Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India 3031288505, 9783031288500

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Shekh Moinuddin

Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India

Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India

Shekh Moinuddin

Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India

Shekh Moinuddin Centre for Culture, Media and Governance Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi, Delhi, India

ISBN 978-3-031-28850-0 ISBN 978-3-031-28851-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Dedicated to My Mother

Preface

The manuscript dealt with three different subjects together—geography, social media and religion equally to discuss the phenomena of e-religiosity to map how digital gadgets shaped the socialization process in the practice of religious traits, culture, taboos and customs. The manuscript comprised eight chapters and each chapter discussed the central theme of e-religiosity that how digital devices were used for religious purposes. The manuscript is prepared in view of spatial contexts wherein dimensions of ‘space’ and ‘place’ were discussed in various interpretations and representations of how devotees and followers felt (religiosity) by doing religious practices with the help of digital devices. The manuscript starts with the remapping of religiosity wherein scholars like Karl Marx, Max Weber and Emile Durkheim’s understanding about religion were discussed to understand the trajectories of religion and religiosity, how both are not similar and how it paved for path of religiosity. The chapter used number of illustrations to substantiate the arguments of religiosity while, further, the same is discussed in digital sense that how the same religiosity is practising nowadays as ‘networked religion’, ‘third space’, ‘transfer of ritual’, ‘online rituals’, ‘patchwork ritual’, ‘virtual communities’, ‘online and offline religious communities’, ‘pilgrimage activities in cyberspace’, ‘digital hajj’ (the pilgrimage of Muslims) and ‘live dua’ (supplication) on Facebook. The second chapter is an extension of digital media and digital spatiality wherein how a user can understand the extension of digital gadgets for said purposes. The chapter primarily focused on mediated—the apparent dimension of religiosity that is required or popular across the society. In the third chapter, e-religiosity is mapped in a sense of mediated where different forms of media attributes what makes religious features undifferentiated. The chapter further used following ideas to reflect the e-religiosity in varied trajectories including e-religion, themes in e-religiosity, ‘mediated religiosity’, ‘metaphors in media’, ‘mediatization’, ‘semiotics in religiosity’ and ‘materialism in religiosity’. The chapter exclusively discussed the concept of space and place in both digital sense and non-digital sense. The fourth chapter discussed the spatiality of the screenscape in terms of space

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and place. This chapter is unlike a spatial framework to create a skeleton of the e-religiosity in geographical mapping with the help of social media apps. The fifth chapter described the socio-cultural lives in the age of digital gadgets wherein day-to-day digital associations are mapped in various orders. The domain discussion in this chapter is how and to what extent digital gadgets influenced the day-to-day activities of users whether it is socialization or identity. However, the business of digital gadgets is too analysed in the chapter in terms of the digital economy of social media, Internet and smartphones in India. The chapter exclusively discussed the photographs collected from field excursions. The photographs are collected from different socio-cultural backgrounds. Mapping e-religiosity can be deliberated through these collected photographs wherein different sections of people included like students, working person, housewives, old-age person irrespective of age and religious faiths in the contexts of how people used digital devices for ritual practices. The sixth chapter is broadly looking at the role of television in e-religiosity and how and to what extent the screen of TV played a crucial role in the promotion of religiosity among devotees and followers. The chapter discussed a survey and spatial mapping of religious identity, cults and traditional stereotypes. The seventh image politics in spatial manifestations shows how images were used to make political scores. The chapter discussed a few illustrations to map the political consequence of religious mapping of political leadership during freedom struggle and present situations in India. The manuscript talked much about used illustrations as part of image politics when the same image became contentious between the groups, or in other words, the production and reproduction of images cannot be discussed in political isolation. The chapter mainly debated religious diversification in terms of image politics in India and how Indians are celebrating religious dogmas and taboos in day-to-day activities. The postscript chapter explains the dimensions of e-religiosity as phenomena and how it is shaping and reshaping our religious practices with the help of digital devices. New Delhi, India

Shekh Moinuddin

Acknowledgements

I am thankful to the Centre for Cultural Resource for Training (CCRT), Ministry of Culture, Govt. of India, for funding the research work. I am thankful to my colleagues, friends and students who help to conceptualize the idea that is inevitable in the digital age when everyone is consuming digital gadgets more or less irrespective of identities, communities, professional skills and gender across the world. I am thankful to Noorjahan, Shekh Zafar and Abhilasha Prasad for her sincere help to compile data and collect images. My sincere gratitude and thanks to Vaishali Singh, who helped me to reach out for photographs; of course, without photographs, the study could not reflect the best. She made it possible to collect and take photographs in different capacities from different locations. She initially suggested ways out how and which types of photographs are required from daily lives. She was critical whenever she felt and suggested what she could do her best to enhance the manuscript. I will remain obligated to her. At last not least, I am extending my strong sense of gratitude to my family members, my mother, sisters and brother who constantly supported me in all possible ways. Shekh Moinuddin

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Contents

1 Remapping the Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Introduction: Mapping Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Understanding Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.1 Karl Marx’s Perspective on Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.2 Max Weber’s Perspective on Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2.3 Emile Durkheim’s Perspective on Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Comparative Analysis: Marx, Weber and Durkheim on Religion . . . 1.3.1 Elements in Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.2 Religiosity Versus Spirituality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.3 Dimensions of Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.4 Religious Motivation/Orientation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.5 Prayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.6 Religious Coping . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Contemporary Theories (New Paradigm) of Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1 Religion as Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.2 Religion as Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.3 Religion as Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.4 Religion as Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.5 Religion as Representations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Contouring e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix: Digital India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Broadband Highways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Universal Access to Mobile Connectivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Public Internet Access Program . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E-Governance—Reforming Government Through Technology . . . . E-Kranti—Electronic Delivery of Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Information for All . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Electronics Manufacturing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early Harvest Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 3 4 6 7 8 10 10 11 12 12 12 13 14 15 15 16 17 17 20 21 22 22 22 23 23 23 24 25

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2 Contours of Mediatized Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Introduction: Digitalized Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 Rituals of Digital Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Issues in Digital Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Spirituality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Morality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3 Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.4 Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.5 Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.6 Religious Authority . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Mediated Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Metaphors in Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Mediatization, Modernity and Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Semiotics in Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5.1 Religiosity as Semiotics System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5.2 Semiotics in Digital Texts of Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5.3 The Relationship Between Metaphor and Metonymy . . . . . 2.6 Values in Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6.1 Virtue Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6.2 Virtue Ethics in Digital Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.7 Materialism and Non-materialism in Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.7.1 Religiosity and Consumer Behaviour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.8 Contouring Religiosity as Third Space in Digital Media . . . . . . . . . . 2.8.1 Facebook as Third Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27 27 28 31 31 31 31 32 32 32 32 33 33 34 35 35 35 36 36 37 37 38 38 39 41

3 Digital Facets of e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Introduction: Scopes of e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Practice of e-Religion on Digital Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 E-Religion as ‘Networked Religion’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 E-Religion as a ‘Third Space’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 Digital Platforms for Religious Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.4 Rituals of e-Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.5 ‘Transfer of Ritual’ in Digital Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.6 ‘Rituals Online’ and ‘Online Rituals’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.7 ‘Patchwork Religion’ and ‘Patchwork Ritual’ . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.8 Emergence of ‘Virtual Communities’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.9 ‘Online’ and ‘Offline’ Religious Communities . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.10 Digital Hajj: The Pilgrimage of Muslims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.11 Pilgrimage Activities in Cyberspace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.12 Live Dua (Supplication) on Facebook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 E-Puja Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 Mapping Contours of e-Puja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Mapping Havans (Homams) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

43 43 44 46 47 47 48 49 50 50 51 51 52 53 53 54 55 55

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3.4 Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) . . . . . . . . Appendix A: E-Puja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix B: E-Puja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

56 57 58 59

4 Cartographies of Screenscapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Introduction: Cartographies of e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Cartographies Model of Digital Gadgets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Screenscapes of Digital Gadgets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Spatial Mapping of e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.1 Religiosity in space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.2 Spaces in Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.3 Places in Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.4 Religiosity in Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

61 61 63 66 68 68 71 73 74 75

5 Digital Negotiation of e-Religiosity in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Introduction: Negotiating Faiths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Negotiating Sacredness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 E-Religiosity Through Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Spaces of Screenscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.1 E-Religiosity Through Smartphones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.2 E-Religiosity Through Camera . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.3 E-Religiosity Through Social Media Profile . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4.4 E-Religiosity Through Desktop/Laptop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix B . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Commentary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

77 77 79 85 88 89 98 102 106 108 108 109 109 109

6 Spaces of Screenscapes in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Introduction: Spaces of Ramayana and Mahabharat . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Spaces of Traditional Stereotypes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Spaces of Tweeting/Retweeting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Spaces of Cults . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5 Spaces of Sign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.6 Spaces of Artefacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7 Spaces of Television . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix A: Top 10 Indian TV Serials by TRP (BARC) Ratings . . . . . . . Appendix B: Tweet/Re-Tweet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tweet 1: Sona Mohapatra@sonamohapatra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tweet 2: Mini Mathur@minimathur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

111 111 113 115 116 117 118 119 128 128 128 129 129

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7 Contours of Image Politics in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Introduction: Mapping Image Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Spaces of Image Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Image Politics of Hashtag . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.1 Ekatvam from Tanishq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.2 Jashn-e-Riwaz from FabIndia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.3 Bulbul from Netflix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3.4 Karwa Chauth from Dabur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Spatial Mapping of Image Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.1 Images in Public Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.2 Public Spaces in Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.3 Images in Private Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4.4 Private Places in Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

131 131 133 134 134 135 136 136 137 137 138 140 141 142

8 Screenscapes of e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Introduction: Digitalization of Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 E-Religiosity as Phenomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Phenomena of e-Religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

143 143 144 146 148

Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

Abbreviations

AIMPLB BARC BJP DD DP IoTs OTP SNSs TRPs TV

All India Muslim Personal Law Board Broadcast Audience Research Council Bharatiya Janata Party Doordarshan Display picture Internet of Things Over the Top Social networking sites Television Rating Point Television

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List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2

Cartographies model of digital gadgets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Screenscapes of social medisphere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

64 69

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List of Graphs

Graph 4.1

Graph 5.1 Graph 5.2 Graph 5.3 Graph 5.4 Graph 5.5 Graph 5.6 Graph 5.7 Graph 5.8 Graph 6.1 Graph 6.2 Graph 6.3 Graph 6.4 Graph 6.5 Graph 6.6 Graph 6.7

India’s adult population by religion. Note Based on adults ages 18 and above (excluding Andaman and Nicobar and Lakshadweep). Source Census of India, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religion is important in their life. Source Pew Survey (2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Knowing their own religion and its practices. Source Pew Survey (2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Daily pray. Source Pew Survey (2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Carrying any religious symbols. Source Survey (2015–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Symbols are supposed to flaunt. Source Survey (2015–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Symbols used to shape identity. Source Survey (2015–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . How long is carrying religious symbols? Source Survey (2015–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Why carrying religious symbols? Source Survey (2015–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Digital devices for religiosity. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religious programs on TV? Source After survey (2015) . . . . . TV programme apart from religiosity? Source After survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religious TV channels. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . TV channel shaped religiosity. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preferred time on TV for religiosity. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religiosity after religious program on TV. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70 78 78 79 85 86 86 87 87 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 xix

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Graph 6.8 Graph 6.9 Graph 6.10 Graph 6.11 Graph 6.12 Graph 6.13

List of Graphs

Time investment on TV for religious programs. Source After Survey (2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preferred to watch religious programme on TV. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . How frequent visit religious place. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preferred mode for religious greetings. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E-religious practices. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . Smartphones shaped e-religiosity. Source After Survey (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

125 125 126 126 127 127

List of Images

Image 5.1 Image 5.2 Image 5.3 Image 5.4 Image 5.5 Image 5.6 Image 5.7 Image 5.8 Image 5.9 Image 5.10 Image 5.11 Image 5.12 Image 5.13 Image 5.14 Image 5.15 Image 5.16 Image 5.17 Image 5.18 Image 5.19 Image 5.20 Image 6.1 Image 6.2 Image 7.1

Shrine of Khawaja Moinuddin Chisty, Ajmer. Courtesy Shekh Zafar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Digitalization of religiosity. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . Virtual religious texts. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . God situated on screen. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . Lord Ganesh as screen saver. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . Religious screen. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gazing religion on screen. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad . . . . . . Virtual religiosity. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Digitized faith. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediated identity. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediated blessed. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bowing before screen. CourtesyA bhilasha Prasad . . . . . . . . . . Selfie with god. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Photography of god. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zooming the faiths. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediated profile. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediated social profile. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad . . . . . . . . . Tweeting religion. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religiosity through YouTube. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . Virtual faith. Courtesy Vaishali Singh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Artefacts table. Courtesy Shekh Zafar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religious TV. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cultural inclusiveness. Courtesy Shekh Zafar . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

83 84 90 91 92 92 93 94 95 96 96 97 100 101 101 103 104 105 106 107 119 120 139

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List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 1.2 Table 2.1 Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 Table 5.1

Comparative analysis of Marx, Weber and Durkheim on Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Definitions of religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religious social networking sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Digital spatiality order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Social media vulnerable order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Places in religiosity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religion-wise population in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

8 10 30 65 65 74 81

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Chapter 1

Remapping the Religion

Abstract The society revolves around a religion through which people consider themselves members of a particular community to maintain their identity, culture, politics and practices. Religion is not only limited to beliefs rather it contains rituals, traditions, customs, taboos and ceremonies too. Both religion and religious practices changed with the enhancement of technological upgradation. Religion remains a domain subject among social scientists that how religion and religiosity work in daily activities. Religion is an omnipresent socio-cultural conviction, and in fact, nowadays, it can be mapped politically as well. This chapter is about theoretical remapping of religion to draw a contour line for digital mapping in the shape of religiosity. Keywords Karl Marx · Max Weber · Emile Durkheim · Religion · Religiosity

1.1 Introduction: Mapping Religion There are also different scholars from different areas who talk about different dimensions of religion in their own ideology. Religion can be described from a political point of view, as psychological point of view and spatial too. In the modern age, there are different approaches to understanding the concept of religion that reflects the identity, behaviour and opinion of the people. Different theories unveil the religious studies that help to understand the whole concept which is acceptable by different scholars. To substantiate this approach, firstly, we have to understand the term ‘religion’ so that we can highly recognize the various scholars who have done great work on it. There are various dimensions which have different views to elaborate the notion of ‘religiosity’, and then, it relates with the term ‘social’. The distribution of the theories depends on the divergent periods: first, classical and second, contemporary. This divergent notion helps to understand the whole idea of theories related to religiosity. In classic theories, we can identify the various sociological scholars of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including scholars like Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber who discussed the larger approach of religion. The exertion of Karl Marx and Max Weber highly establishes the relationship with the society

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_1

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in terms of economically and socially. They discussed different perspectives to understand the core concept of religion under the shadow of economic conditions and in relation to society. However, Emile Durkheim explained the basic forms of religious life in terms of all societies. He interested to study of suicide rates among the catholic and protestant populations. In contemporary theories, debates have revolved around the concepts such as secularization, civil religion, the broader aspect of religion in the context of globalization, identity crisis and the dominant power of different religious organizations. The contemporary approach directly created the individual choice upon the structured power. Before moving forward, firstly, we have to understand the difference between the two terms: religion and religiosity. This chapter elaborates the diverse theories in which religion evolves around in it besides the classic (primitive) and contemporary (Modern) approach of religion and current approach that interpret and reinterpret the power of religion in a non-identical approach. Different scholars have explained different perspectives of religion. The term religion consists of different perspectives for different people. As Ronald L. Johnstone elaborates that, religion has a Latin root, i.e. ‘religare’ meaning, ‘to bind together’ (Johnstone 2007). He described the theoretical and conceptual clarity of religion. After exploring the definition of religion, we have got the idea how we do go about studying it from an academic perspective, but how do we define ‘religion’ in a normal term? Sometimes we use the word to define a system of doctrines or may be a set of cultural practices shared by a society and sometimes we use it to refer to a body of myths, or all these things at the same time. But what constitutes a religion? What makes Buddhism a religion? Why do some people say secular humanism is a religion and others say, definitely not? Religion is the subjective term with a very blurry definition and a contested definition, depending on who is using the term. To define religion, it required various factors depending upon the person whose religion being defined. It is evidence that the term religion has shifted meaning over the course of its history. Our English word “religion” really has little to do with the Latin term “religio”, where we get the modern word. The Latin word “religio” refers to the socially acceptable cultic duties that people did for the gods, like sacrificing at a state-funded temple. “Religio” was in opposition to unsanctioned, suspicious rituals and beliefs which the Romans called “superstitio”. So, for example, Christianity was labelled under “superstitio” at first because the Romans saw it as the wrong way to relate to the gods. But this Roman definition of religion doesn’t match our modern definition. Back in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, anthropologists were obsessed with trying to find the primitive religion, the religion out of which all religions evolved. What is more popular today is defining religion as a fundamentally social phenomenon, something that reflects the needs and concerns of society above everything else. The very basic question arises: how do we differentiate between ‘religion’ and ‘religiosity’? There is no such big difference in both two terms; it is indirectly related to each other as we discussed above about the religion and also specifies the various definitions, and on that account, we can say that religion is related to beliefs and

1.2 Understanding Religiosity

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action. Religion is a social institution that binds all the people together. However, religiosity is commonly used to describe the area to which religion affects societies and divides with other areas of public life. Religiosity is a broad concept that depicts the role of religion in different ways. It is important to note that studies of religiosity are not only used to find out whether a person is religious or not, basically, it is used to regulate the extent of their beliefs and the ways in which it affects their behaviours. Religiosity depends on the behaviours of the person through which we can measure one’s beliefs. Religiosity can be defined under various interpretations including ritualistic, experiential, communal, moral, ideological, and cultural dimensions and digital nowadays shaping and reshaping the same. Seiwert (2009) used the view points of Rue’s (2005) on account of the evolutionary origins of religion is that is a fairly plausible if invented story of how things could have happened. It is a narrative that mixes up facts and fiction and in this way makes fiction appear as facts. It cannot be denied that somehow and at some time in the past humans must have developed the ability to produce systems of symbols representing cosmological and moral ideas guiding behaviour in a way that goes beyond the intuitive orientations of innate responses to external stimuli. Experience taught Stone Age people the difference between what poisoned them and what satisfied their hunger. Their minds gathered empirical realities necessary for survival. They did the best they could in drawing conclusions about the world beyond them. The ideas and symbols help to understand the concept of religion as the concept. It is a bit difficult to identify but at one point of time, they understand what is true for them. It is also key to understand what needs have traditionally driven people to religion. So we can go on recognizing and answering these needs even outside a supernatural structure. The origin of religion in ancient times can be traced to the ancient Near East and divided into three basic categories: polytheistic, pantheistic and monotheistic. There are various theories which define how people believe in supernatural power. Some scholars claim that religion originated when human evolution occurred. The spirituality started from Jesus, because in ancient times there were only churches in the name of religious practices in actual way. However, it is not easy to fix when religiosity started; rather, blurred boundaries can be mapped through available narratives in the religiosity.

1.2 Understanding Religiosity Nowadays, people use religion on the grounds of political, identity and social status, but religion is something which may depend on the person to person. Someone may show how religious they are on the basis of their activities, but the other one may not be defined on the basis of their activities. One person believes at something; at the same time, the other person believes at something else. To identify one’s beliefs is as difficult as to disbelieve our religion. It is difficult to judge or to point out someone’s beliefs on which they have. In the political sphere, in India, religion is

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used as a play card during the election. Sometimes, it seems wonderful to find out different believers at the same time in the ‘one’ country. The purity of religion binds the people together which can be seen as the strength of the country as India is. So, we can reach that point where we can discuss the different theories of religiosity. Theories of religious studies describe an area of description, ideas, principles and techniques that are used to arrange for understanding. Theories help scholars to assess and evaluate the various principles of the study. Theories are essential to account for the various questions such as why religion exists, how it emerged and so on. There are two approaches to understand religion at a wider level: first, classics approach and second, contemporary approach. The classical theory has played a significant role in establishing the sociological perspective regarding religion. To find the appropriate meaning to the religion, we have to consider various theories and identify the relevance of the same. The classics are important for two reasons. First, they made valuable contributions towards conception of sociological research on religion (McKinnon 2010). Second, they “inspire imitation, invite elaboration and provoke discussion… [A] Surplus of sociological significance…is the most indelible mark of a genuine disciplinary or sub-disciplinary classic. From this point of view, classics are not terminal destinations but rather points of embarkation for departure on future intellectual journeys” (McKinnon 2010: 3).

1.2.1 Karl Marx’s Perspective on Religion In classic theory, many scholars talk about religion and suggest different perspectives to analyse the relevance of religion. Marx is one of the famous ‘classic’ scholars for religion; Marx work is quiet and controversial in comparison with other scholars, i.e. Durkheim and Weber. There are two reasons that prove Marx’s work was more problematic during the emerging period of religion. The first is that Marx never involved much in the study of religion; rather, he made cursory works on religion. Second, anyone can identify Marx’s contribution towards (or dismissive of) religion (quoted in McKinnon 2010: 4). Marx saw religion in the context of class struggle and the economic factor of society. According to Marx, religion originates from alienation and continues to persist. He emphasized majorly the term ‘alienation’ to get into the process of religion. Marx also used the term “opium” to describe the religion, to account that he believed religion had certain practical functions which were as same as the function of opium in a sick or injured person. He claims that religion heals all the wounds by which people suffer and it provides them with pleasing illusions which allow them the power and potential to carry on. Marx has great influence on politics and his views somewhat reflect that behaviour; therefore, in London, Marx still writes for newspapers and his involvement in radical politics is still alive. In the emerging

1.2 Understanding Religiosity

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circumstances with the most controversial perspective, Friedrich Hegel1 considered, history was the progression of consciousness about human freedom. Meanwhile, Bruno Bauer2 and Ludwig Feuerbach3 had been influential on Marx, who raised questions on religion and wrote about the same. Because of the freedom, both have the right to write about the controversial aspect regarding religion. To summarize Marx’s view on religion, the working class is alienated from the process of production, and the working class is unhappy because they miss what is fundamental to human society and that is producing. Karl Marx argues that people would gain real fulfilment from producing and that was a natural thing for all people; however, in capitalism, the process of production is split up into specialist tasks and so by participating in a small task, the working class never see the fruits of their labour, and they never feel fulfilled this alienation from production is an experience which makes the working class severely unhappy. So, they turn to religion for consolation to make themselves better, religion gives people a sense of hope, but it’s a sense of false hope, so the opium masks the pain just as heroin numbs the user. Religion numbs the pain for the working class, but it doesn’t offer any solution to the earthly misery that working class feel. So, how does religion manage to dull oppression and how does it numb the pain? There are several ways in which it promises an eternal life, so if the working class accept their lives on earth and they accept their oppression and they don’t question it, they are a good worker. They will be rewarded in heaven; basically, this is illusory happiness. Secondly, religion offers rewards to those who suffer; this is obviously quite similar to promising an eternal life because the reward is that they will get compensated in heaven for any oppression that they have experienced in this life. Religion also offers the intervention of God to help solve problems, so the hope is always there that God will step in and help the working class, and finally, it justifies the social order in a person’s position within it and so the ruling class use religion to justify the hierarchy. There are many criticisms of the Marxist view; we could argue that Marxism is actually a religion itself because there is a promise of salvation if Marxist ideas have followed and that salvation is the communist utopia. Marxist is also criticized by neo-Marxists who are sociologists who try to update Marxist theory to make it more relevant to society today. They argue that actually religion can promote change and some religions are actually revolutionary and many religious leaders have used religion to try and promote peace and change. Neo-Marxism doesn’t completely disagree with Marxism because neo-Marxism stems from Marxist thought. NeoMarxist just tries to put two Marxist thoughts into a more contemporary situation. Marx described how religion connects to society; Marx claims that base and superstructure are distinctions in that sense-labour and economics are considered as base on the other side, and social systems (including religion) are considered as superstructure. These two basic elements somewhat create the circumstances which 1

Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) was a German philosopher and staunch proponent of idealism and other modern philosophies-metaphysics, logic, epistemology and religion. 2 Bruno Bauer (1809–1882) was a German philosopher and theologian. 3 Ludwig Feuerbach (1804–1872) was a German anthropologist and philosopher.

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reflect the relation between economics and religion. Furthermore, Marx claims that religion works as a commodity because it is related to the sense of economics and the working class used as their power. Marx didn’t talk about only one side of religion; it flourished various aspects of a particular area, i.e. religion. Marx has tended to develop different roles of religion as the expression of interests. He described religion as the base/superstructure, as commodity, as false consciousness and as false hegemony.4

1.2.2 Max Weber’s Perspective on Religion Max Weber developed the theories from the sociological classification of various religious movements. He strongly argued that every society has their religion and religion is considered as rational and consistent in their respective societies. He claims that religious beliefs and practices are one of the important elements that break the economic traditionalism and the emergence of modern rational capitalism. Max Weber is one of the philosophers who have greatly explained about the peculiar economic system, which we described as capitalism. Later, Weber proposed something more interesting that what actually made capitalism possible, that was a set of ideas and in particular religious ideas. Capitalism was created by Protestantism, specifically Calvinism. In Weber’s analysis, Catholics have it relatively easy; they are able to confess their transgressions at regular intervals and can be cleansed by priests. But no such purifications are available to Protestants who believe that only God is able to forgive anyone and he won’t make his intentions known until the day of judgement. Until then, Weber alleged Protestants are left with heightened feelings of anxiety as well as lifelong guilty desires to prove their virtue to a severe all-seeing but silent god. According to Weber, protestant feelings of guilt were diverted into an obsession with hard work; this was he called the protestant work ethic. Furthermore, to reduce poverty, Weber would say one has to start at the level of ideas. Weber described the age of bureaucratic authority, the changing pattern of economics considered as the emergence of bureaucratic authority. Weber used the term ‘elective affinity’ which has been used by Goethe; elective affinities deal the human relationship as chemical reactions as people love each other mix like water and wine and people who each other segregate like water and oil. However, Weber read the work of Goethe and got influence from the concept of elective affinities and formulate in the larger part of the sociology. Weber’s religion is understood as in order to the human need for theodicy and soteriology. Weber believes that religion is one of the factors that rise to modern capitalism. In that sense, we can say that somewhere religion is the prime element that relates with the economy. The relation between religion and economy is interrelated in both the theories of Marx and Weber. They both are interlinked religion and economy together. The attributes of the religion is somewhere related to the beliefs and practices of the 4

Antonio Gramsci used the term ‘Hegemony’.

1.2 Understanding Religiosity

7

people. The rise of capitalist ‘spirit’ is the phenomenon which has been developed in that era, and the capitalist ‘spirit’ and the capitalist ‘form’ are interlinked with each other. To account that, Weber clarifies the idea of elective affinity and how we considered the ‘spirit’ of capitalism in daily relation itself.

1.2.3 Emile Durkheim’s Perspective on Religion Emile Durkheim (1915: 36) suggests that “religious phenomena are naturally arranged in two fundamental categories of beliefs and practices”: the first being the ‘states of opinion’ in the representation of the mind; the second ‘determined modes of action’ which is the practical side of life. He suggests that “religious representations are collective representations which express collective realities” (p. 10). Durkheim’s religious concept is focused on the importance of the Aborigine’s ‘totem’ a symbolic representation of their clan or society where he sees nothing in the practical meaning of the rites and rituals; rather, he believes that it is in the sacredness of the totem that the rites and rituals are practised to reinforce their group cohesion and solidarity which is seen to be the expression of collective consciousness (p. 37). Therefore, he claims that all known religious belief systems, whether simple or complex, present one common characteristic that presupposes a classification of all the things as ‘real and ideal’, into two classes or opposed groups designated by two distinct terms or words—‘profane’ and ‘sacred’ (p. 37). Durkheim’s one of the most satisfying definitions of religion—“a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden, beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a church, all those who adhere to them” (Durkheim 1915: 47). Durkheim focuses on society, the single unified community that he refers to in his definition. For Durkheim, religion is a form of custom that socializes individuals into a larger community and which provides an obligation to that individual to live by the society’s rules. Durkheim’s perspective on religion is basically focused on the contrast of beliefs and practices connected in the objects of the sacred and profane that is accepted as the soul of all religion, regardless of any discipline of society. For Durkheim, religious beliefs and practices lend an aura of ultimate significance to society and the ideology holds is important. Further, Durkheim justified that there is no such society which is free from the elements of sacred and profane because sacred things involve any religious activity, which is obvious to believe. Durkheim identifies religion as a natural phenomenon which is arranged in the form of opinion and action. He considered religion as ‘sacred’ and identifies religion as a reflection of the concerned society and studied religion as an academic discipline where he reiterated the importance of society-social structures, social relationships and social institutions. From Durkheim’s view, religious beliefs are thus symbolic expressions of social realities; without those social realities serving as a foundation, religious beliefs would have no meaning (quoted in Ukuekpeyetan 2014). Durkheim’s

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approach is related to functionalist schools in sociology and anthropology. The functional approach of Durkheim is focusing on explaining social institutions as collective means that fulfil biological needs of the individual.

1.3 Comparative Analysis: Marx, Weber and Durkheim on Religion In the comparative analysis among these three scholars, Marx, Weber and Durkheim,5 we saw that two things which are common among them are society and economic condition. They considered society as a social phenomenon that emerged from the different economic conditions, and after that, the emergence of capitalism developed. At that time, religion was one of the important factors that created some sort of discretionary behaviour to the lower classes. In different times, religions changed their structure on the basis of the circumstances which have emerged in the given period of time (Table 1.1). Moreover, there are many scholars who tried to chart out the religions accordingly based on different attributes that vary from religion to religion, society to society and community to community. Apart from practices and belief, there are other values that shaped religiosity over a period of time such as, devotions, orientations, conviction and participation in religious worship (Table 1.2). Table 1.1 Comparative analysis of Marx, Weber and Durkheim on Religion Karl Marx: (the materialist approach)

Emile Durkheim: (the functionalist approach)

Max Weber: (the interpretative approach)

Marx saw religion as a social product, emerging out of social relations

Emile Durkheim offered to find the origins of religion, from a functionalist perspective by studying the Arunta tribe of the Australian aborigines

For Weber, religious behaviour could be understood only from the subjective experiences and ideas of the individual

It became a means to control the masses and an instrument in legitimizing injustice

Religion instead of being seen as a human’s relationship to the supernatural could be seen as the key to understanding society

The aim was to understand to what extent religious conceptions of the world had influenced the economic behaviour of various societies

Religion stripped humans of their most valued ideals and projected them onto a supernatural being

All religious beliefs, whether simple or complex, classified all things into two groups: sacred and profane

Weber’s understanding of modern Western societies developed heavily from an understanding of the process of rationalization (continued)

5

For details, see, https://epgp.inflibnet.ac.in/Home/ViewSubject?catid=sP9KhysDemvbqPHPOA maYw==. Accessed October 31, 2021.

1.3 Comparative Analysis: Marx, Weber and Durkheim on Religion

9

Table 1.1 (continued) Karl Marx: (the materialist approach)

Emile Durkheim: (the functionalist approach)

Max Weber: (the interpretative approach)

Capitalist economies take our natural labour and transfer it unnaturally to a material object

Religion is something that is essentially social, a representation of collective beliefs and of collective realities

Weber observed the protestants, particularly (Calvinists), were the leaders of industry, possessing more wealth and economic means than other religious groups

Historically, the rise of the new middle class, the bourgeoisie, was also accompanied by a decline of the feudal system

It helps in reinforcing social norms held by the collective and to maintain the solidarity of the group

He observed the differences in the two sects in terms of their levels of economic rationalism and general patterns of behaviour which could have been influenced by their religious beliefs

The Roman Catholic Church was the chief centre of feudalism withholding most of the land

Durkheim talked about Totemism—it was a belief system wherein the tribal people divided themselves into different clans, each of which was identified with a separate totem animal, plant or any other object, which was considered as sacred to the clan

For the Calvinists, it was the doctrine of the ‘calling’ and of ‘predestination’ that created the will power necessary to generate the capitalist spirit

The church was directly a propagator of the class system. It formulated an ideology that supported the land-owning classes

The totem symbol conveys an idea that society is something fixed and permanent

Calvinists were supportive of the rational accumulation of economic gain and the worldly actions that went into it

The helplessness of the oppressed in their struggle against the exploiters led to a belief in a better life beyond the grave

When people worship the totem, the sacred, they also worship the power of ‘society’ held over the individual

On the other hand, Catholic Christian religious devotion had historically been accompanied by rejection of routine worldly affairs, including an economic pursuit

Escape is the essential thing that religion offers the oppressed. While for those who are the owners of means of production, it offered an ideology and a system that legitimizes poverty, injustice and suffering as the will of God

Durkheim explained the existence of religion as serving the function of maintaining social equilibrium

His comparative studies of world religions helped him to conclude the co-relations between socio-cultural thought and economic activities

Source After, Somaiya Janaki (2016), inflibnet (within Religion and Society, Sociological approaches to the study of Religion in the writings of Marx, Durkheim and Weber, for details, see, https://epgp.inflibnet.ac.in/Home/ViewSubject?catid=sP9KhysDemvbqPHPOA maYw==. Accessed October 31, 2021)

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Table 1.2 Definitions of religiosity Author

Year

Definition

Comments

Bergan and McConatha

2000

Religiosity refers to the various dimensions associated with religious beliefs and involvement

Identified two dimensions associated with religiosity, namely religious beliefs and involvement or participation

Sedikides

2009

An orientation and A small number of religious behavioural set of lifestyle groups seldom accept the globally statement made by the majority of people on religion

King and Williamson

2010

The networks of dedication for their religion

Religious networks are unlike religious bonds and they believe in working closely for their religion

Adeyemo and Adeleye

2008

Religiosity includes sole belief and participation in religious activities

Some religious groups do not believe in a particular religious God/deity; rather, they believed in particular religious leader who preached about religiosity

Source Iddagoda and Opatha (2018: 61)

1.3.1 Elements in Religiosity 1. Devotion: Belief in a particular religion that tells how to live or behave in a society. It can be measured by (1) degree of believing in preaching on religion (2) respect for the religious personality-sage, saints and monks (Iddagoda and Opatha 2018). 2. Practice: Practice is what the religion is preached. Following religion by action is often considered practice. 3. Participation: Active involvement in the worshipping and social activities in religious functions. A person or a devotee believes in a respected religious system without any doubt and practising the same such as reciting verses/hymn, worshipping idols and participating in religious activities—Hinduism went to the Satsang (religious congregation) and Muslims went to the Jamaat (religious brotherhood) for three/forty/one twenty days. Every religion has its own mode of practices and expecting the same from their devotees to follow farther to develop spiritual level.

1.3.2 Religiosity Versus Spirituality Religiosity is a concept that has motivational, cognitive and behavioural as well as emotional aspects whereas spirituality has personal aspects. Religion is a subset of

1.3 Comparative Analysis: Marx, Weber and Durkheim on Religion

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spirituality. “Being spiritual means having a transcendental relation with a superior being, whereas being religious means adopting a certain religious creed or church” (Paraschiva and Nicoleta 2011: 354). Spirituality is a process through which people discover enlightenment and sacredness into their lives that was done into religious context. Spirituality comes through salvation and wisdom though religiosity is a way of available religious knowledge in mundane aspects.

1.3.3 Dimensions of Religiosity Religiosity was studied for mundane reasons wherein differences were categorized on the basis of nature of dimensions. Researchers define religiosity as a multidimensional concept. Glock and Stark (1965) pointed out five dimensions of religiosity that is: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Experiential Ritualistic Ideological Intellectual Consequential.

Experiential dimension is related to the personal experiences, while the ritualistic dimension focuses on worship experiences involved in community. The ideological dimension involves the certain belief system, and the intellectual domain formed when religious people were informed and have knowledge about his religious texts, verses and hymns and other scriptures as well. Holdcroft (2006: 90) quoted that Allport and Ross (1967) infer two dimensions of religiosity—extrinsic and intrinsic. “They interpret extrinsic religiosity as a self- serving and utilitarian outlook on religion that provides the believer with comfort in salvation. These individuals are disposed to use religion for their own ends, such as status, sociability, and selfjustification, and often selectively shape a creed to fit their own ends. A person with intrinsic religiosity is one who internalizes the total creed of his or her faith and moves beyond mere church attendance”. Tsang and McCullough (2003) provide a hierarchical model of religiosity that is dispositional at level-1 and operational at level-2. They also classify the instruments for measuring religiosity. At a dispositional aspect, the instruments used to measure religiosity are (spiritual well-being, religious involvement and religious faith) while at operational level, the instruments used were (religious orientation, religious coping and prayer). The dispositional level of religiosity poses the differences in between the individuals through religious features as to how religious a person is. Individual behaviour is measured from the perspective of religiosity while the operational aspects show the diversity in the expressions and practice of religion. Two persons with the same dispositional level of religiosity may be different in terms of operational aspects, as different ways of expressing and practising religiosity. Operating modes of religiosity include religious motivation, prayer and religious coping. For example, among Muslims, all Muslims

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have to follow basic Islamic tenets, but their actions/operational aspects may differ to each other (based on sectarian ideology). Religiosity enables few basic tenants when someone can learn such attitudes from internal and external sources in different manifestations. In the absence of basic conditions, the modalities of religiosity may not be rituals; rather, it may be as entertainment or else, therefore, need to follow some rules to authenticate the religiosity.

1.3.4 Religious Motivation/Orientation Allport and Ross (1967) conceptualized the intrinsic and extrinsic dimension of religiosity. They define how religion in an extrinsic dimension becomes self-centred that provides identity, respect and social advancement to the person. For example, people went to church to be seen and it is a social norm of society. The person who is intrinsically religious was deeply involved in religion and lived life as per their religious norms. Allport and Ross (1967) also built a scale to measure the religious orientation that is named as religious orientation scale.

1.3.5 Prayer Prayer is an attitude or action that expresses and defines their religion and their connection to the sacred. Through prayers, a person meets their God. Paraschiva and Nicoleta (2011: 356) quoted Paloma and Pendleton (1989) who studied “prayer as a multidimensional experience and further classify four types of prayer: meditative prayer (reflection about God), ritual prayer (reading or saying prayers from memory), colloquial prayer (communication with God in a conversational style), and petitionary prayer (demand for fulfilment of personal or other people needs)”. Prayer provides a meaning and purpose to a person in their life or we can say it is unlike a medium to release stresses, anxieties and frustrations through prayer.

1.3.6 Religious Coping Coping is the effort to reduce or tolerate their problems in life. Religious coping is related to the uses of their belief system to solve problems. People worship and pray to gods in times of stress and anxiety. Paraschiva and Nicoleta (2011: 357) referred to Pargament (1997) who has categorized the religious coping in: “positive religious coping and negative religious coping. Positive religious coping is the expression of the feeling of spirituality, of a secure relationship with God, a belief that there is a purpose in life and a sense of spiritual connection with others. Negative religious

1.4 Contemporary Theories (New Paradigm) of Religiosity

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coping pattern refers to the spiritual disconnection to the re-evaluation in terms of punishment by God”. The positive and negative coping often reflects through two ways of lives: first, living; second, lifestyle. During COVID-19 pandemic lockdown, living was considered as the first priority rather than lifestyle, everyone wished to save themselves first and took all precautionary measures, whatever they can. Living/lifestyle may be good or bad; in both conditions, people can evaluate accordingly. However, digital media became a referral point nowadays to engross religious coping whether the user is following religious beliefs or against such beliefs.

1.4 Contemporary Theories (New Paradigm) of Religiosity The contemporary theories related to modern societies tackle the entire crisis which developed in the modern societies. It has been a great approach to elaborate all the issues that emerged within the society and the emerging structure of the societies. Turner (2011) obsessed with how religion is reshaping the world with the new emerging concepts. However, there are various religious crises that have developed in modern societies. In the old theories of religion based on the preoccupation with the historic European mode of religion, to consider that they established churches maintained a cultural monopoly. The contemporary theory, however, developed a characteristic mode of religion and a particular approach to such religion. It includes different challenges such as civil rights and religious identity. In modern societies, the problem remains the same, but the structure of dominant power has been changed. All of this means that the new paradigm is able to explain religious vitality in a way that the old is not. For the latter, the persistence of religion remains an anomaly to be explained by means of special pleading (regarding ‘plausibility structures’, ‘cultural defence’ and so on). For the former, it is explicable in terms of religion’s ability to supply goods which people desire more effectively than its competitors. Moreover, the new paradigm is able to explain stasis or decline not in terms of inexorable processes of modernity, but in terms of some blockage in the relation between supply and demand. Thus, in relation to Europe, ‘rational choice theory’ explains religious decline in terms of the lack of competition which occurs when monopoly suppliers (the historic churches) dominate the marketplace, making other ‘start-ups’ difficult or impossible, themselves failing to offer the religious goods which consumers demand (Turner 2011: 5). Different religious approaches have different religious landscapes; for example, the American landscape is totally different from the European. Somewhere American religion offers a plurality of religious ‘goods’ for an equally plural and demanding market. To account that, America has an unrivalled opportunity to develop new forms of religious offering and to gain significantly from doing so. The contemporary approach questions religious identity, raising the cultural monopolies and hegemony over the marketplaces. There are different ethnic and interest groups that developed their own religious interest in various areas of the public domain. There are several ways that emphasize the structure of the new modern societies, in which

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numerous changes have occurred within the society. The existence of religious identity is emerging as the dangerous driver in the people’s space. The plus point is in contemporary religious theory that power somehow resides with the individual consumer and citizen who shape the society. In old religious structures based on the different social power such as political, economic. In contemporary societies, it is considered as the marginal to the main concentrations of social power while in modern society’s religion an important determinant of individual choices. Thus, religion is understood by the new societies as a modality of power in the modern world, which struggles for its status with other ‘fields’, which is subject to pressure for anti-religious sectors of society and which is structured internally by different access to resources and influence on rules within the field. Simultaneously, the long-standing sociological bias towards a view of religion as monotheistic and church is being replaced by an understanding which is more open to religious diversity (Woodhead 2009: 13). Furthermore, we will discuss different domains of religion that have emerged during and after contemporary societies.

1.4.1 Religion as Culture Religion is the essential factor of the human condition and religion is motivation for the people. Religion contains beliefs, power and so on, but it is difficult to differentiate between the religion and culture itself. While some scholars have said that religion is an essential part of an individual’s culture, others consider religion as a culture in itself. As we already discussed various theories of religion, one important point to be noted here is that culture and religion are somewhere related to each other. There are various meanings that define culture; it is a complex phenomenon that deals with value for understanding the social world. Culture changed according to societal needs and due to the emergence of different religious conditions. Nowadays, there is a popular term developed, i.e. “popular culture”; the factor behind the emergence of popular culture is technological advancement and globalization. Due to globalization, culture turns into popular culture which includes a set of the practices, beliefs and objects that are dominant or prevalent in a society at same time. Popular culture is recognized as the mass culture; it is an extended version of the particular culture within the society. The hybrid nature of the culture and religion itself plays a major role in shaping the human’s mind. This era is considered as the digital era which takes the responsibility to enhance the power of the culture and bring new space that brings people together. The existence of the Internet somehow reshapes the culture with new elements.

1.4 Contemporary Theories (New Paradigm) of Religiosity

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1.4.2 Religion as Politics The role of religion in political life has come to the force again in recent years. It used to be said that religion was dead and that its role in public life was over. The idea was that as societies became more and more secularized and modernized, religion was bound to retreat. But religious elements were present in all the world’s political systems from totalitarian to democratic. Religion and politics are concepts that designate two different and interdependent subsystems of society. Although the concepts are separated analytically, the relationship between religion and politics is characterized by independence. A definition of religion widely accepted among social scientists is provided by Peter Berger (1967), who defines religion as a “set of beliefs that connects the individual to a community and in turn to a sense of being or purpose that transcends the individual and the mundane”. The concepts of politics denominate the regulative power to make collectively binding decisions, allocate resources and solve social problems (quoted in Künkler and Leininger 2011: 1450). The relationship between religion and politics restructured the context of the early modern secularization processes. The emergence of a secular state changes the whole concept of religion as politics. The new secular state brings the new conception with the new social order and emerges a new sphere. The historical conception of religion and politics is highly different in comparison with the newly secular state.

1.4.3 Religion as Identity In the secular state, the identity crisis is the biggest issue that is high in modern societies. The religion dimension is creating the restricted boundary and it raises the question of the identity. It is difficult to understand the circumstances which are created by the state and social orders. On the basis of religion, we can analyse the basic dimension of the identity which is related to the many other religions. The problem of identity which is faced in recent times is Muslims within emerging societies. The rise of technological advancement is somewhere the reason for the identity crises. The interplay between religion and identity has been a core theme in the sociology of religion since the classics period, although it is not always described in those terms. One could argue that a major theme in Durkheim’s (1915) sociology of religion is the role of communal ritual in fostering personal and social identity. If the provision of meaning and belonging are two of the most important functions of religion, then it is clear that religion is intimately bound up with people’s identity, their sense of who they ‘really’ are. Scholars like Durkheim, Weber and Simmel could not have used ‘identity’ in its modern sense, because it was not available to them as a social scientific term. According to Gleason (1983), the term did not really become part of the social scientific lexicon until the 1960s. Gleason identifies both psychological and sociological sources for the incorporation of identity into the social science

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vocabulary. Erikson (1968) used the terms ‘identity’ and ‘ego-identity’ to refer to a ‘sense of invigorating continuity and sameness’, the development of which is the primary task of adolescence (quoted in Greil and Davidman 2007: 533). To define identity, there are numerous assertions to identify the identity in the broader context. Many scholars have written on religion and identity, some scholars talk about the personal identity and psychological approaches of identity, but some define identity as the symbolic interaction which suggests the different approaches of identity and the integration of the various identity statuses. To substantiate the concept of identity as symbolic interaction, different scholars define it as per their views. Furthermore, Stryker and Burke (2000) developed identity theory to associate identity and social structure. In identity theory, the role of the individual’s behaviour is an important factor to describing the social identity within the society. Social identity theory emphasizes the importance for self-definitions of membership in social categories. In social identity theory, membership in a social category becomes the crucial basis for behaviour and self-regulation via the processes of depersonalization and self-verification. The relation between religion and identity is determining the dominant sociological concept and central problem to sociological scholars. Furthermore, religion and identity are the combination of the spirituality, beliefs, practices and the state, laws and social order. In religion, there is an involvement of the state on the basis of the different criterion.

1.4.4 Religion as Practices Religion is a socio-cultural system of beliefs and practices which include morals, festivals and ethics and so on. Different religions may or may not contain numerous elements pasturing from the faith, divine and supernatural power. Religious practice defines the structure of the particular religion it includes art, music, meditation, prayer, feasts and funerary services. Due to the changes in society’s paradigm, the religious practices also shift in their authentic rituals. However, study of religion accepts a wide variety of academic disciplines including different types of theories that deal with the entire concept related to the religion. The practices of religion may include performing different rituals, festivals, public and various services including electronic devices and digital gadgets (smartphones, laptop/desktop and iPad) that come closer to the god. Nowadays, the structure of the religion has been changed depending on the nature of the religion. Development of the religion started with the practices that were performed at that time period of time. We can say that a practice is the basic element to define religion at a wider place.

1.5 Contouring e-Religiosity

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1.4.5 Religion as Representations Amid COVID-19 pandemic, Markaz (Centre) and Tabligi Jamat (Preaching religion) came into media glare for wrong reason and mistaken unknowingly, though Tabligi Jamat was responsible for such mistaken representation in itself, in my observation. Media raised a number of questions in their own vetted manifestation to blame Tabligi Jamat rather than ready to scrutinize the circumstances that composite the mistaken representation. Markaz came into crisis when they asked permission from local police administration to decongest the Markaz after sudden announcement of lockdown amid COVID-19 outbreak in the country. The followers from across the world were gathered to participate in a conference, and therefore, participants stuck in the Markaz amid lockdown announcement. However, the media started running a number of stories in negative tastes despite knowing the facts of how so many devotees stuck inside the Markaz. Why was the Indian media unaware about Tabligi Jamat? How did Markaz fail to tell their side? What mistake did they make? Is the same mistake found in other Muslim institutions in the country? What course of action can avoid the repetition of such incidents? When closely scrutinized the structures and practices beside for what purposes Markaz was established. There was an absence of social media handles and websites, and therefore, no one knew anything about Markaz and Tabligi Jamat beyond Muslims in the country. The institutional absence has broadened the problem further that caused negative representations in the public domain by the media. I had examined the status of social media handles and websites across ten Mosques and Madrasas in India to know the actual status of digital mapping to avoid such repetition of mistaken representations. I had been astonished to know that except one (that time) none of them either had social media handles or websites including Jama Masjid where thousands of tourists visit every year for itinerary purposes. These institutions are working in conventional set-up which they are practising for years and seldom felt to reform them in the digital age. Therefore, Markaz has been criticized for COVID-19, but later Indian courts exonerated from such vindictive representations by media and political criticism. Digital reform is utmost for them to acknowledge the unknown worlds. It was the media that tried to malign the Markaz and Tabligi Jamat for while under political pressure and represented for the break of COVID-19 in the country.

1.5 Contouring e-Religiosity The texts across the chapters are primarily dealing with some broader questions in mundane manifestations and representations. These questions look very simple in their manifestations but delve into more prone and timely questions about the role of digital gadgets and religions together in a sense of religiosity. We cannot keep off both religion and digital gadgets in the digital age or in other ways neither avoid

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religion nor digital gadgets. The chapters across the book are seeking the following six questions: How and at what extent the meaning of religiosity changed in the digital age? What are the dimensions of e-religiosity in the digital age in India? How do digital gadgets shape religiosity in terms of e-religiosity? How and to what extent digital gadgets are negotiating with social and cultural lives? Mapping digital spatiality? How and to what extent the media influenced religiosity? The chapters are placed to create a rhythm in the mapping of e-religiosity that is inevitable in the digital age when we are more or less prone to e-religiosity. How and at what extent the meaning of religiosity changed in the digital age? Except atheists we all knew or practised a religion, a religion of family, relatives, and society that we have been taught since childhood to maintain the decorum of religion and its practices as part of heredity. The change in religiosity has been noticed over the period of time when technological exposes made religiosity easier to do. In the past, when building infrastructures were made in the shape of Temple, Church, Synagogue, Mosques, Gurdwara and many more other infrastructures to preach, organize congregation, practice for religiosity, the invention of the printing machine helped in the production of religious contents for religiosity. In later phases of technological upgradation in the shape of analogue and digital machines made religiosity more easy to do practice. However, the same religiosity became a vehicle of conflicts and crisis in the spatiality too. The chapters are discussed more appropriately under different titles to map the extent of religiosity in the twenty-first-century world. The government of India initiated digital India (Appendix) program to boost digital infrastructures and literacy in the country. The book dealt with this question in the digital sense of how many variants of religiosity are practised through digital gadgets. Across the chapters, the subject is discussed in myriad manifestations that how and to what extent devotees are using their digital gadgets purposefully including religiosity. How have these gadgets changed the facets of religiosity? The trajectories of religiosity are the same while the nature of screens poses different portrayals. Screens across the digital gadgets were a common space where devotees used for religiosity. The chapters were put into deeper manifestations to discuss a number of different digital gadgets vary in shape and size—smartphones, laptop/desktop, camera, iPad and social media apps. How do digital gadgets shape religiosity in terms of e-religiosity? The nature of religiosity transformed and improved in the shape of e-religiosity wherein digital gadgets and electronic devices played a catalytic role. Digital gadgets work as consummate spaces that are inevitable in day-to-day lives. Technologies are held religion at ransom when religiosity is gradually used reciprocally to reach at the doorstep of devotees. In the chapters, such discussions are noted and elaborately pointed out that how the meaning and extent of religiosity are gradually changed under the technological development. Chapters 2 and 3 brought many dimensions altogether to absolve the social and cultural dilemma in contexts to religiosity and e-religiosity as well. Both religiosity and e-religiosity discussed separately and altogether understand the differences and similarities in sense of practices, sacredness and beliefs.

1.5 Contouring e-Religiosity

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How and to what extent digital gadgets are negotiating with social and cultural lives? The role of digital gadgets were endorsed across the chapters in vivid manifestations including digital, social and cultural outlines. The chapters are taken from some case studies to discuss the social and cultural manifestations in sense of religiosity that is apparent across social media networking sites particularly Facebook, WhatsApp and others apps. However, the digital manifestations have blurred in order to examine the distinction between social and cultural mapping while sometimes the same and dissimilar at the same time. Chapter 5 discusses how and at what extent an user can use gadgets purposefully. The chapter used a number of illustrations to explain and examined the social and cultural trajectories. Mapping digital spatiality? The book is prepared in spatial contexts to understand the dichotomy of space and place in varied manifestations. Digital spatiality is one dimension of spatiality that the book is endorsed in Chapter 4 in spatial contouring. Screens and other digital features are described with reference to continuum of spatial extent. The book dealt with digital gadgets as primary source wherein varied texts, images, video and audio appeared. Each segment of digital spatiality is discussed in terms of ‘media in space’, ‘spaces in media’, ‘places in media’ and ‘media in place’. The chapters are divided and constructed in order to understand digital spatiality of primary, secondary and tertiary spatiality in continuum of space and place. How does the screen of smartphones, desktop/laptop and iPad behave as space/place in a sense of religiosity? How and to what extent the media influenced religiosity? Chapter 6 discusses the sense of social media and Television (TV). The role of TV is analysed in the chapter. Statistical graphs were used to reflect survey data in both qualitative and quantitative manifestations. Media influences are discussed on how and for what purposes users are supposed to use their profile space whether it was WhatsApp or laptop/desktop’s screen. A number of illustrations are used to share the role of mediated apps and TV in religiosity. The book’s domain feature is their construction of digital spatiality or in other ways the customization of digital features for religiosity wherein digital contents are shaping and reshaping e-religiosity mundanely. The book is decoding a pattern of e-religiosity wherein faiths, sacredness and screens altogether reshape the rituals, traditions, customs, taboos and communities. Chapter 7 of the book is redefining religiosity through digital manifestations and image politics in the digital age that is inevitable across the world. The book will be helpful to understand the ongoing pattern of e-religiosity that has become a common feature among users. Along with the classical approach of the Marx, Weber and Durkheim, view on religion and all the analysis that has been given so far contributes to understanding the concept of religiosity. Their work provides a broader sense with respect to think more about religiosity and their arguments to think more carefully and critically. Their legacies bring out many other scholars who had great work on religion and other aspects and forces of social life. Religion can be defined as a social institution including beliefs and practices based on the sacred. In classical society, Church was the only organization that is well integrated into the larger society. It is the common

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place for the people to practice their religious activities and consider the church as an ordinary aspect of life. New paradigm of religion has emerged, the identity crises, and the rise of capitalism is another way to tackle the problem of religion. Religion became the institution that has great controllers that control the structure of the religion. Different organizations developed and targeted the one particular community. Furthermore, the technology changed the way of communication as the networks were widespread and people all around the world got closer. Religion has its own history, and all the social values and morality specify the particular community. The different criterion of the religion as a whole, so that we can anticipate different views at the same time. However, the invention of digital gadgets and its customization characteristics somehow created a space for users to make an experiment. The theories of religiosity tell us what religion is, where it comes from and how it changed according to the preference of a particular society. Modernity is the biggest factor to change the traditional religion due to the developments in science and technological advancement. Despite all these factors, religious movements play a crucial role to create the new spiritual opportunities. Due to the techniques and the modernity, new religious movements emerged around the world in the twenty-first century in the shape of e-religiosity. The upcoming chapter is about mediatized religiosity that how and to what extent communication media is facilitating the rituals in digital contexts.

Appendix: Digital India Digital India program was launched on 1 July 2015 by the Prime Minister Shree Narendra Modi. The initiative includes plans to connect rural areas with high speed Internet networks at best. Digital India has three main core components. These include: . The creation of digital infrastructure. . Delivering services digitally. . Digital Literacy. A two-way platform will be created to benefit the service providers and the consumers as well. The program will be monitored and administered by the Digital India Advisory group chaired by the Ministry of Communication and IT and it will be an interMinisterial initiative where all ministries and departments will offer their services to the public: such as Healthcare, Education, Judicial, Information, etc. The publicprivate partnership model will be adopted selectively and plan to restructure the National Informatics Centre (NIC) as well. Digital India program is indeed one of the ambitious and top priority projects of the Shree Narendra Modi government administration. Digital India (DI) scheme includes following works and connecting the rural is top priority. Expand Broadband facility in 2 lakh villages, universal phone connectivity, Net Zero Imports by 2020, 400,000 Public Internet Access Points, Wi-Fi

Appendix: Digital India

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in 2.5 lakh schools, all universities; Public Wi-Fi hotspots for citizens, Digital Inclusion: 1.7 Crore trained for IT, Telecom and Electronics Jobs creation: Direct 1.7 Cr. and Indirect at least 8.5 Crore e-Governance and e-Services: Across government. India to be leader in IT use in services—health, education, banking digitally empowered citizens—public cloud and Internet access. The Government of India entity Bharat Broadband Network Limited (BBNL) will execute the National Optical Fibre Network project which will be the part of Digital India project. BBNL had ordered United Telecoms Limited to connect 250,000 villages through GPON to ensure FTTH-based broadband. This will provide the first basic setup to achieve towards Digital India and is expected to be completed by 2017. Optical fibre cables have been laid out in more than 68,000 village panchayats. Panchkula district of Haryana became the top performing district under the digital India scheme. However, the nine pillars of Digital India program are as (Appendix 3.1); 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Broadband Highways. Universal Access to Mobile Connectivity. Public Internet Access Program. e-Governance—Reforming Government through Technology. e-Kranti—Electronic delivery of services. Information for All. Electronics Manufacturing. IT for Jobs. Early Harvest Programs.

Digital India program is based on these nine pillars that are supporting to create infrastructures, planning’s, training and services at micro, meso and macro level in both rural and urban set up. It is an ambitious project of the NDA government in order to create a huge business to support Indian at all. Of course, it is an extension of political economy where the stake of so many private parties is involved in different proportions.

Broadband Highways This covers three sub components, namely Broadband for All-Rural, Broadband for All—Urban and National Information Infrastructure (NII). 2,50,000 village Panchayats would be covered under the National Optical Fibre Network (NOFN) by December 2016. Department of Telecommunications (DoT) is the nodal Department for this project. Virtual Network Operators would be leveraged for service delivery and communication infrastructure in new urban developments and buildings would be mandated. NII would integrate the network and cloud infrastructure in the country to provide high speed connectivity and cloud platform to various government departments up to the Panchayat level. These infrastructure components include networks such as State Wide Area Network (SWAN), National Knowledge Network (NKN), National Optical Fibre Network (NOFN), Government User Network (GUN) and

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the MeghRaj Cloud. NII aims at integrating all ICT infrastructure components such as SWANs, NKN, NOFN, GUN and GI Cloud. It will have provision for horizontal connectivity to 100, 50, 20 and 5 government offices/service outlets at state, district, block and Panchayat levels respectively. DeitY will be the nodal Department for this project.

Universal Access to Mobile Connectivity This initiative focuses on network penetration and filling the gaps in connectivity in the country. There are around 55,619 villages in the country that do not have mobile coverage. As part of the comprehensive development plan for the NorthEast, providing mobile coverage to uncovered villages has been initiated. Mobile coverage to remaining uncovered villages would be provided in a phased manner. The Department of Telecommunications will be the nodal department and project cost will be around 16,000 Cr during 2014–2018.

Public Internet Access Program The two sub components of Public Internet Access Program are Common Services Centres (CSCs) and Post Offices as multi-service centres. CSCs would be strengthened and its number would be increased to 250,000, i.e. one CSC in each Gram Panchayat. CSCs would be made viable and multi-functional end-points for delivery of government and business services. DeitY would be the nodal department to implement the scheme.

E-Governance—Reforming Government Through Technology . Government Process Re-engineering using IT to simplify and make the government processes more efficient is critical for transformation to make the delivery of government services more effective across various government domains and therefore needs to be implemented by all Ministries/Departments. Form simplification and field reduction—forms should be made simple and user friendly and only minimum and necessary information should be collected.

Appendix: Digital India

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The guiding principles for reforming Government through technology are: . Online applications and tracking—online applications and tracking of their status should be provided. . Online repositories—use of online repositories, e.g. for certificates, educational degrees, identity documents, etc., should be mandated so that citizens are not required to submit these documents in physical form. . Integration of services and platforms—Integration of services and platforms, e.g. Aadhaar platform of Unique Identity Authority of India (UIDAI), payment gateway, Mobile Seva platform, sharing of data through open Application Programming Interfaces (API) and middleware such as National and State Service Delivery Gateways (NSDG/SSDG) should be mandated to facilitate integrated and interoperable service delivery to citizens and businesses.

E-Kranti—Electronic Delivery of Services The National e-Governance Plan (NeGP), takes a holistic view of e-Governance initiatives across the country, integrating them into a collective vision, a shared cause. Around this idea, a massive countrywide infrastructure reaching down to the remotest of villages is evolving, and large-scale digitization of records is taking place to enable easy, reliable access over the Internet. The ultimate objective is to bring public services closer home to citizens, as articulated in the Vision Statement of NeGP.

Information for All Government shall pro-actively engage through social media and web based platforms to inform and interact with citizens. MyGov.in, a platform for citizen engagement in governance, has been launched by the Hon’ble Prime Minister on 26 July, 2014, as a medium to exchange ideas/suggestions with Government. It will facilitate 2-way communication between citizens and Government to bring in good governance.

Electronics Manufacturing This pillar focuses on promoting electronics manufacturing in the country with the target of NET ZERO Imports by 2020 as a striking demonstration of intent. This ambitious goal requires coordinated action on many fronts, such as: 1. Taxation, incentives. 2. Economies of scale, eliminating cost disadvantages. 3. Focus areas—Big Ticket Items.

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FABS, Fabless design, Set top boxes, VSATs, Mobiles, Consumer and Medical Electronics, Smart Energy meters, Smart cards, micro-ATMs Incubators, clusters Skill development, Enhancing PhDs Government procurement Safety Standards—Compulsory registration, Support for Labs and MSMEs National Award, Marketing, Brand Building National Centres—Flexible Electronics, Security Forces R&D in electronics IT for Jobs This pillar focuses on providing training to the youth in the skills required for availing employment opportunities in the IT/ITES sector. There are eight components with specific scope of activities under this pillar. 1. T Trainings to people in smaller towns and villages. 2. The target of this component is to train one crore students from smaller towns and villages for IT sector jobs over 5 years. DeitY is the nodal department for this scheme. 3. IT/ITES in North-eastern States. 4. This component focuses on setting up BPOs in every north-eastern state to facilitate ICT enabled growth in these states. DeitY is the nodal department for this scheme. 5. Training Service Delivery Agents. 6. The focus is on training three lakh service delivery agents as part of skill development to run viable businesses delivering IT services. DeitY is the nodal department for this scheme. 7. Training Rural Workforce on Telecom and Telecom-related services. 8. This component focuses on training five lakh rural workforce the Telecom Service Providers (TSPs) to cater to their own needs. Department of Telecommunications (DoT) is the nodal department for this scheme.

Early Harvest Programs The Early Harvest Program basically consists of those projects which are to be implemented within a short timeline. The projects under the Early Harvest Program are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

IT Platform for Messages. Government Greetings to be e-Greetings. Biometric attendance. Wi-Fi in All Universities. Secure Email within Government. Standardize Government Email Design. Public Wi-Fi hotspots.

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8. School Books to be eBooks. 9. SMS-based weather information, disaster alerts. 10. National Portal for Lost and Found children.

References Allport G, Ross J (1967) Personal religious orientation and prejudice. J Pers Soc Psychol 5:432–443 Berger P (1967) The sacred canopy: elements of a sociological theory of religion. Doubleday, Garden City, NY Durkheim E (1915) The elementary forms of the religious life: a study in religious sociology. Allen & Unwin, London Erikson EH (1968) Identity, youth and crisis. W. W. Norton & Company Inc, New York, NY Gleason P (1983) Identifying identity: a semantic history. J Am Hist 69(4):910–931 Glock CY, Stark R (1965) Religion and society in tension. Rand McNally, San Francisco Greil AL, Davidman L (2007) Religion and identity. In: Beckford JA, Demerath NJ (eds) The SAGE handbook of the sociology of religion. Sage Publications, London, pp 534–549 Holdcroft BB (2006) What is religiosity catholic education. J Inq Pract 10(1). https://doi.org/10. 15365/joce.1001082013 Iddagoda A, Opatha DNPHH (2018) Religiosity: towards a conceptualization and an operationalization. Sri Lankan J Hum Resour Manag 7(1):59–69. https://doi.org/10.4038/sljhrm.v7i1.5637. Accessed 12 July 2020 Johnstone RL (2007) Religion in society: a sociology of religion. Pearson/Prentice Hall, New Jersey Künkler M, Leininger J (2011) Religion and politics. In: Kurian GT (ed) The encyclopaedia of political science. CQ Publishers, Washington, DC, pp 1450–1453 McKinnon A (2010) The sociological of religion. In: The new Blackwell companion to the sociology of religion, pp 31–51 Paloma MM, Pendleton B (1989) Exploring types of prayer and quality of life: a research note. Rev Relig Res 31:46–53 Paraschiva P, Nicoleta M (2011) Ways of approaching religiosity in psychological research. J Int Soc Res 4(18):353–362 Pargament K (1997) The psychology of religious coping. Guilford, New York Rue L (2005) Religion is not about God: how spiritual traditions nurture our biological nature and what to expect when they fail. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, London Seiwert H (2009) Theory of religion as myth. In: Stausberg M (ed) Contemporary theories of religion: a critical companion. Routledge, London, pp 224–241 Stryker S, Burke PT (2000) The past, present, and future of an identity theory. Soc Psychol Q 63(4):284–297 Tsang J, McCullough ME (2003) Measuring religious constructs: a hierarchical approach to construct organization and scale selection. In: Lopez SJ, Snyder CR (eds) Handbook of positive psychological assessment. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp 345–360 Turner BS (2011) Religion and contemporary sociological theories. City University of New York Ukuekpeyetan NA (2014) Current trends in the theories of religious studies: a clue to proliferation of religions worldwide. Glob J Arts Humanities Soc Sci 2(7):27–46 Woodhead L (2009) Old, new, and emerging paradigms in the sociological study of religion. Nord J Relig Soc 22(2):103–121

Chapter 2

Contours of Mediatized Religiosity

Abstract Religiosity is unlike other cultural traits which has been practised for years in a conception of rituals, traditions, customs and taboos. Cultural traits are inseparable from mediatized indicators that inherit to use the same for different purposes including religiosity. Religious scripts were found in various shapes where aesthetics and semiotics were given priority to get acknowledged; however, the process of digitalization made it easy to consume, propagate and produce religiosity. This chapter is framing the contours of mediatized religiosity in order to map the mediatized indicators that are shaping and reshaping the religiosity further. Keywords Mediated religiosity · Semiotics · Materialism · Third space · Monastic place

2.1 Introduction: Digitalized Religiosity Social networking sites like Facebook, WhatsApp, Myspace and Twitter allow users to create their groups and discussion, and to connect with others. These sites developed a digital environment that made possible conversation to a broader area. While religion is one of the ways through which people express them and it has their belief system. Over the years, religious leaders and organizations taught their followers and reached out to them face to face. When people shifted into information society, there was a shift in the ways of communication technology of how people practice religion. There is evolution of “electronic church” and “electronic mosque” that create a virtual interactive religious environment. “Early cyber church entities were often websites set up by independent groups seeking to replicate or mirror some features of church life online through their design or the resources they offered, such as scriptorium page of religious text or a place to leave prayer requests (for example, the virtual of the blind Chihuahua, www.dogchurch.org)” (Cheong and Ess 2012: 1). Digital technology became a tool to extend religious practices into the online space for many at one point of time. “We see the rise of internet campuses within many multisite churches, and webcasting of services via iPhone and Facebook apps (for example, LifeChurch.tv) becoming common” (Cheong and Ess 2012: 1). Digital religion evolved within the digital culture and gave rise to a new frame that is © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_2

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called electronic religiosity (e-religiosity). This period shows that electronic religion discussion was done through Usenet.1 The “net.religion” was the first networked platform for the discussion on religion. In another ways, the period of 1980s can be studied under digital turn as “alt.philosophy”, “alt.religion”, “soc.culture”, “soc.religion” and “talk.religion” (Campbell 2006). The number of e-religious groups is increasing since 2010. “Monastery of Christ in the Desert” (www.christ-desert.org) was the first monastic website while “Zoroastrian cyber temple” (www.zarathushtra. com) was first cyber temple. The websites “Crosswalk” (www.crosswalk.com) and “Gospelcom” (www.gospel.com) offered online bible lessons to the Christian fellows (Campbell 2006). New media has created a sphere of digitalization of religion, where digital media provide religious groups and practitioners a platform to create an alternative form to practice religion. Digital media provide the culture of interactivity, convergence and audience-generated content. Digital media hybridized forms a third space that forms a new meaning-making process and shapes new traditional practices and beliefs. “Digital religion represents a distinct cultural sphere of religious practice that is unique but not dichotomous with other forms or religion” (Cheong and Ess 2012: 4). In another word, we can say digitally acquired rituals though, primarily, an extension to do religious practices through digital gadgets with the help of the Internet. However, for digital religion, there are two basic requirements: first, the Internet and second, digital gadgets (smartphones, laptop/desktop and iPad).

2.1.1 Rituals of Digital Religiosity There are different forms of digital religiosity that profess religious beliefs and experiences to a level to observe the same as religiosity with the help of a designed digital platform. These digital platforms are working as digital archives to retrieve or disseminate the same for various purposes including religiosity.

2.1.1.1

Digital Religiosity Information

Searching for religious information is one of the most common practices on the Internet. Gathering of religious information creates the concept of “religious surfers”, information gatherers who seek to connect with other religious people. Or, to submit any queries, if related with rituals or else in pretext to absolve the same. The case of Muslims in India, Darul Uloom, Deoband (U.P)2 is a popular religious centre which impart religious knowledge and provide auxiliary religious information. 1

Usenet is a globally distributed discussion cyber network. It is based on Unix-to-Unix Copy dialup network architecture. Tom Truscott and Jim Ellis propounded Usenet in 1979 and operational since 1980. 2 For more, see http://www.darululoom-deoband.com/english/, accessed 23 June 2021.

2.1 Introduction: Digitalized Religiosity

2.1.1.2

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Digital Worship

There are many forms of worship and rituals in online mediums. “Electronic churches”, “electronic mosques” and “electronic temples” emerged as online mediums for digital worship. These worship sites emerged when the group of people electronically connected to one another to form these churches, temples or mosques. These online worship sites differ from traditional forms of mosques, churches or temples. Digital temples or mosques form on the basis of traditional buildings that provide visitors a framework to navigate. On Facebook, there is a page on DevDarshan wherein devotees can join for live rituals3 which provides digital worship in devotee’s doors when devotees are only supposed to visit on Facebook page. However, “DevDarshan is a devotional platform to connect the people of India and around the world to the temples and the Gurus (teachers). Now, you can watch devotional videos, Live Darshan, Mandir Puja, Aarti collection, festivals and videos of Pandits (religious known) and Gurus all at one platform. DevDarshan endeavours to pass on the spiritual teachings and the centuries-old words of wisdom from Indian culture, the world’s oldest civilization on a digital platform”.4 Digital worship is an extension of physical rituals which can be easily practised through the Internet and social media platforms.

2.1.1.3

Digital Missionary Activities

Through the Internet, missionaries also tried to spread their beliefs to people to inform their religion. Different websites have been created to guide the people that were referred to as “evangelism”. These religious organizations which were created in online medium promote these practices as one of the important forms. For illustration, the Billy Graham Centre (www.gospelcom.net/bgc/) and International Bible Society (www.gospel.net/ibs) produced and reproduced a number of online reading materials for imparting training programs for missionaries (Campbell 2006). The Internet has been used for the purpose of missionary activities.

2.1.1.4

Digital Religious Community

Digital media has also been used to create religious communities. These are the groups that share the same beliefs and practices separated across different geographies. Religious communities talk about their faith, issues and practices. The e-religious communities are interactive groups that were done through computermediated technologies like emails. The communities worked on experience, interaction and connection where people join the community as per wishes. Social

3 4

For details, see https://www.facebook.com/devdarshanapp/, accessed 25 June 2021. For details, visit https://www.facebook.com/devdarshanapp/, accessed 25 June 2021.

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networking sites allow users to come in contact with larger religious networks (Table 2.1). Table 2.1 Religious social networking sites Religion

Networking sites

Launched

Christianity

Godtube.com, a Christian video-sharing community very similar in structure to YouTube

2007

15,154

Christianity.com (a free Christian social network connect with Christian Worldwide)

2007

155,689

Praize is a Christian community to learn and talk about your faith

2007

310,542

Xianz is a general Christian social networking site 2006

Islam

Jewish

Interfaith

Alexa ranking

408,208

Hisholyspace.com is a general Christian social networking site

2007

8,431,679

Holypal.com is a discussion-based Christian network

2007

827,799

Myprize is a general Christian social networking site

2005

1,997,597

Muslimsocial.com is a general Islamic social networking site

2005

2,917,073

Muslim is a general Islamic social networking site 2006 that includes religion

95,992

Naseeb is an Islamic social networking site that emphasizes relationships

2004

108,172

Muslim PAL

2008

Shiachat.com

2003

72,462

Shmooze is a general Jewish social networking site with an emphasis on relationship

2006

20,062,434

JewTube is the leading video-sharing site for the Jewish community and premier destination to watch and share Jewish-themed videos

2006

481,472

Belief net’s Community is the social networking area of the largest interfaith website Peace Next is the social networking area of the Council for a Parliament of the World’s Religions

2009 (continued)

2.2 Issues in Digital Religiosity

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Table 2.1 (continued) Religion

Networking sites

Launched

Neo-pagan

PaganSpace.net is a social networking site for followers of Earth-based religions such as Wicca, Asatru, druidism and goddess-based faiths

2007

Alexa ranking 78,575

Source After, Hosseinzadeh (2011)

2.2 Issues in Digital Religiosity Issues in digital religiosity often need to be clarified or discussed in brief or length in terms of spirituality, morality, practices, religion, identity and religious authority.

2.2.1 Spirituality Cyberspace became a place for humanity’s spiritual progression. Traditional forms of spirituality were imported into the Internet to become a sacred space and allow people to reconnect with the idea of spirituality. Social media platforms and different religious websites are providing content to reconnect with spirituality.

2.2.2 Morality Moral values and ethics are a major part of any religion and their organization. A new paradigm of virtual morality has been aroused in virtual reality, i.e. the Internet. The ethical guidelines are based on theology and spirituality. There are a number of lessons available on this topic on the Internet.

2.2.3 Practices Practices interpret the potential use of the Internet for religious purposes as well as think of the Internet as God-given technology that was used for e-Evangelism. Most of these practices have appeared in Christian tradition. Through the Internet Church, they claim that the Christians have the opportunity to reach everyone. Internet technology has the ability of being transnational; there is no social and cultural boundary (Campbell 2006: 4). Nowadays, almost all religious groups are running online platforms to impart the knowledge for religiosity.

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2.2.4 Religion Internet can have different religion traditions such as Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism and Christianity (Campbell 2006: 4). The religious repositories are growing everyday under different identities based on sects, caste, creed, tribe, folks and communities.

2.2.5 Identity Digital media provide interaction between individual’s identities that provide plurality of ideas and expressions. It is developed as a medium. E-religiosity is itself a part of religious identity when an individual prefers to use a digital device for said purposes.

2.2.6 Religious Authority There are two dimensions of command that are: 1. Social command: consists of social positions like patrons, popes, monks, etc. 2. Inner command: consists in terms of authenticity as what is seen. Authority comes with power to influence others and when others recognize it. Digital media not only unstable the existing religious authority but also created a new kind of practices. The customized contents are available in various shapes and sizes or in a sense of misinformation or disinformation.

2.3 Mediated Religiosity The role of communication devices is becoming crucial in everyday lives. The extent of religiosity is neither isolated nor inseparable from social and cultural identity rather intertwined as socio-cultural phenomena. Religion is mediated by cultural means. There is interrelatedness between the religion and communication devices through which it is mediated or communicated. Mediation became an integral part in the definition of religion. Rituals are transferable from one generation to another by the process of mediation. The mediation includes primary, secondary and tertiary mediums. Parents and family members constitute the primary medium to teach religiosity. Friends and others are constituting the secondary medium to impart religiosity while communication devices often associated with tertiary medium. In sociological perspective, mediatization is considered as a process of modernity. There are two

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basic sides of theoretical perspective to understand mediated religion. As technology advances, there is a shift from instrumental approach to a cultural approach. Media became a web of culture where all cultural activities played a role (Cloete 2016). Digital media form as culturally mediated institutions that provide opportunity to communicate and meaning-making processes. Media works as an autonomous and independent institution that adheres to its own logic. As per mediatization theory, media mediates communication as a part of society and works for different institutions as well. It also highlights institutionalized religions. The religious authority has been mediatized through the media where the traditional form of authorities had been collapsed.

2.3.1 Metaphors in Media The metaphor of media as conduits suggests that media works as a channel or medium that sends messages from sender to receiver. That’s how the media also transport religious content through traditional forms of religious institutions as well as through electronic religious institutions. Media as languages consider the format of the messages. Media genres and narratives come under language. Religion is also represented through different genres and narration that is associated with popular culture as popular culture practises and represents religious issues. “Through the language of popular culture in the media, religion has become more oriented towards entertainment and the consumer, and the approach to religion is generally more individualized” (Hjarvard 2016: 5). Media as an environment focused on how the media system structured human interaction. For instance, public service media focused on national and unidirectional communication while the Internet is global/transnational and multi-directional. Media as conduits, language and environment together form mediatization of religion. The religion mediated through digital media, i.e. Internet, is different in terms of interactivity and hyper textuality. Electronic religiosity is a part of ‘technological ideology’ that is technologically driven (Cloete 2016). As religion is mediated through the online sources so that the primary sources of religion like the church have become transnational. The religious authority has also been challenged through the Internet as the space became non-hierarchical and unstructured.

2.4 Mediatization, Modernity and Religiosity From the 1990s onwards, religion’s visibility grew worldwide through online mediums. This shift is first visible in Western countries and then others. Modernity led to the change in secularization theory and the renewal of religion. Institutionalized religiosity is now taken as an individual form. Religion became personal autonomy to practice and belief. Individuals did not create their spiritual religion from one

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form of religion but they took out small portions from different religions. Electronic religion provides that market for them as it has different voices and information about religions. Modernity and post-modernity made all these possibilities to create multiple identities (Cloete 2016). How does religious stuff work as modernity or modernization? Of course, market and consumerist attitudes are behind the rationale of modernity when religious stuff is considered as per take of modernization. When and where do these religious stuff fetch more values? The society is governed by norms of festivals and rituals apart from many other practices that are inseparable. The nature of practices of festivals moved around signs and symbols, and such signs and symbols were produced as part of consumerist society that is pushing identity in vivid representations of spatiality. Digital spatial heterogeneity is unlike a differentiation when each individual is consuming different stuff to others in the same spatiality. Religious quotes often found in semiotic representations that often attract devotees to being connected with rituals purposefully.

2.5 Semiotics in Religiosity Communication as a process used semiotics for understanding the information that carries in shapes of signs and symbols. We used signs and symbols to understand anything. According to Charles Pierce, Semiotics consists of: 1. Represent a men or Sign (Firstness): Sign is referred to something; 2. Object (Secondness): Somebody understands object; 3. Interpretant (Thirdness): While interpreting is effect in the mind of users, Ferdinand Saussure also studied Semiotics. He is a Swiss Linguist who mainly focuses on languages. According to him, Signs consist of: (1) Signifier: a sign image—as we perceive it; (2) Signified: is a mental concept of a user—who shares the same language; (3) Signification: external reality. The concept and physical reality together make a significant difference. That physical reality is controlled by the concept of “personnel”. In semiotics theory, ‘personal’ comes under the position of a sign object. The ‘program’ comes under the position of ‘interpreter’ as it mediates between communication structure and personal. “In a Roman Catholic service, for example, the liturgy, as part of the Church organization, functions as a communication structure. The Priests, the ministers, the reader, and the Church attendants are the involved personnel, and the Missale Romanum is the program” (Krech 2018: 222).

2.5 Semiotics in Religiosity

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2.5.1 Religiosity as Semiotics System Religions distinguished themselves from others through the semiotics code that was specified for particular religions. “Religion is based on the code transcendent/immanent in order to proceed systematically, to distinguish itself from other social subsystems, and to fulfil its social function of ultimately coping with undetermined contingency” (Krech 2018: 222).

2.5.2 Semiotics in Digital Texts of Religiosity Devotees who read sacred text differ from the other literature texts. These sacred texts required a different sort of reading style. It is sometimes read aloud, chanted and recited. Devotees need a different kind of solemn behaviour and interpretation that neither any other literature requires. “In interpreting the sacred text, the devotee begins from a semiotic mental space, which is the event of approaching the text. This signification, or semiosis, whether it be an act of communication or of private thinking, is always part of a situation which serves as background” (Evalo 2005: 8). The devotee interprets the text through their mental space. The cognitive-behavioural rituals such as singing and repeating prayers affect the limbic and autonomic nervous systems that produce pleasurable feelings. The religious text was carefully read with every single word and syntax. The reader opens up their channel of communication that will create a mental space and a person starts to interpret with the text. “The way the text will be read heavily depends on the context: the reader is performing a daily prayer, the place is an open space, very quiet (either Church or private room), and he or she performs a rite before taking to the reading (an ablution, or some prayer or gesture)” (Evalo 2005: 8). Religious places used signs and symbols to designate the analogy and epistemology of religious rituals to map why and how the same is important for devotees who can easily understand the religious narratives in terms of metaphor and metonymy.

2.5.3 The Relationship Between Metaphor and Metonymy The relationship between metaphor and metonymy is required in the process of generating meaningful information. Metaphor is the parabolic analogy while metonymy is the symbolic analogy. Metonymy consists of signs on the syntagmatic basis while the metaphors consist of signs selected from the paradigmatic basis. Metonymic combination is related to other than itself for the generation of information. Metaphorical signs are related to self-reference of semiotic code. “For example, the sign Church,

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if it refers paradigmatically to a sacred space, is metaphorically linked to the religious code, and metonymically linked to the semiotic context from which the material for the generation of information originates” (Krech 2018: 229). Metaphor is a mental capacity through which a person understands themselves and the world around through which a person understands sacred literature.

2.6 Values in Religiosity “The importance of values is linked with a set of religious, philosophical, cognitive, cultural and educational visions and concepts which have different perspectives towards knowledge, human and life depending on their definition of ‘value’” (Mosa 2015: 127). The concept of ‘values’ countered by Greek philosophers and Aristotle who considered value as two parts—left and right. Values have different functions—individually and socially (Mosa 2015: 127): . Values govern the individuals’ behaviour within the societal framework. . Values make the individual more preferable to a particular political, or religious, or social, or economic ideology. . Values explain how to communicate with others. . Values were considered as core for comparing between the different societies and cultures. . Values used in solving conflicts and making decisions. . Values work as a motive for ideal behaviour which is considered a means to achieve the desired goals. . Values help the individuals to adapt. . And defend the ego and self. Religious values govern the behaviour of the individual and his/her cognitive pattern of how to live in the society. Religious traditions and practices have specific values defined as a given tradition. That values are not defined rather considered to adept an ethical path that is pious by practices and feelings.

2.6.1 Virtue Ethics Virtue ethics is the philosophy to understand the moral character to live a life. It emerges in every religious tradition. Virtue ethics also include normative approaches of digital religion. “Moreover, a brief review of virtue ethics will show how it directly intersects digital religion defining interests in the theme of identity, community, and authority” (Ess 2016: 4). Virtue ethics led to a good life—a life of contentment and meaning. These were the central features or our moral lives. Moral ethics is also established in information technology. Norbert Wiener was the first to use virtue ethics in his work on ‘Cybernetics’ (1954). Through digital religion, individuals

2.7 Materialism and Non-materialism in Religiosity

37

tried to create a community structure that will be more open and challenge existing religious authority. Protestant Churches were equal to Catholic Churches that had limited challenges to authority.

2.6.2 Virtue Ethics in Digital Religion A bible reading app, ‘YouVersion’, is formed as a community and has some kind of authority and a voluntary form of surveillance like when, where and what they are reading. It uses popup messages to invite people. This app begins with the virtue of accountability. Community that was created was of like-minded believers who shared the same belief system to read the Bible. These communities emerged in normative commitments to autonomy and equality, individual authority and respect for every person. The second virtue depends on design, how social networking sites design to practice the virtue of friendship as primary components for good life. “Valour thereby represents a growing number of ethicists and designers arguing for normativelydriven approaches to design in ICTs- for example, under rubrics such as ‘human centric ICT’, ‘fair ICT’, and ‘slow tech’” (quoted in Ess 2016: 13). These developments focused on how technology changed or shaped religion and vice versa.

2.7 Materialism and Non-materialism in Religiosity Materialism is related to the consumer behaviour and values that influenced the individual religion. Materialism can be quantified and economic terms describe someone who lives a luxurious life. “It is a value, that belief on the importance of possessions in one’s life, because it can be used to measure success” (Ing 2010: 1). Individuals who are highly committed to religious belief have low levels of materialism. That’s why it was said that religious faith or belief affects individual materialism. “Solomon suggested that it is important that people attach to worldly possessions in order to gather the feeling of happiness and content, as the value believes that an individual possession and others’ success can be measured by the things one owns” (Ing 2010: 12). Religion as a behaviour affects our decision-making process and how we live life. “It also affects consumer behaviour by influencing their personality behaviour” (Ing 2010: 2). Highly religious person can evaluate the things as per religious norms whereas the lower religious person could not behave like this. The level of faith of religion influenced their behaviour and this level of faith is religiosity. Religiosity is the commitment to the religion that shows commitment to their religious values and beliefs. There are four leading world religions: Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. The belief towards specific values and practice became an identity as

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a religion. Through the evaluation of person-specific values and ideals, their religion can be identified. Religiosity influenced person cognition and behaviour. The religious values differ them from other non- or less religious people. It was said that religion and religiosity affect individual materialism. Different religions also persuade different kinds of consumer value. Globalization or modernization also helps in increasing consumer materialistic value. Non-materialism is too inherited in a multicultural society, but its proportion to materialism is less acknowledged; rather, it is unbelievable, but in fact it exists irrespective of nature and pattern. The practice of religiosity varies from person to person and those who considered it as private rather than public may be put in this category. The practice of e-religiosity as private may be non-materialism wherein interests lie on self to improve than flaunting religiosity across the public spaces for other reasons including political, religious identity and cultural affiliations. However, religion indebted of such manifestations but under political and mediated compulsion materialism often overshadows non-materialism across the social set-up and the same is often reflected in day-to-day cultural and behavioural manifestations.

2.7.1 Religiosity and Consumer Behaviour Consumer behaviour is related to the consumption pattern of the consumer, their buying behaviour, choices and selection. Religiosity as a degree to which the person adheres to their religious values in daily life affects the consumer behaviour as per their cultural and geographical contexts. Consumers use consumption practices to build their religious identity. Every religious group has different consumer behaviour. Christian’s consumers were distinct from other Muslims, Buddhist or non-religious consumers. Through some studies, it was found that Muslims were the “impetus shoppers”. Highly religious people took religion as a source of reference while purchasing.

2.8 Contouring Religiosity as Third Space in Digital Media Bhabha (2004) used the term third space in his postcolonial theory. He states that when the subordinate’s culture resisted against the hegemonic colonial authority, culture and power then that third space emerged where colonized and colonizer hybridized into single space. In that same way, digital space became a site where formal structures and religious knowledge and practices were revised and transformed (Hoover and Echchaibi 2014). Bhabha can be understood by using three dimensions on third space and digital religion:

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1. Cultural enunciation is done through a process of hybridity. 2. His idea of hybridity exposes the cultural power and autonomy that can be achieved through a new singularity in articulation and meaning. 3. His arguments emphasized on resists and renegotiates. Third space of digital religion lies in between the individual and community, public and private. The communities that were created in the third space shared a common interest and ideas. Spatial aspects of religion were location, distribution, networks, frontiers and boundaries. Digital religion located in a third space as re-imagines the religion. Digital media as a third space is a virtual place that is not in a physical location. “Digital religion takes place at the boundary between the disciplines of media studies and religious studies which benefits as well from the emergent discourse in media and religion which boasts a vibrant scholarly community focused on that has been called ‘religion online’, ‘religion and new media’, and now ‘religion, new Media, and Digital cultures’” (Hoover and Echchaibi 2014: 4). The Thirdness in the third space is that which exists in between the home and workplaces. This Thirdness is oriented to the digital media. In relation to religion, the third space is that which is beyond the physical institution such as Churches, Mosques and Temples as first space and from individual practices such as reciting, reading sacred text and belief as second space. The first and second space merged into the third space through digital media. “First and Second space that are implied by digital practices include: commodities and authenticity, embodiment and virtuality, tradition and secularism, authority and autonomy, knowledge and practices, individual and community, static and generative spaces in cultural production” (Hoover and Echchaibi 2014: 12).

2.8.1 Facebook as Third Space Twitter works as third space (Moinuddin 2021). The extent of Facebook is unlike Twitter except mode of designs, contents, operational features and micro-blogging. It was assumed that social networking sites are only for the young and modern people. Religious priests and monks were out of that modern world. It was found that monastic communities adopted these sites earlier than others. Society assumes a negative relation between religion and modernity. Monks and nuns for their teachings stay in their monasteries and sometimes need to go into the world. The Internet provides that opportunity so that the monks and nuns will be in touch with the world and can also remain in their monasteries. Monks and nuns create their websites or Facebook pages to remain visible in the secularized world. “Monks intend also to use the Internet as a new medium for evangelization. Pope Benedict XVI has even encouraged use of the Internet for this purpose: ‘In this field too we Christian people are called to proclaim our faith that Christ is God, the Saviour of humanity and of history’, and he invites them ‘confidently and with an informed and responsible creativity, to join the network of relationships with the digital era has made possible” (Ahlback 2012: 102).

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The Internet blurred the boundary between space and time. Monks and nuns create a community as well as a personal account. But both the community and a personal account have the same goal. Young people were the largest users of Facebook. The Monks get the opportunity to reach these youngsters through Facebook. People get to know about events and activities of the church through Facebook. “In a German study about Facebook and the Catholic Church it is also noted that 10-20 percent of people who go to a Church event now get to know about it through Facebook” (Ahlback 2012: 104). Communication which is done through Facebook is a kind of communication that youngsters like to have. Religious people who will be on Facebook tried to affirm their religious identities. Monks also used Facebook for their personal activities. Monks post their pictures of playing football or watching movies in theatres. That shows monks’ lives are similar to that of other people. Some monks post lots of personal pictures on their Facebook walls. Facebook became a place to stage oneself in front of others. Here, two examples are narrated as case study. First, “Emergence of Prophetic Churches in Southern Africa: A Case Study”. Africans used Prophetic Churches for their own use. “In these Churches, there is an intense religious experience, a vision and a dream that may issue in prophetic speaking and actions, healing and community building” (Kgatle 2018: 3). Prophetic Churches came out as the pastors resisted against the traditional churches or broke away. Prophetic Churches gave the freedom to the pastors to practice their religion as per their wish. “Their emergence in most parts of Africa occurred under conditions of economic, political, and social hardships, which were accompanied by economic reforms, low wages and quality of life, the absence of social services and the withdrawals of the welfare frontiers of the state” (Kgatle 2018: 3). Second, “The Role of Facebook in the Emergence of Prophetic churches”. Facebook played a major role in generating these Prophetic Churches in four ways: 1. Facebook provides access to the churches so that anyone can access it through their smartphones. Founders of Prophetic Churches created an account and gave updates about their services and other practices to their followers. 2. The prophets get the opportunity to show their talent and the followers also can watch them on their smartphones. 3. Facebook also acts as an advertising platform where the prophets advertise their upcoming events through their Facebook pages. 4. Facebook provides the space to create the community where interaction takes place. Media influenced religion in terms of practices, representations and mediated culture wherein religiosity of digital religion is different from traditional religion. Mediated devices enable both preacher and disciples to use mediatized space for religiosity while the digitalization process enhances the development, storage, sorting, retrieval, dissemination, processing and sharing of such contents. The expansion of digital platforms helped in the procurement of religious contents that are often found across spatiality and consuming the same in a respective rational. The forthcoming chapter is mapping digital facets in terms of shaping and reshaping the digital features that are helping religiosity in daily lives.

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References Ahlback T (ed) (2012) Digital religion (conference papers). Donner Institute for Research in Religious and Cultural History, Åbo Akademi University, Åbo/Turku, Finland Bhabha HK (2004) The location of culture. Routledge, Abingdon Campbell H (2006) Religion and the Internet. Cent Study Commun Cult 25(1):1–43 Cheong PH, Ess C (2012) Religion 2.0? Relational and hybridizing pathways in religion, social media and culture. In: Cheong PH, Fischer-Nielsen P, Gelfgren S et al (eds) Digital religion, social media and culture: Perspectives, practices, futures. Peter Lang, New York, pp 1–24 Cloete AL (2016) Mediated religion: implications for religious authority. Verbum et Ecclesia 37(1):1–6. https://doi.org/10.4102/ve.v37i1.1544. Accessed 4 July 2021 Ess C (2016) Can we say anything ethical about digital religion? Philosophical and methodological considerations. New Media Soc 19(1):34–42. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444816649914. Accessed 4 July 2021 Evalo V (2005) Cognitive semiotics and on-line reading of religious texts: a hermeneutic model of sacred literature and everyday revelation. Conscious Lit Arts 6(2) Hjarvard S (2016) Mediatization and the changing authority of religion. Media, Cult Soc 38(1):8–17. https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443715615412. Accessed 4 July 2021 Hoover S, Echchaibi N (2014) Media theory and the “third spaces of digital religion”. The Centre for Media, Religion and Culture, University of Colorado Boulder. Retrieved from https://thirdspac esblog.files.wordpress.com/2014/05/third-spaces-and-media-theory-essay-2-0.pdf. Accessed 4 July 2021 Ing L (2010) Religion, religiosity and materialism (Masters Dissertation, University of Malaysia Sarawak). Retrieved from https://images-insite.sgp1.digitaloceanspaces.com/dunia_buku/kol eksi-buku-lainnya/religion-religiosity-and-materialism-pdfdrivecom-63061583277984.pdf. Accessed 4 July 2021 Kgatle MS (2018) Social media and religion: missiological perspective on the link between Facebook and the emergence of prophetic churches in southern Africa. Verbum et Ecclesia 39(1):a1848. https://doi.org/10.4102/ve.v39i1.18. Accessed 6 July 2021 Krech V (2018) Theory and empiricism of religious evolution. Found Res Program 26(1). https:// doi.org/10.1515/zfr-2017-0027. Accessed 7 July 2021 Moinuddin S (2021) Cartographies of social mediasphere: a new dimension in the spatiality. Trans Inst Indian Geogr Pune 43(2):269–276 Mosa N (2015) Role of social networks in developing religious and social values of the students of the World Islamic Sciences & Education University. Int Educ Stud 8(9):126–137

Chapter 3

Digital Facets of e-Religiosity

Abstract Digital technology provides a new reality that challenges the traditional religious forms and it has changed the aspects of traditional religious practices. New aspects have been formed that are different from traditional forms when rituals are performed with the help of the screen of smartphones, laptop/desktop and iPad. Digital media opened venues for religiosity when users can adhere to their faiths and beliefs through social media platforms. E-religiosity is an aspect of digital technology to engross the practices of rituals, taboos and other forms of religiosity. This chapter is about mapping the dimensions of e-religiosity when the screen of the digital media behaves as religious sacrosanct. Keywords Patchwork religion · Online religion · Third space · Digital Hajj · Networked religion

3.1 Introduction: Scopes of e-Religiosity E-religiosity is associated with beliefs and practices. Religiosity is the strength of an individual’s connection with their religion that makes them believe in the system and practices such as rituals, reciting sacred text and worshipping. E-religiosity is a digital process when digital gadgets were used for religiosity purposes. The practice of religious traits is called religiosity. The mode of religiosity is seldom changed and devotees perform religious obligations without breaking the assigned religious code as per manual scripted in the religious texts. Before the e-religiosity, religiosity was very much practised in mundane ways. Religious texts are often written on paper or paper-based manuscript that is often voluminous in size and sacred in beliefs and therefore unable to move in daily practices rather to use such texts/verses/hymns in the assigned place whether in the religious places or in a assigned location in the home where people generally do their religious customs and taboos without any outer interferences. The religious texts/verses/hymns are accessible to everyone but unable to move it because of hefty size or voluminous in nature. That became easy in the digital age when digitization of texts converted the same texts into a digital file (in shape of Word/PDF/JPEG, etc.) that is easy to carry, © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_3

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and therefore, anyone can use it whenever and wherever by just one click. Digital platform allows the person to download the contents from various platforms in the shape of a file for further use. Almost all religious texts are converted into digital format and available on google store in android version and on apple store in iOS version, respectively. In the past, religious images were often kept in a wallet or in between the papers that were required every time, i.e. accounting ledger file or writing pad or pocket diary when a user can view such an image when felt or needs for blessings. Of course, frequent and regular watching of religious images is often considered as part of extended religiosity. Henceforth, in the digital age, religious images are available in shape of pixels, in fact, a better shape and size that can be easily kept across digital gadgets (including smartphones) as screensaver or as display picture (DP) in the profile of social media, where user can view all the time or feel to being near the religious believes whatsoever they are following. Similarly, religious audio or videos are often used for religiosity as well. Prior to digitalization, the audio systems (amplifier, mike and other machines) were heavy in weight and these augmented devices needed to be handled carefully; therefore, it was only an option to listen the same in the assigned place where it was kept purposefully, not possible to carry elsewhere rather than only an option to remain at the place to enjoy the religiosity. But, digital devices changed the aura and visual patterns when a user can view or listen anywhere or wherever to practice religiosity. The difference between religiosity and e-religiosity is based on nature and patterns that changed the mode of practices whether it was about listening or about watching video or something else. In the past, religiosity was restricted to traditional and conventional mode of practices when devotees are supposed to visit their religious sites for said purposes, while in the digital age smartphones and other devices made it easier to do the same religiosity in virtual mode of practices wherein devotees are relaxed to cope with time. Thus, we can say that technology made access to religiosity easier and effective without much deviance. Of course, technology brought the religiosity very close to human beings, but at the same time the same technology is spreading bitterness among the religious groups where social media played a crucial role in the dissemination of such malicious and fabricated religious content that can hurt the religious sentiments of others.

3.2 The Practice of e-Religion on Digital Media Religion and social media have mutually intertwined relationships when both use each other to facilitate the fellow devotees. The forms and functions of religions are found on the Internet and the same is accessible through social media. Social media emerged as a platform for religious beliefs and practices. The Children of God (The family of International) was a religious movement who had transformed their structures of religious organization into a network-based religious community

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(Helland 2016). Hoover (2015) noted three areas where social media and religion are featuring e-religiosity. 1. Religious activities and practices emerged in the realm of digital culture. 2. Traditional religious institutions and authorities establish their presence in online mediums to perform their belief system. 3. Digital religion emerged as the third/lived space, where old, new, hybrid or antitradition are formed in digital space. Social networking sites (SNSs) became more popular as chat rooms followed by live streaming also. In a conventional understanding that the Internet is a social medium that brings people together. “Berry Wellman (2001), who advances the notion that this age is marked by ‘networked individualism’. It is becoming clear that the Internet is not destroying community but is resonating with and extending the types of networked community that have already become prevalent in the developed world” (quoted in McClure 2017: 484). Religious organizations and individuals use the Internet to promote their beliefs so that others can also follow and practice those beliefs. Digital religion is a technological and cultural space where online and religious space is blurred. Digital media has certain characteristics as it has a capacity of huge information storage, hypertext and interlinking abilities, data transmission and so on. “Digital religion is composed of a variety of things including ‘digital audio’, ‘digital video’, computer games, as well as online media such as websites, email, social networking sites, and multi-player games” (Helland 2016: 80). Digital religion is linked to the technological ideology of new media that create a new communicating platform. In the rushed environment where people don’t get time to communicate and practice their religion, digital religion provides that platform is more flexible than the traditional form, so that people can practice their religiosity from anywhere anytime. Digital religion emerges from the concept of mediatization of religion that was proposed by Hjarvard (2008). “Within this framework, religion is examined from a substantive perspective and media is seen as a powerful force that has its own identity within the culture, yet also becomes integrated and ingrained within other cultural institutions” (quoted in Helland 2016: 180). In that mediatization process, the media has the power to influence religion to adapt their functional logics to communicate and engage within the society. Mediation is the sacred form of their beliefs which is communicated through digital media. People interact, communicate and create different sacred forms that have existed in our societies since years. Religion shapes the forms of media according to beliefs and practices. People only have to download the application (apps) on their smartphones or digital devices and start to practice their religiosity. “For example, Neil Ahlsten (a former Google employee) co-founded Carpenters Code, which built Abide, a smartphone app for guided prayer (abide.is). The app gives you daily powerful prayers, allows you to choose topics that you would like prayer help with and provides music to enhance the online experience” (quoted in Helland 2016: 181). The Abide application also provides in-depth teachings of religion, audio prayers and also for the discussions. This application is for the Christian

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believers and provides a platform to engage in deep prayers for every one digitally. For example, Islam 360 is another app which provides services of Quranic verses (in translation also), supplication, shahadat (belief), Tasbeeh (counting) and many more added features to accommodate devotees. Of course, these apps revolutionized the e-religiosity what we have been witnessing in daily practices in different capacities.

3.2.1 E-Religion as ‘Networked Religion’ The theory of ‘networked religion’ was convened by Heidi Campbell (2017). This theory explains how e-religion functions in a network of interactions. Main characteristic of digital media is that it is an interacting medium and provides connections one to another. The online and offline forms of religious institutions are not distinct from each other as they were engaged in religious practices and activities. Online religion occurred in modern society while shifts in the religious authority as in digital space authority are not only in the hands of Popes or Clergymen’s, there was also a freedom of religious beliefs and practices. Helland (2016) provides five characteristics of networked religion: 1. Networked community: Network communities are the communities that were formed in digital space through social networks. These are web of connections that emerged as the virtual community. 2. Storied identity: Storied identity is the religious identity that was created and performed in digital media. In this platform, the individual can use any religious platform, assemble and present for them. 3. Shifting authority: There is transition of traditional religious authority to digital religious authority. This shift is a threat to traditional authority. Some traditional authorities also adapt these platforms and re-establish their power and their followers. 4. Convergent practice: The religious beliefs and practices shift to new media. These new religious practices were liquiditized as practitioners can select any form and personalize their religious behaviour and practice. 5. Multisite reality: Religious practices and beliefs had varieties in online and offline contexts. Networked religion is further shaped by available apps including WhatsApp wherein followers/devotees are supposed to make a religious group to discuss religious issues including religiosity. The extent of such groups is not limited to online rather actively engaged in offline mode too. When participants are further expanding their network by including new members in the group and use the same for communicates eachothers through social media platforms.

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3.2.2 E-Religion as a ‘Third Space’ “This digital space has been socially created by the users and the technical capacities at the digital to imaging social and cultural configurations beyond existing binaries of the physical versus the virtual and real versus the proximal religious experience” pointed as Helland (2016: 183). Third space is a lived space where activities are found in mundane capacities including religiosity which often propagates/practises through a medium including media. Religious practices in digital media became a part of everyday life. “The spatial metaphor of a third space also allows us to visualize the mobility of everyday religion and explore the dynamic ways in which contemporary subjects imagine, produce and navigate new religious and spiritual places” argued by Helland (2016: 184). Third space can be located between private and public, between institution and individual, and also between authority and individual autonomy. The extent of third space can map in chat rooms, cyber-churches, web pages and discussion sites—conflicts, negotiations, dialogues and mediations. The portal where such contents are available often considered as tertiary space wherein images or videos or audio or texts are religious and spiritual in nature as well as contentious, and sometimes it becomes argumentative, combative, controversial, quarrelsome, prickly, touchy and belligerent (Moinuddin 2021). Such digital space often behaves unlike the spatiality of social lives wherein such incidents of religious discourses are evident in mundane representations and interpretations. The contents on the portal or websites, or apps behave as tertiary space or third space where eagerness and excitement in the program or series are indeed a reason behind such pull of the audience whether for a short time interval or religiosity purposes. The popularity of digital gadgets for religiosity is noticed in both public and private realms when a devotee uses the digital devices for religiosity. However, the spatial landscapes of third space can be measured in both qualitative and quantitative manifestations. For example, e-religiosity is a digital manifestation of rituals that is becoming a new norm among devotees who are supposed to using smartphones or other digital devices for religiosity purposes.

3.2.3 Digital Platforms for Religious Practices Different applications related to religiosity were available on iPhone, iPad, iOS and android devices. “Apps are available for adherents to just about any religious group you can think of and have been developed for a large number of congregations, dioceses, and other religious organizations. Prayer book apps, those for on-the-go spirituality into everyday life, are now extremely popular on various digital platforms” (Chukwuma 2018: 13). The rise of android phones led to religious programmers to create different applications to access their religion on their tips. ‘You Version’ is the popular app of digital Bible for Christian followers. Similarly, ‘Holy Quran’ is too available in apps in both android and iOS formats for readers in all popular global

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languages apart from Arabic language to impart religiosity. The industry provides all such contents in digital variants whether in translation or elementary knowledge of how to read/write along with a dictionary meaning word by word. Some of the apps are providing question-answer options and calling facilities to extend a helping hand to their devotees or followers to discuss the religious issues, if any. Digital media became a platform for renewal and rejuvenation for the religious organizations to reach their followers, seekers and believers. Digital religion forms a new religious authority; for example, Muslims can seek information and are not restricted only to masjids, educational institutions or Imams; rather, they can learn such religious tenets from designated websites or apps from where they can enrich themselves accordingly. The digital media learning process of religion became interactive and can be accessed by anyone. Websites/apps such as MuslimMatters.org and SuhaibWebb.com became popular for anyone to gain information about Islam. People have no reach and understanding about another religion and have desire to know, so they get access to it through social media. Religious institutions in social networking sites provide a sense of connectedness with other members. Of course, it is true that digital gadgets have revolutionized religiosity in terms of non-conventional practices when someone can perform religious taboos without being present in such and such location. The nature of spatiality is changed when augmented spatial version of religiosity replaces the traditional practices. For example, reading Quran without ablution is strictly prohibited in Islam, but nowadays such Qur’anic verses are often read on digital platforms without being bothered that whether he/she did ablution or not. In the past, a non-believer was often hesitant to visit a mosque to consult such religious texts for clarification or other purposes. However, the Internet and social media blurred such boundaries where a non-believer or non-religious person can access such religious texts, images, videos and audio from designated websites, YouTube and social media for e-religiosity.

3.2.4 Rituals of e-Religion Rituals and digital media seem to be different from each other as one seems to be sacred. Digital space is used for the purpose of religious rituals and ritual behaviour or religiosity. Digital media is used as a platform for the practice of rituals beyond the spatial and temporal constraints. “The presentation of media rites can involve the documentation of a ritual remotely observed by either a disinterested or uninterested audience. In these cases, media are used to record the ritual or to disseminate the ritual to people who are neither active, nor inactive participants in the religious practice. For instance, a stranger may watch a video of a baptism on YouTube” (Campbell and Rule 2016: 4). Through online rituals, the disinterested people who don’t perform religious rituals were also facilitated. Online rituals allow the participant to participate remotely in a virtual world. With the shift in online religious rituals, the participant’s location and conducts were also shifted. From the very first time, the online rituals came into being in the

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1990s. “As early as 1997 the Christian Orthodox priest Father John Missing posted an ‘online ritual invitation and instruction’ to the English UseNet” (Heidbrink 2006: 176). The online rituals were more effective than offline rituals. However, situations are not uniform across the world to use digital gadgets for religiosity. For illustration, in India, mosques and religious institutions are neither connected to social media nor have their own independent social media handle or website; rather, they are following conventional methods for daily business including academic curriculum or religious teachings. For illustration, during COVID-19 global pandemic, some section of Godi (leaped or sponsored) media and right-wing politicians blamed Tablighi Jamaat for the spread of COVID-19 in the Delhi, India.1 In other way, we can assume digital platforms as reference point for an individual or organization to disclose their identity or transforming through devices for e-religiosity.

3.2.5 ‘Transfer of Ritual’ in Digital Age Langer et al. (2006: 2) observed that ritual “takes place where one or more aspects of the context of a rite or ritual is changed” and further pointed out that “a ritual is transferred from one context to another”. They assumed that if ritual is transferred then one or more of its contextual aspects is changed and changes in internal dimensions are inevitable. Rituals are embedded into specific cultural surroundings wherein each culture has its own rituals and its way of performativity. They quoted an example of Indian Parsis, who are accustomed to placing their dead in ‘towers of silence’, where the bodies are consumed by birds of prey. When Parsis migrated to London, then they adopted to bury their dead rather than placing them on a tower because such practices were not allowed; therefore, they adopted new rituals for disposing of their dead (2006: 1). Social media played a crucial role in the context setting that led to the change in the rituals dimension. The rituals were performed through digital media where the audience can meet, communicate and perform rituals based on digital participation. However, the traditional way of ritual knowledge depends on conventional requirement like age, sex and ritual’s knowledges, but on the Internet such requirement does not require those things; rather, in contrary, any individual can access and perform their rituals with the help of digital gadgets without compromising. The traditional religious institutions lost their authority during COVID-19 pandemic when lockdown was implemented to minimize the risk of COVID-19 infections. The pandemic gave a chance to digital media to expand their reach among people who did not have much options rather to use as much as digital contents to come across the lockdown sanctions. In other ways, this authority was transferred to the Internet in the performance and the function of rituals. Digital rituals seldom need taboos to be executed; rather, it is allowed without being in the ground zero where religious sacrosanct is 1

For details see, https://countercurrents.org/2020/05/evaluating-digital-outreach-in-mosques-andmadrasas-in-india/. Accessed 22 June 2021.

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situated. For illustration, if anyone wants to visit a temple for prayer but due to some reasons they could not visit the temple, they could perform the same religiosity with the help of a digital device. Of course, rituals are transferable in certain contexts where digital media allows devotees to do rituals like bowing before the screen of the digital gadgets in general and smartphones in specific because digital gadgets are considered as religious sacrosanct. “According to the theory of ‘ritual transfer’ each ritual changes when being transferred to another context or when the context surrounding the ritual is being transformed” (Heidbrink 2006: 179). Rituals often follow the contexts of praying to opt for either offline or online mode of religiosity; of course, it is situational and subject to devotees.

3.2.6 ‘Rituals Online’ and ‘Online Rituals’ Christopher Helland (2016) discussed ‘Rituals Online’ and ‘Online Rituals’ in a sense of active and passive use of digital devices for rituals. In rituals online, the Internet is used to facilitate religious communication to form religious authority, control and status while online religion is a form of participation that creates an interactive environment, for this a chat room, bulletin boards started to evolve. Rituals online is based on ritual prescripts, descriptions, etc., developed on web pages or online chats while online rituals refer to the ritual settings performed in online spaces. The online rituals are reconstructed into the digital setting. That’s how the rituals were transferred from offline settings to digital settings. Rituals online is nowadays an evident on various platforms including Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp. Live telecast on platforms of rituals is inevitable and found in various capacities whether the stages of Hajj from Macca city, Saudi Arabia, or Pope’s sermons from Rome or morning prayers from River Ganges at Varanasi, India. While online rituals supposed to access the rituals without much obligations.

3.2.7 ‘Patchwork Religion’ and ‘Patchwork Ritual’ Digital media is not only institutionalizing religions like Cyber-Churches or CyberMosques rather providing platforms for discussion and self-understanding. Religious traditions come into the form of homepages. These religious homepages were contextualized or termed as ‘Patchwork religion’. “The internet offers a great treasure trove or pool of religious traditions, where individuals can select pieces, combine them, and form their own religious beliefs” (Antweiler 2006: 57). Rituals were a central part of any religion. The ‘Patchwork Rituals’ were also a part of ‘Patchwork of Religion’. Media is used by people to perform religious rituals and rituals behaviour. Religious institutions extend the religious rituals through online mediums, so that people could participate from anywhere. The Internet presents as a ritual space that offers authentic ritual activity. “In these, participants use an avatar or imagined presence to

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engage others in an online space such as second life. These ritual spaces can be seen to serve as an extension of offline sacred spaces or as an environment for the construction of distinctively online ritual spaces” (Campbell and Rule 2016: 4). The practice of rituals begins in an online medium by facilitating and preparing the virtual space for religions. Religious adherents construct digital worship space to facilitate the worship or religiosity or to complement traditional religious experiences. “Tibetan Buddhists were the first major world religion to consecrate the Internet as a sacramental space and to recreate traditional religious practice in a virtual space. In 1996, Tibetan monks performed a ritual to bless the Internet for use in religious practices. Similarly, techno-pagans consecrate websites and Tumblr blogs for use as digital altars” (Campbell and Rule 2016: 6).

3.2.8 Emergence of ‘Virtual Communities’ First online religious discussion begins from the platform of Usenet. Religion is practised through these virtual communities that emerge as cyber-churches, cybermosques and online prayers. The Internet became a platform where online religion flourished. Religious institutions created these virtual communities to gather believers online and practise that religion that was constructed on the Internet. The life of those virtual groups is different from that of offline religious practices. These communities were also involved in forming relationships and emerged as a new kind of social space for interaction. Religious community forms when groups of the same religion and common characteristics come together in an online medium to practice and motivate the other people. Cyber-Churches are different in their features. Cyber-Church is an extension of spaces in the media when a specific set-up for religiosity was designed to enjoy the real-time religious experiences. All the religious elements were put through systematically in the media (websites) that a practitioner can avail all such digital texts of worship which are likely to be found in the chapel. For illustration, devotees can access their religious tourism in the given websites (https://epuja.co.in/about-us.php) which provide all possible religious destinations in India.

3.2.9 ‘Online’ and ‘Offline’ Religious Communities Offline religious organizations were being challenged by the so-called digital religious communities. Religious organizations created their own online religious versions such as GodTube.com (Christian version) and MillatFcaebook.com (Muslim version) on YouTube and Facebook to tackle such challenges by the digital religious communities. These services were duplicate as that of offline versions on social media. Clergymen used digital media to reach out to people and to build Catholic community. Virtual world emerged as a second life where new forms of religion

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engaged and built communities. Religious environment is constructed in this virtual environment. The virtual space transformed the religious traditional practices and invention of new artefacts. Through this, the virtual rituals transformed and replicated the offline rituals. Virtual Church or Virtual Temple can be considered as the supplement to the physical Church or Temple. Studies on digital religion analyse that there is a larger shift in online culture that led to the shifts in religious culture as well. There is a growth of religious communities and organizations online. Religious communities shape the technological platforms as per their values, their pattern, and their beliefs and practices. Some communities forbid the use of the Internet as it is being considered as a secular place. Chabad-an Ultra-Orthodox Jewish movement justified the use of the Internet as they said that all the things created in this world were considered to be used for the holy or religious purpose. For that reason, the religious communities were linked to the Internet to explain beliefs and religious teachings to others. The Internet and religion had a complex relationship. According to the Pew research, around 79% of Americans found active in Internet-based religious groups compared to around 75% avoid; nearby 75% of Americans preferred email for religiosity compared to 68 per cent avoid email for religious activity (Campbell and Vitullo 2016). The Internet has become an integral part of everyday life. It could not remain a separated space but integrated into the practice of religious culture. Both the Internet and religion have direct effects on each other. The social implication of practising online religion is the construction of virtual communities and religious authorities in a wider culture that is transnational in both nature and characteristics.

3.2.10 Digital Hajj: The Pilgrimage of Muslims The city of Mecca and Medina, Saudi Arabia, is the pilgrimage centre for Muslim where there was greatest mass gathering every year to perform Hajj. The pilgrimage’s ritual is known as Hajj which is also known as one of the pillars of the five pillars mentioned in the Islamic belief. Pilgrimage to Mecca is also represented through online in different forms: online hajj-a kind of virtual tutorial package that provide all instructions including how to visit Mecca and perform rituals around the Mecca at different locations. Different websites have been created to provide information regarding this nowadays. “A noteworthy example of this type of website is hajjahinformation.com, a site that ranks in the top ten results in a google query against the search word’Hajj’. This website is a particularly clear instance of what could be termed as the organizational or quasi-official face of the pilgrimage to Mecca, in that it constituted the official online presence of the 1962- created Saudi Ministry of Hajj, based in Riyadh (Saudi Arabia). Offering its content both in English and French, the website of the Ministry of Hajj is apparently specifically designed to provide comprehensive online information services on various aspects of the Meccan pilgrimage” (Schlosser 2013: 192). The official website of the Saudi Ministry of Hajj has all the information about

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the various stages of pilgrimage to Mecca and various rituals and practices. It also provides a section of queries like how to travel to Saudi Arabia, weather conditions and so on. There was also a list of Hajj travel agencies from all over the world.

3.2.11 Pilgrimage Activities in Cyberspace Some websites provide a virtual visit for extended part of the religiosity. For example, Princeton.edu (2012) is a website which provides a clickable diagram of routes and stages of annual Hajj. This site provides a pictorial representation of each and every stage of practices, rituals and prayers performed in annual Pilgrimage during Hajj. “In comparison, a slightly more enticingly designed version of a Cyber Hajj is offered on a section of the websites of the US television Public Broadcasting Service Channel (PBS 2012)” (Schlosser 2013: 193). These web pages provide a digital participation to its audience and provide descriptions of different phases of the Hajj. The pilgrimage to Mecca on the Internet featured a virtual environment that is called a second life. This program was launched by San Francisco-based Linden Lab in 2003. This program constitutes users that are called ‘residents’. These users interact and communicate through a graphical representation of them. “The current online recreation of the Grand Mosque in Mecca (al-masjid al-haram) along with the major Hajj locations (second life 2012), which had at least one precursor, was released in November 2009 by the Media Development Association” (Schlosser 2013: 196). OnIslam.net is an Islamic-related Arabic/English web portal. This website, like others, gives an understanding about the pilgrimage to Mecca, so that they minimize their mistakes in reality. These sites provide information to non-Muslims as well, who are interested in knowing and understanding the major rituals of the Hajj. Since digital gadgets became helpful units that implicitly helped devotees to practices about the different stages of Hajj or we can say indirectly such technology is promoting religiosity.

3.2.12 Live Dua (Supplication) on Facebook The live Dua or prayers are nowadays a regular feature on Facebook pages when a cleric or other person is doing such rituals to fulfil the extended part of religious obligations. Such practices among Muslims in India have become a regular feature during the lockdown of global pandemic COVID-19 when no one was allowed to visit religious places. The custodian of religious sanctity used Facebook live Dua from Nizamuddin Dargah of Ajmer Dargah wherein a lengthy Dua made for humanity and global peace. For example, on Facebook, there is page in the name of ‘Dargah Nizamuddin Aulia’ where the owner of that page make lived during specific Dua time or specific day (e.g. Friday, when Muslims do mass congregations) to extend virtual

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presence in the Dargah of all devotees who are following him on the Facebook.2 Sometimes such Dua became so emotional when the clerics started weeping (whether deliberately or not), but such tactics often play an imprint upon followers and devotees that how devotedly the person is doing Dua. Of course, the hidden intention was to take money from followers or devotees (in terms of charity that offered him in lieu of such religious service). Anyway, Facebook’s feature enables people to enjoy such a feature of religious practices and it is shaping and reshaping the mode of rituals along with religiosity. From Mecca, live tawaf (moving around) from Haram Sharif (Mecca Mosque) on Facebook page name ‘Haramain Servants’ (servants of Haram Mosque, Mecca).3 Such religious practices are growing with the help of the Internet and digital technologies. These features are attracting many from inter- and intra-religious groups to provide religious services to their followers.

3.3 E-Puja Services E-religiosity is seldom restricted to one religion and rather precipitates across all the major religious sects in both developed and developing countries. E-Puja is a kind of innovation to provide religious services to their fellow devotees.4 Such digital experimentation is in full swing when a number of religious websites and pages are opening everyday across the social media platforms primarily on Facebook, YouTube and Instagram. For illustration, e-Puja services or religiosity can be viewed in detail (https://epuja.co.in/about-us.php) to examine the online religious services. The website claimed to be the first online portal that is facilitating the e-religiosity services including live puja from thirty-six hundred temples in India. The website further claimed to be genuine and propagating religious services irrespective of locality, region and nationalism in India. Everyone should have well verses with their own cultural and religious identities in the past, claimed by the website. The portal further claimed to enrich religious accreditations among devotees through path of divinity and online facilities. The website is named as e-Puja: seek, discover and get blessed wherein details are shared as a religious portal to serve the need of time particularly who are unable to move physically or youths should learn the rituals in daily manners and for what purposes. The websites welcome through a number of blurbs of religious services in 2

For details, see, http://www.nizamuddinaulia.org/. Accessed 7 Nov 2021. Note: There are a number of Facebook pages in the name of Dargah Nizamuddin with different connotations, but none of them is verified Facebook account till date while every page has own claim/disclaimer and asking for charity/endowments or else services if they wish for specific Fateha (praise) or organize a special dua (congregation) for mortal and immortal growth and success. Henceforth, these online services mushroomed after lockdown during COVID-19 pandemic, when people were restricted to being bless physically at Dargah due to lockdown guidelines. Digital/media platforms enabled religiosity at the palm when through a finger click anyone can access the rituals or religiosity at best. 3 For details, see, https://www.facebook.com/HaramainServants. Accessed 7 Nov 2021. 4 For details, see, https://epuja.co.in/about-us.php. Accessed 5 Nov 2021.

3.3 E-Puja Services

55

different capacities that devotees can look for. The home page of the website gives full details of different puja ceremonies with price tag along with concessions price if they are opting for some puja ceremony or particular puja in order to ease their issue. The devotees only need to visit the website and choose the religious services that they are wishing for. The opted religiosity will be done after paying the mentioned price. Both the devotee and admin of the website are fulfilling the aspirations of religiosity through digital devices.

3.3.1 Mapping Contours of e-Puja There are a number of e-Puja offered through online portal services (https://epuja. co.in/about-us.php). The mentioned e-Puja can be categorized in both personal and professional capacities. The mentioned e-Pujas are general in nature while particular in purposes among devotees. The websites tried to contain almost common ruptures and discontinuities in daily lives that a common person can seek religious solutions through. Dosha Puja (remedy puja) (Appendix A) is a kind of miscellaneous issue which is not common and can be cured along with a number of other issues. These are extended forms of religiosity when someone needs such extra solace to improve their daily lives. However, these pujas are often considered as religious business to earn from religiosity in lieu of digital appropriateness. No one can deny the role of digitalization that is inevitable and consumable around spatiality in mundane shape and shades. Health issues are another available online remedy when patients get irritated from medical/medication procedures; therefore, in certain cases, some people opt to follow some religiosity to get rid from lengthiest and costliest medical procedures. The websites also claimed combo offers when a devotee can choose so many pujas altogether; in that case, devotees may get some monetary benefits or relaxations, or in other ways, it is easy to remove all issues altogether rather choose one by one. Now, it’s up to a devotee how and to what extent they are supposed to follow the same that is only away from finger click distance. These pujas are not merely a puja in a religious sense or rituals rather a social, cultural, political and economic issues found across the societies and therefore, need their solutions, but social institutions often scape from their responsibilities and, as of result such social issues, pop up in psychological manifestations or reflect institutional failures in a broader scale.

3.3.2 Mapping Havans (Homams) Havans is a kind of ritual that a devotee is opting after being suggested by priests to cease their problems, if any. Havana is practised since years to keep off social, health

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and economic issues. The website (https://epuja.co.in/about-us.php) mentioned lists of Havans to be performed online after paying stipulated charges; however, the services include some Prasadam (sweets) and Video DVD; therefore, you can believe that Havans has been performed on your behalf (Appendix B). The contours of Havans include number of specific issues that are often considered as common among devotees or can be categorized as personal and professional; mortal and immortal. The length of religiosity is not restricted to consummate few religious images, video, audio and verses/hymns rather assist in day-to-day rituals. Rituals are often considered as core values, or on the other hand, without rituals, religiosity is unlike hanging without soul and faiths. Digital devices are enabling religious services in the doorstep and away from a click that anyone can access these rituals to absolve their issues, if any. A devotee can choose a number of rituals on their behalf to get blessed without being present in the premise. These religious services are attractive for two reasons: first, saving time from journeys and second, keeping away from unnecessary hurdles during their journey. Havnas, e-Puja and temple tourism are part and parcel of e-religiosity when rituals can be performed without being at ground zero. Digital technologies and the Internet enable devotees to fulfil their religiosity without being in the sacrosanct area.

3.4 Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) DSGMC is an autonomous organization; its headquartered is located at Gurdwara Rakab Ganj Sahib, New Delhi, which runs a number of charitable institutions including educational, hospitals and libraries. DSGMC is validated by Delhi Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1971 (in India). DSGMC is about to managed Gurdwara in the city and take decision in this concern whatsoever.5 DSGMC’s website gives all details of Sangat (religious) services including audio and video services from Gurdwara Bangla Sahib and Gurdwara Sis Ganj Sahib, respectively. However, the website did not provide any totem services unlike Hindu temples (https://epuja.co.in/about-us.php) are claimed in the name of religiosity; rather, anyone can approach them to get certificates of minorities or to get admission in the Sikh-run minority educational institutions. The website eloquently gives the name of donors which is absent in other religious institutions in the name rituals. The website imparts live programs of Ardass (teaching of Sikh Gurus) wherein recitations of the teachings of Sikh Gurus can be discernible in both audio and video formats. More or less religious groups are appropriating digital devices to propagate religiosity through contents including live programs. However, some of the religious organizations are using the same for earning in lieu of rituals and solace services. As we are moving towards the digital world when thinking without digital gadgets, the Internet is unlike insane. Religiosity has taken a digital turn. Digital spaces are 5

For details, see, https://www.dsgmc.in. Accessed 9 Nov 2021.

Appendix A: E-Puja

57

becoming hubs of experimentation including religiosity that is noticed over a period of the time. The traditional religiosity practices have been challenged from new forms of e-religiosity. Religious institutions, mainly churches, make good digital media strategies to connect with their followers and believers. In the digital age, the majority of people are spending a lot of their time on virtual spaces. It has likely become a religious space for performing their religious practices on their own conditions and desires. Social networking sites became the primary source, or in other way, it is like to encourage those who are seeking religious services with a finger click. The further growth in e-religiosity is inevitable and evident. All forms and functions of different religious rituals are shaping and reshaping e-religiosity. Traditional religious institutions and religious leaders are gradually migrating towards digital platforms for optimizing the rituals, customs, traditions and taboos through devices. The succeeding chapter is about the digital nature of screenscapes in a sense of digital spatiality and how screens are negotiating e-religiosity in daily practices.

Appendix A: E-Puja S. No

E-Puja

Remarks

1

Remedy Puja/Dosha Pujas

Online available

2

Relief from Illness/Health problems

Online available

3

Property/Legal problem/Court cases

Online available

4

Remedy Pujas for Navagraha Dosham

Online available

5

Sarna Dosha Pujas

Online available

6

Wealth & Prosperity/Clear loans & Debts

Online available

7

Pregnancy/to conceive/Beget children

Online available

8

Early Marriage/Remove wedding obstacles

Online available

9

Relief from Black Magic/Vasheekaranam

Online available

10

Jobs/Promotion/Better career prospects

Online available

11

Puja for Knowledge/Education

Online available

12

One Year Nithya Pujas/Shashwatha Pujas

Online available

13

Minor goals & Upadevathas

Online available

14

Combo Puja offers & Puja packages

Online available

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3 Digital Facets of e-Religiosity

Appendix B: E-Puja S. No

Havans (Homams)

Charges (INR)

1

MAHAGANAPATHY HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Removing Obstacles (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

2

NAVAGRAHA SHANTHI HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Removing Obstacles (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

3

SARVA DOSHA NIVARANA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For All Doshas (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

4

MAHA SUDARSHANA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Jobs, Promotion & Better Career Prospects (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

5

SRI SUKTHA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Jobs, Promotion & Better Career Prospects (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

6

SURYA BHAGAVAN ADITYA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Jobs, Promotion & Better Career Prospects (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

7

SWAYAMVARA PARVATHY HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Early Marriage & Removing Wedding Obstacles (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

8

NAVAGRAHA SHANTHI HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Early Marriage & Removing Wedding Obstacles (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

9

PUTHRA KAMESHTI SANTHANA GOPALA Homam/Havan For Pregnancy, To Conceive & Beget Children (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

10

SURYA BHAGAVAN ADITYA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Pregnancy, To Conceive & Beget Children (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

11

SARASWATHI DEVI HOMAM/HAVAN 12501/ Homam/Havan For Knowlede & Education (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12

MRUTHA SANJEEVINI MAHA MRUTHYUNJAYA HOMA… Homam/Havan For Critical Illness (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

13

SRI MAHALAKSHMI HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Wealth & Prosperity (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

14

NARASIMHA SWAMY HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Legal Problems, Court Cases & Litigations (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

15

MAHA SUDHARSHANA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Black Magic, Vasheekaranam & Evil Spirits (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

(continued)

References

59

(continued) S. No

Havans (Homams)

Charges (INR)

16

AVAHANTHI HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Lifelong Food Security (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

12501/

17

PURVA JANMA PAAPA PARIHARA PUJA Homam/Havan For Relief From Sins Of Previous Birth (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

27501/

18

MAHA RUDRA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Black Magic, Vasheekaranam & Evil Spirits (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

27501/

19

SARVA DOSHA NIVARANA HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For All Doshas (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

27501/

20

BHUMI DEVI VARAHA SWAMY HOMAM/HAVAN 12501/ Homam/Havan For Property & Real Estate (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

21

MAHA PRATHIYANKARA DEVI HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Black Magic, Vasheekaranam & Evil Spirits (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

62101/

22

MAHA CHANDI HOMAM/HAVAN Homam/Havan For Black Magic, Vasheekaranam & Evil Spirits (Prasadam & Video DVD Included)

62101/

References Antweiler K (2006) Ritual is becoming digitised. Introduction to the special issue on Rituals on the Internet. Online – Heidelberg J Relig Internet 2(1). https://doi.org/10.11588/rel.2006.1.372. Accessed 10 July 2020 Campbell HA (2017) Surveying theoretical approaches within digital religion studies. New Media Soc 19(1):15–24 Campbell H, Rule F (2016) The practice of digital religion. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-65808460-8_38-1. Accessed 16 July 2020 Campbell HA, Vitullo A (2016) Assessing changes in the study of religious communities in digital religion studies. Church Commun Cult 1(1):73–89. https://doi.org/10.1080/23753234.2016.118 1301.Accessed4july2021 Chukwuma O (2018) An exploratory analysis of religious communication and practices in the era of digital communication platforms. Int J Inf Technol Insights Transform 2:8–21 Heidbrink S (2006) Exploring the religious frameworks of the digital realm: offline-online-offline transfers of ritual performance. J Law Technol 1(2). Masaryk University. http://www.digitalis lam.eu/article.do?articleId=1703. Accessed 10 July 2020. Helland C (2016) Digital religion. In: Yamane D (ed) Handbook of religion and society. Springer International Publishing, Switzerland, pp 177–196 Hjarvard S (2008) The mediatisation of religion: a theory of the media as agents of religious change. North Light Film Media Stud Yearb 6:9–21. https://is.cuni.cz/studium/predmety/index.php?do= download&did=158204&kod=JSB080. Accessed 12 July 2020

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Hoover S (2015) The Third spaces of digital religion. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.1.3315.4641. Accessed 12 July 2020 Langer R et al (2006) Transfer of rituals. J Ritual Stud 20(1):1–10 McClure P (2017) Tinkering with technology and religion in the digital age: the effects of internet use on religious belief, behavior, and belonging. J Sci Study Relig. https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr. 12365. Accessed 12 July 2020 Moinuddin S (2021) Social media and digital shutdowns: spatiality, political economy and internet shutdowns in india. Springer, Cham/Switzerland Schlosser D (2013) Digital hajj: the pilgrimage to Mecca in Muslim cyberspace and the issue of religious online authority. Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 25:189–203. https://doi.org/10. 30674/scripta.67440. Accessed 10 July 2020 Wellman B (2001) Computer networks as social networks. Science, New Series 293(5537):2031– 2034

Chapter 4

Cartographies of Screenscapes

Abstract E-religiosity can be understood in the perceptions of spatial. Spatial is a way to study social, cultural, political and religious and many more in the sense of distributions, representations, and characteristics. E-religiosity can be understood in the conceptions of space and place as well. Digital spatiality inhabits the perceptions of space and place in digital manifestations and such conceptions are evident in the sense of screenscapes in the digital age. E-religiosity is unlike other cultural traits that can be practised with the help of smartphones or other communication devices even without being in the sacrosanct space/place. Keywords Screenscape · E-Religiosity · Digital spatiality · Space · Place

4.1 Introduction: Cartographies of e-Religiosity Religiosity is neither restricted to household chores nor confined to walls of religious sects whether Mosque, Temple, Church and Gurdwara and so on. Religiosity is witnessed from the first day of human appearance when the story of Adam and Eve read differently in different religious texts where laid instructions were ensured to practices of religiosity, however, the nature of religiosity is changing since its inception. The nature of religiosity is dynamic in certain ways within folds of said rituals and customary practices but it would remain unchanged and constant without any diversification and divulgence. In fact, we all are part and parcel of some religiosity that we have been practising since childhood under cultural and religious obligations and mandatory in all universal religions. Religiosity connoted by manual practices in the perceptions of rituals, taboos and customs that are mandatory to perform the same without much diversion. The spatial dichotomy of space and place is evident in the folds of religiosity. Religiosity remains the core subject across the social sciences to study how and to what extent religiosity influences human civilization. Sociologists took front stage to study the same in vivid folds to understand social dynamism and moral sanctity of the religiosity in and around the devotees how did religiosity work? Political scientists map the political consequences of religiosity in the governance, policy and political activities. Meanwhile, right-wing political influences were noted in the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_4

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religiosity for political reasons. Both the northern and southern hemisphere experiences the emergence of right-wing political blocks that include India, USA, Poland, Brazil, Hungary and Turkey in the early second decades of the twenty-first-century world. Anthropologists dig the lithosphere and are supposed to map other anthropogenic activities to prepare a sequence of connoted practices that inherits the same values, ethos, belief, sacredness and rituals. Geographers are supposed to map the number of followers to sketch their spatial distributions and patterns to understand social, cultural and religious trajectories. Meanwhile, technological determinism has changed the old-age practices of religiosity and its associated features. Digital influences are a new domain and it cannot be set aside rather it is better for geographers to explore the digital spatiality in the digital age. E-religiosity is a digital turn in the religiosity that comprises rituals, customs, taboos and communities in pixel shape and size. Religiosity took advantage of technical determinism and digital innovations and is known by practices in the past and even at present it is by practice in the same way unlike in the past. The practice of rituals and customs is slightly changed in the digital age. The extent of the digital age can be considered from the early twenty-first century onwards when screen-based communication devices were socialized. Digital devices have been using for religiosity. Digital devices are a new genre of technology which are easy to use and operate. E-religiosity is an extension of customized digital features in the practice of religiosity with an impression of serving rituals and customs through devices. Digital spatiality can be mapped in continuum of space and place manifestations when the same screen where images, texts, audio, video and verses/hymns appeared can behave as space or place. The spatial manifestations indicate the proximity, familiarity and comfortability that how users perceived and conceived the same religious contents from social media platforms. E-religiosity is different from manual religious practices in two ways: first, religiosity is assisted by technology driven image(s) and texts in terms of pixels. Second, flexible in the sense of spatio-temporal mapping when devotees can practice religiosity without being at the sacrosanct landscapes in a stipulated time framework. Digital devices have changed the facets of religiosity when someone can practice the same whenever and wherever they wish to observe. These digital devices are equipped with the Internet which create networks having different contents what devotees are supposed to use accordingly. These devices can be used in both online and offline mode. Online religiosity facilitates the Internet-based contents from different social media platforms (YouTube, Islam 360 and others) while offline religiosity provides the saved contents for religiosity purposes. We cannot deny the role of digital gadgets in our daily lives. We all are using smartphones and laptops for different purposes. E-religiosity can be instrumental in a vivid sense in the twentieth-first-century world. There are seven potential reasons that give e-religiosity a new dimension in the practice of rituals without compromising spatio-temporal suppression. First, it is time-saving practice to do religiosity by through device; second, to manage daily routine of religiosity without any delay and overlapping along with other engagements; third, to overcome on stress, anxieties and frustration caused by daily affairs in terms of globalization, privatization and liberalization; fourth, creation of religious

4.2 Cartographies Model of Digital Gadgets

63

identity in mundane representations; fifth, political economy of religious contents and religiosity that is inevitable across the spatiality in both developed and developing societies; sixth, featuring radicalization process in the politics, society and religions and; seventh, can explore the different dimensions of religiosity on social media platforms in shape of audio, video and textual and images.

4.2 Cartographies Model of Digital Gadgets E-religiosity and digital gadgets are spatial too. For illustration, to understand the spatial dimension of the digital gadgets model (Fig. 4.1). Unlike X–Y coordinates, consider four social media apps (Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram and YouTube) to locate the space and place continuum in different manifestations. I preferred to sketch the model by using the available draw options on Microsoft word. Although lines are not drawn linearly, it can be understood as linear that shows four coordinates. Space and place along with religiosity in dual combination is inseparable which I am considering social media platforms through religiosity or e-religiosity purposes. Four social media apps are considered: because popular across the users for chatting, video/audio communication in different capacities; irrespective of caste, class, education, profession, gender and religions.1 The intention of this model is to create space and place dichotomy across the social media platforms to understand the spatial extents in the digital spatiality. When the same screen behaves as space while in other combinations the same will behave as place, too. In short, dichotomy can be understood as part of the same coin in two different spatial manifestations of space and place that is inevitable in the digital age. Digital spatiality is a new added dimension in the imagination of spatial extents. Our e-religiosity initially starts with these four social media platforms and includes many more media platforms to prescience more along with print, electronic and visual media platforms. Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube and Instagram behave as both space and place in different manifestations. The dichotomy of space and place often visualizes in our daily activities. The above model depicts coordinates of social media apps for e-religiosity wherein digital spatiality can be understood in a sense of spatial distribution and pattern (P = Place, S = Space, R = e-Religiosity, F = Facebook, W = WhatsApp, I = Instagram and Y = YouTube). The spatial manifestations of e-religiosity can be understood in a perception of place and space respectively. E-religiosity (R) = Y > I > F > W (in Place combination),

1

For details, see, https://www.webhopers.com/top-10-social-media-sites. Accessed 23 Nov 2021. Note: these apps are ranked according to their business and revenue generation. I considered them user friendly and to visualize religious images, texts, audio, video, chatting, comments and share.

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4 Cartographies of Screenscapes

Fig. 4.1 Cartographies model of digital gadgets

For e-religiosity: Y is more pertinent than I and I is better than F and F is better than W. E-Religiosity (R) = W > F > I > Y (in Space combination). For e-religiosity: W is more pertinent than F and F is better than I and I is better than Y. There are four spatial imaginations occurring in each coordinate and each considered social media have four different combinations in terms of place and space occurrence during e-religiosity practices (Table 4.1). However, in case of P&S or S&P or S&S combinations, the chance of awareness about shown religious contents is either little familiar or completely unaware about it. Therefore, P&P is the only combination wherein users can promote or practice their rituals through digital gadgets. In other words, only a few sections whose numbers are based on their proportion may use e-religiosity to flaunt whether for identity

4.2 Cartographies Model of Digital Gadgets

65

Table 4.1 Digital spatiality order Order

Facebook

Instagram

WhatsApp

YouTube

1st

P&S

S&S

S&P

P&P

2nd

S&P

P&P

P&S

S&S

3rd

P&P

S&P

S&S

S&P

4th

S&S

S&P

P&P

S&P

R = e-religiosity-constant and attached in each space and place combinations Note = P&P is the only possible comination that shows e-religiosity in the available combinations. While rest three combinations are showing the e-religiosity too but not as much as in compare to P&P combination or it is an extent of ruptures and discontinuities in the making of religiosity that may cause social disharmony or in else odd setup when other’s religion is become problematic in certain ways—will paved other actors to misuse this three combinations against spatiality including political disorder. For, e.g., in these three (except P&P conditions) conditions when religious images, audio, video and verses/hymns appeared are assumed as uncomfortable it means the appeared religious contents is not relevant to the users because the contents belong to others (other religions), therefore in that contexts there is only one chance or combinations that may attracts or get respectable and comfortable because users belong to same religion

Table 4.2 Social media vulnerable order Social media

Orders

YouTube

1st

Instagram

2nd

Facebook

3rd

WhatsApp

4th

Orders are based on Table 1

purposes or to solemnized rituals, celebrations, taboos and traditions virtually. On the following basis, we can create a social media vulnerable order to map the contentious exposure in terms of digital vulnerability which can cause or reason behind spatial discomfort (Table 4.2). Based on order, YouTube followed by Instagram, Facebook and WhatsApp may be opted for e-religiosity that can be helpful in varied combinations of digital spatiality that is inevitable in the digital age. Interestingly, we may create a number of such orders in different combinations in terms of space and place. In other interpretations based on scale, we can create 0 to 4 scale wherein nearest to 0 may be less harmful, particularly in terms of e-religiosity. In other words, WhatsApp and Facebook are vulnerable in terms of e-religiosity and can cause spatial disharmony in comparison with Instagram and YouTube (according to above space and place combinations). The meaning of space is often considered and discussed as of explorations or centrifugal orientation when there is scope for negotiation, consideration and interpretations within spatial contexts. The social media functions in variegated forms and representations to include infotainments, entertainments, news, sports, games, movies, videos, politics, social and

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many others. Each segment has a particular subject and is made objectively but almost all dimensions are common in such a way that all are nearby to display spatiality in its representation. Social media is a house of infinite information and each available content serves a peculiar purpose whether entertainments or infotainments or misinformation or disinformation. For instance, the nature of Facebook or Instagram or YouTube or WhatsApp is all about entertaining in various capacities including ereligiosity. Facebook depicts spatiality whereas viewers can easily perceive the same in a dual sense. When audiences were not aware of such shared religious images or texts or verses/hymns, in such cases, the user may explore spatiality further. The cognitive imagination of users would then shape the spatiality further in terms of what they enjoyed, when they would imagine to have been blessed after seeing religious contents. The same spatiality behaved differently when audiences were unacquainted and unaware with such religious spatiality in dual spatial order. In other ways, the shown religious spatiality creates a perception among the audience whether the place is secluded or familiar. Similarly, Instagram too creates discourses in dual perceptions whether space or place. If audiences are familiar with such spatiality on platforms that they would have been there, in that case, it can map as a place wherein familiarity of such spatiality gives a sense of acquaintances. However, the same spatiality would behave differently in cognitive imagination when audiences were not familiar with such spatiality. The unfamiliar religious spatiality may look strange, weird, foreign, alien, different, mysterious and exotic. The contents on Instagram or Facebook or YouTube or WhatsApp are extensions of digital spatiality. For illustration, the religious noise or religious sound can be perceived in social media in terms of simulation spatiality where unaware or unusual can shape through cognitive mappings as per the level of grasp or to understand the same aesthetically and epistemologically. The contents across social media can be easily mapped either in terms of space or place, depending upon how they have been perceived or viewed. Therefore, being a user we often encountered a number of religious images, texts, verses/hymns, audio and video across social media platforms and perceived them accordingly to the level of our understanding. If we belong to the same religious sects, we perceive the same contents respectively while for other religious contents that would not perceive such feeling, respect what we often give to known religious contents (Moinuddin 2021a). Screen of the gadgets behaves as space and place apparently and instrumental in terms of perceived and conceived the imagination of digital spatiality.

4.3 Screenscapes of Digital Gadgets Screen is an inseparable part of any digital gadgets in general and smartphones in specific. Screen gives first glimpses of functional modalities as well as aesthetics. How can we perceive or conceive screens of any gadgets? How and to what extent can be perceived or conceived in spatial imagination? How can a screen be a lived space? What do screenscapes comprise? How and in what ways screenscapes are different from landscapes or else ‘scapes’ in varied spatial manifestations?

4.3 Screenscapes of Digital Gadgets

67

Appadurai (1996) recognizes ‘scapes’ for the communication flow as structure through virtualization and globalization process wherein he infers five categories of ‘scapes’, viz., ‘mediascapes’, ‘ethnoscapes’, ‘technoscapes’, ‘financescapes’ and ideoscapes’. In that sequence, I am adding screenscapes (Fig. 2.2) to map the communication flow structure with the help of screens in the digital age. Screen consists of a hard glass. Unlike traditional glass sheets, the glass used in smartphones is often aluminosilicate glass, popularly known as Gorilla Glass is designed to resist shattering and scratching, even when dropped onto a hard floor or struck directly. However, the bottom layer is made of glass and the top layer is made of plastic film. The plastic and glass film are each covered with a grid of electrical conductors. These can be fine metal wires, but more often they are made of a thin film of transparent conductor material which emits lights. Nowadays almost all gadgets have touch screens. Touch screens are made up of multiple layers of plastic and glass coated with a conductor material called indium which is highly conductive and transparent. Indium responds when contacted by another electrical conductor like our fingers. By finger click screen serves ‘scapes’ in vivid representations and interpretations or in short, screen behaves as primary, secondary and tertiary space in different spatial imaginations (Moinuddin 2021b). The screen represents a place in spatial imaginations wherein we experience screens in varied configurations. Screen looks like black opaque spatiality that is condensed and complex in its structure until it has a clue to open the same screen. Screen is important in the construction of digital spatiality and the first step from which the user can go ahead in order to unlock the screen by either password or pattern or other sensorial functions. In case of, prescience of password or pattern or other sensorial functions will shape the screen of smartphones or laptop/desktop or iPad to behave as place while in case of unavailable password or forget pattern or in absence of any clue for sensorial functions the same screen will behave as space. The sense of place will give you a familiarity and comfortability while the user may be in disillusion or unaware or bewildering in the imagination of space. Henceforth, without touching the screen it is not possible to map the digital spatiality. Screen space can be likened to the “first space” (Soja 1996) or “spatial practice” or “perceived space” (Lefebvre 1991) or primary space. Therefore, to map digital spatiality, a smartphone or laptop/desktop or iPad is needed first, and then the required app—whether downloaded or installed in the instrument. The screen behaves as the “first space” or primary space that is unlike physical spatiality wherein physical features are located. Primary space can be mapped in varied spatial imaginations including in sense of existence, life, presence, animation, person, individual, mortal, life form, living, self, mind, essence, spirit, core, heart, body, nature, personality, consciousness, standing, staying, subsisting, coexisting, occurring, transpiring, sensing, ensuing, live, alive, be real, serenity, remaining and attachment and many more. Primary space gives a chance to the users to create a sense of spatial imaginations that will be completely different from secondary space. Apps can be accessible when the screen is unlocked. In spatial imagination, app serves as the secondary space or “conceived space” or apps space or the “second space” (Soja 1996) or the “representation of space” (Lefebvre

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1991) in digital manifestations when perceptions shape the spatiality in terms of materialism and technological determinism. Secondary space can be mapped as ingenuity, creativity, vision, inspiration, inventiveness, mind, thinking, thoughts, dreams and invention in spatial manifestations and imaginations. Apps (as per choice for religiosity) can be considered as secondary space wherein an user can divulge them further purposefully including for e-religiosity. So in that case, Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram and YouTube and so on become “lived space” (Lefebvre 1991) or “third space” (Soja 1996) or tertiary space in spatial imaginations in sense of apparent contents (including e-religiosity) (Fig. 4.2). Digital spatiality is all about digital features including primary space, secondary space and tertiary space. Tertiary space can be mapped as survived, struggled, breathed, stayed, dwelt, inhabited, settled, abided, occupied and religious in spatial imaginations. The user is not merely viewing the contents on desired apps rather parallelly they are shaping and reshaping a spatiality in mundane representations and interpretations along with the contents.

4.4 Spatial Mapping of e-Religiosity Digital religious practices are evident among the Internet users who use digital gadgets in vivid ways. E-religiosity is unlike digital phenomena that inherit spaces of media and places in media in various representations and interpretations. The religious portrayals across websites or on designated apps are an example of spaces of media when religious taboos and practices or customs were designated as of realtime values. Adams (2009) argued four perspectives of communication: ‘media in space’, ‘spaces in media’, ‘place in media’ and ‘media in places’. The spatial manifestations change every time after a few moments or we can say it is quite dynamic in nature and pattern. The extent of this book is to understand the nature of religiosity in terms of e-religiosity, and the second important question is to fix the extent of spatial manifestations being a geographer. The spatial manifestations of religiosity can be mapped in four different conceptions: religiosity in space, spaces in religiosity, places in religiosity and religiosity in place.

4.4.1 Religiosity in space It can be understood in terms of infrastructures, organizations, setups, foundations, arrangements, communications, broadcastings, telecommunications and groundworks that are inevitable for religions to establish in the landscape, location, region and territory. Religions need a religious centre for congregational purposes and networks of people who can run and support such religious centres or organizations. The religious structures may be known by their specific names-Church, Mosque (Masjid), Temple, Gurudwara and so on. For, e.g., India has 330 million census

4.4 Spatial Mapping of e-Religiosity

Fig. 4.2 Screenscapes of social medisphere

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Graph 4.1 India’s adult population by religion. Note Based on adults ages 18 and above (excluding Andaman and Nicobar and Lakshadweep). Source Census of India, 2011

houses and majority of them around 216 million were simply residences. In India there are around 3.01 million worship places than 2.1 million schools and colleges.2 A new human settlement cannot live without religious infrastructures though it might lack sanitation, electricity, school, primary health centres in the country. Religious sites are often based on sects, communities, castes and religions. Religious infrastructures are built by charity or endowments so it is often visible across the settlements in both rural and urban areas. The population of adults (18 and above ages) by religion wise in India (Graph 4.1).3 India is the house of many religions and can be categorized broadly as Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists and others. However, there are more than two dozens of spiritual Television channels operational in the country in Hindi and other vernacular languages to fulfil the religious needs of their devotees.4 Religious contents are apparent across social media platforms in different representations. However, all religious groups have their own social media handle to provide religious contents and other updates to their devotees in this concern. Dargah and Ashram are an added feature in the religiosity when devotees visit respective religious centres for blessings. There are various religious organizations who are supposed to promote their religious belief and values as per stipulated law in the country. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) is a non-government organization constituted in 1973 in convene to the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act of 1937 and Islamic Law Code of Shariat to Muslims in India, to adopt suitable strategies for the protection of Muslim Personal Law in India. Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) is an autonomous organization which manages Gurdwaras 2

According to the census of India, 2011. According to the census of India, 2011. 4 For details, see, https://www.tvchannelpricelist.com/channel_category/devotional-channels/. Accessed 27 Nov 2021. 3

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in Delhi.5 Similarly, there are many organizations who take care of their religious endowments and run educational and health institutions along with imparting religious values in myriad capacities. The printed religious texts, books, and epics also played a catalytic role in the promotion of religiosity in space. For example, Geeta Press established in 1923 in Gorakhpur is publishing number of Hindu religious texts in mundane formats.6 There are various mediums-print, electronic, digital, screen, logos, signs and symbols in which religiosity can be practised including online rituals when digital infrastructures helped in order to propagate the religiosity beyond conventional meaning. Religiosity in space can be understood as of the spatial distribution of religious structures or infrastructures or institutions that are providing the contents and other means to spread the same.

4.4.2 Spaces in Religiosity The production of religiosity is based on faiths, beliefs and sacredness. Without practising religiosity is unlike body without souls; the ethos of religiosity is completely based on its practices without any divergence. The faiths, beliefs and sacredness construct a cognitive imagination when devotees are often found in the state of console or being blessed. Religiosity can be achieved through socialization and spatialization: socialization inhabits through a constant training process since childhood in terms of rituals and as of result that shapes the faiths, beliefs and sacredness, while the latter is importance in sense of available religious structures and infrastructures including online contents and social media platforms. How does sign, symbol, image and verse/hymns help to conceive religiosity? What signs and symbols constitutes? How do religious symbols or else work? How does the cognitive imagination of religiosity work? Spaces in religiosity can be understood in terms of ‘second space’ or ‘conceived space’ or secondary space (Moinuddin 2021b). The secondary space is spatial cognitive imagination when you are not supposed to be there but you perceived the same without being there in the best manner. You conceived the idea, values, infrastructures, rhythm, sound and lights in the same way like you have been there for a while. In fact, you have never been there but you conceived the same because of available resource materials that are shaping and reshaping your knowledge of religiosity over a period of time. Each sign, symbol, image and verses/hymns are embedded with layers of knowledge of immortal values when you find solace since you practice the same. For example, Muslims are supposed to perform Namaz five times in a day and recite Darud Sharif as much as they can. Namaz is a mandatory practice for Muslims where they have to imagine that Allah is watching the same while they are responsible for their own deeds. Similarly, they can recite Darud Sharif as much as they can, peace upon the Prophet. They are said to 5 6

For details, see, https://www.dsgmc.in. Accessed 28 Nov 2021. For details see, https://www.gitapress.org. Accessed 28 Nov 2021.

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perform these religiosity as part and parcel of worldly life in order to get high place in paradise. This imagination creates an aura of paradise and their luxuriousness while at the other end death is inevitable and all living things have to taste death. This type of knowledge creates a faith and beliefs unlike conceiving the ruptures and discontinuities of the spatiality even not being there. In spatial imagination, if we see religiosity through this prism, we have to find a number of spaces in the sense of deeds, misdeeds, paradise, day of judgement and Prophet. Spaces of religiosity can be mapped in sense of faiths, beliefs, practices, sacredness and spirituality. In another illustration, the sound of Azan/Adhan may be another religious realm for Muslims to start preparation for Namaz. Azan/Adhan is unlike a call from a mosque by Muazeen (who gives azan/adhan on a regular basis) where they recite a few words in terms of sentence to call the followers for Namaz. The spatial imaginations of Azan/Adhan can be understood through the words as; Allahu Akbar! (God is Great!) Allahu Akbar! (God is Great!) Allahu Akbar! (God is Great!) Allahu Akbar! ( God is Great!) Ashhadu an la ilaha illa Allah (I bear witness that there is no god except the One God). Ashhadu an la ilaha illa Allah (I bear witness that there is no god except the One God) Ashadu anna Muhammadan Rasool Allah (I bear witness that Muhammad is the messenger of God). Ashadu anna Muhammadan Rasool Allah (I bear witness that Muhammad is the messenger of God) Hayya ‘ala-s-Salah (Hurry to the prayer). Hayya ‘ala-s-Salah (Hurry to the prayer). Hayya ‘ala-l-Falah (Hurry to salvation). Hayya ‘ala-l-Falah (Hurry to salvation). Allahu Akbar!( God is Great!). Allahu Akbar!( God is Great!) La ilaha illa Allah (There is no god except the One God). For the pre-dawn fajr (morning) prayer, the following phrase is inserted prior to the final repetition of Allahu Akbar (God is Great) in the end. As-salatu Khayrun Minan-nawm (Prayer is better than sleep). As-salatu Khayrun Minan-nawm (Prayer is better than sleep). The above words create a spatial cognitive meaning to conceive the power of God without any diversion-that’s faith and by practice it is religiosity. Some Muslims used Azan/Adhan as a morning alarm clock and used as an alarm for five times of namaz in their smartphone can be considered as e-religiosity. Spaces of religiosity can be mapped as ‘God is Great’, ‘salvation’, ‘I bear witness’, woke up for morning prayer and so on shapes the imagination of spaces where a Muslims lives circulate from morning to evening. Across the Dargah, the fellow visitors often greet with yellow thread on their wrist and that yellow thread gave a sense of religious emotions, sentiments, reactions, excitements, sensations and sacredness where it is tied (generally it is the right hand). It is the extent of cognitive spatial mapping that sheer threads will save them from unacknowledged issues. Such traditions of religiosity are found across the religions

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(South Asian countries) when such threads are often considered as part to control the reflexives of the hand and remain under solace. Spaces of religiosity can be understood in terms of aggressiveness, fierceness, assertiveness, violence, hostility, lynching and love-jihad. Wearing a pendant on which Lord Hanuman’s image is inscribed or else religious taboos is unlike religious totem to protect themselves or get solace throughout until it is tied on wrist or hanging on neck. It creates a sense of buffer zone that negative forces will remain kept away from the body unlike the sign, symbols or image works as panopticon networks. During lynching7 the mob often shouts Jai Shree Ram to beat a person. Why did they make sloganeer Jai Shree Ram? Though there are no direct and casual links except to get enthusiastic or mobilize the legions against deliberate misdeed. The sloganeering of Jai Shree Ram conceived as spatial boundaries as well as homogenization against heterogenization—when a group of people beat a person who is from a different religion. Similarly, in case of love-jihad when a couple is targeted because groom and bride both belongs to two different religions while boy belongs to Muslims and girls from Hindu community in most of cases considered as love-jihad—where sanctity of love marriage is deliberately undermined rather it is assumed that Muslims guys eloped Hindu women though they have registered marriage. There are many such issues reported in the past few years in some parts of the country. It is political vendetta in some interpretations but the issues discussed on the line of religion when Muslims youths are categorically targeted. Such spatial conflicts and crises often shape religiosity in a political sense rather than spiritual mapping. The spatial cognition can be mapped in terms of religion, political, heterogeneity, feelings, emotions, values and finally spatiality (rural and urban).

4.4.3 Places in Religiosity When we talked or discussed religiosity at that time, we explicitly mapped out a name of that place consciously or unconsciously where such and such religious sites are located. Place is inseparable from religiosity or in other words, places cannot be detached from spatiality. In vivid order we acknowledge the place and in fact some of them emerged as religious sites over a period of time where millions of people visit to get solace and feel blessed at least once in their life. For illustration, Prayagraj (formerly known as Allahabad) is one of the sites where Kumbh festival is held in every sixth (half) and twelve year (full), respectively. The city is known as one of pious locations in sense of religiosity where three rivers meet at the confluence called Sangam—The Ganges, The Yamuna and The Saraswati. These rivers have their own mythical values as per Hindu mythology. The Kumbh festival is marked by a ritual dip in the waters at the Sangam-confluence site. Apart from ritual dip in the waters 7

Lynching is reported from various parts of the country when a group of people beat a person from different religion (in most of cases fanatic Hindu crowds beat Muslims) interestingly, lynching starts with Jai Shree Ram and ends with the same.

74 Table 4.3 Places in religiosity

4 Cartographies of Screenscapes S. No

Religiosity

Place name

1

Kumbh Mela

Prayagraj (Allahabad)

2

Khawaja Moinuddin Chishti

Ajmer

3

Sai Baba

Shirdi

4

Golden Temple

Amritsar

the festival is known for religious discourse by sages and saints, education, monks, beggars, administrative preparation, political ambitions, political economy of Kumbh festivals and many more spatial manifestations (Table 4.3). Similarly, during Hajj we cannot dissociate the name of both the cities of Makka and Madina in wholesome process and procedure as well as the country in macroscale. When we share a number of images, audio or video of religiosity, we cannot dissociate the name of location, date and timing that is embedded in the digital sense even if it was in analogue (Moinuddin 2021a). Places do matter in the spatiality. When a place is a centre of meaning and attention, for example, Hey, I love to watch Taj Mahal. When people visit to see religious taboos or religious centres such as Jama Masjid, New Delhi (Biggest mosque in India) and take pictures of the same and upload on social media platforms purposefully to make the friends acknowledge such images among known and unknown vividly. Thus the whole incident was mapped as place in the religiosity when a specific religiosity symbol or taboos were shared on digital platforms for others’ acknowledgement. In another illustration, Ladakh (India) or Dharamshala (Himachal Pradesh, India)— the sitting office of Dalai Lama the head of Tibetan or Tibetan monks, in that case the same spatiality would behave as place in religiosity unlike spaces in religiosity when specific religious taboos were displayed. Places of religiosity can be understood when someone is using digital gadgets or smartphones in order to take photographs or make videography for memorable or religiosity purposes inside the Church, Temple or Mosque during prayers or some other religious occasions. Places are inseparable in the practices of religiosity. If majority of fellow Hindu have in their opinion that the Ram Temple at Ayodhya should build in magnificent way unlike the followers of Islam, Sikhs, Christians, Jews, Jains and Buddhists and so on who have their own fundamental and greatest religious site than, why not Hindu should have? In that spatial manifestation place does play an important role to establish a religious site that will remain inseparable in the construction of religiosity including e-religiosity in the digital age.

4.4.4 Religiosity in Place Religiosity in place can be understood in terms of memory, emotions, feelings, silence, values, nostalgia and sentiments with respect to that religious location, spatiality, date, year and time. Religiosity in place is unlike recall, remembrance,

References

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retention and a kind of celebration to get solaced and blessed. Every religious person wants to visit their fundamental religious site at least once in their life, that moment they tried to capture through vivid spatial imagination when recalled the same after some time. The followers of Buddhism often want to visit Bodhgaya, Bihar (India) to see the locational site of Temple and the tree where Lord Buddha get enlightened with knowledge and practice the same religiosity around the placid and serene atmosphere with cognitive imagination of Lord Buddha was/is around across the aisles, steps of ladder and wall. In the sense of memory, a place remains detached throughout lives. Religiosity in place can be mapped in spatial imagination in terms of respectability, propriety, decorum, morality and decency. Across the mosques, it is often advisable to keep switching off your phone to avoid disturbance during prayers. It is unlikely to maintain the decorum of such a place with their full integrity irrespective of faiths, beliefs and sacredness. The use of digital devices in general and smartphones in specific for religiosity can be contoured in a sense of space and place in a sense of e-religiosity that is visible nowadays in the digital age. The extent of digital spatiality can be conceived in terms of space and place while screenscapes can be mapped in a sense of familiarity and unfamiliarity or an user has been experiencing the same with varied spatial manifestations. The next chapter is about digital negotiation of e-religiosity, and how the screens are used for practising rituals.

References Adams PC (2009) Geographies of mass communication: a critical introduction. Wiley-Blackwell, Chichester Appadurai A (1996) Modernity at large: cultural dimensions of globalization. University of Minnesota, Minneapolis Lefebvre H (1991) The production of space (trans: Smith DN). Blackwell, Oxford Moinuddin S (2021a) Social media and digital shutdowns: spatiality, political economy and internet shutdowns in india. Springer, Cham/Switzerland Moinuddin S (2021b) Cartographies of social mediasphere: a new dimension in the spatiality. Trans Inst Indian Geogr Pune 43(2):269–276 Soja E (1996) Third space: journey to loss angles and other real and imagined places. Blackwell, London

Chapter 5

Digital Negotiation of e-Religiosity in India

Abstract Digitalization and religiosity are unlike time and space. Digitalization is signifying the time in a sense of technological growth over the period of time while religiosity is signifying the spatial horizon in a sense of practising religiosity through digital gadgets in conventional and non-conventional approaches. The process of digitalization enhanced the production, reproduction, distribution and retrieval of digital contents in both quality and quantity. The outcome of digitalization can be viewed in every sphere of lives comprising e-religiosity. This chapter is about the extent of digitalization and the nature of e-religiosity in the country. Keywords Spatiality · Time · Practice · Sacredness · Symbol · Digitalization

5.1 Introduction: Negotiating Faiths Indian social space is full of cultural traits-cuisines, attires, languages, dialects, religions, customs, traditions and taboos. Each cultural trait has its own domain areas and is distinct from others in both practices and observations. These cultural traits are often considered as a buffer zone to restrict anxieties and frustrations in certain exclusivity. For example, Yoga is a practice to release negative energy from both mind and body or some sort of exercises that give physical and mental relaxations. The people are becoming more religious or turning towards their religious belief whether it is Dargah (Islamic Sufi’s shrine) or Temple or Gurudwara (Sikh’s religious place) or Church (Christian’s religious place) or synagogue (Jew’s religious place)? However, in a survey conducted by Pew research in India, 2021 discloses the religious sentiments of common Indians who found religion and religiosity are inseparable and practising the same in different proportions. In India, all the said minority communities are more tend to their religion except Christians or in other words, religion does matter in their life. The religious impression is least among Christians while in the contrary, religious sentiment is very high among Muslims in comparison with other minority communities. The religion does matter in the lives of Muslims followed by Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Hindus and Christians, respectively, in India (Graph 5.1).

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_5

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Graph 5.1 Religion is important in their life. Source Pew Survey (2021)

Graph 5.2 Knowing their own religion and its practices. Source Pew Survey (2021)

The religious practices are high among Sikhs and followed by Muslims, Jains, Buddhists, Christians and Hindu, respectively (Graph 5.2). Hindu is the only community they knew less about their religion and its practices in the country. Interestingly, almost all religious groups are practising less religiosity than claimed to be more religious in their daily routine. Sikhs claimed to be more familiar with their religion in the contrary to daily practices. Buddhists are the lowest religion practising community while Christians are the highest religion practising community on a daily basis in the country. Christians are more regular and daily practising minority groups followed by Jains, Muslims, Sikhs and Buddhists in the country (Graph 5.3). Are people doing prayer because of inherited traditions from parents or doing to just come across with stress? The intensity of religiosity is often visible across public places in various manifestations when people use religious symbols in their wrist and neck to feel affinity with their religious identity. However, practising prayer became a cultural identity to come across with daily hurdles in their lives and to being connect with their god. The dependency upon rituals, customs, traditions and taboos are not acronyms for humankind rather the same has been practised since years as part of cultural hereditary or extended part of religiosity. The same cults of tradition are reappearing in forms of digital content that we are supposed to consume for religiosity purposes. The

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79

Graph 5.3 Daily pray. Source Pew Survey (2021)

rituals, traditions, cults, taboos and customs are reproduced under media portrayals when different media platforms are portraying the same in both ‘real’ and ‘imagined’ contexts (Moinuddin, 2010). Shah (1981) highlighted the intimate relationship between religion and society since years in India. Bennett (1996) argued dimensions of human life, psychological or social, constructed in order to understand the faith of religion in day-to-day practices. Ludden (1996) tried to understand the cultures of majority and majoritarian cultural politics between India and the United States with reference to religious issues—Ayodhya1 and traditional taboos. Bruce (1999) observed religion as a chain that binds the different components-material worlds, invariant relationships, the objects, the reproducibility of actions, and the exploitation closely under the umbrella of religious identity. DeVries and Samuel (2001) enlightened religious doctrine and its practices in daily lives. McGuire (2002) argued that religion exists in a social context and is shaped by that social context which often influences it. Peterson et al. (2003) examined religious belief through the structure of the issues while Clark and Clanton (2012) explored what is religion and popular culture? How do both religion and popular culture interact? Wherein everyday products, practices, and modes of communication are reflective of (and influential upon) the way people understand religious truth.

5.2 Negotiating Sacredness The cultural negotiation in India has been going since long back through various agents- socially, culturally, politically, and economically. In India, Yoga has been practising since ancient time with various capacities meanwhile; practising Yoga became a tool to avoid physical stress, strain and disease, etc. Across the world, Yoga was popularized by sage and guru (teacher) with different capacities. The celebration of ‘International Yoga Day’ on June 21 every year is a kind of undue acknowledgement to adopt an exercise based on daily life to come across social, 1

A religious sensitive issue in India between Hindu and Muslims, however, Supreme Court of India pronounced final judgement in favour to build temple for the sake of majority Hindu population.

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mental and health issues by United Nation. However, gatherings of Muslims devotees at Dargah of Hazarat Nizamuddin Aulia or Hazarat Bakhtiar Kaki, Delhi, or Hazarat Khawaja Moinuddin Chisti at Ajmer or other religious places is a kind of prayer to pay tribute. The number of visitors at the religious sites is increasing every day? Why did peoples are visiting different religious centres? The gathering of devotees around the Jhandewalan temple and Akshardham temple in Delhi push the trustee and temple authority to expand the facilities and forced to use electronic technology to satisfy each devotee through customized religious e-prasad, e-jyoti, e-puja-archana, and e-arti, etc. Hence, religious tune in mobile phones and using religious signs and symbols as display pictures (DP) on screen became common across sections of people were carrying religious symbols in their smartphones is visible across public and private places. Smartphones made the e-religiosity easy and flexible including to hear a religious song/tune during morning walks or exercises or during traveling by metro rail/bus/aircraft or around the garden, etc. Where people are supposed to use digital devices for various purposes, religious mobile tunes can be heard in public places and profound pictures of deity and goddess are visible as profile status on social media profiles. It is common to receive messages on smartphones from unknown sources or religious bodies to get free home delivery of Prasad (offering religious sweets) one click away during the festival. If interested, follow the given number or link to use such facilities without being moved outside from their home. Or in other words, the virtual world has made it possible to enjoy religious practices without being physically there. The use of digital devices for such activities is predominantly noticed during festival seasons. Such religious offerings are often considered as voluntary and completely dependent upon whether to use such features for religious offerings or avoid the same. The role of TV channels like Zee Zagran TV, Sanskar TV, Sardha TV, Astha TV, Quran TV, and Peace TV who are round the clock showing rituals. Apart from these religious channels the entrainments channels are too showing religious and spiritual portrayals in the serials. The commemoration of Raksha Bandhan, karwa Chauth Fast, Tez festivals, and Bhaiya Dooj, etc. along with morning and evening prayer in association with elders is become routine features of both public and private channels in India. Such portrayals are about promoting cultural traits on a daily basis (Moinuddin, 2010). The religiosity contents admired new generation youths or some section of the viewers who found them comfortable with shown religious tantrums on the screen. The popularity of astrology is not new in India; rather, it has been practised for years to predict the future through palmistry or other techniques. The date and months chronology is often considered as social and cultural manifestations to follow it for desired results. People often preferred to follow muhurat (lucky time) before any auspicious occasion suggested by sage or other religious guru. Before fixations of marriage date people often seem to get suggestions of auspicious dates and timing. Such suggestions are considered auspicious before any new beginning because such predictions are based on solace systems. Who popularized these dates? How did we come to know the particular month or date is worthy or ruthless? Such religious

5.2 Negotiating Sacredness Table 5.1 Religion-wise population in India

81 S. no

Religion (%)

S. no

Religion (%)

1

Hinduism (79.8)

5

Buddhism (0.7)

2

Islam (14.2)

6

Jainism (0.4)

3

Christianity (2.3)

7

Other religion (0.7)

4

Sikhism (1.7)

8

No religion (0.2)

Source Census of India (2011)

values developed contrarily to technological and communicational development. Digital gadgets provided an opportunity to expand religious dimensions without much diversions. The development of smartphone, iPod and laptop/desktop was further researched and customized to suit the needs for religiosity. Religion is a kind of practice which makes a person different from others in sociocultural contexts. The meaning of religion might be different for each individual’s thought in day-to-day practice, though religion is completely a private affair and depends upon an individual to observe rituals and sanctity. The constitution of India considered freedom of religion as fundamental rights under Article 15 (Appendix A) and Article 25 (Appendix B). Religion can be an indicator to map the social, cultural and religious composition of any country. India is a country of Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Islam and Jainism. Both Buddhism and Jainism found their roots in the country. According to the 2011 census, 79.8% of the population of India practices Hinduism followed by 14.2% practices to Islam, while the remaining 6% adheres to other religions (Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism and other ethnic groups) (Table 5.1). Christianity is the third-largest religion in India and the largest religion in the world. Zoroastrianism and Judaism are deeply rooted in India. India has the largest population of people adhering to Zoroastrianism (i.e. Parsi and Irani) and Bahai faith in the world. Hinduism is an ancient religion (although Hinduism is diverse, with monotheism, Polytheism, Pantheism, Atheism and Agnosticism) and largest religious group in India. Hinduism is professed by the majority of the population in India. The Hindus are most numerous in 29 states/UTs except in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Lakshadweep, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab. Islam is a monotheistic religion centred on the belief in one God and following the path shown by Muhammad (Prophet) and largest minority religious group in India. According to the 2011 census,2 India is home of 172 million Muslims, the world’s third-largest Muslim population after Indonesia (210 million) and Pakistan (166 million). The Muslims are in majority in Lakshadweep and Jammu & Kashmir. The percentage of Muslims is sizeable in Assam (30.9%), West Bengal (25.2%), Kerala (24.7%), Uttar Pradesh (18.5%) and Bihar (16.5%). Christianity is a monotheistic religion and emerged as the major religion in three North-eastern states, namely Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya. Among other states/UTs, Manipur (34.0%), Goa (26.7%), 2

The census of India 2021 is held due to COVID-19 pandemic, however, when situation will be normalized government will start the enumeration process through gazette notification.

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Andaman and Nicobar Islands (21.7%), Kerala (19.0%) and Arunachal Pradesh (18.7%) have considerable percentage of Christian population to the total population of the State/UT. Punjab is the stronghold of Sikhism. The Sikh population of Punjab accounts for more than 75% of the total Sikh population in the country. Chandigarh (16.1%), Haryana (5.5%), Delhi (4.0%), Uttarakhand (2.5%) and Jammu & Kashmir (2.0%) are other important States/UTs having Sikh population. These six states/UTs together account for nearly 90% Sikh population in the country. The largest concentration of Buddhism found in Maharashtra (58.3%), where (73.4%) of the total Buddhists in India reside.3 Karnataka (0.39 million), Uttar Pradesh (0.3 million), West Bengal (0.24 million) and Madhya Pradesh (0.2 million) are other states having large Buddhist populations. Sikkim (28.1%), Arunachal Pradesh (13.0%) and Mizoram (7.9%) have emerged as the top three states in terms of having the maximum percentage of Buddhist population. Jain populations are mainly found in Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi. These states/UTs together account for nearly 90% of the total Jain population in the country. The percentage of Jain population of the total population of Maharashtra (1.3%), Rajasthan (1.2%), Delhi (1.1%) and Gujarat (1.0%), elsewhere in the country the proportion of Jain population, is negligible. The practice of religiosity starts since childhood when different dimensions of rituals are exposed to adhere and comply accordingly. Hence, visiting mosques and temples is, of course, considered as an extension of rituals. Religious pilgrimages are very popular among people and often people visit these pilgrimages to feel blessed. For example, Muslims in India often visit Ajmer Dargah (Image 5.1).4 However, there are many such places where Muslims supposed to go for religious purposes. Hindu visit number of temples in the country while Sikhs and Christians too visit their religious places Gurudwara and Church to celebrate religious association according to laid rituals. Festivals are indeed one way to celebrate religious sentiments and considered a bridge ceremony across the sections of people irrespective of their religious faith in India. Every religion has a set of festivals and these festivals provide them an opportunity to share their happiness and greetings to each other. The basic element of any religion rest on its sacredness which gives a sense of belongingness. Why are people supposed to follow religion as sacred? The sacredness of religiosity depends upon an individual and its social and cultural background where they grew up and socialized. The sacredness in religiosity might come from following ways: first—socialized (since childhood rituals are taught in a manner to believe in their religion as sacred and accept the same without any questions); second— religious sacred texts/verses/hymns; third—close association from religious learned peoples who have religious influence upon the section; fourth—believe in each small miracle that is happening in daily lives. Sacredness is a way of unchallenged belief that an individual can optimize their life in daily practices, of course, the same 3

The highest number of Buddhists in Maharashtra was comprised ‘neo Buddhists’ who accepted Buddhism after call by Dr. B R Ambedkar against caste suppression in the country. 4 The shrine of Khawaja Garib Nawaz (Sheikh Moinuddin Chisti RA) at Ajmer, Rajasthan, India.

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Image 5.1 Shrine of Khawaja Moinuddin Chisty, Ajmer. Courtesy Shekh Zafar

can be achieved through regular practices. For example, Muslims can perform five times namaz in a day and apart from this they have to follow the ethical and moral obligations in every part of daily activities to extend a nice gesture towards everyone. Sacredness can be defined with socio-cultural demand when religious preferences adjust themselves with time. The role of technology cannot be undermined, that is shaping and reshaping the thinking and behavioural attitudes and practices for religiosity in the twenty-first-century world. The religious identity of an individual is somehow shaped by gadgets which are negotiating our religious identity every day. When adherence of the digital tools for religiosity is growing. The religious identity is shaping sacredness too wherein the role of digital gadgets is inevitable in daily lives. Therefore, sacredness and religious identity is to some extent shaped by digital gadgets and became an important practice in terms of observing and celebrating religiosity. The importance of smartphones and other digital gadgets is visible in daily life when people are giving more importance to digital gadgets in the sense of digitalization of religiosity (Image 5.2). The importance of smartphone can be understood when an individual is supposed to carry smartphones to be living in the era of ‘network society’ for different reasons. The message from the given image is clear when preference swing towards digital than religious books or on the other hand, digitalization of verses/hymns are considered as sacred as religious books. Therefore, smartphones are kept over the religious book when the user chooses to keep it accordingly or to some extent it was a deliberate choice to keep the smartphone over the book. Such changes are, of course, not an instant result of technology upgradation rather a socialization process which has been adopting technology in daily affairs unlike religiosity. And, with time, the same technology became a household chore in various capacities under globalization, when daily preferences are reshuffled under the stress of lives that need to be re-routed at every moment to adjust in the digital age. For example, lives during COVID-19 pandemic were totally different when life seemed to halt for months under lockdown when it was a different experience

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Image 5.2 Digitalization of religiosity. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

for everyone. Even though religious places are too shut down. Hajj5 -2020 has been cancelled globally and almost all religious institutions in India were closed under the lockdown guidelines. During such stressful times, digital gadgets were the only source to connect in the world and practice religiosity. The socialization of children is a social and cultural process when parents want their siblings to grow with particular religious beliefs, customs, taboos and rituals. Parents taught the basic tenet of religiosity as part of religious hereditary when religious belief should be intact and customs should be governed within the same religious folds. Religious socialization is considered as a lamppost for children, and they should follow the same practices taught by parents or family members. The sacredness about religious belief can also be generated with the help of available religious texts when they feel comfortable with teachings in the religious texts. The teachings of religious texts are of course a way to come across day-to-day mental, monetary, health and other issues what they are looking to get solutions. For example, across Muslims—Quran and Hadith—both considered as source of knowledge and wisdom where they can find all solutions irrespective of worldly issues. Similarly, across Hindus—Gita and Ramayana—shows the true path of salvation; for Christian, they follow the teachings of the Bible; for Sikh, Guru Granth Sahib provides both knowledge and wisdom. The close association with religious gurus might help them to shape religious identity when religious teachings can help them to come across daily hurdles. Religious sacredness can shape further under digitalization of religious texts/hymns/verses when someone can easily access digital contents for instant religiosity. The digital contents can be found in the shape and size of video, images, ringtone, texts/hymns/verses, wallpaper, DP (Display picture) and audio in different media versions. 5

Hajj is one of pillar of Islam when Muslims across the world gathered at Mecca and Medina (Saudi Arabia) to perform annually, who can afford it both financially and physically.

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People used religious images of deity/goddess as DP in their profile in social media including WhatsApp, Facebook and Instagram. The rationale behind using religious images or other media contents for profile purposes often discloses the religious identity of a user in vivid representations and religious affiliations. Religious identity and religious sacredness can be understood through digitalization when an user can use their social media profile space for said purpose where religious symbol can be uploaded. At the same time, someone avoids disclosing their religious identity and considers religious identity as part of their private domain. Therefore, sacredness is purely an internalization of religious teachings rather than uploading religious images on digital spaces. Digitalization is shaping and reshaping religiosity in terms of religious teachings which can be accessed anytime and anywhere.

5.3 E-Religiosity Through Symbols Every religion is known by a symbol too. Each religious symbol is to identify and can differentiate from other religious symbols. The symbol signifies the religious feeling and what people use to flaunt the same as their religiosity purposes across public and private spaces. Why did people keep religious symbols and how and to what extent it is shaping and reshaping religious identity? These symbols are used to flaunt their religious affiliation or identity. Some people often avoid carrying while some prefer to carry religious symbols in an impression to be blessed or showing their religious affinities. Symbol constitutes the element of religiosity in different proportions? And, how does religiosity work in everyday life? Therefore, a survey was conducted to come across with social, cultural and religious views upon symbols. Around 46% were carrying some religious symbol while 54% seldom carried deliberately in their smartphones (Graph 5.4). It means every second person was carrying some religious symbol. However, smartphones are the major source of repository for such religious symbols in the digital age. The carrying symbols in their smartphones or else had purposes including to flaunt and show the same in their peer groups or in the society unlike posed their Graph 5.4 Carrying any religious symbols. Source Survey (2015–2016)

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Graph 5.5 Symbols are supposed to flaunt. Source Survey (2015–2016)

Graph 5.6 Symbols used to shape identity. Source Survey (2015–2016)

own identity. Around 30% were carrying religious symbols in order to pose while 70% did not have such intentions to pose another one (Graph 5.5). Of course, carrying religious symbols are own religious identity and meanings. The intensions behind using such symbols are unlike curating an identity in a sense of religiosity, followers, traditions, devotee and cultural to some extent. Around 40% was using such symbols to pose an identity while rest 60% had seldom such intension behind carrying any religious symbols (Graph 5.6). More or less every smartphone users are supposed to keep some religious symbols knowingly or unknowingly. Around 52% users used such symbols purposefully and out of them around 30% used purely for religiosity while 22% are kept the same for unknown purposes. And, about 48% users often delete the symbols because of unsolicited reasons (Graph 5.7). The rationale behind carrying religious symbols was both materialism and nonmaterialism or religious and non-religious. Around 43% users are using the same for religious sentiments as rituals including 24% believed to get divine solace and 19% for religious belongingness. While 57% users are using it to avoid stress and other issues (Graph 5.8). Digitalization process enhanced the production of both quality and quantity production of images for mediated consumption. Smartphones made these religious

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Graph 5.7 How long is carrying religious symbols? Source Survey (2015–2016)

Graph 5.8 Why carrying religious symbols? Source Survey (2015–2016)

symbols either to use for DP in their social media profile or sharing in their peers. It is indeed giving an option to them how much and what types of religious images they can keep in the smartphone or laptop or other gadgets. Why keep religious symbols in smartphones? How are religious symbols used in everyday lives? The symbols are an inevitable part of religiosity which are easily available in different shapes and sizes across digital platforms. These symbols inherit religiosity in two different ways upon strangers: first, they can easily be identified the faith of such person who carried such symbols; second, a kind of religious advertisement wherein an user deliberately or unconsciously doing it—that attracts same religious taste of person, later they became friend or known or convinced together that let do the religiosity collectively. In sum, symbols do matter in the expansion of e-religiosity when sometimes people have tattoos on their body. For illustration, the moon and

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star are often considered an Islamic symbol but often found on vivid representations across the others or among atheists as well. That does not qualify to say that they too believed in religiosity, however, they made such symbols for flaunt as fashion what they feel comfortable or for looking cool. Religiosity is a blend of practice, sacredness and symbol wherein devotees and followers often dwell in different capacities. Uses gadgets purposefully for religiosity to keep them being solaced and blessed while others use the same for looking cool or fashionable. The use of digitalization process in religiosity is creating a boundary between two people where one is well versed who had been using platforms for their professional upgradation while other are using the same for religiosity. It is like negotiation when the screen of digital gadgets is used purposefully sometime for religiosity and sometime for entertainment and infotainments. The expansion of digital devices in the form of smartphones and media gadgets/widgets having features of 4G and 5G Internet speed has changed the nature of digital consumption in daily lives. The digital gadgets are developed as medium to facilitate the communication services in a flexible manner wherein both time and means can be saved in an easier way. Over a period, the innovation of digital products enhances the communication process in both practices and representations. In other words, we can assume that digital gadgets enhance the efficiency and effectiveness to deliver and discharge the assignments whatsoever. For example, during the pandemic, work from home and online education were possible because of gadgets and the Internet. Digital gadgets emerged as virtual space that everyone is supposed to carry in their pocket/bag or hand, and in other sense one can feel something is missing, if they forget to carry their smartphone. In fact, you are unable to do your work remotely when away from home or office without a smartphone. These gadgets are expanding their horizon as part of digital imperialism where thinking beyond gadgets is futile and worthless in the digital world. These gadgets not only provide communication tools but rather enhance the capabilities of an individual in terms of efficiency and effectively to carry out the assigned work. Screen is inseparable from digital devices that inherit spatial features in a sense of space and place.

5.4 Spaces of Screenscape Screens of digital devices played an instrumental role in the practice of e-religiosity what an individual can access by one click. Geography as discipline entails ‘visuals’ in myriad capacities and visuals making a sequence of spatial knowledge produced and reproduced for various purposes. The identity of screen space or virtual space is merely a contested space where images appeared. The visual turn has increased in the past few years with the help of the Internet. Screen is the apparent spatiality where social, political, cultural, economic, religious and other portrayals appear in contested and non-contested representations. Screen allows users to move into virtual spatiality that is deceptive and superficial in nature and contents. Screen is primary space or screen space wherein an user

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interacts first before divulging into apps or to know the other features of such a device. Screen is a metamorphic space wherein the relationship between images and screen can be understood in terms of materialistic and non-materialistic senses. Allan Sekula (1982) argued, a photograph merely represents the possibility of meaning and its embeddedness in a concrete discourse situation. The meaning and interpretation of any photograph or image depend upon the available spatial knowledge.

5.4.1 E-Religiosity Through Smartphones Screens of digital gadgets inherit spatial notions that changed unlike spatial dimensions from abstract to behavioural characteristics. How does the screen inhabit spatial features? The conception of digital gadgets without screen is unlike contested or in other words, we can say unfamiliar and not much social penetration. For illustration, children love smartphones because of screens where they can visualize the pictures and learn to control their reflexes to uphold the screen as long as they can sustain in both ‘real’ and ‘imagination’ contexts. They experienced the spatiality in varied representations. Sherry Turkle (2002: 455) pointed out that every space has materialistic values “but space is by virtue of how its materiality is rendered meaningful within a social context where representations are shared, negotiated, and instituted”. She believed that “a real space is a highly contingent product of how the material and the symbolic are socially mediatised”. Screen is a primary spatiality when an user first interacts wherein all instructions are supposed to appear that how to move forward purposefully. Screen inherits as of ‘spaces in media’ and displays the contents of what media had processed the contents in mundane shapes; therefore, screen behaves as ‘first space’ when an user countered the same as perceived—the spatiality in real and abstract contexts. Screen is unlike a door of the house where nobody can enter the door (in a sense of screen) without knowing the password or pattern to unlock it. The door as a symbolic notion often reflects the dwellers, similarly, screen is a kind of spatial notion that inhabits the taste of an individual whether religious or otherwise. Moreover, screen inhabits ‘places in media’ too. Screen as a place displays what an individual wants. Place is a known location when an individual exhibits all activities because they are familiar with. Screen as place displays the notion or feeling of what a door was supposed to reflect that the house belongs to such and such. Similarly, the screen exhibits the same mode of spatiality. Where a person can upload DP and change, respectively, as well in order to show intimate relationships with such contents whether religious or political, etc., therefore, without a screen a digital device would not be more effective. E-religiosity is an extended ritual that is used for religious practices to feel blessed. A user is using a screen for reading a message from Bhagavad Gita, (Ch3, verse 26) (religious epic in Hindu religion) (Image 5.3). “ ” (“The wise should not create discord in the intellects of ignorant people, who are attached to fruitive

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Image 5.3 Virtual religious texts. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

actions, by inducing them to stop work. Rather, by performing their duties in an enlightened manner, they should inspire the ignorant also to do their prescribed duties”) (Appendix C). The message was quoted from Bhagavad Gita. The technology enabled the teachings of Bhagavad Gita so conveniently that a person can go through it whenever and wherever. The communication technology enabled religious texts in better pixels that a person can go through it in a much more flexible manner in comparison with earlier when traditional approaches applied to sit in a place (where you can access the religious book) and go through the verses/hymns in a prescribed manner. But, digital devices made the same accessible without much obligations. Screen enabled both religious practices and propagation conveniently. Screen is used as a deity/goddess place (Image 5.4). Where the screen is used as a religious place along with other items (bananas and incense sticks are mandatory). The use of incense sticks and bananas in front of smartphones is unlike creating a religious atmosphere parallel to the traditional practices of religiosity when a person does the same rituals in a temple. The installation of such religious images of course revolutionized the mode of practices that an individual can use even during stress time also. Time constraint is of course one of the hurdles in the globalization and privatization world when professionalism flakes with so much work stress. Therefore, an individual is supposed to shift towards a device for religious practices without time obligations to recite religious verses/hymns/texts or to do prayers when found leisure time during working hours. In the competitive world, time does matter and therefore people used these digital images for religious practices even without any deviations and enjoying the same religious pleasure. The use of such images is often considered as an extension of e-religiosity when people are gradually replacing the paper image with a digital image having better pixel values.

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Image 5.4 God situated on screen. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

Screen is a place that defines the firm belief of an individual’s religious affiliation and religious identity. Screen is not merely a place; rather, it is being transformed as a religious seat and placed as a goddess/deity to observe religious sanctity. This transformation is not an instant reflection of religiosity rather a churning process of e-religiosity with the help of the screen. It defines the person’s belief and their sincerity towards the rituals to whom they are supposed to follow in mundane ways. For illustration, a person used a religious symbol (Lord Ganesha) as screensaver along with a customized appearance of day, date, time and month on screen (Image 5.5). The preferences of an individual, of course, do matter in daily lives such as how things should appear in front of them. Here, the same situation when a user wished to show the following widgets should appear, accordingly. Screen shows mixed views where religiosity should appear along with temporal information when both material and non-material necessities appear together on screen. The function of digital gadgets is limited and depends upon how they are supposed to use it for their requirements. The requirements might be in various shapes and sizes. Screen used as a place for deity/goddess where religious sanctity is shown along with other immediate requirements—Google, Chrome, calling option, settings and other SNSs appeared along with images of Lord Krishna and Radha (Image 5.6). The placement of such apps along with religious sanction on screen is somehow mapping the person and its requirements or devotees trying to make balance between both worldly and heavenly worlds. Thus, use of the screen depends upon an individual’s choice how and to what extent an individual can use the screen for their social, cultural, economic and religious needs. E-religiosity is similar to manual religious practices when devotees can achieve the same religious sanctity without being in the temple or other religious sites. The use of smartphones for religious purposes is not limited to particular religions; rather, it is open to all religions to use screens for religious purposes. Smartphones are often considered as best companions for human beings when they are feeling alone. However, smartphones are shaping and reshaping digital loneliness in the

92 Image 5.5 Lord Ganesh as screen saver. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

Image 5.6 Religious screen. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

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society when users often prefer to be alone when they are scrolling their smartphone. But, it is a different issue and here not dealing rather interested mapping e-religiosity. For illustration, a man is glaring the calligraphy of the word—Allah written in Arabic language on screen (Image 5.7). There is chance that the person might be Muslim because none of other can glare the word Allah at much affectionately what Muslims can glare. The intensity of glare can be understood in two ways: first, being religious, and; second, utilizing the loneliness for rituals or taboos to feel being blessed. In both ways, smartphones exposed their ethos of e-religiosity. The customized effects of digital gadgets can be understood through how an user is well versed in the technology. However, the economic and cultural values are inseparable from gadgets. Smartphones have been developed to cater people’s need particularly to strengthen the communication system but customized effects, of course, opened a new dimension when the same device can be used for religiosity purposes as well. What do you prefer when you are alone? Loneliness is not a new rather present in every stage of life, it is a social manifestation and can be understood through normative values in the society. Leisure period is a short break for a while from work when a person is supposed to get relaxed. But, now this short break is eventually replaced by glaring, scrolling, watching and reading mediated contents in their smartphone, laptop/desktop, iPad, etc. Of course, what to do during leisure time is completely a choice of an individual whether to take rest or use their smartphones or else. In most cases people use their smartphone whenever they get a chance to see in between their work. However, some people prefer infotainment, entertainment, news, sports, and games while some prefer to read verses/hymns for religious purposes. Nowadays nobody is alone rather using media gadgets purposefully or communication media emerged as the best companion to human beings. Media gadgets can Image 5.7 Gazing religion on screen. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

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provide visuals, audio and many more by one click. Screen is the home of mundane visuals that can be accessed in a click. Each visual has its own aesthetic pleasure. For illustration, a man is glaring a religious symbol in their smartphone amid gatherings (Image 5.8). Such religious explorations are of course not about a materialistic world rather giving a sense of virtue and being blessed for a while. Nowadays engagement with communication media is often visible in both public and private places. Here, the person is sighted in the public gatherings; henceforth, he chooses to glare at their smartphone rather than spatial engagement when scrolling smartphone is a deliberative choice. Such religious encounters might be deliberate or co-incidentally when a person went through such a religious symbol that is available or can be accessed through the Internet in the gadget. For illustration, a girl is gazing at a religious image in their smartphone (Image 5.9). It can be mapped in two ways: first, the installation of such religious images (the goddess Durga) on their screen might be a deliberate attempt to show her religious affiliations; and second, the way she holds smartphone in her hands is supposed to appear devotional and praying affectionately. The way she holds her smartphone is narrating a sincere belief that how much she was sympathetic towards the screen that is helping them to feel blessed. E-religiosity is constructed for a while when she holds their smartphone to glare the goddess with virtue. Media gadgets are providing a number of images and texts that are shaping mediated culture when use of such mediated text and images are often found in daily activities. These images often emerged as tagline or punchline that get more circulated or discussed in the public domain through media. For example, why did the Image 5.8 Virtual religiosity. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

Image 5.9 Digitized faith. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

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media portray Lord Ram/Lord Hanuman in an aggressive look or posture? Is this a part of a political project or influence of right-wing politics on such portrayals? The demand for such religious content varies from person to person. Religious images and symbols are like raw materials for our daily rituals, traditions, customs, and taboos that we are supposed to go through every day in a cultural sense. These religious images are nonetheless rather works in aesthetic sense for a while during loneliness. Why are people supposed to use these images? The dimensions of use are not merely restricted to watch or listen or read these religious images/texts/hymns/verses during grey days or hard times. In fact, it has been advised by elders as well in some other contexts. E-religiosity is a virtual mediation that can be achieved without any fanfare. It is a digital manifestation and based on digital infrastructures that is growing every day across the world. Media gadgets emerged as a source of such information who is not only providing contents rather helping an user to learn some of them for better understanding in their personal life. At some moment, these media gadgets behave like tertiary socialization agents and help a user to learn what parents often avoid to impart knowledge or information. E-religiosity is an extension of such religious practices when a person uses these symbols without any guidance and obligation. E-religiosity can be understood as digital meditation— giving pleasure for a moment either to respond or come across the situation. These religious images are often found in various nature and sometimes it works like a catalyst and consoled the user for a while. The use of earphones is visible across public places. Earphones can be used purposefully to avoid the spatial surrounding or to get better sound/audio features. For illustration, a boy used earphones while glaring at the goddess/deity in their smartphone (Image 5.10). The use of earphones is often visible in public places irrespective of age and gender. Among digital accessories, earphones are the most popular accessory and everyone has experienced the same in high or low in daily activities. However, it turned fatal sometimes particularly when crossing the road when an unnoticed vehicle may cause harm. Earphones work as medium6 when someone can use the same for listening to audio/video pertaining to their religious affiliation or else purposes. Role of digital accessories can be understood in terms of digital features when sound does matter to get pronunciation of hymns/verses. On the other hand, people generally use earphones to avoid garbled sounds. The use of earphones is noticed in various parts of daily lives whether during exercise or other activities to remain intact for a while unless to attain others without tiredness. Role of such accessories is increasing to get better features that digital companies are promising to their customers. Smartphone companies are providing an earphone and charger free of costs or included in the prices. Every smartphone user either has Bluetooth earphones or wired earphones or both in different capacities. Nowadays daily commuters are using earphones in metro rail or buses to practice their rituals

6

Read Marshall McLuhan (1964) “the medium is the message”, earphone is a medium, without the same, sometime message cannot deliver in a proper sense, of course, it is secondary in nature but during traffic or in the crowd, receiving without earphone is diversionary.

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Image 5.10 Mediated identity. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

Image 5.11 Mediated blessed. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

or listening to music without annoying fellow commuters when one can respect the other’s privacy without disturbing them in both public and private realms. For illustration, men are glaring an image of goddess/deity in their smartphone along with peers (Image 5.11). This is often visible among youth generations in public places. The exposure to religious symbols among youth generations or elders is not new; rather, digital gadgets provide them a digital image that might be constructing them to remain intact with religious belief. Here, in the image, a group of youths are enjoying a religious image/video in the canteen or service areas where they gathered for leisure or refreshments. In between, they are watching an image or video altogether either for religiosity or discussing themselves for other reasons. On the other hand, we can assume that they belong to the same age and religious groups; therefore, they might be sharing the same attitudes or despite differences they are gazing at the screen. Screen is common to all like a place where they can venture altogether without any hurdles. They are enjoying the service area which is in fact giving them a sense of place where they can feel comfortable irrespective of differences in religion, age, gender and professionalism. Unless they have common interest no one can watch anything in their peer group irrespective of subjectivity even including religiosity. Thus, the screen is a virtual place where like-minded people can venture altogether. For illustration, an old lady was praying in front of their smartphone (Image 5.12). She did not bow before her smartphone; rather, she bowed before the deity/goddess visible in the image. She is bowed down before the goddess as part of daily ritual.

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Though she is old and unable to move outside home, therefore, she has been advised to use smartphone for said purposes. She considered the screen as a ritual space in an assumption when an apparent image of goddess/deity made her bow down. On the other hand, the faith is unquestionable and it does not matter whether the image is digital or analogue. The appearance of an image on screen is unlike cognitive vistas wherein digital image is construed as the place of goddess in normative sense. Henceforth, customization of smartphones’ screen for religiosity is another digital experiment that is evident in vivid representations in daily rituals in the society. The different manifestations of religiosity are indeed a cartographic representation wherein the same religiosity has been discussed in varied contours. Cartographies in the sense of image portrayals when religious images were talked about in a ritualistic approach in different contexts including place and space binaries. The spatial manifestations in terms of space and place have been discussed in the beginning of the chapter in a digital sense to understand when and how screen behaves place and space, respectively. Smartphones’ screen space can be understood as “spatial practice” or “perceived space” (Lefebvre, 1991) or “First space” (Soja, 1996) or primary space where everything is supposed to begin in spatial representation. Unless we would have been in primary space it is not possible to explore the digital spatiality further. Adams (2009) argued spatial manifestation in terms of ‘place in media’, ‘media in place’, ‘space in media’ and ‘media in space’ in different manifestations to map the spatial binaries. Image 5.12 Bowing before screen. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

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The above-said illustrations can be understood in the sense of spatial manifestations. ‘Media in space’—it can be understood in terms of communication infrastructures that enabled us to optimize digital gadgets for various utility including religiosity. ‘Spaces in media’—it can be understood in terms of functional and topological spatiality wherein different manifestations are placed. For example, religious images or audio or video or texts/hymns/verses are created by professionals who made digital contents for social, cultural, political and religious consumption. ‘Places in media’—it can be understood in terms of religious image or verses/hymns that a user is using for religiosity purposes. Of course, there are a number of images or verses/hymns available across digital platforms but out of them a specific selection for religiosity. ‘Media in place’—it can be understood in the sense of religious sanctity and respect that we often give when visiting a temple or shrine. Similarly, e-religiosity is part of rituals that need the same religious sanctity and pay respect without any divergence. For illustration, ablution is a primary requisite before starting reading the Quran in Islam. Similarly, ablution is required too for reciting the Quran on YouTube or another digital platform. Of course, it is like paying respect in a similar way which is not going to reduce anyway. Screens are an extension of digital spatiality in a virtual sense that comprises many more digital configurations to perceive and conceive daily activities in different gravity including religiosity. The spatial dimensions of the screen changed with the nature of devices.

5.4.2 E-Religiosity Through Camera Henry Lefebvre (1971) argued how capitalist mode of society standardized the consumerism in the society, he used the daily examples of lives activities how it shaped consumerism some extent, for illustration, watch (time machine)—how lives became routinized when everything moved around time from morning to evening, when to go office, when to returned and what to do at what time, everything has been categorized within time framework when a specific time has carved for specific work. Camera revolutionized the portrayals whether it is materialistic or nonmaterialistic. Camera endorsed the look in different dimensions when aesthetic and semiotics were given due advantages. The purpose of the camera was to capture memory in varied representations whether good or bad. It shaped consumerism in different shapes, sizes and colours. It is like a medium that is carrying messages in different shades. McLuhan (1964) “the medium is the message” where he categorized various tools that play a catalytic role in the propagation of message. Similarly, when a camera works as medium, it produces and reproduces images in various spatial orders. It captures memories, spatiality, boundaries and many more shades that may help us to read the contours sometimes in colourful or sometimes in black-and-white interpretations. Camera enhances the production and reproduction of images or in

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other words, camera works as a spatial agent that inherits spatial information in vivid representations and interpretations. Over the period of time, the modalities of the camera are modified in terms of analogue and digital in various shapes and sizes. In the past, cameras were an independent commodity and have their own separate identity in society. Cameras lost their independent nature in terms of hybrid cameras that are inevitable nowadays in smartphones. Camera reshaped smartphones in a sense of business and marketing when a smartphone seller is selling smartphones in the name camera having such and such features including pixel and megapixel; real and front camera; panorama view, video capture, night photography, slow motion photography and many more. Buyers often prefer those smartphones who would have better camera features than radiation frequency. Camera works as a temporary indicator when time freezes in the photographs. The dimensions of photographs can be understood from Barthes (1977) who clarifies the concept of connotative and denotative in relation with the advertising images. The denotative meaning in advertising images is referred to as non-coded iconic messages whereas the connotative meaning is referred to as coded iconic or symbolic messages. For Barthes there is also a third meaning other than denotative and connotative what he discussed in his study of press photographs and advertisements. The semiology of photographs can be understood in spatial contexts. Barthes’s answer to this question pivots on the unique way that photographs embody time and space. When your camera’s shutter is released, a moment is simultaneously immortalized and gone forever. When we look at a photograph, we are confronted with what Barthes labels the “having-been-there” quality of its contents. It is a testament to the existence of a specific thing in a specific place at a specific time. I can paint your portrait from anywhere in the world, but I can photograph you only when you are in front of my camera. Similarly, a photograph offers a view of the world that you will never have access to except through the photo. You can look but you cannot touch. A photograph can only show the past—but it represents it in such a way that it appears in the present. This paradox lends every photograph a touch of nostalgia or longing. Barthes (1977/1980)

Camera works in the formation of space and time when space signifies location in terms of when, where and what while time works in terms of date, timing, days and year. Every image taken by camera often reminds us of such spatiality in space and time. For illustration, man is taking a selfie along with the icon of Lord Ganesha (Image 5.13). The portrait is itself an explanation in a sense of spatial association where selection of location and time does matter for the creation of memory. Men have chosen to take their selfie along with Lord Ganesh may be circumstantial or a deliberate attempt to capture the religious spatiality where he visited purposefully or transitory. The purpose of the camera was to lock space and time in a sense of religiosity where faith does matter. Religiosity inherits faith in creation of selfie where image of Lord Ganesha is predominantly preoccupied to more spatial extents. Giving more space to the Lord Ganesha signifies religiosity with an intent of faith along with a particular deity/goddess through camera.

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Image 5.13 Selfie with god. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

The popularity of cameras among people has been known since early times when cameras had a specific use to snap photos. Technological innovations made options in the form of rear and frontal cameras in the smartphone, iPad, laptop/desktop. These cameras can have specific use either to chat with fellow users or take instant pictures for sharing in their peer group through SNSs. For illustration, a boy is taking a picture of Jesus (Image 5.14) to feel blessed or wished to share among their peer groups for religiosity or other purposes that when and where taken Jesus’s photograph. The rationale behind taking photographs of Jesus can be understood in the sense of digital spatiality where the screen is working as the home of Jesus. In other words, taking an image of Jesus is not less than an extended religiosity in terms of ‘media in place’. ‘Media in place’ can be understood when media is not allowed in a given place for varied reasons or it can sway the serenity of the place or strict cautions to avoid any distortion. For example, the Church often asks fellow devotees to keep their phones or other gadgets on mute when prayer is going on. Similarly, Mosque administration often requests to keep mute their phone when entering the mosque and particularly during prayer. For illustration, a female is taking the picture of Lord Hanuman (Image 5.15). Focusing camera on Lord Hanuman can be understood in terms of spatio-temporal compression when camera is not merely capturing an image of the Lord Hanuman rather camera is focused on the spatiality that is inseparable from the Lord Hanuman. The surrounding spatiality around Lord Hanuman signifies the distributional pattern in terms of what and where the religious things are placed. Camera captured each icon in a frame which can be used for extended religiosity or other religious purposes. Temporal compression can be located in terms of time, day, date and year that is inseparable from the image. The image of Lord Hanuman can be mapped unlike religious contour where camera works as digital turn that is creating a sense of feelings and belongingness in the captured image. The above discussed three images are similar in religious nature. The extent of digital spatiality can map in space and place binaries. ‘Media in space’—it can be understood as a communication as infrastructures (camera/CCTV) when digital infrastructures in terms of camera/CCTV installed or used to take photographs in

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Image 5.14 Photography of god. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

Image 5.15 Zooming the faiths. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

different semiotics and representations. ‘Spaces in media’—it can be understood in terms of topological spatiality wherein religious images are created by professionals or an individual for the sake of digital consumption in varied orders including social, cultural, political and religious consumption. ‘Places in media’—it can be understood in terms of religious images that are clicked or captured by camera for religiosity or else purposes. For example, taking photographs of Lord Hanuman, Lord Jesus and Lord Ganesha are specifically chosen by photographers whether for religiosity or else rationale can be understood accordingly. The main purpose of the camera is to click images and after that you will get a sense of feelings in various representations or in return when you see the same images after a while. ‘Media in place’—it can be understood in a sense of religious sanctity and respect what we often pay towards images of temples or shrines. For example, why did someone take photographs of

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religious images? Unless there is some feelings or attachment towards religious images or for the sake of religiosity such images are often clicked for religiosity purposes. Camera can be understood in a spatial impression. Both smartphones and camera work in a similar nature towards shaping and reshaping rituals in daily activities. Screen is common in both places where religiosity invoked in different degrees. Even in the case of social media, screens will be commonplace where images can be uploaded or installed in a sense of profile picture which can be viewed as primary identity including religious or else manifestations. Digital spatiality of social media is quite different from camera though camera helps to take photographs for specific purposes either to use for social media or else. Social media are augmented with camera for algorithm purposes.

5.4.3 E-Religiosity Through Social Media Profile Apps are digital applications that are inbuilt or flexible to download from Google store in android version and IOS version from Apple store, respectively. These applications are based on technical fabrications to fulfil desired operation and function that one can use as per their requirements. Smartphones are a house of apps and without apps smartphones are merely a calling machine and no more use except calling but the inventions of apps can be considered as a communication revolution embedded with layers of information. Apps are an application, built for specific support or a particular work. For example, LinkedIn, Google Pay, Messenger, Twitter, Zomato, etc. LinkedIn apps are specifically carved to share professional requirements where one can hire professionals easily or Google Pay is created to make money transactions easier; similarly, Messenger provides a platform for chats, sharing information easily and swiftly. Social media is often called a conglomeration of apps (Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, WeChat, etc.) which provide services to their users in the form of communication when a person can share any information or images or video in a fraction of second across the globe. These apps are becoming popular for different reasons and even providing a platform to share the contents among peer groups. These apps have transformed the smartphone all in one machine where from business transactions to sharing information to blogging and many more operations can be accessed. Apps space is secondary spatiality in a virtual sense. Further, when these apps are open for functional purposes then it becomes tertiary spatiality in a virtual sense and these apps cannot be functional unless they have profile accounts on such apps, without profile account apps will not be operational at all. Therefore, every user needs a profile account where users are supposed to give a username with a profile photograph that is embedded with a password. The profile photograph is completely a discretionary choice of users whether to upload or not however, some people upload while some avoid and remain anonymous without giving full details. Social media

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profile is unlike identity in the said apps what others can see or identify by the given profile. A person can upload their DP in religious tone to display what they seem to look like on digital platform. Profile is like your digital address where you can share photographs, name and status on a daily basis or occasionally that will pop up in the platform unless you want to augment further for different purposes. For illustration, the kids dressed to look like lord Krishna on WhatsApp profile (Image 5.16). The indirect meaning and extent of such a profile can be understood in dual ways; first, they are followers of Lord Krishna; and second, they want their kid to look alike Lord Krishna. Thus, anyone can assume after seeing their profile picture that they might be religious and their religious affiliations too. And, indirectly they used a digital platform to propagate their religious belief in a sense of e-religiosity where someone can be fascinated from the childhood saga of Lord Krishna. The modern-day schools often hold competitions for traditional attire among children. When parents help to procure traditional attires either for cultural belongingness or want to impart religious feelings and cultural belongingness among their kids, such attire is evident during the birth anniversary of Lord Krishna, celebrated as Janamasthmi when parents decorate their son to look like Lord Krishna. This can be understood in the light of cultural awakening when parents want to infuse religious norms in their child. While in profile status there is a quote which is invoked to catch your dream as “if you do not build your dream…someone will hire you to help build theirs.” (Image 5.17). It is another space where a user can put their thoughts in words or emoji. It provides limited space to explain yourself in limited words. These features give us an initial digital impression of an individual including religion, if any. WhatsApp Image 5.16 Mediated profile. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

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Image 5.17 Mediated social profile. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

profiles signify a digital turn where each profile narrates a different story. WhatsApp is a popular medium across social media users for chat and video/audio calls. For illustration, in WhatsApp profile ‘family’ identity with lord Krishna and Radha. In northern India, a husband often saves his wife’s contact number as ‘family’ rather than by name (in a few cases). The shown DP can be interpreted as immortal love between them in a sense of intimacy between Lord Krishna and Radha. However, some prefer to save by name while others use connotations to refer to each other and often avoid to calling each other by their name in both public and private places. ‘Pooja Bhabhi’ identity is displayed as Lord Krishna in the profile picture which is symbolically acknowledging her religious affiliations with Lord Krishna. The image is used to represent their son who look like Lord Krishna. In another profile, ‘Mom’ is depicted with goddess Saraswathi—a symbol of education among devotees and used to designate the appropriateness of a person to what they feel. Such symbolic representations with religious tone are often found across social media profiles. These profile pictures remind a religious affiliations in cognitive representations. For illustration, Tweeting religion (someone is reading the Tweets of Pope Francis, religious head of Christian community across the world) (Image 5.18). Twitter shaped digital spatiality in the shape of microblogging sites where anyone can express them by Tweets/retweets within the 280-word limit. Anyone can access anyone’s Twitter account to read their Tweets/retweets or send follow requests. Twitter used followers more than friends. Twitter measures digital value in terms of how many followers are following you. Twitter is promoting celebrity culture even though it became an official site where anyone can approach and can make their grievances, whatsoever. Twitter also follows the same rule for profile and brief status through contact number

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Image 5.18 Tweeting religion. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

and email address unlike other social media platforms. Pope Francis is supposed to run his official Twitter account with his religious identity who have millions of followers across the world. Pope Francis used Twitter platform for religious purposes to update on religious, social or cultural issues or others. Religious symbols or pictures are often used as DP that is evident in various instances when people used religious images as profile identity. The use of religious symbols can be understood in a sense of digital identity that gives an initial understanding about the user. Social media profile page works like a screen where digital addresses popup to many who can be recognised through the same by the profile and status. In short, it is like digital identity that circulates in peer groups unless you augment further to control or restrict others who cannot access the same. The spatial manifestation of social media is the same as other digital gadgets. WhatsApp and Twitter are two different types of digital platforms where WhatsApp promotes chat communication while Twitter works as microblogging sites. Both follow the same rule for profile page and status. Social media spatiality can be explored further in terms of digital turn. These digital spaces behave accordingly; places in social media can be understood in the sense of profile, status, social media page, followers and friends are often considered as benchmarks to locate a digital user. What nature of profile image shared in their profile, nature of status of course does matter, nature of contents shared in their page whether misinformation or disinformation or how many friends or followers. It is like a place and considered a well-versed spatiality where a user can augment accordingly. Social media in places can be understood in contexts—mute or unmute smartphone to avoid distraction, switched on or switched off, reply official messages and maintain public decency on social media platform or in peer group. These gestures often give a sense of place where everyone is responsible to behave properly and maintain decency on social media platforms. Spaces in social media can be understood in a sense of anonymous or fictitious identity, active status, verified or unverified account and public or private status—at what capacity—authorized/unauthorized. Social media in space can be mapped in terms of digital platforms. There are thousands of different apps for

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Image 5.19 Religiosity through YouTube. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

different purposes from marketing to chat to financial purposes and many more. But, people often carry more than hundreds of apps on their smartphones. WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn, Telegram, Instagram, few marketing apps and financial transaction apps are found in every smartphone. However, these digital gadgets have made communication easier but contested as well. Desktop/laptops are augmented to suit daily activities including rituals.

5.4.4 E-Religiosity Through Desktop/Laptop The spatiality of laptop/desktop is similar to discussing digital gadgets. Laptop is an improved version of desktop and gradually replacing desktop in daily activities. The shape and size of the laptop are changing every day. The use of laptops is not restricted for writing only, rather nowadays used for multi-purposes. How is a laptop different from other communication devices? For illustration, listening/reading Quranic verses through apps (Image 5.19). Social networking sites played a crucial role in the expansion of religious contents that people are using for day-to-day ritual purposes in a flexible manner without distorting the intent and respect. Henceforth, sharing digital contents across the platforms made digital devices popular among users. Laptop can be used for religiosity in two ways; first, by Internet accessibility; second, after downloading the same content as offline mode. The algorithms of social media are now enabling users through voice. For illustration, man is listening to Hanuman Chalisa (hymn addressed to Lord Hanuman) (Image 5.20). The use of screen for religiosity is often visible for two reasons: first, to save time; and second, to perform better or feel comfortable.7 These gadgets are playing an important role when you are running out of time either for religiosity or else. Anyone can improve themselves in the capacity of being a learner from available online tutorials. 7

Time management is indeed a skill that everyone is supposed to learn it.

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Image 5.20 Virtual faith. Courtesy Vaishali Singh

Devotees often recite Hanuman Chalisa when they find themselves in stress. Lord Hanuman signifies the power. However, devotees recite or listen to Hanuman Chalisa every day to get strength but Tuesday is a specific day to commemorate the hymns. Communication media facilitates such contents in a click that can enhance religiosity. Screen in the laptop/desktop or iPad behaves like other media gadgets when an image is uploaded as a screensaver. In such situations, the screen is epitomized as a place where a user often pays their tribute to the deity/goddess, whatever. Screen behaves unlike a divine place when users can use it for religiosity. Some users installed images of goddess/deities—Lord Krishna, Lord Hanuman, Lord Shiva and deity Saraswathi while some prefer listening or watching Biblical verses or Quranic verses. Digital devices bring religiosity in a click when users can move accordingly to accommodate them for a balanced life. However, the screen is a contested space where several images are shaped and reshaped for social, political, cultural, economic, geographic and religious purposes. These images have their own meanings and representations. Screen is a metamorphic space where several images are supposed to appear to construct a storyline. It is a glassy material and opaque in nature but has lateral impacts upon its user. The screen is a metamorphic and virtual space (Turkle, 2002). The cultural practices are influenced by different orders of development that took place in different time spans. The practice of religion is too influenced by technology and particularly digital technology which became an important vehicle. Rituals are important in the lives that are inseparable in the digital age. Screen played a crucial role in the representations of religiosity. Images are supposed to be shown over screen and it represents contemporariness or contested frame by frame. The forthcoming chapter is discussing the spaces of screenscapes in order to map how and to what extent screens are influencing e-religiosity in daily activities.

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Appendix A Article 15 {Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth} 1. The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them. 2. No citizen shall, on ground only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with regard to— a. access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment; or b. the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained whole or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of general public. 3. Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women and children. 4. Nothing in this article or in clause (2) or article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. 5. Nothing in this article or in sub-clause (g) of clause (1) of article 19 shall prevent the State from making any special provision, by law, for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in so far as such special provisions relate to their admission to educational institutions including private educational institutions, whether aided or unaided by the State, other than the minority educational institutions referred to in clause (1) of article 30.

Appendix B Article 25 {Freedom of conscience and free profession, practice and propagation of religion} 1. Subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this Part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practice and propagate religion. 2. Nothing in this article shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the State from making any law— a. regulating or restricting any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice; b. providing for social welfare and reform or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus.

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[Explanation I: The wearing and carrying of kirpans shall be deemed to be included in the profession of the Sikh religion.] [Explanation II: In sub-Clause (b) of clause (2), the reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jaina or Buddhist religion, and the reference to Hindu religious institutions shall be construed accordingly.]

Appendix C Commentary Great persons have greater responsibility because common people follow them. So Shree Krishna urges that wise people should not perform any actions or make any utterances that lead the ignorant toward downfall. It may be argued that if the wise feel compassion for the ignorant, they should give them the highest knowledge—the knowledge of God-realization. Lord Krishna neutralizes this argument by stating na buddhi-bhedam ˙ janayet, meaning the ignorant should not be asked to abandon duties by giving superior instructions they are not qualified to understand. Usually, people in material consciousness consider only two options. Either they are willing to work hard for fruitive results or they wish to give up all exertions on the plea that all works are laborious, painful, and wrought with evil. Between these, working for results is far superior to the escapist approach. Hence, the spiritually wise in Vedic knowledge should inspire the ignorant to perform their duties with attentiveness and care. If the minds of the ignorant become disturbed and unsettled then they may lose faith in working altogether, and with actions stopped and knowledge not arising, the ignorant will lose out from both sides. If both the ignorant and the wise perform Vedic actions, then what is the difference between them? Apprehending such a question, Shree Krishna explains this in the next two verses. Source https://www.holy-bhagavad-gita.org/chapter/3/verse/26. Accessed 13 August 2020

References Adams PC (2009) Geographies of media and communication: a critical introduction. Wiley Blackwell, Oxford Barthes R (1977) The rhetoric of the image, reproduced in image, music, text (trans: Stephen Heath). Hill and Wang, New York Clinton B (1996) In search of the sacred: anthropology and the study of religions. Cassel, London Clark TR, Clanton DW (2012) (eds) Understanding religion and popular culture. Routledge, London Clothey FW (2008) Religion in India: a historical introduction. Routledge, London

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David L (1996) Making India Hindu: religion, community, and the politics of democracy in India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi DeVries H, Samuel W (2001) Religion and media. Stanford University Press, California Lefebvre H (1991) The production of space (trans: Donald Nicholson Smith). Blackwell, Oxford McGuire M (2002) Religion: the social context. Wadsworth Thomson Learning, New York Michael P, William H, Bruce R, David B (2003) Reasons and religious belief: an introduction to the philosophy of religion. Oxford University Press, Oxford Moinuddin S (2010) Media space and gender construction: a comparative study of state owned and private channels in post liberalization period. Cambridge Scholar Publishing, New Crystal Sekula A (1982) On the invention of photographic meaning. In: Burgin V (ed) Thinking photography. Macmillan, London Shah AB (1981) Religion and society in India. Somaiya Publications Pvt Ltd, New Delhi Soja E (1996) Third space: journey to Loss Angles and other real and imagined places. Blackwell, London Steve B (1999) Choice and religion: a critique of rational choice theory. Oxford University Press, New York Turkle S (2002) Life on the screen: identity in the age of internet. In: Dear MJ, Flusty S (eds) The spaces of postmodernity. Blackwell, Oxford

Chapter 6

Spaces of Screenscapes in India

Abstract The spatiality of Television is unlike a metamorphic space. Television works as lived spatiality wherein nature and pattern of contents vary in spatialtemporal contexts. After radio and print materials, Television was the most powerful medium to disseminate the information that works in principle of mediations; propaganda, framing and agenda settings. Religious programs are exclusively shown across the Television channels in vivid representations and interpretations. Television shaped such religious symbols to flaunt religiosity in public spaces. This chapter is about how and to what extent Television shaped religiosity. Keywords Television · Identity · Social space · Traditional · Stereotypes

6.1 Introduction: Spaces of Ramayana and Mahabharat Religion is one of the cultural traits and people are supposed to practice the same. The role of communication devices is inevitable in daily lives. The religious identities were further shaped in a sense of virtual images or symbols or quotes which appeared in different resolutions. The religious images are further influenced by Television when different religious programs became popular among viewers. The nature of such religious programs has their own targeted viewers. Television telecasts religious programs in 24*7 time schedule in both prime and non-prime time. During COVID-19 global pandemic, Ramayana and Mahabharat were specially telecasted during lockdown period. Then, Information and Broadcasting Minister Mr. Prakash Javadekar announced through their Twitter handle that “Ramayana would have retelecasts on DD National from 28 March 2020 onwards on public demand.1 Two episodes of the iconic mythological serial of the 1980s would have telecast-one in the morning from 9 to 10 am and another in evening from 9 to 10 pm”. However, the decision to show mythology-based epics was questioned and speculated that the move was nothing except to promote religiosity through public channel Doordarshan 1

Though Govt said they are starting on public demands but in fact it was political move to serve the same contents that helped them to took centre stage in the politics.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_6

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(DD). However, the decisions were argued and suggested that watching mythological shows would lead to reduced stress and swing the mood in the times of coronavirus lockdown. The selection of these epic serials was criticized on governance level as well when people said that the government should come out as secular than promote a religious ideologue. Some people demanded from DD to show some historical epic and other cultural shows but the government was adamant on their decision to show these two epics along with another popular serial Malgudi Days. The decision to show both Ramayana and Mahabharat 2 was a political decision to score a political goal. It was a political decision when the government found a suitable time to show them Hindu religion-based mythology serials which made the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) inroads to power. Why did the government feel it necessary to re-telecast both the epic serials during Coronavirus lockdown? How TV constructed religiosity? During the 1990s, BJPs raised the Ayodhya issue to construct Ram Temple in the demolished Babri mosque site. However, the issue was in the court and later in early 2020 the Supreme Court gave its verdict in favour of Ram Temple construction while the Court accepted that demolition of mosque was illegal and despite that Supreme Court gave verdict in favour of Ram Temple.3 The motive behind re-telecast was of course a political decision to consolidate vote banks and second, to show such epic serials to digital youth who were born during the 1990s and not aware about such Hindu mythological rituals that binds the Hindu in the name of religiosity. In the 1980s when the first time both the epic serials were telecast on DD, it was a huge success on Television. However, vernacular Hindi Television news channels played a crucial role in the expansion of BJP in Hindi heartland (Rajagopal 2001). The success of epic was often rationale on following grounds: first, visual representations of epic were complete a different experience among people who are visualized the saga on Television; second, Television was new for Indians during 1980s and considered as luxurious communication media to enjoy entertainments in their dining room; third, middle-class society was new in that time who broadened the consumption culture in the country. The religious program was made to provide an alternative path to keep socio-cultural texture intact along with religiosity when it shows an alternative path to live accordingly. The cultural demand for such religious programs remains high among females and children and old-age peoples across the gender. Television is the mother of digital/analogue screen entertainments that revolutionized cultural portrayals and nowadays the same is available across a number of media apps through a click. TV endorsed a number of programs in different spatial contexts and facilitates a number of issues to come across when an individual can find satiable to some extent whether to adhere or avoid the same in their lives. TV 2

The proposed timing for epic was slotted to telecast at 12 pm while another will be telecast at 7 pm every day from 28 March 2020 onwards. Mahabharat, the classic epic from the bygone era was, produced by B. R. Chopra. 3 The decision was accepted by both sides, though there were various remarks made by honourable court was fictitious and conflicts to itself and let decision pronounced on Faith not on evidences. For details, https://www.sci.gov.in/pdf/JUD_2.pdf. Accessed 20 June 2020.

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emerged as an agent who shapes smiles, fears, melancholy, interests and contextualized daily affairs including religiosity besides entertainments and infotainments. Spaces of Television were restricted to monologs where sometimes official statements passed to follow as awareness or as a silicon line to accept and digest the same despite being odd. Thousands of thinking floats on Television to trap the viewers irrespective of age, religion, caste, class and tribes. Television started their journey as public but turned towards private over period. Therefore, Television became the spaces of convergence and divergence as well: convergence in sense of giving voices to unheard, marginal, minorities, tribes, caste and class representations in dramatic versions; while divergence in sense of religiosity, practices, faiths, rituals and many more in pictorial, audio and textual formats.

6.2 Spaces of Traditional Stereotypes In India, Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC) is the premier institution to record the Television Rating Point (TRPs) and regulate in such a direction (Appendix A). Though BARC records TRPs but not ranking, therefore some private channels often use such gaps to say that their channel is enjoying the highest number of viewership or else, such claims have their own justification and vary from channel to channel. The top ten serials4 that enjoyed the highest number of viewership for different reasons but one thing was common among them. All ten soap operas were portrayed in traditional social backgrounds which often considered that people like such depictions. Moreover, the name of these serials connotes traditional characters that are often found in varied orders in the society. The ranking of these soap operas is dynamic and often replaced by new soap operas. The contents of these soap operas can be understood in various traditional, conventional, usual, habitual, accepted, fixed and old-fashioned daily manifestations and representations. “Anupamaa” is an Hindi drama TV serial of Star Plus that premiered on 13 July 2020. It stars Rupali Ganguly as Anupamaa in the lead role. This serial is based on Star Jalsha’s Bengali TV serial “Sreemoyee” (The story revolves around family drama where female protagonists, triangle love story, home, business were portrayed in daily affairs when sacrifice, dedication, lateral love, and family were portrayed in distinguished typical traditional postures.). “Imlie” is an Hindi drama TV serial of Star Plus that premiered on 16 November 2020. This serial is based on Star Jalsha’s Bengali Television serial “Ishti Kutum” (The story revolves around a marriage that was not consensual rather a forced when actors depicting family drama in quite traditional postures that are evident in daily lives.). “Naagin” is a Hindi language Indian Television serial on Colors Television. This is an Indian thriller, fantasy and supernatural Television serial. This Television serial is currently running its 4th seasons. Like the serial and the season, this season also has a number one rank in the BARC 4

For details, see, https://www.jobpures.com/top-10-indian-tv-serials-this-week-by-barc-trp/. Accessed 17 Sept 2021.

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ratings” (The story moves around a female protagonist who are actually a “Nagin” (snake-female Cobra) and she supposed to take revenge of misjustice. The daily affairs moves around like family where too many characters are playing traditional role in different capacities which is full humour, anger, revenge, love and sensitiveness.). “Kumkum Bhagya is a Hindi language Indian Television serial on Zee Television. This is an Indian family and drama Television serial. Kumkum Bhagya is produced by Ekta Kapoor under Balaji Telefilms. It started on 15 April 2014 on Zee Television” (The story preoccupied with name Kumkum (vermillion) is considered most auspicious for a female to look being married. It is a love story who are destined to be together despite all odds.). “Kundali Bhagya is a Hindi language Indian Television serial on Zee Television. This is an Indian family and drama Television serial. It started on 12 July April 2017 on Zee Television. This show produced by Ekta Kapoor’s Balaji Telefilms” (It is love story of two sister who lost in their childhood which is based on love, beauty, fantasy, sex and alcoholism in traditional blend.). “Taarak Mehta Ka Ooltah Chashmah is an Indian Hindi comedy and drama genre Television serial. The show started to air on 28 July 2008 on Sab Television. The serial is produced by Neela Tele Films. It is one of India’s longest-running television shows” (It is again a drama which is full of sarcastic, rhetoric and traditional understanding in the residential society when conflicts, crisis, problems, melancholy, rituals are shared altogether.). “Yeh Rishta Kya Kehlata Hai is an Indian Hindi soap opera serial. This is an Indian family and drama genre Television serial. It premiered on 12 January 2009 on Star Plus. This serial is produced by Rajan Shahi under director’s Kut Productions. It is the fourth longest-running Indian television soap opera” (The story revolves around a young couple from Marwadi society who are portrayed in different capacities in a traditional thinking wherein household chores were represented within traditional extents. This is the longest running episode in the country.). “Shakti – Astitva Ke Ehsaas Ki” is an Indian Hindi Television serial. It is a social drama genre Hindi Television serial on Colors Television. This premiered on 30 May 2016. Shakti is produced by Rashmi Sharma telefilms “(The story is about female infanticide when people killed female before they are born. The story moves around a girl who has been saved and how she succeeds in daily lives and strengthens the family with time. The story sends a message against traditional and old thinking. What is the relevance of such serials in the 21st Century digital age?)”. “Bhabiji Ghar Par Hain! is an Indian Hindi Television serial on & TV. It is a Hindi comedy and drama Television serial. This premiered on 2 March 2015 on & TV. The show is produced by Bennifer Kohli under the banner of edit II Productions” (A complete entertainment family drama based on two neighbours where male protagonists are shown as freaks, flaunts, and flirting with other’s wife in different sociocultural-economic backgrounds. The story used a typical linguistic tone in Kanpuri style-city Kanpur, UP.). “Chhoti Sardarni is an Indian Hindi Television serial. It is a family drama genre Hindi Television serial on Colors Television. Choti Sardarni is the Hindi drama series that premiered on 1 July 2019 on Colours Television” (The story revolves around love, affection, marriage, pregnancy, childbirth, remarriage, accusations, plotting, killing and migration of Sikh family in different stereotypical depictions. The story genre is traditional plotting.). “Crime Patrol is a Hindi crime

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anthology series on Sony Television. The series was originally released on 9 May 2003 and is running till now. It is one of India’s longest-running crime TV shows” (The crime analogy series presents crime episodes in dramatized version. The motive of series keeps aware people from harassment, kidnapping and murder what is often reported from real-life incidents.). “Savdhaan India is Hindi crime Television series, It started on Life OK (2012–17) and Star Bharat (2017-present). It is one of India’s longest-running crime TV shows” (The program was run to keep people alert from day-to-day criminal activities through the program was rebooted in time-to-time to attract more viewers.). These small screen serials and soap operas are traditional in both portrayals and dramatized versions having potential to fetch more and more viewership and sponsored advertisements. All the above-mentioned serials are moving around day-to-day homely affair protagonists that is inevitable in a homely business when some characters are crucial and take centre stage when rest characters are moving around. These serials often portrayed rituals, traditions, values, taboos, ethnicity, customs, faiths, sacredness and religiosity in traditional styles. Of course, the portrayals of traditionalism have their own merits and demerits. It gives business and political economy of traditions. However, the celebration cannot be complete without some basic commodities-bangles, vermillion, attires, fruits, sweets, incense sticks, sarees, religious icons and many more things in day-to-day affairs. Such traditional portrayals undermine scientific development and critical thinking rather focused on entertainment around said rituals that are often considered utmost in Indian social space. Interestingly, all top ten serials are from private channels who enjoyed higher TRPs than public channels (Doordarshan (DD)).

6.3 Spaces of Tweeting/Retweeting India is a pot of cultural vividness and found in its full of charms and swings praised every moment of life. Religiosity is indeed a cultural identity. Religiosity can be read and written in various ways including past and present manifestations when some sections are adamant to adhere to the past practices-rituals, customs, traditions and religions. While some people want to break the same orthodox, rudimentary and obligatory religious practices under the influence of modern approach or consider to keep off. Some sections are in favour of saving the past cultural practices as part of Indian identity while some want to go beyond such stereotypical identity in the digital era. Such struggles often get attention in both pros and cons when some groups justified the breaking of sickle while some criticized for being modern and drifting away from cultural identity. Sometimes, such discourse took ugly turns when political support extends their bashing of a group behind curtain or indirectly propagating a religious orthodoxy to strict with past identity. However, across social media trolls are a new bigot and banal army who works under political allegiance without disclosing their real identity who are fighting on social media as saviour of traditional identity. For illustration, Bollywood actress Mandira Bedi was trolled

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for religious (in)tolerance when she performed last rites of her departed husband when she carried bier herself though in traditional practice bier can be carried by male only. Why cannot be female? Who will do last rites if there is no male in the surviving family? Why does religion discriminate on gender grounds? However, ruptures and discontent in the name of religious (in)tolerance can be understood in everyday discourse when someone can take you on religious grounds for what is wrong or right. In the case of Mandira Bedi, some of her friends and sympathizers defended her against trolls. She has been criticized for wearing denim blue jeans and white t-shirt during performing last rites of her husband under religious codes. In her response to Sona Mohapatra from her Twitter handle categorically rejects the dress code narrative rather she called it an extension of stupidity and nothing else. If someone is thinking the same at this moment when she had to perform the last rites of her husband not to choose what dress to wear. However, both the above-mentioned tweets are verified and available in public domain and can be accessed.5 In her tweet, Mini Mathur categorized such demand as fools! Rather, she was sympathetically asked to think for her kids than dress. However, the narratives took their own course of action and completely left to individuals how and at what should favour. The discretion is based on various grounds, therefore, as a result people divide on such issues wherein some take support side while some out reject in first hand. In fact, nobody is in position to claim what is wrong or right; rather, it can be understood in terms of both objective and subjective in nature. There is a common view across democratic worlds that things should be measured through how many supporters or in other words majoritarian versus minorities. It is subject to pluralism and it should have prevailed at last when such a narrative took an odd turn in the name of cultural identity (Appendix B).

6.4 Spaces of Cults Educational institutions are promoting or distinguishing ‘us’ and ‘them’ cultural cults among toddlers. The cultural practices in a sense of rituals and traditions across educational institutions are contrary to what the constitution of India is enshrined for secularism.6 Secularism endows each faith and belief as sacrosanct while pluralism endowed majoritarian values. The celebration of Saraswathi puja across educational institutions or fancy dress competition among toddlers school to celebrate Shree Krishna Janamsthmi (birth anniversary) or organizing Iftar party in minority institutions. Though participation is anticipated from all sections without any overlapping, these celebrations have been going for decades without any conflict and crisis and to some extent nothing wrong to celebrate and disseminate cultural values. The same 5

For details, see, https://www.indiaforums.com/article/mandira-bedi-trolled-for-performing-rajkaushals-last-rites-mini-mathur-sona-mohapatra-react-strongl_177732. Accessed 18 Oct 2021. 6 Constitution of India enshrined the faith/practice in their preamble-sovereign, socialist, secular and democratic with its focus on justice, liberty, equality and fraternity.

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became problematic after politicization. Political parties started organizing the Iftar party to lure people to add in their folds in terms of inclusive approach, however at the end the sanctity of Iftar lost their vibes and it remains dwell as eating purposes or political at the end. Similarly, the fancy dress competition for kindergartens is not limited to an individual’s choice, rather it is compulsory to participate and as a result the generation who have gone through these processes are somehow drawing a line in between us and them. The teachings of these faiths lost their meaning in the political world when every door is opening at political shades. The celebration of Saraswathi puja is primarily organized across educational institutions because goddess Saraswathi is considered as goddess of knowledge/education in Indian tradition. Therefore, it became a routine to celebrate every year. Institutions are built to strengthen constitutional obligations but rift over embodying culture policy when two groups have different understanding on an issue. The same become contentious in a binary sense whose cultures are more authentic, scientific, rational and inclusive. The celebration is not restricted to organizations rather targeted for political reasons. The cultural turn did not spare educational institutions to remain neutral; rather, they turned to celebrate the religions as active though it was neither dominant nor passive it was as usual celebrated across the lives. The political experiment to celebrate the culture may be suicidal for any civilizational cradle. English, French, Portuguese, Spanish and Italian were taught in the class curriculum to make a convenient population unlike other infrastructures for exploitations. Of course, these are taught to exploit the resources. Similarly, cultural traits often embody political class to score the same for political reasons. The celebration of cultural fest should not be restricted rather open to all but political experimentation may dent in the name of inclusiveness. For illustration, Muslims are nowadays restricted during Garba, a cultural folk dance during Navratri in Gujarat, though it is purely a politicization of Garba while in the past all Gujarati irrespective of religions and faiths took part in the folk dance.

6.5 Spaces of Sign Private media were allowed after the liberalization policy in 1991 in the country. Prior to TV industries, cinema (Bollywood), theatre, radio, tape-recorder, orchestra and folk dance were the source of entertainment. Television has not only revolutionized the contents, portrayals and representations, rather politicized the same in the country (Moinuddin 2010, 2017). The effects of Television are visible across the households. It was Television that pursued viewers to create a space for sacrosanct place for religious practices within the home premise. In fact, it was quite before Television too. In fact, Television polished the same beliefs when a separate corner or designated place was carved to do rituals. At the same time, Television pushed society and community to create their identity along with religious and cultural programs.

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Bokaro Steel City came in the map of the globe after establishment of Bokaro Steel Plant (BSL) in 1965 in collaboration with the USSR. Later it became a subsidiary of Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL). The steel plant has been in the domain for lives and livelihood in the city. The city became a hub of migrated labour, over a period of time. The flow of economy gradually erected many more social, cultural and economic centres in the city. By the 1990s only a few homes had Television. The city could not remain isolated rather joined in the same political chores. The city never experienced any communal clash until 2016 when during Ram Navami some miscreants tried to disturb the social harmony but prompt action taken by district administration saved the ethos of the city. By the end of the twentieth century every home had a Television and this was the phase when religious epics were shown on Television. Over a period of time, the city could not keep isolated from socialpolitical polarization that emerged after the Ayodhya-Babri issue, unlike other parts of the country. For illustration, on Bokaro-Ramgarh highway (N.H. 24) near Siwandih (Bokaro, Jharkhand) in the stretch of 3 kms, three Lord Hanuman temples were erected in the last two decades while at the same time some of mosques were reconstructed along with minarets as well. There was already a temple and mosque in the stretch. Why did only Lord Hanuman’s temple are constructed? Because lord hanuman symbolised as the god of power therefore erected to pose as community or else. Why were minarets incorporated in mosques? Because minarets are usually made to give azaan in Islamic tradition and incorporated as part of architectural importance than any proper use or in short, they too posed as a separate community. Lord Hanuman temple was erected nearby railway crossing, Bansgora and Ritudih locality while minarets emerged in the vicinity of Siwandih locality in the city. Both communities were found to reflex their muscles through their religious institutions without disturbing the peaceful atmosphere in the city. The change was reported along with highways when such constructions were visible and became part of cultural notions with time. The religious institutions embody many modifications and beautification to fulfil the religious aspirations of the devotees in last two decades. These religious structures can be studied further as a socio-cultural boundary line between two communities who lived cordially in the city. The city endorsed the changes with time in both livelihood and cultural fronts wherein the role of both Bokaro Steel Plant and Television cannot be separated. Television made a number of intrinsic changes while industry enhanced the economic livelihood.

6.6 Spaces of Artefacts Religious artefacts are commonly visible either hanging on the wall or kept over tables in a corner across the households. The purpose is, of course, to get blessed as well as to decorate the living hall where guests often sit. The home decoration or interior decoration is a full-fledged training course where the aesthetics of decorations are taught in different shades. People decorate their homes with paintings, sculptures,

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Image 6.1 Artefacts table. Courtesy Shekh Zafar

calligraphy, images, laughing Buddha, Idol of Ganesh, historical architecture and environmental images, etc. The range may be varied in nature and contextual in some extent which often reflects the thinking of the owner. However, such impressions come from various sources including Television and other media outlets. For illustration, the artefacts posed three different trajectories-time, credentials and religiosity (Image 6.1). Each artefact has its own spatial trajectories and is placed to transcend a specific message to greet visitors in the home. Spaces of artefacts can be understood in three ways: first space, secondary space and tertiary space. First space can be understood in a sense of perceived space and secondary space in terms of conceived space while tertiary space in the conception of lived space. The dining or common hall is an extension of the third space; however, the screen of Television is third space, too. First space indicates the perceived nature whether you went through such artefacts earlier or not. The extent of perception varies when the viewer who viewed the artefacts can be categorised as simple or masterpiece. The owner who purchased the artefacts in order to feel lively or in other words, the artefacts enhance the aesthetic look of the spatiality. Third space administers the artefacts as lived when someone feels fascinated and feels closed with artefacts. Each artefact has its own dimension and is based on the custodian that what they preferred in the artefacts. The decoration of homes by artefacts is crucial when everyone wants to show the best side of their home during video calling or other moments in the digital age.

6.7 Spaces of Television TV is a ubiquitous electronic device that is found in almost every home across the world. In India, TV was started with terrestrial experimental telecasts in Delhi on 15 September 1959 with a small transmitter with a makeshift studio. However, daily transmission began in 1965 as a part of All India Radio (AIR). Television service was later expanded to Mumbai (then Bombay) and Amritsar in 1972. DD was the

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nodal agency to look after all programs as part of AIR. DD was separated from AIR in 1976. In the beginning, morning and evening were scheduled to telecast the programs based on agriculture, health and family planning were the other important topics dealt with in these programs. Entertainment was also included in the form of dance, music, drama, folk and rural art forms. National telecast was introduced in 1982. In the same year, colour television was introduced in the Indian market. “Television is a domestic medium. It is watched at home. Ignore at home. Discussed at home. Watched in private and with members of family or friends. But it is part of our domestic culture in other ways too, providing in its programming and its schedules models and structures of domestic life, or at least of certain versions of domestic life. It is also a means for our integration into a consumer culture through which our domesticity is both constructed and displayed” (Silverstone 1994: 24). TV is domesticated over a period of time where people solely depend upon TV for news, sports, entertainments, weather news and infotainment. Smartphones and iPads are similar working features unlike TV where screen is common apart from shape and size. Indian TV industry completely revamped after the 1991 liberalization policy when private players were allowed in the industry. Since then, both content and business turnover of the TV industry have increased many folds. The private channels showed traditional stereotypes while DD showed progressive gender stereotypes (Moinuddin 2010). The religious programs are shown on Television in both prime and non-prime time. After telecasts of epic serials Ramayana and Mahabharat many religious serials were shown. The religious identity was further shaped by Television when a number of religious channels and programs were commissioned. For illustration, a man is watching a religious program on Television (Image 6.2). Of course, such religious programs have their own set of viewers who viewed either religious purposes or to come across in between changing channels or other reasons. Image 6.2 Religious TV. Courtesy Abhilasha Prasad

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Graph 6.1 Digital devices for religiosity. Source After Survey (2015)

A limited survey was held in the capital city-Delhi, to record from both male and female respondents, to map the role of Television to what extent Television shaped religiosity. Around 53% used a small screen than 47% preferred Television for religious programs. The mobility and other daily activities did not reduce the interests of religious programs in the digital age (Graph 6.1). Nearby 55% preferred to watch religious programs on Television while nearly 45% used small screens (Graph 6.2). The number of people who prefer to watch religious programs on TV is outnumbered and can be understood in terms of pull and push religiosity. The pull can be understood in a sense of digital devices that attracted viewers to see such programs while push can be understood in a conception of paucity of time or other engagements that pushed people to use digital devices for the said purposes. The shown religious program often depicts mystical theology. For example, Sankatmochan Mahabali Hanuman on Sony TV or Santoshi Maa on & TV channel was popular among viewers. The popularity of such religious programs was in greater demand due to socio-political constructions of the Indian society where religion has its own importance to fight with day-to-day stresses. TV is often considered a prime source to propagate religious contents beside the other forms of religious materials that are available in society. Apart from aesthetic and virtue, the emotional sentiments in religious programs play a catalytic role to keep the viewers intact. Of course, there are substantial viewers who preferred religious programs and older people and others who stayed in the home throughout the day or non-working population. Around 38% viewers mainly used Television for news and entertainments respectively while merely 19% used for religious programs including 5% for other programs. The news contains more than one-third while the rest twothird comprised religious, web series and entertainment programs. The religious programme comprised one-fifth in the preferred by the viewers (Graph 6.3). People’s choice often varies and is based upon various prejudices. About 52% preferred non-religious channels while 48% viewers preferred Astha TV (30%) and

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Graph 6.2 Religious programs on TV? Source After survey (2015)

Graph 6.3 TV programme apart from religiosity? Source After survey (2015)

followed by Jagran TV (12%) and Satsang TV (6%) (Graph 6.4). Interestingly, nonreligious shows included religious cartoon or animation shows for children where Lord Hanuman, Bhim and Ganesh were in vivid capacities. However, the role of Television for the promotion of religiosity is duly divided on fifty-fifty, it means half of viewers found Television is instrumental in the religiosity while the same was not agreed (Graph 6.5). Around 33% preferred to see religious programs in the morning and nearly 9% preferred in the evening while around 24% preferred during leisure periods when they have free time (Graph 6.6). Meanwhile more than half of them neither followed any time schedule to watch religious contents on Television. Why did people prefer mornings to evenings for religious programs on TV? Though day begins with morning, therefore people start their morning with rituals and being blessed.

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Graph 6.4 Religious TV channels. Source After Survey (2015)

Graph 6.5 TV channel shaped religiosity. Source After Survey (2015)

After watching some religious program the level of religiosity increased in some proportions, though the same can be conceived as mediated when influence of screen is inseparable, in most cases. Around 51% are mediatized while 49% are not influenced (Graph 6.7). The fixation of time for religious programs is a contentious task for everyone except a few including older people who want to be more religious for undisclosed reasons including to be blessed in their funeral. Around 26% used specific time for religious programs along with other engagements when about 16% watched more than one hour, nearly 6% watched more than three hours while about 4% watched more than five hours every day. However, around two-third people watched religious programs whenever they found some free time. In other words, more than 80% watched religious programs for more than three hours (Graph 6.8). People belonging

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Graph 6.6 Preferred time on TV for religiosity. Source After Survey (2015)

Graph 6.7 Religiosity after religious program on TV. Source After Survey (2015)

to different social backgrounds may be another reason behind such a high number who watched religious programs for hours. Of course, companionship does matter whether watching in a small screen or a bigger one. In case of religious programs viewers had the same cognitive preferences when around 17% watched religious programs when they are alone, around 6% preferred to see when they are accompanying friends and others while 57% chose to see along with family members (Graph 6.9). The wishes are often shaped by the available circumstances in different capacities. How frequent is someone visiting religious sites? Indeed, it is an inseparable part of religious beliefs when someone needs to visit regularly to remain solace and blessed. Around 79% often chose to visit their respective religious sites while 21% wished every day or can be mapped as religious. In other words, more than 60%

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Graph 6.8 Time investment on TV for religious programs. Source After Survey (2015)

Graph 6.9 Preferred to watch religious programme on TV. Source After Survey (2015)

visited at least once in a month while 40% visited during festival time only or around 80% were not regular visitors (Graph 6.10). Greetings are of course an established medium to share gestures whether by call or message or else. However, sharing greetings became easy in the digital age when greetings are received in a fraction of second. Around 76% wished to greet by using some available technologies and avoid to greet by personally or 24% chose to greet by meeting personally rather than any means of device (Graph 6.11). Greetings are indeed a kind of human gesture to greet in various capacities. Greetings may be in the shape of emoji, text message, Graphics Interchange Formats (GIFs) and image and animated video. The practice of e-services was started in order to serve better religious services to those who are avoiding crowds or other reasons for not being present at the sacrosanct place. However, around 64% chose

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Graph 6.10 How frequent visit religious place. Source After Survey (2015)

Graph 6.11 Preferred mode for religious greetings. Source After Survey (2015)

to visit the religious site rather 36% wished for e-religious services for religious purposes. The e-religious services are now started by almost all big and popular religious organizations (Graph 6.12). Henceforth, around 53% conceived that smartphones played a critical role in the promotion of e-religiosity while around 47% were conspicuous to believe any such influence of smartphones (Graph 6.13). The utility of smartphones is noticed in the preceding paragraphs apart from communication purposes. The number of different apps made smartphones a multifunctional gadget or all in one device. The demand for smartphones is increasing for various purposes including banking, news, infotainment, entertainment and religiosity as well. People are supposed to use gadgets for different purposes including

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Graph 6.12 E-religious practices. Source After Survey (2015)

Graph 6.13 Smartphones shaped e-religiosity. Source After Survey (2015)

religiosity that is becoming a cultural phenomenon in the country. The multifunctional aspects are becoming an identity in the mediated world where religiosity is practised by through different digital devices. Digital culture is not limited to communication gadgets rather the use of technology in daily habits is shaping it. The role of Television is phenomenal in comparison with ‘cool’ media (radio). Television played a crucial role in the making of consumer culture in daily lives. The expansion of technological development brought new modes of products including communication gadgets that made life easier and bridged the gap between rural and urban; rich and poor; male and female, etc. Communication devices are shaped to cater the social and cultural needs in fact such growth of attitude is shaping the political economy. The business of religion is not a new venture; rather, it is digitalized when a number of media gadgets and

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social media are shaping and reshaping business, politics, cultural traits and during pandemic role was evident in various representations and interpretations. The experiment with digital gadgets is behind the conception of virtual societies in a sense of virtual communities. No one can deny gadgets in their lives or in other words it is a new mantra for digital socialization. The upcoming chapter is mapping the extent of image politics in a sense of how we perceive religious images within a political influence or circumstance.

Appendix A: Top 10 Indian TV Serials by TRP (BARC) Ratings

No

SERIAL

CHANNEL

TRP RATING

1

ANUPAMA

STAR PLUS

9273 K

2

GHUM HAI KISIKEY PYAAR MEIN

STAR PLUS

7842 K

3

IMLI

STAR PLUS

7821 K

4

TAARAK MEHTA KA OOLTAH CHASHMA

SAB TV

7009 K

5

SUPER DANCER CHAPTER 4

SONY TV

6709 K

6

KUNDALI BHAGYA

ZEE TV

5301 K

7

YEH RISHTA KYA KEHLATA HAI

STAR PLUS

5220 K

8

CHOTTI SARDARNI

COLORS TV

5124 K

9

YEH RISHTA KYA KEHLATA HAI

STAR PLUS

4996 K

10

YEH RISHTEY HAIN PYAAR KE

STAR PLUS

4834 K

Appendix B: Tweet/Re-Tweet Tweet 1: Sona Mohapatra@sonamohapatra Sona Mohapatra@sonamohapatra. That some people are still commenting on Mandira Bedi’s dress code or choice to carry out her husband Raj Kushal’s last rites shouldn’t surprise us. Stupidity is more abundant than any other element in our world after all.. 5:58 PM ·Jul 2, 2021·Twitter for iPhone 64 Retweets, 24 Quote Tweets, 803 Likes.

References

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Tweet 2: Mini Mathur@minimathur Mini Mathur@minimathur. Makes me sick that people are having a field day trolling a grieving woman for performing last rites on her husband instead of asking a stranger or her tiny kid. Or for not having the time to dress the way THEY imagine grieving women should dress. Fools!! Applaud her strength! 9:34 AM ·Jul 3, 2021·Twitter for iPhone, 158 Retweets, 29 Quote Tweets, 1344 Likes.

References Moinuddin S (2017) Mediascape and the state: a geographical interpretation of image politics in Uttar Pradesh, India. Springer, Cham/Switzerland Moinuddin S (2010) Media space and gender construction: a comparative study of state owned and private channels in post liberalization period. Cambridge Scholar Publishing, New Crystal, United Kingdom Rajagopal A (2001) Politics after television: Hindu nationalism and the reshaping of the public in India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Silverstone R (1994) Television and everyday life. Routledge, London

Chapter 7

Contours of Image Politics in India

Abstract Religious images are inseparable from political discourse and subsequent politicization will reshape religious images further that influences political agenda. Religious images are used during the freedom struggle to unite against Britishers, while nowadays for making political scores. These images are used to motivate and arouse social, cultural and political sentiments of the people. Religious Images are often circulated as faiths, beliefs and rituals when the same can represent in a perception of political ideology, crisis, conflicts and many others. This chapter is about spatial mapping of image politics of religious images in the country. Keywords Image politics · Secularism · Spatiality · Private place · Public spaces

7.1 Introduction: Mapping Image Politics Images are everywhere. Images are produced and reproduced purposefully to cater the needs of religiosity as well as politics. Images are carved and made circulation across the media outlets. Each carved image has its own orientation and objective to address a goal. Images are independent entities but subsequent politicization creates the demand for such images. Image politics is unlike a political phenomenon when politics is inseparable from images. Images are spatial too that embody the features of physical, cultural, social, economic, geography and many others in a sense of image politics. Rajagopal (2001) argues that Television has profoundly changed the nature and features of politics in India, which brought the BJP into the limelight and provided them an opportunity to rule over the country and expand their political ideology as well. Rajagopal observes that Hindu nationalism used both media and commodities (image) for expanding political horizon and reaching to the audience, respectively. BJP used Television and its rhetorical episodes which brought changes to both the people and politics in India. Television operates within the logic of capital exchange as well. However, the media played a significant role in creating partisan identities. The division of people into two segments where one belongs to the English language, while the others to vernacular languages was one such division. The English language audience was relatively coherent, well networked, elite, while the Hindi language was larger in number and contrary to the English language audience. The reach of © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7_7

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Hindi media was more towards the interiors of the country than the relatively urban character of English language. The English press was largely limited to political and legal issues, while Hindi press was diverse in its coverage of social and political issues to reach out to their audience. The BJP utilized the Hindi press which was sympathetic to the Ayodhya issue. Rajagopal (2001) examined the role of visual and print media that how media helped to shape the Ayodhya issue for political goals. He argues that vernacular media was instrumental to radicalize the issue rather than English media reporting the issue in light of social tension that became wider. Christopher Pinney (2009) argues that politics of images usually circulates around the people in a political context. In India, the sacred is seen as a pure substance and creates a separate spatial identity when the “sacred symbol” and “sacred space” shape the image further. He used the image of a cow and leaders to paint these with a religious tinge to explain the politics of spatiality during the first half of twentieth century India. He further explains the image politics and dimensions of an image around cows. The cow is a sacred sign and symbol and of course and represents a society as well. The image of a cow forged a new sense of community among the people and the process of sanctification was carried to represent the sacred space in society. Pinney (2009) use another example-during the twentieth century, Bengali Drama Matri Puja was seen as a seditious allegory and later various festivals were held to show its allegorical purpose. Pinney (2009) notes that the allegory may be different either in poem, plays and many other forms for critical purposes. However, Pinney further examined the image of M.K. Gandhi and Bhagat Singh for various reasons. Both are well-known figures but M.K. Gandhi was more accepted than Bhagat Singh across the global social space. The images of both are available in the market across the vendors in different capacities and quite distinguishable. The images of both leaders send two different messages across the social space. Pinney further explores the image of Bhagat Singh with the help of a painting by Rup Kishor Kapur who was active in the Congress Party during the independence movement. The image of Bhagat Singh was supposed to depict martyrs at various points in history and later the image became symbolic of artefacts in Indian culture. It shows Bhagat Singh beheaded, offering his head on a plate to Bharat Mata (India). Bharat Mata is shown weeping. Apart from these images, other celebrations of martyrdom were identified as being seditious. Pinney (2009) also uses the image of Lord Krishna along with the Sudarshan chakra. The depiction of Gandhi in Indian culture is almost that of an avatar (incarnation) of one of the Gods. Some of his images do reflect a divine Hindu identity. Pinney interpreted the images of Gandhi and Bhagat Singh in two different contexts in order to understand the socio-politico spatiality. The relevance of both the leaders was inevitable during the freedom movement in two different ways which Pinney had tried through images.

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7.2 Spaces of Image Politics The political discourse has been revolving around religion and subsequent politicization of religion influences the political agenda during elections. The emerging concept of e-religiosity has been experimented with mundane permutation and combination across the public sphere. The concept of politics and religion has different aspects but when they come together somewhere it creates a different relation which comes out in the form of secularism and communalism too. The relationship between politics and religion performs different functions in post-colonialism. India is a multi-religious society wherein Hindu-Muslim politics is another issue that has been noticed in the past few years. Of course, politics is about to ride in power. Louis Althusser (1970) examined the power and ideology of the state and how long it dominated the ideology of the struggling class. As the state acts as a machine of repression, which entitles the ruling classes to certify their domination over the working class, basically, the state propagates the ruling class as the subject. The media play a very crucial role to disseminate information based on these issues. When the modern state apparatus arrived during the British period and regime of enumeration, the religious identities and their significance for the state machinery got consolidated. It automatically cultivated into the debate on the role of religion in politics in India. However, at the time of freedom struggle, the issue of the identity of India took shape. The question of Hindu Rashtra and Hindutva as the systematic principle of Indian polity emerged centrally in the writings of Savarkar and Golwalkar. In this notion, there are many views that establish the different approaches, on the other side; Nehru was one of the opponents of mixing religion with politics. He was very talkative to the idea of religion playing a key role in social life. He considered religion as the poisonous element, which converted politics into the grime level. The massive condition that grows from religion and politics somehow affects the country and the public or private sphere of the people. Nehru’s idea regarding the religious state was positive, evident in his Karachi Resolution, where he pitched for fundamental rights of individuals for their religious rights. Moreover, the Indian constitution later also adopted this idea of secularism and the role of the state in religious matters. Secularism is the word that is very widely debated and used nowadays in India. It has a very different meaning in different countries in respect of cultural and geographical contexts. There are various debates which have a different connotation in different ways and claim that whether this term should be there in the constitution or not. The term ‘secular’ emerges from the Latin secularism of Roman times referred to as occasional celebrations. In Christian Latin, it referred to those living outside the regulations of the church, obtaining a negative connotation. Thus, the meaning of the term changed rapidly by the early nineteenth century, the negative connotation shifted into a more positive side. In the Indian context, the concept of secularism asserts itself as a political philosophy that emerged during the independence movement. Furthermore, the notion of an understanding of the secular state in the Indian context

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can be seen in two tenets: first, the fundamental civil right of religious liberty and cultural pluralism. Second, the emphasis on the modern democratic ideals of freedom, equality, and justice. The Indian notion of secularism exemplifies that there shall be no state religion and that the state treats all religions equally, there should be no discrimination on the basis of religion. However, the merit is not about the word secular that is mentioned in the preamble of the constitution rather how and to what extent it is practiced. The intent cannot be good unless we should practice the same intent that has been endorsed for the betterment of social cause without privileging one upon other. The socio-political and cultural trajectories can be understood through pluralism lenses when the government’s program is commissioned and inaugurated through Hindu mythology rather than other religious mythologies.

7.3 Image Politics of Hashtag Hashtag pluralism is a kind of majoritarian digital protest by content developersmovie producer/director or others. It is often considered as parallel to secularism or other ideologues. Though, pluralism is not an ideology rather a practice and often considered against secularism. Both secularism and pluralism cannot move away from politics and religion rather harbouring both politics and religion in different representations and interpretations. Hashtag politics is a new kind of politics when digital platforms is used to express themselves either in favour or against on Twitter (Moinuddin 2019). The hashtag pluralism can be conceived in a sense of controversies that are discussed on Twitter and other social media platforms either in favour or against.

7.3.1 Ekatvam from Tanishq An advertisement suddenly attracted the attention of netizens when a popular Indian jewellery brand Tanishq from TaTa (a very old entrepreneurial house in India) found itself in the mid of controversy. The nature of controversy was portrayals of interreligion in a sense of baby shower organized by her Muslim-in laws for their Hindu bride. The advertisement was criticized by promoting “love jihad”—a radical accusation of converting Hindu women into Muslims in pretexts of marriage. However, the advertisement was forty-three second in length and is promoting a jewellery line called “Ekatvam” (unity). The ruptures and discontinuities can be understood in terms of: secularism became an old fashion idea; don’t be cultural messiah; promoting pluralism; drawing lines between ‘us’ and ‘them’; and shrinking spaces for independent thinking from established political lines. The message of the advertisement was pristine and clear to accommodate two different communities through a common cultural celebration of

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baby showers. Secularism is still practiced and enjoying the same unlike in the past, the only difference is it was seldom questioned rather a space was created to accommodate within. Nowadays it is political backlash that is hated because of political purposes, although politics is a short temporal phase, it changes with the change in political situations. The transpired message to the business giants was strict and clear that they aren’t presumed to be a cultural messiah rather they are on business and nothing more. In other words, it is an extension of pluralism, if closely scrutinized when some political groups did not wish the same. When a particular set of ideas often try to supress in the name of cultural supremacy while on the other hand it is destroying multiculturalism in some ways when everyone has the same right to share their views. The controversy can be understood in a sense of social division is more profitable political business than cross cultural unity portrayed in the advertisement.

7.3.2 Jashn-e-Riwaz from FabIndia Clothing brand FabIndia was criticized for branding the Diwali collection “Jashn-eRiwaz” (celebration of tradition) and therefore, forced to withdraw their advertisement. The advertisement was targeted because it has been branded through Urdu words as Jashn-e-Riwaz by female models who were presenting the collection of sarees. However, the centre of controversy was Urdu wording though FabIndia retracted the advertisement with immediate effect since the netizens slammed Jashn-e-Riwaz. In fact, if someone scrutinized the arguments made in favour or against, it was two different sets of ideas who are divulging in cultural differentiations where someone was astounded while other groups enjoyed being champions of cultural supremacy. The discourse can be analysed in terms of: political polarization; vote bank politics; right-wing politicians are saviour of culture; compartmentalization of cultural attributes. How and to what extent Urdu has been categorized as ‘others’, while it was genesis and spread in different parts of the globe from India. It has been painted with religion and categorized as Muslims’ language. However, the critics of the advertisement was not convinced that shown females were supposed to wear ‘bindi’ (punctum) rather a politics driven by patriarchal thinking where male often took decisions on the behalf of females what is better for them. Even though, the advertisement was criticized on ground that female models were not wearing ‘bindi’; however, it is irrational to say that bindi is necessary or optional and purely a part of the aesthetic to present themselves. The netizens were not bothered to know the perspective of females whether they are comfortable or not. At the same time, it is unlike a puzzle why politicians themselves are often considered as champions to save culture though it is subjective in nature rather than objectively taking the decision of cultural slamming. Anyone can hurt anyone. It has become unpredictable nowadays when few netizens are deciding what is wrong or right on Twitter in the digital age.

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7.3.3 Bulbul from Netflix A movie on Netflix titled—‘Bulbul’—a supernatural drama wherein mythology with horror inputs, produced by Anushka Sharma went through criticism for demeaning Hindu god/goddess. However, the producer edited the scene in the movie and replaced the words that had hurt the sentiments of netizens. The demand was trending #BoycottNetflix for a while during that period. Interestingly, despite being cleared from the sensor board and appropriate body to look after that it should not hurt the sentiments of viewers. Nowadays, sentiments are hurt by small portrayals where cultural intolerance is becoming a political tool.

7.3.4 Karwa Chauth from Dabur Dabur is the leading Ayurvedic/herbal products brand in the country. Dabur found itself in the midst of controversy when the Madhya Pradesh Home Minister threatened to sue for their advertisement where two females were portrayed to be seeing each other when they were preparing for evening rituals during Karwa Chauth. However, Karwa Chauth is a kind of celebration when females keep a fast of a day for the longer life of their husband. The criticism was against lesbian centric advertisement. However, unlike other controversial advertisements, this was too removed with immediate effects since the controversy was reported. Advertisements are inseparable memories that consume in different orders. Advertisements are embedded with emotions, values, sentiments, passions, sensations, excitements, reactions, feelings and many more that touch the nerve of an ordinary viewer who are often considered a potential consumer of the advertisement. Advertisements using the following medium including Television, newspaper, billboard, bills, t-shirts, public transportation, pamphlets and nowadays apps. For illustration, Let’s consider a popular advertisement of ‘Surf excel’1 that gets attention for the wrong reasons in the country. The advertisement made upon the theme of Holi festival wherein children were portrayed in a colourful mood who are throwing colours upon each-others to enjoy Holi. One of the children was Muslims and need to go to a mosque to perform Namaz. Meanwhile, a girl was escorting the boy in her bicycle to reach the mosque amid playing colours. After Namaz, the boy gave his consent to play Holi. The advertisement tried to touch on a very sensitive issue between Muslims and Hindu in the background wherein the product promises to clean the dirt irrespective of colourful dirt. The message of the product was to bring both the communities close and give mutual respect to their religious sentiments. The advertisement was criticized by fanatics and right-wing politicians who seldom wished that the advertisements would stop immediately otherwise they would make a call to boycott the product. These enlisted illustrations can be epitomized as cancelling 1

For details, see, https://platocast.com/stories/news/current-affairs/7-old-ads-on-indian-televisionthat-teach-us-secularism-today/. Accessed 23 Nov 2021.

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culture when hurting is becoming a project in a sense of socio-cultural deficit. This may be understood as a perception clash when a section wants to impose their views on minorities or else to feel dominant either in political or cultural sense. The hashtag politics is all about the number game of how many tweets or retweets were made either in favour or against or part of extended image politics.

7.4 Spatial Mapping of Image Politics Images are inevitably found in all shapes and sizes. Political affiliations are inseparable features particularly when the said image is seeking political attention. The spatial interpretations made by Yi Fu Tuan (1977) described the spatial experiences in day-to-day manners in different temporal frameworks. Adams (2009) articulated four ways to locate the spatial manifestations (a) Media in space, (b) Spaces in Media, (c) Places in Media and (d) Media in place. The spatial mapping of images can be understood in four ways: (a) Images in Public Space, (b) Public Spaces in Image, (c) Image in Private Place and (d) Private Place in Images.

7.4.1 Images in Public Space Images are made to do specific objectivity and subsequently it supports the subjectivity that is implicitly or explicitly attached across the available images. Images are made to acknowledge the spatiality where space and time is inseparable. The large number of images is printed and reprinted purposefully to achieve a goal of different background and orientations that is sometimes hidden and sometimes open. The rationale behind the production and reproduction of images is often unknown (or business purpose) but somehow such activities can be categorized under political economy. Images in public space are often considered to be those images that are produced and reproduced specifically to fulfil a political score and serve a political need or in other words we can assume that the said image is purely in a political nature. The images are carved to stimulate the spatial interests where a specific purpose is often associated and considered as a harbinger to deal with issues that are talked about or imprinted in the image. Images are made to send a specific signal in order to understand if the project is executed or likely to complete in near future. Very intended and high resolution spatial map where a specific issue are shown or depicted in mundane frame by frame. The message of such images is clear and lucid to pacify the supporters. Such images are sponsored under coordination where so many different layers of devoted supporters work to achieve the political results. These images often fall under political and religiosity categories where images are made to stimulate the feelings of an individual. The target of such images is of course an individual who used social media networking sites in myriad orders. Religiosity

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is a ritual phenomenon when users use religious images to do intended rituals, which they often does to pacify them as part of such belief. Similarly, the political block admires such images that have credentials to substantiate a political merit in spatial orders. Moreover, these images worked as repositories to recall the promises made on political ground. Images in public space often reflect such intention in the shape of captions or headlines across newspapers and Television news channels where objectives do matter. The hindsight of such images often recall the specific location and time when the same was captured. The locations might be in terms of region, national and international. The locations seldom work in isolation rather spatial experiences often associated in mundane ways in a sense of memory, cultural values and religious sentiments. Let understood through an illustration, images of the inaugural ceremony of Lord Ram temple at Ayodhya when the PM Narendra Modi himself participated in being acknowledged that he delivered what his party promised. The image was taken and circulated in various semiotic angles to discern the actual message that was indeed political in nature where religion was used to target political ambition. Images in public space are intended and action oriented documentation that are used as witnesses to glorify the victory in different capacities.

7.4.2 Public Spaces in Image This is quite different orientation and completely different from the images in public spaces where intention and orientation was politically motivated while in public spaces in image where a specific spatiality has been recounted in mundane ways including photographs. The enumeration of spatiality can be done in different ways but if the same has been achieved in terms of image or photograph, it can understand easily and pinpointed the map of spatiality. Public spaces are nothing more than a spatiality that is indigenous in nature and popular among a section for religious purposes or else reasons that may vary from spatial to spatial. Each image is embedded with locations but when locations were subdued by political or else spatial features. Public spaces in image are an extension of such an image that is carved and made to reflect the locations embedded with specific features that made the same locations different from others. Adams (2009) argues ‘place in media’ when an individual shared images glorify such spatial attributes when they specifically mentioned about their sojourn where they enjoyed. Tuan (1977) exemplifies various spatial experiences where the journey is esteemed with intentions and orientations. Public spaces in image where users often notify the spatial attributes in different representations and interpretations in order to rejoice or to compare or to mourn. Capturing such locations of course acknowledges the public spaces that are either ruined or popular for specific reasons. Such examples are often found in the shape of e-religiosity when an individual used such an image under guidance or pressure or being ritualistic or with strong faith systems. In various images, such public spatiality in terms of religiosity incurred and devotees wore the same as part of religious

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sanctity. Locations and faiths are two main rationales which a user often used to pave behind the use of such images of public importance. The significance of images can only be verified through spatial–temporal scale. For illustration, a man posted along with Kathakali (Image 7.1), a cultural epitome in Kerala, India where people use the same attire during Kathakali dance—a folk dance. The image qualifies to be called a public image because it has spatial sanctity and acknowledges as cultural identity what is distinguishable and discernible in the region. Taking a photograph along with the icon of Kathakali was as simple as but the motive behind the rationale was to acknowledge the cultural inclusiveness in terms

Image 7.1 Cultural inclusiveness. Courtesy Shekh Zafar

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of cultural wanderings—what the person tried to know from available sources and found around the image of Kathakali. Image politics is an extended imagination of spatiality where both signifier and signified works closely to fix the meaning of an image without losing the actual intent. Public spaces in images are unlike images where background does matter. People often prefer to take photographs where they are visiting as part of memory or other reasons in order to recall spatial memories. The above photograph was clicked with an intension to recall the spatiality and its background in spatial contexts where places does play a meaningful role in both representations and portrayals.

7.4.3 Images in Private Place E-religiosity is evident and found in different manifestations. The cultural demand for such symbols and signs are ever noticed in private places. How are we convinced to choose one specific sign and symbol to assign my faith? What confidence did I get after using such a sign and symbol in a private place? Of course, private places are restricted in various areas. Only a few specific things are allowed inside the private place where they placed things accordingly either to access it or dispose of it. Image politics of e-religiosity is an extension of political mapping when an individual used the same repeatedly without being exhausted rather found every time energetic around the image and found substantive in terms of deliverance or mediation, when someone too convinced to use the same. Images in private places connote those which are utmost required in the physical and cognitive imagination. First, unless we are not convinced and we are not going to adhere to the image or allow it to be entered in a private place. What are the processes that made me convinced to adopt the image and confident that the same will give me pleasure, stress free life and many more manifestations of religious understanding. Such convincing processes and procedures started from childhood as part of socialization when family members were compelled to do the same as part of social-cultural lives. That learning remained throughout lives works in vivid representations, what to pray for, how to behave in the spatiality? Interestingly, Indian places are full of such values and norms in various interpretations. The use of particular religious signs and symbols derived from such training that we have been given during worldly exposures when we are child as part of primary socialization. Thereafter, we are socialized with such images and continue with partial modification in shapes and sizes. The selection process to choose what deity/goddess would keep inside the private place is a part of a long tradition and nurturing of faith systems around a specific sign and symbol. The spatial experiences are often conjoined with preferred images that are to be kept so therefore it can be seen from all the ways. For illustration, nearby driver’s seat a religious image often hanging. Of course, it is a private place where the custodian will decide the nature of images should be around it or not. In fact, images are socialized through a process and placed as part of religiosity under material culturalism and fetishism to renew religious ideology.

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7.4.4 Private Places in Image An ardent devotee often crossed the limit and showed the same what they believed in their private place. Why would someone prefer to display religiosity in the public domain? Why did they choose aggressive mode over passive mode? How does religiosity drive aggressiveness? How aggressiveness is materialized in the sense of religiosity? Private places in image are unlike and unfamiliar spatial locations that are new in the existing spatiality or introduced as part of the owner’s choice. The above mentioned three ways are quite distinguishable in terms of aggressiveness when a certain look is popular, for illustration, the laughing Buddha or aggressive digital Hanuman, both are often visible in mundane capacities. The laughing Buddha is quite a popular image icons available across private places. The contrasting differentiation is—the image of Buddha portrayed in passive or laughing postures while Hindu deity/goddess often portrayed in aggressive postures, for example, Lord Shiva, Lord Hanuman, Lord Ram, Goddess Kali and Goddess Durga, why? Why do people often like to follow more aggressiveness than passiveness or politeness? Such aggressive images of digital Lord Hanuman are often seen on rear glass shields of the vehicle. In the past, religiosity was purely affairs of private place but over a period of time the religiosity trajectories shifted, and thereafter, the same religious affairs are visible in various representations. Indeed, digital technology played a crucial role in the transformation of the new look of Lord Hanuman where aggressiveness is discernible frame by frame. Why is it so aggressive that it is unknown? We can assume such aggressiveness might be a brain child of animators who animated such images by digital designing skills. The aggressive look of digital Lord Hanuman became popular among some sections of youths who preferably opted to imprint the same in the rear glass shield in their vehicle. Images do matter in image politics. During the independence movement, ‘Bharatmata’ (Indian territory) was represented as an equivalent to the goddess that urged fellow citizens to uphold the dignity of the nation and participate in the freedom struggle. The leaders were portrayed as crusaders. However, the nature of such images was aggressive in its look that was seeking or demanding emancipation from colonizers or who held them into ransom. The present aggressive look of digital Hanuman was an extension of such portrayals. Of course, such representations have their own agenda that often reflects in terms of image politics when demand for such images has been increasing purposefully. The next chapter is postscript on how to conceive and perceive e-religiosity in the digital age.

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References Adams PC (2009) Geographies of media and communication: a critical introduction. Wiley Blackwell, Oxford Althusser L (1970) On the reproduction of capitalism: ideology and ideological state apparatuses: 100–107. https://www.marxists.org. Accessed 26 May 2021 Moinuddin S (2019) The political twittersphere in india. Springer, Cham/Switzerland Pinney C (2009) The politics of popular images: from cow protection to M.K. Gandhi 1890–1950. In: Rajagopal A (ed) The Indian public sphere: reading in media history. Oxford University Press, New Delhi Rajagopal A (2001) Politics after television: Hindu nationalism and the reshaping of the public in India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Tuan Y-F (1977) Space and place: the perspective of experience. Minnesota University Press, Minnesota

Chapter 8

Screenscapes of e-Religiosity

Abstract Religion is often considered as private affairs but technological determination and communication media made religion as public affairs when social, cultural and political institutions shaped the same for different purposes. Digitalization is a socio-cultural-digital process wherein screen does play a crucial and critical role in daily activities. Digitalization is unlike cultural traits when sharing, taboos, customs, celebrations and not completed unless and until it is not shared across the platforms. Though it is not mandatory but under digitalization process, the use of digital spatiality is inevitable in daily manifestations wherein role of screenscapes is crucial either for portrayals or sharing or showing the spatiality including e-religiosity. Keywords Digitalization · Screenscapes · Digital economy · Digital spatiality · Digital culture

8.1 Introduction: Digitalization of Religiosity The practice of religiosity through digital spatiality is called e-religiosity. The penetration of communication media indeed played a crucial and critical role in the expansion of cultural attributes whether it was cuisines, linguistics, attires, tattoos or else practices that often associated with geographical indication including e-religiosity practices. E-religiosity is a global phenomenon, of course, it needs more elaborative research that is beyond the ambit of this book. Here, the book used exclusively Indian illustrations to substantiate the dimensions of e-religiosity. Though this book considered Islam and Christianity, Jainism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Hinduism to map the religiosity contours. Screenscapes are unlike digital spatiality that is inevitable in the digital era when everyone is flaunting their screen or using it as a storehouse including e-religiosity. The use of the screen is varied in nature or in other words it emerged as a medium to map the users social, political, cultural and religious identity to some extent. Scrennscapes can be understood as digital spatiality wherein the placements of widgets and others can easily visible in daily manifestations. Screens are nowadays a common gazing device that is found in every hand in different shapes and

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sizes. According to the 2018 Global Mobile Consumer survey from Deloitte, American consumers see their smartphones on an average of 52 times a day, while it was 47 times per day in the previous years.1 In brief, frequency of unlocking of screen of smartphones is increasing every day for various reasons including to check their calling lists, emails, WhatsApp messages, social media platforms and various functional, operational and practices of religiosity platforms for remain updates. The aim of this book is to map the dimensions of religiosity and rituals with the help of digital devices particularly smartphones, desktop/laptop and iPad. How do users use these digital gadgets to practice their religious rituals without being delayed and discontinued? How e-religiosity is shaping and reshaping social, political, cultural and religious understanding in the construction of hybrid identity that is inevitable nowadays wherein the role of mediated media, semiotics and structuralism does play an influential imprint.

8.2 E-Religiosity as Phenomena Indian socio-cultural space is full of cultural traits-religious taboos, festivals, cuisines and attires that are considered as an identity. People are supposed to participate in these cultural traits either voluntarily or traditionally followed by generation after generation. The importance of cultural traits in daily life is intact over a period of time and in fact it became stronger to fight the work stress and competitiveness in order to survive in the peer group. Cultural traits are supposed to play an affirmative role in daily lives for entertainment, to celebrate festivals, socio-cultural integration and to reduce stress. Henceforth, the practices of religiosity remain on wheel and on such journeys religiosity is encountered with digital devices that help the religiosity to reach the doors of the devotees. One of such technologies was digital gadgets wherein digital devices played a catalytic role in the expansion and growth of religious societies across the world. E-religiosity is new in a sense of digital spatial landscapes when users used the screen purposefully to show their religious identity in different capacities across public and private spaces. E-religiosity is noticed as inseparable traits that peoples are enjoying at their fingertips unlike digital socialization and other digital phenomena when users use the gadgets to accommodate their religious needs irrespective of belief, values, rituals and taboos. Religion is one of the fundamental cultural traits that is supposed to influence people’s religious practices since immortal time and shaped and reshaped society accordingly. The practice of religious taboos and dogmas is considered an important event to live peacefully. The nature of religious practices varied over a period of time. Gadgets brought some changes in the mode of religious practices without affecting the basic tenants of religion that are remaining intact. These changes are becoming visible in the network

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For details, see, https://variety.com/2018/digital/news/smartphone-addiction-study-check-pho nes-52-times-daily-1203028454/. Accessed 12 Nov 2021.

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society. Gadgets become instrumental in daily lives that are shaping and reshaping everyday lives and livelihood as well. Everyone is linked with network spatiality that works in horizontal and vertical ways-when knowledge or information is supposed to pass within an organization for specific purposes or from top to bottom and vice versa. When knowledge is supposed to be accessed by all beyond the organization or in an open loop, considered as horizontal expansion. The network spatiality shares knowledge in digital formats in the shape of texts, images, video and audio that have spatial, social, economic, political, geographical, cultural and religious imprints. People are supposed to use social networking sites (SNS) for different purposes including religious purposes as well. Henceforth, digital identity is a kind of identity when technology allows an individual to meet day-to-day requirements. The importance of religious places/spaces in Indian cultural traits is higher and considered as unavoidable traditions that are followed by generation after generation. Lives and livelihoods flourish around these religious places—Dargah, Temple, Gurudwara and Church are known over a period of time. The practice of e-religiosity is further shaped when smartphones are augmented with rear and front cameras to take instant photographs. The technology of inbuilt cameras in the devices has revolutionized the communication media further when taking photographs become easy and handy. The selfie culture is of course a product of the front camera of such devices. People are taking selfies to associate themselves with various locations including religious places (god/goddess). The apps (social media) became another source of digital culture when people were supposed to use it for different purposes. Apps are a version of communication media that are specifically built to support a particular work. The apps are becoming a popular chat centre for different reasons and even providing a common place to share the contents among peer groups. Social media has revolutionized the use of smartphones, laptop, iPad, etc., where every individual can upload their DP. The nature of DP depends upon people to people and even some of them are supposed to upload religious DP. The growth of such virtual identity is increasing in society, in contrast to real identity. Of course, uploading a DP is not an isolation handiwork; rather social media platforms are providing a stipulated space to their users to disclose them by a short bio message and photograph. The uploaded religious image as DP is often considered as the prime identity of that user who wants to disclose them accordingly. The use of desktop/laptop for religious purposes is often visible in public and private places to feel blessed. Television has become an important primary source for religious portrayals. The portrayals of religious programs in Television are working as heeling programs for some sections in the population. The religious experimentation with gadgets is a new dimension of religiosity that is shaping the religious attitudes. It can be understood politically as well when such religious contents often pushed by right-wing groups are inevitable. However, the electronic religious practices are not limited to a particular age group but almost found in all age groups irrespective of gender and religion. The e-religiosity is further shaped by TV channels-Zee Zagran, Sanskar, Sardha, Astha, Quran TV and Peace TV who are round the clock showing

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the religious program. These Television channels have their own TRPs and particular set of viewers apart from other channels. E-religiosity culture enhances the use of religious symbols in both positive and negative ways in daily use. Positive religious symbols have their own religious message where people feel blessed after that. But, at the same time, negative religious symbols are too creating a fear of religion (psycho fear) among people. Of course, it needs further research on how these negative religious symbols are supposed to work across the sections of people.

8.3 Phenomena of e-Religiosity The book dealt three different subjects together geography, social media and religion equally to discuss the phenomena of e-religiosity. The book qualifies to be called as interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary by approach and quite new in the conceptualization of religiosity in terms of e-religiosity; what the book is studied across the chapters in spatial contexts. The spatial dimension is the primary foundation of the book when both space and place were discussed in various interpretations to map the digital spatiality that is evident nowadays in myriad permutations and combinations. The emergence of digital spatiality is new itself since the communication media shaped more devices for effective and efficient communication establishments. The spatial is evident in daily practices and representations and nothing is beyond it rather it is dynamics in nature. However, the study of religions came under the ambit of social geography when cultural traits were mapped accordingly in micro, meso and macro scale. Religiosity as phenomena discussed variedly either in the sense of spirituality or social theories of religions or digital religions. The book prefers to use e-religiosity instead of digital religiosity because the nature of digital gadgets are electronically calibrated and augmented further with the precision of scientific advancement. The development of digital gadgets and its uses enhance the demand of such devices that spurt the economy as well. Digital economy is an extension of political economy when demand for digital gadgets shaped such an economy across the world. The bigger economic countries are relying on such growth. The growth and demand of digital technologies across the world has increased in many folds. The communication media shaped e-religiosity as digital phenomena has been discussed across the chapters in terms of digitalization. Across the chapters, digitalization discussed, unlike the socialization process, how digital gadgets changed the social and cultural attributes particularly religiosity and how it shaped religiosity through digital devices in mundane variations. Digital socialization is unlike digital culture when users often use digital gadgets in continuum of space and place, respectively. Moreover, the practices and representations are discussed vividly including political contexts in the shape of image politics. Image politics is quintessential in the age of digital devices when production and reproduction of images is not restricted to business only; rather it attracts politics too when politicians use the same images for their own political

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purposes. The book tried to connect the spatial discussions through used illustrations of e-religiosity in faith, practices and sacredness from daily lives that is apparent in screenscapes in the twenty-first century digital world. A few collections of deities were earlier kept in a wooden box, but nowadays especially a corner or so far having larger space were provided for rituals activities. The religiosity movement became popular after satellite channels who popularized these segments of belief across the urbanite as well as periphery where people generally do their rituals inside their house with flexible manners (Moinuddin, 2010). In other contexts, media platforms show religious protagonists as part of mediated culture, which we are consuming the same in mundane characters in both prime and non-prime time. Digital media not only changed the contexts rather overhaul the production, distribution and retrieval of religious contents. We made a number of formal and informal religious gestures knowingly and unknowingly in our daily activities when some of them are noticed while some of them are left unnoticed. We often step out from home with our right leg or pay a sincere gesture when we see a religious tomb/shrine in the way of travelling, why? When two people from the same religion meet they greet each other as per their religious gestures, why? If a cat comes across when travelling is considered inauspicious, why? Giving a piece of bread to the cow is considered auspicious while the same is considered as usual if given to other animals but not the cow? Sometimes we behave very un-gesturally towards beggars while sometimes we behave normally towards destitute or old-age people, why? When we do some charity we never forget to take pictures of distributing sweets or clothes or else and share the same picture across the platforms to get applause from viewers or wishing to be called philanthropists, why? There are many religious gestures what we are doing knowingly or unknowingly or in other terms can map as negotiating religiosity in vivid representations. This book assembled vivid religious practices to understand the rationale behind the religiosity in the age of digitalization. It is a project to know about the practices of rituals or religion along with gadgets, particularly smartphone or laptop/desktop. Under what influences these rituals is holding a meaningful dialogue in daily activities? Each day is a new day for anyone and the same way each and every time is immortal for anyone across the sections in the societies. Awakening in the morning to sleep in the night creates a circulation of temporal cycle that inhibits the people to do a specific routine-based work either being obligations or stipulated or manifested works or to gain energy for next activities. Before going to office, most of the youths either prefer to see sun signs in daily newspapers or in television in order to predict them as per written manner (in Horoscope). The demand of astrology and sun sign or tarot card has become utmost; therefore, the media industry is carrying and even making such things more colourful along with ‘Rahu and Ketu’ (Hindu-sun sign planet). While on the Muslims side, the Muslims youth are supposed to joining Tablighi/Jamaat (brotherhood) for three/thirty/forty/one-twenty-days in a year to their nearby Mosque or locality or other regions—subject to economic prosperity. Though, such things are completely voluntary. Meanwhile, Muslims girls are used Burkhas (veil) or Abayas (a kind of cloth to cover head’s hair therefore hair should not be visible) to follow the religious and social obligations; however, both are not

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8 Screenscapes of e-Religiosity

mandatory but often practiced as customs among Muslims. In fact, nowadays female often prefer to wear Jeans pants in urban society along with Burkhas and Abayas that is inevitable in public places. For example, a Bollywood movie ‘Lipstick Under Burkhas’2 portrayed the aspirations and obligations of female through a stereotype characters to depict the modernity along with religiosity. However, the movie was criticised to depict the female (Rehana) for the portrayal of stealing lipstick by using Burkhas. The Muslims civil society and netizens attacked the movie for portrayal of Burkhas in negative light. The blend of such modernity is now an acceptable norm across the youth generations in urban society or we can say that such incidence (of being religiosity) is noticed in the society. The sanctity of such religious places is strengthened over a period of time among devotees. Religiosity can be expressed through practices, colours, gatherings, taboos, god/goddess, deities, cuisine, attire, fast, holidays, happiness, etc. Indians follow religions as part of immortal values to address worldly affairs. Therefore, rituals became part of life over a period of time where a number of religious dogmas and taboos were supposed to be done in daily lives. The natures of rituals were further shaped by technology. Every day, youths are negotiating with religious belief in various dimensions at various points. Why negotiate? The public spaces are instrumental, pragmatic and rational, while private spaces are expressive, indulgent and emotional. All these can be manifestations of the human mind and governed through mode of religiosity. It can be experimented either through conventional religious practice or non-conventional religious practice including e-religiosity that is taking stage nowadays in different orders across different sections of people. What an individual learned during childhood from parents becomes a spatial-temporal religiosity. The spatio-temporal in the sense of practicing religiosity where space is signifying the religious taboos or customs while time is signifying the development of digital platforms. The mode of religiosity takes a digital turn when people are doing the same rituals with the help of platforms. Digitalization is manifested by various agents who transform our beliefs; views, thoughts, perceptions and religiosity too.

Reference Moinuddin S (2010) Media space and gender construction: a comparative study of state owned and private channels in post liberalization period. Cambridge Scholar Publishing. New Crystal 2

Lipstick Under My Burkhas is a 2016 Indian Hindi language black comedy film written and directed by Alankrita Shrivastava and produced by Prakash Jha. The movie shows the secret lives of four women who are in search of their freedom. Even after facing all the odds and obstacles in their way, they still manage to find their way to claim their desires through small acts of courage. Out of four, one of them was Rehana Abidi (Plabita Borthakur), a fresher in college who lives in the same neighbourhood and sews Burkhas for her family’s store. She steals make-up to wear at college where she takes off the Burkhas, which she is forced to wear by her family and transforms into a jeans—wearing singer who loves Miley Cyrus.

Questionnaire

Mapping E-Religiosity Culture in Delhi Time ………….. Dated ………… Survey is a part of JRF-Ministry of Culture, Govt. of India, research. The name of the respondents interviewed in this survey will be kept strictly confidential. Findings of this research will be published as a project report, book, article in journal and newspapers. Interviewer must brief about the research to respond to why this research is conducting. Mark 9 for ‘yes’ and 7 for ‘no’.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Name………………………………………………………. Age………………………………………………………… Gender…………………………………………………….. Qualification…………………………………………….... Address………………………………………………….... Mobile No.………………… Email…………………….....

7

Do you believe in religion Yes………. No…….

8.

What do you mean by Religion I. II. III. IV.

A cultural practice……. An inner immortal belief……… To live in different ways……… Others……..

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7

149

150

9.

Questionnaire

Which religion you belongs……………….. I. II. III. IV. V.

Hindu……. Muslims……. Sikh…….. Christian……. Others………

10. Do you think that nowadays people are a bit nowadays everyone’s a everyone is a little is little bit more cautious about his/her religion. Yes……….. No……….. 11. What is inspiring you to remain in touch with your religion I. II. III. IV.

Your religious socialization knowledge…….. Parents/family members……. Trying to be calm and peace or to avoid stress……… Others……

12. How do you observe/perform your day-to-day religious activities? I. Prayers………. II. To give alms….. III. Through mobile phone (where you supposed to carrying religious symbols, songs, pictures)……… IV. Others…….. 13. Do you carrying any religious symbols in your mobile phone? Yes………….. No……… 14. Do you believe to show your religious symbols/identity to other peoples? Yes…….. No……… 15. What types of religious identity you are carrying in your mobile phone, if any. I. II. III. IV.

Religious Pictures……… Religious Songs……… Religious quotes……… Religious Symbols……….

16. Can you tell me the name of your religious symbols which you are carrying in your mobile? I. II. III. IV. V.

Being Hindu followers……………………. Being Islamic followers…………………… Being Christianity followers……………… Being Sikhism followers…………………… Being Others………………

Questionnaire

151

17. Do you feel that you are nearer to your religion when you carrying religious symbols in your mobile phone? Yes…….. No……. 18. Since how long you are keeping religious symbols in your mobile phone. I. II. III. IV.

From first day when purchased mobile phone……….. Later days……….. Recent phenomena……………. Situational (sometime have and sometime delete)………

19. Why you keeping religious symbols in your mobile phone…. I. II. III. IV.

For religious sentiments………….. For divine bless……… For avoid stress…….. For others reasons………………………

20. How do you use the religious symbols that kept in your mobile phone I. II. III. IV.

Through Ear phone (for listen)…… Often watch video…….. Using as screen saver…….. Read quotes…..

21. Apart from mobile phone what are other electronic gadgets you are using for religious purposes, if any. I. II. III. IV.

IPods…… Tablets……. Religious TV channels…….. Others …….

22. How often do you visit your religious place? I. II. III. IV.

Everyday……. Weekend……… Monthly………. During festival……….

23. What medium supposed to you using to send religious greetings to your known peoples? I. II. III. IV.

SMS (Message)…… Social Media (Facebook/WhatsApp)……. Calling…….. Others……..

152

Questionnaire

24. Have you heard about e-religious practices which are available online? I. II. III. IV. V.

e-puja-archana…….. e-arti……… e-prasad……… e-jyoti………… None of above………

25. Do you watched religious TV channels Yes……….. No…….. 26. Which program you ever preferred to watch? I. II. III. IV.

Soap Opera…………. News………… Religious Program………… Others………. Yes…….. No………

27. Which TV channels you are supposed to watch for religious purpose. I. II. III. IV.

Astha TV… Jagran TV….. Satsang TV…… Others (……….)

28. Do you believe that TV channel helping you to being near your religion? Yes…….. No…….. 29. When you are supposed to watch religious program on TV. I. II. III. IV.

Morning….. Evening…… Leisure period…… Others……….

30. You feel more religious after shown your favourite religious program on TV. Yes……. No……. 31. TV is helping you to know more about your religion or some extent shaping your religiosity. Yes……… No………. 32. How much time you are investing everyday on TV to show religious program. I. II. III. IV.

More than one hour…………….. More than three hour………….. More than five hour……………… Whenever free supposed to watch……………

Questionnaire

153

33. You watch religious program on TV I. II. III. IV.

Often Lonely……………… With family members…………… With friends……… Others………….

34. How often you use earphone for religious purpose I. II. III. IV.

During travelling…….. During morning/evening walk……… During leisure period……….. Others……….

35. Mobile phone becomes an alternative electronic gadget to keep you nearby your religion. Yes……… No………. Interviewer’s Signature

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Index

A Aesthetically, 66 Ajmer Dargah, 82 Akshardham temple, 80 Alienation, 4, 5 Anthropogenic, 62 Anthropologists, 62 Anthropology, 8 Artefacts, 118, 119 Azaan, 72

B Bauer, Bruno, 5 Belief, 7, 82 Bhagavad Gita, 89 Biological, 8 Bourgeoisie, 9 Buddhism, 2 Bureaucratic authority, 6 Burkhas, 148

C Calvinism, 6 Calvinists, 9 Camera, 98, 99 Capitalism, 5–7 Capitalist economies, 9 Cartographic model, 63 Cartographies, 63 Catholic Church, 37 Census of India, 70

Chemical reactions, 6 Christianity, 30 Church, 31 Civil religion, 2 Class, 4–6, 9, 63, 112, 113, 117, 133 Classic, 2 Classical, 19 Classic theories, 1 Cognitive imagination, 66 Communal, 133 Community, 7 Comparative analysis, 8 Conceived, 71 Conceived space, 67 Connoted practices, 62 Consequential, 11 Consumer behaviour, 37 Contemporary, 1 Contouring, 17 Convergent practice, 46 Cosmological, 3 COVID-19, 13, 83 Cultural defence, 13 Cultural dimensions, 3 Cultural hegemony, 13 Cultural lives, 19 Customs, 27 Cyber-churches, 47 Cyber-Mosques, 50 Cybernetics, 36 Cyberspace, 31 Cyber temple, 28

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Moinuddin, Screenscapes of e-Religiosity in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28851-7

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160 D Dabur, 136 Desktop, 145, 147 Determined modes of action, 7 Dichotomy, 61 Digital age, 62 Digital culture, 143 Digital economy, 143 Digital era, 14 Digital gadgets, 16–19 Digital Hajj, 52 Digital identity, 105 Digital India, 18 Digital influences, 62 Digital innovations, 62 Digitalization, 40, 44, 77 Digitalization of religion, 28 Digital machines, 18 Digital media, 28, 29, 32 Digital Missionary, 29 Digital platforms, 47, 48 Digital reform, 17 Digital religion, 27, 28 Digital religiosity, 28 Digital rituals, 49 Digital sense, 74 Digital spaces, 105 Digital spatial, 144 Digital spatiality, 143, 146 Digital turn, 28 Digital worship, 29 Disinformation, 32 Durkheim, Emile, 1, 7

E E-archana, 80 E-arti, 80 Economically, 2 Economic rationalism, 9 Economics, 5, 6 Economy, 6 Education, 36 Ego-identity, 16 E-jyoti, 80 Elective affinity, 6 Electronic church, 27, 29 Electronic mosque, 27 Electronic religiosity, 10 Electronic temples, 29 Entertainments, 65, 66 Epistemologically, 66 E-prasad, 80

Index E-puja, 54 E-religion, 46 E-religiosity, 47–49, 54, 57 E-Religious (Community), 51 Ethics, 31 Ethnoscapes, 67 Experiential, 3 Experimental, 119

F FabIndia, 135 Facebook, 29, 39, 40 Festivals, 73, 74 Feuerbach, Ludwig, 5 Fields, 14 Financescapes, 67 First space, 39, 67 Functionalist approach, 8, 9 Functionalist school, 8

G Games, 45 Geeta Press, 71 Gender, 96 Geographers, 62, 68 Globalization, 62 Goethe, 6 Goods, 13 Gorilla glass, 67 Gurdwara, 70

H Hajj, 74 Hashtag politics, 137 Havans, 55, 56 Hegel, Friedrich, 5 Hegemony, 6, 13 Hierarchy, 5 Hinduism, 81 Humanism, 2 Human society, 5 Hybrid cameras, 99 Hybridity, 39 Hybrid nature, 14

I Identity, 3, 12 Identity crisis, 2, 15 Ideological, 3 Ideoscapes, 67

Index Image, 137, 138 Image politics, 19, 131, 132, 134 India, 139 Indian media, 17 Infotainments, 65, 66 Instagram, 63, 65, 66 Intellectual, 4 Internet, 14 Interpretative approach, 8, 9 IPad, 16 Islam, 30

J Jama Masjid, 74 Jashn-e-Riwaz, 135 Jesus, 3 Jewish movement, 52 Jhandewalan temple, 80 Johnstone, Ronald L., 2

K Kumbh, 73

L Labour, 118 Laptop, 145 Liberalization, 62 Lithosphere, 62 Lived space, 66 Live Dua, 53 Lord Buddha, 75 Love-jihad, 73 Lynching, 73

M Madina, 74 Madrasas, 17 Mahabharat, 111, 112, 120 Makka, 74 Markaz, 17 Marketplaces, 13 Marxism, 5 Marxist, 5 Marx, Karl, 1, 4, 5 Mass culture, 14 Materialism, 27 Materialist approach, 8, 9 Media in place, 19 Media in space, 19 Mediascapes, 67

161 Mediated apps, 19 Mediated profile, 103 Mediated religiosity, 27 Mediation, 32 Mediatization, 32 Metamorphic space, 89 Metaphor, 33 Metonymy, 35 Microsoft word, 63 Misinformation, 66 Mistaken representations, 17 Modern capitalism, 6 Modernity, 13 Modernization, 34 Modern rational capitalism, 6 Modern societies, 13 Monotheistic, 81 Moral, 83 Morality, 20 Mosques, 29 Movies, 40 Muazeen, 72 Multisite reality, 46 Muslims, 48 Myspace, 27

N Namaz, 71, 72 Narrative, 116 Negative representations, 17 Neo-Marxists, 5 Netflix, 136 Networked community, 45 Networked individualism, 45 Networked religion, 46 Network society, 145 News, 65 Nizamuddin Dargah, 53 Non-identical approach, 2 Non-Materialism, 37

O Online religion, 43, 46 Online religiosity, 62 Online rituals, 71 Opium, 4

P Pantheistic, 3 Patchwork religion, 43, 50 Patchwork ritual, 50

162 Perceived, 66 Perceived space, 67 Photograph, 74 Place, 18, 98 Place in media, 19, 97 Places in religiosity, 68 Plausibility structures, 13 Pluralism, 116 Political pressure, 17 Political scientists, 61 Political systems, 15 Politics, 15 Polytheistic, 3 Popular culture, 14 Practice, 6, 7 Prayer, 12 Predestination, 9 Primary, 67 Primary space, 67 Primitive religion, 2 Private place, 80 Privatization, 90 Profane, 7 Profession, 90 Protestantism, 6 Protestant population, 2 Public space, 38

Q Qualitative, 47

R Ramayana, 84 Rationalization, 8 Regulative power, 15 Religion, 1, 19, 20, 61 Religion as culture, 14 Religion as identity, 15 Religion as politics, 15 Religion as practices, 16 Religion as representations, 17 Religion in India, 70 Religiosity, 61, 68, 70, 71 Religiosity in India, 77 Religiosity in place, 68 Religiosity in space, 68 Religious authority, 31 Religious coping, 11 Religious diversity, 14 Religious identity, 32 Religious movements, 6

Index Religious practices, 16 Religious representations, 7 Religious surfers, 28 Representation of space, 67 Revolutionary, 5 Right wing, 95 Rites, 7 Ritualistic, 97 Rituals, 7, 50 Rituals online, 50 Ritual spaces, 50, 51 Roman, 2 Roman Catholic Church, 9

S Sacred, 132 Sacredness, 147 Sacred space, 31 Sacred symbol, 132 Screen, 143 Screenscape, 57, 61, 66, 67, 69, 75 Secondary, 67 Secondary space, 67, 68 Second space, 67 Secularism, 133–135 Secularization, 2 Secular state, 133 Selfie, 99, 100 Semiotic representations, 34 Semiotics, 35 Shifting authority, 46 Sign, 117 Signified, 140 Signifier, 34 Single unified community, 7 Smartphone, 16, 18, 19, 28, 80, 81, 83, 85–88 Social, 1 Social equilibrium, 9 Social identity, 15 Social institutions, 55 Socialization, 71 Social media, 62–64 Social phenomenon, 2, 8 Social space, 51 Social systems, 5 Sociological classification, 6 Sociological perspective, 4 Sociological scholars, 1 Sociologists, 61 Sociology, 6 Soteriology, 6

Index

163

Space, 18, 97 Spaces in media, 19, 97, 98 Spaces in religiosity, 68 Spaces of artefacts, 118 Spaces of religiosity, 72, 73 Spaces of Screen, 88 Spatial cognition, 73 Spatial distributions, 62 Spatial identity, 132 Spatiality, 65–67 Spatialization, 71 Spatial mapping, 137 Spatial practice, 67 Spatio-temporal, 100 Spatio-temporal suppression, 62 Spirituality, 146 Spiritual mapping, 73 Sports, 65 Start-ups, 13 Stereotypes, 111 Stone age, 3 Storied identity, 46 Supernatural, 113 Supernatural structure, 3 Superstructure, 5, 6 Symbol, 9, 85 Synagogue, 18

Temporal, 91 Tertiary, 119 Tertiary space, 119 Theodicy, 6 Theology, 31 Theories of religion, 13 Third space, 28, 38, 39 Time, 27 Totalitarian, 15 Totem, 56 Traditionalism, 115 Traditional stereotypes, 113 Transfer of rituals, 49 Transnational, 31 Tweeting religion, 104 Twitter, 116

T Tabligi Jamat, 17 Taboos, 19 Tanishq, 134 Technical determinism, 62 Technological ideology, 33 Technoscapes, 67 Television, 111–114 Temple, 74

W Weber, Max, 1, 6 WhatsApp, 65, 66 Working class, 133

V Values, 115 Videos, 29 Vindictive representations, 17 Virtual communities, 51 Virtue ethics, 36 Visuals, 88 Vulnerable order, 65

Y Yoga, 77 YouTube, 65, 66, 98