwhile he apparently had made his peace with the Company, for we find him employed as captain of the Charles, in Dec. 1628, with a salary of £ 1 6 - 1 3 - 4 a month. In 1631 he was in trouble again for private trading, but he must have recanted again, for he was at Surat in the Charles in 1632. Unfortunately the Charles was accidently burned at Surat the following year, and when Weddell reached London he was very severely censured for it (perhaps unjustly), and the Company refused to give him another ship. As a result he broke abruptly with the Company, to command the rival trading fleet of the interloper Sir William Courten, 15721636, which sailed to China in 1636. He returned in 1640, only to go out again almost at once to set up a trading post at Rahapur, in defiance of the factory at Surat. There, after being a thorn in the side of the London Company, he died in 1642. See J . K. Laughton in Dictionary of National Biography; Low's History of the Indian Navy; Bruce's Annals of the Honourable East India Company.

IX

A Relation of some Conflicts betweene the Portugals and the English at Surat in l6jO

Tract is reprinted from the original in the Penrose collection. The "Short Title Catalogue," No. 20865, locates a copy in the Huntington Library. The original consists of the title, reproduced herewith, and text pages numbered i to 8. The second of the two Relations of this news tract is not reprinted here. THIS

T W O

MEMORABLE RELATIONS. τht^ Former^

ARclatien of fome late Conflicts bcivfcencth« Portugals and the Engliib aï Sv^at iaÜAEtß-lndttt ^ Wherein the Pirw^tf//were vanquiihcd ,m.iny ilainc,and many taken Prifoncrs. The Lâtur^

The Copie of a Letter written from Mcritm-vf-Zttm by«EngUrtihandj Whcrcifiiscoatiincd, I full perfit and true Ruatioci, of the

Istc^ ( grut *ni áJmtráiU ) Dt fut ef the Sfmnßi force* Цг Wttcf, by tbc

Pnncc of Or«>/f аЛиЫ witk tbc forces atete Sip· i«Bbw, l 16} I.

,

A Relation of some late conflicts betweene the Portugals and the EngHsh, at, or neare Surrat in the East Indies, by letters dated in Surrat the iç. of September and 27. of October. 1630. Pon the 22. of September 1630. arrived 5. English Ships in the roade of Swalley (which is the Port of Surat) namely the great lames, the William, the Blessing, the Discovery, and the Reformation, in the way of peaceable trade and marchandizing, who there found thirty Portugall Frigots of warre which had waited for them, 20. dayes before the said Ships arrivali to oppose their trade there and in all other parts of the said East Indies, (as continually before, the Portugals have done from the very beginning of the trade of the English there) which Frigots had a little before seazed a great Ship or lunke of Surat very rich, comming out of the red Sea, by reason of

V

275

which Frigots, the English Merchants in the said ships, could not safely land till the 25. of the sayd Month of September, at whose comming up to Sural (which is about 8. or 9. miles from the Marine or Landing place of the sayd Port (the Governour and chiefe men of the Citty) after a friendly welcome to the English) related unto them that the Portugals with their forementioned Frigots, had taken their said Ship or lunke: and sayd, they expected another lunke named the Shahee, much richer than the former, and feared the Portugals would seaze her also, whereupon with great importunity they intreated the said English Merchants, to order their ships, to goe out of the sayd Port or Haven again, and to awayt the comming of their sayd lunke from the Red Sea, to convoy or defend her from the violence of the sayd Portugall Frigots. Which the English upon their so earnest request yeelded unto, and accordingly did forthwith dispeed their sayd five Shippes upon the sayd employment, and upon the fourteenth day of October they returned into the sayd Road of Swalley againe, where they found no Frigots then, but the next day were visited agaie by their old Disturbers which were 276

reduced to ten Frigots onely, and two small Vessels, and whilest the English were landing their goods out of their shippes, the Portugals emboldened themselves to Land divers of their Souldiers, with seeming intent to intercept the same, the which the English soone prevented, by advancing forward of their Court of Guard, to encounter and confront them, but for that time the Portugals avoyded that occasion. The next day being Sunday, the English Merchants being all this while aboard their sayd Ships, the Vice Roy of Goa his sonne, with Captaine Meere, and about one hundred and fifty Souldiers with colors flying came the second time on shore, approaching somewhat nearer to our Tents than before: & in such braving manner, that soone inticed the English to send an answerable strength of their boldest Musquetiers, commanded by Captaine Morton, Captaine Wills, Captaine Greene, and Captaine Morris, (Commanders of the English shippes) themselves in person, who in very good order, and with Coulors also displayed, marched up towards the Enimy, and having divided themselves into three squadrons, appointed onely one to appeare in sight of 277

the Enimy towards the Waters side, and the other two, to wheele about behind the sayd Hils, that so inviting their stay, to encounter with the lesser number, they might (when drawne within the distance of Musket-shot) rejoyne their full strength againe, as they did, when as the Portugals no lesse cautelously had opened and spread themselves in good order, the full length of all their Frigots, as they purposely had contrived themselves closer along the shoare, as well for the safety of their owne people, as to terrifie the English from drawing any further for dread of the great Ordnance, which with their harquebusses acrock (usually mounted on their Frigots sides) was the refuge (it seemeth) they mainly depended on. But such was the undantednesse of the English, being stirred up to a high measure of fury by the hourely vexation and braving of the Enemy, as being now come within shot, with a generali resolution, reioycing at the occasion, after a shot or two received first from the Portugals, put on in the very face or mouth of all their Frigots : And perceiving that but three of them could use the advantage of their Prowes against them, and that some of the rest were brought a ground, and so 278

could not vse their great Ordnance, but had onely their harquebusses acrock to gall them, advanced forward still plying their small shot with very good Discipline, and the Portugals no lesse valiantly replying with their double forces, as well from their Frigots on Sea as their squadron on shoare, but not able (it seemeth) to endure the violent rage of the English, they begänne to give ground, and the English most fiercely following, entred pell meli amongst them even in the water, within lesse then pistoll shot of their Frigots; In which interim the Vice-Kings sonne was convayed aboord, but so narrowly escaped, that the party who provided for his safety was himselfe taken prisoner in the action, many of the English (not fearing to runne up to the chinne in the water, even to the very sides of their Frigots) pursuing the victory with great slaughter, both on shoare and at sea, and at length returned with 27, Portugals prisoners taken alive, without the losse of any more then one ancient man (a Corporali) not wounded, but suffocated with heate, and wounding 7. more of the English. This they happily performed in the fight of Myrza Backhar and divers of the Countrey people to their great 279

admiration and the English Nations great honour. The next day to the Portugals great shame, they were constrained to leave the Port: but the next day after (being Sunday the 24. of October) about eight of the clocke the Portugals put in execution their maine Stratagem (so much depended on by them) and not without cause much feared by the English in firing of their foure prepared Vessels, chayned together for the intended destruction of the English fleete, but the vigilancy of the English, prevented that great mischiefe intended by their Ships boates, well manned on the head of their headmost Ship, having with theyr grapples or grapnels (ready for the purpose) fastened on the Boates so fiered, and towed two of them still burning on the shoare, and the other two on the sands, which gave happy cause of rejoycing to the English.

χ çy^ iLerribk Sea Fight betweene nine Ships of the Hollanders and three English Gallions before Goa in September

l6jç

tract is reprinted from the copy in the Penrose collection, purchased in 1928. It is not listed in the Short Title Catalogue. THIS

ν

q TerrlbieSed'ßght: RELATED

IN

^ T h e C o p i e of a L e t t e r f e n t to I. M . C c u t i . ccllour, l^cofioncr, and BailiíFc to the Citic o t

¿

Ъ ΑΊ

JV

lÂ.

CONCfKNlîîa T b c great ñghtbetwccnc n i n e E a f t í n d Í a í h i p j o f t h e J ' "¿í Hollanders, ind three great GalüonS} which happened about Goa$ Bire ioth« Eaft Iwiics, ike iO^jo. r, ofSe{«raber, id$f.

¿.OlUboHi P M by r w

Я-Г/», f i t 1640.

N M ^ ' ^ '

Withrrj'ftH*',

A true relation of a great Sea-fight between/ the Hollanders and Spaniards. A FTER that we had set out sail from Batavia's JL\. Rode, the 15.25. of July, 1639. we have speedily performed our voyage (God be thanked) as farre as the Baixos de Padua, which are very dangerous rockes, and sands; but by the negligence of the Captains and Masters of the Pinaces, little Rotterdam and David, (which were sent out before to cast out every houre the lead) we were lead with the whole Fleet towards the said rockes; insomuch that our Commander, looking out by day, upon the bank behinde the Gallerie, perceived a great alteration of the water; wherefore he charged his Pilot to cast out the lead, which having done, found first of all fourteene, afterwards nine, and at last six fadomes of water, that we could see some of the rockes lie under water. The Admirall perceiving this, made three or foure shots, to give warning to the Fleet, and that the Pinnaces should come backe 283

againe: And thus sailed back again from thence, as they came thither, thanking God Almightie for his gracious keeping and protection. From thence we set our course towards the Malabaerish coasts; which having got in sight, about Cananor, and Mont Fremosa, we sailed along the wall; where, in divers tides, we met with two small Vessells of Black-Moores, but they had free pass of the Directour Barent Pieters, one whereof was bound for Cananor, & the other for Calicut, which advertised us, that Daman and Dieu, being two strong Forts, and belonging to the Portugals, were beseiged by the great Mogoll, and they beleeved that Daman was surrendered alreadie. After that the foresaid Vessels had departed from our Commander, we went on again in our voiage, and the 18.28, of September, about evening, came in sight of us about Goas Bare, the Pinnaces Armuyen and Valkenburg, which at night came aboord of the Admirall, relating unto him the newes which they had received upon Wingurla; because they had arrived upon Wingurla about eleven or twelve daies before our comming. The next day after our Commander 284

calling together the generali Counsell, communicated unto them that same, what he had understood by the Principalis of the aforesaid Pinnaces; namely that three Gallions lay in the Bay of Goa Veille, under favour and safeguard of the Fort Mormagon, being not yet readie to go to sea & fight. Further, he desired the Councell to consider upon, what was best to do for the good and profit of the Companie. After manie disputations and consultations, the Councell departed againe from aboord in the evening, with order, that when the Commander, two or three houres before day light, did light againe a candle, they, together with the militarle Officers, should come aboord againe of the Admirall. Having met together again, they unanimouslie resolved to surprize the enemie without delay, that he lay with the Gallions under the protection and favour of the Fort Mormagon, the greatest difficultie was, that we knew not the depth or situation of the harbour: wherefore order was given, that the Pinnace David should betake it self to the right, and the Pinnace little Rotterdam to the left hand, saile forward, and cast continually out the lead: Having come close to the walls, some boats 285

were set out to cast out the lead continually in like manner, and to give warning unto us. Afterwards order was given, that the ship Zierick-sea should saile out before: upon which the Commander himselfe went: him followed Armuyen, Valckenburg, Franiker, Briedamme, and the ships New Harlem, and Middelburg, should come as nigh as possibly they could; because the enemie lay so close under the wall, and the depth of the harbour was unknown unto us, and the said ships drew so deep water, and had also in them the Cargozoen for Wingurla. In this order about noon, with the sea winde, we sailed towards the enemie (being under sail, the Vice-commander William Tiberius, who died the same morning, was set without the ship) having come under the Fort, they shot most fiercely out of the Fort, upon the Fleet: but we answered them in like manner. Seeing those of the Fort verie perplext, and timerous, (because we were not above a Musket shot from the Fort) we sailed to and fro along a wall or trench, which was drawn towards another small Bulwark, from whence they made likewise some shots. Being come neere unto the ships, we found them to be 286

the three great Gallions; namely, Bon lesus, Bon Ventura, and S. Sebastian: Bon Ventura layready for to fight, but not readie for sailing: The other two had none or few Canons in them, lying yet without carriages, because they expected us not so soon: yet afterwards we heard, that many free men, together with some voluntiers, came out of Goa to affbord their aid and helpe in the making ready of the aforesaid Gallions, thinking to come out against the Pinnaces Armuyen and Valkenburg, which they had just perceived, but missed of it. Zierick-sea sailing out before, passed by the Forts; and the ships Armuyen and Valckenburg in like manner. The Commander with his boat departing from the ship Zierick-sea, gave order, that Franiker and Bredamme should make towards the Gallion, Bon Ventura carrying about 80. brasse pieces of Ordnance, let their Anchors fall; from which Gallion they shot fiercely upon us, having come on the side of him, and being not hälfe a Musket shot from it, they shot crosse thorow and thorow our Pinnace, that it looked like a window where the glasses are beaten out: And thus we continued above three hours long, 287

shooting against the said Gallion; insomuch that the Pinnace Franiker received more shots then the whole Fleet together: All the Row horses, and pieces of Ordnance in the sterne were shot in pieces; insomuch that we could not make one shot more from the sterne against the enemy, what care soever I tooke, and what encouragement soever I gave to the remainder of our men (because I my self in person went continually to and fro, and the shipper was upon the deckes) for we had in that Pinnace about 20 men kild, and about 40 wounded; insomuch that after the fight, we had not men to man the boat: whereupon presently afterwards were sent unto us to aid us, 20 men from other ships. Amongst the dead were divers of our Officers; as namely, the upper Pilot, high boats man, the Cooke, the Cookes mate. Gunners mate, one or two Quartermasters: and all the other Officers for the most part, wounded : our shipper was hurt in his belly, in the head, and in one of his hands; but (God be thanked) he hath recovered, and is now well againe, I scaped free with a blew blow, and some other small hurts, I cannot give sufficient thanks unto God Almightie for his gracious protection 288

and keeping. Bredamme next to us received the most shots, the shipper lohn Symons Symein was in the first beginning kild with a shot thorow his body. Yet after this bloudy fight God Almighty by his gracious help and assistance granted unto us the victory, unto whom is due all glory, praise, and thanksgiving now and for evermore. The Pinnace little Rotterdam, whilst we were shooting against Bon Ventura, laid aboord the Gallion Bon lesus, which lay before Bon Ventura, mastered the same, and set up the Princes Flagges; because very few men were in her. Our Commander seeing this, went into the GalHon called Bon lesus, and called to the Portugals in Bon Ventura, that they should have good quarter, if they would yeeld: whereunto they, as stout souldiers, would not condiscend nor heare of it upon no termes, but answered the Commander, that he should do his best: Whereupon our Commander gave order, that the cable of Bon lesus should be chopt off, which drove directly to the belly of Bon Ventura, so that his bhnd mast turned crosse our Bon lesus. The Admirall asking them the second time, whether they would 289

yeeld, or else he would fire them both; namely Bon lesus, and Bon Ventura. Whereupon they answered, that they would not yeeld: whereupon the Commander gave order, that Bon Ventura and Bon lesus should be set on fire; notwithstanding they desisted not with their fierce shooting, till at last the fire got into their Gun-powder, and was blown up. Bon lesus after that it was on fire, drove a little off from the other. Whilst all this passed, the Gallion Saint Sebastian was likewise fired by the ship Armuyen : so that all three together at once were on fire, without the losse of any of our Pinnaces or ships, that the Generali and Councell of India had ordained the Pinnaces, Bredamme, little Roterdam and David for five ships. I am of opinion, if we should have laine with the Pinnace Franiker twenty paces neerer to the Gallion, it would likewise have been in danger to be blowne up, because our fore mast, and some ropes were likewise blowne up into the aire; all our ropes and cords are spoiled, that they hung like cut yarne. After that Bon Ventura was blown up, some boats have been in the Ferry-water, to knocke the 290

Portugals in the head that lay in the water: yet after that they had kild some of them, our Commander bid them to give quarter; insomuch that we got prisoners above loo men, about 50 white, and 50 Negroes, amongst which were two or three Priests, and four Lords of the Crosse, or Fedalges: the Captaine of the Gallion was likewise taken up: our Commander entertaines the said Lords and Patres at his owne table in the Cabinet. A t night we tooke up again our Anchors, and sailed againe out of the B a y close under the Fort Mormagon, out of which divers shots were made, because they could very well see us by the flame of the burning GalHon: yet at last we got out of their shot, and cast Anchor within two or three leagues of the wall. The upper Merchant, Peter Bad-neighbour is chosen by the Councell Vice-commander in place of the deceased Tiberius. The second of October, new stile, sailing towards Wingurla, we met two saile of ships, after which we pursued with the whole Fleet; but being our ships were so battered and spoyled, we were faine to desist from pursuing any further after 291

them; and order was given that we should goe with the Pinnace Franiker towards Winguria; where we arrived the fourth of October. Afterwards came newes that the Pinnace Bredamme had driven a small vessell to the wall; out of which the Portugals fled and made the vessell to leake: yet the Bredammes boat comming in haste to it, got into it, and kept it above water with pumping, till all the goods, consisting of Ivorie, or Elephants teeth, and other goods, were taken out of it, which were brought aboord of the Commanders ship. Another Gallion was pursued after the 2.12. of October, by the Pinnace Armuyen, which the same night overtooke the Gallion; and after that our Pinnace had fought a good while with it, it gave the slip againe, and escaped. B y nine prisoners taken by the Pinnace Armuyen with the boat of the said Gallion, we understand, that it had in her above 80 dead, but was manned with above 400 men, being the Gallion which went last yeare towards Daman: The other vessel that was chased to the wall, came out of Mosambique. The 10.20. of October, the ships Middelburg, Armuyen, and Bredamme, received order to go towards Cotcheyn to crosse 292

there, and to lie in wait for the enemies vessels, which by this present might passe by Goa. The Vice-roy within Goa, is departed out of this life; in whose place by election, succeeds Don Antonis Teles, who last yeare was Admirall of the enemies Fleet. The said Vice-roy reports, that hee will come with all his Fregats about 60 in number to visit us, which we long to see. There hath divers been aboord of the Admirall, a Priest borne at Antwerp, to treat about the releasing of the prisoners; but hitherto he hath effected nothing, what further herein will be done, time will shew. After the departure of the D. Caen, came hither upon Wingurla, a Mogoller, who was hired by the Portugals to massacre the great Governour Mameth Radia, together with all the Hollanders, and some of the chiefest Merchants; for the execution whereof, hee should be rewarded with eleven or twelve

thousand

Pageden, who ended his life as followeth: The aforesaid Mogoller, with a traine of 25 persons, comming into Wingurla himselfe, together with another Mogoller, sitting on horse-back, came before the lodging of the great Governour M a m eth Radia, who, at that time, was come to Win-

293

gurla to view his Fregats : The Mogoller asking for him, was answered by the Mameths servants, that he lay and slept. A t which the Mogoller replied, that he himself must see it; who going with another towards his chamber, (because hee was well knowne, and had been alwayes very familiar with the Governour) opened the curtains, and found him playing with his childe. The Mogoller drawing his Sable, chopt off one of his hands, thinking to turne off the blow with it, as also gave him a great wound in the neck; insomuch that he presently after died: From thence the Mogoller rode towards the lodgings, to massacre the Netherlanders; hee was twice beaten backe from the moat: In the mean time an Alarme rose amongst the Governours people, which floct together about foure hundred strong, kild fifteen or sixteen of the Mogollers men, took prisoners three or foure. The Mogoller betook himselfe to flight; after whom they pursued with their naked Sables: whereupon the said Mogoller leaping with his horse into the water, thinking to swim over the river, was seen by some of the Governours servants, which were in a house not farre from the shore; they seeing their fellow294

souldiers run with their naked Sables after him, stopt him, and shot him with a peece down from the horse, the rest gave him many cuts and blowes after he was dead. Given at Wingurla, the 1 1 . 2 1 . of October, 1639 A. S. Imprimatur Philip. Minutolius Printed for Nath. Butter, August. 8. 1640.

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