Russia's First Modern Jews: The Jews of Shklov 9780814728864

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Russia's Firs t Moder n Jew s

REAPPRAISALS I N JEWIS H SOCIA AND INTELLECTUA L HISTOR

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General Editor: Robert M . Seltzer Martin Buber's Social and Religious Thought: Alienation and the Quest for Meaning LAURENCE J. SILBERSTEI N

The American Judaism of Mordecai M. Kaplan EDITED B Y EMANUEL S . GOLDSMITH , ME L SCULT , AND ROBER T M. SELTZE R

On Socialists and "theJewish Question" after Marx JACK JACOB S

Easter in Kishinev: Anatomy of a Pogrom EDWARD H . JUDGE

Jewish Responses to Modernity: New Voices from America and Eastern Europe ELI LEDERHENDLE R

Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook and Jewish Spirituality EDITED B Y LAWRENCE J. KAPLA N AN D DAVI D SHAT Z

Russia's First Modern Jews: The Jews ofShklov DAVID E . FISHMA N

DAVID E . FISHMA N

RUSSIA'S FIRST MODERN JEWS The Jews of Shklov

N E W Y O R K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S N E W YOR K&

LONDO N

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 5 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Fishman, Davi d E. , 1957 Russia's firs t moder n Jew s : the Jews o f Shklo v / David E . Fishman. p. cm. — (Reappraisal s i n Jewish socia l an d intellectua l history) Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-2614- 3 1. Jews—Belarus—Shklou—Intellectua l life . 2 . Shklo u (Belarus ) — Intellectual life . 3 . Haskalah—Belarus—Shklou—History—18t h century. I . Title . II . Series . DS135B38F57 199 5 947-656—dc20 94-2948 2 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s books ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 21

Contents

List o f Illustration s i x Acknowledgments x i A Note o n Transliteratio n xii i Introduction: Th e Jews i n th e "Lan d o f Russia " i i. Th e Grea t Divide : Hasidi m an d Mitnagdi m 7 2. Fro m Byelorussi a t o Prussia : The Odysse y o f Rabb i Baruk h Schic k 2 2 3. Ne w Socia l an d Cultura l Horizon s 4 6 4. Ideologica l an d Literar y Fermen t 6 4 5. Struggle s fo r Emancipatio n 8 0 6. Rabbini c Accommodatio n 10 1 7. Declin e an d Dissolutio n 12 2 Conclusion 13 3 Notes 13 7 Bibliography 16 9 Index 18 1

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List o f Illustration s

The Russian Empire and the partition o f Poland xi v The Mogilev an d Polots k provinces x v The following illustrations appear as an insert after p. 16 i. Th e great synagogu e of Shklov 2. R . Shneur Zalman b . Barukh 3. Th e Vilna Gaon , R . Elijah b . Shlomo Zalma n 4. Semio n Gavrilovic h Zoric h 5. Student s of the Shklov Nobility Academ y i n unifor m 6. Hebre w poem presented t o Empress Catherine II 7. Naftal i Hirt z Schulman's edition o f Zekher rav 8. Draf t o f letter from Coun t Gavriil Derzhavi n t o Nota Notki n 9. Juda h Lei b Nevakhovich's Lament of the Daughter ofjudah 10. Abraha m Peret s 11. Grigori i (Hirsh) Peret s

IX

Acknowledgments

I bega n m y researc h o n th e topi c o f thi s boo k unde r th e exactin g guidance of Isadore Twersky of Harvard University , wh o supervise d the dissertatio n o n whic h i t i s based . I a m gratefu l t o hi m an d t o my othe r teacher s a t Harvard , Yose f Yershalm i an d Bernar d Septi mus, fo r thei r guidanc e an d fo r th e mode l the y se t o f th e highes t standards of scholarship. The advice and friendship o f Allan Nadler , Lois Dubin , an d Aro n Rodrigue , wh o rea d earlie r draft s o f thi s work, wer e especiall y valuabl e t o me . Other s wh o assiste d wit h suggestions an d advic e includ e Israe l Bartal , Immanue l Etkes , El i Lederhendler, Davi d Roskies , Rober t Seltzer , Pete r Shaw , Shau l Stampfer, an d the late Shmuel Ettinger . I a m gratefu l t o th e libraries , archives , an d individual s tha t helped provid e material s fo r thi s study : Widene r Library , Harvard ; Dina Abramowic z an d Mare k Web of the YIVO Institute fo r Jewish Research; Jerry Schwarzbar d o f the Librar y o f the Jewish Theologi cal Seminar y o f America; Mordecha i Nada v o f the Jewish Nationa l and Universit y Library , Jerusalem ; th e Slavoni c an d Jewis h Divi sions o f th e Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Buttle r Library , Columbi a University; the New York and Cincinnati librarie s of Hebrew Unio n College—Jewish Institut e of Religion; the Leo Baeck Institute, Ne w York; Viktor Kelner of the St. Petersburg Public Library; and Dmitr y Feldman o f the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts . I owe a tremendous debt to the academic institutions with whic h I have bee n affiliated . I remember fondl y th e years I spent a t Bran deis University ; Marvi n Fox , forme r Directo r o f th e Low n Schoo l of Nea r Easter n an d Judai c Studies , provide d m e wit h invaluabl e encouragement an d guidance . Th e YIV O Institut e fo r Jewis h XI

Xii ACKNOWLEDGMENT

S

Research, wher e I have bee n a Researc h Associat e an d membe r o f the faculty o f the Max Weinreich Cente r for Advanced Jewish Studies, ha s bee n a source o f much stimulatio n an d inspiratio n fo r me . Most o f al l I a m indebte d t o th e Jewis h Theologica l Seminar y o f America whic h ha s bee n m y intellectua l hom e fo r th e pas t si x years. Chancello r Isma r Schorsch an d m y colleagues in th e Depart ment o f Jewish Histor y hav e provide d m e with a uniquely support ive environment fo r teaching and studying Jewish history . It is a pleasure fo r me to acknowledge th e financial assistanc e of the Memorial Foundatio n fo r Jewish Culture ; the National Founda tion for Jewish Culture ; the Strook Faculty Fellowship of the Jewish Theological Seminar y o f America ; an d th e Ma x Weinreic h Cente r for Advanced Jewish Studies in supporting this study. I a m gratefu l fo r permissio n t o us e (i n revise d form ) materia l from m y articl e " A Polis h Rabb i Meet s th e Berli n Haskalah : Th e Case o f R . Baruk h Schick, " Association for Jewish Studies Review 12, no. i (Sprin g 1987) : 95-121. On a more personal level , I wish t o recall th e memor y o f two of my mentors , no w deceased , Yud l Mar k an d Chai m Grade . Bot h were Lithuania n Jewis h intellectual s wh o strived—no t totall y un like th e subject s o f thi s study—t o combin e traditio n an d moder nity, Jewishnes s an d worldliness . M y brother Av i helpe d m e writ e this boo k b y openin g u p hi s home , an d offerin g m e something pre cious: a quie t plac e t o work . M y wife , Marion , an d ou r childre n Arele, Nesanel , an d Tsivye-Rokhl , hav e bee n a constan t reminde r to me that joy can (an d should) b e derived from lif e in the present . My parents, t o whom I dedicate thi s book, first taugh t m e to stud y and cherish th e riches of the Jewish past in Eastern Europe .

A Note o n Transliteratio n

In transliterating Hebre w an d Russian , I have followe d th e Librar y of Congres s rules , excep t tha t I hav e eliminate d mos t diacritica l marks. Fo r Hebre w words , I hav e no t use d diacritica l mark s t o distinguish betwee n th e letter s het an d hei, an d hav e rendere d th e letter tsadi a s ts. I n transliteratin g Yiddish , I hav e followe d th e system devised by the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research . Place name s ar e usuall y offere d i n thei r Russia n form , unles s there i s a familiar Englis h variation . Persona l name s ar e presente d in a variety o f forms, base d upo n th e cultural contex t i n which th e individual was most active .

xm

The Russian Empir e an d th e partition o f Poland .

The Mogilev an d Polots k provinces . (Evreiskaia entsiklopediia)

Introduction: Th e Jew s in th e "Lan d o f Russia "

Long before there were Jewish communities in the land of the Tsars, Jews inhabite d a regio n whic h the y calle d medinat rusiya, "th e land o f Russia." Situate d alon g th e bank s o f th e Dniep r an d Dvin a rivers, "th e lan d o f Russia " occupie d th e fa r easter n corne r o f th e Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth , an d corresponde d t o th e Mohy lew, Mtsislavl , an d Witebs k district s o f th e Lithuania n Grand Duchy. In thi s regio n o f wha t i s toda y easter n Belarus , mos t o f th e Christian inhabitant s wer e follower s o f th e Orthodo x church , an d spoke a Slavic dialec t muc h close r t o Russia n tha n t o eithe r Polis h or Ukrainian. Commerc e with Smolensk and Moscow was the mainstay of the economy, an d Russian merchants were a major presenc e at fair s an d marketplaces . Cultura l tie s wit h Muscov y wer e als o strong. I n the mid-seventeenth century , Tsa r Aleksei Mikhailovitc h invited artist s an d craftsme n fro m th e Mohyle w distric t t o orna ment th e Kremlin . Th e Jewis h geographica l appelatio n wa s ver y much o n th e mark . Thi s was Russia , i n essenc e i f not i n fact , eve n before i t was annexed b y the Tsarist Empir e in 1772. l Jews first settled her e in the second half of the sixteenth century . They establishe d communitie s i n th e distric t capital s o f Mogile v (Polish: Mohylew) , Vitebs k (Polish : Witebsk) , Mtsislavl , an d else where, an d struggled to secure royal charters confirming thei r right s of residence an d trade . B y 1631, the communities ha d becom e suffi ciently larg e an d establishe d fo r the m t o b e represente d a s a sepa rate distric t o n th e va'ad ha-medinah, th e governin g counci l fo r Jewish communities in Lithuania. 2 1

2 INTRODUCTION

: TH E JEW S I N TH E " L A N D O F R U S S I A "

Although th e Jews of "the land of Russia" were spared the devastation wrough t b y th e Chmielnick i uprisin g o f 1648 , catastroph e struck the m si x year s later , i n th e Russia n invasio n o f Poland , which wa s accompanie d b y the killing, looting , an d force d conversion o f Jews. Th e communitie s scattere d t o escap e th e Russia n on slaught; man y o f those who di d no t flee were take n captiv e b y th e Muscovites. Th e mos t famou s inciden t wa s i n Mogilev , wher e th e townsmen agree d t o surrende r t o th e Russian s peacefully , i f th e Jews were expelled an d their property divided amon g the remainin g inhabitants. Tsa r Alekse i Mikhailovitc h accede d t o thi s condition , which wa s incorporate d int o Mogilev' s treat y o f surrender. Afte r a delay o f severa l months , th e Jew s wer e rounde d u p b y Russia n troops, an d escorte d t o th e outskirt s o f town . Bu t instea d o f bein g expelled, the y were ruthlessly massacred. 3 Jewish lif e reestablishe d itsel f i n th e regio n afte r th e 166 7 peace of Andrusova . Ne w communitie s emerged , th e mos t prominen t o f which wa s in Shklov (Polish : Szklow), chartered i n 1668 . Under th e ownership o f th e Sieniawsk i and , later , th e Czartorysk i famil y o f Polish magnates, Shklo v became one of the most powerful commer cial center s i n Byelorussia , and , i n th e word s o f a diploma t wh o visited the town in 1699 , Jews were "the richest and most influentia l class of people i n th e city. " I n 1727 , more than a third o f the shop s in the town's marketplace wer e owned b y Jews, an d in 1760—mor e than half. 4 Th e town' s Jewis h populatio n gre w a t a n impressiv e pace, an d th e 176 6 census recorded 1,36 7 Jews in Shklov , a numbe r roughly equa l t o tha t o f suc h olde r center s a s Slutsk , Pinsk , an d Minsk.5 The communitie s i n th e "lan d o f Russia " wer e organize d i n a regional council, th e va'ad medinat rusiya, whos e primary task was the apportionmen t an d collectio n o f taxe s amon g it s constituen t members. A s th e regio n gre w i n wealt h durin g th e cours e o f th e eighteenth century , medinat rusiya contribute d a n increasin g pro portion o f th e Jewish hea d ta x fo r Lithuania . I n 1717 , it pai d 9,80 0 zlotys, o r 16. 3 percent o f th e total ; i n 1762—16,44 0 zlotys , o r 27. 4 percent o f the total. Th e va'ad als o served a s the highest legislativ e and judicial bod y for th e Jews of the region . I t regulate d economi c activity, includin g th e purchas e an d orderl y transfe r o f lease s (ar-

I N T R O D U C T I O N : TH E J E W S I N TH E " L A N D O F R U S S I A " 3

enda), an d decided disputes between kahals, or between individual s and kahals. 6 One strikin g featur e o f organize d Jewis h lif e i n "th e lan d o f Russia" was its centralization, an d th e enormous power wielded b y the va'ad's highes t official , th e provincia l rabbi . Th e raw ha-medinah, a s he was called, directe d the va'ad's fiscal affairs betwee n on e meeting an d th e next , an d enjoye d extensiv e freedo m i n determin ing the apportionmen t o f taxes an d th e use of funds. Loca l commu nal rabbi s were subject t o his authority; i n fact, thei r salaries wer e paid ou t o f hi s budget . O n severa l occasions , communitie s lodge d complaints wit h Lithuania n magnate s an d tribunal s concerning al leged abuse s of power b y the provincia l rabbi , and , i n 1746 , Shklov and Kopy s briefly secede d fro m th e va'ad medinat rusiya i n protes t at the rabbi's unfair tax-apportionmen t practices. 7 Prior t o it s annexatio n b y Russia, "th e lan d o f Russia" was any thing but a center of rabbinic culture . There were no Hebrew print ing presses within it s boundaries, n o world-renowned rabbi s or prestigious yeshivas . Th e closes t citade l o f Talmudi c learnin g wa s i n Minsk, t o th e west , wher e R . Ary e Ley b Ginzbur g (calle d th e Sha'agat arye [Roa r o f th e Lion] , afte r hi s volume s o f novellae ) and R . Yehie l Halperi n (autho r o f Seder ha-dorot [Th e Orde r o f Generations]) heade d yeshivas . Promisin g Talmudi c student s wer e sent t o study with Ginzburg , Halperin , o r R. Avraham Katzenellen bogen in Brest-Li to vsk.8 Most of the region's communal rabbi s were involved primarily i n judicial an d administrativ e affairs , an d di d no t distinguis h them selves a s author s o n halakhah , Kabbalah , an d homiletics . Shklo v was somethin g o f a n exceptio n i n thi s regard , wit h severa l o f it s rabbis bein g me n o f scholarl y accomplishment . Thes e include d R . Israel Yaffe , whos e wor k o n th e Zoha r an d th e Shulhan arukh, Or yisrael (Ligh t o f Israel ; Frankfurt , 1702) , receive d th e approbatio n of th e rabbini c cour t o f th e Counci l o f Lithuania ; R . Elija h Pines , author o f Tana de-ve eliyahu (Teaching s from th e Hous e of Elijah ; Zolkiew, 1753) , wh o wa s fame d fo r hi s knowledg e o f whol e tractates o f th e Talmu d b y heart ; an d R . Jaco b b . Juda h Schick , whose hig h standin g i n rabbini c circle s wa s consolidate d b y hi s marriage t o th e siste r o f th e Sha'agat arye. 9 Bu t eve n thes e me n

4 INTRODUCTION

: TH E J E W S I N TH E " L A N D O F R U S S I A "

and thei r work s belonged , a t best , t o th e secon d tie r o f rabbini c scholarship in Eastern Europe. In 1772 , "th e lan d o f Russia " an d it s neighborin g district s wer e severed fro m th e Polish-Lithuania n Commonwealt h an d annexe d by Tsaris t Russi a i n th e firs t partitio n o f Poland . Th e region , wit h approximately 65,00 0 Jews, 10 wa s cu t of f fro m th e heartlan d o f Jewish life i n Eastern Europ e and was forced t o become an indepen dent, self-sustainin g center . I t neede d t o creat e it s ow n religiou s leadership an d institutions , no w tha t i t wa s separate d fro m th e traditional seat s o f learning , piety , an d authority . Thi s tas k wa s compounded b y the nascent conflic t betwee n Hasidi m an d Mitnag dim whic h woul d rac k "th e lan d o f Russia " an d Jewis h Easter n Europe at large, and which opened a whole slew of questions on the nature o f Jewis h piet y an d th e criteri a fo r Jewis h religiou s leadership. The Jews of eastern Byelorussi a als o needed t o establish a n effec tive politica l leadershi p o f thei r own , whic h woul d protec t Jewis h interests vis-a-vi s thei r ne w rulers . Relationship s neede d t o b e forged wit h th e Tsaris t authorities , wh o ha d previousl y bannne d and banishe d Jew s fro m Russia' s territory . Th e region' s Jews no w had t o fend fo r themselve s i n th e high-stake s struggle for economi c and political survival . In short , th e Jew s o f th e "lan d o f Russia " wer e thrus t int o th e task o f intensiv e communit y buildin g durin g th e year s followin g their annexatio n b y the Tsaris t Empire , an d remaine d preoccupie d with thi s tas k a t leas t unti l 1793-95 , whe n th e communitie s o f western Byelorussi a an d Lithuani a cam e unde r Russia n rul e i n th e second an d thir d partition s o f Poland . Th e effor t t o forg e a stron g identity fo r this previously underdevelope d hinterlan d resulte d i n a remarkably intens e cultura l ferment . Th e thre e grea t current s i n East Europea n Jewis h life—Hasidism , Mitnagdi c rabbinism , an d Haskalah—all converge d o n the virgin soil of "the lan d o f Russia, " where they clashed an d competed. Disciple s of R. Shneur Zalman of Liady, th e Viln a Gaon , an d Mose s Mendelssoh n champione d riva l views o f Judaism an d th e universe , a t a distanc e o f a fe w kilome ters—and sometime s a few hundred meters . One indicato r o f th e intellectua l fermen t whic h engulfe d th e

I N T R O D U C T I O N : TH E J E W S I N TH E " L A N D O F R U S S I A " 5

region i s the sudde n flourishing o f Hebre w printing . Hebre w book s were publishe d i n Shklo v beginnin g i n 1783 , and th e tow n was , i n fact, th e ver y first cente r o f Hebre w printin g i n Byelorussi a an d Lithuania. Betwee n 178 3 an d 1799 , whe n th e fame d Rom m pres s was established i n Vilna, ninety-seve n Hebrew titles were published in Shklov , thirty-seve n o f whic h wer e origina l works . Forty-tw o additional title s wer e issue d betwee n 180 0 and th e outbrea k o f th e French-Russian wa r o f 1812 . No other cente r o f Hebrew printing i n Eastern Europ e equaled thes e figures during that spa n of time. 11 The perio d betwee n Shklov' s annexatio n b y Russi a an d it s brie f conquest by Napoleon (1772-1812 ) wa s the town's golden era, whe n it wa s th e metropoli s o f Russian Jewry. Mitnagdi m referre d t o i t a s "the Yavne of Byelorussia," due to its circle of disciples of the Vilna Gaon, an d it s renowned yeshiva. Haba d Hasidis m boasted that "th e Hasidim o f Shklo v wer e th e lofties t o f all , an d wer e tie d t o ou r Rebbe wit h endles s bond s o f love. " An d Maskili m pointe d t o th e town a s "a cit y ful l o f wisemen an d scribes , whose inhabitant s ar e the wealthiest an d most honored men in the land." The city's Great Synagogue, buil t i n 1790 , wa s describe d a s " a gloriou s building , without equa l amon g the synagogues of Lithuania an d Poland ; i t i s said that i t was like the Temple of Herod." And folk memory recall s that Shklo v was then compare d t o the Lan d of Israel—a lan d flowing with mil k and honey. 12 The emergenc e o f a Haskala h circl e i n Shklo v i s particularl y intriguing. Mos t historian s hav e bee n o f th e opinio n tha t th e Rus sian Haskalah did not begin in earnest until the publication o f Isaac Ber Levinsohn' s monumenta l manifest o Teudah be-yisrael (Testi mony i n Israel) , i n 1828 , an d Levinsoh n ha s bee n referre d t o b y many a s "th e Russia n Mendelssohn. " Earlie r voices callin g fo r th e reform o f Jewish educatio n an d cultur e alon g Europea n lines , an d the transformation o f the Jews' social an d legal position i n relatio n to thei r neighbors , hav e bee n lumpe d togethe r unde r th e rubri c o f "forerunners o f th e Haskalah." 13 Th e assumptio n underlyin g thi s characterization i s tha t Jewis h reformist s an d enlightener s befor e Levinsohn wer e isolated an d idiosyncrati c individuals , whos e idea s were inchoat e an d whos e impac t o n Jewish societ y wa s negligible . According t o thi s conventiona l view , Russia n Jewr y remaine d en trenched i n religiou s piet y durin g th e lat e eighteent h centur y an d

6 INTRODUCTION : THE JEWS IN THE "LAND OF RUSSIA" at th e tur n o f th e nineteenth— a piet y whic h flourished i n riva l Hasidic-mystical an d Mitnagdic-rabbinic variations—and face d th e challenges of Enlightenment an d modernity only later . The appearanc e o f Haskalah an d acculturatio n i n Shklov an d it s environs flies in the face o f this view. I n the course of a generation, the town' s Jewish communit y witnesse d a n explosio n o f interest i n science, languages , an d Europea n culture , a flurry o f program s t o reform Jewis h life , an d th e transformatio n o f th e lifestyl e o f man y of it s members . Thes e ne w trend s sprea d amon g merchant s whos e business dealings dre w the m int o th e orbi t o f th e Russia n Imperia l court i n St . Petersburg , intellectual s who were swayed b y the idea s emanating fro m th e Mendelssohnia n circl e i n Berlin , an d eve n among rabbi s wit h tie s t o th e Viln a Gao n an d th e Lithuania n rab binic establishment . Th e line s o f disseminatio n wer e b y n o mean s narrow or uniform . These developments have been noted in passing by Jewish historians, bu t hav e no t receive d th e clos e consideration tha t the y merit , by virtu e o f thei r incongruit y wit h th e conventiona l vie w o f Russian Jewis h history. 14 Th e appearanc e o f Haskala h an d accultura tion i n Shklo v sugges t a muc h mor e variegate d Jewis h cultura l landscape i n th e lat e eighteent h century , an d a n earlie r intrusio n of modernit y tha n ha s bee n appreciated . I t i s o n thi s intriguin g corner of the Jewish past that w e now focus our attention .

C H A P T E RI

The Grea t Divide : Hasidim an d Mitnagdi m

Prehistory: Before

the Partition

When th e Jews o f easter n Byelorussi a cam e unde r th e contro l o f th e Tsarist Empire , i n Augus t o f 1772 , they wer e i n th e throw s o f a tens e and volatil e interna l religiou s conflict . Th e "lan d o f Russia " wa s the birthplac e o f th e struggl e betwee n Hasidi m an d Mitnagdim ; a conflict whic h sprea d fro m Shklo v t o Vilna , an d fro m Viln a t o th e rest o f Jewish Easter n Europe . Th e divisio n betwee n th e tw o camp s became th e definin g cultura l featur e o f Jewis h lif e i n Russi a fo r several decade s t o come. l In th e year s immediatel y prio r t o th e partition , th e "lan d o f Russia" wa s a cente r o f radical , eccentric , an d aggressiv e Hasidim , whose activitie s provoke d a fierce backlas h amon g rabbi s an d com munal leaders . Thei r behavio r an d it s historica l consequence s wer e described b y R. Shneu r Zalma n o f Liad y (1745-1813) , th e founde r o f Lubavitch-Habad Hasidism , i n a lette r t o hi s colleagu e R . Avraha m Kalisker (1741-1810) , th e leadin g Hasidi c figure i n easter n Byelorus sia i n th e pre-partitio n years . Writin g i n th e contex t o f a n angr y feud whic h develope d betwee n them , R . Shneu r Zalma n reminde d R. Avraha m o f hi s youthful sins . H e recalle d a n emergenc y meetin g of Hasidi c leader s i n th e summe r o f 1772 , afte r th e first flurry o f bans agains t thei r movement , an d noted : My eyes saw an d m y ears heard ho w [th e Magid, R . Dov-Ber of Mezeritch ] spoke sternl y t o you concernin g your poo r leadershi p o f our peopl e i n th e land o f Russia. . . . Their dail y speec h wa s full o f wildness an d bufoonery , scoffing a t th e scholar s an d scornin g them , throwin g of f th e yoke [o f th e 7

8 TH

E GREA T DIVIDE : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M

Torah], an d engagin g i n grea t levity . The y als o constantly performe d som ersaults (whic h ar e calle d kulyen zikh) i n th e marketplace s an d streets , and th e nam e o f God was desecrated i n th e eye s of the gentiles. And othe r sorts of mockery an d derisio n i n th e streets of Kalisk. An d i n th e winter of 5532 [1771-72], after th e disputation i n Shklov, at which you could not find a response regarding this and similar behavior, th e scholars of Shklov wrote to th e lat e Viln a Gao n an d persuade d hi m t o rul e tha t w e shoul d b e "cast down, " Go d forbid , a s i s th e la w regardin g heretic s an d thos e wh o disgrace scholars. 2 R. Shneu r Zalman' s pictur e o f Hasidi m ru n amo k i n easter n Bye lorussia wa s elaborate d upo n i n ora l tradition s withi n Lubavitc h Hasidism. The y spea k o f th e haside talk o r tolk wh o establishe d a n eccentric, violen t orde r o r regime—th e meanin g o f the wor d tolk i n Yiddish—which include d no t onl y somersault s i n th e street s an d the mockin g o f Talmudists , bu t act s o f wanto n vandalis m an d vio lence. Th e goa l o f thei r antisocia l behavio r wa s "t o tur n th e worl d upside down." 3 A n anti-Hasidi c polemicis t fro m th e en d o f th e eighteenth centur y report s i n a simila r vei n tha t th e communa l rabbis o f Shklo v an d Lubavitc h (th e latte r bein g a t th e tim e a non Hasidic tow n i n th e Mogile v district ) wer e harasse d b y the Hasidi m during thos e years , an d ther e i s evidenc e tha t R . Jaco b b . Juda h Schick o f Shklo v wa s force d t o fle e hi s communit y becaus e o f Ha sidic harassment. 4 As R . Shneu r Zalman' s above-cite d lette r indicates , th e commu nity o f Shklo v responde d t o thi s antisocia l outburs t b y convenin g a public disputatio n wit h R . Avraha m Kaliske r i n th e winte r o f 1771 72. Hasidis m wa s pu t o n tria l an d it s representativ e wa s subjecte d to interrogation , alon g th e line s o f th e Christian-Jewis h disputa tions i n th e Middl e Ages. 5 R . Avraham' s inabilit y t o respon d con vincingly t o som e o f the charge s i s attested t o no t onl y b y R . Shneu r Zalman, bu t als o b y a contemporaneou s Mitnagdi c source , whic h adds tha t th e Shklo v communit y proceede d t o "pronounc e the m [the Hasidim ] tota l heretics . "6 This wa s a fateful , epoque-makin g decision . Th e halakhi c rulin g that Hasidi m wer e heretic s officiall y sanctione d thei r persecu tion fro m th e perspectiv e o f Jewish religiou s la w (se e Maimonides , Mishne Torah, hilkho t mamrim , chapter s 3 and 4) . Th e rulin g wa s communicated t o th e Viln a Gaon , R . Elija h b . Shlom o Zalma n (1720-96), wh o endorse d i t fully .

THE GREA T DIVIDE : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M 9 When th e writing s fro m Shklo v reache d u s her e i n Vilna , th e Gao n sai d "the la w i s accordin g t o th e communit y o f Shklov . Thi s i s a famil y o f heretics; the y ar e t o b e cast dow n [int o a pit ] an d no t elevate d [fro m it]. " ('Avodah Zara h 26b ) 7 The Shklo v rulin g spurre d th e Viln a Gao n t o mobiliz e th e Viln a community agains t Hasidism ; th e grea t Viln a herem agains t the m was issue d i n Ma y 1772 , an d letter s were dispatche d t o communitie s throughout Easter n Europ e callin g fo r th e suppressio n o f th e "sect." 8 The Jews o f easter n Byelorussi a ha d thu s gon e throug h a ful l first round o f Hasidic-Mitnagdi c warfare , wit h provocation s an d act s o f violence, a publi c confrontation , an d forma l excommunicatio n o f the Hasidim , i n th e month s immediatel y prio r t o th e annexatio n o f their regio n b y Russia . Th e clas h i n "th e lan d o f Russia " dre w th e Vilna Gao n int o th e fray , an d sparke d th e nationwid e campaig n t o suppress th e Hasidi c movement . The Kahal in

Russia, 1772-1794

The ne w Russia n ruler s o f easter n Byelorussi a wer e no t directl y interested i n th e religiou s dispute s whic h engage d thei r recentl y acquired Jewis h subjects . Thei r immediat e concern s followin g th e partition wer e o f a mor e genera l nature : t o establis h contro l ove r the region , integrat e i t int o th e Russia n administrativ e an d lega l system, an d ensur e tha t th e inhabitant s accepte d Russia n rul e an d its laws . Maintainin g orde r an d securin g th e stead y flo w o f taxe s t o the Imperia l treasur y wer e o f vital importance. 9 Due t o thes e considerations , th e Russia n authoritie s decide d shortly afte r th e partitio n t o inves t th e corporat e Jewis h communi ties, th e kahals , wit h broa d administrativ e powers . General-Gover nor Z . G. Chernyshev , th e officia l i n charg e o f th e annexe d territor ies, ordere d al l Jews t o registe r wit h th e kahals , an d empowere d th e latter t o ac t a s th e state' s agen t i n collectin g th e Russia n hea d ta x among Jews . Chernyshe v lef t th e apportionmen t o f th e ta x burde n to th e discretio n o f th e kaha l elders , an d als o entruste d the m wit h "making amon g [th e Jews] th e appropriat e order. " Thi s broa d man date fo r regulatin g th e affair s o f th e Jewis h communit y included , after 1776 , th e authorit y t o contro l trave l an d mobilit y throug h th e

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issuance o f officia l passports. 10 Chernyshe v confirme d th e jurisdic tion o f Jewish court s ove r bot h religiou s an d civi l affairs , an d or dered the establishment o f district an d provincial kahals (uyezdnie, gubernskie kagali), whic h wer e t o serve a s appellate court s an d a s the highest authoritie s in internal Jewish disputes. 11 Taken together , thes e action s b y th e Russia n authoritie s consti tuted th e rehabilitatio n o f Jewis h communa l self-governmen t o n the loca l an d regiona l levels , a s it ha d bee n practiced i n the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealt h befor e 1764 , whe n th e regiona l an d national kaha l council s were abolished by royal decree. The system of autonomous kahals was under intense attack from man y quarter s in Polan d i n th e 1770s , an d th e council s (va'adim) ha d bee n com pletely dismantle d there . Bu t thes e ver y structure s wer e embrace d and resuscitate d b y th e authoritie s i n Tsaris t Russia , fo r th e sak e of politica l stabilit y an d th e stead y flo w o f taxe s i n thei r newl y annexed territories. 12 The Jews too k ful l advantag e o f thi s opportunit y t o reviv e thei r tradition o f regional autonomy . I n the newly created Mogile v province, th e va'ad medinat rusiya was reestablished, an d recognized by the Russian authoritie s a s the Mogilev gubernskii kagal. Th e va'ad, which consiste d i n thi s perio d o f representatives fro m five commu nities (Shklov , Mogilev , Mtsislavl , Star y Bykhov, an d Chaus), reasserted it s authority i n supervising th e affair s o f the kahals under it s jurisdiction. Whe n intense conflicts aros e in the Jewish communit y of Petrovit z i n 1777 , the va'ad appointe d a rabbini c cour t t o writ e new bylaw s fo r it s kahal . Fro m thei r contents , w e lear n tha t th e va'ad medinat rusiya was the recipient o f the taxes collected b y the kahals o f the Mogile v province , an d tha t it s bet din wa s the appel late cour t fo r interna l Jewis h disputes . Th e va'ad's rabbini c cour t also intervene d t o resolv e a territoria l disput e betwee n Ol d Mtsis lavl an d New Mtsislavl (Slobeda ) betwee n 177 7 and 1781. 13 The control o f the reconstituted va'ad medinat rusiya ove r inter nal Jewish affair s wa s so strong, tha t a complaint wa s submitted t o the Russia n Senat e i n 178 3 "by Jews who were dissatisfied wit h th e decisions o f th e gubernskii kagal, askin g where on e ca n submi t a n appeal [o f it s decisions] , s o tha t a situatio n no t aris e i n whic h innocently accuse d people are forced, a t times, to suffer." H The kahal' s broa d power s wer e subsequentl y curtaile d i n th e

THE GREA T D I V I D E : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M I

I

mid-1780s, whe n th e Jews ' lega l statu s wa s reformed , an d the y were formall y integrate d int o th e urba n classe s (kupechestvo an d meshchanstvo). Th e Tsaris t authoritie s withdre w thei r officia l sanction fo r Jewis h court s t o adjudicat e civi l cases , an d affluen t Jews wh o joine d th e rank s o f th e merchan t guild s bega n t o pa y certain taxe s directl y t o the Imperia l treasury . Bu t even afte r thes e reforms, th e officia l power s retaine d b y th e kaha l i n Russi a wer e impressive, especiall y whe n compare d t o th e situatio n i n Polan d and Austri a a t th e time . Th e Jewis h "charter " o f 178 6 explicitl y authorized th e gubernskii kagal t o adjudicat e al l case s relate d t o Jewish religiou s an d ritua l matters , an d sanctione d th e collectio n of bot h Imperia l an d interna l (tha t is , communal ) taxe s b y th e local kahals . Th e charte r lef t th e syste m o f officiall y recognize d organs o f Jewis h self-government , o n bot h th e loca l an d regiona l levels, essentiall y intact. 15 Th e va'ad medinat rusiya an d it s rab binic court continue d t o function int o the 1790s. 16 The Suppression of Hasidism in the Mogilev Province This situatio n ha d far-reachin g consequence s fo r th e cours e o f th e Hasidic-Mitnagdic conflic t i n Russia i n the late eighteenth century . In the Mogilev province, the va'ad medinat rusiya led a coordinated campaign agains t Hasidis m amon g the communities unde r it s jurisdiction, an d successfull y suppresse d th e movemen t ther e fo r mor e than twent y years . Suc h regiona l coordinatio n an d enforcemen t were impossibl e i n Poland , wher e th e va'adim ha d bee n abolished , and th e battl e agains t Hasidis m ha d t o b e waged o n a community by-community basis , with uncertai n an d varying results. The drivin g ideologica l forc e behin d th e anti-Hasidi c move ment i n th e Mogile v provinc e wa s provide d b y th e "Sage s o f Shklov," a circl e o f disciple s an d devotee s o f th e Viln a Gao n le d by R. Benjamin b . Shlomo Zalman Rivli n (1728-1812). 17 This group of Talmudist s convene d a publi c disputatio n wit h leader s o f th e Hasidic "sect " i n 1775 , at whic h th e publi c uproa r agains t th e Ha sidim was so great, tha t thei r representatives , R . Shneur Zalma n of Liady an d R . Avraha m Kalisker , wer e manhandle d an d physicall y mistreated.18 An d i n 1787 , th e va'ad medinat rusiya hel d a spe cial sessio n i n Shklov , a t whic h i t issue d a se t o f anti-Hasidi c

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ordinances, signe d b y R. Benjami n Rivlin , R . Issacha r Be r b. Judah Leyb (th e communa l rabb i o f Shklo v an d Rivlin' s brother-in-law) , as wel l a s othe r loca l dayyanim, scholars , an d notables . Hasidi c traditions refe r t o additiona l ban s an d meetings , an d on e Hasidi c author note s tha t "whe n th e grea t Mitnagdi c rabbi s use d t o gathe r in order to ban ou r rabbis and thos e who followed them , th e city of Shklov was their metropolis . Mos t of the meetings an d action s took place there." 19 The accusation s lodge d agains t th e movemen t b y th e "Sage s of Shklov" were typical of Mitnagdim in general: sectarian separatism ; disdain fo r Tora h stud y an d Talmudi c scholars ; a dissolut e an d licentious lifestyl e characterize d b y endless celebrations ; th e alter ation o f th e traditiona l liturg y an d prayin g "wit h grea t madness" ; the violatio n o f halakhic regulation s regardin g praye r an d shehita; false claim s to perform miracles ; and the dissemination o f heretica l religious doctrines. 20 The novelt y o f thei r campaig n la y no t i n th e real m o f ideolog y and polemics , bu t rathe r i n th e sphere of politics and organization . In the Mogilev province, the anti-Hasidic movement was conducted under th e auspice s o f th e va'ad medinat rusiya, wit h clos e inter communal coordinatio n an d unifie d actio n o n th e regiona l level . When a Hasidic shohet fro m Vohly n crosse d int o the Mogilev province's southern distric t an d wa s detected b y the communit y o f Krichev, i t immediatel y reporte d th e matte r t o head s o f th e vaa cd i n Mogilev, wh o arrange d fo r th e unfortunat e trespasser , Ayzi k Zas laver, t o b e apprehende d an d interrogated . Thi s "breach " wa s deemed adequat e caus e fo r convenin g th e specia l meetin g o f th e va'ad i n 1787 , t o whic h communa l elder s an d leader s fro m acros s the province were summoned. 21 The hig h leve l o f regiona l disciplin e amon g th e va'ad's constit uent communitie s i s reflected i n a letter fro m th e rabbi of Mtsislav l apologizing fo r hi s inabilit y t o atten d th e gathering . Th e rabb i assured th e va'ad o f his total suppor t fo r th e Mitnagdi c cause , an d urged i t t o adopt th e most severe measures against th e Hasidim. H e reported t o the m tha t " I an d th e member s of my community swea r by heaven an d earth . . . that ther e are no members of this evil sect in our city, than k God. Not even one." 22 The ordinances passed at th e meeting were formulated a s a series

THE GREA T DIVIDE : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDIM 1 3 of directive s fro m th e va'ad medinat rusiya under it s jurisdiction. The y rea d a s follows :

t o th e communitie s

It i s obligator y fo r ever y singl e communit y t o issu e ordinances , an d t o enforce the m wit h al l possible mean s o f coercion, i n order t o ensure tha t the restriction s liste d belo w ar e observed. Thes e should b e recorded i n the minute boo k of every single community an d city, a s an eternal precautio n and reminder. . . . The following ar e the restrictions which we adopted a t this meeting: 1. T o decree a public fast on the 25th of Teveth. 2. T o employ al l means to destroy the altars of these heretics, an d prevent them from gathering . 3. T o ensure tha t n o one study thei r books , an d t o conduc t searche s fo r this purpose. 4. T o enforc e th e validit y o f th e ordinance s passe d i n Brod y an d Viln a prohibiting travel to the leaders of the sect. 5. Mea t slaughtere d b y their shohtim i s forbidden an d treif, an d all mea t coming fro m outsid e cit y limit s wil l b e considered treif , unles s i t has a writ o f kashrut fro m a well-know n person , wh o doe s no t belon g t o their sect. 6. I t is forbidden t o provide lodging to anyone of their sect . 7. N o community ma y accept on e of them a s a cantor, rabbi , or preacher, and particula r attentio n shoul d b e paid to the melamdim (teachers) , t o ensure tha t non e of them teac h boy s without a n appropriate certificat e from th e rabbis. 8. T o announce i n all the communities tha t anyon e wh o knows anythin g about them , whethe r favorabl e o r negative , shoul d repor t i t t o th e rabbinic court. 23 These anti-Hasidi c directive s wer e squarel y withi n th e parame ters o f th e va'ad's officiall y grante d authorit y t o supervis e Jewis h religious matters , an d "mak e order " amon g th e communities . Ac cording t o historia n P . Marek , th e minute s o f an earlie r meetin g o f the va'ad medinat rusiya note d explicitl y tha t Russia n la w gav e them th e righ t t o punis h th e sectarian s (i.e. , th e Hasidim). 2 4 I t i s safe t o assum e tha t th e va'ad woul d hav e use d it s powe r o f ta x apportionment t o punis h a recalcitran t communit y whic h refuse d to implemen t it s anti-Hasidi c measures . Henc e th e eagernes s o f the rabbi o f Mtsislavl t o reassure th e va'ad that , despit e hi s inability t o attend, h e was firmly o n their side . A number o f letters b y R. Shneur Zalma n o f Liady bea r testimon y to th e effectiveness o f the anti-Hasidi c measure s take n i n the Mogi lev province . The y offe r a portrai t o f a persecuted , endangere d

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movement, drive n undergroun d b y it s adversaries , an d fearfu l fo r the physica l safet y o f it s adherents . Writin g t o a grou p o f Hasidi m in o r aroun d 1780 , R . Shneu r Zalma n concede d tha t i t wa s simpl y too dangerou s t o conven e separat e Hasidi c minyanim, an d aske d that the y b e discontinued throughou t "th e entir e land. " "It is a time of trouble for Jacob, but out of it he shall be saved" [Jer. 30:7]. It i s therefor e m y advic e unt o th e entir e lan d t o fulfil l th e verse s "hid e yourself fo r a littl e moment , unti l th e fur y ha s passed" [Is . 26:20] , "it i s a time t o d o unt o th e Lord , an d abrogat e th e Torah " [Psalm s 119:126] . Take heed fo r th e sak e o f your souls , an d d o not confron t thos e wh o hav e rise n up against you b y praying in a separate minyan. I put my trust in the Lord, that h e will no t forsak e us , an d tha t H e will soo n retur n th e crow n t o it s ancient glory. 25 This i s a n extraordinar y documen t i n th e histor y o f Hasidism . Nowhere els e i n Easter n Europ e wa s a Hasidi c leade r force d t o cal l upon hi s follower s i n a n entir e provinc e t o ceas e an d desis t fro m organized Hasidi c prayer . Th e Hasidi c praye r grou p wa s th e move ment's primar y institution , i n th e technica l sociologica l sens e o f the term . I t wa s th e foca l poin t o f Hasidi c religiou s life , wher e th e quest fo r dvekut, communio n wit h God , wa s pursue d o n a n individ ual an d collectiv e basis. 26 Without it , Hasidis m wa s a dead letter . In 1787 , followin g th e issuanc e o f th e anti-Hasidi c ordinance s b y the va'ad medinat rusiya, R . Shneu r Zalma n addresse d a n impas sioned appea l t o it s leaders , pleadin g fo r merc y an d justice . H e invoked th e languag e o f th e boo k o f Esther , thereb y comparin g th e va'ad's action s t o th e evi l decree s o f Haman . "Th e letter s wer e sen t by courier s t o al l th e district s (uyezdn), containin g terribl e decree s and injunctions . . . . For we ar e sold, I and m y people . An d w e shal l be redeeme d no t b y silver , bu t b y merc y an d th e supplication s which w e pu t befor e you." 2 7 Most revelator y i s R. Shneur Zalman' s descriptio n o f the sufferin g inflicted upo n Hasidi m a s a resul t o f th e va'ad's ordinances : The masse s have acte d t o har m us , treatin g u s like children o f wickednes s and total heretics , [believing] that whoever kill s us first merits reward, an d brings merit on the community. Wer e it not for fear of the authorities, me n would swallo w eac h othe r aliv e an d consider it a n ac t of goodness. And in secret, thing s tha t mus t no t b e don e hav e bee n done , an d permissio n ha s been grante d t o g o afte r people' s live s an d livelihood s t o th e exten t possi ble. . . . Add to this the humiliation an d bloodshed. Fo r our blood has been

THE GREA T D I V I D E : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M l£

shed like water, an d w e have been put t o shame before th e Gentiles and humiliated among our brethren the children of Israel. Earth, oh earth, do not cover our blood, be not the place for our cries.28 R. Shneu r Zalman' s complain t o f anti-Hasidi c terro r an d blood shed i n th e Mogile v province should no t b e dismissed a s hyperbole. Local tradition s hav e bee n preserve d concernin g th e ruthlessnes s with whic h th e Shklo v kaha l deal t wit h rebel s an d informers . "I f the waters o f the Dniepe r coul d speak , the y woul d tel l a great dea l about th e informer s wh o wer e drowne d t o deat h accordin g t o th e decision o f th e kaha l o f th e Shklo v region." 29 Th e Hasidim , wh o were deeme d t o b e a heretica l sect , wer e n o doub t treate d jus t a s severely. Th e practic e o f deprivin g Hasidi m o f thei r livelihoods , probably throug h unfai r competitiv e practice s whic h cause d the m to lose their arendas (leases) , i s attested t o in other sources. Letter s by Byelorussian Hasidi m t o their masters in the Lan d of Israel complained bitterl y tha t the y wer e sufferin g fro m economi c ha rassment.30 Taken together , thes e sources substantiate th e view preserved i n Lubavitch ora l tradition , tha t anti-Hasidi c persecutio n wa s consid erably greate r i n Russian-controlle d territor y (i.e. , i n th e Mogile v province) tha n i n Polan d an d th e Ukraine. 31 The uniqu e power s of the va'ad medinat rusiya mad e effectiv e persecutio n possible ; th e strong Mitnagdi c leadershi p o f th e "Sage s of Shklov " mad e i t a reality. The Dominance of

Hasidism in the Polotsk Province

The Hasidi m face d n o suc h difficultie s i n th e Polots k provinc e t o the nort h o f Mogilev . Th e boundarie s o f th e province , whic h wa s established b y th e Russia n authoritie s i n 1772 , corresponded t o th e area o f greates t Hasidi c strength . R . Avraha m Kalisker , R . Mena hem Mend l o f Vitebsk , an d R . Shneu r Zalma n o f Liad y al l haile d from thi s territory . Shortl y afte r th e region' s annexatio n b y Russia , R. Menahe m Mend l returne d ther e fro m Mins k (wher e h e ha d re sided fo r a numbe r o f years) an d settle d i n th e tow n o f Horodok . Under his leadership, Hasidism gained tremendous popularity in th e province, a s numerous inhabitant s flocke d t o hi s court i n Horodo k and were affected b y his teachings. 32

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In 1777 , R. Menahem Mend l an d R . Avraham Kaliske r emigrate d with a sizable group of Hasidim t o the Lan d of Israel . They contin ued, however, t o serve as the spiritual leaders of Byelorussian Hasidism afte r thei r departure , employin g frequen t correspondenc e an d personal emissarie s t o communicat e wit h thei r followers . A s it be came apparen t tha t thi s mode l o f long-distance leadershi p wa s un satisfactory, R . Menahem Mend l an d R. Avraham graduall y shifte d the burden o f responsibility t o R. Shneur Zalman of Liady, who was appointed leade r i n 1786 . From tha t poin t on , hi s residenc e i n th e town of Liozna becam e the movement's focal point. 33 Hasidism predominate d i n th e Polots k province . No t a singl e herem agains t th e movemen t i s known t o hav e bee n issue d withi n its borders . Indeed , th e loca l kahal s appea r t o hav e bee n unde r Hasidic control. When the first Hasidi c emissary from th e Holy Land sought t o rais e fund s fo r hi s strugglin g brethre n i n Palestine , h e addressed a request fo r ai d to the heads of the Vitebsk kahal, rathe r than t o the gabaim o f the local Hasidic conventicle. The communa l body had been co-opted by the movement, an d so there was no need to circumvent i t or utilize a n alternativ e institutional structure. 34 R. Menahe m Mendl , writin g fro m Palestine , gav e voic e t o th e Hasidic confidence tha t th e province was theirs: The land ha s been subdue d befor e us , for al l th e inhabitant s o f the lan d have melte d awa y befor e us . An d thos e wh o ros e u p agains t us , Go d brought their counsel to nought.35 R. Shneur Zalman propose d in his above-mentioned 178 7 letter t o the Mogile v va'ad medinat rusiya tha t th e leader s o f th e Hasidi c and Mitnagdi c camp s mee t befor e a n impartia l tribuna l "eithe r i n our provinc e (ba-guberniya shelanu) o r i n you r province , o r i n a place i n betwee n th e tw o provinces." 36 Clearl y h e als o considere d the Polotsk region to be Hasidic territory . This i s not t o sa y tha t ther e wer e n o non-Hasidi c congregation s and rabbi s i n th e province . Ther e were ; an d the y wer e magnani mously tolerate d b y the Hasidi c majority . Bu t the Mitnagdi m wer e outnumbered an d overpowered . Th e writing s o f R . Phineha s b . Judah o f Polotsk , a preache r an d theologia n wh o live d i n Polots k between 176 7 and 1785 , testify t o thi s fact. R . Phinehas' s work s ar e full o f anguis h an d disma y tha t th e Satani c force s o f Hasidis m ar e

i. Th e great synagogu e o f Shklov, buil t i n 1790 . (YIV O Archives )

2. R . Shneur Zalma n b . Barukh . 3 (YIVO Archives) Shlom

. Th e Vilna Gaon , R . Elija h b . o Zalman . (YIV O Archives )

4. Semio n Gavrilovic h Zorich . (Stolitsa i usad' ba)

5. Student s of the Shklo v Nobilit y Academy i n uniform . (Stolitsa i usad' ba)

6. Poe m presented b y the Jews of the Mogilev province t o Empres s Catherin e II . (Historische shriftn fun YIVO)

7. Naftal i Hirt z Schulman' s editio n of Zekher rav (Shklov , 1804) .

8. Draf t o f lette r invitin g Not a Notki n t o serv e as advise r t o th e Stat e Committe e o n th e Jews . (I. Gessen , Istoriia evreiskogo naroda v rossii)

9. Nevakhovich' s Lament of the Daughter ofjudah (Russian : St . Petersburg , 1803 ;

9. (Cont. ) Hebrew : Shklov, 1804 )

io. Abraha m Peret s (Dekabrist grigorii abramovich perets)

I I . Grigori i (Hirsh ) Per ets, ca . 1820 . (Dekabrist grigorii abramovich perets)

THE GREA T D I V I D E : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M 1

7

defeating rabbini c Judaism, an d contai n bitte r complaint s tha t th e younger generatio n ha s abandone d Talmudi c stud y fo r othe r reli gious pursuits. 37 Fearin g tha t Hasidis m migh t sprea d t o hi s ow n family, R . Phinehas took the extraordinary ste p of requiring his son to take an oath tha t h e "would not join the sect of the Hasidim, . . . not pray in their minyanim . . . , and never visit their rabbis." 38 In th e Polots k province , th e structur e o f Jewish regiona l gover nance differed fro m tha t of the Mogilev province. Instead of forming a counci l o f kahals alon g th e lines of the va'ad medinat rusiya, th e highest regiona l authorit y wa s a provincia l rabbini c court , whic h consisted o f R . Israe l o f Polotsk , R . Issacha r Be r of Lubavitch , an d R. Shneur Zalma n o f Liady . Historia n Immanue l Etke s has pointe d out tha t thes e thre e figures acte d a s th e collectiv e second-tie r Ha sidic leadership of Byelorussia durin g the early 1780s , when R. Menahem Mend l an d R . Avraha m Kaliske r guide d th e movemen t fro m their residence in the Land of Israel. 39 But closer examination o f the trio's pronouncement s an d epistle s indicate s tha t the y acte d a s a n officially constitute d hig h rabbini c court . The y issue d decree s an d herems o n civi l affairs , suc h a s a ba n o n usin g fund s raise d fo r the inhabitant s o f th e Hol y Lan d t o suppor t loca l paupers , whos e formulaic languag e suggest s tha t th e author s wer e no t a n a d ho c Hasidic leadership , bu t rathe r th e functioning provincia l bet din of a region under Hasidic control. 40 In 1786 , th e bet din structur e gav e wa y t o a centralize d syste m headed b y a provincia l rabbi , an d R . Shneu r Zalma n o f Liad y wa s appointed t o thi s positio n o f leadershi p b y hi s senior colleague s i n Palestine. The language used by R. Avraham Kaliske r in referring t o his appointmen t wa s tha t o f traditiona l rabbini c ordination : "W e have anointe d hi m t o b e the rabb i [moreh tsedek] in your land , s o that th e congregatio n o f Go d no t b e lik e shee p withou t a shep herd."41 As provincial rabbi , R . Shneu r Zalma n impose d fee s an d collec tions upo n th e inhabitant s o f th e region , whic h h e enforce d b y threat o f excommunication . Wieldin g th e sam e powe r o f herem a s his Mitnagdic counterparts in the Mogilev province, he decreed: Whoever will no t give the amoun t assesse d of him, i n cash or at leas t in security, shoul d b e distanced fro m u s through al l form s o f ostracization .

18 TH

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. . . H e has no portion no r inheritance with u s in al l matters of holiness, and should not even be counted in a minyan. He should be banished until he repents.42 In hi s capacit y a s provincia l rabbi , R . Shneu r Zalma n wa s als o the region's ultimate halakhi c authority . Th e rabbinic courts of the Vitebsk an d Polots k kahals submitted inquirie s to him on matters of religious divorces, to which h e replied with responsa. 43 Scholars hav e characterize d R . Shneu r Zalman' s styl e o f leader ship a s les s charismati c an d mor e conventionall y rabbini c tha n other Hasidic masters. 44 This was not only a matter of personal style or outlook, bu t a reflection o f his institutional roles . From 178 6 on, R. Shneur Zalman was not only spiritual maste r to his Hasidim, bu t also the official regiona l authorit y i n th e Polots k province for fiscal and halakhi c affairs . R . Shneur Zalma n wa s both tsadik an d raw— and he was referred t o by the latter title in many sources. The battle betwee n Hasidi m an d Mitnagdi m wa s thus drawn alon g sharp geographic lines . I n the Mogilev province, Hasidis m was suppressed b y th e regiona l va'ad, whil e i n th e Polotos k provinc e i t reigned suprem e an d wa s i n contro l o f th e kahal s an d provincia l rabbinate. Thi s wa s th e stat e o f affair s whic h prevaile d unti l th e mid-i790S.

The Shift in Russian Policy and Its Consequences With th e secon d an d thir d partition s o f Poland , i n 179 3 and 1795 , Russia acquire d seven hundred thousan d ne w Jewish subjects, mor e than i t ha d eve r wante d o r imagined , an d th e Tsaris t authoritie s began t o revis e their policie s towar d th e Jews. Restrictions on Jewish residence , th e establishmen t o f th e Pal e of Settlement, an d th e introduction o f double taxation of Jewish merchants and townsme n were th e mos t famou s feature s o f th e ne w polic y o f suspicio n an d hostility.45 The kaha l an d th e regiona l bodie s o f Jewis h self-governmen t also came under close r governmental scrutiny . Catherin e th e Grea t became intent upo n bringing the Jewish population unde r the undivided jurisdictio n o f th e civi l authorities , an d sough t t o severel y diminish th e real m o f Jewish autonomy . Althoug h th e ful l attain -

THE GREA T D I V I D E : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M 1

9

ment o f thi s goa l elude d her—a s i t di d he r successors—he r action s did yiel d limite d success , which , i n turn , change d th e balanc e o f power betwee n Hasidi m an d Mitnagdi m i n Russia . An Imperia l ukaz (decree ) issue d o n Ma y 3 , 1795 , i n th e after math o f th e thir d Polis h partition , decree d tha t th e Jews wer e t o b e treated a s a n urba n class , subordinat e t o th e cit y magistrates , an d stipulated tha t th e gubernskie kagali wer e "no t authorize d t o dea l with an y matter s othe r tha n religiou s rite s an d rituals." 4 6 Th e de cree wa s interprete d b y provincia l official s a s categoricall y re scinding th e civil , judicial, an d polic e power s o f the Jewish regiona l bodies. Th e latte r wer e strippe d o f the authorit y t o serve a s the final arbiters o f al l interna l Jewis h dispute s an d t o issu e bindin g decrees , enforceable b y powe r o f th e herem. The ukaz wa s a turning point i n the history of the Hasidic-Mitnag dic conflict i n Russia , an d it s impact i s alluded t o in th e literatur e o f both camps . R . Avigdo r o f Pinsk , a fanatica l Mitnage d wh o de nounced th e Hasidi c movemen t t o Tsar Pau l I in 1800 , attributed th e movement's resurgenc e t o th e weakene d statu s o f Jewis h autono mous bodies . Hasidism , h e complained , coul d n o longe r b e banne d by Jewish communa l leader s via judicial o r administrativ e fiat. From time immemorial i t has been our custom that only our scholars could decide matter s o f justice . . . . An d whe n th e Empress , ma y sh e res t i n peace, assume d th e throne , sh e decree d tha t Jewis h dispute s shoul d b e decided by the Jews' scholars. But certai n ric h me n wh o di d no t approv e o f this , cunningl y brough t about tha t th e decision s o f Jewish court s i n suc h dispute s shoul d remai n ineffectual. . . . The trut h o f th e matte r i s tha t i f now , a s i n th e past , th e Jews' affair s were subject to the judgment of their own scholars, the latter would have— based o n th e orde r o f the authoritie s an d i n accordanc e wit h th e suprem e laws o f th e land—destroye d thes e individual s wh o hav e dare d t o rebe l against God and His anointed ones [i.e., the Hasidim]. 47 R. Avigdor' s complaint , tha t th e la w n o longe r permitte d Jewis h scholars t o settl e th e Jews ' affair s unilaterally , wa s a caus e fo r celebration amon g th e Hasidim . Hasidi c tradition s not e tha t follow ing the secon d an d thir d partitio n o f Poland, th e Russia n authoritie s outlawed us e o f th e herem, an d th e Mitnagdi m wer e n o longe r abl e to ba n th e movement , a s the y ha d i n th e past . Officia l scrutin y o f communal action s mad e suc h activit y virtuall y impossible. 48

20 TH

E GREA T D I V I D E : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M

The Hasidi c traditio n relate s tha t th e ne w polic y agains t us e of the herem wa s adopte d i n 1794 , not 1795 . If correct, th e 179 5 ukaz reiterated a policy adopte d a year earlier , afte r th e second partitio n of Poland. Th e earlier Hasidi c dating woul d als o help shed ligh t o n an importan t historica l event—th e publicatio n o f the first Hasidi c book in Russia . R. Shneu r Zalma n o f Liady' s halakhi c manua l hilkhot talmud tor ah was first published i n 179 4 in Shklov, with a letter of approbation fro m it s communa l rabbi , R . Chanok h Henek h Schick. 49 Th e circumstances surroundin g thi s publicatio n ar e shroude d i n mys tery. Th e boo k wa s issue d anonymously , withou t indicatin g th e author's identity , i n th e cit y whic h ha d bee n th e citade l o f Mit nagdism. Th e very same R. Chanokh Henek h Schick had signe d th e anti-Hasidic ordinance s o f th e va'ad medinat rusiya seve n year s earlier. Hasidi c tradition contend s that R . Chanokh Henekh' s opposition t o the movement dissipate d during the intervening years, bu t this doe s no t explai n th e apparen t inactio n o f th e va'ad medinat rusiya an d the "Sages of Shklov" to prevent the book's publication. 50 The onl y plausibl e explanatio n i s tha t Shklov' s Mitnagdi c circle s no longe r ha d th e lega l o r mora l authorit y t o preven t th e publica tion o f Hasidi c literatur e o n thei r territory , beginnin g i n 1794 . I f so, th e publicatio n o f R . Shneu r Zalman' s boo k i n Shklo v wa s a demonstrative ac t i n whic h th e Hasidi m wer e exercising , an d thereby celebrating , thei r newl y acquire d freedo m i n th e Mogile v province. At abou t thi s time , i n 179 4 or 1795 , Hasidism bega n t o spread i n the Mogile v province . I n the absenc e o f a coordinated, enforceabl e ban, individual s no longer feared openl y identifying wit h th e movement. B y Marc h 1796 , ther e wer e Hasidi c minyanim i n Shklov , Orsha, Chaus , Dubrovna , Kopys , an d othe r communitie s i n th e Mogilev province. 51 Shklo v itsel f soo n becam e a majo r cente r o f Habad Hasidism , an d wa s hom e t o som e o f R . Shneu r Zalman' s closest disciple s an d followers . Accordin g t o on e tradition , th e Shklov Hasidim were, in fact, "th e loftiest o f all." 52 Mitnagdic rabbinis m remaine d a strong religious an d ideologica l trend i n Shklo v an d th e Mogile v provinc e a s a whole. Th e circle of disciples of the Vilna Gaon , which coalesced aroun d R . Benjamin b . Shlomo Zalman Rivlin , continue d t o flourish. Bu t afte r th e ukaz o f

THE GREA T D I V I D E : HASIDI M AN D MITNAGDI M 2

1

1794 (o r 1795) , th e Mitnagdi m los t thei r monopol y ove r Jewis h religious life in the Mogilev province which the y ha d held for some twenty-two years. In th e lat e 1790s , th e Hasidic-Mitnagdi c conflic t i n Russi a en tered its final phase. With free us e of the herein no longer permitte d by law , th e Hasidi c cam p becam e mor e aggressiv e an d ambitious , while th e Mitnagdim gre w bitterl y desperate . Th e main battlefiel d shifted t o Vilna—acquire d b y Russi a i n th e thir d partitio n o f Poland i n 1795—wher e th e Hasidi m mounte d a n organize d effor t t o topple th e Mitnagdic-led kahal . Th e kahal responded b y issuing an anti-Hasidic herem i n Octobe r 1797 , in violatio n o f th e Imperia l decree o f 179 4 (or 1795) . The Hasidim immediatel y complaine d t o Tsarist official s tha t th e kaha l ha d acte d i n violatio n o f Russia n law, b y exercisin g unauthorize d powers . Th e authoritie s uphel d their complaint, an d the Hasidic presence in Vilna was legitimized. A cycl e o f denunciation s an d counterdenunciation s ensued , an d culminated wit h th e Mitnagdim informin g o n R. Shneur Zalma n t o the centra l Russia n governmen t i n St . Petersburg . This , i n turn , led t o R . Shneu r Zalman' s arres t an d brie f imprisonmen t i n 179 8 and 1801.

53

Meanwhile, i n th e "lan d o f Russia " itself , a n unfriendl y truc e prevailed betwee n th e two camps. Tension s an d polemics betwee n the "Sage s of Shklov" an d local Hasidi m persisted . I n Shklov itself , the divisio n wa s s o intens e tha t eve n afte r Hasidi c conventicle s functioned withi n th e community, Hasidi m wer e burie d i n a separate plot within th e communal cemetery , probabl y at the insistence of certain Mitnagdim. 54 But the violent life-and-deat h wa r was over. Lik e it or not, ther e was littl e th e local Mitnagdi m coul d d o to supress th e movement , now tha t th e va'ad medinat rusiya ha d bee n strippe d o f it s civi l powers. In 1804, th e de facto coexistenc e which prevailed in Shklov and elsewher e wa s enshrined i n Russia n Imperia l legislation . Th e Imperial "Statut e Concernin g th e Jews" issued i n tha t year , unde r Tsar Alexande r I , stipulate d tha t al l Jewish communitie s wer e required t o permi t bot h Hasidi c an d non-Hasidi c congregation s t o function, unde r the umbrella o f a single, unified kahal . I n the same year, 1804 , R. Shneur Zalman paid his first official visi t to Shklov.55

C H A P T E R2

From Byelorussi a t o Prussia : The Odysse y o f Rabb i Baruk h Schic k

The nam e o f Rabb i Baruk h Schic k o f Shklo v (1744-1808 ) ha s sur vived in historical memory thanks to a few lines in the introductio n to on e o f hi s books , a Hebre w translatio n o f Euclid' s Elements, i n which h e related remark s made to him by the Vilna Gao n in Febru ary 177 8 in suppor t o f th e stud y o f science . " I hear d fro m hi s hol y tongue/' wrot e Schick , "tha t fo r ever y deficienc y o f knowledg e a man ha s in the sciences [hokhmah], h e will have ten deficiencies of knowledge i n th e scienc e o f th e Torah ; fo r Tora h an d scienc e ar e closely related . An d h e commande d m e t o translat e everythin g possible of the science s into ou r hol y tongu e . . . i n orde r t o sprea d knowledge among our people Israel." l These word s playe d a pivota l rol e i n immortalizin g th e Viln a Gaon a s an advocat e of the sciences, and a forerunner o f the Haskalah. Durin g th e nineteent h century , Russia n Maskili m cite d the m in orde r t o len d a rabbini c stam p o f approva l t o thei r progra m t o reform Jewis h educatio n an d culture . Traditionalist s responded b y offering mor e restrictiv e interpretation s o f th e Gaon' s word s t o Schick.2 The Maskili m an d historian s wh o quote d thes e famou s line s fo cused thei r attentio n o n interpretin g thei r message , an d neglecte d to take a close look at the messenger. Schick' s personal odysse y was frequently ignore d o r glossed over. H e was occasionally depicte d a s R. Elijah' s loya l discipl e ( a flattering bu t baseles s characteriza tion), an d rarel y wa s muc h attentio n pai d t o th e fac t tha t h e ha d spent a yea r i n Berlin , i n th e compan y o f Mose s Mendelssohn , Naftali Hirt z Wessely , an d Davi d Friedlander , shortl y befor e hi s 22

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 2

3

audience with R . Elijah. 3 Ye t an awarenes s of this fact lead s one t o raise question s abou t Schick' s motive s an d reliability . Di d h e ap proach R. Elijah wit h a hidden Maskilic agenda? Was his account of the Gaon's words accurate or a self-serving distortion ? Schick's story deserves to be examined i n its own right a s well. A Byelorussian rabb i wh o traverse d th e distanc e betwee n Berli n an d Vilna i n th e lat e eighteent h century , an d wh o wa s expose d t o th e intellectual ferment s surroundin g Mose s Mendelssoh n an d th e Vilna Gaon , merit s close scrutiny. I t has usually bee n assumed tha t these tw o grea t arena s o f Jewish intellectua l histor y wer e cu t of f from eac h other . Schick' s story indicate s tha t ther e was a degree of contact an d eve n intellectua l traffi c betwee n th e Berli n an d Viln a circles. I n addition , th e stor y o f a Byelorussia n rabb i wh o wen t t o Berlin, sa w th e Haskala h circl e firsthand, an d the n returne d hom e somewhat changed , promise s t o she d ligh t o n th e cultura l divisio n which wa s emerging a t tha t tim e betwee n Maskili m an d tradition alists. Schick's reaction t o the Haskalah—which wa s neither one of total embrac e no r tota l rejection—draw s attentio n t o th e variet y of modes in which traditiona l rabbi s approached modernity . A Practitioner of

Rabbinic Science

Barukh Schic k wa s bor n i n Shklo v i n 1744 , int o a distinguishe d family o f Byelorussia's rabbinic elite . His father, R . Jacob, served a s Shklov's communa l rabb i fo r som e twent y years , an d was , ac cording t o contemporaries, a respected Talmudis t an d halakhi c au thority. R . Barukh' s uncle , hi s mother' s brother , wa s th e note d R . Arye Ley b Ginzburg, th e Sha'agat arye, widel y viewe d a s the mos t outstanding halakhis t i n eighteenth-century Poland-Lithuani a afte r the Vilna Gao n himself. I n a society where social status was closely connected wit h famil y pedigree , Baruk h Schick' s relatio n t o th e Sha'agat arye wa s o f particula r importance . Th e Ginzbur g famil y was also the predominant forc e i n the Byelorussian rabbinate , wit h members o f this cla n holdin g th e offic e o f provincial rabb i fo r "th e land of Russia" throughout th e eighteenth century , an d others serving as communal rabbi s in several loca l towns. 4 Schick's earl y lif e histor y wa s tha t o f a young ma n followin g i n the footsteps o f his family. H e studied th e Talmud under his father' s

24 TH E ODYSSEY OF RABBI BARUKH SCHIC K tutelage i n Shklov , the n move d t o Mins k i n 1760 , joined th e exclu sive shivah keruim societ y (ope n onl y t o scholar s an d communa l leaders), an d bega n t o ris e u p it s ranks . I n 1764 , Schick wa s grante d semikha (ordination ) b y R . Avraha m Katzenellenboge n o f Brest Litovsk (Brisk) , an d eventuall y serve d a s a parnas an d dayyan o f the Mins k community. 5 On e ha s her e a typica l biograph y o f a scholar risin g u p th e ladde r o f rabbini c an d communa l leadership , thanks t o hi s learning , kinshi p ties , an d connections . But ther e i s on e featur e o f Schick' s earl y lif e whic h appear s t o be atypica l fo r someon e o f hi s rabbini c backgroun d an d Polish Lithuanian milieu—hi s stud y o f scientifi c disciplines , an d hi s involvement i n composin g Hebre w book s o f science . Accordin g t o Schick, thes e activitie s bega n durin g hi s years i n Shklo v an d Minsk . In th e introductio n t o hi s first book , h e reminisced : "I said I shall b e wise," and I prepared m y books of science, "bu t i t was far from me " (Eccl . 7:23) . Fo r when I composed tw o o r thre e pages , th e cit y burnt down , an d al l m y books an d tool s were destroyed. Late r on, I had a bit o f prosperity , an d I continued t o collec t "word s o f understandin g an d wisdom o f the times " ( I Chron. 12:32) . Then th e burde n o f sustenance fel l upon me , an d I in m y anguis h arrange d th e littl e tha t I had o f scientifi c books and decided t o elucidate tha t whic h a man need s to know regardin g himself, hi s body, an d composition. 6 Several detail s i n thi s testimon y correspon d t o event s i n Schick' s life durin g hi s year s i n Mins k durin g th e 1760s . Afte r beginnin g t o compose a work o f science, hi s books were devoured i n a local fire— an allusio n t o th e grea t Mins k blaz e o f 1762 , whic h destroye d th e synagogue o f th e shivah keruim societ y an d othe r building s i n th e Jewish quarter. 7 Shortl y thereafter , h e wa s marrie d an d assume d the burde n o f supporting a family , a n even t whic h mus t hav e take n place durin g hi s Minsk years. Despit e thes e obstacles, h e was abl e t o compose hi s first work , devote d t o huma n anatom y an d physiology , subsequently publishe d unde r th e titl e Tiferet adam (Th e Splendo r of Man ; Berlin , 1777) . In a secon d brie f testimony , writte n durin g hi s sta y i n Berlin , Schick date d hi s involvemen t i n scienc e t o a n eve n earlie r stag e o f his life—hi s childhoo d year s i n Shklov . When I was still i n th e hom e o f my father, th e famou s rabb i an d scholar , and we used to study together the Talmud with the commentaries of Rashi,

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 2 5 Tosafot, an d codes , da y an d night , m y sou l longe d t o lif t u p th e crow n o f Israel, an d t o translate book s into the Hebrew language on every disciplin e and science . Bu t th e vicissitude s o f tim e overtoo k me , an d thes e thought s of min e cam e t o a n en d . . . du e t o m y dislocatio n fro m on e hom e t o another, an d from on e city to another. 8 One ma y justifiabl y wonde r whethe r Schic k conceive d o f hi s unprecedented projec t o f translatin g book s fro m al l scientifi c disci plines int o Hebre w a t ag e sixteen o r younger. Schic k ma y hav e bee n projecting hi s curren t design s i n Berli n bac k int o hi s childhoo d i n Shklov. Bu t ther e i s no reason t o doubt hi s contention tha t hi s stud y of scienc e bega n i n Shklo v durin g th e 1750s ; th e poin t is , i n fact , corroborated b y interna l evidenc e fro m hi s earl y treatises. 9 Anatomy an d luna r astronomy , th e subject s o f Schick' s earl y works, enjoye d venerabl e tradition s a s objects o f rabbinic stud y an d creativity. Anatom y wa s a n essentia l par t o f medica l education , and ha d attracte d th e interes t o f numerou s rabbi-physicians , eve r since th e day s o f Shabbetai Donell o an d Maimonides . I n additio n t o its practica l applicatio n i n th e medica l profession , anatom y wa s viewed b y rabbi s who wer e themselve s physician s a s a valuable too l for instillin g a n awarenes s o f Go d i n one' s consciousness . Th e hu man bod y wa s God' s greates t creation , an d examinatio n o f it serve d to strengthe n one' s religiou s sensibility , argue d Donello , Joseph Ib n Aknin, Mei r Aldabi , an d numerou s others . The y invariabl y cite d Job 19:26 , "fro m m y flesh I behol d God, " a s th e proo f tex t fo r thei r contention tha t stud y o f th e huma n bod y wa s a sacre d activity. 10 The traditio n o f astronomica l stud y amon g rabbi s wa s jus t a s strong. Calculatin g th e exac t tim e o f th e luna r phasis , whic h marked th e beginnin g o f the ne w Hebre w month , wa s considere d b y many t o constitut e fulfillmen t o f th e biblica l commandmen t t o "sanctify th e moon. " Eve r since Maimonides ' epoch-makin g treatis e on Hilkhot kidush ha-hodesh, score s o f rabbi s ha d studie d th e rele vant mathematica l an d astronomica l calculations , i n orde r t o de termine th e momen t o f th e ne w moon' s "birth. " Luna r astronom y was thu s regarde d a s a legitimat e specialt y i n th e field o f halakhah , and generate d a smal l librar y o f rabbini c work s an d commen taries. 11 Both thes e tradition s wer e inactiv e i n eighteenth-centur y Po land. Luna r astronomy— a popula r disciplin e amon g Polis h rabbi s

26 TH E ODYSSEY OF RABBI BARUKH SCHIC K

in th e sixteent h an d earl y seventeent h centuries—fel l int o genera l disuse afte r th e grea t delug e o f 1648-57 ; an d huma n anatom y thrived amon g Italian rabbi-physician s for a lengthy period of time, but wa s neve r popula r amon g Polis h rabbis , wh o rarel y comple mented thei r rabbini c studie s wit h a medica l education. 12 Schick' s originality lay in his turning to these spheres of inquiry, which were dormant i n his time and place. Dormant, bu t no t delegitimized , medicin e wa s a respecte d an d honored professio n amon g Polis h Jew s i n th e eighteent h century , with severa l o f th e finest an d brightes t youn g me n journeyin g t o Padua o r Frankfur t t o obtai n a medica l education . Moreover , th e Spanish-Italian traditio n o f rabbi-physician s wa s embedde d i n his tory an d viewe d wit h distan t respect , an d astronom y wa s consid ered a discipline which was sanctioned b y the rabbinic tradition. I n theory, i t remaine d a legitimat e intellectua l option . An d a fe w eighteenth-century Polis h rabbinic author s pursued i t in practice a s well—R. Solomo n o f Chelma , R . Israe l o f Zamosc , R . Jonathan o f Ruzhany, an d R . Elijah, th e Vilna Gao n himself. 13 Schick's study of these discipline s wa s no t commonplac e fo r hi s da y an d age , bu t there wa s nothin g devian t o r rebelliou s i n it . I t evidentl y di d no t hinder hi s ris e t o position s o f prominence , suc h a s dayyan an d parnas in the Minsk Jewish community . A perusal o f Schick's early works provides a n interestin g glimps e of his scientifi c worksho p an d thinkin g befor e hi s exposur e t o th e West. On the whole, these works follow i n the tradition of medieval rabbinic science—thei r conten t i s essentially premodern , the y cit e rabbinic literatur e a s a sourc e o f scientifi c wisdom , an d the y ar e prefaced b y religiou s rationale s fo r th e stud y o f thei r respectiv e disciplines. Bu t within* these traditional parameters , ther e ar e some novel an d surprising features worth y of note. 1. Scientific Content. Schick' s anatom y followe d Galen , appar ently oblivious to Harvey's discoveries on the heart an d blood circulation, whic h revolutionize d th e stud y o f th e huma n body . Hi s astronomy wa s Ptolemaic , withou t s o muc h a s a n allusio n t o th e Copernican theor y o f a heliocentric planetar y system . I n thei r nai vete regardin g scientifi c development s whic h ha d occurre d mor e

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 2 7 than 15 0 years earlier , Schick' s work s wer e trul y a throwbac k t o th e Middle Ages . A numbe r o f hi s predecessor s i n th e sixteent h an d seventeenth centurie s ha d displaye d a kee n awarenes s (i f no t a n enthusiastic embrace ) o f th e theorie s o f Harve y an d Copernicus. 14 One canno t ascrib e Schick' s scientifi c backwardnes s t o hi s igno rance o f Latin . Schic k kne w Lati n (althoug h jus t ho w h e learne d i t remains unclear ) an d use d Lati n literatur e i n hi s works . I n hi s anatomy, h e cite d th e wor k o f Girolam o Cardan o (1501-76) , a professor o f medicin e a t Pavi a University , an d i n hi s astronom y h e referred t o Francoi s Viete' s (1540-1603 ) Canon Mathematicus an d to Euclid' s Elements, a wor k which , a s alread y mentioned , h e late r translated fro m Lati n int o Hebrew. 15 Indeed , Schic k pride d himsel f on hi s Lati n scholarship , an d too k t o tas k earlie r author s o n astron omy fo r "lackin g th e necessar y learnin g fro m book s i n foreig n tongues, suc h a s Euclid an d others. " This was indee d a n ap t critiqu e of th e rabbini c astronom y practice d i n sixteenth - an d seventeenth century Poland , whos e luminarie s dre w thei r knowledg e exclu sively fro m medieva l Hebre w writing s an d translations. 1 6 Linguistically, Schic k wa s u p t o th e tas k of obtaining a n accurat e picture o f th e stat e o f knowledg e i n thes e fields. I f Schick' s scienc e was severel y antiquated , i t wa s du e t o hi s remotenes s fro m th e centers o f Europea n science . Schic k base d hi s knowledg e upo n th e few Lati n writing s whic h reache d hi m i n Byelorussia , an d th e latte r were, i t seems , hopelessl y outdated . One ca n onl y speculat e a s t o ho w Lati n manuscript s reache d Schick's hands . A numbe r o f youn g Lithuania n Jew s travele d t o Padua, Italy , t o pursu e a medica l education , an d i t i s likel y tha t they brough t scientifi c writing s bac k t o Lithuani a afte r thei r cours e of study. 17 On e suc h medica l student , Yekutie l Gordo n o f Viln a (known fo r hi s membershi p i n th e mystical-messiani c circl e o f R . Moshe Hayi m Luzzatto) , reside d i n Shklo v durin g th e 1730 s an d 1740s, an d practice d medicin e there . H e ma y wel l hav e bee n th e conduit throug h whic h th e writing s o f Cardano , Viete , an d Eucli d reached Shklov. 18 In a fe w instances , Schick' s scientifi c informatio n wa s relativel y advanced. H e wa s awar e o f th e inventio n o f th e microscop e an d it s use i n biologica l researc h (begu n b y Malpigh i i n 1660) , an d h e

28 TH E ODYSSEY OF RABBI BARUKH SCHIC K

knew o f th e discover y o f th e lymphati c syste m (mad e b y Rudbec k in 1653 ) -19 But thes e were minor details, compared t o his ignoranc e of Harvey and Copernicus . 2. Rabbinic Sources. I n keepin g wit h th e traditio n o f rabbini c science, Schick mined classical rabbinic literature a s a repository of scientific wisdom . Hi s astronom y relie d heavil y upo n Maimonides ' Hilkhot kidush ha-hodesh, an d his anatomy invoke d the Bible , Talmud, an d Zohar as authorities.20 The utilization of the Zohar in this capacity was innovative an d requires some explanation . A recurring them e i n th e Zoha r an d medieva l kabbalisti c litera ture i s the notio n tha t th e Divin e sefirot correspond—i n on e sens e or another—t o th e limb s of the huma n body . I t was commonplac e for th e Zoha r to refer t o different sefirot in anthropomorphi c terms , as th e superna l brain , eyes , liver , an d s o forth. Th e sefiroti c real m itself wa s frequentl y referre d t o a s Adam 'elyon, "superna l man. " Most post-zohari c kabbalists , rejectin g a s the y di d th e anthro pomorphic conceptio n o f God , wer e eage r t o stres s tha t th e corre spondence betwee n th e huma n limb s an d th e sefirot wa s purel y symbolic. Bu t howeve r allegorize d o r minimized, th e ide a o f correspondence between the "supernal image" and the human imag e was part an d parcel of the kabbalistic tradition. 21 This doctrin e allowe d Schic k t o emplo y th e anthropomorphi c sections o f th e Zoha r a s reliabl e statement s o f huma n anatomy ; indeed a s th e mos t reliabl e statement s o f all , sinc e h e viewe d th e Zohar, i n accordanc e wit h tradition , a s the product o f Divine revelation t o R. Shimon bar Yohai in the second century. Consequently , Schick's discussio n o f th e lung s quote d a n excerp t fro m th e Raya mehemna sectio n o f the Zoha r whic h dealt , i n symboli c language , with th e sefiro t o f hesed an d din; hi s discussio n o f th e kidney s cited a passage from Tikune zohar elucidatin g th e relation betwee n netzah an d hod; h e derive d informatio n o n th e structur e o f th e brain fro m th e Zohar' s discussion o f keter, an d s o on.22 I n doing so, Schick di d no t empt y thes e passage s o f thei r theosophi c meaning . On th e contrary , i n keepin g wit h th e doctrin e o f correspondence , he accepte d the m a s accurat e anatom y an d truthfu l theosoph y a t one and the same time. 23 3. Religious Rationales. Schick' s adherenc e t o th e Zohar , an d more generall y t o Kabbalah , als o cam e t o th e for e i n hi s apologi a

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for th e stud y o f anatomy . Beside s invokin g th e time-honore d ratio nale tha t stud y o f th e huma n bod y heightene d one' s awarenes s o f and reverenc e fo r God , h e adduce d a kabbalisti c argumen t a s well , based o n th e ver y sam e zohari c doctrin e o f th e "superna l image/ ' Offering a ne w exegetica l twis t t o Job 19:26 , h e claime d tha t anat omy wa s ke y t o apprehendin g th e myster y o f Go d himself . Within [man ] are bound an d hidden the clues to the mystery of God, as it is written, "fro m m y flesh I behold God." 24 [God] created ma n i n Hi s likenes s an d image , s o tha t [man ] migh t attai n from hi s ver y sel f th e mysterie s an d knowledg e o f th e Creator , a s i t i s written, "fro m m y flesh I behold God. " W e hav e therefor e undertake n t o explain man's structure an d composition, an d the composition of his limbs, so tha t th e initiate d [ha-maskil] ma y delv e int o thei r hidde n meaning , which i s concealed an d spiritual. 25 Here Schic k employe d th e doctrin e o f th e superna l imag e i n th e opposite directio n a s beforehand. I f each sehrah wa s analogou s t o a human limb , the n stud y o f th e huma n bod y coul d provid e th e initiated kabbalis t wit h valuabl e insight s concernin g th e sefirot. H e would b e abl e t o translat e hi s knowledg e o f anatom y int o Kabba lah, an d rea d th e Zohar' s anthropomorphi c section s wit h deepe r mystical understanding . "Eac h an d ever y orga n intimate s a dee p mystery," Schic k claimed . Henc e th e nee d fo r th e comprehensiv e study o f anatomy. 2 6 This lin e o f argumentatio n wa s no t totall y new . Schic k dre w much o f i t fro m R . Mosh e Hayi m Luzzatt o (know n b y hi s acrony m Ramhal), th e grea t Italia n kabbalist , ethicist , an d author . Luzzatt o had expounde d upo n th e them e o f th e "myster y o f th e body " i n th e introduction t o hi s commentar y o n th e Idra Rabba sectio n o f th e Zohar. Invokin g Jo b 19:26 , an d citin g th e Zohar' s statemen t tha t man shoul d "kno w himself , wh o h e is , an d ho w hi s bod y ha s bee n arranged," Luzzatt o conclude d tha t "ther e ar e thing s whic h on e should understan d concernin g th e sefirot b y virtu e o f man." 2 7 I t was lef t t o Schic k t o tak e hi s argumen t t o it s logica l conclusion , and clai m tha t a systemati c expositio n o f huma n anatom y wa s o f theosophic import . Schick's introductio n t o Tiferet adam referre d i n passin g t o "th e manuscript commentar y o n th e Idra b y Rabb i Hayi m Luzzatto. "

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This i s noteworthy , sinc e Luzzatto' s treatis e wa s unpublishe d a t the time , an d manuscript s o f th e latter' s work s wer e copie d an d disseminated i n Easter n Europ e b y non e othe r tha n Yekutie l Gor don, the former Padu a medica l student who resided in Shklov in th e 1740s. Our discover y o f Ramhalia n influenc e o n Schic k lead s u s t o Gordon a s intermediary . Thi s lend s strengt h t o ou r earlie r sugges tion tha t Gordo n wa s th e courie r wh o brough t Lati n scientifi c manuscripts to Shklov. 28 Schick's kabbalisti c rational e fo r th e stud y o f anatom y i s note worthy fo r substantiv e reason s a s well . I t i s a vivi d illustratio n o f the fact tha t Kabbala h an d science were not necessarily polar opposites in traditional Jewish thought ; preoccupatio n wit h th e one did not preclud e acceptanc e an d stud y o f th e other . Rabbini c mind s such a s Schick's (an d tha t o f greater luminaries , suc h a s the Viln a Gaon) constructe d intellectua l modi vivendi i n whic h Kabbala h and science were harmonious, complementary , an d eve n reinforce d each other . Th e studen t o f scienc e wa s no t b y definitio n a ratio nalist. While Schick' s stud y o f scienc e wa s atypica l fo r hi s milieu , hi s allegiance t o Kabbala h indicate s th e extent t o which h e shared th e traditional mode s o f thinkin g o f hi s time . Kabbala h dominate d Jewish religiou s though t i n eighteenth-centur y Easter n Europe, 29 and Schick , a produc t o f it s rabbini c elite , wa s n o exception . Hi s originality notwithstanding , Schick' s thinkin g wa s very muc h tha t of a n eighteenth-centur y Polish-Lithuania n rabbi . Th e basi c con tours of his early works were set by the rabbinic tradition of science: his interest wa s confined t o area s with stron g rabbinic tradition s of study, an d h e rationalized th e stud y o f these disciplines in term s of their advancin g traditiona l religiou s values—whether th e elucida tion o f Hilkhot kidush ha-hodesh o r the enhancemen t o f one's kabbalistic knowledge . Ther e i s no meri t i n viewin g Schic k i n hi s preBerlin year s a s a forerunne r o f th e Jewis h Enlightenment , o r Haskalah. Encounter with

Berlin

The last-know n recor d o f Schick' s residenc e i n Mins k hail s fro m i77?» whe n h e wa s sol d a sea t o n th e easter n wal l o f th e shivah

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keruim society' s synagogue , a n indicatio n o f hi s continue d hig h status withi n tha t exclusiv e group . H e nex t surface d i n Berli n i n late 1776 . The intervening years are a mystery. 30 Schick's journeying westward an d hi s residence i n Berlin were in themselves nothin g ou t o f th e ordinary . Durin g th e secon d hal f o f the eighteent h century , thousand s o f Polish-Lithuania n Jew s mi grated westward , t o Prussi a an d othe r Germa n states , a s a result of the politica l an d economi c disarra y i n whic h Polan d foun d itself . Although entr y int o Berli n wa s restricte d an d somewha t difficult , some Polis h Jewis h peddlers , melamdim, an d wealth y merchant s made thei r wa y throug h th e city' s gates . I n addition , ther e wer e those scholar s an d intellectual s wh o cam e t o Berli n an d becam e part o f th e circl e o f enlightene d Jew s surroundin g Mose s Mendels sohn. Thes e include d Isaa c Satano v an d Solomo n Dubn o i n th e 1770s, an d Solomo n Maimo n an d Menahe m Mend l Lefi n i n th e 1780s. 31

One is tempted t o add Schick's name to this list of emigres turned Maskilim, bu t ther e ar e severa l respect s i n whic h Schic k differe d from th e latter . First , Schic k wa s no t a n immigran t a t all . H e journeyed westwar d fo r th e limite d purpos e o f collectin g advanc e subscribers fo r hi s scientific writing s t o finance thei r publication. 32 After obtaining subscribers in a number of Polish and German town s (Zlotowo, Lissa , Schwerin), Schick had the good fortune o f encountering th e Jewish communit y o f Berlin , whic h wa s singularl y sup portive o f hi s literar y ventures . Bu t h e wa s nothin g mor e tha n a visitor i n thei r midst . Hi s stay ther e laste d les s than a year, an d h e returned t o Byelorussia afte r successfull y publishin g his books. Secondly, Schick did not come to Berlin as a young man i n search of truth an d wisdom , a s did Maimo n an d Lefin . H e was a bona fide member o f th e Eas t Europea n rabbini c elite—a n ordaine d rabbi , a dayyan, an d th e scio n o f a prestigiou s rabbini c family . Al l thes e factors impinge d upo n th e relation s betwee n Schic k an d th e Berli n circle durin g hi s stay there . The y als o provide a context fo r under standing why Schick's Berlin experience had a moderate rather tha n a revolutionary impac t upo n him . His first contact appear s to have been with th e rabbi of the Berlin Jewish community , R . Hirsch l Levin , an d th e latter' s so n R . Shaul , then rabb i o f th e neighborin g Frankfur t o n th e Oder . Bot h fathe r

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and so n greete d hi m warmly , an d compose d letter s o f approbatio n for hi s Amude ha-shamayim-tiferet adam. R . Hirsch l encourage d Schick t o continu e publishin g scientifi c treatises , an d assiste d hi m in initiatin g hi s secon d literar y venture—th e preparatio n o f a printed editio n o f Isaa c Israeli' s Yesod 'olam (Foundatio n o f th e Earth), a classi c o f medieva l Hebre w astronomy—b y sharin g tw o manuscripts o f th e wor k fro m hi s privat e library . I t i s als o likel y that R . Hirsch l introduce d Schic k t o th e notable s o f th e Berli n Jewish community , includin g th e circl e o f enlightene d Jew s sur rounding Moses Mendelssohn. 33 By 1777, the time of Schick's arrival, th e Mendelssohnian circl e was firmly established. Marcu s Hertz, Davi d Friedlander, Isaa c Satanov, Solomon Dubno , an d Naftal i Hirt z Wessely ha d al l settle d o r reset tled i n Berlin . They , alon g wit h severa l others , constitute d a welldefined an d distinc t socia l circle , whic h me t frequentl y i n Men delssohn's home . Moreover , the y ha d b y the n develope d thei r distinctive outloo k o n th e nee d t o introduc e reform s i n Jewish cul ture an d society. I n 1777 , Mendelssohn an d Dubn o were at work on their joint Bibl e translation an d commentary, know n a s the Bi'ur, a project whic h undertoo k t o sprea d knowledg e o f "pur e German " among Jews , an d instil l i n the m a n aestheti c appreciatio n o f th e Bible. Davi d Friedlande r wa s i n th e mids t o f organizin g th e Freischule, a schoo l whic h woul d combin e secula r discipline s an d European language s wit h a reforme d Jewis h religiou s curriculum . Schick encountere d th e circl e durin g th e head y earl y day s o f it s efflorescence, and , on e should add, befor e i t clashe d i n public wit h the rabbinic authoritie s of the time. 34 As fa r a s on e ca n judge , Schick' s receptio n b y th e intellectua l and socia l elit e o f th e Berli n Jewis h communit y wa s mor e tha n cordial—it was warm, outgoing, even effusive. A group of parnasim and prominen t citizen s becam e hi s patrons, an d hire d hi m t o tuto r their son s i n mathematics . The y an d th e Mendelssohnia n circl e rallied aroun d Schick's project t o publish Yesod 'olam, an d provided him wit h materia l support . I n jus t ove r a month , Schic k ha d th e necessary fund s t o publis h a volum e whic h wa s a wor k o f typo graphic craftsmanship—wit h fou r differen t typeface s o n th e titl e page, diagram s withi n th e bod y o f th e text , clea r printing , an d

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durable paper. Thi s magnificent editio n coul d only have been mad e possible thanks to considerable financial resources. 35 The lis t o f advanc e subscriber s t o th e volum e wa s virtuall y a who's who of the Berlin Jewish community. I t included Mose s Mendelssohn himself , Danie l Itzi g (the n hea d o f the community) , fou r of Itzig' s sons , includin g Isaa c Danie l Itzi g (soo n t o b e co-directo r of the Freischule) , Davi d Friedlande r (wh o purchased five copies— for himsel f an d hi s fou r brother s i n Konigsberg) , R . Shau l Levi n (whose name was placed a t th e hea d o f the list of subscribers), an d eight parnasim o f the Berli n community . R . Hirschl Levi n provide d a war m lette r o f approbation , whic h wa s endorse d b y th e ful l rab binic court s o f Berli n an d Frankfur t o n th e Oder . Finally , Naftal i Hirtz Wessely, th e poet laureat e o f the Mendelssohnia n circle , con tributed a special poem in praise of Schick and his enterprise. 36 It is clear tha t th e Mendelssohnian circl e viewed th e publicatio n of Yesod 'olam a s a n importan t literar y event . I t was , i n fact , th e very first publishin g ventur e the y entere d int o a s a group . Wh y s o much fanfar e an d enthusias m fo r th e wor k o f a virtual stranger , a passing visitor ? Wha t grea t attractio n wa s ther e i n a Hebre w boo k of Ptolemai c astronom y tha t it s publicatio n shoul d b e transforme d into a sort of public cultural manifestation ? To a certai n extent , th e commotio n surroundin g Schic k ma y have bee n du e t o condescendin g curiosit y o n th e Berliners ' part . The sight of an Ost-Jude from th e farthest corne r of Eastern Europe , who had mastered th e mathematical science s was something aston ishing an d exoti c fo r them . (The y woul d b e similarl y surprise d b y Solomon Maimon' s incisiv e philosophi c thinkin g whe n th e latte r arrived i n Berli n a few years later.) Schic k (an d late r Maimon ) di d not fit their imag e of Ost-Juden as "ignorant o f languages, dignifie d behavior an d matter s o f science," a n imag e base d largel y upo n th e peddlers an d melamdim who m the y sa w i n thei r midst . A Polis h Jew who wrote book s of astronomy an d mathematic s wa s cause fo r amazement. Surel y suc h a perso n deserve d thei r charitabl e assis tance.37 But the organized an d public show of support for Schick's editio n of Yesod 'olam wa s unquestionabl y mor e tha n a n expressio n o f paternalistic benevolence . I t i s safe t o conclud e tha t th e Berliner s took Schick under their wing because they saw great promise in him

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as a n agen t o f positive chang e amon g th e Jews of Poland-Lithuania . Schick intende d t o retur n t o hi s homelan d an d distribut e hi s book s there, an d th e Berliner s hope d tha t h e woul d b e abl e t o generat e interest i n scienc e amon g Eas t Europea n Jews , particularl y amon g the rabbis . A s a rabbi , dayyan, an d scio n o f a grea t rabbini c family , he wa s i n a uniqu e position , the y hoped , t o introduc e scientifi c studies int o th e rabbini c curriculum . Thi s woul d b e a n importan t step forward , an d coul d pav e th e wa y fo r a broader , mor e compre hensive refor m o f th e Jew s i n Easter n Europe . I f Talmudist s bega n to study science , the n th e spiri t o f science an d reaso n migh t eventu ally sprea d int o othe r sphere s o f lif e a s well . This reconstructio n o f th e Berliners ' thinkin g i s admittedl y spec ulative. Bu t i t i s th e mos t plausibl e explanatio n fo r th e outpourin g of suppor t whic h Schick' s Yesod 'olam projec t elicite d fro m th e enlightened Jew s o f th e city . The hope s whic h th e latte r place d o n Schic k wer e expresse d i n Wessely's laudator y poe m t o him , whic h read , i n part : Arise Barukh, an d plow through your land , Cause fruits t o blossom from your garden of reason, The generous ones have watered your dry soil, Now give your voice to the cause of wisdom. The fortresses of the arrogant shall not stand forever , In due time their iron bolts shall be broken, Your shield of wisdom is eternal, your fruit—everlasting , You and your supporters will not expire . Woe unto the fools who chase after nothingness , The man of reason is in their eyes a misleader, Blessed is the man who hearkens to instruction , Who is a friend o f the wise and a companion of the knowing. 38 To sugges t tha t th e Mendelssohnia n circl e embrace d Schic k a s someone wh o coul d begi n th e proces s o f reformin g Eas t Europea n Jewish cultur e doe s no t mea n tha t Schick' s ow n goal s wer e identi cal t o theirs . Schick' s "agenda, " i f on e ma y cal l i t that , wa s re stricted t o science . Their s wa s muc h broader , includin g reform s i n the sphere s o f language , dress , manner s an d morality , economi c activity, and , ultimately , socia l rapprochemen t wit h enlightene d Gentiles an d politica l emancipation . Schick' s fram e o f referenc e

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 3

5

was squarel y withi n th e rabbini c tradition . I n th e introductio n to hi s editio n o f Yesod 'olam, hi s centra l argumen t wa s tha t th e mathematical science s wer e indispensabl e fo r understandin g vari ous commandment s o f th e Torah . Th e Berliners ' fram e o f referenc e was largel y tha t o f th e Europea n Enlightenment . Bu t thei r differin g goals an d outlook s di d converg e o n thi s on e point—th e stud y o f science—and th e Berliner s wer e eage r t o suppor t an y projec t whic h would expan d th e Jews ' intellectua l horizon s beyon d thei r conven tional parameters . Schick an d th e Berliner s coul d no t hel p bu t b e awar e o f th e differences betwee n them . Th e Berliner s mus t hav e foun d hi m sorely lackin g i n a numbe r o f areas . Hi s rang e o f interest s wa s to o narrow, sinc e h e wa s evidentl y indifferen t t o matter s o f philosophy , aesthetics, Hebre w grammar , an d th e humanities . H e lacke d flu ency i n German , an d probabl y coul d no t rea d Germa n literature . I n their terms , Schic k coul d hardl y hav e bee n considere d a ma n o f culture. Thi s evaluatio n i s precisel y th e on e whic h i s foun d i n a passage o f Wessely' s pamphle t Divre shalom ve-'emet (Word s o f Peace an d Truth) , writte n five year s afte r Schick' s visit . Wessely' s description o f Polis h rabbini c scientist s wh o visite d Berli n matche s Schick t o a tee . I t i s quoted her e i n full . We have seen amon g our Polis h brethren wh o have come to this city grea t Torah scholars, who studied geometr y an d astronomy in their homeland by themselves, withou t th e ai d o f a teacher . The y kne w th e depth s o f thes e sciences, to such an extent tha t Gentil e scholars marveled a t their reachin g such a leve l o f knowledg e withou t a teacher . The y studie d th e fe w book s which were written b y scholars of our nation, suc h a s Yesod 'olam b y Isaac Israeli an d 'Elim by Joseph of Kandiah. I f these people had mastered one of the foreig n languages , the y woul d hav e learne d muc h mor e i n les s time , because of the many books written on these sciences by Gentile scholars, in an orderl y fashio n an d a pur e languag e understandabl e t o beginners . Th e books whic h the y studied , however , wer e no t writte n fo r beginners , an d are not writte n i n a n orderl y fashion . The y als o did no t kno w anythin g o f the natural sciences , since nothing is written abou t them in Hebrew. Needless t o say , the y di d no t kno w geograph y an d history , eve n thoug h th e latter ar e much easie r tha n th e dee p sciences which the y studied , becaus e there ar e n o Hebre w book s t o stud y abou t them . Eve n i n thos e science s which the y mastered , the y coul d no t organiz e thei r word s an d communi cate wel l t o others , becaus e o f thei r stutterin g language . Fro m al l o f thi s we se e what a grea t misfortun e i t i s if th e youths d o not stud y on e o f th e

36 TH

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foreign language s grammatically , suc h tha t the y ca n spea k i t clearly , an d can read an y book or letter written i n it. 39 Wessely's referenc e t o Yesod 'olam leave s little doub t tha t h e ha d Schick i n min d whe n composin g thi s portrai t o f Polis h rabbini c scientists. Th e upsho t o f Wessely' s remark s wa s t o stres s th e indis pensability o f fluency i n a moder n Europea n languag e (actuall y German) i n orde r t o become educate d an d cultured . H e cited Schic k as a negativ e exampl e o f someon e whos e scop e o f knowledg e wa s extremely narrow , an d wh o wa s unabl e t o communicat e hi s knowl edge logicall y an d effectivel y becaus e o f hi s lac k o f fluency i n Ger man. Schic k wa s hardl y a mode l o f th e ne w typ e o f Jew th e Berli n Maskilim envisioned . But despit e thei r ideologica l an d cultura l differences , Schic k an d the Berliner s found i t useful , fo r thei r ow n separat e purposes , t o all y themselves wit h eac h other . Schic k wa s abl e t o publis h hi s books , and th e Berliner s wer e abl e t o gai n a modes t foothol d i n Easter n Europe fo r thei r progra m o f cultura l reform . Thei r commo n interes t in disseminatin g scientifi c knowledg e amon g th e Jew s did , i n fact , set bot h o f the m apar t fro m th e Ashkenazi c Jewis h cultur e o f thei r time. Schick lef t Berli n fo r Polan d i n th e fal l o f 1777 . But befor e movin g on t o asses s th e impac t whic h hi s Berli n experienc e ha d upo n him , it i s worthwhil e t o paus e an d conside r th e convers e a s well . Wha t impact, i f any , di d hi s visi t hav e o n th e Mendelssohnia n circle ? Clearly, th e visi t mus t hav e bee n a memorabl e even t tha t lef t a lasting impressio n i f Wessel y referre d t o i t year s late r i n Divre shalom ve-'emet. Bu t di d i t hav e an y concret e effec t o n th e Berli ners' thinkin g an d activity ? With th e ai d o f hindsight , on e ca n sa y tha t Schick' s visi t arouse d a lastin g interes t amon g member s o f th e Mendelssohnia n circl e i n the proble m o f reformin g Polis h Jewry . Thei r exposur e t o Schick , with hi s uniqu e mixtur e o f progressivenes s an d backwardness , heightened thei r awarenes s o f th e opportunitie s an d difficultie s in volved i n alterin g th e complexio n o f th e vas t Jewry t o th e east . Th e topic remaine d i n thei r consciousnes s afte r Schick' s departure , and thei r interes t i n i t resurface d periodically , i n th e for m o f pub lication project s designe d t o advanc e Polis h Jewry' s reform . T o a

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7

greater o r lesse r extent , thes e publication s wer e modele d afte r Ye sod 'olam. In 1784 , Mendelssohn , Friedlander , an d a grou p o f enlightene d Jews hire d Solomo n Maimo n t o translat e selec t work s into Hebre w "in orde r t o enlighte n th e Polis h Jew s stil l livin g i n darkness, " a s Maimon recalle d i n hi s autobiography . Th e grou p considere d vari ous prospectiv e book s which woul d furthe r thi s goal , rangin g fro m Basnage's History of the Jews t o Reimarus' s Natural Religion, bu t finally agree d o n composin g a mathematic s tex t i n Hebrew , base d on th e Lati n writing s o f Wolff. Maimo n recorde d wit h som e bitter ness tha t afte r spendin g severa l month s composin g hi s translation , the group withdrew its financial commitmen t t o the volume, claim ing that i t was too expensive an d unprofitable. 40 Five years later , i n 1789 , the Berli n Freischul e pres s managed t o bring a simila r projec t t o fruition . I t publishe d Menahe m Mend l Lefin's Moda le-binah (Announce r of Wisdom), a volume consistin g of letter s o n th e natura l science s an d a discours e o n healt h trans lated fro m a popula r medica l manual . Lefin , a nativ e o f Podolia , undertook th e projec t durin g hi s sta y i n Berli n (1780-83) , a t th e suggestion o f Mendelssohn , wh o intende d i t fo r "ou r brethre n th e children o f Israe l i n th e lan d o f Poland. " Mendelssoh n compose d a fund-raising lette r fo r th e volume in 178 5 (shortly befor e hi s death ) in whic h h e stresse d th e nee d fo r Hebre w discourse s o n medicin e "in Poland , whic h i s without a single reliable physicia n an d i s ful l of incompetents an d fakes." 41 It i s noteworth y tha t bot h thes e project s sough t t o initiat e th e reform of Polish Jewry through the medium of books of mathematic s and natura l scienc e (includin g medicine ) rathe r tha n throug h works o f philosophy , ethics , history , o r a textboo k o f German . I n their choic e o f subjec t matter , thes e project s followe d i n th e foot steps of Yesod 'olam. Aftermath: A

Conservative Reformer

The years following Schick' s stay in Berlin were his most active an d productive ones . I n th e cours e o f just a fe w years , h e publishe d a manual o f preventativ e medicine , Derekh yeshara (Th e Straigh t Path; Th e Hague , 1779) , a translatio n o f th e first si x book s o f

38 TH E ODYSSEY OF RABBI BARUKH SCHIC K

Euclid's Elements, Uklides (Th e Hague , 1780) , an d a translation o f a Britis h wor k o n algebra , geometry , an d trigonometry , Keneh hamidah (Th e Tool of Measurement; Prague , 1783) . Schick spent thes e years residin g i n Minsk , althoug h h e di d ventur e westwar d t o Prague in 1783. 42 A perusal of these writings reveals that Schic k was not converte d into a Maskil—i n an y meaningfu l sens e o f th e term—b y th e yea r which h e spen t i n Berlin . H e di d no t com e t o espous e Haskala h positions o n th e nee d t o alte r Jewis h language , manners , mora l behavior, economi c activity , socia l relations , o r eve n elementar y schooling. Indee d h e remained profoundl y indifferen t t o thes e con cerns, whic h forme d th e matri x o f Haskala h ideology . Schick' s sphere of interest continue d t o be limited t o science, an d primaril y to mathematics. Bu t this is not t o say that h e remained completel y unchanged b y hi s Berli n experience—hi s activit y wa s transforme d and intensified , an d hi s mod e o f thinkin g underwen t certai n changes. Before Berlin , Schic k wa s a n isolate d practitione r o f rabbini c science; afterwar d h e was a n activ e crusade r fo r th e disseminatio n of scientifi c wisdom . H e was imbue d wit h a n urgen t sens e o f mission tha t contribute d towar d hi s prolific outpu t durin g thes e years. In additio n t o hi s publishe d works , h e complete d an d announce d the imminent publication of three volumes—the concluding second volume of Uklides, a treatise on triangles , an d a collection o f medical remedies—whos e appearanc e i n prin t wa s prevente d b y a lac k of funds. 43 Muc h a s th e Berliner s ha d hoped , Schic k engage d i n a one-man literar y campaig n t o sprea d scientifi c knowledg e amon g his brethren i n Polan d an d Russia . This intensified literar y activit y was complemented b y an aggressive pursui t o f supporter s an d allie s amon g th e grea t rabbini c au thorities o f th e day . On e o f Schick' s first step s afte r returnin g t o Poland wa s t o mee t wit h th e Viln a Gaon— a meetin g whic h too k place i n Februar y 1778 , roughly si x months afte r th e publication o f Yesod 'olam i n Berlin . I t i s likel y tha t Schic k hope d t o obtai n a haskamah fro m th e Gao n fo r on e o f hi s books , o r a writte n publi c pronouncement o n behal f o f the study o f science. The latter woul d have bee n th e mos t effectiv e mean s by which t o gain th e attentio n of rabbini c scholar s throughou t Lithuani a an d beyond . I f this wa s

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9

Schick's goal , h e wa s t o b e disappointe d b y th e outcom e o f thei r meeting. R. Elijah di d not issue a haskamah o r public statement (i n his lifetime, R . Elija h gav e a tota l o f thre e letter s o f approbation) , although he did express some words of encouragement which Schic k eagerly publicized i n his introduction t o Uklides* 4 Four year s later , i n 1783 , Schic k journeye d t o Pragu e wit h a n apparently simila r intention—t o enlis t th e suppor t o f it s chie f rabbi, R . Ezekie l Landau , wh o wa s equa l t o th e Viln a Gao n i n hi s standing a s a rabbinic authority . Ther e Schick published Keneh hamidah, alon g with Landau' s remarkabl y brie f haskamah (al l of te n lines), whic h praise d th e boo k i n rathe r guarde d language. 45 Onc e again Schic k ha d journeye d a considerabl e distanc e i n orde r t o engage th e suppor t o f a rabbinic luminary , onl y t o receiv e a favor able, but les s than enthusiastic , response. 46 What transforme d Schic k fro m a cloistere d schola r o f th e sci ences t o a n activis t o n behal f o f thei r dissemination ? Th e answe r appears t o li e i n a ne w developmen t i n Schick' s thinkin g whic h may b e attribute d t o hi s sta y i n Berlin ; namely , hi s dee p distres s and concer n abou t th e Jews ' inferiorit y i n th e spher e o f scientifi c learning. The topic of Jewish inferiority , absen t fro m Schick' s early works, was first mentioned i n his introduction t o Yesod 'olam an d assumed greater prominenc e i n hi s post-Berli n Writings . Schic k claime d i n the introduction s t o Uklides an d Keneh ha-midah tha t th e Jews ' ignorance o f scienc e ha d le d t o thei r bein g mocke d an d deride d b y Gentiles. I n Uklides, h e lashe d ou t a t unname d "enemie s o f wis dom" an d claime d tha t th e latte r ha d brough t grea t har m t o th e public image of the Jews. They are the ones who have caused the children of Israel to sin against the sciences, and have stricken them with th e plague of blindness. They have thereby made [the children of Israel] a mockery and disgrace in the eyes of the nations.47 A fe w line s late r h e returne d t o th e topi c a secon d time : "Th e name o f heave n i s disgraced amon g th e Gentiles , wh o abus e u s by saying that w e are a foolish nation , no t a wise one." 48 Toward th e en d o f th e introduction , Schic k asserte d tha t Jewis h honor coul d b e restored b y disseminating scientifi c wisdo m amon g

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rabbinic scholars . H e no w professe d tha t thi s wa s i n fac t hi s chie f intention i n publishin g Hebre w book s o f scienc e suc h a s Uklides. His professed goa l was to remove the boastful arroganc e of the tyrants, th e multitude of nations who roar at us like the sound of great waves, "where is your wisdom?" thus leading to the desecration of God's name.49 Although thes e sentence s ar e couche d i n stereotypi c rabbini c phrases regardin g th e sanctificatio n o f God' s nam e (kidush hashem) an d a "wis e an d knowin g people " (Deuteronom y 4:6) , i t would b e wrong to dismiss them a s only so much rabbini c rhetoric . The topic of Gentile mockery was raised three separate times in th e course of the introductio n t o Uklides, clearl y mor e than on e woul d expect fo r th e utilizatio n o f a standar d rabbini c theme , an d th e same "standar d theme " was totall y absen t fro m Schick' s pre-Berli n works. Th e clai m o f Gentil e mocker y shoul d b e take n seriously , a s a matter of deep concern t o Schick. Moreover, w e kno w fro m Wessely' s accoun t i n Divre shalom ve-'emet tha t Schic k di d indee d mee t wit h Germa n scholars , wh o "marveled a t [his ] having reache d suc h a leve l o f knowledge with out a teacher." I t is likely tha t thi s "marveling" at Schick' s geometry an d mathematic s wa s couple d wit h a heav y dosag e o f conde scension an d amusemen t a t hi s antediluvia n knowledg e o f th e natural sciences . I f so, then Schick may well have experienced "th e mockery o f the Gentiles " firsthand! I n an y event , i t was certainly a topic h e hear d muc h abou t fro m th e Berli n Maskilim , wh o wer e exceedingly sensitiv e abou t th e subjec t o f th e Jews ' ignoranc e o f science and other branches of culture. Schick's phrase s regardin g "th e mocker y o f th e Gentiles " reflec t the persona l distres s whic h h e experience d i n Berli n upo n hi s discovery that h e and his coreligionists were considered t o be ignorant and backward i n many spheres of knowledge. This must hav e com e as a joltin g realizatio n fo r Schick . I n eighteenth-centur y Easter n Europe, Jews lived predominantly amon g a peasant populatio n an d were, o n th e whole , mor e culturall y advance d tha n thei r Gentil e neighbors. When it came to literacy an d mathematical ability , Jews in Shklo v o r Mins k wer e head s abov e mos t loca l townsme n an d peasants. Bu t in Berlin , Schick , a scholar who had devote d years of

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 4

1

study t o th e sciences , wa s considere d backwar d an d ignorant . Thi s was a cas e o f acut e cultur e shock . For Schick, th e intellectua l inferiorit y o f Jews, an d specificall y o f rabbis suc h a s himself , i n th e science s wa s no t s o muc h a socia l problem (a s i t wa s fo r th e Berli n Maskilim ) a s a religiou s one . I t reflected negativel y o n Judaism, an d le d observer s t o th e conclusio n that Judaism itsel f wa s someho w inferior . H e voiced thi s concer n i n the followin g term s The Gentiles abuse us and say that w e are a foolish nation , no t a wise one. They consequentl y slande r th e word s o f ou r sages , an d sa y tha t whoeve r studies the m become s divorced fro m th e norm s of civility an d fro m natur e [yibadel mi-hok ha-medini ve-teva 'olam]. 50 Here Schic k wa s echoin g i n hi s ow n term s th e vilificatio n o f th e Talmud practice d b y adherent s o f th e Europea n Enlightenment . Enlightenment thinker s perenniall y blame d th e Talmu d fo r th e Jews' obscurantism , backwardness , an d separatism . I t was , the y asserted, a compendiu m o f superstitions , nonsense , an d lie s whic h had perverte d th e Jews ' thinkin g an d character . I n orde r t o en lighten th e Jew s an d rende r the m worth y o f emancipation , the y would first hav e t o b e draw n awa y fro m th e perniciou s influenc e o f the Talmud. 51 Schick care d littl e abou t th e Jews ' emancipatio n o r enlighten ment, bu t h e coul d no t remai n indifferen t t o th e defamatio n o f th e Talmud. I n particular , h e wa s disturbe d b y th e charg e tha t "who ever studie s [it ] become s divorce d fro m . . . nature"; tha t is , tha t i n its conten t an d spirit , th e Talmu d wa s inimica l t o science . Thi s struck a t th e ver y essenc e o f hi s persona l bein g a s a rabbi , an d a s a rabbinic scientist . Schic k responde d t o th e charg e wit h a n impas sioned defens e o f th e Talmud , claimin g tha t i t wa s a veritabl e treasure hous e o f science . Such wa s no t th e wa y o f ou r sages . N o mystery , discipline , o r scienc e eluded them . Thi s i s evident fro m man y statement s i n th e Talmud , mad e in jus t a fe w words . Suc h a s th e statemen t i n tractat e Berahot [58b] , "i f comets passed through th e galaxy of Orion, th e world would be destroyed"; and the magnifying glas s of Rabbi Gamliel [Eruvin 43b]; and all the matter s of anima l wound s (trefot) i n whic h the y wer e highl y expert , suc h a s th e wound which, "i f salves are applied, [th e animal] will survive" [Hulin 54a], as opposed t o those wounds which i t would not survive. 52

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On a mor e basi c level , Schick' s entir e campaig n t o spread scien tific learnin g amon g rabbini c scholar s was motivated b y a desire t o respond t o th e Enlightenment' s assaul t o n th e Talmud . Fo r i n th e final analysis , th e charge tha t th e Talmud wa s a pernicious, obscu rantist forc e coul d no t b e refute d b y mer e textua l arguments , bu t by living examples of Talmudists who were also devotees of science. As lon g a s th e symboli c representative s o f Talmudi c Judaism , th e rabbis, remaine d ignoramuse s i n thes e matters , Judaism' s nam e would continue to be scarred. Schick's intensive program of publication an d propagand a o n behal f o f science , followin g hi s visi t t o Berlin, wa s driven b y an apologeti c urg e to disprove th e slanderou s charges agains t Judais m an d th e Talmu d tha t h e ha d encountere d in th e West. Hi s transformatio n fro m a schola r int o a n engage d activist wa s thu s a direc t resul t o f hi s exposur e t o th e Enlighten ment, hi s being profoundly trouble d b y its view of Judaism, an d hi s desire to refute tha t vie w to the best of his ability . Since the issue at stake was, according to Schick's understanding, a religiou s on e ("wha t i s the natur e o f Judaism?"), hi s efforts wer e directed a t reformin g th e intellectua l profil e o f th e rabbini c elite , which wa s th e livin g embodimen t o f th e Talmudi c tradition . Th e reform o f Jewish elementar y education , a major concer n of Mendelssohn, Wessely , an d Friedlande r i n th e 1780s , wa s no t o n Schick' s agenda. Thi s i s reflecte d i n th e conten t o f Schick' s books , whic h were designe d no t fo r Jewis h schoolchildren , bu t rathe r fo r shar p Talmudic minds . They move d rapidl y fro m basi c principles to complex an d difficul t theorems , challengin g thei r reader s a t ever y ste p of the way. In th e introductio n t o Uklides, Schick' s apologeti c concern s shared th e limelight wit h th e traditiona l argumen t tha t knowledg e of the sciences facilitated an d enhanced the elucidation of hallowed texts. (Thi s wa s th e gis t o f th e remark s Schic k quote d fro m th e Vilna Gaon , tha t "fo r ever y deficiency o f knowledge in the sciences, one wil l hav e te n deficiencie s o f knowledg e i n th e scienc e o f th e Torah.") Bu t i n hi s introductio n t o Keneh ha-midah, publishe d three years later , ther e was n o such balanc e betwee n religiou s an d apologetic arguments . Withou t makin g s o muc h a s a n allusio n t o the religiou s o r halakhi c benefit s t o b e gaine d fro m th e stud y o f science, h e addressed himsel f solely to its apologetic importance, a s

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 4

3

a mean s b y whic h th e publi c imag e o f Judais m woul d b e rehabili tated. In thes e times , "science " serve s t o increas e th e hono r o f th e Torah . I t renders Tora h scholar s honorabl e an d esteeme d i n th e eye s of th e nation s and princes. I have therefore decide d to come to the ai d of Israel and to lif t up the fallen crow n o f Judah.53 To su m u p thi s point , Schic k di d no t becom e a Maski l afte r Berlin, bu t h e was , nonetheless , substantiall y affecte d b y hi s expo sure t o th e enlightene d vie w tha t Judais m wa s obscurantist . Hi s response wa s two-pronged . O n th e on e han d h e argue d tha t th e rabbis i n th e tim e o f th e Talmu d wer e deepl y involve d i n th e stud y of science, an d a t th e sam e tim e h e devote d himsel f full y t o dissemi nating scientifi c learnin g amon g contemporar y rabbi s an d Tal mudists. B y respondin g t o th e enlightene d critiqu e o f Judaism, an d unconsciously internalizin g a small portio n o f its worldview, Schic k moved beyon d th e self-containe d parameter s o f rabbinic science . H e became a rav maskil, a rabb i wh o wa s himself , t o a certai n degree , influenced b y th e attitude s o f the Enlightenment . There wer e othe r noteworth y change s i n Schick' s writings follow ing hi s visi t t o Berlin . On e wa s relate d t o thei r scop e an d content . Schick's majo r treatise s i n hi s post-Berli n year s wer e devote d exclu sively t o mathematics , wit h th e natura l an d biologica l science s conspicuously absent . Gon e wer e anatom y an d astronomy ; i n thei r place cam e geometry , algebra , an d trigonometry . Wh y thi s sudde n narrowing o f purview ? As w e suggeste d earlier , Schic k discovere d i n Berli n tha t hi s knowledge o f th e natura l science s wa s inferio r an d backward , com pared t o tha t o f Gentil e scholars . I n th e purel y mathematica l disci plines, th e ga p betwee n hi m an d Germa n scholar s wa s considerabl y narrower. Wessel y ha d take n not e o f thi s discrepancy : o n th e on e hand, Gentil e scholar s "marveled " a t Schick' s leve l o f knowledge i n geometry; o n th e othe r hand , h e "di d no t kno w anythin g o f th e natural sciences." 54 I n Berlin , Schic k reache d muc h th e sam e con clusion; an d i n hi s subsequen t work s h e "retreated " t o th e disci plines where hi s knowledg e wa s o n firmer ground . A secon d chang e i n Schick' s writing s relate d t o th e source s h e utilized. Afte r Berlin , h e discontinue d hi s previou s practic e o f

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drawing scientifi c dat a fro m th e Talmud , Zohar , an d Maimonides . Instead h e undertoo k a projec t o f translatin g foreig n scientifi c works int o Hebrew . Rathe r tha n combinin g th e scientifi c wisdo m available in classical rabbinic sources and non-Jewish ones, he now dropped th e on e an d relied exclusivel y o n th e other . Thi s shif t i s attributable t o Schick' s discover y tha t th e scientifi c informatio n contained i n hi s rabbini c source s wa s somewha t problematic , a discovery which was an integral part of the culture shock he experienced in Berlin. Schick's failur e t o utiliz e th e Zoha r i s particularly noteworthy . The latter was as replete with mystical mathematics (i.e. , numerology) a s i t wa s wit h mystica l anatomy , bu t Schic k refraine d fro m mining the Zohar for math a s he had once done for anatomy. 55 In general , Schick' s connectio n wit h Kabbala h weakene d afte r his sta y i n Berlin . H e di d no t prefac e Uklides o r Keneh ha-midah with a kabbalisti c mystiqu e o f numbers— a them e wit h a lon g tradition—akin t o his mystique of the human body in Tiferet adam. Kabbalistic argument s for science were now part of his past. Schic k alluded bu t onc e i n hi s introductio n t o Uklides t o a passag e fro m the Zohar , an d i n th e contex t o f his argumentation i t carrie d littl e weight.56 Th e declin e i n th e positio n o f Kabbala h i n Schick' s thought wa s likel y th e resul t o f assault s o n i t b y enlightene d Jew s in Berlin, who viewed Kabbalah a s superstitious an d nonsensical . In sum, Schick's exposure to Berlin brought on key changes in his works of science as such. Their scope and content were narrowed t o mathematics alone . Non-Jewis h treatise s displace d rabbini c litera ture a s a source of information, an d the rationales presented for th e study o f scientifi c discipline s underwen t a marke d transformation . The kabbalistic mod e of rationalization disappeared ; th e halakhic talmudic rational e recede d i n importance , an d a ne w apologeti c rationale assume d a preeminen t position . Thes e change s i n pur view, sources , an d rational e constitute d a mov e awa y fro m th e tradition o f rabbini c science , i n th e directio n o f moder n Europea n science. The case of R. Barukh Schick is a rare instance in which th e indigenous rabbinic traditio n o f science an d th e Berli n Haskalah encoun tered eac h othe r face-to-face . Thes e tw o intellectua l current s

THE ODYSSE Y O F RABB I BARUK H SCHIC K 4

5

should no t b e confuse d wit h eac h other , bu t neithe r shoul d i t b e overlooked that the y did share, in the context of eighteenth-centur y Ashkenazic Jewis h culture , certai n point s o f convergence . A s a result of their shared interest in science, Schick and the Berlin circle were able to collaborate on a project o f mutual interest . Schick's stor y indicate s ho w th e tw o trend s coul d mutuall y in fluence eac h other . Althoug h h e remaine d dea f t o mos t o f th e Haskalah's message , particularl y t o it s socia l an d politica l goals , Schick wa s deepl y affecte d b y th e enlightene d critiqu e o f rabbini c Judaism a s obscurantist an d antithetica l t o science . I n th e specifi c area o f science , Schic k wa s transforme d int o a crusade r an d re former. Thi s is an instanc e o f Haskalah ideolog y bein g internalize d in a fractured, fragmentar y form . Schick's campaig n t o introduc e scientifi c learnin g amon g rabbi s and Talmudist s wa s motivated, t o a considerable extent , b y apologetic concerns , tha t is , a desire t o defen d rabbini c Judaism agains t its enlightene d detractors . Hi s apologeti c stanc e wa s predicate d upon a partial, i f unconscious, acceptanc e of their value system. I n this respect, Schic k may b e seen a s a paradigm fo r a certain typ e of traditionalist rabb i combinin g scienc e an d Tora h primaril y a s a demonstrative apologeti c act , i n orde r t o prov e tha t Judais m i s "wise an d understanding. " I n the mind s of such rabbis , th e issu e of science wa s divorce d fro m bot h theolog y an d broade r socia l an d political concerns .

C H A P T E R3

New Socia l an d Cultura l Horizon s

During the first years afte r Russia' s annexation o f eastern Byelorus sia, severa l o f th e territory' s larges t estate s wer e confiscate d fro m their Polis h an d Lithuania n landlords , wh o refuse d t o take a n oat h of allegianc e t o th e Empire , an d grante d b y Empress Catherine th e Great t o Russia n official s an d dignitaries . Amon g th e recipient s o f Catherine's largess e were he r clos e personal companio n an d politi cal advise r Coun t Grigori i Potemki n (1739-91) , wh o receive d th e Krichev distric t i n January 1776 , and Major-Genera l Coun t Semio n Gavrilovich Zoric h (1745-99) , wh o receive d Shklo v an d it s estate s in Septembe r 1777 . Zorich , a celebrate d her o o f th e first Russian Turkish war , wa s Catherine' s romanti c "favorite " a t th e tim e o f this acquisition. 1 A s these two Russian aristocrat s became involve d in administerin g an d developin g thei r Byelorussia n estates , thei r relationship wit h th e loca l Jew s gre w mor e immediat e an d com plex. Zoric h an d Potemki n brough t th e Jews o f Shklov an d it s sur roundings int o direc t contac t wit h Russia n lif e an d institutions , and, a s a result, thei r socia l an d cultura l horizon s were broadene d and transformed . Zorich's Court and the Transformation of

Shklov

Semion Zorich' s tenur e a s th e Empress' s romanti c companio n wa s predictably short-lived . Catherin e terminate d thei r liaiso n i n 1778 , and, i n a parting expressio n o f gratitude, presente d hi m wit h trea sure chest s o f jewel s an d 200,00 0 ruble s i n cash . Sh e als o aske d him t o leav e St . Petersburg . Face d with fe w alternatives , th e jilted general settled on his Shklov estate. 46

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7

The mov e fro m th e roya l cour t t o Shklo v wa s a depressin g ste p downward fo r Zorich . Instea d o f th e pageantry , hig h society , an d refined cultur e o f th e capita l city , h e foun d himsel f i n " a typica l Polish tow n stinkin g o f zhids, " i n th e blun t descriptio n o f on e Rus sian aristocrat. 2 I n a n effor t t o mak e th e bes t o f th e situation , h e decided t o us e hi s recentl y acquire d wealt h t o creat e a littl e St . Petersburg o f hi s ow n i n Shklov . I n a fe w shor t months , h e suc ceeded. Zorich too k u p residenc e i n th e ol d castl e o n th e outskirt s o f town, alon g wit h severa l clos e associate s fro m hi s year s i n th e military an d a t court . O n Novembe r 24 , 1778 , h e hoste d hi s first banquet an d masquerad e ball— a gran d celebratio n i n hono r o f th e anniversary o f Catherine' s coronation . Elaborat e evening s o f thi s kind soo n becam e th e trademar k o f Zorich' s cour t a t Shklov , whic h attracted Polis h magnates , Russia n aristocrat s an d officials , a s wel l as foreig n visitor s e n rout e t o Mosco w an d St . Petersburg . Al l wer e welcome t o sta y a s Zorich' s guests , fo r a n evening , a week , o r even longer. 3 Christian Julian Schlegel , a German travele r wh o visite d Zorich' s court i n 1780 , expresse d grea t enthusias m fo r it s refine d ambianc e and distinguishe d society : One barel y believe s one' s ow n senses . Afte r traversin g a hundre d mile s of morass, forest , an d backwardnes s [Unkultur] i n ever y conceivabl e respect , . . . one begins to doubt whethe r on e will eve r encounter peopl e of refine d heart an d spirit again . On e then arrive s at a place which contain s a multitude o f people fro m distan t corner s o f Europe , wh o hav e brough t her e th e culture o f th e land s wher e the y onc e dwelled ; th e cultur e whic h render s them th e choic e inhabitant s o f th e earth . Her e the y edif y themselve s an d cultivate their souls in their leisure time. 4 Zorich's castl e feature d a beautifu l ston e facade , a n ornamente d dance hall , a drawin g roo m wit h wid e sofas , a socia l hal l wit h tal l glass doors , an d a n exquisit e flower garden . Th e dail y progra m o f recreation an d entertainmen t bega n a t 5 P.M. , whe n canno n shot s announced tha t dinne r wa s t o b e served. Th e guest s assemble d fo r a meal prepare d b y Frenc h an d Russia n chefs , whic h conclude d wit h a glas s o f Hungaria n wine . Afte r dinner , coffe e wa s serve d i n th e social hall , gam e table s wer e se t up , an d th e guest s eithe r playe d o r strolled i n th e flower garden . Man y o f the m lef t fo r thei r quarter s t o

48 NE

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take a brief nap, an d returned t o the castle between 8 and 9 P.M. fo r a ful l evenin g o f danc e an d games . A lat e mea l wa s offere d a t midnight, followe d b y more dancing an d games . Th e guests retire d for the night some time between 2 and 3 A.M.5 Contemporaries wer e struck by the heterogeneous makeup of th e guests an d resident s a t Zorich' s court . "On e foun d her e peopl e o f every class , rank , an d nationalit y . . . Frenchmen , Italians , Ger mans, Serbs , Greeks , Moldavians , an d eve n Turks. " A visitor fro m St. Petersbur g expresse d hi s pleasur e a t havin g mad e th e acquain tance o f som e Polis h ladies , whos e moral s an d manner s h e foun d quite interestin g an d exotic. 6 The castl e serve d a s a retrea t fo r th e Russian an d foreig n Europea n elite , t o escape from th e surroundin g "barbarians" and enjoy eac h other's company i n pleasant surround ings. Their common language of discourse was French. 7 For th e entertainmen t o f hi s entourag e an d guests , Zoric h con structed a theate r house , an d establishe d tw o standin g theate r troupes, fo r dram a an d ballet , respectively , wit h a n orchestr a an d choir. Th e theater's dramatic repertoir e consiste d o f French operas , Russian tragedies, improvised comedies, and pantomime. The ballet company was , accordin g to many observers , o n a professional leve l comparable t o that o f the Imperia l Balle t in St. Petersburg . Indeed , following Zorich' s death an d th e liquidatio n o f his estate, fourtee n of its dancers were accepted into the ranks of the Imperial Ballet. 8 The theate r contribute d a grea t dea l t o th e cosmopolita n ambi ance in Shklov. It s artistic directors were all imported from abroad : the choi r directo r wa s "o f th e Polis h nation" ; th e conducto r o f th e orchestra wa s German—Josep h Ludwi g Stefan , a graduat e o f th e Konigsberg Academy, wh o had, inte r alia , studie d philosoph y wit h Immanuel Kant ; an d th e balle t wa s directe d b y Paul o Barcant i o f Florence, Italy . Foreig n musicians , vocalists , an d theate r compa nies commonl y visite d Shklo v an d performe d ther e whil e e n rout e to St . Petersburg , wher e the y wer e engage d b y th e Imperia l oper a house. On the other hand, the regular performers in Shklov's theater and balle t wer e no t fro m suc h loft y socia l backgrounds ; mos t o f them wer e loca l peasants , Zorich' s serfs , wh o wer e especiall y se lected an d trained by the foreign artisti c directors. 9 One o f th e mos t spectacula r event s i n th e histor y o f Zorich' s court wa s the visit by Empress Catherine an d he r entourage i n May

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9

1780. The Empress stopped off while en route to Mogilev, where she met Emperor Joseph I I of Austria, an d returned t o Shklov a few days later togethe r wit h he r roya l guest . Zoric h constructe d triumpha l gates a t th e town' s entranc e i n hono r o f her visit, an d th e Empres s made a majesti c appearanc e i n Shklov' s centra l squar e t o gree t it s inhabitants. O n he r retur n visi t wit h Joseph II , th e tw o monarch s were treated t o an evening of pantomime a t the theater, a masquerade ball an d banquet, followe d b y fireworks. 10 Although Zoric h himsel f wa s " a limite d person , withou t an y education/' a s Catherine onc e note d i n he r diary, hi s social aspira tions an d cultura l pretension s prompte d hi m t o establis h educa tional institution s a t hi s court. 11 H e founde d a danc e schoo l fo r girls, whic h dre w it s student s fro m amon g th e loca l Byelorussia n peasantry an d traine d the m fo r th e ballet . Th e girl s studied danc e with a n Italia n headmaster , Mariodini , an d wer e give n classe s i n French, Russia n readin g an d writing , an d mathematic s wit h a French governess . Th e danc e schoo l serve d a s a vehicl e fo r socia l mobility fo r it s mos t talente d students . Accordin g t o Schlegel , "those girl s wh o surpas s th e other s i n thei r studie s ar e draw n int o the general' s hig h society . Whe n a forme r peasan t gir l excel s i n ballet, sh e i s invite d t o th e bal l an d dance s i n th e sam e ro w wit h the most distinguished women." 12 More important wa s the Shklov Nobility Academ y (blagorodnoe uchilishche) create d an d financed b y Zorich, a school fo r th e mal e children o f Russia n an d Polis h aristocrats . Officiall y a militar y academy (i t wa s als o referre d t o a s th e Shklo v kadetskii korpus), most o f th e school' s curriculu m wa s devote d t o th e art s an d sci ences. It s program o f instructio n include d language s (French , Ital ian, German) , mathematics (algebr a an d geometry), Russian grammar an d composition , th e humanitie s (history , geography , catechisms o f th e Catholi c an d Orthodo x faiths ) an d th e fine art s (dance, music, painting, fencing, horsebac k riding). Affiliated wit h the Academ y wer e a librar y (ove r a thousan d volumes , mos t i n French), a scientifi c laboratory , an d a n ar t gallery . I n 1780 , tw o hundred student s wer e enrolle d i n th e school ; th e figure late r ros e to thre e hundred . Mos t o f it s graduate s assume d position s i n th e Russian civil service and military. 13 The Shklo v Nobilit y Academ y wa s th e first non-ecclesiastica l

SO NE W SOCIA L AN D CULTURA L HORIZON S

school i n Byelorussia , an d combine d feature s o f the military acade mies of St. Petersbur g an d th e philanthropic school s of Central an d Western Europe. The Western composition o f its faculty an d admin istration wa s quit e striking . Th e school' s firs t headmaste r wa s a Frenchman, Timolea n Alfons e Galie n d e Salle-Morant , a self-pro claimed proteg e of Voltaire with broa d interest s in th e art s an d sciences. (I n his spare time, he conducted scientific experiment s in the Academy's laboratory and composed comedies for the local theater.) In 1793 , half of the Academy's fourteen teacher s were foreigners. 14 The Western colony in Shklov also included foreign masters , who were engage d b y Zoric h t o manag e hi s industria l enterprises . Hi s shipbuilding factory , whic h produce d canoes , boats , an d frigates , was headed b y a Greek, Dersakli ; his tannery wa s run b y a Swedish master, Eric h Holtz; and Zorich's rope and cable factory was administered b y the Englishmen Davi d an d George Frasier. 15 The rapi d growt h o f Zorich' s cour t an d it s institution s trans formed lif e i n Shklov . I t injecte d Europea n hig h society , culture , education, an d technolog y int o a predominantl y Jewis h commer cial town . Th e coexistenc e o f a larg e aristocrati c cour t alongsid e and, indeed , i n th e mids t o f a sizable Jewish communit y wa s itsel f an unusua l phenomenon . I n th e eighteent h century , thes e tw o worlds me t onl y o n thei r peripheries . Jewish residenc e wa s prohibited o r severel y restricte d i n th e grea t capita l citie s o f Europe — Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Warsaw, an d St. Petersburg—and onl y exceptional Cour t Jews had intimate, everyda y contact wit h th e lifestyl e and culture of the aristocrati c elite . But in Shklov , thes e two worlds met face-to-face . Accordin g to a study commissione d b y th e genera l governo r o f th e Mogile v prov ince in th e 1790s , 80 percent o f the town's total adul t populatio n of 2,381—or 1,884—consiste d o f Jews. Give n th e town' s smal l dimen sions, Jews an d aristocrat s coul d hardl y avoi d eac h other . Th e Nobility Academy , wit h it s library an d laboratory , wa s located i n th e same tow n squar e a s th e synagogu e an d yeshiva. Th e theate r an d dance schoo l wer e likewis e i n th e cente r o f town . Jew s coul d no t fail t o observe , almos t daily , th e student s o f th e Academ y i n thei r military uniforms , an d th e variou s dignitarie s o n thei r wa y t o an d from th e theater. 16 Foreigner s an d aristocrat s wer e likewis e force d

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1

to com e int o contac t wit h Shklov' s Jews ; a s Schlege l noted—o r rather complained—th e onl y plac e a visito r coul d lodg e wa s i n th e home o f a Jew. 17 Ther e wer e numerou s opportunitie s fo r socia l observation an d interactio n betwee n th e tw o groups . Zorich's cour t an d Shklov' s Jewish commercia l econom y becam e closely intertwined . Zoric h require d a perpetua l flow o f importe d luxury item s t o suppor t hi s lavis h lifestyle , an d use d Jewis h mer chants a s hi s agents , bankers , an d purveyors . Accordin g t o loca l traditions, h e activel y assiste d Jewish merchant s i n bringin g contra band good s int o Russi a withou t th e paymen t o f duty . This , couple d with th e town' s locatio n i n relatio n t o Russia' s newl y draw n bor ders, mad e Shklo v int o th e commercia l hu b o f Russia n Jewry . Ac cording t o on e contemporar y estimate , th e Shklo v kaha l collecte d twice a s muc h i n commercia l taxe s a s th e secon d riches t kaha l i n the vicinity—th e neighborin g provincia l capita l o f Mogile v (4,00 0 rubles versu s 2,00 0 rubles) . 18 As w e shal l see , Shklov' s preeminen t Jewis h merchant s wer e closely associate d wit h Zorich' s court , an d became , throug h it , drawn int o th e socia l orbi t an d busines s worl d o f Russia n official dom. Jew s fro m othe r socia l strat a ma y als o hav e gaine d entr y t o the court' s socia l an d cultura l life—on e o f th e dancer s i n th e Shklov balle t compan y wa s a Jewes s name d Elen a Yankelevich. 19 In th e final analysis , al l segment s o f Jewish society—whethe r the y were directl y involve d wit h th e cour t o r not—confronte d it s cul ture an d institutions , an d wer e force d t o adop t a stanc e towar d them. There ar e sign s tha t par t o f th e Jewish middl e clas s was attracte d by wha t i t saw , an d consciousl y imitate d th e court' s manner s an d lifestyle. Th e phenomeno n wa s describe d b y R . Judah Ley b Margol iot, a preacher an d schola r wh o reside d i n Shklo v i n th e 1780s : The rebellious ones have grown numerous, those who wish to establish ne w societies similar t o evening study groups (mishmarim) . The y are forcefull y confronted: "I s not the practice of our ancestors adequate? Why do we need these innovations?" How are they not ashamed and their faces not reddene d by thei r drinkin g o f te a an d coffee , an d th e women' s jewelry whic h the y hang fro m thei r necks ! A plagu e i s spreadin g i n th e hous e o f Jacob — luxurious vessels , five set s o f garments , an d th e soun d o f musi c a s i n th e

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tavern. The y separat e th e youn g boy s fro m God' s Tora h t o teac h the m French an d mathematics . The y ad d t o th e practice s o f thei r forefathers , and deviat e fro m the m wit h eve r greater strength. Th e Torah don s a sackcloth, for it has been diminished. 20 The pattern s o f behavio r observe d b y Margolio t wer e clearl y modeled afte r thos e a t Zorich' s court . Group s o f "rebels " conducte d social gathering s i n th e evening s fo r thei r entertainmen t an d edifi cation. (Margolio t coul d onl y conceiv e o f thes e salon-lik e gather ings as something simila r t o evening stud y groups. ) Th e participant s wore elaborat e garment s an d jewelry , dran k te a an d coffee , an d listened t o music . I n addition , the y gav e thei r childre n a European style education , wit h tutorin g i n Frenc h an d mathematics . The New Social and Political Elite:

Notkin and

Zeitlin

The greates t degre e o f acculturatio n an d socia l mobilit y wa s at tained b y th e town' s Jewish commercia l elite . Fo r thi s socia l uppe r crust, Zorich' s cour t wa s th e gatewa y t o busines s relationships , social ties , an d politica l influenc e wit h th e Russia n rulin g class . A s they worke d an d mingle d wit h high-rankin g Russia n officials , the y adopted th e Russia n languag e an d mad e th e cosmopolita n cour t culture o f St . Petersbur g thei r own . Th e mos t outstandin g represen tative o f thi s socia l typ e wa s Nata n Not a b . Hayim , know n i n Russian a s Nota Khaimovic h Notkin . Born i n Mogilev , Notki n wa s activ e i n commerc e an d mon eylending befor e th e partitio n o f Poland , providin g loan s an d othe r financial service s t o Polis h magnates . H e wa s recognize d fo r thes e activities b y Kin g Stanisla w Augustu s Poniatowski , wh o bestowe d upon hi m th e titl e "Roya l Cour t Adviser, " thereb y makin g i t possi ble fo r him , a Jew, t o ow n rea l property . Shortl y afte r th e Mogile v region cam e unde r Russia n control , h e move d t o Shklo v an d pro ceeded t o becom e on e o f Zorich' s mai n contractors. 21 In th e earl y 1780s , Notkin's mai n busines s tie s wer e wit h Centra l Europe. I n 1780 , h e wa s sen t b y Zoric h t o Dresde n t o purchas e porcelain i n anticipatio n o f Empres s Catherine' s visi t t o Shklov . A n anecdote regardin g tha t journey , tol d b y a Russia n contemporary , speaks volume s abou t Notkin' s perceive d prestig e an d influence . Notkin wa s charge d dut y twic e fo r transportin g th e porcelai n

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3

through Prussia , bot h upo n enterin g an d leavin g th e kingdom' s borders. H e complained abou t thi s double taxatio n t o Kin g Freder ick II, and the latter responded in a personal note to the "Honorabl e Shklov merchan t Notka " tha t "i f yo u di d no t wis h t o pa y dut y twice, yo u coul d hav e purchase d th e porcelai n fro m m y factor y in Berlin." 22 Notkin was a frequent visito r a t the Leipzig fairs, an d his absence from th e 178 5 fair wa s noteworth y enoug h t o b e recorde d b y offi cials, alon g wit h it s reason : H e was engage d a t th e tim e a s a fiel d supplier fo r th e Russia n military. 23 Give n hi s frequen t journey s t o Germany, an d hi s extraordinar y wealt h an d busines s contacts , i t was natura l fo r Notki n t o fin d hi s pee r grou p amon g th e wealth y Jewish merchant s an d Maskili m o f Berlin . H e wa s a subscribe r t o their journal, Ha~me'asef, i n 1784-85 , an d purchase d fou r advanc e copies o f on e o f thei r publications—a n editio n o f th e Psalm s wit h Mendelssohn's Germa n translatio n an d Bi'ur. Notki n himsel f be came a proponen t o f moderat e acculturation , an d reportedl y edu cated hi s children i n a European manner , arrangin g fo r the m t o b e taught Russian , Polish , an d French. 24 Notkin's association with th e Berlin circle probably went back to his 178 0 journey throug h Prussia . I n tha t year , th e Jews o f Shklo v and Mogile v commissione d Naftal i Hirt z Wessel y t o compos e He brew poem s i n hono r o f th e Empress' s visi t t o thei r region . Th e Hebrew verse s an d thei r Germa n translatio n b y Mendelssohn wer e published i n Berli n i n tw o separat e pamphlets—on e o n behal f o f the Shklo v Jewish community , an d th e othe r o n behalf o f the Jews of the Mogilev province a t large. The arrangements for their composition an d publication wer e probably made by Notkin. 25 The focus o f Nota Khaimovich' s commercia l affair s shifte d grad ually fro m Centra l Europ e t o Russi a proper . Hi s relationshi p wit h Zorich becam e straine d i n 1783 , whe n th e genera l becam e em broiled in a scandal regarding the issuance of false promissory notes, and sough t t o lay blame fo r th e forgeries o n Notkin an d othe r loca l Jews. Bu t Not a Khaimovic h foun d a ne w patro n i n Coun t Grigori i Potemkin, wh o als o owned sizabl e estate s in the Mogile v province , not fa r fro m Shklov . Potemkin , Russia' s vicero y o f th e South , en gaged him a s a contractor t o transport good s down the Dniep r rive r to th e territorie s o f Ne w Russia . Notki n playe d a crucia l rol e a s a

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purveyor t o th e militar y i n th e 178 7 wa r wit h Turkey , deliverin g fodder an d provision s t o th e arm y an d navy . H e undertoo k danger ous supply mission s which othe r contractor s wer e afrai d t o attempt , and loane d th e governmen t treasur y 200,00 0 rubles— a deb t whic h he seem s neve r t o hav e full y recouped. 26 Having establishe d hi s Russia n patrioti c bon a fides , Notki n too k the bol d ste p o f settlin g afte r th e wa r i n Moscow , a cit y whic h ha d not see n Jew s withi n it s limit s i n mor e tha n a century . H e reside d in th e ancien t capita l cit y i n 1788-89 , issue d promissor y note s t o state busines s concern s (includin g th e imperatorskii vospitatelnii dom an d th e imperatorskii fabrikantskii kontor), an d establishe d a partnership wit h th e Mosco w merchant s Shoshini n an d Ikonov. 27 His financial succes s produce d intens e resentmen t amon g Musco vite merchants , wh o complaine d tha t h e an d othe r Byelorussia n Jews residin g i n Mosco w wer e engagin g i n dishones t dealings . Th e Muscovites lodge d a formal complain t t o th e municipa l authorities , charging tha t th e Jew s "cause d tangibl e har m an d obstruction " t o local commerc e b y importin g contraban d goods , clippin g coins , an d other deceptiv e practices . The y single d ou t Notki n a s th e mos t egregious culprit . One of their people, the Byelorussian zhid Not a Khaimovich , bette r know n by th e nam e Notki[n] , use d variou s trick s an d forgerie s t o obtai n credits , and deceived many local merchants into giving him goods on credit, whos e value was 500,000 rubles. He took the goods to a certain plac e known onl y to him, an d then too k them secretly out of Moscow and smuggled them ou t of th e country , leavin g behin d destructio n i n th e home s o f man y kin d merchants. Man y o f the m wer e lef t impoverished , wit h thei r wive s an d children, without an y sustenance, beref t o f their property an d credits. 28 The complainant s demande d tha t th e Jew s b e expelle d fro m th e city o f Moscow . Thei r complain t mad e it s wa y t o th e Counci l o f State, wher e i t wa s endorse d b y Coun t A . R . Vorontsov , an d le d eventually t o th e issuanc e o f a n Imperia l ukaz o n Decembe r 23 , 1791, denyin g Jew s th e righ t t o resid e an d registe r a s merchant s i n cities outsid e o f Byelorussia . Th e decre e wa s th e first t o place sever e restrictions o n Jewis h residenc e i n Russia , an d wa s th e cornerston e for th e late r creatio n o f the Pal e o f Jewish Settlement. 29 Despite hi s rud e receptio n i n Moscow , Notki n di d no t retrea t t o Shklov o r th e territorie s o f th e Pal e o f Settlement . I n 1797 , h e use d

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his persona l influenc e an d connection s t o tak e u p residenc e i n St . Petersburg, despit e the legal prohibition the n i n force on Jews residing outside o f Russia's western provinces . Notki n live d i n th e capi tal cit y under the personal protection o f General Procurato r Alekse i Borisovich Kurakin , wh o wa s aske d b y Zoric h t o exten d hi s assis tance, i n ligh t o f Notkin' s "distinguishe d servic e t o th e father land." 30 A numbe r o f othe r Jews , mos t o f the m merchant s fro m Shklov an d Mogilev , als o reside d i n St . Petersbur g o n a semi-secre tive basis , unde r th e protectio n o f Russia n officials . A s Empres s Catherine ha d note d i n a letter, "the y ar e tolerated, i n violation of the law ; w e preten d a s i f the y aren' t noticed. " Notki n was , how ever, th e first well-known Jewish personality t o reside openly in th e capital, thereb y creatin g taci t publi c acknowledgmen t o f a Jewish presence in St. Petersburg. 31 Notkin spen t th e final year s o f hi s lif e shuttlin g betwee n St . Petersburg an d Shklov . I n Byelorussia , h e an d hi s sons managed a n estate with 22 5 serfs i n th e village of Ostrov, o n behal f o f a certai n Russian Admiral Deribas. He also developed a n extended, i f uneasy, relationship wit h Coun t Gavrii l Derzhavin , th e poe t an d Ministe r of Justice, who was dispatched t o Shklov in 179 9 to settle a complex legal disput e betwee n Zoric h an d th e Jewis h community . Notki n submitted t o Derzhavi n a proposa l o n th e refor m o f th e Jews' eco nomic condition , an d wa s subsequentl y invite d b y th e latte r t o serve a s a consultan t t o th e Stat e Committe e fo r th e Organiza tion o f Jewis h Lif e (1802-4) . Bu t th e shar p difference s betwee n their outlook s le d t o th e deterioratio n o f thei r relationship , an d Notkin dre w close r t o anothe r Committe e member , Coun t Vikto r Pavlovich Kochubei , whos e view s wer e mor e compatibl e wit h hi s own.32 Notkin's lif e stor y i s characterize d b y a remarkabl y extensiv e level o f involvemen t wit h th e highes t echelo n o f Russia n official dom. H e move d fro m on e aristocrati c patro n t o another—fro m Zorich t o Potemkin , t o Kurakin , t o Derzhavin , t o Kochubei—an d spent most of his mature years in parts of the Russian Empir e where there were n o organized Jewish communities . Whil e doing so, Notkin develope d th e necessar y linguisti c skills , socia l graces , an d worldly knowledg e t o wor k an d liv e i n a Russia n milieu , an d lef t many Imperia l official s favorabl y impressed . Zoric h wrot e o f him ,

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in a privat e not e t o Kurakin , tha t "althoug h a Jew, h e i s a ver y rewarding person," and Derzhavi n confesse d i n his memoirs that h e had neve r encountere d a Jew wh o was a s wise, practical , an d edu cated a s Notkin. 33 Notkin's illustriou s caree r propelle d hi m int o th e rol e o f servin g as the foremost politica l leade r of Russian Jewry. Numerous legends were tol d abou t hi s activitie s a s shtadlan, i n whic h h e utilize d his persona l contact s i n St . Petersbur g t o rescu e Jew s i n distress . According to popular memory, "th e name of Nota th e shtadlan wa s mentioned wit h awesom e respect , no t onl y i n th e Mogile v guber niia, bu t in all Jewish towns in Russia. He acted a s a sort of exilarch (nasi); i n al l difficul t politica l situations , h e was dispatched t o St. Petersburg." Amon g hi s documente d accomplishment s wer e secur ing th e releas e o f R . Shneu r Zalma n b . Baruk h fro m hi s secon d arrest in 1801 , and averting the expulsion of Jews from th e Smolensk province in 1803. 34 In keepin g wit h hi s hig h socia l standin g a s "exilarch, ,, Notki n married of f hi s son Shabbeta i t o th e daughte r o f Byelorussia' s fore most rabbini c authority , R . Ary e Ley b Ginzburg , th e Sha'agat arye}5 Notkin, hi s brother, an d son , wer e amon g th e te n foundin g war dens o f th e St . Petersbur g Jewis h Buria l Society , create d i n 1802 . The establishmen t o f th e society , an d it s acquisitio n o f a buria l plot, wa s a n ac t o f communa l affirmatio n whic h require d grea t diplomatic skill , give n th e fac t tha t Jew s wer e officiall y banne d from livin g i n th e city . I t i s unlikely tha t th e purchas e o f th e plo t could have been transacted without Notkin's personal involvement . Notkin himsel f die d i n St . Petersburg , an d wa s lai d t o res t i n th e society's burial plot , i n 1804. 36 An interesting analogu e t o Notkin's biography i s provided b y th e life of his friend an d associate , Joshua Zeitli n (1742-1821) . A native of Shklov, an d a descendant o f its most famou s family , Zeitli n wa s more deepl y roote d i n rabbini c learnin g an d piet y tha n Notkin , having studie d i n hi s youth i n th e yeshiva o f th e Sha'agat arye i n Minsk. I n mos t respects , hi s ris e t o prominenc e closel y parallele d Notkin's: hi s entre e int o Russia n hig h societ y cam e vi a Zorich' s court (hi s brothe r bein g Zorich' s import/expor t agen t i n Riga) ; hi s international affair s brough t hi m int o associatio n wit h th e Berli n

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Jewish community ; an d h e acte d a s a contracto r fo r Potemki n i n the Russian-Turkis h war , thereb y gainin g fam e an d recognitio n i n the Empire' s rulin g circles . Bu t Zeitlin' s rabbini c trainin g lef t a n indelible imprin t o n hi s personality , an d h e represente d a uniqu e blend o f rabbini c an d Russia n culture. 3 7 As a ma n seekin g t o bridg e th e traditiona l religiou s worl d o f hi s youth wit h th e Wester n an d Russia n world s h e encountere d i n hi s maturity, Zeitli n wa s attracte d t o th e circl e o f the Berli n Haskalah . He i s reported t o hav e frequente d Mendelssohn' s hom e durin g visit s to Berlin , an d t o hav e bee n engage d b y th e idea s t o whic h h e wa s exposed there . Som e tim e i n lat e 1780s , h e marrie d of f hi s younge r daughter t o th e nephe w o f the Berli n chie f rabbi— a youn g Galicia n scholar name d Abraha m Peret s (1771-1833) , wh o live d a t th e tim e in th e Prussia n capital . Followin g th e marriage , Peret s move d t o Shklov, wher e h e an d hi s father-in-la w continue d t o maintai n tie s with Berlin . Zeitli n an d Peret s purchase d eigh t advanc e copie s o f Mendelssohn's Germa n translatio n o f th e Psalm s (publishe d i n 1791), an d Peret s personall y underwrot e publicatio n o f on e o f th e Berlin Haskalah' s mor e controversia l works—th e collectio n o f forged respons a Besamim rosh (Th e Incens e o f Rabb i Asher) , issue d by hi s first cousi n Shau l Berli n (i n 1793 ) .38 Zeitlin wa s th e first Jewis h notabl e i n Russi a t o combin e accul turation an d involvemen t i n Russia n affairs , wit h dee p rabbini c learning an d piety . Hi s rabbini c scholarshi p wa s no t eclipse d o r concealed durin g th e year s o f hi s associatio n wit h Potemkin , a s a contractor involve d i n th e effor t t o develo p citie s an d road s i n Ne w Russia. Zeitlin' s great-grandson , th e Hebre w write r Sha i Hurvitz , offered th e followin g portrai t base d o n famil y traditions : He walked wit h Potemki n lik e a brothe r an d friend . . . . H e als o receive d from th e Empress an adorned uniform, a s a mark of honor, with gold stripes and shinin g buttons , an d a sword attache d t o its belt. H e would wea r thi s uniform whe n h e travele d wit h hi s comrade , Coun t Potemkin , t o revie w the roads he had paved and the glorious buildings he had erected. He would ride on a majestic hors e alongside Potemkin , an d durin g the tim e that th e latter accepte d variou s petition s fro m official s an d th e masses , th e sag e R. Joshua Zeitli n woul d accep t writte n halakhi c querie s fro m rabbi s an d scholars on matters of ritual la w an d 'agunot. H e would get down from hi s horse an d compos e halakhi c respons a i n a kneelin g position , an d the n continue on his journey.39

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As a crowning rewar d fo r hi s loyal servic e to Russia, Zeitli n wa s issued th e titl e "cour t adviser " (nadvornii sovetnik) an d wa s thereby formall y entere d int o th e rank s of the Russia n aristocracy . In Hebrew , h e wa s referre d t o a s Ha-sar Zeitlin, Lor d Zeitlin . Th e Empress also awarded him a n estate in the Mogilev province, calle d Ustye, with ove r nine hundred serfs and a magnificent palace. 40 Following Potemkin' s deat h i n 1791 , Zeitlin entruste d hi s com mercial affair s t o hi s son-in-law , Perets , an d retire d t o hi s Usty e estate. There he adopted th e lifestyle o f a Russian aristocrat , estab lishing a cour t whic h wa s simila r t o Zorich' s i n it s grandeu r an d luxuriousness, "wit h a beautiful landscape , garden s an d vineyards . . . . H e sat in his palace i n the manner o f the great noblemen, wit h a grea t multitud e o f rooms full o f wealth an d preciou s items. " But in marked contras t t o the courts in Shklov and St. Petersburg, ther e was no social frivolity , minglin g of the sexes, or theatrical/musica l entertainment a t Ustye. Ustye was a Jewish court, an d its ambiance was cerebra l an d pious . Instea d o f th e theate r an d games , i t fea tured "librarie s fo r books—ol d an d new , ancien t an d precious — and fo r manuscript s i n halakh a an d Kabbalah ; a large bet midrash (house o f stud y an d prayer) , gloriou s i n it s holiness , wit h ancien t Torah scroll s fro m Turkey , writte n o n deer-parchment , an d valu able holy vessels made of silver, gold and precious stones." 41 Taking a lea f ou t o f Russia n cour t culture , Zeitli n becam e a patron o f Hebre w letter s i n Russia , invitin g selec t scholar s an d authors t o live and write , a t hi s expense, i n Ustye . I n the 1790s , he sponsored tw o scholars : R . Baruk h Schick , wh o returne d t o th e Mogilev province of his youth, an d R. Menahem Mendl Lefin (1741 1819), a well-known advocat e of Jewish socia l an d cultural reform , and a popularize r o f scienc e an d medicine . Bot h Schic k an d Lefi n had spen t tim e i n Berlin , i n th e societ y o f Mendelssoh n an d th e Haskalah circle. Amidst Ustye's serene surroundings, Schick continued hi s mathematical studies , an d Lefi n compose d hi s moral guide book, Heshbon ha-nefesh (Self-Examination ; Lvov , 1808) , based, i n part, o n th e writing s o f Benjami n Franklin. 42 Lefi n als o served a s a tutor fo r Zeitlin' s grandson , Hirs h Peret s (b . 1790 ) ,43 I n choosin g these two men a s the recipients of his largesse, Zeitlin expresse d hi s identification wit h th e Mendelssohnia n Haskala h an d th e idea l o f moderate acculturation .

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But Zeitlin' s commitmen t t o acculturatio n wa s combine d wit h an abidin g suppor t fo r traditiona l rabbini c scholarship . H e helpe d finance th e establishmen t o f th e Volozhi n yeshiv a i n 1803 , an d issued a circular lette r callin g upo n fello w philanthropist s t o com e to th e ai d o f it s founder , R . Hayi m o f Volozhin . I n late r years, h e sponsored R. Menahem Nahu m of Chaus and R. Eliezer of Slonim as scholars-in-residence a t Ustye , wh o compose d Talmudi c commen taries an d novella e durin g thei r residenc e there . Th e latte r wer e followed b y Shklov's foremost Talmudist , R . Benjamin Rivlin . Zeit lin's ow n sol e literar y enterpris e wa s a commentar y o n th e Sefer mitsvot katan (Smal l Boo k of Commandments), a medieval Frenc h halakhic code. 44 An admire r o f bot h Mose s Mendelssoh n an d th e Viln a Gaon , Zeitlin offere d financial suppor t t o disciple s o f bot h men , i n th e apparent belie f tha t thei r teaching s wer e fundamentall y com patible. While representin g thi s original combinatio n o f involvements — in Russian affairs, Haskalah , and traditional rabbinic culture—Zeit lin wa s recognized a s one of the foremos t socia l an d religiou s lead ers of Russia n Jewry. Althoug h h e hel d n o officia l communa l titl e or office, importan t question s an d problem s were routinely brough t before him : "Ever y embittere d an d trouble d person , ever y rabb i with a questio n o f ritua l o r civi l law , th e judge s an d thei r liti gants—all cam e t o hi s gates." Meeting s o n pressin g communa l af fairs wer e reportedl y hel d a t Ustye , an d Zeitlin' s advic e wa s solicited on overturning various anti-Jewish decrees. 45 Zeitlin seems to have represented a n embryonic new "ideal type " for Eas t Europea n Jewry— a leade r wh o combine d th e value s o f Torah, wealth , an d piet y wit h worldliness , loya l servic e t o th e state, an d moderate acculturation . Other Personal and Literary Contacts with the West Although separate d fro m Berli n an d Pari s b y hundred s o f miles , Shklov's Jewish merchant s wer e linke d t o th e Wes t throug h exten sive commercia l ties , an d travele d widel y acros s Europe . Notki n and Zeitlin were the most celebrated examples , but they were by no means exceptional i n this respect. A local scribe noted in a letter t o

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the Jew s o f Bukhar a tha t "mos t o f it s [Shklov's ] inhabitant s ar e merchants fro m th e childre n o f Israe l wh o journe y t o th e en d o f the eart h t o brin g fro m ther e al l sort s o f merchandise. " Anecdota l evidence support s thi s imag e o f broa d transcontinenta l mobility . Count G . Zanovich , a Russia n aristocra t closel y associate d wit h Zorich, mentione d i n a letter tha t h e had recently me t a "Byelorussian zhid, " Isaa c Khaimakovich , know n t o him fro m St . Petersbur g (!), durin g a visit t o Berlin . Khaimakovic h aske d hi m t o tak e bac k to Russia some deeds which he had procured in Konigsberg, since he was about t o travel acros s France an d Germany i n connection wit h his business affairs, an d would not return home for some time. 46 Aspiring intellectual s an d rabbini c author s als o venture d west ward. On e o f th e mor e interestin g traveler s wa s Elia s Ackor d o f Mogilev (b . 1757) , who migrate d t o Prussi a i n 177 8 to stud y medi cine i n Konigsber g an d Berlin . Upo n bein g certifie d a s a physicia n by th e Berli n Colleg e o f Medicin e i n 1783 , h e settle d i n Warsaw , established a medical practic e there , an d participated i n the publi c debate regardin g th e lega l statu s o f th e Jews i n th e wanin g Polis h Commonwealth. Ackor d publishe d a Germa n translatio n o f a n anonymous Polish pamphlet entitle d The Jews, Or On the Necessary Reform of the Jews in the Republic of Poland, to which he added his own comment s i n suppor t o f th e author' s libera l positio n o n th e Jewish question . H e endorse d th e author' s call s tha t Jewis h lega l disabilities an d discriminator y taxe s b e eliminated , an d tha t th e Jews relinquis h thei r social , juridical , an d linguisti c separatism . Exhibiting a kee n affinit y wit h th e Germa n Aufklarung, Ackor d referred enthusiasticall y t o th e mode l se t b y Mose s Mendelssohn , and t o th e nobl e ideal s o f "ou r eternall y immorta l Lessing. " H e proposed th e establishmen t o f Jewish elementar y school s with Pol ish a s th e languag e o f instruction , notin g " I hav e see n a livin g example o f thi s i n Berlin/ ' Suc h school s woul d d o muc h more , Ackord contended , t o dra w Jewis h yout h awa y fro m th e Talmu d than stat e censorshi p o f Jewish books , a measur e propose d b y th e pamphlet's author. 47 Ackord subsequentl y returne d t o Russia , an d wa s certifie d t o practice medicin e ther e i n 1788 . He served a s a militar y physicia n at a field hospital i n Kiev and in the town of Vasilkov. 48 Another travele r fro m Russi a t o Prussi a wa s R. Mosh e b. Elieze r

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l

Kerner (bor n ca. 1766), a rabbinic scholar who resided in the Shklov district for nearly a decade, from 178 6 to 1796, teaching and writing philological-exegetical note s o n th e Pentateuch . Kerner , wh o was close t o Not a Notkin , corresponde d wit h Naftal i Hirt z Wessel y on questions o f Hebre w language , an d praise d th e latter' s work s pro fusely: "Th e Lord endowed him with extraordinary wisdom to interpret th e Biblical tex t usin g his pure reason, accordin g to the simple meaning. Elevate d individual s suc h a s him ar e indeed few. " Upon completing a n exegetica l treatis e o n the first thre e verse s of Leviticus 19 , Kerner se t ou t fo r Berlin , a t Notkin' s suggestion , an d published hi s wor k ther e i n th e "Orientalisch e Buchdruckerei, " th e Hebrew press sponsored by the circle of Maskilim. 49 For th e peripateti c merchants , intellectuals , an d rabbi s men tioned above—Notkin , Zeitlin , Khaimakovich , Ackord , Kerner , and R . Baruk h Schick—Berli n wa s a ke y destination, wher e the y were expose d t o Europea n cultur e an d Enlightenmen t ideas . Bu t the traffi c betwee n Berli n an d Shklo v als o wen t i n th e opposit e direction. Haskala h literatur e an d a t leas t on e exponent o f Jewish enlightenment mad e thei r wa y eastward fro m Prussi a t o the Mogilev province. The first volume of the Pentateuch wit h th e Bi'ur and Mendelssohn's Germa n translatio n (1780 ) liste d thre e prepublica tion subscriber s fro m Shklov , an d five others fro m th e neighborin g towns o f Mogilev , Dubrovna , Bykhov , an d Chaus . (Ther e were , significantly, n o subscriber s t o th e Bi'ur fro m th e heavil y Hasidi c Polotsk province. ) Ha-me'asef f th e periodica l orga n o f th e Berli n Jewish enlightenment , whic h bega n publicatio n i n 1783-84 , ha d five subscribers i n Shklov , mor e tha n i n an y othe r Eas t Europea n city, including Vilna. 50 Ideas wer e sprea d b y livin g exponents , no t onl y b y books . A German Jewish merchant , Jacob Hirsch of Breslau, settle d i n Byelorussia i n 1776 , in a period whe n Wester n know-ho w an d influenc e were welcome d b y Catherin e th e Great . Hirsc h negotiate d a n agreement wit h th e Russian authoritie s which gav e him ownership of eigh t village s i n th e Mogile v province , alon g wit h 79 2 bonde d serfs, fre e o f charge. I n return , h e promise d t o trai n loca l appren tices in the art of sheep grazing an d the production o f high-qualit y wool.51 In 1783 , Hirsch approache d th e Russia n authoritie s wit h a pla n

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for th e sweepin g refor m o f Jewish educatio n i n Russia . Trouble d b y the Jews' ignorance , whic h wa s th e caus e o f "th e terribl e an d lowl y state o f m y unfortunat e people, " an d inspire d b y th e educationa l provisions o f Josep h I I o f Austria' s Edic t o f Toleratio n (1781) , h e laid ou t th e followin g proposal : Al l Jewis h heders i n th e Mogile v province shoul d b e place d unde r th e supervisio n o f th e Imperia l Commission fo r th e Constructio n o f Elementar y Schools , an d thei r curriculum shoul d b e altere d t o confor m t o it s requirements . "Al l that i s required i s to giv e proper for m an d orde r t o thes e school s an d to thei r instructio n o f Torah , . . . an d t o teac h correc t morality , a s well a s variou s useful , necessar y art s an d sciences , whic h ar e re quired o f member s o f huma n society. " A larg e mode l schoo l shoul d be establishe d i n th e provincia l capita l o f Mogilev. 52 Hirsch note d tha t h e coul d find som e teacher s fo r th e school s locally, i n Russia , an d tha t h e coul d invit e other s fro m Germany , "through th e agenc y o f th e learne d Mose s Mendelssohn. " Whil e asking fo r governmen t authorizatio n an d funding , h e stresse d tha t there wa s considerabl e loca l suppor t fo r hi s proposal : I have consulte d o n thi s projec t wit h th e mos t prominen t member s o f my religion i n th e Mogile v province , an d I ca n coun t o n thei r support . . . . Many wealth y Jewis h merchant s hav e promise d m e tha t the y woul d no t refrain fro m contributin g tw o hundre d ruble s each , a s a firs t donation , i f such schools were established. 53 The refor m o f Jewis h education , on e o f th e centra l idea s o f th e Berlin Haskalah , wa s thu s propagate d i n th e Mogile v provinc e a s early a s 1783—b y a Germa n Jewis h expatriate , wh o claime d tha t his proposa l enjoye d a considerabl e degre e o f local support . It i s difficul t t o determin e th e exten t t o whic h th e broa d Euro pean horizon s o f Shklov' s Jewish elit e filtered dow n t o th e plebia n elements o f th e community . Ora l tradition s spea k o f a yawnin g social ga p betwee n th e town' s wealth y an d poo r Jews. Nonetheless , interest i n Wester n know-ho w an d idea s di d com e t o th e for e i n local popula r literature . A Yiddis h medica l an d busines s manua l published i n Shklo v i n 1795 , a s th e first o f a planne d series , an nounced proudl y o n it s titl e pag e tha t i t wa s base d entirel y upo n foreign literature : " A bookle t i n whic h yo u wil l find curious , neces sary, an d usefu l thing s o n ho w t o kee p one' s healt h an d mak e a

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3

living, extracte d fro m ne w author s fro m foreig n lands : Berlin , Vi enna, Danzig , Leipzig , Pari s an d etceter a [sic], translate d int o ou r language, s o tha t al l ca n rea d i t an d deriv e utilit y fro m it." 54 Th e prominent displa y o f the name s o f European citie s was intended t o indicate th e booklet' s up-to-date , reliabl e content . Eve n fo r th e readers o f a Yiddis h pamphlet , th e Wes t wa s a lur e an d a n au thority. The 1780 s were the decade in which the social and cultural horizon s of th e Shklo v Jewis h communit y expande d mos t rapidly , a s th e town becam e a n outpos t o f moder n Europ e i n th e backwate r o f Byelorussia. Th e presenc e o f Zorich' s court , th e growin g involve ment o f Jewish la y leader s i n Russia n affairs , an d th e comple x o f ties betwee n th e Mogile v provinc e an d th e Mendelssohnia n circl e in Berlin—al l o f these force s rendere d Shklo v th e firs t Jewish com munity i n Russi a t o grappl e wit h th e question s o f enlightenmen t and emancipation . Th e merchant s wer e th e first t o confron t ques tions o n th e relationshi p betwee n Jewis h an d Gentil e culture ; bu t the intellectuals an d rabbis were not far behind .

C H A P T E R4

Ideological an d Literar y Fermen t

In eighteenth-century Easter n Europe, the contours of Jewish litera ture mirrored the religious values of Jewish society. Literary creativity i n Hebre w fel l overwhelmingl y int o thre e broa d categories — halakhah, homiletics , an d Kabbalah . Onl y a t th e tur n o f the nine teenth centur y di d Hebre w author s appea r i n Easter n Europ e wh o challenged traditiona l belief s an d values , an d calle d fo r th e refor m and renewal o f Jewish culture . The y produced work s whose subjec t matter, form , ideas , an d styl e wer e a bol d departur e fro m tradi tional Jewish literature . The mos t famou s pionee r o f Haskala h literatur e i n Easter n Eu rope was Menahem Mendl Lefin (1749-1826) , who produced numer ous works of social criticism, popular science, philosophy, an d satirical fiction durin g th e cours e of his colorful career . Lefin , wh o wa s active a s autho r an d publicis t i n Berlin , Warsaw , an d Shklo v (a t Zeitlin's Usty e estate) , settle d i n Brod y i n 1806 , an d serve d ther e as literar y an d intellectua l mento r fo r a generatio n o f Galicia n Maskilim.1 A s we shal l see , analogou s work s o f instructiona l an d artistic literatur e wer e produce d i n th e Shklov-Mogile v regio n a t the time , b y tw o les s famous earl y Maskili c authors , Naftal i Hirt z Schulman an d Hayim Avraham Katz. 2 Naftali Hirtz Schulman: The

Quest for Cultural Reform

Naftali Hirt z Schulma n wa s bor n i n Star y Bykhov , a tow n som e eighty verst s (fort y miles ) sout h o f Shklov , alon g th e bank s o f th e Dniepr. Th e son of a rabbi, Schulma n developed a n intense interes t during hi s yout h i n th e stud y o f Maimonides , Guide to the Ver64

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5

plexed. Fascinatio n wit h thi s wor k wa s ofte n th e first ste p i n th e intellectual emancipatio n o f Eas t Europea n maskilim fro m th e fet ters of tradition. Th e Guide was not a popular work in seventeenth and eighteenth-centur y Poland , an d wa s neve r printe d there . In deed, th e onl y Ashkenazi c edition s durin g thos e centurie s wer e Jesnitz, 1742 , an d Berlin , 1791-94 , edite d b y th e maskil Isaa c Sa tanov. Traditiona l Polis h Jewish societ y viewe d Maimonides , trea tise wit h respectfu l apprehension , a s a profoun d bu t potentiall y dangerous wor k whic h coul d "lea d astra y thos e wh o ar e straight hearted i n thei r pat h o f faith , an d perple x thos e wh o stud y it." 3 Young maskilim, o n th e othe r hand , foun d i n th e Guide on attrac tive rationalist worldvie w o n miracles , prophecy , huma n fre e will , and th e purpos e o f the Torah's commandments . Perhap s even mor e important, youn g rebel s discovere d i n Maimonides ' treatis e a uni versalist real m o f discourse , whos e participant s include d no t onl y the sage s of Israel , bu t als o Plato , Aristotle , an d numerou s Musli m philosophers.4 During a sojour n i n Viln a i n th e 1790s , wher e Schulma n serve d as a tutor for the children of wealthy families, h e openly challenge d the traditiona l tabo o o n publi c stud y o f th e Guide. H e presente d shi'urim (lectures ) o n Maimonides' treatise to a group of laymen i n the ol d Viln a synagogu e (kloyz-yashan), a n ac t whic h arouse d th e indignation o f some communa l leaders . Th e latte r proteste d t o th e Vilna Gaon , R . Elijah , an d urge d hi m t o ba n th e classes . Bu t th e Gaon, himsel f n o adheren t o f rationalis t philosophy , emphaticall y refused t o do so, saying: "The Rambam [Maimonides ] wrote it , an d I will prohibi t studyin g it? ! May I only si t i n hi s compan y i n para dise!"5 Th e controvers y foreshadowe d futur e confrontation s be tween "obscurantist " an d "enlightened " camp s i n th e Viln a com munity. Schulman als o focused hi s intellectual energie s on the mastery of Hebrew gramma r an d philology , whic h wer e conspicuousl y ne glected b y Eas t Europea n rabbini c authors . Hi s studies i n thi s are a likewise cam e t o th e attentio n o f th e Viln a Gaon , wh o reportedl y "tested" hi s grammatica l skill s i n a privat e audience . Schulman' s most grandiose philological projec t wa s a Hebrew-Aramaic diction ary of "all the words in the Targum, Babylonia n Talmud, Jerusalem Talmud, Zohar , Midrash , an d book s of Kabbala h an d philosophy. "

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Although neve r published , th e wor k circulate d i n manuscrip t dur ing th e nineteent h century. 6 From thes e pursuits , i t i s clea r tha t Schulma n challenge d th e boundaries o f Jewish literar y cultur e i n Easter n Europe , seekin g t o push the m bac k i n accordanc e wit h th e ne w mode l se t b y th e Berli n Haskalah. Philosoph y an d gramma r wer e importan t facet s o f th e new Hebre w literatur e cultivate d b y Mendelssohn , N . H . Wessely , Isaac Satanov , an d th e editor s o f Ha-me'asef. Schulma n dissemin ated thes e disciplines—an d th e intellectual-aestheti c value s the y represented—in th e Russia n Empire. 7 In 1797 , Schulman settle d i n Shklov , wher e h e continue d t o serv e as a melamed fo r childre n an d a teache r fo r adults—withou t arous ing an y o f th e oppositio n h e ha d encountere d i n Vilna . H e made hi s literary debu t there , a s th e edito r o f a ne w editio n o f Mikveh yisra'el (Th e Hop e o f Israel) , a bookle t b y R . Manasse h Be n Israe l of Amsterda m (1604-57 ) o n th e discover y o f th e te n los t tribe s o f Israel amon g th e America n Indians . Th e innocuou s bookle t ap peared a t first glanc e t o b e a diversio n fro m Schulman' s Maskili c cultural agenda . I n hi s editor' s preface , h e adopte d a piou s pos e and contende d tha t hi s purpos e wa s t o consol e an d strengthe n hi s brethren wit h th e goo d new s tha t th e kingdo m o f th e te n los t tribe s had bee n discovered . Go d ha d no t forsake n th e peopl e o f Israel ; th e Messianic ingatherin g o f exile s would ye t com e t o pass. 8 But th e religiou s rhetori c wa s merel y a mas k fo r mor e worldl y concerns, whic h wer e allude d t o by Schulman i n hi s preface. Unlik e earlier work s o n th e discover y o f th e los t tribes , suc h a s th e medi eval travelogue s o f Elda d th e Danit e an d Benjami n o f Tudela , Mikveh yisra'el provide d a guid e t o th e Ne w Worl d o f Americ a an d th e Caribbean. I t offere d a detaile d geograph y an d ethnograph y o f th e Western hemisphere , whos e land s an d people s wer e unknow n t o most Eas t Europea n Jew s i n th e lat e eighteent h century . Schulma n recognized tha t th e boo k coul d serv e a s a usefu l introductio n t o modern geography : For in thes e times, al l th e corners of the earth hav e been discovered b y the peoples of Europe, who circled the globe from en d to end and found numer ous lands , faiths , an d peoples , whos e law s ar e differen t fro m eac h other . . . . I tasted a bi t o f thi s boo k an d m y eye s were illuminated ; I studied i t

IDEOLOGICAL AN D LITERAR Y FERMEN T 67

and comprehende d it . Fo r it i s based upo n th e ne w geography whos e trut h is known an d whose foundation i s firm. 9 By introducing Eas t Europea n Jew s t o th e Ne w World , Schulma n not onl y broadene d thei r intellectua l horizon s i n a substantiv e manner, bu t als o raise d b y implicatio n th e questio n o f "Gentil e wisdom," it s validit y an d significance . Be n Israel' s Mikveh yisra'el was base d upo n th e testimonie s o f author s an d discoverers , rangin g from Plutarc h an d Pic o t o Arie s Montan o an d Fransisc o d e Rivera ; its reference s t o th e Bible , Talmud , an d rabbini c literatur e wer e understandably fe w an d fa r between . I f such a bookle t wa s nothin g extraordinary o r controversia l fo r th e Jew s o f seventeenth-centur y Holland, i n lat e eighteenth-centur y Easter n Europ e i t wa s a literar y sensation. N o Hebre w boo k eve r printe d i n Polan d o r Russi a wa s a s replete wit h citation s o f Gentil e literatur e an d a s skimp y o n rab binic material . Schulma n accentuate d thi s featur e b y prominentl y displaying a lis t o f it s source s i n tw o columns—"Hebre w books " and "book s o f th e nations"—wit h th e latte r outnumberin g th e for mer, sixty-fiv e t o twenty-three. 1 0 Th e messag e wa s unmistakable : there wa s a vas t real m o f Gentil e wisdo m an d science , unknow n t o East Europea n Jews, wit h whic h the y neede d t o becom e familiar . For Schulman , Mikveh yisra'el wa s a vehicl e fo r arguin g fo r th e legitimacy an d validit y o f knowledg e originatin g fro m outsid e th e rabbinic tradition . I n eighteenth-centur y Eas t Europea n Jewry, thi s idea wa s b y n o mean s a forgon e conclusion . Th e discover y o f th e New Worl d wa s itsel f dispute d b y obscurantists , wh o argue d tha t since th e America n continen t wa s no t mentione d b y th e prophet s and Talmudi c sages , i t di d not , an d coul d not , exist . Aaro n Hall e Wolfsohn, a centra l figur e i n th e Berli n Haskalah , relate s tha t h e encountered a Polis h rabb i wh o refuse d t o believ e i n th e existenc e of America . Whe n Wolfsoh n presente d testimonie s an d evidence , the rabb i accuse d hi m o f bein g a hereti c an d exclaimed : "Ca n yo u find a singl e referenc e t o Americ a anywher e i n th e Bible?" 11 Mikveh yisra'el als o included informatio n o n th e populate d land s in th e souther n hemisphere , a matte r whic h wa s rejecte d wit h equal fervor . No t onl y wer e ther e n o Scriptura l reference s t o Brazi l or Peru , bu t th e existenc e o f suc h land s contradicte d traditiona l

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Jewish Bibl e exegesis . Maimonide s an d othe r sage s ha d interprete d the vers e "fo r H e ha s founde d i t [th e earth ] upo n th e seas " (Psalm s 24:2), a s meanin g tha t th e earth' s lowe r hal f wa s immerse d i n water, wit h it s uppe r hal f floatin g abov e th e surface . I n thi s case , common sens e seeme d t o concu r wit h tradition . Ho w coul d peopl e live "opposit e th e bottom s o f our feet"? 12 Schulman di d no t addres s th e religiou s issue s raise d b y th e Ne w Geography, othe r tha n t o not e tha t it s "trut h [was ] well-known " and it s "foundatio n [was ] firm." Bu t hi s editio n o f Mikveh yisra'el implicitly cast e doubt s o n th e sufficienc y o f th e rabbini c traditio n in th e are a o f geography . An d th e boo k provoke d a reactio n o n th e part o f those wh o vocall y rejecte d th e Ne w Geograph y an d ridicule d it. R . Hayi m Avraha m Katz , a n enlightene d preache r an d autho r i n Mogilev, reported : I have seen wise and God-fearing people in our land who are full of mockery upon hearin g of the discovery of America an d the populated land s opposite the bottom s of our feet. The y say, "ho w i s it possibl e to believe somethin g of thi s kind , whic h contradict s th e axiom s o f reason? " An d despit e al l o f our strenuou s efforts , w e ar e unabl e t o ope n thei r close d hearts , remov e from i t thei r ide a o n thi s matter , an d explai n t o the m tha t i t i s actuall y nothing but a figment of their imagination. 13 Following i n Schulman' s footsteps , subsequen t Maskili m als o used th e discover y o f Americ a a s a n effectiv e devic e t o argu e fo r openness t o non-Jewis h scienc e an d culture . Work s on th e discover y of Americ a becam e a mino r genr e o f earl y Haskala h literature . It s most notabl e representative s wer e Mosh e Frankfurter-Mendelsohn' s Metsi'at ha'arets ha-hadasha (Th e Findin g o f th e Ne w Land ; Al tona, 1807) , Hayim-Chaik l Hurwitz' s Tsofnas pa'aneah (Th e Re vealer o f Secrets ; Berdichev , 1817) , an d Mordecha i Aaro n Gunz burg's Gelut ha-arets ha-hadasha (Th e Discover y o f th e Ne w Land ; Vilna, 1823) . All sough t t o broade n th e intellectua l horizon s of Eas t European Jews b y exposin g the m t o th e Ne w World , an d impressin g upon the m th e importanc e an d legitimac y o f Gentil e advance s i n human knowledge. 14 Schulman's secon d literar y ventur e wa s als o a ne w editio n o f a classic, i n whic h h e cloake d hi s reformis t messag e i n a piou s garb . In 1804 , he reissue d Benjami n Mussafia' s Zekher rav (Grea t Remem -

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9

brance; firs t edition : Amsterdam , 1638) , a moralisti c treatis e i n rhymed mete r praisin g th e marvel s o f Go d an d Hi s creation . Mus safia's wor k was notable less for its content tha n fo r its literary tou r de force: i t wa s written usin g ever y singl e word (o r verbal root ) i n the Hebre w Bible . Schulma n exploite d thi s featur e t o transfor m Zekher raw into a too l fo r advancin g Bibl e study , an d th e acquisi tion of German. Schulman's edition include d a running linea r translation o f Mussafia's tex t int o "pur e German " i n Hebre w characters ; abov e th e linear translation was a reference t o a biblical verse where the word (or verbal root ) appeare d (se e illustration i n insert) . A t th e en d of the volume , Schulma n appende d a n inde x o f Hebre w word s an d roots, whic h referre d th e reade r t o the appropriat e pag e an d lin e i n Mussafia's text . Schulma n explaine d th e purpos e o f thes e innova tions a s follows : Melamdim woul d stud y Zekher rav wit h thei r young students , memorizin g eac h Hebre w word alon g with it s German translation. Onc e this process was complete, study of the Bible would b e greatly facilitated ; student s woul d recogniz e th e biblica l words and instantly recal l their German equivalent . The y would b e able to study entire books of the Bible in a short period of time. 15 In hi s introduction , Schulma n presse d fo r th e refor m o f Jewis h elementary education , urgin g tha t greate r attentio n b e paid t o th e study o f th e Bible . H e criticize d th e melamdim wh o rushe d thei r students hastil y fro m on e stag e o f learnin g t o th e next . Student s learned onl y th e first fe w verse s o f th e weekl y sidrah (Tora h por tion), wit h excessiv e rabbini c homilie s an d commentaries . Befor e long, th e Pentateuc h wa s abandone d altogether , an d replace d b y study of the Talmud, an d the dialectics of the medieval Tosafot an d the Maharsha (R . Shmuel Edels, 1555-1631) . Schulman cite d a s a n alternativ e "th e wonderfu l orde r o f stud y among th e Sephardim, " an d quote d a t lengt h th e glowin g descrip tion o f th e Sephardi c Talmu d Tora h i n Amsterda m b y R . Sheft l Horowitz (1561-1619) . A t th e Amsterda m school , student s studie d the entir e Pentateuc h fro m beginnin g t o end , the n al l th e Prophet s and Writings , befor e advancin g t o th e Mishna , an d finally, a t a later age , t o th e Talmud . Schulma n urge d hi s contemporarie s t o break wit h thei r ingraine d conservativis m an d t o follo w thi s prac tice. " I as k the communitie s t o gather i n ever y single town, an d t o

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appoint a melamed wh o wil l teac h student s th e entir e Bibl e fro m beginning t o end." 1 6 Had Schulma n stoppe d a t thi s point , hi s educationa l refor m pla n would hav e bee n onl y slightl y differen t fro m tha t propose d b y th e sixteenth-century rabb i R . Juda h Loe w o f Pragu e (1525-1609 ) an d some o f hi s disciples , suc h a s Horowitz . R . Judah Loe w ha d argue d for th e mor e methodica l an d systemati c stud y o f Judaism' s sacre d texts. Ther e wa s nothin g necessaril y Maskili c abou t suc h a pro posal. 17 But Schulma n wen t further . H e criticize d Talmud-centere d edu cation pe r se , an d asserte d tha t Jewis h childre n wer e deprive d o f a much-needed mora l education . The boy is bereft o f both learning and ethics [limud ve-derekh erets]. As for training th e boy s i n virtuou s characte r trait s an d prope r conduct , thi s i s not to be found i n our land, excep t amon g a select few. 18 The distinctio n betwee n Judais m an d ethic s wa s a lea f take n ou t of th e ideolog y o f th e Berli n Haskalah . I n suggestin g tha t th e exclu sive focu s o f Jewish elementar y educatio n o n th e Talmu d wa s detri mental t o th e mora l developmen t o f Jewis h youths , Schulma n echoed a centra l them e o f Naftal i Hirt z Wessely' s manifest o Divre shalom ve-'emet (Berlin , 1782). 19 In addition , Schulma n argue d fo r alterin g th e languag e o f Bibl e translation i n th e heder. H e urge d melamdim t o us e hi s "pur e Ger man [linear ] translation " o f Mussafia' s biblica l Hebrew , an d at tacked th e Yiddis h spoke n b y hi s contemporarie s a s " a garble d tongue." "I t i s par t Polish , par t Russian , par t othe r languages , an d many word s whos e origi n i s unknow n t o us. " Hi s editio n o f Zekher raw wa s intende d t o correc t thi s linguisti c deformit y b y teachin g basic prope r Germa n t o childre n i n th e heder. 10 I n usin g th e Hebre w Bible a s a springboar d fo r th e stud y o f German , th e projec t wa s evidently inspire d b y Mendelssohn' s fame d translatio n o f the Penta teuch. Acquiring fluenc y i n Germa n wa s a difficul t undertakin g fo r th e Yiddish-speaking Jew s o f Lithuani a an d Byelorussia . Solomo n Mai mon, a nativ e o f Niesviez h wh o migrate d t o Prussi a i n th e 1780s , had continuou s difficultie s masterin g th e rule s of German grammar ,

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1

pronunciation, an d spelling . Eve n attainin g a passiv e readin g knowledge o f literar y Germa n wa s no t a n eas y task , a s i s eviden t from th e cas e o f R . Manasse h o f Ilya , a n earl y nineteenth-centur y Lithuanian Maski l wh o wa s never abl e t o bridg e th e linguisti c ga p between Yiddis h an d German , despit e hi s strenuou s efforts , an d remained cu t of f fro m Germa n literature , philosophy , an d scienc e throughout hi s life. 21 Schulman sough t to bring down this languag e barrier b y beginnin g th e instructio n o f German a t th e earlies t age , in the heder, b y employing it in the traditional word-by-wor d trans lation o f the Bible. 22 Schulman's editio n o f Zekher raw could, o f course , b e use d no t only b y melamdim an d children , bu t als o b y adults , wh o coul d consult th e linea r translatio n t o "correct " thei r "garble d tongue " and stud y basi c German . An d thank s t o th e inde x o f word s an d verbal root s a t th e bac k o f the volume , a n adul t wit h basi c knowl edge o f Hebre w coul d loo k u p th e Hebre w wor d o f hi s choic e an d find it s Germa n equivalent—i n othe r words , us e th e boo k a s a Hebrew-German dictionary . Schulma n wa s clearl y awar e o f thi s fact. I n hi s introduction, h e announce d tha t h e planned t o publis h a Russia n linea r translatio n o f Mussafia' s tex t a s well . A Russia n translation woul d hav e bee n totall y unsuitabl e fo r childre n i n th e heder; how could they learn one foreign languag e (biblica l Hebrew ) by usin g a linea r translatio n i n a second , eve n mor e foreig n lan guage (Russian) ? Bu t adult s wit h knowledg e o f Hebre w coul d us e the running translation a s a Hebrew-Russian dictionary . Schulman , who accordin g to the Vilna Maski l Samuel Joseph Fuenn , wa s "on e of the first [Jews] who knew the Russian languag e well," conceived of Zekher ra v a s a too l fo r linguisti c Germanizatio n and/o r Russifi cation.23 Schulman's progra m o f educationa l refor m wa s thu s three pronged: ascribin g the highes t priorit y t o study o f the Bible , payin g attention t o moral-ethica l training , an d teachin g th e rudiment s o f "pure German. " Al l thre e proposal s wer e derive d fro m th e educa tional progra m o f th e Berli n Haskalah , an d reflecte d th e influenc e of Wessely's Divre shalom ve-'emet. Conspicuously absent , however , fro m Schulman' s educationa l program wa s a n explici t cal l fo r th e stud y o f th e science s an d

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worldly discipline s i n th e heder. Schulma n wa s probabl y to o cau tious t o propos e suc h a radica l brea k wit h tradition . H e wa s no t a s bold an d provocativ e a s his literar y mentor , Wessely . But advocatin g th e acquisitio n o f worldl y knowledg e b y adult s was anothe r matter . Schulma n addresse d th e topi c obliquel y i n hi s edition o f Mikveh yisra'el, an d directl y i n a n appendi x t o Zekher rav, wher e h e announce d hi s pla n t o publis h a weekl y Hebre w newspaper i n Shklov . Notin g tha t man y Jew s "i n eac h an d ever y city" wer e eage r t o broade n thei r knowledg e an d "attai n [intellec tual] perfection, " bu t wer e hindere d b y " a lac k o f book s an d infor mation," h e describe d th e envisione d periodica l a s a vehicl e fo r disseminating worldl y knowledge : I will publish each week the news [hidushim] happenin g all over the world, including translation s o f the mos t necessar y item s from th e newspaper s of Hamburg, St . Petersburg , an d Berlin , an d new s from th e book s of wisdom. Merchants will be able to read about wars and commerce, an d the lovers of wisdom wil l b e abl e t o rea d abou t th e science s an d othe r news . Ever y person wh o ha s a piec e o f correc t new s wil l infor m m e o f it , an d I wil l inform eac h an d every city in which w e [Jews] reside under the protectio n of th e Tsar , ma y hi s glor y b e uplifted . W e wil l thu s disseminat e amon g our peopl e th e gramma r o f variou s languages , mathematics , geometry , geography, natura l scienc e and other matters. 24 The abortiv e periodical , whic h neve r appeare d i n print , appar ently becaus e o f a lac k o f financial backing , wa s Schulman' s mos t explicit an d ambitiou s enlightenmen t project . I t wa s a self-con scious vehicl e fo r bridgin g th e ga p betwee n th e insulate d worl d o f Russian Jewr y an d th e political , scientific , an d cultura l worl d o f Western Europe . Schulman's design s t o refor m Jewish educatio n resurface d severa l years later , whe n h e reside d onc e agai n i n Vilna . Havin g currie d favor wit h Tsa r Alexande r I b y composin g a trilingua l (Hebrew Russian-German) hym n i n hono r o f the birt h o f his daughter, Gran d Duchess Elizabeth , Schulma n manage d t o obtai n a government per mit t o establis h school s fo r Jewis h yout h whic h incorporate d Rus sian languag e instruction . H e opene d suc h a schoo l i n Viln a (ac cording t o on e accoun t i n 1820 ) an d "bega n t o blo w th e spiri t o f th e Haskalah amon g th e youth." Bu t thi s first moder n Jewis h schoo l i n Lithuania wa s short-lived . Loca l zealots , fearin g "tha t i f thei r son s

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3

will understan d th e languag e o f th e land , the y wil l abando n th e Torah," denounce d Schulma n t o th e governor-genera l o f th e Viln a province. The y accuse d hi m o f corruptin g th e youth, an d dissemi nating th e ide a o f politica l insurrection . Th e governor-genera l re scinded Schulman's permit an d ordered him to leave Russia at once. Exiled fro m hi s nativ e land , h e settle d i n hi s belove d Amsterdam , the home of Manasseh Be n Israel an d Benjami n Mussafia , wher e h e lived out th e remainder of his years.25 It i s no exaggeratio n t o sa y tha t Schulma n wa s th e first Russia n Maskil—a ma n who propagated Jewish enlightenment an d cultura l reform throug h variou s literar y an d educationa l projects , an d wh o attempted t o establis h th e institution s t o advanc e thi s cause , a periodical journa l an d a network o f schools. Hi s ambitiou s design s were ultimatel y frustrated , du e t o insufficien t financial suppor t i n the first case , an d aggressiv e oppositio n b y zealot s i n th e other . Nonetheless, Schulma n transpose d Wessely' s idea s t o Russia , an d modified them , b y placing knowledg e o f Russia n o n a n equa l foot ing wit h German . I n doin g so , h e pioneere d th e effor t t o fre e th e Haskalah movemen t o f its Germano-centric tendency , an d reorien t it toward civi l an d cultural integratio n wit h Russia . Hayim Avraham Katz: The Discovery of Aesthetics and the Imagination In th e sam e yea r tha t Schulma n mad e hi s literar y debut , 1797 , an extraordinar y boo k wa s publishe d anonymousl y i n Shklov— a Hebrew drama o n the biblical story of Joseph, entitle d Milhama bashalom (Wa r agains t Peace) . Written b y the communal preache r of Mogilev, R . Hayi m Avraha m b . Ary e Ley b Katz, th e boo k wa s th e first Hebrew drama compose d in Eastern Europe, and constituted a n unusual fora y int o imaginative literatur e b y an Ashkenazic rabbi. 26 The book's ground-breaking qualit y was signaled b y the fact tha t Katz wa s a t a los s fo r a n appropriat e Hebre w wor d fo r "play " o r "drama" t o defin e th e genr e o f hi s work . H e referre d t o i t a s a mahberet (booklet) , perhap s i n a n obliqu e allusio n t o it s generi c similarity t o th e Mahbarot o f Immanue l o f Rome (ca . 1261-1328) , a classica l wor k o f imaginativ e narrativ e poetr y i n Hebrew . Th e best Katz could do was characterize hi s work as "the story of Joseph

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and hi s brother s i n a rhetorica l booklet , i n th e for m o f debate " (sipuryosef ve-ehav be-mahberet halatsi'it 'al derekh ha-vikuah). In his introduction, Kat z offered a n apology for belletristic litera ture i n general , an d fo r hi s ow n dramati c writin g i n particular . Citing Scripture, medicine, and the works of Maimonides, he argued that excessiv e intellectualit y brough t o n depression , an d that , fo r the sake of one's emotional equilibrium , wisdo m ha d t o be coupled with "thing s tha t amus e one' s heart. " Althoug h suc h amusement s were objectivel y trivia l compare d t o th e "Se a o f Wisdom, " i t wa s necessary, fo r th e sak e of one's well-being, t o suspend one' s aware ness o f thei r triviality , an d imagin e tha t the y wer e intrinsicall y meaningful. " A ma n ma y exer t hi s imaginativ e power , attac h hi s soul to a falsehood an d treat i t a s if it were true, if the hour require s it." Kat z legitimize d belletristi c literature , an d fo r tha t matte r al l leisure activity , a s a health y an d necessar y for m o f emotiona l escape.27 The preache r fro m Mogile v confesse d tha t h e ha d learne d thi s lesson fro m hi s own bout s o f depression. H e had turne d t o creativ e writing a s a satisfyin g amusement , becaus e mos t form s o f socia l amusement wer e considere d unbecomin g fo r a perso n o f hi s rank , and elicite d publi c scorn. Recognizin g tha t h e was endowed wit h a God-given gif t fo r languag e an d rhetoric , an d tha t hi s wor k a s preacher ha d traine d hi m t o presen t hi s idea s i n parable s an d sto ries, hi s decisio n t o engag e i n creativ e writin g cam e t o hi m quit e naturally. I turned to composing words of pleasantness which are sweet to the tongue of a reader. Fo r I said, "ma y my couch console me; in my bed will I find relaxation a t m y tim e o f need. " I therefore decide d t o compos e a littl e booklet with my pen, an d not to desist from lovin g it until I could call it my daughter.28 Katz's introduction reveal s the internalization o f strikingly mod ern concepts : th e recognitio n o f ar t a s a n autonomou s real m o f meaning, an d it s appreciatio n a s a vehicle fo r persona l self-expres sion an d self-realization. Kat z reconciled thes e ideas with his traditional religiou s worldview b y conceding that , i n th e final analysis , art wa s a trivial diversio n fro m th e real m o f ultimate an d absolut e meaning—God an d Torah . I n anothe r context , Kat z used a similar

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tactic t o embrac e moder n scienc e an d reconcil e i t wit h tradition . He argue d tha t th e ne w geography' s discover y o f Americ a an d th e southern hemispher e was factual, bu t that i n the final analysis , th e matter wa s o f trivia l importance . "Eve n i f suc h knowledg e ha s a certain degree of utility, i t does not relate to the soul of the Israelit e nation, or to spiritual life. Not regarding such matters does scripture say 'fo r i t [Th e Torah] is your life ' " (Deut . 30:20). 29 In Katz's case, openness t o artisti c an d scientifi c pursuit s wa s accompanie d b y their compartmentalization an d ultimate devaluation . In th e cas e o f art , th e compartmentalizatio n wa s no t absolute . Katz admitte d tha t h e coul d no t totall y cas t asid e "wisdom " i n pursuit o f "amusement " i n hi s dramati c writing . H e simpl y coul d not find an y comfor t an d pleasur e i n a styl e o f writing whic h wa s utterly trivial . H e therefor e integrate d philosophic-religiou s sec tions int o hi s "booklet, " whic h discusse d Go d a s creator , Divin e providence, lov e an d fea r o f God , th e reviva l o f th e dea d an d s o forth, i n th e for m o f a debat e betwee n th e Egyptia n wiseme n an d the childre n o f Jacob. 30 I n Katz' s conceptio n o f literature , th e dis tinction betwee n Trut h an d Art , "wisdom " an d "amusement, " wa s not absolute . Milhama ba-shalom re-enacte d th e Joseph stor y fro m beginnin g to end , drawin g upo n th e biblica l narrative , rabbini c Midras h an d 'agadah, classica l exegetes , an d th e medieva l Sefer ha-yashar. Th e rabbis o f Shklov , wh o offere d thei r lette r o f approbatio n t o Katz' s volume, praise d i t a s a wor k o f biblica l exegesis , whic h helpe d resolve difficultie s i n th e tex t b y elaboratin g upo n th e commenta tors' words. But in fact, Milhama ba-shalom wa s a work of art, an d not o f exegesis . I t weave d togethe r selec t theme s fro m it s variou s sources t o construc t a plausible an d internall y coheren t plot . Kat z discarded certai n famou s rabbini c agadot whic h wer e to o fantasti c or supernatura l fo r hi s taste , an d h e chos e betwee n agadot whic h were mutuall y contradictory . A drama ha d t o follo w a singl e sto ryline and could not present alternat e versions of an event, a s could a commentary. 31 But Kat z wen t considerabl y beyon d recastin g selec t rabbini c material i n dramati c form . H e create d origina l dialogues , scenes , subplots, an d character s whic h wer e no t base d o n an y o f hi s sources. H e compose d a n origina l wor k o f fiction, withou t an y

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compunctions tha t thi s migh t constitut e a "desecration " o f th e biblical text . Many o f Katz' s imaginativ e addition s wer e designe d t o fil l i n gaps in the biblical narrative , an d construc t a more coherent story . In th e scen e i n whic h th e brother s sol d Joseph t o th e Midianites , the brother s explaine d tha t th e young ma n the y wer e selling was a domestic servant who had been born into their household, an d wh o had recentl y begu n hallucinatin g tha t h e wa s thei r brother . The y hoped that b y living in a new environment, awa y from thei r home , he woul d recove r fro m hi s malady. 32 Thi s additio n helpe d addres s obvious questions left unanswere d b y the biblical account : Ha d no t Joseph proteste d t o th e Midianite s tha t h e wa s bein g sol d b y hi s brothers? How did the brothers respond to his charge? Katz als o create d scene s an d character s purel y fo r th e sak e o f their dramati c effect . Joseph , a s viceroy o f Egypt, tol d hi s unknow ing brother s o f tw o recen t dreams , no t mentione d b y th e Bibl e o r Midrash, whic h wer e a veiled parable of his sale into bondage. This was a device to heighten th e irony o f the encounter betwee n them . A totall y ne w figur e wa s introduce d t o th e Egyptia n roya l court : Belis, th e waiter , Joseph's loya l servant , wh o befriende d th e broth ers an d console d the m durin g thei r imprisonment . Character s wh o were scarcel y mentione d b y th e Midras h wer e freel y developed . Joseph's Egyptia n wif e 'Osna t wa s show n quarrelin g wit h he r hus band, a s h e ordere d he r t o prepar e a lavis h mea l fo r th e Hebre w visitors. Yohn i an d Mamrei , th e head s o f th e Egyptia n sorcerers , engaged Isascha r i n a n extende d conversatio n o n Judaism' s doc trines of faith, an d became convinced o f its philosophic truth. 33 At certain points , Milhama ba-shalom digresse d fro m it s biblica l plot altogether , wit h th e heroes telling folktales an d parables, some of whic h wer e o f obviousl y non-Jewis h provenance . Whe n first brought befor e Pharoah , Joseph recounte d th e stor y o f Chomethiu s of Macedonia , a physicia n wh o lef t hi s homeland , los t hi s possessions, an d wa s mistake n everywher e fo r a poo r beggar , instea d o f the medical geniu s tha t h e was. 34 Such tale s an d parable s served a s dramatic relief from th e play's familiar biblica l plot, an d are furthe r evidence tha t th e play' s primar y purpose s wer e entertainmen t an d edification, no t exegesis. One of the strikin g feature s o f Milhama ba-shalom wa s its insis-

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tence o n realism . Th e pla y brok e wit h thos e Midrashi c tradition s that injecte d fantastic , miraculou s element s int o th e Josep h story . Katz eliminated , fo r instance , th e legendar y dialogu e betwee n Ja cob an d a wol f whic h ha d allegedl y devoure d hi s son , o r th e amaz ing feat s o f physica l strengt h displaye d b y th e brother s i n Egypt . Even th e storie s tol d abou t king s o f India , ancien t wisemen , an d doctors wer e realisti c didacti c narratives . Kat z avoide d wonde r tales, whic h wer e commonplac e i n eighteenth-centur y Yiddis h chapbooks an d i n th e Hasidi c storie s o f his time. 3 5 An eve n mor e impressiv e artisti c featur e wa s th e author' s abilit y to empathiz e wit h hi s characters—eve n wit h Joseph' s brother s a s they sol d hi m int o slavery , an d wit h Potifar' s wif e a s sh e sough t t o seduce him . Kat z use d th e dramati c genr e t o provid e psychologica l insights int o thei r thought s an d motives , an d t o portra y the m a s misguided—rather tha n purel y evil—figures . Juda h an d Shimo n expressed ange r an d a sens e o f betraya l fo r bein g slandere d befor e their fathe r b y Joseph . T o thei r mind , Josep h wa s a talebearer , a self-serving scoundre l wh o sough t t o alienat e thei r fathe r fro m them. Ha d no t thei r fathe r Jaco b taugh t the m tha t slanderer s should b e put t o death? This presentation o f th e brothers ' sid e t o th e story wa s a nove l departur e fro m th e black-and-whit e approac h o f the rabbini c sources , an d Kat z dre w attentio n t o thi s aspec t i n hi s introduction. The entir e reaso n fo r th e brothers ' persecutin g hi m wa s tha t thei r heart s deceived them into believing that h e was the opposite of a righteous person [tsadik]. May the reader therefore no t consider it strange to find them speak of him a s a "traitor " o r "evi l person. " Th e trut h cam e unt o the m late r on , that h e was righteous. 36 Potifar's wife , Zeliha , als o emerge d i n a mor e ambivalen t light . She crie d ou t t o Josep h fo r help , desperat e t o bea r a child , afte r years o f barrennes s fro m he r elderl y husband . Althoug h awar e t h a t her propositio n t o li e togethe r wa s considere d sinful , Zelih a be lieved tha t Go d woul d understan d an d eve n approv e o f he r action . She denie d th e existenc e o f absolut e goo d an d evil , an d espouse d a philosophy o f mora l relativism : "Fo r everythin g ther e i s a season , and a tim e fo r ever y purpose . Jus t a s ther e i s n o goo d thin g whic h does no t becom e ba d a t a certai n time , ther e i s no ba d thin g whic h

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does no t becom e goo d a t it s time. " I n he r desperat e effor t t o per suade Joseph, Zelih a promise d tha t sh e would no t hav e sexual rela tions with an y other man, an d would marry him after he r husband' s death, thereb y attenuatin g th e sin . I n Katz' s play , sh e becam e a thinking an d sufferin g character , rathe r tha n merel y th e embodi ment of temptation. 37 A few words should be said abou t th e technical feature s o f Katz's drama. Although Milhama ba-shalom was not formally divide d int o acts an d scenes , i t ha d it s ow n equivalen t structure . Th e pla y wa s divided int o tw o parts: "The Course of Events" (tokhen ha-'alilot), which too k th e story from it s beginning unti l Benjamin' s departur e for Egypt , an d "Th e Ope n Rebuke " (tokhahat megule), whic h fea tured th e extensiv e philosophi c debate s betwee n th e brother s an d the Egyptian sorcerers, a s well a s the final confrontation an d recon ciliation betwee n Josep h an d hi s brothers . Th e beginnin g o f ne w scenes was marked b y an introductor y sentence , i n large bold typeface, whic h relate d th e background an d setting of events in biblica l verses or Katz' s own words . Kat z offered extensiv e stag e direction s of voice , movement , an d gesture , whic h wer e als o printe d i n bol d typeface, s o a s t o distinguis h the m fro m th e th e dramati c tex t printed i n cursive . Kat z exhibite d considerabl e interes t i n stag e technique; hi s work was by no means a bare-bones symposium, "i n the form o f debate." How i s one t o explai n th e sudde n appearanc e o f such a sophisticated dramatic work, fo r its time and place, as Milhama ba-shalom? Katz di d no t plac e hi s wor k i n an y literar y traditio n o r historica l context, bu t h e mus t hav e ha d certai n model s of dramatic writin g before him , whic h serve d a s his points of reference. Unfortunately , they cannot b e identified wit h absolut e certainty . The traditio n o f Yiddis h Vurim-shpiln certainl y exerte d som e influence o n Katz' s enterprise . Th e Josep h stor y wa s a popula r theme o f Puri m fol k plays , secon d onl y t o th e Esthe r stor y itself , and thi s livin g theatrica l genr e helpe d determin e Katz' s choic e o f plot. Bu t otherwise, Milhama ba-shalom ha d little in common wit h the traditiona l mikhires yosef shpil. Th e latte r wa s a ligh t melo drama i n rhymed Yiddish verse, and lacked the emotional intensity , or psychologica l sophisticatio n o f Katz' s play . Katz' s dialogu e i n lofty biblica l Hebre w endowe d hi s wor k wit h a classica l an d epi c

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quality totall y unlik e th e light , folksy , almos t frivolou s ton e of th e Vurim-shpiL38 There i s eve n les s basi s t o believ e tha t Kat z use d th e Hebre w dramas o f lat e eighteenth-centur y German y a s his literar y models . Although dramati c writin g flourishe d amon g author s associate d with th e Berli n Haskalah , suc h a s Menahem Mend l Bressla u (Yaldut u-vaharut [Childhoo d an d Youth] , Berlin , 1786) , Samue l Rom manelli (Ha-kolot yehdalun [Th e Voices Cease], Berlin, 1791) , an d Joseph Ha-'efrat i (Melukhat sha'ul [Saul' s Kingdom] ; Vienna , 1794), these works were artisticall y world s apart from Katz's . Rommanelli's an d Ha-'efrati' s drama s were written i n highly formalize d rhymed verse , usin g ornate language , whil e Katz' s play use d realistic Hebre w speec h a s foun d i n biblica l narratives . Rommanelli' s and Ha-'efrati' s grea t artisti c strength s wer e poeti c techniqu e an d imagery, wherea s Kat z focuse d o n characte r constructio n an d dra matic plot development. 39 It stand s t o reaso n tha t Katz' s foray int o dram a wa s influenced , at leas t i n part , b y th e activ e theate r cultur e a t Zorich' s cour t i n Shklov. Kat z wa s n o strange r t o th e town ; h e live d bu t a fe w miles away, in Mogilev, an d maintained clos e business ties with hi s father-in-law, a residen t o f Shklov. 40 An y occasiona l visito r t o th e town woul d hav e see n it s activ e theatrica l establishment , an d heard abou t it s repertoir e o f tragedy , comedy , opera , an d ballet . Katz mus t hav e bee n challenged , eithe r consciousl y o r subcon sciously, b y th e Shklo v theate r t o attemp t a Hebre w dram a whic h would entertain it s imagined audience , while remaining within th e didactic an d religiou s parameter s o f a traditiona l Jewis h sensi bility.41 With Milhama ba-shalom, Kat z too k Hebre w writin g i n Easter n Europe in a n altogethe r ne w direction. Althoug h i t had no immediate imitator s o r followers , hi s wor k wen t o n t o b e a best-sellin g chapbook i n Yiddis h translation , whic h wa s considere d a n earl y example of Maskilic didactic prose. 42

C H A P T E R5

Struggles fo r Emancipatio n

Prosaic Requests, Poetic Appeals In the spring of 1787, Empress Catherine stopped off in Shklov while en rout e t o Kiev , an d receive d te n leader s of its Jewish communit y in a n officia l audience . Afte r th e formalitie s an d niceties , suc h a s kissing th e Empress' s hand , th e leaders , wh o mus t hav e include d Notkin an d Zeitlin , submitte d a petitio n requestin g tha t Jew s n o longer b e referre d t o i n officia l parlanc e b y th e derogator y ter m zhidy, an d that the y henceforth b e called by the more lofty biblica l term evrei (Hebrews) . Catherin e agreed , an d issue d a directiv e to tha t effect . Th e Hambur g Staats- und Gelehrte Zeitung, whic h reported the event, explaine d tha t th e change of terms was adopte d because th e monarc h wishe d "t o remove , a s muc h a s possible, al l external sign s of contempt towar d th e Jews," and "th e nam e 'Jew ' is usuall y connecte d wit h humiliatin g ideas." 1 An d indeed , fro m that poin t on , evrei becam e th e standar d ter m use d i n Imperia l decrees and legislation . Enlightened Jew s celebrate d th e directiv e a s a n importan t ac t elevating th e Jews ' socia l status . Mor e tha n a decad e an d a hal f later, th e Russia n Jewish writer Judah Ley b Nevakhovich pai d tribute to Catherine for its issuance: "The Jew's earlier name . . . which was a disgrac e an d insult , passe d o n an d wa s n o more . H e wa s called a Hebrew ['ivri,] as a sign of honor and beauty." 2 This incident reveal s the Westernized mentalit y o f Shklov's Jewish leaders , wh o followe d th e exampl e o f thei r acculturate d coun terparts i n Franc e an d German y i n thi s respect . Th e latte r dissoci ated themselve s fro m th e wor d "Jew, " an d bega n t o identif y themselves a s "Israelites, " i n th e belie f tha t a chang e o f terminol 80

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ogy wa s a necessar y ste p o n th e pat h t o socia l acceptance . Tradi tional Jews, wh o ha d n o ambition s o f integration an d social accep tance, did not worry abou t the negative connotations that th e word "Jew" carried i n Gentile parlance. Only modernized, emancipation ist Jews did. 3 Beyond thi s incident , littl e els e is known abou t th e Shklo v com munity's politica l contact s wit h th e Russia n authoritie s i n th e 1780s. Whil e Shklo v wa s th e unconteste d religiou s an d cultura l center o f th e Jews i n th e Mogile v provinc e (th e titl e page s o f He brew books printed i n the provincial capita l referre d t o it a s "Mogilev, whic h i s adjacen t t o Shklov") , i t ma y no t hav e playe d a lea d role in th e externa l politic s of Russian Jewry unti l th e tim e o f tha t audience. I n part , thi s ma y hav e bee n du e t o it s anomalou s lega l status. A s a privat e tow n unde r Zorich' s persona l jurisdiction , Shklov wa s no t subjec t t o man y o f th e administrativ e law s an d decrees issue d i n St . Petersburg . It s Jew s wer e no t incorporate d into th e Imperia l syste m o f municipa l administratio n whic h wa s established i n 1783 , as were thos e o f Mogile v an d Polotsk , an d th e power o f it s kaha l t o adjudicat e civi l case s wa s no t curtaile d b y Imperial statut e i n 1786 . I n Shklov , th e wor d o f Zoric h wa s law , and th e politica l relationshi p tha t mattere d mos t wa s the one wit h the general-turned-landlord. 4 The relationshi p wit h Zoric h wa s a comple x an d increasingl y troubled one . Popula r memor y record s repeated incident s of harassment, persecution , an d capriciou s action , whic h le d Notki n an d Zeitlin, th e risin g star s o f th e communa l elit e i n th e 1780s , t o intercede wit h Potemki n o n th e community' s behalf . Potemki n re peatedly cam e t o th e Jews ' protection , an d Zoric h relented , sinc e he could ill-affor d t o disregard th e entreaties an d warnings of Catherine's closes t advise r an d confident . Th e relation s betwee n Zoric h and th e Jewish communit y deteriorate d considerabl y afte r Potem kin's deat h (i n 1791) , an d reache d a nadi r i n 1799 , when th e Jews submitted a full-blown complain t an d lawsuit agains t Zoric h to th e Russian Senate. 5 Notkin an d Zeitlin began to play a n activ e role in Russian Jewish politics o n th e nationa l leve l onl y afte r th e 178 7 war wit h Turkey , during whic h the y distinguishe d themselve s a s military purveyors . Once thei r relationshi p wit h Potemki n an d othe r member s o f th e

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Russian politica l elit e wa s firmly secured , the y assume d th e rol e o f Jewish politica l leaders . Muc h o f w h a t the y di d wa s traditiona l shtadlanut, avertin g expulsion s an d act s o f persecutio n throug h petitions an d persona l intercessions . O f greate r not e i s the fac t tha t in late r years , the y an d thei r associate s addresse d th e broade r issu e of th e lega l an d socia l statu s o f th e Jew s i n Russia , an d promote d the caus e o f Jewish integratio n an d emancipation . The first politica l pamphle t t o emanat e fro m th e Shklo v Jewis h community wa s writte n i n th e for m o f a poem submitte d i n hono r o f Paul I' s assumptio n o f th e Imperia l throne , i n 1796 . The communit y seized upo n th e momen t o f transitio n i n Russia n governanc e t o articulate it s politica l goal s an d aspirations : As a father ha s compassion on his children, So may our king have compassion on all th e inhabitants of his lands, May there be one law for all . May hatred amon g men, And oppression of one's brethren because of differences o f faith , Not be seen or heard i n his day. May every man who fears the Lord, And observes the laws of the "Doctrine of Man," Who is loyal to his king and kingdom , Who works with al l his might for the benefi t of the state— May every one who carries the burden of the land , Also eat of its fruit an d be satiated b y its goodness, And sit peacefully i n the shade of enlightene d laws, established fo r all eternity. . . . Lord, You who know the heart o f every man! It is known t o you tha t w e have always been faithful t o the kings and princes ruling over us, And that w e faithfully swea r allegiance to our master, Kin g Paul Petrovitch, an d his son the successor. Therefore, Lor d our God, may our king's heart be kind unto us.

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For a prince such as he, who walks in Your path to do justice and kindness, Knows that w e are all children of one Father . In his justice, may he make our law and lot in his kingdom, Equal to the law an d lot of all the nations. 6 These poeti c word s wer e uttere d a t a tim e whe n Russia n Jewry wa s the objec t o f severa l recentl y introduce d discriminator y measures , such a s th e Pal e o f Settlemen t (1794) , doubl e taxatio n (1794) , an d the renewe d expulsio n o f Jews fro m th e village s (1795) . Th e poe m constituted a ple a fo r civi c equality , base d upo n th e politica l doc trines o f enlightene d absolutism : Th e Jew s contribute d towar d th e welfare o f th e state , adhere d t o basi c mora l norms , an d wer e loya l to thei r fatherlan d ( a ter m use d i n th e poem' s accompanyin g Ger man translation) . The y therefor e merite d equa l treatmen t wit h other subjects . Th e poe m praye d fo r universa l brotherhood , an d fo r the eliminatio n o f religiou s enmit y an d intolerance . I n voicin g these enlightene d sentiments , i t referre d obliquel y t o th e Jews' pre carious socia l position . At th e tim e o f th e poem' s writing , Russia n politica l circle s wer e not incline d t o accep t it s assertion s o f th e Jews ' civi c virtue , o r t o entertain proposal s tha t thei r lega l statu s b e equalize d wit h tha t o f other subjects . I f anything , officia l thinkin g abou t th e Jew s wa s turning increasingl y hostile . A 179 7 memorandum b y th e provincia l governor o f th e Mins k guberniia, Zakha r Karneev , o n th e cause s o f the recen t famin e i n hi s province , emphasize d th e destructiv e rol e played b y th e Jew s i n th e rura l economy , an d urge d tha t the y b e forbidden t o leas e liquo r franchise s o r ru n inns . Whe n th e Russia n Senate reviewe d Karneev' s report , i t accepte d hi s analysi s an d or dered hi m t o sto p th e Jews ' "ruinatio n o f th e peasants. " Wherea s Karneev als o dre w attentio n t o othe r factors , an d lai d som e blam e at th e fee t o f th e Orthodo x church , th e Senat e wa s mor e single minded i n it s explanation : The peasant s o f th e Mins k provinc e ar e mire d i n extrem e povert y no t s o much becaus e o f th e frequen t drough t there , bu t rathe r becaus e th e land lords engag e Jew s fo r variou s lease s an d inns , an d th e latte r caus e th e

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peasants' impoverishmen t b y giving the m alcoholi c beverage s on credi t o r in exchang e fo r thei r pawnin g essentia l items . Th e peasant s ar e thereb y rendered incapabl e of managing their domestic economy. 7 Spurred b y Karneev' s report , th e Senat e aske d th e governor s o f other province s t o submi t thei r view s o n th e Jewis h question , i n what wa s th e first officia l surve y o f Imperia l official s o n th e subject . The response s wer e universall y unsympatheti c i n thei r assessmen t of th e Jews ' rol e i n society , an d i n thei r prescriptio n o f restrictiv e measures. 8

"The Defender of His People": Nota Reform Projects

Notkiris

Nota Khaimovic h Notki n entere d th e officia l discussio n o f th e Jew ish questio n a t thi s tens e an d rathe r inhospitabl e moment , wit h a 1797 memorandu m addresse d t o Genera l Procurato r Alekse i Kura kin, an d submitte d fo r consideratio n b y th e Tsar . I n it , Notki n dre w attention t o th e Jews ' ow n acut e poverty , examine d it s cause s an d harmful consequences , an d mad e specifi c proposal s fo r it s allevi ation. Notkin's memorandu m attribute d th e Jews ' growin g povert y t o the restrictiv e lega l measure s take n agains t the m i n recen t years : the prohibitio n o n thei r tradin g i n th e citie s o f inne r Russia , th e expulsions o f Jew s fro m thei r long-standin g place s o f residenc e i n the villages , an d th e impositio n o f double taxation . Thes e measure s had cause d thousand s o f Jew s t o los e thei r livelihoods , an d ha d put tremendou s financial burden s o n th e kahals . Inte r alia , Notki n acknowledged tha t th e Jews' economi c hardship s ha d als o produce d negative consequence s fo r societ y a t large . Jew s ha d becom e in creasingly concentrate d i n th e leasin g o f tavern s an d th e sal e o f alcohol, a n activit y whic h wa s no t "usefu l t o society," an d man y o f them faile d t o pa y taxe s t o th e stat e treasur y becaus e o f thei r financial plight. 9 To addres s thi s crisis , Notki n proposed , first, th e overal l "equal ization o f [the Jews'] taxe s with tha t o f members of other religions, " and second , a n ambitiou s governmen t progra m o f retrainin g an d resettlement. Specifically , h e advocate d th e creatio n o f Jewish colo -

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nies i n th e territorie s o f Ne w Russi a alon g th e Blac k Sea , whic h would engag e i n anima l husbandr y (th e breedin g o f cattl e an d sheep), craft s (th e manufactur e o f cloths , ropes , an d sails) , an d farming (includin g th e plantin g o f tree s an d vineyards) . A s a n incentive fo r Jews t o resettl e i n th e south , colonist s shoul d b e ex empted fro m al l state taxe s for a number o f years, followin g whic h they shoul d b e allowe d t o pa y thei r taxe s i n kind , i n th e for m o f agricultural an d industria l products . Th e colonist s woul d eventu ally becom e full-fledge d owner s o f thei r enterprises , wit h th e righ t to sel l the m freely . Notki n wa s confiden t tha t th e projec t woul d attract foreig n (Jewish ) investment , an d woul d actuall y increas e the treasury's income from Jewish taxation. 10 Perhaps th e mos t interestin g featur e o f Notkin' s memorandu m was it s def t us e of contemporar y absolutis t an d physiocrati c ideas . The state d goa l o f hi s colonizatio n pla n wa s t o rende r th e Jew s "good and useful citizen s in society, an d punctual tax-payer s to th e treasury." T o achiev e thi s goal , thei r live s needed t o b e rearrange d so that the y coul d "hav e sustenance fro m th e labo r of their hands " and engag e i n "usefu l work. " Notki n accepte d muc h o f th e lat e eighteenth-century criticis m o f Jewish involvemen t i n th e produc tion an d sal e o f alcohol , althoug h hi s explanatio n o f it s cause s and hi s prescriptio n fo r it s refor m differe d fro m tha t o f Russia n contemporaries. Followin g i n th e traditio n o f C . W . Doh m an d Moses Mendelssohn , Notki n argue d tha t th e Jew s wer e capabl e o f economic reform , i f onl y productiv e avenue s o f employmen t wer e opened u p t o them . Hi s proposal t o creat e Jewish agricultura l an d industrial colonie s bore the influenc e o f a similar effor t undertake n by Joseph I I of Austria i n 1786. 11 Notkin's memorandum wa s the first contribution b y a Jew to th e political debat e on the Jewish questio n i n Russia. Althoug h neithe r Kurakin no r Tsar Paul responded i n writing to his proposals, Notki n continued t o be actively involved in the debate in subsequent years, when it assumed greater urgency an d intensity . In June 1800 , the Senat e dispatche d Coun t Gavrii l Derzhavi n o n his secon d officia l tou r o f Byelorussia , thi s tim e t o investigat e th e shortage o f brea d i n th e region , an d instructe d hi m t o pa y specia l attention t o th e activitie s o f th e Jews, "wh o ar e a majo r caus e o f the peasants ' ruinatio n there. " Derzhavin' s repor t o r "Opinion "

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(the ful l titl e wa s "Th e Opinio n o f Senato r Derzhavi n Regardin g the Avoidance o f Grain Shortag e in Byelorussi a b y Curing the Mer cenary Trade s of the Jews, an d Regardin g Their Reform , an d Othe r Things") wa s a comprehensiv e Judeophobi c tract . I t presente d a demonic imag e o f th e Jews , a s th e eterna l enemie s Chris t an d o f mankind, a s dishones t an d avariciou s parasites , an d a s a n inher ently criminal , immora l people . Hi s concrete proposal s t o th e Sen ate regardin g th e refor m o f th e Jews* legal statu s wer e a s follows : the abolitio n o f th e kaha l an d it s replacemen t b y a governmenta l "Protector o f th e Jews " i n charg e o f thei r affairs ; abolitio n o f th e Jews' right t o vote an d be elected i n municipal elections ; the force d deportation o f "unnecessar y Jews " fro m th e villages , wher e the y distilled an d sol d alcohol , t o agricultura l colonie s i n Ne w Russia . He urged tha t th e ban o n Jewish residenc e in inner Russia b e maintained and , indeed , strengthened , an d tha t Jewis h proselytizin g activity b e prohibited, a s well a s the employmen t o f Christia n ser vants by Jews. Derzhavin als o proposed stric t stat e contro l ove r Jewish culture : outlawing traditiona l Jewish dress , requiring th e educatio n o f children abov e ag e twelv e i n Russia n stat e schools , stric t censorshi p and contro l ove r th e publicatio n o f Hebre w books , an d a ba n o n importing suc h book s from abroad . Th e "Opinion " was guided b y a vision of isolating the Jews, restricting their harmful activities , an d closely policing al l aspect s of their lives. 12 Shortly after Derzhavi n submitte d hi s "Opinion," Tsar Paul died, and hi s repor t wa s lef t i n limbo . I n Novembe r 1802 , th e recentl y crowned Tsa r Alexande r I ordered th e formation o f the State Com mittee fo r th e Organizatio n o f Jewish Life , whos e tas k was to draf t new, comprehensiv e legislation . Th e Committe e consiste d o f Derzhavin (the n Ministe r o f Justice) , Coun t Vikto r Kochube i (the n Minister o f Interna l Affairs) , Mikhai l Speranski i (the n Assistan t Minister o f Interna l Affairs) , Coun t V . A . Zubov , an d th e Polis h counts Ada m Czartorysk i an d S . O. Potocki . I n a sign o f openness , Committee member s were permitted t o select deputie s from amon g the "mos t enlightene d Jews" to serve as advisers to the Committee , and Notki n wa s invite d b y Derzhavi n t o serv e i n tha t capacity . I n his letter o f invitation, Derzhavi n acknowledge d Notkin' s "zea l o n behalf o f th e genera l good , an d usefu l proposition s fo r th e Jewis h

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people, whic h hav e reache d th e attentio n o f Hi s Imperia l Highness." 13 Some historian s hav e conclude d fro m th e lette r tha t Notki n an d Derzhavin wer e o n clos e friendl y term s a t th e time , an d tha t thei r relations soure d onl y afte r th e Committee' s proceeding s began . Thi s seems unlikely , sinc e Derzhavin' s Judeophobi c view s wer e wel l known fro m hi s "Opinion. " Derzhavi n probabl y considere d Notkin' s appointment politicall y prudent , i f no t inevitable , sinc e h e wa s th e foremost Jewis h politica l leader , an d ha d writte n a well-know n memorandum o n th e Jews ' economi c reform . Derzhavi n ha d n o reason t o fea r tha t Notkin' s opinions , a s opposed t o hi s own , woul d carry th e day , sinc e th e Jewis h deputie s serve d onl y i n a n advisor y capacity. 14 One o f Notkin's firs t action s followin g hi s appointmen t a s deput y was t o dra w th e Committee' s attentio n t o th e fea r an d anxiet y which it s ver y creatio n ha d generate d amon g Russia n Jewry . H e wrote t o Coun t Kochubei—an d not , interestingl y enough , t o hi s official "sponsor " Derzhavin—t o advis e hi m tha t th e Jew s wer e i n a stat e o f pani c tha t th e Committe e intende d t o issu e hars h decree s against them . I n respons e t o Notkin' s appeal , Kochube i issue d a reassuring circula r lette r i n January 1803 , which declare d i n part : By th e establishmen t o f a committe e t o overse e thei r affairs , i t wa s no t intended to hinder [the Jews'] position or diminish their essential privileges. On the contrary, throug h the examination o f all circumstances, their better organization an d tranquillity ar e sought. 15 In Ma y 1803 , Notki n submitte d a memorandu m t o th e Commit tee regardin g th e Jews' s "bette r organizatio n an d tranquillity. " I t offered a blueprin t fo r refor m whic h wa s diametricall y oppose d t o Derzhavin's "Opinion " an d th e earlie r anti-Jewis h pronouncement s of th e Senat e an d provincia l governors . Indeed , th e memorandu m can mos t profitabl y b e rea d a s a point-by-poin t respons e t o Derz havin's "Opinion. " Notkin emphaticall y denie d tha t th e Jew s wer e morall y defec tive, an d tha t the y wer e responsibl e fo r th e ruinatio n o f th e peasants. To conside r th e Jew s a s th e onl y culpabl e one s fo r th e povert y o f th e peasants i s withou t foundation . I n man y place s wher e ther e ar e Jews ,

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peasants live amid plenty, an d on the contrary, i n other places there are no Jews and the peasants suffer privation . . . . The abuses ascribed to the Jews are mostly unsubstantiated , an d if there ar e abuses , the y com e solely fro m poverty. Therefore , i n orde r t o utiliz e th e Jews for th e benefi t o f th e stat e and themselves, it is necessary to ward off their poverty. 16 Notkin spok e ou t agains t th e proposal s t o restric t th e Jews ' eco nomic activity , notin g tha t the y woul d onl y aggravat e Jewish pov erty, an d brin g har m t o othe r element s o f societ y a s well . I f Jew s were prohibite d fro m leasin g gentr y propertie s an d wer e expelle d from th e village s (a s Derzhavi n an d other s ha d suggested) , on e hundred thousan d Jewis h men , women , an d childre n woul d b e lef t homeless. Wh o woul d fee d them ? An d i f ther e wer e n o Jewis h in habitants o n gentr y lands , th e peasant s woul d b e deprive d o f a n efficient wa y o f disposin g o f thei r produc e an d purchasin g finishe d goods. Score s o f inn s an d tavern s woul d b e close d down , thereb y hampering traveler s i n nee d o f foo d an d lodging , an d harmin g th e transport o f goods. In respons e t o Derzhavin' s proposa l t o forcibl y depor t larg e num bers o f "unnecessar y Jews " t o agricultura l colonie s i n th e south , Notkin retreate d fro m hi s ow n earlie r enthusias m fo r colonization . It woul d b e enormousl y expensiv e t o resettl e an d fee d masse s o f Jews i n Ne w Russia , an d t o trai n the m i n agricultura l wor k "t o which the y ar e unaccustome d an d no t inclined. " H e contended tha t the ide a o f turnin g th e Jews int o a peopl e o f farmer s wa s "absurd, " and tha t i t wa s foolhard y t o impos e upo n the m th e socioeconomi c structure o f othe r peoples . "I t i s impossible fo r everyon e t o lea d th e exact sam e kin d o f life. " Notkin proposed , instead , tha t governmen t effort s concentrat e on large-scal e retrainin g o f th e Jew s i n craft s an d ligh t industr y i n their loca l dwellin g places . Eac h Jewis h communit y i n th e Empir e would b e require d t o establis h it s own factories , wit h th e assistanc e of privat e Jewis h capita l an d stat e funding . Poo r Jew s woul d b e assigned t o th e factorie s a s workers , an d th e factorie s themselve s would b e considere d commo n communa l property . A s i n hi s 179 7 proposal, Notki n suggeste d tha t taxe s b e collecte d fro m th e Jews i n kind, i n th e for m o f industria l products , an d h e calle d onc e agai n for th e eliminatio n o f th e Jews' doubl e taxation . H e paid li p servic e to th e ide a o f agrarianizatio n b y proposin g tha t thos e Jew s wh o

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were intereste d i n becomin g farmer s shoul d b e granted vacan t Im perial lands in their province of residence an d given technical assis tance. Bu t clearl y Notki n place d hi s greates t hop e o n th e prospec t of industrialization, no t agrarianization. 17 Notkin's 180 3 plan fo r th e Jews' economi c refor m wa s no t onl y more realisti c tha n it s 179 7 predecessor, bu t als o mor e ambitious . The earlie r documen t ha d envisione d tha t th e colonie s alon g th e Black Se a woul d serv e a s a socioeconomi c safet y valve , t o absor b the Jews ' exces s population ; i t freel y concede d tha t mos t Jew s would neithe r mov e sout h no r chang e thei r occupations . Th e late r project, o n th e othe r hand , propose d a mechanis m fo r th e radica l occupational transformatio n o f Russia n Jewry a s a whole, withou t the traumatic an d costly endeavor of large-scale resettlement . The 180 3 memorandum di d no t limi t itsel f t o economi c affairs , and included proposals for the reform o f Jewish political institution s and cultur e a s well . Notkin' s idea s wer e clearl y intende d a s a n alternative t o the hars h measure s advocate d b y Derzhavin. Instea d of abolishin g th e kahal , h e suggeste d a syste m whic h woul d hav e merged Jewish self-governin g bodie s wit h th e Imperia l administra tion. Commissions o f Jewish deputie s woul d gover n Jewish affair s in each province, unde r the supervision of the provincial governors . A governmenta l guardian , wit h direc t acces s t o th e Tsar , woul d supervise Jewish affair s o n the Imperial level . Notkin's system envisioned th e preservatio n o f a curtailed , bu t stil l significant , leve l o f Jewish civi l autonomy . Ta x fund s woul d b e raised fro m th e Jewish population b y the state apparatus , an d not th e kahal, bu t th e fund s raised woul d b e hande d ove r t o th e Commission s o f Jewish Depu ties, wh o woul d disburs e the m a s the y sa w fit—subject t o th e guardian's approval . Th e constructio n o f factories , fo r instance , was t o b e planned an d implemente d b y the Commission s of Jewish Deputies, bu t th e plan s woul d b e subjec t t o approva l b y th e guardian. Notkin's apparen t goal wa s t o devis e a syste m i n whic h Jewis h autonomous bodies and the state apparatu s worked in close cooperation with each other, rathe r than a t cross-purposes. Reforms would be implemente d b y th e Jewis h leadership , an d no t impose d fro m above by the state. This system wa s t o b e applie d t o th e refor m o f Jewish educatio n

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as well . Th e Commissions o f Deputie s woul d establis h publi c schools i n al l communities , whic h woul d teac h Russia n an d othe r languages t o Jewis h children . Notki n di d no t develo p hi s schoo l plan a t an y length , bu t hi s remark s tha t th e ne w school s woul d admit "bot h ric h an d poo r children " an d tha t the y woul d ensur e that Jews no t "entrus t thei r children' s educatio n simpl y t o anyon e at all " sugges t tha t h e envisione d th e eliminatio n o f th e privatel y run heders an d communa l talmud torahs an d thei r replacemen t b y the new schools. On the other hand , Notki n insiste d tha t schoolin g needed t o remain a n interna l Jewish affair . I n a jab a t Derzhavin' s proposal tha t Jewis h childre n abov e ag e twelv e b e require d t o at tend genera l stat e schools , h e noted : "i t i s pointless t o expec t tha t Jewish parent s woul d willingl y entrus t thei r childre n t o Christia n schools, in order to teach the m Russian." 18 Notkin believe d tha t th e sprea d o f th e Russia n languag e amon g the Jews shoul d b e advance d throug h a syste m whic h encourage d enlightened self-interest , rathe r tha n throug h compulsion . Compe tent Jew s wh o wer e proficien t i n Russia n shoul d b e admitte d int o the Russia n civi l servic e an d grante d position s i n th e stat e minis tries, with al l the associated ranks and privileges. Notkin's proposal, if enacted , woul d hav e create d a broa d socia l class o f privileged , acculturated Jew s simila r t o himself . Th e opportunit y t o obtai n a government pos t would serv e as an incentive for Jews to master th e state language . Notki n avoide d an y referenc e t o prohibitin g th e use o f Hebre w i n contract s an d busines s records , a s wa s propose d by Derzhavin . In sum , Notki n offere d a visio n o f th e Jews ' integratio n int o the Russia n stat e an d society , whic h preserve d a degre e o f thei r communal autonom y an d avoide d direc t interferenc e b y th e stat e in their religious and cultural affairs . Refor m coul d be implemented benevolently, throug h cooperativ e actio n b y Jewis h leader s an d the Imperia l authorities , an d b y openin g u p ne w professiona l an d economic opportunities to the Jews. Conspicuously absen t fro m Notkin' s 180 3 memorandu m t o th e State Committe e was a call fo r th e outright abolitio n o f the Pal e of Settlement. Politica l realis m probabl y prevente d hi m fro m propos ing tha t Jewis h merchant s b e allowe d t o resid e an d trad e freel y i n Moscow an d St . Petersburg . Notki n remembere d wel l th e publi c

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uproar whic h hi s ow n residenc e i n Mosco w ha d create d a decad e earlier, an d must have realized that, give n the unfavorable politica l atmosphere o n th e Jewish question , i t woul d no t b e useful t o rais e such a proposal. Instead , h e advance d th e more limited proposa l of admitting qualifie d Jew s int o th e Russia n civi l service . Th e latte r would, b y definition , hav e bee n entitle d t o hol d stat e position s i n the capita l citie s an d t o resid e ther e wit h thei r families . Bu t sinc e induction t o th e "tabl e o f ranks " was a privilege controlle d b y th e Imperial court , an d awarde d o n a n individua l basis , ther e wa s no dange r tha t Mosco w an d St . Petersbur g woul d b e floode d wit h Jewish migrants. 19 Notkin's memoranda o f 179 7 and 180 3 represented th e emergenc e of a ne w voic e i n th e politica l debat e surroundin g th e Jew s i n Russia—that o f th e enlightene d Jewis h reformer . Notkin' s poin t of vie w differe d fro m tha t o f th e establishe d Jewis h communa l leadership. Th e kahal leaders , rabbis , an d Hasidi c tsadikim di d no t share his desire to reform th e Jews' education, culture , an d positio n in Russian society; they sought instead to prevent an y and all incursions int o th e Jews ' communa l autonomy , religiou s culture , an d economic activity . Followin g th e establishmen t o f th e Stat e Com mittee, the y anxiousl y dispatche d deputie s t o St . Petersburg , i n accordance wit h a provision i n Alexander's decre e on th e Commit tee whic h permitte d the m t o d o so , an d th e latte r use d bribe s an d stalling tactic s to thwart th e Committee' s effort s t o reach decision s and draf t legislation . Compare d t o th e establishe d Jewis h leader ship, Notkin could be considered a n ally of the Imperial authorities ' effort t o reform th e status of Russian Jewry. 20 Verets and Nevakhovich: The

Quest for Social Acceptance

Notkin wa s no t th e onl y enlightene d Je w invite d t o serv e a s a deputy t o th e Stat e Committee ; h e was apparentl y joined b y Abra ham Perets , R . Joshu a Zeitlin' s son-in-law , wh o wa s b y the n a wealthy, well-connecte d residen t of St. Petersburg in his own right . Although Perets' s forma l appointmen t b y th e Committe e i s no t documented, ther e i s n o doub t tha t h e exerte d behind-the-scene s influence o n its proceedings. Derzhavi n complaine d i n hi s memoirs that Committe e membe r Mikhai l Speranski i wa s "totall y devote d

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to th e zhids, o n accoun t o f the well-know n merchan t Perets. " And the enlightene d Jewis h write r Judah Ley b Nevakhovich, wh o pub lished th e apologeti c pamphle t 'Th e Lamen t o f th e Daughte r o f Judah" (Russia n 1803 , Hebrew 1804 ) i n conjunctio n wit h th e Com mittee's deliberations , dedicate d it s Hebre w editio n t o Notki n an d Perets—suggesting tha t bot h acte d i n th e capacit y o f Jewish dep uties.21 Perets became a frequent visito r to St. Petersburg afte r hi s father in-law's retiremen t fro m activ e busines s affair s i n 1791 , an d h e settled i n th e capita l aroun d th e tim e tha t Notki n did , i n 1797 . With th e hel p o f hi s father-in-law' s riche s an d connections , h e established himsel f a s a successfu l contracto r an d cour t purveyor , and secure d lucrativ e stat e contract s fo r th e constructio n o f ship s and th e purchas e o f Crimea n salt . I n recognitio n o f hi s financial services to the state, h e was awarded th e title komertsii sovetnik b y Tsar Pau l I i n 1801 , an d officiall y entere d int o th e rank s o f th e Russian civil service. Perets's extensiv e busines s dealing s wer e complemente d b y a n active socia l lif e amon g th e St . Petersbur g elite . Hi s home was , i n the word s o f on e contemporary , "a n ope n hous e whic h hoste d th e entire city, " an d h e develope d clos e friendship s wit h Coun t I . P . Kutaisov (Paul' s favorite) , E . F . Kankri n (late r Ministe r o f Fi nance), an d especiall y wit h Mikhai l Speranskii . Th e Perets-Speran skii friendship wa s a cause celebre in Russian high society, a s gossip abounded abou t th e Deput y Minister' s fraternizin g wit h a Jew . Russian opinio n abou t Perets's character range d widely . Derzhavi n despised hi m a s a parven u an d accuse d hi m o f havin g bribe d hi s way t o financial an d socia l success . Other s wer e mor e accepting . "The contractor Peret s is a zhid, bu t a kind an d truly noble person" observed N. Grech, a Russian contemporary. 22 Perets attained a higher degre e of social integration int o Russia n court societ y tha n ha d Notki n an d Zeitli n befor e him , an d a t a much earlie r stage in his life. Unlik e his predecessors, his interest i n Jewish cultura l an d communa l affair s wane d afte r hi s mov e t o St . Petersburg. Indeed , unti l hi s apparen t appointmen t t o th e Stat e Committee, Peret s did not us e his high-placed connection s t o inter cede on behal f o f Jewish concerns , a s Notkin an d Zeitli n ha d done . It is telling, tha t he , the richest an d socially most prominent Jew i n

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the capital, wa s not on e of the wardens of the St. Petersburg Jewish Burial Society , th e city' s only Jewish communa l institution , whic h was establishe d b y Notki n an d other s i n 1802 . Peret s satisfie d hi s social an d cultura l need s outside the parameters of the Jewish com munity. Afte r settlin g in St. Petersburg, h e never returned t o Byelorussia.23 Perets's growin g alienatio n fro m Jewr y ha d a poignant persona l dimension t o it . Hi s wif e Feygel e di d no t mov e t o St . Petersbur g with him , bu t chos e instea d t o sta y behin d a t he r father' s Usty e estate, perhap s sensin g tha t sh e woul d find n o plac e fo r hersel f i n the capital . Husban d an d wif e gre w increasingl y estrange d fro m each other , an d a battle aros e between Peret s and Zeitli n regardin g custody over the couple's son, Hirs h (b . 1790) . The boy remained i n Ustye, unde r Zeitlin' s supervision, an d wa s educated i n Jewish an d general discipline s b y privat e tutors , includin g th e Maski l Mena hem Mend l Lefi n an d a Russia n aristocra t name d Siniavskii . Onl y after hi s bar mitzvah , i n 1803 , did Hirs h move to his father's house hold i n St . Petersburg . A t Zeitlin' s insistence , Hirs h se t ou t i n th e accompaniment o f hi s teacher , Lefin , wh o coul d serv e a s a much needed rol e mode l fo r th e combinatio n o f traditio n an d enlighten ment. Bu t upon thei r arriva l i n the capital, Lefi n was replaced b y a teacher o f Abraha m Perets' s choosing— a Swis s named Loran . Th e latter provide d th e youngster, wh o wa s no w calle d b y hi s Russia n name Grigorii , wit h a thoroug h Europea n educatio n o f languages , arts, an d sciences, including the works of Voltaire and Adam Smith. No Hebrew tutor was hired. 24 Abraham Perets' s involvemen t wit h th e Stat e Committe e o n th e Jews, probabl y a s Speranskii' s Jewis h deputy , wa s hi s onl y fora y into Jewish politics . Ther e i s n o firm informatio n o n th e position s that h e (or , fo r tha t matter , Speranskii ) too k durin g th e Commit tee's deliberations, sinc e mos t o f its records were late r destroye d i n a fire. Russia n Jewis h historian s hav e considere d Speranskii , th e great Russia n libera l an d reformer , t o hav e bee n a n arden t Judeo phile, an d hav e attribute d t o hi m a n anonymous , liberal-minde d entry i n th e Committee' s journal , whic h calle d fo r "a s few restric tions a s possible, an d a s much freedo m a s possible." I f this attribu tion i s correct, i t beg s th e questio n o f Perets's rol e i n th e develop ment of Speranskii's thinking. 25

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A mor e visibl e rol e i n th e debat e o n th e Jewis h questio n wa s played b y Perets' s frien d an d proteg e Juda h Ley b Nevakhovic h (1776-1831). A nativ e o f Letishev , i n Vohly n province , Nevakhov ich settle d i n Shklo v i n 179 0 or 1791 , and reside d ther e unde r Perets' s patronage. H e devote d himsel f t o masterin g Russia n speech , gram mar, an d literature , an d reportedl y tutore d hi s Galician-born patro n in thes e areas . Th e beaut y an d profundit y o f Russia n literatur e affected hi m deeply , a fact whic h h e acknowledge d i n th e followin g Hebrew-language testimony . I, Judah Ley b b. Noah, a child of the Hebrews from th e province of Vohlyn, came to dwell unde r the shade of the wings of Russia. I turned m y heart t o study an d examin e th e pleasan t styl e o f th e languag e o f thi s land , wher e Judah reside s securely . I descende d int o th e garde n o f it s author s an d scholars to collect roses—an d th e branche s of their ideas blossomed befor e me.26 Nevakhovich move d t o St . Petersbur g alon g wit h Perets , an d continued t o enjo y th e latter' s patronag e there . H e serve d a s a government translato r o f Hebre w documents , renderin g th e peti tions an d writte n testimon y o f R . Shneu r Zalma n b . Baruk h int o Russian, durin g th e Hasidi c master' s secon d arres t an d imprison ment, i n 1801. 27 Mor e importantly , h e embarke d upo n a caree r a s a Russian autho r an d playwright , an d eventuall y attaine d a moderat e level o f success i n tha t area . Nevakhovich's publi c literar y debu t wa s hi s 180 3 pamphlet, "Th e Lament o f th e Daughte r o f Judah " (Vopl dshcheri iudeiskoi), a n impassioned ple a t o Russia n societ y t o cas t of f it s prejudic e an d discrimination agains t th e Jews . Vopl wa s a landmar k literar y event, th e firs t boo k writte n b y a Je w i n Russian , an d i t wa s elo quently compose d i n th e sentimentalis t styl e o f th e times , popular ized b y autho r Nikola i Karamzin . The book' s emotiona l dualit y wa s presage d i n it s introductor y letter o f dedicatio n t o Coun t V . P . Kochubei . O n th e on e hand , Nevakhovich declare d hi s burnin g lov e fo r th e Tsa r an d th e Russia n fatherland, an d hi s dee p admiratio n fo r Russia' s militar y prowes s and th e daw n o f it s interna l renewal . O n th e othe r hand , h e ex pressed hi s depression a t th e sigh t o f his Jewish brethren , wallowin g in sorro w an d bein g rejecte d b y th e heart s o f thei r compatriots. 28

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The bookle t vacillate d betwee n th e conflictin g emotion s o f Russia n patriotism an d Jewish pain , withou t full y reconcilin g th e two . Nevakhovich bega n hi s pamphle t b y celebratin g th e spiri t o f progress whic h ha d guide d Russi a sinc e th e daw n o f th e eighteent h century, unde r Pete r th e Great , an d whic h wa s no w reachin g ne w heights unde r Alexande r I . H e declared hi s "joy an d prid e tha t I ca n call th e Russian s m y compatriots, " an d note d wit h deligh t tha t they ha d "see n th e ray s o f enlightenment , an d adopte d th e spiri t o f tolerance." 2 9 This patrioti c enthusias m als o pertaine d t o Imperia l polic y re garding th e Jews . Nevakhovic h recalle d th e sufferin g whic h Jew s had endured , i n th e for m o f blood-libel s an d studen t disturbance s (schuler-gelauf), i n pre-partitio n Poland , "i n th e time s whe n Jew s did no t ye t hav e th e jo y o f bein g Russia n subjects, " an d h e praise d Russia fo r eradicatin g thos e abuses . Only th e omnipoten t rule r o f Russia , Empres s Catherin e th e Great , coul d lighten th e lo t o f thi s people , whic h ha d previousl y bee n th e playthin g o f others' caprices . Unde r th e peacefu l protectio n o f th e Russia n ruler , thi s persecuted peopl e rested from it s previous oppression, an d began to feel th e full scop e of its former misfortune. 30 Nevakhovich develope d th e them e o f patriotis m an d gratitud e toward th e Tsaris t Empir e i n a n separat e essa y whic h h e appende d to th e Vopl, entitle d "Feelin g o f a Loya l Subjec t o n th e Occasio n o f the Establishmen t b y Alexande r o f th e Stat e Committe e fo r th e Organization o f Jewish Life. " Th e essa y glorifie d th e Russia n natio n for it s "gigantic , unfathomabl e stride s a s i t marche s towar d mora l and politica l perfection. " Whil e concedin g tha t othe r nation s ha d preceded Russi a wit h advance s i n scienc e an d knowledge , Neva khovich contende d tha t Russi a ha d precede d al l other s i n th e are a of toleranc e an d lov e o f fello w men . Foreigner s an d member s o f other faith s wer e freel y admitte d int o it s real m an d treate d respect fully, i n a polic y initiate d b y Pete r th e Grea t an d continue d b y Catherine. 31 Turning specificall y t o th e Jews , Nevakhovic h note d tha t the y enjoyed ful l freedo m o f religiou s worshi p i n Russia , tha t th e deroga tory appellatio n zhid ha d bee n discarde d an d replace d b y th e mor e respectful evrei, an d tha t the y participate d i n th e institution s o f

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municipal governance , a s voter s an d a s electe d magistrates . H e exclaimed hi s admiratio n fo r th e Imperia l polic y o f beneficenc e toward th e Jews. I will never , neve r ceas e praisin g th e kindnesse s whic h th e Russia n king dom ha s poure d upo n us , th e neglecte d an d forsake n th e peopl e o f Judah. All thes e grace s ar e engrave d i n th e depth s o f m y hear t wit h unerasabl e letters. An d I will loudl y announc e the m t o th e nations , a s muc h a s m y modest strength allow s my weak and mortal self to do so. 32 Comparing Russi a wit h othe r countries , h e deride d th e Frenc h Republic fo r it s hypocritica l proclamation s o f liberty : " A libert y which cost s thousand s o f victims , a libert y whic h bring s wit h i t almost uninterrupte d strife , a libert y whic h i s unsettle d b y th e slightest blo w o f th e vicissitude s o f fate. " I n Germany , whic h boasted o f it s advancemen t an d enlightenment , Jew s "wee p an d sigh" fo r bein g denie d permanen t right s o f residenc e an d trade . "They plea d fo r mercy , t o us e th e right s o f ownership , th e right s o f a subject , th e right s of ma n an d th e right s o f nature." 3 3 The essa y "Feelin g o f a Loya l Subject " conclude d wit h a n appea l to th e Jew s o f Russi a t o appreciat e thei r fortunat e lot : I f ou r perse cuted an d martyre d ancestor s coul d ris e fro m th e grave , an d woul d compare thei r time s wit h ours , the y woul d rejoic e wit h u s i n ou r salvation. The y woul d teac h u s t o expres s ou r gratitude , an d woul d join u s i n a praye r o f thanksgivin g t o Go d fo r th e beneficenc e o f Russia, "th e mos t praiseworth y an d meritoriou s par t o f mankind." 3 4 Nevakhovich's "Lament " di d no t cr y ou t agains t th e politica l mistreatment o f th e Jew s i n Russia , sinc e h e di d no t believ e ther e was any . I t di d no t as k fo r th e eliminatio n o f th e disabilitie s whic h so trouble d Notkin . Instead , i t decrie d th e socia l ostracizatio n o f the Jews , an d th e popula r prejudice s an d biase s hel d agains t the m by Russians. "Th e ver y word Jew (iudei) produce s strange an d unor dinary grimace s i n bot h it s uttere r an d listener . Th e ver y wor d has becom e abusive , contemptuous , insulting , an d frightenin g fo r children an d th e simple-minded." 35 Speakin g i n th e nam e o f reaso n and tolerance , h e aske d hi s Russia n compatriot s t o cas t of f thei r blind adherenc e t o inherite d biases , an d t o investigat e th e subjec t of th e Jews fairly , wit h a n ope n mind . Nevakhovich responde d t o th e clai m tha t Jew s were , a s rejector s

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of Christ , unworth y o f respec t an d compassio n fro m Christian s b y quoting passage s fro m Mose s Mendelssohn' s Jerusalem, whic h ar gued tha t a person' s religio n shoul d no t effec t hi s socia l o r civi l status, s o lon g a s h e observe d th e norm s o f civi l peac e an d well being. An d h e aske d rhetoricall y i n a Mendelssohnia n vein : "I f w e repudiated ou r la w i n orde r t o attai n equa l rights , woul d w e thereby rende r ourselve s mor e dignified? " Religiou s difference s pe r se were no t legitimat e ground s fo r hostilit y o r socia l exclusion. 36 The pamphle t the n lunge d int o a n assaul t o n th e reliabilit y o f the source s whic h perpetuate d anti-Jewis h prejudices . Foremos t among thes e wer e th e unlettere d masse s (Russian : narod, Hebrew : hamon). A s a rule , th e masse s almos t neve r witnesse d firsthand th e things abou t whic h the y prattled , an d invariabl y distorte d th e re ports whic h the y heard . Thei r tale s passe d orall y fro m perso n t o person, unti l the y bor e littl e o r n o resemblanc e t o th e truth . Neva khovich di d no t hid e hi s antiplebeia n bias , or , fo r tha t matter , hi s disdain fo r th e Frenc h mode l o f republica n government . Th e masse s were no t t o b e truste d o r believed . Literary characterization s o f th e Jew s wer e equall y subjec t t o challenge an d criticism . Author s coul d b e deceived b y thei r sources , and occasionall y exaggerate d o r fabricate d thei r storie s t o attrac t their readers ' curiosity . Nevakhovic h note d tha t ther e wa s n o inter nal consistenc y t o th e accusation s agains t th e Jew s whic h on e found i n books . On e autho r accuse d th e Jew s o f witchcraft , th e next—of atheism , an d th e next—o f superstition . Nevakhovic h drew attentio n t o tw o recen t admirabl e exception s whos e work s offered fai r an d sympatheti c depiction s o f Jews—Nikola i Karam zin's Notes of a Russian Traveler, an d Ephrai m Gotthol d Lessing' s Nathan the Wise. 17 The Vopl calle d upo n Russian s t o rejec t thei r biase d source s o f information o n th e Jews , an d loo k upo n th e latte r independently , with fres h eye s an d ope n minds . A n hones t examinatio n woul d reveal a peopl e wit h man y virtues . Oh Christians ! You wh o dwel l togethe r wit h [th e Jews] i n on e land . Yo u must certainl y se e tha t goo d deed s ar e just a s holy t o the m a s they ar e t o you. Notic e closely ! But wit h wha t sor t o f eye s do you gaz e a t them ? You look for th e Jew i n th e man. Look , rather , fo r th e man i n the Jew, an d you will certainl y fin d it ! I f you wil l onl y notice , yo u wil l se e amon g the m a

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multitude of people who keep their word of honor. You will see a multitude of compassionate people , wh o give a helping han d t o the poor; not onl y t o their ow n poor , bu t als o to those of other peoples. Yo u will se e that man y of them magnanimousl y forgiv e insults . Yo u will see in them th e qualitie s of gratitude , temperance , an d reverenc e fo r elders . Yo u wil l se e ho w sin cerely the y ador e peopl e o f othe r faith s wh o dea l wit h the m kindly , an d how reverent they ar e of the Tsar. 38 If negativ e trait s wer e t o b e foun d amon g som e Jews , surel y a whole natio n shoul d no t b e judged base d o n th e behavio r o f corrup t individuals. Th e mos t honorabl e Jews were afrai d o f Christians, an d avoided contac t wit h them , du e t o th e centurie s o f persecutio n which the y ha d suffere d a t thei r hands . Consequently , Christian s usually ha d dealing s wit h th e mor e corrup t element s o f th e Jewis h community. Nevakhovich concede d tha t certai n depravitie s wer e commo n among th e Jews . Bu t h e argued , followin g i n th e footstep s o f Mendelssohn an d Dohm , tha t thes e trait s wer e themselve s th e re sult o f long-standin g persecution . Mora l qualitie s wer e no t inheren t to nation s an d individuals , bu t wer e th e outgrowt h o f educatio n and experience . The y wer e subjec t t o modificatio n an d change . I n those land s wher e Jews enjoye d right s an d liberty , suc h a s England , Holland, an d Prussia , thei r mora l characte r wa s outstanding , an d admittedly superio r t o tha t o f thei r brethre n i n land s o f op pression. 39 Jewish mora l shortcoming s coul d no t b e lai d a t th e fee t o f thei r religion, whos e teaching s wer e virtuous . Judais m di d no t teac h enmity towar d Gentiles ; on e o f it s centra l idea s wa s tha t ever y person, whethe r o f the Jewish fait h o r not, wa s capabl e o f achievin g perfection. Judais m commande d tha t on e pra y fo r th e welfar e o f th e monarch; i t taugh t tha t th e la w o f th e stat e wa s bindin g upo n all , and i t prohibite d th e evasio n o f taxe s an d duties . " I swear , tha t a Jew wh o trul y observe s hi s religio n canno t b e a n evi l perso n o r a bad citizen. " T o bolste r thi s point , Nevakhovic h provide d a Russia n translation o f th e Yigdal hymn , a s a specime n o f th e Jewish liturg y and a summar y o f Judaism's basi c doctrines. 40 Nevakhovich the n entere d int o a discours e o n th e purpos e an d inherent limitation s o f punishmen t a s a mean s o f socia l control , and conclude d tha t a people' s mora l qualitie s coul d no t b e im -

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proved throug h thei r collectiv e punishment . Suc h actio n wa s crue l and unjust , sinc e i t involve d inflictin g pai n o n innocen t persons . Collective punishmen t fo r unspecifie d misdeed s was als o ineffectua l and counterproductive , sinc e i t woul d generat e bitternes s an d resis tance amon g th e punishe d group . Th e onl y wa y t o improv e th e morals o f a peopl e wa s t o eliminat e th e externa l cause s whic h ha d led the m t o engag e i n harmfu l behavior . I n th e cas e o f th e Jews , the cause s wer e clear—hostilit y an d discriminatio n fro m thei r neighbors. Nevakhovich conclude d hi s pamphlet wit h a n expressio n o f fait h and hop e i n th e Russia n people : I kno w tha t changin g one' s hear t an d idea s ar e amon g th e mos t difficul t things on earth. I t may demand a century of labor. But I also know that th e undertakings o f Russians alway s attai n th e speediest an d almos t incredibl e success. The spirit o f the North seek s out grea t things , an d i t will establis h a shining, ne w era , i n which th e manner o f thinking abou t th e abuse d an d tearful daughte r of Israel will be transformed. 41 "The Lamen t o f th e Daughte r o f Judah" coul d no t fai l t o impres s its readers a s an eloquen t wor k o f apologetics. It s author wa s clearl y well verse d i n th e literatur e o f th e Frenc h Enlightenment , a s wa s evident fro m hi s theoretica l excurse s o n mora l development , th e conflict betwee n prejudic e an d reason , th e use s an d misuse s o f criminal punishment , an d othe r subjects . Th e pamphle t wa s punc tuated b y ric h allusion s t o Russia n an d worl d history . A s a n apolo gia fo r th e Jews, th e wor k wa s b y n o mean s narrowl y construed . I t examined th e Jewis h issu e fro m a broa d philosophi c an d historica l perspective. Precisely thes e feature s create d certai n problem s fo r Nevakhov ich whe n h e se t ou t t o translat e Vopl int o Hebrew . H e foun d i t difficult t o rende r hi s emotionall y lade n Russia n styl e an d philo sophically abstrac t discourse s i n Hebrew . Nevakhovic h als o coul d not presum e th e sam e leve l o f genera l knowledg e amon g hi s Jewis h readers a s h e ha d amon g hi s origina l Russia n audience . Literar y allusions wer e therefor e explaine d i n copiou s footnotes , an d a n introductory essa y wa s adde d t o th e Hebre w version , o n th e histor y of religiou s conflic t i n Europe , th e emergenc e o f th e ide a o f toler ance, an d th e histor y o f Russi a fro m th e tim e o f Vladimi r th e Grea t until th e present. 42

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The Hebre w versio n o f 'Th e Lamen t o f th e Daughte r o f Judah " claimed tha t i t wa s intende d a s a manua l o f Jewis h apologetic s for thos e wh o wishe d t o plea d thei r people' s cas e befor e Russia n officials.43 Bu t wit h th e hel p o f it s note s an d introductor y essay , i t also serve d a s a vehicl e fo r educatin g Jewis h reader s abou t th e society i n whos e mids t the y lived , an d abou t selec t idea s o f th e European Enlightenment . Th e book' s Hebre w versio n wa s a s muc h a Haskalah trac t a s a work of Jewish apologetics .

C H A P T E R6

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One strikin g featur e o f th e Shklo v Jewis h communit y i n th e lat e eighteenth centur y i s th e conspicuou s absenc e o f rejectionis m to ward enlightenmen t an d acculturatio n b y it s rabbini c leadership . There wer e n o call s b y th e rabbi s o f th e communit y t o bewar e o f Gentile science and languages, of rationalism an d heresy. While th e Maskil Naftal i Hirt z Schulma n encountere d staunc h oppositio n i n Vilna (i n th e 1790s , an d agai n i n th e 1810s) , h e publishe d hi s Maskilic work s freel y i n Shklov , wit h letter s o f approbatio n fro m the town's communal rabbis. 1 Indeed, th e Shklo v community' s recognize d socia l an d politica l leaders—Notkin an d Zeitlin—wer e themselve s strongl y identifie d with th e caus e of enlightenment an d moderate acculturation . Zeit lin's ties to Berlin and Notkin's proposals for Jewish reform notwith standing, thei r relation s wit h Shklov' s religiou s leadershi p wer e warm an d cordial . Loca l rabbini c personalitie s accommodate d themselves, to a greater or lesser extent, t o the new cultural climat e in thei r community , an d di d no t engag e i n fronta l resistanc e o r opposition. Som e o f the m openl y advocate d an d engage d i n th e study of science and worldly disciplines themselves. The willingnes s o f th e Shklo v rabbini c elit e t o accommodat e acculturation an d enlightenmen t merit s clos e analysi s an d expli cation. The Legacy of the Vilna Gaon As Shklov develope d int o a s a Jewish economic , political , an d cul tural center in its own right—during th e post-partition period—th e 101

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Vilna Gao n playe d a dominan t rol e i n guidin g th e developmen t o f its rabbini c culture . R . Elijah' s tie s wit h th e "sage s o f Shklov " wer e forged i n th e sprin g o f 1772 , whe n h e endorse d thei r decisio n t o wage war agains t th e Hasidi c movement , an d le d th e Viln a commu nity an d other s int o th e fray . Fro m tha t poin t on , th e relationshi p between th e tw o communitie s gre w an d flourished . The Gaon' s teaching s wer e transmitte d i n Shklo v b y hi s clos e colleague an d discipl e (an d distan t cousin) , R . Benjami n b . Shlom o Zalman Rivli n (1728-1812) . Rivlin , whos e fathe r ha d onc e repre sented "th e lan d o f Russia " o n th e va'ad medinat lita, spen t man y years i n Viln a studyin g wit h R . Elijah . H e the n returne d hom e t o Shklov an d establishe d a yeshiv a (accordin g t o on e report—i n 1772), i n whic h th e convolute d casuistic s o f pilpul wer e rejecte d i n favor o f th e Gaon' s mor e discipline d an d text-critica l metho d o f Talmudic study . Beside s servin g a s a cente r fo r advance d Talmudi c learning i n Russia , Rivlin' s yeshiv a als o becam e a cente r fo r trans mitting R . Elijah' s religiou s an d philosophica l worldview . Writing afte r R . Elijah' s death , th e Gaon' s son s pai d tribut e t o Rivlin a s a loya l an d industriou s discipl e o f their father : It i s h e wh o buil t th e praiseworth y cit y o f Shklo v i n it s place . [It s sages ] adopted an d too k upo n themselve s man y o f hi s [th e Gaon's ] practice s re garding method s o f stud y an d th e path s o f prope r observanc e o f th e com mandments.2 Rivlin als o adopte d hi s mentor' s styl e o f leadership : h e assume d no officia l communa l office . H e wa s no t th e communa l rabb i o f Shklov—a pos t hel d fo r man y year s b y hi s brothe r i n law , R . Issa char Be r b. Judah Ley b (d . 1790 ) —but wa s rathe r a private scholar , who heade d hi s ow n Talmudi c academy . Despit e hi s lac k o f officia l title, Rivlin' s religiou s authorit y b y fa r surpasse d tha t o f th e com munal rabbi . H e wa s th e guidin g spiri t behin d th e anti-Hasidi c takkanot issue d b y th e va'ad medinat rusiya i n 1787 , an d o f th e overall campaig n agains t Hasidis m i n th e Mogile v province. 3 During th e heigh t o f th e Viln a Gaon' s influenc e i n Shklov , i n th e 1780s, his teaching s wer e als o disseminated ther e o n a popular leve l by hi s brother , R . Avraha m b . Shlom o Zalma n (1742-1807) , wh o served a s th e town' s communa l preacher . Littl e i s know n abou t

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3

R. Avraham' s activit y i n Shklov , thoug h on e ca n presum e tha t h e preached th e transcendin g valu e o f talmud torah, a subjec t whic h he immortalize d i n hi s treatis e Ma'alot ha-torah (Th e Virtue s o f the Torah ; Vilna , 1824) . Mos t importan t o f al l wa s th e symboli c significance o f R . Avraham' s presenc e i n Shklov , whic h solidifie d and institutionalize d th e bond betwee n th e Shklov community an d R. Elijah o f Vilna during a crucial transitiona l period. 4 Under Rivlin's influence, numerou s scholars from Shklo v and th e Mogilev provinc e becam e devotee s o f th e Gaon , an d sough t t o b e admitted int o the latter's exclusive circle of disciples in Vilna. Only a fe w o f the m succeeded ; foremos t amon g the m wer e th e brother s R. Simh a Bune m b . Baruk h Bende t (d . 1808 ) an d R . Menahe m Mendl b . Baruk h Bende t (d . 1827) , bot h o f who m studie d wit h R . Elijah durin g his old age. R. Menahem Mendl subsequently returne d home to Shklov and, lik e Rivlin, reportedl y headed a yeshiva.5 R. Menahe m Mend l playe d a ke y rol e i n arrangin g th e publica tion o f th e Gaon' s writing s an d teaching s followin g hi s death . R . Elijah's son s an d th e rabbini c cour t o f Vilna—whic h issue d a ba n against publishin g purporte d teaching s o f th e Gao n withou t ob taining their prior approval—recognized hi m a s the authorized edi tor and/o r publisher of several of the Gaon's works. He proceeded t o publish th e latter's notes and commentaries on the Book of Proverbs (1798), Seder 'olam rabah (1801) , th e Orah hayyim sectio n o f th e Shulhan 'arukh (1803) , an d Tractat e avot (1804)—al l o f whic h were printed i n Shklov—as well a s on the Passover Hagadah (1805 ) and kabbalisti c trac t Sefer yetsirah (1806) , whic h wer e publishe d in Grodna. 6 As a schola r i n hi s ow n right , R . Menahe m Mend l wa s bes t known a s a kabbalist , an d compose d te n origina l treatise s i n tha t field. He claimed t o hav e ha d superna l revelation s fro m heaven , a s well a s from th e departed soul of his master, R . Elijah. 7 Another loca l schola r wh o wa s admitte d int o th e Gaon' s circl e was R. Israel b. Shmuel (d . 1839) , who attende d t o R. Elijah o n his deathbed, durin g th e las t day s an d week s o f hi s life . R . Israe l re turned t o Shklo v afte r hi s master' s death , an d gav e shiurim ther e for th e nex t te n years—probably i n R . Menahe m Mendl' s yeshiva. He also assisted R. Menahem Mendl in preparing for publication th e Gaon's note s o n th e Orah hayyim sectio n o f th e Shulhan 'arukh

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(1803), an d edite d independentl y th e Gaon' s note s o n th e Yore de'ah sectio n (Grodna , 1806). 8 R. Israel' s reputatio n wa s firs t an d foremos t a s a Talmudist , an d he inherite d fro m hi s maste r a kee n interes t i n thos e section s o f Talmudic literatur e an d halakha h whic h ha d bee n historicall y ne glected b y scholars . H e compose d a commentar y o n th e Tractat e Shekalim o f th e Jerusale m Talmu d (Taklin hadetin; Minsk , 1812) , and a discursiv e cod e o n th e agricultura l law s o f th e lan d o f Israe l (Te'at ha-shulhan; Safed , 1836) . Bot h work s incorporate d textua l and analyti c note s b y th e Gao n o n th e relevan t tractate s o f th e Jerusalem Talmud , prepare d fo r publicatio n b y R . Israel. 9 Taken together , th e circl e o f devotee s an d disciple s o f th e Viln a Gaon i n Shklo v wa s on e o f th e mos t intensiv e an d creativ e center s of rabbini c learnin g i n Easter n Europ e i n th e lat e eighteenth/earl y nineteenth centuries . No t fo r naugh t wa s i t late r referre d t o a s "th e Yavneh o f Byelorussia.' ' The Gaon and the Sciences —Through His

Disciples' Eyes

One o f th e idea s transmitte d i n th e Shklo v circl e wa s th e Gaon' s legitimation o f th e stud y o f scienc e an d worldl y disciplines . R . Elijah himsel f compose d treatise s o n th e mathematica l science s an d Hebrew grammar, 10 an d hi s preoccupatio n wit h thes e discipline s and other s wa s commente d upo n b y severa l o f hi s intimates . I t i s worth reviewin g thei r statements , whic h illuminat e th e figure o f the Gao n himself , a s well a s the disciples ' receptio n o f his ideas . The first writte n commen t o n th e subjec t wa s b y R . Avraha m Danziger, R . Elijah' s in-la w an d autho r o f th e halakhi c cod e Haye adam (Lif e o f Man) , i n a eulog y writte n shortl y afte r th e latter' s death. The hol y templ e containe d th e menorah , whic h symbolize d th e Torah . And th e seve n light s of the menora h symbolize d th e seven sciences [hokhmot], al l o f which emanat e fro m th e Torah . Th e saintly Gao n wa s verse d in al l th e sciences . Wh o wa s greate r tha n h e i n grammar , mathematics , and theolog y [hokhmat elohut]? Woe unto us , for w e have los t a pure menorah!11 R. Menahe m Mend l o f Shklov, writin g just a few years later , pai d tribute t o hi s maste r i n simila r terms :

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Who ca n spea k o f th e limit s o f hi s knowledg e an d hi s marvel s i n th e sciences, ho w h e knew al l o f them thoroughly ! [He knew] for instanc e th e science o f music , whic h h e cite d i n hi s commentar y t o th e Tikune zohar, and othe r sciences , o n whic h h e left behin d treatises . Al l served a s "spice s and herbs" for the science of our holy Torah. 12 These testimonie s referre d t o R . Elijah' s non-Talmudi c studie s a s one o f th e mor e strikin g feature s o f hi s personality , an d a s furthe r proof o f hi s intellectua l greatness . Bu t the y di d no t dwel l upo n th e question o f ho w thes e studie s relate d t o hi s religiou s worldview . R . Menahem Mendl' s referenc e t o th e science s a s "spice s an d herb s t o the Torah " indicate s tha t the y serve d t o supplement , enhance , an d enrich th e "mai n dish " o f hi s intellectua l menu—Tora h study , bu t just ho w the y di d s o was no t specified . The matte r wa s clarifie d i n a late r testimon y b y R . Israe l b . Shmuel o f Shklov : He [th e Gaon ] sai d tha t al l th e science s [hokhmot] wer e neede d fo r ou r Torah an d wer e include d i n it . H e kne w the m al l fully , an d woul d refe r to them—algebra , trigonometry , geometry , an d music , whic h h e praise d greatly. H e used t o say that on e could no t kno w th e meanin g of the Tora h cantilations, th e mysterie s of the songs of the Levites , an d th e mysteries of Tikune zohar withou t it. 13 According t o thi s testimony , th e Gao n considere d th e science s t o be o f instrumenta l valu e i n elucidatin g th e Torah . On e coul d no t fully understan d Judaism' s sacre d texts—whethe r i t b e th e Penta teuch ("th e cantilations") , th e Psalm s ("song s o f th e Levites") , th e Talmud, o r th e Zohar—unles s on e wa s knowledgeabl e i n variou s worldly disciplines , suc h a s mathematic s an d music . Indee d sinc e these discipline s wer e indispensabl e fo r th e Torah' s study , the y ought t o b e considere d par t an d parce l o f it . The sam e poin t wa s underscore d i n a n eve n late r testimon y b y R . Avraham Simh a o f Mtsislavl , a nephe w o f the Gaon' s greates t disci ple, R . Hayyi m o f Volozhin . R . Avraha m Simh a dre w attention , inter alia , t o yet anothe r are a o f th e Gaon' s interest—ancien t Jew ish historiography . I hear d explicit y fro m th e hol y tongu e o f m y uncle , th e saintl y Rabb i Hayyim o f Volozhin, tha t ou r maste r [th e Gaon] told hi s son R. Abraham , that h e longed for the translation o f the sciences from othe r languages int o our holy tongue, an d for the translation o f the Latin Josephus. For it woul d

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enable u s t o comprehen d th e inten t o f ou r sage s i n th e Talmu d an d Mid rash, who spoke in many places about matters related to the Holy land. 14 The ide a tha t th e science s coul d serv e a s handmaiden s t o Tora h was, o f course, no t ne w i n itself . Th e utilit y o f geometry an d mathe matics fo r studyin g variou s topic s i n th e Talmu d (e.g. , th e law s o f eruv an d sukkah) wa s well-known an d widel y accepted . I n Poland' s golden ag e (1550-1648) , entir e rabbini c treatise s ha d bee n devote d to mathematica l topic s i n Talmudi c literature , suc h a s R . Jaco b Kopelman's 'Omek halakha (Th e Depth s o f Halakhah ; Cracow , 1593). Hebre w gramma r wa s als o recognize d fo r it s instrumenta l value fo r Tora h study , althoug h i t was , i n fact , neglecte d b y mos t Polish rabbini c scholars . Bu t R . Elija h cas t th e issu e muc h mor e widely tha n an y o f hi s predecessors . All science s an d disciplines — including musi c an d ancien t Lati n literature , whic h ha d neve r bee n studied b y Polis h rabbini c scholars , an d ha d rarel y attracte d th e attention o f Sephardi c ones—wer e necessar y fo r th e illuminatio n of hallowe d texts . Th e idea l Talmudis t neede d t o b e proficien t i n more tha n jus t on e o r tw o disciplines ; h e neede d t o b e a veritabl e renaissance man . Thi s wa s th e Gaon' s nove l conceptua l break through. This ide a wa s expresse d no t onl y secondhand , b y R . Elijah' s disciples an d followers . R . Elija h expresse d i t himself , t o R . Baruk h Schick, whe n th e latte r visite d hi m i n 1778 : "For ever y deficienc y o f knowledge a ma n ha s i n th e science s [hokhmah], h e wil l hav e te n deficiencies o f knowledg e i n th e scienc e o f th e Torah . Fo r Tora h and scienc e ar e closel y related." 1 5 The Gaon' s statemen t containe d a n implici t criticis m o f thos e rabbinic scholars , pas t an d present , whos e knowledg e o f th e sci ences was deficient . Thi s was ver y muc h i n keepin g wit h th e Gaon' s critical an d independen t stanc e towar d earlie r rabbini c scholarship : R. Elija h offere d hi s ow n textua l emendation s t o troublesom e Tal mudic passages , i n utte r disregar d fo r th e wa y the y ha d bee n rea d by centuries o f predecessors; h e sharply oppose d th e popula r metho d of pilpul, whic h generate d imaginativ e analogie s an d artificia l dis tinctions; an d hi s practica l halakhi c ruling s wer e base d o n a n inde pendent analysi s o f th e Talmudi c sources , an d diverge d frequentl y from traditio n an d precedent—includin g th e rulin g o f th e Shulhan

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'arukh itself . R . Elija h wa s a rebel an d a revolutionary i n th e fiel d of rabbini c scholarship . Th e incorporatio n o f th e art s an d science s into rabbinics was one further aspec t of his revolution. 16 While embracing th e sciences as an object o f study, R . Elijah di d not endo w the m wit h independen t value , an d di d no t vie w scienc e or reaso n a s th e cornerston e o f hi s worldview . H e wa s a staunc h opponent o f rationalist philosophy , an d considere d Aristotl e a "total hereti c . . . who believe d tha t th e worl d operate d accordin g t o nature." As a committed kabbalist , h e chided Maimonide s fo r "no t having see n th e pleasure-garden, " tha t is , th e esoteri c teaching s of the Kabbalah . Indeed , th e Gao n claime d t o hav e ha d supernatura l illuminations from angel s and from Elija h th e prophet, an d told one of his disciples that h e was proficient i n th e esoteri c ar t o f creatin g a golem. 17 The Gaon drew a clear line of separation betwee n reaso n and theology . Scienc e was a discrete bod y of knowledge o n certai n aspects o f th e materia l world , an d no t a metho d o r approac h through which t o examine all of reality. Just as R. Elijah wa s no rationalist, h e was also no emancipation ist or social reformer . H e did not envisio n tha t th e study of the art s and science s would improv e th e position o f Jews in society or brin g about change s i n Jewish-Gentile relations . Enlightenmen t an d ac culturation wer e far fro m hi s mind, an d wer e no t o n th e agend a o f the Vilna Jewish communit y i n his day. 18 All of this notwithstanding, th e Gaon's legitimation o f the stud y of th e art s an d science s wa s a fact , an d i t assume d broade r socia l significance i n Shklov than i n Vilna. I n Shklov, enlightenmen t an d acculturation wer e very much on the communal agenda . The rabbis of Shklo v grapple d wit h th e ne w cultura l an d intellectua l trend s which engulfe d thei r community , an d evaluate d the m throug h th e prism o f R. Elijah' s word s an d deeds . I t i s certainly n o coincidenc e that tw o o f th e Gaon' s disciple s fro m Shklo v (R . Menahe m Mend l and R. Israel), an d one peripheral associat e from Shklo v (R . Barukh Schick), drew attention t o R. Elijah's study of the sciences, whereas others, suc h a s hi s son s an d hi s foremos t disciple , R . Hayyi m o f Volozhin, ha d nothin g t o say on th e subject . I n Shklov, th e Gaon' s words an d deed s o n scienc e wer e charge d wit h relevanc e an d meaning. Following i n th e Gaon' s path , th e "sage s of Shklov" arrive d a t a

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cautious mod e o f accommodation : The y responde d favorabl y t o th e flourish o f science, literature , an d wisdo m whic h develope d i n thei r midst, bu t refuse d t o countenanc e th e libertinis m an d self-indul gence whic h wer e characteristi c o f Russia n cour t culture . The y certainly di d no t envisio n tha t scienc e an d reaso n woul d imping e upon th e foundation s o f religious fait h an d practice . R. Benjamin Rivlin:

Talmudist

and

Scientist

R. Benjami n Rivli n himsel f wa s th e foremos t representativ e o f thi s path o f limited, fragmentar y accommodation . In hi s smal l volum e o f novella e o n th e Bibl e an d Talmud , Geviei gevia ha-kesef (Th e Goble t o f Silver ; Shklov , 1804) , Rivli n gav e voice t o a religiou s worldvie w i n whic h Tora h stud y wa s th e axi s and ver y purpos e o f human life : The idea l perio d i n a man's lifetim e was hi s youth , whe n h e coul d devot e himsel f entirel y t o Tora h study, withou t th e distraction s o f famil y an d livelihood . Subse quent year s wer e a tim e o f "decline. " Tora h stud y wa s superio r t o all othe r commandments , includin g prayer . I n a barel y veile d at tack o n Hasidism , Rivli n deride d a nameles s perso n "wh o prattle d against me , b y sayin g tha t hi s pur e prayer s wer e mor e belove d unt o God tha n Torah. " H e lashed ou t a t "thos e who moc k Tora h student s that hav e no t attaine d th e virtuou s characte r trait s enumerate d b y our Sages. " Ther e wa s n o mistakin g Rivlin' s staunc h Talmudis m and Mitnagdism. 19 Like hi s master , th e Viln a Gaon , Rivlin' s rabbinis t outloo k wa s laced wit h a moderat e dos e o f asceticism . Th e Tora h coul d onl y b e mastered i f on e resiste d one' s materia l desires , includin g th e lust s for food , drink , wealth , fine clothing , an d a goo d home . Eatin g an d drinking wer e t o b e indulge d i n onl y a s muc h a s wa s necessar y t o acquire th e energ y fo r Tora h study . Subduin g an d sublimatin g one' s desires was centra l t o th e Torah' s wa y o f life. 20 Rivlin encapsule d hi s combinatio n o f Talmudis m an d asceticis m in hi s citatio n an d interpretatio n o f th e followin g Midrash : "Give wisdom to the wise" (Danie l 2:21) . The verse should have said "Give wisdom t o th e fools. " Bu t th e fool s meditat e o n i t i n lavatorie s an d theaters, an d th e wise study i t i n th e hous e of study. (Ecclesiaste s Rabba h 1:5)

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Rivlin offere d th e followin g adumbration : I t i s pointles s fo r Go d to giv e wisdom t o thos e wh o spen d thei r tim e i n impur e place s suc h as theater s an d lavatories , devotin g themselve s t o th e pursui t o f pleasure. Tora h an d wisdo m ca n onl y endur e i n a perso n wh o re jects worldl y pleasures . Citin g Proverb s 21:17 , h e remarked : The foo l love s tw o things—joy , an d win e an d oil . Th e Talmud , Tractat e berahot, refer s t o th e huma n bod y a s a house . . . . One ma y therefore , b y analogy, refe r t o the body of a person who loves joy as a theater house, an d to th e bod y o f th e perso n wh o love s win e an d oi l a s a lavatory . Bu t th e body of the wise should be referred t o as a house of study. 21 It i s perhap s no t coincidenta l tha t Rivli n elaborate d upo n thi s Midrash, whic h highlighte d th e foolishnes s an d vanit y o f th e the ater hous e i n contras t t o th e sanctit y o f th e rabbini c hous e o f study . His word s ma y b e rea d a s a n obliqu e referenc e t o th e frivolit y o f Zorich's theater , an d a polemi c agains t thos e Jews wh o wer e enam ored b y it s milieu . Rivlin's pursui t o f th e rabbinist-asceti c idea l wa s describe d b y Mordechai Nathanson , wh o cam e t o kno w hi m towar d th e en d o f his life. H e recalled ho w Rivli n refraine d fro m eatin g mea t an d fro m drinking win e an d alcoholi c beverages , eve n o n th e Sabbat h an d holidays, an d offere d th e followin g portrai t o f hi s devotio n t o Tal mudic learning . He studied al l da y an d al l night , wit h a leaden ree d alway s in hi s hand, s o as t o writ e dow n hi s comment s i n th e margin s o f hi s books . H e use d t o quote the saying "may th e reed be your companion " (kaneh lekha haver; a play on Avot 1:6) . Whe n h e grew tired, we , the residents of the household , would rea d t o him aloud , and he would anticipat e th e words from memory , while lyin g o n hi s bed . Whe n h e fel l aslee p an d hi s lip s rustled , w e de parted. An d whe n h e awoke , h e washe d hi s hands , an d returne d t o hi s studies.22 But Nathanso n als o recalle d tha t ther e wa s a worldl y sid e t o Rivlin's personality—hi s stud y o f th e sciences . Whil e headin g hi s yeshiva, R . Benjami n ha d bee n a merchan t o f pharmaceutica l goods, an d becam e a n exper t o n botany , minerology , pharmacol ogy, an d th e natura l science s durin g th e cours e o f hi s commercia l career. Nathanso n remarked : He was an observer of nature, an d used to speak about the trees, the stones, all th e animal s an d insects . I n th e summers , h e woul d tak e stroll s fo r

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several hour s eac h day , an d collec t grasses , roots , an d flowers , whic h h e would dr y ou t an d mak e int o medicines , accordin g t o the scienc e of phar macology. H e kne w i t well , fro m th e book s o f Gentil e scholar s i n thei r language, just a s he knew all aspects of the natural sciences. 23 It i s thi s aspec t o f R . Benjamin' s profil e whic h le d t o th e clos e association an d friendshi p betwee n hi m an d Joshua Zeitlin . Follow ing hi s retiremen t fro m busines s an d th e yeshiva , Rivli n spen t hi s final year s o n Zeitlin' s Usty e estate , a s a scholar-in-residence , an d it i s ther e tha t Nathanson—wh o wa s Zeitlin' s son-in-law—mad e his acquaintance . Rivli n embodie d th e combinatio n o f Tora h an d worldly learnin g whic h Zeitli n endorse d a s a n ideal . Th e tw o me n were a perfect matc h fo r eac h other . Nathanson relate d tha t R . Benjami n practice d medicine , an d described ho w h e too k hi s patients ' pulse , administere d bandages , and prescribe d medications . Whe n Zeitli n fel l ill , h e calle d fo r Riv lin, rathe r tha n fo r a professionall y traine d physician . Thi s combi nation o f th e role s o f Talmudis t an d physicia n wa s extremel y rar e and unusua l i n th e Eas t Europea n Jewis h milieu . I t signifie d a ne w social model , i n whic h th e master y o f Talmudi c an d secula r learn ing were joined together. 24 In scop e an d sophistication , Rivlin' s scientifi c knowledg e actu ally surpasse d tha t o f hi s teacher , th e Viln a Gaon . Th e Gao n onc e confessed t o hi s disciple s tha t h e ha d bee n unabl e t o maste r th e arts o f medicin e an d pharmacology , becaus e the y wer e to o time consuming an d woul d hav e distracte d hi m fro m hi s Tora h study. 25 Rivlin wa s exper t i n thos e ver y disciplines . Moreover , R . Elijah' s study o f th e art s an d science s was limite d t o work s availabl e t o hi m in Hebrew , sinc e h e di d no t rea d Lati n o r German . (Hi s enthusias m for th e translatio n o f book s o f wisdo m int o Hebre w was , i n part , a reflection o f hi s ow n linguisti c limitations. ) Rivli n di d no t suffe r from thi s handicap , an d studied , i n Nathanson' s words , "th e book s of Gentil e scholar s i n thei r language." 2 6 But i n hi s overal l vie w o f th e relationshi p betwee n scienc e an d Judaism, Rivli n remaine d a loya l discipl e o f th e Gaon . H e utilize d his knowledg e o f science t o elucidat e rabbini c texts , an d dre w upo n "the book s o n th e Gentiles " an d "th e book s o f nature " t o compos e hidushe torah (novellae) , som e o f whic h wer e include d i n Geviei gevia ha-kesef.

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The followin g tw o item s ma y serv e a s illustration s o f Rivlin' s scientific hidushim: (a) Th e Talmud , Shabba t 152a , relate s a n exchang e betwee n th e Emperor an d R . Joshu a b . Hanania . Whe n th e Empero r aske d R . Joshua wh y h e ha d no t attende d th e forum , th e latte r replied , "th e mountain i s snowy , i t i s surrounde d b y ice , th e do g doe s no t bark , and th e grinder s d o no t grind. " Commentarie s o n th e passag e too k this repl y a s a series of metaphorical expression s b y R . Joshua abou t his ol d ag e an d failin g health . A s Rash i explained : "Th e mountai n is snowy—my hea d i s white; i t i s surrounded b y ice—m y mustach e and bear d hav e whitened ; th e do g doe s no t bark—m y voic e canno t be heard ; th e grinders—m y teet h [d o no t grind]. " Rivlin offere d a n alternative t o Rashi' s interpretation , base d o n hi s readin g o f book s of anatomy . "The dog does not bark. " . . . I t is difficult t o say that th e holy voice of our Sages would b e referred t o with thi s term. An d I found i n th e book s of th e Gentiles that th e large teeth opposit e one's eyes are called "th e dog teeth," because the y ar e large r an d sharpe r tha n th e rest , lik e th e teet h o f a dog. Thu s "th e dog " an d "th e grinders " bot h refe r t o th e sam e subjec t [i.e., teeth]. 27 (b) Th e Zoha r (II , 163b ) state s tha t " a sinfu l perso n doe s no t grow stron g unti l h e kill s a man. " Face d wit h thi s puzzlin g an d implausible statement , Rivli n offere d a textua l emendatio n base d on hi s knowledg e o f zoology . It appear s t o m e tha t on e shoul d correc t th e tex t t o rea d "a n anima l [hayuta instea d of hayava] does not grow strong until it kills a man". . . . I found in the books of nature that there is a certain animal called the Hyena which i s very strong and can live without brea d or nourishment fo r severa l days. And when i t tastes human flesh it can destroy a n entire city. 28 Elsewhere i n Geviei gevia ha-kesef, Rivli n dre w upo n hi s experi ence a s a physicia n t o elucidat e th e Midrashi c commen t tha t "on e should no t stud y quickl y an d i n haste . Ther e wa s onc e a perso n who studie d i n haste , gre w ill , an d forgo t hi s lesson. " H e cite d th e case histor y o f a patien t h e ha d seen , wh o kne w th e entir e Mishn a by heart , an d woul d recit e i t fro m memor y a t grea t speed— a prac tice whic h cause d hi m t o hyperventilat e an d gro w faint . Rivli n als o employed mathematica l calculation s an d geometri c diagram s i n several passages. 29

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Such scientifi c tidbit s strik e th e moder n reade r a s intellectuall y narrow an d unimpressive, bu t they were extremely innovative fro m the perspectiv e o f th e Eas t Europea n rabbini c tradition . I n eigh teenth-century Easter n Europe , ther e wer e fe w precedent s fo r a rabbinic autho r citin g "th e book s o f th e Gentiles " an d "book s o f nature" in his hidushe torah. Thanks t o Rivlin' s prominenc e an d prestige , scientifi c hidushim became quit e popula r amon g Shklov' s rabbini c scholars . On e suc h hidush, b y Joshua Zeitlin' s so n Moshe , wa s displaye d o n th e vers o title pag e of the Viln a Gaon' s glosses to th e 'Orakh Hayyim sectio n of th e Shulhan 'arukh (popularl y referre d t o a s th e bi'ur ha-gra), published in Shklov in 1803 . This large folio volume was a landmark publication o f on e o f th e Gaon' s mos t importan t works ; i t wa s edited b y R . Elijah' s sons , unde r th e supervisio n o f R . Menahe m Mendl b . Baruk h Bendet , an d wit h th e participatio n o f R. Israe l b . Shmuel. Printe d jus t beneat h th e introductio n b y R . Hayyi m o f Volozhin wa s R . Moshe Zeitlin's explicatio n o f the Gaon' s view o n the duratio n o f sunrise . Th e symboli c prominenc e o f th e locatio n given t o thi s scientifi c hidush b y th e editor s wa s probably no t los t upon readers. 30 Rabbinic animadversion s o f thi s kin d wer e psychologicall y an d ideologically importan t t o Shklov' s rabbini c elite , becaus e the y "proved" tha t Talmudist s coul d pla y th e gam e o f scienc e jus t a s well a s their enlightene d brethre n an d Gentil e neighbors . Scientifi c hidushim serve d t o bolste r rabbini c socia l prestig e i n a communit y swept b y worldl y intellectua l pursuits , whil e a t th e sam e tim e reaffirming th e primac y o f Tora h a s a n objec t o f stud y an d a s th e foundation o f thei r worldview . Th e genr e was moderatel y progres sive, sinc e i t accommodate d Tora h stud y t o th e spiri t o f the times , and yet , i t wa s essentiall y conservative , sinc e i t subordinate d sci ence t o th e purpose s o f Tora h study . I t wa s th e perfec t vehicl e o f creativity for the disciples of the Vilna Gaon in Shklov. R.Judah Leyb

Margoliot: In Search of a Middle Road

A stance similar to Rivlin's was adopted by R. Judah Ley b Margoliot (1747-1811), a travelin g Galicia n rabb i wh o reside d i n Shklo v i n

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1785-86, wher e h e compose d an d publishe d hi s treatis e Bet midot (House of Virtues). Margoliot wa s a know n rabbini c author , wh o ha d publishe d a volume o f responsa , work s o f ethica l an d religiou s instruction , a s well a s a textboo k o n th e natura l science s prio r t o hi s arriva l i n Shklov. Hi s involvemen t i n th e stud y o f scienc e wa s probabl y a n outgrowth o f his visits to Berlin in the 1770s , during which h e made the personal acquaintanc e of Moses Mendelssohn. 31 In th e 1780s , Margolio t becam e a wanderin g teacher-preacher , who instructe d hi s audience s i n "Talmud , codes , Bible , an d 'aga dah, a s well a s the seven sciences and th e study of the universe/' I t was only natura l fo r such a n individua l t o travel t o Shklov, despit e its distanc e fro m Galicia , sinc e th e tow n wa s know n a s a bur geoning Jewish cultura l cente r wit h tie s t o Berlin . H e coul d hav e expected t o find a receptive audienc e there , a s indeed h e did. Mar goliot preache d t o th e Shklo v community , compose d an d printe d his book Bet midot there , an d foun d financia l suppor t fo r hi s activ ities.32 Bet midot wa s n o run-of-the-mill moralisti c tract . A s its printer , Zvi Hirsh b . Arye Margoliot (apparentl y n o relation t o the author ) pointed out in his preface, th e book made medieval Jewish rational ist literatur e accessibl e t o contemporar y reader s fo r th e firs t time . He observed tha t i n most cities , one could hardl y fin d a single copy of R. Sayda Ga'on' s 'Emunot ve-de'ot, R . Joseph Albo' s 'Ikkarim, o r R. Isaa c 'Arama' s 'Akedat yitshak —works upo n whic h Margoliot' s treatise wa s based . An d eve n i f on e foun d a cop y o f thes e works , they wer e written i n a difficult languag e an d styl e which rendere d them incomprehensible . Bet midot wa s a n indispensabl e guid e t o this literature, whic h cited , explained , an d paraphrased som e of its key passages . I n hi s author' s introduction , Margolio t adde d Aris totle's Ethics an d Physics, an d Maimonides ' Guide to the Perplexed to the list of sources.33 Bet midot touche d upo n severa l theme s foun d i n classica l an d Jewish philosophica l literature . I t opene d wit h a discussio n o f th e relative valu e o f intellectua l an d mora l perfection , an d sided , per haps unsurprisingl y fo r a preacher, wit h th e latter . Th e book' s second "chamber " (a s its section heading s were called) deal t wit h th e

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virtue o f love , an d bega n b y clarifyin g th e differenc e betwee n th e Platonic an d Aristotelia n conception s o f love . Th e volum e wa s replete wit h citation s o f philosophi c literature , whil e reference s t o the Zoha r an d work s o f Kabbala h wer e conspicuousl y absent. 34 But th e focu s o f Bet midot wa s ethical , rathe r tha n philosophi c per se . Margolio t establishe d tha t lov e o f God wa s Judaism's centra l ethical commandment , an d mos t o f th e boo k explore d how , when , where, an d b y wha t mean s thi s commandmen t ough t t o b e ful filled.35 Indeed , Margolio t warne d against th e stud y o f philosoph y proper, b y whic h h e mean t th e rationa l investigatio n o f matter s o f theology an d religiou s faith . Citin g Raben u Tar n an d R . Ashe r b . Yehiel, h e contende d tha t th e danger s o f suc h activit y wer e greate r than an y purporte d benefits . Philosoph y di d no t enhanc e one' s lov e or fea r o f God , but , o n th e contrary , weakene d them . Margolio t limited hi s citation s o f R . Sayda , Maimonides , Albo , an d 'Aram a t o matters o f ethics , an d assiduousl y avoide d dealin g wit h theolog y i n Bet midot. 16 But withi n thes e clearl y circumscribe d parameters , Margolio t championed th e cause s o f reaso n an d science . H e attacke d th e anti rationalism an d anti-intellectualis m o f th e "fools " wh o hel d "tha t wisdom contradict s faith , an d th e mor e a perso n i s wise , th e mor e he wil l rebe l agains t faith. " Thes e individual s faile d t o distinguis h between philosoph y an d science . Wherea s th e forme r wa s fraugh t with danger s t o one' s faith , stud y o f th e latte r wa s mandate d b y rabbinic traditio n an d law . For th e discipline s o f astronom y an d mathematic s (whic h i s th e former' s foundation) belon g t o us , an d knowledg e o f the m i s incumben t upo n us . . . . I f R . Elijah Mizrah i [ a sixteenth-centur y Turkis h rabbi ] an d R . Yo m Tov Lipman Helle r [an early seventeenth-centur y Polis h rabbi] had consid ered th e stud y o f astronom y an d mathematic s improper , the y woul d no t have dealt with these matters and written book s about them . It i s reveale d an d wel l know n tha t th e foundation s o f thes e science s be longed t o us . Bu t because we were exile d fro m ou r lan d an d becam e helpless, ou r wiseme n los t thei r wisdom . I t i s no t prope r t o driv e awa y th e Israelite perso n fro m th e sciences , whic h ar e neede d fo r God' s Tora h an d the welfare o f society [yishuv ha-'olam]. Z7 With th e Talmudi c phras e yishuvo shel 'olam, Margolio t appar ently allude d t o th e practical , everyda y benefit s whic h accrue d

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from familiarit y wit h scienc e an d technology . H e als o argue d tha t there wa s a pressin g socia l nee d fo r Jews t o b e n o les s versed i n suc h matters tha n th e Gentiles . I n languag e reminiscen t o f R . Baruk h Schick, h e argued : For it does not befit th e honor of the Lord's religion an d congregation fo r us to be fools in the eyes of the Gentiles, an d to be considered like wild beasts. Does th e Lor d wis h fo r [th e sciences ] t o b e honore d i n th e heart s o f ou r enemies, an d fo r u s t o b e considere d fool s an d idiots ? An d wha t wil l b e with th e vers e "fo r i t i s your wisdo m an d understandin g i n th e eye s of th e nations" (Deut . 4:6)? 38 Margoliot wa s painfull y awar e o f th e Jews ' inferiorit y i n thi s area, an d wa s concerne d tha t thei r ignoranc e woul d b e harmfu l t o their socia l imag e an d standing . Thi s concer n wa s share d b y man y in hi s hos t communit y o f Shklov . While eage r t o disseminat e worldl y knowledge , an d ensur e tha t Jews no t b e considere d "fool s an d idiots, " Margolio t wa s sharpl y critical o f thos e i n Jewis h societ y wh o adopte d Gentil e pattern s o f behavior indiscriminately . H e lashe d ou t a t th e appearanc e o f so cial circle s whos e member s gathere d i n th e evening s t o drin k te a and coffe e an d liste n t o music , wh o wor e Gentil e clothing , an d taught thei r childre n Frenc h an d mathematics , rathe r tha n Torah . All o f thi s wa s beyon d th e pal e o f prope r behavior. 39 Margolio t di d not see k a broad-base d cultura l rapprochemen t betwee n Jew s an d Gentiles. Muc h lik e R . Baruk h Schick , h e internalize d th e Haska lah's rationalis m an d science , bu t rejecte d it s broade r tendenc y toward acculturation. 4 0 Hasidic Rejectionism

and

Enlightened Mitnagdism

Whereas Shklov' s rabbini c personalitie s carefull y balance d thei r acceptance o f scienc e an d worldl y learnin g agains t thei r rejectio n of broa d acculturation , thei r Hasidi c rival s i n th e Polots k provinc e enunciated a philosoph y o f comprehensiv e rejectionism : Gentiles , their wisdom , an d thei r way s were t o b e avoide d a t al l costs . The issu e wa s addresse d i n a numbe r o f letter s sen t b y th e leade r of Byelorussia n Hasidism , R . Menahe m Mend l o f Vitebsk , fro m Pal estine t o hi s follower s i n Russia . Writin g i n earl y 1785 , R. Menahe m

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Mendl lamente d tha t th e Russia n governmen t ha d "draw n clos e t o the Jews , t o equaliz e them , Go d forbid , wit h Gentile s i n severa l matters." H e wa s alludin g t o th e Imperia l decisio n t o conside r th e Jews a s members o f the urba n estate s an d t o integrat e the m int o th e system o f municipa l governance , bot h a s voter s an d electe d offi cials. R . Menahe m Mend l chastize d hi s follower s fo r participatin g in th e Gentiles ' election s (whic h wer e conducte d i n Byelorussi a i n 1784), an d fo r servin g o n th e magistrates : The Israelite s were redeemed fro m Egyp t by merit o f the fact tha t the y di d not chang e thei r name s an d language , an d di d no t agre e in thei r heart s t o recognize the Egyptian rulers . . . . But you hav e done otherwise. You hav e chosen chieftain s t o hea d you , an d hav e draw n yourselve s clos e t o th e Gentiles' practices , sincerel y an d i n you r hearts . Yo u considere d the m proper, an d adopte d their practices and laws yourselves.41 From R . Menahe m Mendl' s perspective , th e Jew s wer e obligate d to maintai n thei r politica l an d institutiona l segregatio n fro m th e Gentiles. Several month s later , R . Menahe m Mend l raise d a relate d issue , warning th e Hasidi m i n Byelorussi a t o avoi d socia l relation s wit h Gentiles: "D o no t wal k o n on e roa d wit h them , an d ma y you r fee t avoid thei r path , fo r thi s i s th e roo t o f a deadl y poison. " On e must bewar e o f gazin g upo n Gentiles , o r eatin g wit h them ; contac t should b e restricte d t o whateve r interactio n wa s necessar y i n busi ness dealings . R . Menahe m Mend l warne d o f th e slipper y slop e which woul d resul t fro m socia l contact : When a Jew first draw s clos e t o them , h e violate s th e commandmen t o f "Thou shal t no t sho w merc y unt o them " (Deut . 7:2) , whic h th e Sage s interpret t o mea n "tho u shal t no t vie w the m wit h favor " ('Avod a zar a 20a). Fo r onc e h e consider s thei r way s proper , h e eat s thei r bread , the n drinks their wine , the n take s their daughters , an d then , Go d forbid, some thing else . . . R. Menahe m Mend l als o referred t o th e issu e of Gentile wisdom . The sages' statement o n th e verse "and hi s leaf will no t whither " (Ps . 1:3 ) is well known : even the casual conversatio n o f Jewish scholar s needs to be studied (Succa h 21b) , fo r i t i s greater tha n al l th e secula r science s (hokhmot hitzoniyot). Thi s is known t o whoever has eyes that ar e open to all of God's ways.

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The blin d ones , however , d o no t comprehen d th e sanctit y o f th e Torah, "an d conside r i t t o b e simila r t o th e teaching s o f th e Gen tiles, Go d forbid/' 4 2 R. Menahe m Mend l reiterate d hi s warning s i n a lette r t o R . Shneur Zalma n b . Barukh , writte n i n earl y 1786 , i n whic h h e ap pointed th e latte r leade r o f Byelorussia n Hasidism . On e o f hi s charges t o R . Shneu r Zalma n wa s t o "distanc e the m [th e Hasidim ] from th e practice s o f th e Gentile s an d thei r teaching s a s muc h as possible." 43 On thi s matter , ther e wa s tota l agreemen t betwee n R . Menahe m Mendl an d R . Shneu r Zalman . Th e latte r include d a prohibitio n against th e stud y o f worldl y wisdo m i n hi s first publishe d work , th e halakhic manua l hilkhot talmud torah: It i s forbidden t o stud y worldl y sciences , a s i t i s said: "yo u shal l spea k of them [thes e words], " and you shal l no t mi x othe r word s with them . Eve n someone who ha s already studie d th e entire Torah shoul d no t say , " I hav e studied th e wisdo m o f Israel , s o no w I wil l g o stud y th e wisdo m o f th e nations." Fo r i t i s written , "yo u shal l observ e m y ordinance s an d follo w them"; yo u hav e n o right t o ri d yourself o f them . An d needles s t o say , a scholar is obligated t o observe [the commandment of ] "and you shall meditate upo n the m da y an d night " literally . Le t hi m g o out an d find a n hou r that i s neither day nor night t o study [those sciences].44 In hi s theological-ethica l treatis e Likute amarim-Tanya, R . Shneur Zalma n adde d tha t th e impurit y o f Gentil e science s wa s greater tha n th e impurit y o f idl e chatter , becaus e preoccupatio n with th e science s defile d th e highes t Divin e attribute s i n a person' s soul—the attribute s o f wisdom , discernment , an d knowledg e (habad).*s R. Menahe m Mendl' s an d R . Shneu r Zalman' s admonition s against havin g contac t wit h Gentiles , followin g thei r practices , an d studying thei r sciences , wer e no t issue d i n a socia l vacuum , a s purely theoretica l pronouncements . The y wer e issue d i n respons e t o the socia l an d cultura l change s i n Byelorussia n Jewr y a t th e time . Both me n wer e awar e o f th e stron g Enlightenmen t tendenc y i n th e Shklov Jewis h community , an d o f th e mode l se t b y Rivlin , Zeitlin , and other s i n combinin g Tora h an d worldl y science . B y enjoinin g their follower s t o avoi d contac t wit h Gentile s an d Gentil e science ,

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R. Menahe m Mend l an d R . Shneu r Zalma n wer e warnin g the m no t to follo w th e pat h o f thei r rabbinist-Mitnagdi c rival s t o th e south . The issu e o f ho w t o relat e t o th e stud y o f scienc e an d worldl y disciplines thu s becam e a bone o f contention betwee n th e leader s o f the Hasidi c an d Mitnagdi c camps . On th e Mitnagdi c sid e o f th e divide , rabbini c figure s criticize d the Hasidi c leader s fo r thei r oppositio n t o th e stud y o f science , an d for thei r frequen t relianc e o n supernaturalism . Th e mos t extensiv e and penetratin g polemi c o f thi s kin d wa s offere d b y R . Baruk h Schick, whos e father , w e shoul d recal l (se e above , p . 8) , ha d bee n hounded ou t o f Shklov b y violent , aggressiv e Hasidim . In hi s introductio n t o Uklides, Schic k hurle d a variet y o f barb s against thos e "wh o totall y despis e al l wisdo m an d science , what ever i t ma y be. " The ver y wors t member s o f thi s categor y wer e "th e hidden one s [ha-tsenu'im] wh o wra p themselve s i n th e gar b o f a 'hasid,' a modes t ma n an d a rabbi. " Schick' s descriptio n o f the m leaves n o doub t tha t h e wa s referrin g t o th e Hasidi c tsadikim (mas ters) . Th e latte r wer e th e epitom e o f spiritua l arrogance , believin g that the y were , quit e literally , th e cente r o f th e universe , an d tha t all other s wer e obligate d t o serve them . In thei r hearts , the y believ e tha t th e whol e worl d wa s create d t o follo w their commands , t o carr y the m o n thei r shoulders , an d t o sit a t thei r feet . . . . The orde r o f creatio n wa s establishe d fo r thei r sake . An y perso n wh o has bee n blesse d b y Go d wit h wealt h an d riches , an d doe s no t delive r al l his money t o them , i s guilty o f a great si n i n thei r eyes . I t i s as if he stol e money fro m them . . . . The heaven s wer e create d fo r them , t o shin e upo n them, an d the entire world exists in their merit. 46 This wa s a causti c Mitnagdi c caricatur e o f th e doctrin e o f th e tsadik a s "foundatio n o f th e world. " Schick wen t o n t o accus e th e tsadikim o f incitin g divisio n an d conflict i n Jewis h communities , o f showin g contemp t towar d Tal mudists, an d schemin g t o depos e rabbis . Hi s tirad e culminate d i n a prayer "tha t th e eart h ope n it s mout h an d devou r thes e sinfu l peo ple, a s i t devoure d Korach . Fo r thei r evi l i s greate r tha n tha t o f Korach." 47 These wer e commonplac e accusation s i n th e Mitnagdi c polemic s of th e day . Bu t Schic k raise d the m i n passing , i n th e contex t o f a

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new charge , whic h ha d no t bee n mentione d i n previou s pamphlet s and writ s o f excommunication: th e Hasidi c leader s wer e th e morta l enemies o f science . The y wer e absolut e anti-intellectualist s an d obscurantists, wh o harbore d a viscera l hatre d o f all learnin g an d scholarship, whethe r i t wa s Talmudi c o r scientific . Thei r spiritua l arrogance mad e i t impossibl e fo r the m t o tolerat e wiseme n an d scholars o f an y kind . They arrogantly despise everyone who they hear possesses any positive trait or wisdom. Mos t of all do they despis e anyon e who they ar e told i s a great scholar of Torah. Fo r they think to themselves: Who has the audacity t o be more wis e tha n them ? . . . They say : "Ther e i s no on e othe r tha n me , th e earth is mine, I will go forth i n battle agains t al l the wisemen." 48 According t o Schick , th e Hasidi c leader s considere d th e "wise man"—here apparentl y meanin g th e studen t o f science—t o b e " a deceiver wh o neglect s th e worshi p o f heaven. " The y wer e quic k t o brand hi m a disbelieve r an d heretic , "eve n i f hi s intentio n wa s th e very opposite , t o uphol d th e law. " Th e Hasidi c leaders , a s wel l a s other opponent s o f wisdo m i n Jewis h society , wer e responsibl e fo r chasing numerou s Jew s awa y fro m th e stud y o f science , "thereb y striking the m wit h blindness , an d renderin g the m a n objec t o f scor n and derisio n i n th e eye s of th e nations." 4 9 Schick's critiqu e o f Hasidis m fuse d togethe r th e traditiona l Mit nagdic charg e tha t th e Hasidi m ha d contemp t fo r Tora h stud y an d Torah scholars , wit h th e late r Maskili c charg e tha t the y despise d science an d enlightenment . H e asserted , o r a t leas t implied , tha t Talmudists an d scientist s wer e natura l allies , becaus e bot h wer e engaged i n advancin g wisdo m an d knowledge , an d als o face d abus e at th e hand s o f a commo n enemy—th e Hasidim . I n thi s manner , the Mitnagdi c an d Maskili c critique s o f Hasidis m wer e wove n int o one fabric . Schick's invocatio n o f th e Viln a Gaon , late r i n th e sam e intro duction t o Uklides, wa s par t o f thi s polemica l argument . H e cite d the Gaon' s word s i n prais e o f studyin g th e science s no t onl y fo r their intrinsi c value , bu t als o i n orde r t o contras t th e combinatio n of Tora h an d scienc e advocate d b y th e towerin g leade r o f th e Mit nagdic camp , wit h th e enmit y towar d bot h Tora h an d scienc e

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exhibited b y the leader s o f the Hasidi c camp . Fro m Schick' s perspec tive a s well , th e issu e o f scienc e wa s on e tha t divide d Hasidi m an d Mitnagdim. 50 Other rabbini c proponent s o f scienc e wer e trouble d b y a relate d aspect o f Hasidism : th e movement' s penchan t fo r supernaturalis m and miracl e claims . R . Juda h Ley b Margolio t directl y challenge d the veracit y o f Hasidi c miracle s i n Bet midot. There are those disreputable ba'ale shem wh o wish to be thought of as men of God. They perform marvel s before wome n an d th e light-headed throug h devious falsification s an d lies . An d a s the y falsify , the y invok e th e Roya l seal [i.e. , the name of God]. Especially in our generation, whe n so many of the hidde n mysterie s o f natur e hav e bee n uncovered , i t i s easy fo r a n evi l person to trick others into believing that h e is a miracle-worker. 51 Margoliot offere d th e followin g example s o f fak e "miracles" : a person coul d us e scientifi c device s t o predic t th e futur e (suc h a s knowing whethe r i t wil l rai n b y usin g a barometer) ; h e coul d us e mirrors an d telescope s t o se e conceale d objects , an d megaphone s t o project voice s an d sounds . Margolio t praye d tha t "Go d sav e u s fro m such perversities , an d enabl e u s t o examin e al l deed s wit h tru e deliberation." 5 2 The rejectio n o f Hasidi c miracle s a s hoaxe s wa s no t common place i n Mitnagdi c polemics . Th e topi c wa s absen t fro m mos t bans , letters o f condemnation , an d pamphlets , becaus e th e Mitnagdi m themselves di d no t questio n th e occurrenc e o f miracles . Thei r leader, th e Viln a Gaon , claime d tha t h e ha d variou s supernatura l powers, includin g th e abilit y t o creat e a golem ; h e sai d tha t h e ha d once actuall y begu n creatin g one , bu t wa s ordere d fro m heave n t o cease an d desist . Th e Gao n als o spok e o f havin g ha d illumination s from Elija h th e prophe t an d angels . Ther e wa s n o aversio n t o th e supernatural pe r s e i n th e Mitnagdi c camp . R . Elijah' s discipl e R . Menahem Mend l o f Shklo v wa s quit e explici t abou t th e matter : "Even i n ou r time , th e Lor d perform s grea t marvel s fo r th e saintl y and pious." 5 3 When th e questio n o f Hasidi c miracle s wa s broache d b y th e Mitnagdic polemicis t R . Israe l Loebel , h e argue d merel y tha t th e ability t o perfor m marvel s wa s not , i n itself , proo f o f one' s piet y o r the truthfulnes s o f one' s teachings . Man y fals e prophets , fro m th e

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sorcerers in Egypt down to Shabbetai Zevi , had performed suc h acts. If the Hasidi c "rabeyim " (a s he called them ) mad e miracles, i t wa s no doubt throug h thei r us e of sorcery an d witchcraft . R . Menahe m Mendl o f Shklo v argued , similarly , tha t th e Hasidi c leader s kne w the "secre t o f th e impur e electru m [hashmal de-tumah]; fro m thi s you should understan d whenc e their prophecy comes." 54 Margoliot's condemnatio n o f th e bogu s miracle s wrough t b y ba'ale shem wa s not a traditional Mitnagdi c critiqu e a t all , bu t a n enlightened, Maskili c one. I t was an outgrowth o f his immersion i n the stud y o f natura l science , an d a n expressio n o f hi s rationalis t worldview. I n fact , th e sectio n o n miracle s wa s on e o f th e fe w passages in hi s book which wa s praised b y the Berli n Maski l Aaro n Halle Wolfsohn , i n hi s otherwis e disappointe d an d critica l revie w of Bet midot i n Ha-me'asef.55 Hasidic miracle s wer e likewis e dismisse d a s nonsense i n th e tex t of th e Shklo v ordinance s agains t th e Hasidi c sect , issue d b y th e va'ad medinat rusiya i n 1787 . In decrying th e recen t publicatio n o f Hasidic book s (th e firs t printe d Hasidi c work , Toledot ya'akov yosef, was printed i n 1780) , the ordinances took note of their incredu lous contents. All of their book s are against th e holy Torah an d follow a crooked path . Especially the exaggerations and miracle stories [ma'ase nisim] which are told in their books. These are blatant and well-known lies. God forbid tha t we should believe in such nonsense [divre habai].56 The Shklov ordinances were written by none other than R. Benja min Rivlin , who , a s w e hav e seen , wa s a rabbini c scientis t o f th e first order . Lik e Schic k an d Margoliot , hi s involvemen t i n scienc e led hi m t o develo p a n enlightene d varian t o f Mitnagdism , whic h attacked th e sect not only from traditiona l perspectives , bu t fro m a modern, "scientific " one as well.

C H A P T E R7

Decline an d Dissolutio n

The growt h an d flourishing o f Shklo v a s a Jewish cultura l cente r was the result of a confluence o f factors: the severing of the Mogilev province fro m Poland—an d it s annexation b y Russia—in 1772 , the town's emergenc e a s on e o f Russia' s commercia l window s o n th e West, th e concentration o f a group of disciples of the Vilna Gao n in Shklov, an d the establishment o f Count Semion Zorich's court ther e in 1778 . The town's subsequen t declin e wa s likewise th e product of several interrelated processes . Shklov's prominenc e a s a commercia l cente r bega n t o declin e after th e secon d an d thir d partition s o f Poland , i n 179 3 a n d 1795 . With th e incorporatio n o f Lithuani a an d th e remainde r o f Byelo russia int o th e Tsaris t Empire , th e tow n wa s robbed o f its strategi c position alon g Russia' s Wester n border , an d cease d bein g a foca l point o f land-based trad e between Russi a an d it s neighbors. For th e first tim e sinc e th e establishmen t o f its Jewish communit y i n 1668 , Shklov foun d itsel f severa l hundre d kilometer s removed fro m a n international frontier , a facto r whic h Contribute d mightil y t o it s gradual decline into economic oblivion. 1 Zorich's deat h i n 179 9 wa s likewis e a significan t blo w t o cn e town's economi c an d cultura l vitality . Havin g die d withou t heirs , and wit h a n astronomica l leve l o f debt , hi s cour t wa s liquidate d by th e Imperia l treasury , whic h establishe d a stat e trusteeshi p t c supervise th e sal e of his assets. The impressive cultura l institution s he established i n Shklov were dissolved: the best dancers an d musicians i n hi s theate r an d balle t wer e engage d b y th e Imperia l Stat e Theater i n St . Petersburg ; th e Shklo v Nobilit y Academy , wit h it s library an d laboratory , wa s incorporate d int o th e St . Peters 122

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burg Cade t Corps . Befor e long , th e tow n wa s a shado w o f it s forme r self.2 The impac t o f thes e event s wa s fel t b y the Shklo v Jewish commu nity afte r a tim e la g o f a fe w years . A t first , th e clas s o f wealth y Jewish merchant s ha d enoug h accumulate d capita l an d busines s contacts t o continu e runnin g thei r affair s o n thei r own , withou t the externa l stimul i o f th e borde r an d Zorich' s court . A lette r fro m the Jews o f Shklov t o thei r far-flun g brethre n i n Buchara , writte n i n December 1802 , still boaste d abou t th e city : Its inhabitants ar e th e wealthies t an d mos t honore d me n i n th e land , an d trade amon g th e nations. Mos t of them ar e merchants fro m th e children of Israel wh o trave l acros s th e eart h t o impor t merchandise . An d i t [Shklov ] distributes the treasures of its merchandise to all the surrounding lands. 3 These boastfu l word s wer e probabl y alread y somewha t exagger ated a t th e tim e o f thei r composition . Onl y a fe w year s later , th e Jews o f th e Mogile v province , includin g Shklov , wer e cas t int o a severe economi c crisis . I n 1806 , acut e povert y le d a grou p o f thirty six Jewis h familie s fro m th e regio n t o appl y fo r resettlemen t t o agricultural colonie s i n Ne w Russia . Les s tha n a yea r later , th e number o f applicant s fo r resettlemen t fro m th e Mogile v provinc e mushroomed t o 33 8 families (o r 1,95 5 souls ) an d the n t o 60 0 fami lies (approximatel y 3,60 0 souls) . Mos t o f th e applicant s wer e rura l Jews wh o wer e expelle d fro m th e countryside , an d no t inhabitant s of citie s an d town s suc h a s Shklov . Bu t the y stresse d i n thei r peti tions t o Tsaris t official s tha t th e urba n Jewish communitie s i n thei r province wer e themselve s impoverished , an d ha d prove n incapabl e of absorbin g rura l migrants. 4 Shklov's prominenc e a s a politica l cente r o f Russia n Jewry dwin dled rapidl y afte r Not a Notkin' s deat h i n 1804 . A s a cente r o f He brew printing , i t wa s soo n surpasse d b y Viln a an d Grodna . An d th e liquidation o f Zorich' s cour t an d it s institution s spelle d th e begin ning o f th e en d o f Shklo v a s a cente r o f Jewish cultura l openness , modernization, an d adaptation . Withou t th e presenc e o f a vibran t European cultura l milie u i n th e mids t o f th e town , Shklov' s Jew s were n o longe r challenge d t o grappl e wit h th e question s o f science , enlightenment, an d acculturatio n o n a daily basis . Th e town' s Jew ish commercia l clas s los t it s immediat e contac t wit h Russia n hig h

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society, an d the rabbinic elite lost the apologetic need to exhibit it s worldly, scientifi c knowledge . Jewis h socia l an d cultura l lif e i n Shklov became more insular an d closed . From Integration to Apostacy and Beyond: The Odysseys of Perets and Nevakhovich Meanwhile, th e effort s o f Shklov' s enlightene d expatriot s i n St . Petersburg t o improve Russia n Jewry's legal an d socia l status ende d in disappointment an d defeat. Th e Imperial Statute Concernin g th e Jews whic h wa s issue d i n Decembe r 1804 , a s a resul t o f th e Stat e Committee's deliberations , represente d a rejectio n o f Notkin' s ap proach o f moderat e libera l reform , an d a n embrac e o f severa l o f Derzhavin's draconian proposals . The statute provide d for the linguistic an d cultural refor m o f th e Jews t o b e impose d b y force : I f Jews di d no t sen d thei r childre n t o Russian stat e elementar y schools , the y woul d b e required t o estab lish school s o f thei r ow n whic h woul d teac h Russian , Polish , o r German. Similarly, Jewish financial record s and contracts would b e recognized b y courts of law onl y i f they wer e written i n one of th e three above-mentione d Europea n languages . Th e statute stipulate d that b y 1812 , all rabbis and kahal leader s would b e required b y law to read an d write in either Russian, Polish , or German. 5 At the same time, the 180 4 statute preserved th e blanket prohibition o n Jewish residenc e outsid e th e Pal e of Settlement, an d main tained th e double taxation o f Jewish merchants. Harshest of all was its stipulatio n tha t al l Jews wer e t o b e expelle d fro m th e country side b y 1808 , it s prohibitio n o n Jew s sellin g o r distillin g alcoholi c beverages, an d leasing villages, and its annulment of all debts owed by peasant s t o suc h Jews . Take n together , thes e measure s repre sented a n endorsemen t o f Derzhavin' s vie w tha t fo r Russian s th e Jews wer e a n economi c an d mora l threat , whos e activitie s neede d to be restricted. 6 Also incorporate d int o th e 180 4 statut e wa s th e shar p cur tailment o f th e rabbis ' an d kahals ' authority . Rabbi s wer e prohib ited fro m issuin g fines an d punishments , an d kahal s wer e no t al lowed t o collec t taxe s fo r interna l purposes , unles s specia l

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permission wa s granted b y the authorities . Th e goal was to weake n Jewish autonomou s institutions, no t to reform them. 7 For th e mas s o f Russia n Jewry , th e stipulation s abou t secula r schools, th e weakenin g o f the rabbinat e an d kahal , an d th e expul sion o f Jew s fro m th e village s wer e mos t worrisom e o f all . Thei r representatives responde d wit h time-teste d devices—massiv e bribes, foot-dragging , an d subterfuge—an d wer e abl e t o neutraliz e the effect s o f thes e provisions . N o school s wer e created , an d th e kahals continue d t o exer t thei r powers . Th e expulsion s fro m th e countryside wer e carrie d out , bu t o n a muc h mor e limite d scal e than th e la w ha d envisioned , thank s t o intercession s i n St . Pe tersburg.8 For Peret s an d Nevakhovich , wh o ha d harbore d hig h hope s fo r Jewish integratio n an d emancipation, th e 180 4 statute was a crushingly disappointin g document . Th e statut e faile d t o facilitat e th e integration o f Jews—eve n o f enlightened , virtuous , productiv e Jews—into Russia n society . I t di d no t enabl e an y categor y o f Jews to join th e civi l service , t o liv e i n Mosco w o r St . Petersburg , o r t o enjoy a n equa l leve l o f taxatio n wit h Russia n merchants . Indeed , the expulsio n fro m th e countrysid e an d othe r provision s adde d in sult t o injury , b y legitimizin g th e popula r anti-Jewis h prejudice s and suspicions which Nevakhovich ha d decried . As a resul t o f thi s legislativ e outcome , th e hope s o f Peret s an d Nevakhovich fo r Jewis h emancipatio n wer e shattered , an d the y reverted t o thei r persona l agend a o f advancin g thei r career s i n St . Petersburg's commercia l an d literar y circles . Thank s t o thei r ex traordinary connection s an d wealth , the y wer e not personall y sub ject to the statute's restrictions on Jewish residence and commercia l activity. Nonetheless , th e statut e len t furthe r impetu s t o Perets' s and Nevakhovich' s tendenc y t o de-emphasiz e thei r Jewishness an d disassociate themselves from Jewish communa l affairs. 9 The exac t year i n whic h th e tw o me n converte d t o Lutheranis m is uncertain. Historia n Iuli i Gessen's suggestion of 1813 seems likely, or a t leas t plausible . I n 1809 , both wer e liste d a s subscribers t o th e renewed Konigsber g editio n o f th e Hebre w Haskala h journa l Hame'asef. In 1810 , the minut e boo k o f th e Shklo v buria l societ y stil l referred t o Peret s wit h th e honorifi c titl e morenu ("ou r teacher" )

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when i t recorde d th e deat h o f hi s daughte r Miriam . I n th e sam e year, a Russian autho r i n St. Petersburg wrote to a friend i n Moscow about th e recen t performanc e o f a dram a b y th e "Israelite " play wright, Nevakhovich . Bu t i n 1813 , rumor s wer e circulatin g i n St . Petersburg's official circle s that Peret s was on the verge of adoptin g Christianity.10 Perets's conversion wa s apparentl y precipitate d b y personal con siderations. Followin g th e deat h o f hi s wif e Feygel e a t Ustye , h e chose t o marr y hi s Germa n mistress , Carolin e D e Somber— a ste p which require d hi s adoptio n o f Lutheranism. Hi s son, Grigorii , an d daughter, Sofi a (previously : Tsirl) , converte d simultaneousl y wit h him.11 Shortly thereafter , Perets' s financial affair s too k a sharp tur n fo r the worse . Durin g th e 181 2 wa r agains t Napoleon , h e wa s deepl y involved i n financing th e Russia n wa r effor t an d arrangin g th e transport o f provisions t o th e troops . H e loaned 4 million ruble s t o the stat e treasury , bu t wa s unabl e t o recou p th e debt , an d wa s forced t o go into bankruptcy. I n 1816 , his houses, estate s (wit h tw o thousand serfs) , an d othe r asset s were sol d i n a publi c auctio n fo r 1.5 million rubles, an d Perets was left i n financial ruin . I n a Hebrew letter t o hi s relativ e Solomo n Zeitlin , writte n i n 1822 , h e com plained: "M y affair s ar e i n terribl e condition , an d I can rely o n n o one, othe r tha n o n ou r fathe r i n heave n wh o feed s on e an d all . I hope that h e will not leave me a laughing stock to my enemies." He died in poverty in 1833. 12 For Perets's son Grigorii, conversio n shoul d hav e opened th e wa y to greater social an d professional success . While still a Jew, i n 1811, he ha d bee n rejecte d fo r admissio n int o a St . Petersbur g Masoni c lodge, on the grounds that Masoni c rule s prohibited th e acceptanc e of Jews. Bu t hi s conversion di d no t ope n al l doors . The Peret s fam ily's socia l standin g wa s base d exclusivel y upo n it s wealth , an d once i t disappeared , the y wer e considere d t o be nothing mor e tha n declasse Jews . Grigorii' s caree r i n th e Russia n civi l servic e lan guished i n low-rankin g positions , mostl y i n th e provinces . I n 1817 , he becam e involve d i n th e Russia n insurrectionis t movemen t known a s th e Decembrists , b y joinin g a secre t cel l o f Imperia l officials wh o wer e critica l o f Tsaris t policie s an d wh o favore d th e establishment o f a constitutional monarch y i n Russia. 13

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Grigorii's residua l tie s t o Judais m an d Jewr y cam e t o th e for e during th e cours e o f his conspiratoria l activity : Th e cel l adopted , a t his suggestion , th e Hebre w wor d fo r freedom , herut, a s it s secre t password, an d h e instructe d ne w member s t o rea d no t onl y th e constitutions o f variou s Wester n countries , bu t als o "certai n law s of Mose s fro m th e Bible " whic h prove d tha t Go d favore d a con stitutional syste m o f government . Accordin g t o th e cell' s initia tor an d leader , Colone l Fedo r Glink , Grigori i spok e t o him , inte r alia, abou t "th e nee d fo r a societ y o n behal f o f th e liberatio n o f the Jew s scattere d throughou t Russi a an d Europe , an d fo r thei r settlement i n Crime a o r eve n i n th e Eas t a s a separat e nation. " Perets "exude d abou t ho w t o gathe r i n th e Jews , transpor t the m with grea t triump h etc . etc . H e als o mentione d tha t hi s fathe r ha d once ha d suc h a plan , bu t tha t i t require d th e partnershi p o f man y capitalists." Thus , Grigori i Peret s maintaine d a n interes t i n th e Jews' "liberation " severa l year s afte r hi s conversio n t o Luther anism. 14 Grigorii's conspiratoria l activit y cam e t o a clos e i n 1822 , whe n he marrie d Mari a Grevenits , th e siste r o f Coun t Alexande r Greve nits ( a Russia n senato r wh o ha d marrie d Grigorii' s sister Sofi a some what earlier) . H e wa s arreste d i n th e aftermat h o f th e Decembe r 1825 uprisin g (i n whic h h e ha d n o direc t involvement) , wa s de tained i n priso n fo r si x months , an d exile d t o Siberia , wher e h e spent th e nex t fourtee n year s o f hi s life. 15 Perets's protege , Yehud a Ley b Nevakhovich, enjoye d a successfu l career a s a Russia n autho r an d playwrigh t durin g th e years betwee n his publicatio n o f Vopl (1803 ) an d hi s conversio n t o Christianit y (probably i n 1813) . H e issue d a bookle t o f philosophi c fiction enti tled Chelovek v prirode Hi perepiska dvukh prosveshchenikh druzei (Man i n Nature , o r th e Correspondenc e betwee n Tw o Enlightene d Friends) i n 1804 , an d publishe d a n essa y o n Russia n histor y i n th e most prominen t literar y journa l o f th e day , Litsei, i n 1806 . Th e essay, writte n i n repl y t o a critica l articl e o n Russia n histor y pub lished i n Germany , wa s a stridentl y patrioti c defens e o f Russia n national characte r an d institutions . I n th e sam e year , 1806 , Neva khovich wa s admitte d int o th e rank s o f th e Imperia l civi l service , perhaps a s a toke n o f gratitud e fo r hi s literar y defens e o f th e fa therland. 16

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Nevakhovich's fam e reache d it s climax i n 1809 , when hi s drama The Sullites, or the Spartans of the Eighteenth Century wa s per formed a t the Imperial State Theater to an audience which include d Tsar Alexande r I . Followin g th e performance, Alexande r presente d him wit h a gold snuffbo x adorne d wit h jewels, whic h feature d th e Tsar's ow n imag e engrave d o n th e exterior . A t abou t thi s time , Nevakhovich develope d a clos e persona l friendshi p wit h Russia' s most importan t playwrigh t an d directo r o f th e Imperia l Stat e The ater, A . Shakhovskii , an d h e reportedl y helpe d Shakhovski i com pose hi s biblica l traged y Deborah. Shakhovskii' s Deborah wa s th e only instanc e i n whic h Nevakhovic h worke d o n a dram a wit h a "Jewish" theme . Hi s ow n works , The Sullites an d Oden, King of the Skifites —both writte n whil e Nevakhovic h wa s himsel f stil l a n "Israelite"—were devoi d of Jewish motives. 17 Nevakhovich's literar y caree r wa s disrupte d som e tim e afte r 1810, probabl y becaus e o f th e financia l ruinatio n o f hi s patron , Perets. Nevakhovic h becam e preoccupie d wit h th e mor e mundan e task o f earnin g a living , an d fro m 181 7 on, h e reside d i n Warsaw , serving a s a n officia l i n th e Polis h Kingdom' s Ministr y o f Financ e and engagin g i n privat e commerce . Hi s onl y noteworth y literar y enterprise durin g hi s late r year s wa s a Russia n translatio n o f Herder's "Thoughts on the History of Mankind," issued in 1829. The circumstance s o f Nevakhovich' s conversio n t o Lutheranis m are unclear ; lik e hi s patron , Perets , h e marrie d a Germa n woman , Catherine Michelson . H e die d i n 1831 , during a visi t t o St . Peters burg, an d was buried i n the capital's German Lutheran cemetery. A poignant quotatio n fro m Herde r wa s inscribe d o n hi s tombstone : "Here, beneat h ou r gaze , everythin g i s reduce d t o ashes ; tim e threatens to destroy earthly splendor and earthly joy." 18

From Russia to Jerusalem: The

Disciples of the Vilna Gaon

Shklov's rabbini c elit e als o underwen t a metamorphosis , whic h took the m fro m thei r cit y i n a new—and diametricall y opposed — direction: to the Land of Israel. Their migration wa s pioneered b y R. Menahem Mend l b. Barukh Bendet, wh o set out t o the Holy Land in 180 8 with a small group of

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followers. Afte r a brie f sojour n i n Tiberias , th e grou p settle d i n Safed. R . Menahe m Mend l an d hi s entourag e wer e apparentl y sen t as a n advanc e tea m fo r a larger rabbini c convo y whic h departe d th e following year , unde r th e leadershi p o f anothe r discipl e o f the Viln a Gaon, R . Sa'ady a b . Nata n Not a o f Vilna . Th e convo y include d R . Menahem Mendl' s son , Nata n Nota , R . Benjami n Rivlin' s son , Hil lel, a s wel l a s member s o f th e Zeitli n family , an d establishe d th e first non-Hasidi c Ashkenazi c communit y i n th e Lan d o f Israel. 19 In orde r t o sustai n thei r communit y o f some fort y families , o r 15 0 souls, R . Menahe m Mend l dispatche d letter s an d emissarie s t o hi s close associat e R . Israe l b . Shmue l o f Shklov , an d t o R . Hayyi m of Volozhin . They , i n turn , proceede d t o rais e fund s locally , i n Byelorussia an d Lithuania , an d presse d fo r a fractio n o f th e fund s collected worldwid e fo r th e Lan d o f Israe l t o b e allocate d t o th e new settlement. 2 0 Having helpe d th e settler s overcom e thei r initia l financia l hur dles, R . Israe l o f Shklov personall y heade d a second rabbini c convo y to th e Hol y Lan d i n 1809 . By 181 3 the communit y o f the prushim, o r pietists, a s the y wer e called , i n Safe d gre w t o 46 1 soul s an d con structed house s fo r it s yeshiv a an d synagogue . R . Israe l o f Shklo v was recognize d a s th e community' s foremos t religiou s authority , with R . Menahe m Mend l an d R . Hille l Rivli n subsequentl y estab lishing a branc h i n Jerusalem. 21 The "'aliya o f th e disciple s o f th e Gaon " wa s a socia l movemen t which generate d a grea t dea l o f interes t an d excitemen t amon g th e rabbinic elit e o f Lithuani a an d Byelorussia . R . Israel , wh o returne d to Russi a i n 181 0 t o rais e fund s fo r th e prushim, urge d hi s rabbini c colleagues t o leav e fo r Palestine , an d group s o f Talmudist s an d preachers responded . On e contemporar y wh o decide d "t o join thos e who conspir e wit h th e mos t heroi c design s t o leav e th e lan d o f thei r birth," wa s Avraha m b . Ashe r Anshi l o f Minsk , wh o describe d th e movement i n th e followin g terms : Each day new groups appear, who wander, wal k an d journey to the land of their forefathers ' inhabitancy . The y cas t of f thei r gol d an d silver , an d undertake t o abandon th e land o f their birt h where they have sojourned, a land whic h i s not theirs . Rathe r tha n sojour n ther e [i n Russia] , they hav e chosen t o settle, an d hav e embarked upo n th e journey b y sea . . . unto th e Holy Land, in order to cleave unto the Lord's inheritance. 22

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The movemen t include d som e o f th e mos t prominen t rabbini c personalities o f th e time . R . Avraha m Danziger , th e Viln a Gaon' s in-law an d autho r o f th e halakhi c cod e Haye 'adam, i s know n t o have planne d t o leav e fo r th e Lan d o f Israe l i n 1811 . Although hi s personal design s did no t com e t o fruition , h e di d compos e a halak hic manua l fo r migrant s t o th e Hol y Lan d o n th e agricultura l law s which pertaine d there , Sha'are tsedek (Gate s o f Righteousness ; Vilna, 1812) . The elderly R. Benjamin Rivlin , who had single-hand edly mad e Shklo v int o a cente r o f rabbini c learnin g i n th e 1770s , also se t ou t fo r th e Hol y Lan d i n 1812 , immediatel y afte r Russia' s defeat o f Napoleon. Bu t h e fel l il l a t th e outse t o f his journey, an d died i n Liepel , o n th e outskirt s o f Mogilev . Th e migrator y move ment a s a whole cam e t o a n en d i n 1813 , when a plague brok e ou t in Palestine which devastated th e Ashkenazic community. 23 What motivate d th e Shklov disciples of the Vilna Gao n to uproo t themselves fro m thei r establishe d homes , an d spearhea d a move ment of rabbinic 'aliya t o Palestine? Were they driven, a s one historian ha s recently argued , b y intense Messiani c expectation s an d by the belie f tha t the y coul d personall y precipitat e th e comin g o f th e Messiah through their actions? 24 An examination o f the letters written b y th e prushim shortl y afte r thei r arriva l i n Safe d suggest s otherwise. I n thei r appea l t o worl d Jewr y fo r financia l support , published i n Shklo v i n 1810 , the prushim state d tha t the y ha d set tled in the Land of Israel "to work it and keep it"; to work it through Divine service, and to keep it through the watch of Torah; to unite the four ells of pristine halakhah with the fou r ell s o f th e hol y an d pur e land . . . . T o restore th e Tora h t o it s dwelling place.25 The prushim aspire d t o creat e a Utopia n religiou s community , whose member s woul d pursu e a life o f absolut e piet y an d constan t Torah study , withou t compromises , i n th e Hol y Land . Thei r goal s were pietistic , i n a sense mystical, bu t no t Messianic . The y sough t to attai n persona l immersio n i n the word o f God—but no t t o effec t the national salvatio n o f Israel, or the metaphysical transformatio n of the universe. The underlyin g motivatio n fo r thei r 'aliya wa s state d explicitl y by R. Hayyim b . Tuvya Kat z o f Vilna, a disciple of the Viln a Gao n

DECLINE AN D DISSOLUTIO N 13

1

who settle d i n Safe d alon g wit h R . Israe l o f Shklov , i n a privat e letter t o th e diaspora . Our peopl e wh o com e t o th e Hol y Lan d mostl y com e t o attai n perfec tion, t o b e amon g th e occupant s o f th e hous e o f study , an d t o si t an d engage in Tora h an d worship . . . . The Holy Land i s more suited fo r Tora h than th e diaspora ; da y an d nigh t ar e equall y fre e fo r th e acquisitio n o f Torah.26 The Gaon' s disciple s inherite d hi s reclusiv e scholasti c tenden cies—hence thei r nam e prushim, whic h mean t recluses . The y en deavored t o pursu e Tora h stud y i n a n idea l environment , wit h less distraction s an d competin g obligation s tha n i n Lithuani a an d Byelorussia. Th e deepenin g economi c crisi s which embroile d Shklo v and th e Mogile v provinc e must , i n fact , hav e force d th e "Sage s o f Shklov" t o see k ou t a mor e favorabl e environmen t fo r thei r learne d pursuits, jus t a s it ha d force d othe r Jews t o migrat e t o New Russia . The prushim themselve s dre w attentio n t o anothe r motiv e fo r their 'aliya —their desir e t o observ e th e "religiou s commandment s contingent upo n th e land, " suc h a s th e tithe s an d Sabbatica l year . These commandment s wer e dorman t a t th e time , sinc e neithe r th e Sephardic no r Hasidi c communitie s engage d i n agricultura l activ ity. Th e prushim decide d t o purchas e plot s o f farmlan d nea r Safe d shortly afte r thei r arrival , fo r th e expres s purpos e o f growin g crop s and observin g th e agricultura l commandments . I t i s interestin g t o note tha t th e prushim neve r entertaine d th e ide a o f feedin g them selves an d earnin g a livelihoo d throug h far m work . Th e latte r wa s viewed exclusivel y a s a vehicl e fo r observin g additiona l religiou s prescriptions. 27 R . Avraha m Danzig' s above-mentione d manua l wa s written t o trai n th e migrant s i n thei r performance . There wa s nothin g Messiani c abou t renewin g th e observanc e o f the "commandment s contingen t upo n th e land. " Th e latte r ha d never los t thei r bindin g validit y an d practica l applicability — unlike, fo r instance , th e law s o f th e Templ e cult . Thei r perform ance ha d bee n discontinue d becaus e o f historica l circumstances : the vas t majorit y o f Jews n o longe r live d i n Palestine , an d th e fe w that di d n o longe r engage d i n agriculture . Th e disciple s o f the Viln a Gaon wer e drive n b y a pietisti c impuls e t o observ e th e Torah' s commandments t o th e utmos t degre e possible . Followin g thei r

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master, R . Elijah , wh o ha d als o onc e attempte d t o settl e i n th e Land o f Israel , the y too k thi s ide a t o it s logica l conclusion—o r destination.28 As a result o f the migratio n o f the disciples of the Vilna Gao n fro m Shklov t o th e Hol y Land , Shklo v cease d t o b e th e bastio n o f rab binic-Mitnagdic cultur e i t ha d bee n fo r nearl y fort y years . Th e yeshiva establishe d b y R. Benjamin Rivli n dwindled t o a small loca l institution, whic h n o longer enjoye d nationa l statur e o r influence . The outpu t o f Hebre w printin g i n th e tow n als o decline d sharply . Hebrew presses in Shklov issued a total of thirty books between 181 3 and 1825 , an averag e o f 2.3 books per year, a s opposed t o 5. 7 books per year during the town's heyday, betwee n 178 3 and 1799. 29 The textur e o f Jewish religiou s cultur e i n Shklo v als o change d following th e disciples ' departure . I n th e absenc e o f a stron g Mit nagdic leadership , Shklo v soo n becam e a predominantl y Hasidi c town, on e o f th e bastion s o f Habad-Lubavitch . Si x o f th e thirt y books printed there between 181 3 and 182 5 were, in fact, treatise s of Habad Hasidism .

Conclusion

During th e historica l interlud e betwee n th e first an d las t partitio n of Poland , and , arguably , fo r a decade thereafter , th e Byelorussia n town of Shklov was the foremost cente r of Jewish cultural, intellec tual, an d politica l activit y i n th e Russia n Empire . Th e "Sage s o f Shklov" consolidate d an d strengthene d traditiona l rabbinis m i n their cit y an d province , an d conducte d a successfu l campaig n t o prevent th e sprea d o f th e Hasidi c movemen t int o thei r region ; th e local disciple s o f th e Viln a Gao n transmitte d thei r master' s teach ings, and were the driving force behind the publication of his works; Shklov's Hebre w printin g presse s were th e mos t prolifi c i n th e Byelorussian-Lithuanian provinces , an d wer e a spu r t o Jewish literar y creativity; an d th e town' s la y leaders , Notki n an d Zeitlin , emerge d as the d e fact o representative s an d advocate s o f Russia n Jewry be fore the Imperia l Cour t in St. Petersburg . Shklov distinguishe d itsel f i n ye t anothe r respect . I t wa s th e first Russian Jewish communit y whic h confronted—an d t o a larg e extent welcomed—th e challenge s o f enlightenment an d accultura tion. Th e cour t o f Coun t Semio n Zorich , wit h it s extraordinar y cultural institution s an d Europea n milieu , exerte d a subtl e bu t pervasive influenc e o n th e textur e o f Jewish cultur e an d intellec tual lif e i n th e city . Member s o f th e Jewis h commercia l class adopted Europea n socia l an d cultura l norms . I n the cases of Notkin and Zeitlin , the y wer e abl e t o buil d upo n thei r Europea n cultura l fluency an d thei r patronag e relationship s wit h Zoric h an d othe r Russian officials t o gain entry int o Russian high society. As Wester n ideas , arts , an d science s floode d th e city , Jew ish intellectual s wer e challenge d t o stud y an d produc e work s o f 133

134 CONCLUSIO

N

science, drama , an d Hebre w philology , an d t o formulate ne w idea s on th e refor m o f Jewish cultur e an d th e positio n o f Jews in Russia n society. Because o f Shklov's positio n a s a center o f trad e betwee n Russi a and th e West , ther e wa s extensiv e persona l traffi c an d contac t between it s Jewish merchants an d intellectuals an d the enlightene d Jews o f Berlin . Th e Berli n Haskala h provide d th e Shklover s wit h a much-neede d intellectua l vocabular y regardin g enlightenment , acculturation, an d emancipation, an d a model of their implementa tion in life. Program s for Jewish educational refor m abounded . The y ranged fro m narrowl y conceive d reform s o f rabbini c studie s (R . Barukh Schick) , t o plan s fo r th e curricula r overhau l o f th e heder (N. H . Schulman) , t o ambitiou s proposal s t o creat e Jewish school s under stat e auspice s (Jaco b Hirsc h an d Not a Notkin) . Al l thes e plans drew their inspiration fro m Wester n Jewish models . Among the acculturate d elite , politica l concept s an d ideas abou t the position o f Jews in Russian societ y als o changed. Notki n argue d not onl y fo r th e alleviatio n o f th e Jews' civi l status , bu t fo r thei r corporate equalizatio n wit h nonbonde d Russians , an d fo r th e ad mission o f a larg e numbe r o f Jews int o th e Russia n civi l service . Nevakhovich pleade d fo r socia l acceptanc e an d th e eliminatio n of anti-Jewis h prejudices , whic h h e considere d t o b e remnant s o f medieval irrationa l hatred . Basin g themselves on th e Europea n En lightenment's idea s o f universa l equalit y an d religiou s tolerance , they shifte d th e objective s o f Jewish politica l discours e fro m insur ing physical securit y an d communa l autonomy , t o achieving political an d social integration int o Russian life . In Shklov, th e lay leadership clearly an d publicly identified itsel f with th e goa l o f moderat e acculturation . Maskili m suc h a s N . H . Schulman wer e therefore abl e to publish thei r works and propagat e their idea s i n Shklo v withou t confrontin g organize d oppositio n o r persecution. Th e town's rabbinic elit e accommodated, and , indeed , legitimized withi n circumscribe d boundaries , th e pursuit of worldly knowledge an d science . Thi s wa s on e o f man y issue s wher e the y followed—and modified—th e teaching s o f thei r master , th e Viln a Gaon, an d disagreed sharply with thei r Hasidic adversaries . Zorich's deat h an d th e collaps e o f hi s court , i n 1799 , a n d th e rejection o f Notkin' s an d Nevakhovich' s proposal s fo r th e Jews '

CONCLUSION 13 5 civil emancipation , i n 1804 , dealt morta l blow s t o th e processe s of enlightenment an d acculturatio n amon g th e Jews o f Shklov . Fro m that poin t on , th e protagonist s sputtere d int o differen t directions . Abraham Peret s an d Nevakhovich , representative s o f th e success fully acculturate d commercia l an d intellectual elite , pursued—an d achieved—admission int o Russia n societ y a t th e expens e o f thei r affiliation wit h Jewry; others, such a s Zeitlin, retreate d fro m publi c life an d from th e pursuit of Jewish cultura l an d political reform . A s for the "Sage s of Shklov," they were relieved of the local pressure t o accommodate scienc e an d worldl y learning—an d chos e a lif e o f intensified Talmudis m an d pietism in the Land of Israel. But th e memor y o f th e "Shklo v Haskalah " reverberate d i n th e works o f subsequent Maskilim . Isaa c Be r Levinsohn, th e "fathe r o f the Russia n Haskalah/ ' pai d tribut e t o hi s Shklo v forebear s i n hi s Yiddish satirica l pamphle t Di hefker welt (Th e Worl d o f Chaos ; Warsaw, 1891) . I n it , tw o Ukrainia n Jew s reveale d th e corruptio n and perversio n o f thei r kahal s an d Hasidi c rebbe s t o a n astonishe d visitor from Mogilev . The visitor responded to their tales with shoc k and indignation . "I n ou r lan d o f Byelorussia , ther e i s no such non sense; peopl e don' t eve n kno w wha t a Hasidi c Rebb e o r miracl e worker is . We have scholar s an d sages , a s in th e days of yore." His hosts reacted with exasperate d jealousy. 1 The Galicia n Maski l Josep h Per l referre d t o th e nobl e Jew s o f Shklov i n hi s epistolar y novell a Bohen tsadik (Th e Tes t o f th e Righteous; Prague , 1838) , a fantasti c expose e o f th e foible s o f al l classes an d sector s o f Eas t Europea n Jewis h society . Th e book' s traveling protagonist , Ovadia h b . Petahia , foun d onl y on e trul y righteous figure in all his journeys—a Jewish farmer fro m th e Mogilev provinc e wh o ha d settle d o n on e o f th e Jewis h agricultura l colonies in New Russia. A disciple of the Vilna Gaon, he plowed th e fields by day an d studie d Tora h a t night . Th e farmer ha d settle d a s a membe r o f th e grou p heade d b y th e Shklo v merchan t Nahu m Finkelstein, wh o wa s depicte d b y Per l a s a gloriou s servan t o f hi s people, dedicate d t o thei r economi c rejuvenation . I n th e seam y universe o f Bohen tsadik, th e onl y righteou s Jew s wer e fro m Shklov!2 The "Shklov Haskalah " lef t behin d i t a modest historica l legacy . The descendants of some its figures participated i n the developmen t

136 CONCLUSIO

N

of the Haskala h cente r i n Vilna—Joshu a Zeitlin' s son-in-law, Mor dechai Nathanson , wa s a pillar o f Vilna's "reformed " congregatio n Tohorat ha-kodesh, an d Naftal i Hirt z Schulman' s grandson , Kal man Schulman , wa s a prominen t Hebre w autho r an d translator . Through thes e individuals , Shklo v exerte d it s influence o n th e for mation o f th e religiousl y conservative , an d intensel y literar y an d scholarly Haskala h subcultur e tha t emerge d i n Viln a a generatio n later. 3 But Shklov's significance lie s not in its legacy or impact on subsequent events , bu t i n it s paradigmati c anticipatio n o f them . Fo r a brief historica l interlude , th e Jews o f thi s Byelorussia n tow n wer e offered a previe w o f th e problem s whic h woul d confron t Russia n Jewry during the nineteenth century , and , naively and unwittingly , they rehearse d a rang e o f position s an d solution s whic h woul d b e embraced by their descendants .

Notes

Notes to

Introduction

i. I . Trunk, "De r va'a d medina s rusiy a (raysn) " [Th e Counci l o f Byelorus sia], YIVO Bletter 4 0 (1956) : 63-85 ; N . Vakar , Belorussia: The Making of a Nation (Cambridge , Mass. , 1956) ; Mari a Barbar a Topolska , "Pecu liarities o f th e Economi c Structur e o f Easter n Whit e Russi a i n th e Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries, " Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 6 (1971): 37-49 . 2. S . Mtsislavski i ( =S. Dubnow) , "Evre i v mogilevsko i gubernii " [Jew s i n the Mogile v Province] , Voskhod 6 (1886) , no . 9 : 1-10 ; I . Trunk , "Ges hikhte fu n yid n i n Vitebsk " [Histor y o f th e Jew s i n Vitebsk] , i n G . Aronson (ed.) , Vitebsk amol (Ne w York , 1956) , 1-56 . O n th e Counci l of Lithuani a an d othe r regiona l organ s o f Jewis h self-government , se e Jacob Katz , Tradition and Crisis (Ne w York, 1961) , 122-34 ; Y. Heilprin , Yehudim ve-yahadut be-mizrah 'eropah [Jew s an d Judais m i n Easter n Europe] (Jerusalem , 1969) , 39-60 . 3. Evreiskaia entsiklopediia (St . Petersburg , 1908-13) , "Mogilev, " 10 : 15354, "Vitebsk, " 5 : 639-40; Vinkas ha-medinah [Minut e boo k o f the Lithu anian Council] , ed . S . Dubno w (Berlin , 1925) : nos . 50 3 an d 50 5 (fro m the yea r 1656) , 62 8 (fro m th e yea r 1667) . O n th e Russia n invasio n an d its catastrophi c impac t o n Byelorussia n Jewry , se e S . Dubnow , "Tso n ha-herga: harug e Mohle v 'a l naha r Dniepr " [Th e Slaughtere d Sheep : The Victim s o f Mogile v o n th e Dniepr] , Ha-pardes 3 (1896) : 94-100 ; Istoriia evreiskogo naroda 11 , ed . P . Mare k e t al . (Moscow , 1914) , 72-77. 4. Mari a Barbar a Topolska , "Szklo w i Jego Rol a w Gospodarc e Bialorus i Wschodniej w XVI I i XVII I Wieku " [Shklo v an d It s Rol e i n th e Econ omy o f Easter n Byelorussi a i n th e Seventeent h an d Eighteent h Centu ries], Roczniki Dziejow Spolecznych Gospodarczych 3 0 (1969) : 1-32 ; Sergei Bershadskii , "Polozheni e o evreak h 180 4 goda" [Th e 180 4 Statut e on th e Jews], Voskhod 1 5 (1895) , no . 4 : 97-98; Regesti i Nadpisi [Regis ters an d Inscriptions] , vol . 2 (St . Petersburg , 1910) , no . 1326 ; Murra y J. Rosman , The Lords' Jews: Magnate-Jewish Relations in the Polish137

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Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge , 1990), 47 , see als o pp . 62 , 108 . 5. Th e censu s figure s wer e a s follows: Shklov—1,36 7 (Evreiskaia entsiklopediia 16 : 45); Slutsk—1,577 (14 : 392); Pinsk—1,277 (12 : 530); Minsk — 1,322 (11 : 86) . Historian s concu r tha t th e censu s underreporte d th e Jewish populatio n b y approximatel y 3 3 percent ; se e Raphae l Mahler , Yidn in amolikn poyln in likht fun tsifern [Jew s i n Ol d Polan d i n Numbers], (Warsaw , 1958) . 6. S . Mtsislavski i ( = S. Dubnow) , "Oblastni e kagalni e seim i v voivodstv e volynskom i v belorussi i (1666-1764) " [Regiona l Communa l Council s in Vohly n an d Byelorussi a (1666-1764)] , Voskhod 1 4 (1894) , no . 4 : 24-42, esp . p . 33 ; Dubnow , Vinkas ha-medinah, no . 949 ; P . Marek , "Beloruskaia synagog a i ei a teritoriia " [Th e Byelorussia n Counci l an d Its Territory] , Voskhod 2 3 (1903) , no . 5 : 71-82 . Trunk , "De r va'a d medinas rusiya. " 7. Trunk , "De r va'a d medina s rusiya, " pp . 70-73 . Durin g mos t o f th e eighteenth century , th e provincia l rabbinat e wa s occupie d b y member s of the Ginzbur g family , on e o f the grea t rabbini c clan s o f East Europea n Jewry, an d wa s passe d o n fro m fathe r t o so n t o grandson . Se e D. Magid , Toldot mishpehot ginzburg [Histor y o f th e Ginzbur g Families] , (St . Petersburg, 1891) , 27 , 54-56 , 169-70 , 196 . 8. O n Ary e Ley b Ginzbur g an d Yehie l Halperin , se e Benzio n Eisenstadt , Rabane Minsk ve-hakhameha [Th e Rabbi s an d Scholar s o f Minsk] , (Vilna, 1898) ; on Avraha m Katzenellenbogen , se e Arye Ley b Feinstein , 'Ir tehilah [Exalte d City] , (Warsaw , 1886) . Th e caree r o f R . Baruk h Schick o f Shklov , examine d belo w i n chapte r 2 , i s a n exampl e o f a talented youn g Talmudis t wh o lef t "th e lan d o f Russia " t o stud y i n Minsk an d receiv e rabbini c ordinatio n fro m Rabb i Katzenellenboge n o f Brest-Litovsk. 9. O n R . Israe l Yaffe , an d th e subsequen t controvers y surroundin g hi s alleged Sabbatianism , se e S . J. Fuenn , Kneset yisra'el [Congregatio n o f Israel], (Warsaw , 1886) : 694-95 ; o n R . Elija h Pines , se e H . N . Dem bitzer, Kelilatyofi [Cit y o f Beauty] (Ne w York , 1959-60) , vol . 1:50b ; o n R. Jaco b b . Juda h Schick , se e Magid , Toldot mishpehot ginzburg, 27 28, 32 , an d th e letter s o f approbatio n t o hi s posthumou s Moreh tsedek [Righteous Instruction ] (Shklov , 1783) . 10. Thi s i s th e reasone d estimat e o f Raphae l Mahler , Divre yeme yisra'el: dorot aharonim [Histor y o f th e Jew s i n Moder n Times] , vol . 1 , boo k 4 (Merhavia, 1956) , 229-31 , base d o n th e 1772-7 3 censu s conducte d b y the Russia n authorities . 11. Avraha m Ya'ari , "Ha-defu s ha-'ivr i be-Shklov " [Jewis h Printin g i n Shklov], Kiryat sefer 2 2 (1945) : 49-72 , 135-60 ; C . Lieberman , "Nosafo t le-ha-defus ha-'ivr i be-Shklov " [Addend a t o Jewish Printin g i n Shklov] , Kiryat sefer 2 5 (1949) : 315-320 , 2 6 (1950) : I O I - I I I . A t th e tur n o f th e

NOTES T O CHAPTE R I 13

9

nineteenth century , th e neighborin g tow n o f Kopy s als o becam e a n important cente r o f Hebre w printing ; se e C . D . Friedberg , Toldot hadefus ha-'ivri bi-polanya [Histor y o f Jewis h Printin g i n Poland ] (Ant werp, 1932) , 91-93 . Fo r a comparison betwee n Shklo v an d othe r center s of Hebre w printin g i n Easter n Europe , se e Friedberg . 12. C . H . Rivlin , Hazon tsiyon: shklov ve-yerushalayim, [Visio n o f Zion : Shklov an d Jerusalem] (Jerusalem , 1953) , 3 2 (fro m a poe m b y R . Joseph Rivlin, scio n o f Shklov' s mos t prominen t rabbini c family) ; Chai m Meyer Heilman , Bet rabi [Th e Rabbi' s House ] (Berdichev , 1900) , 20a ; letter fro m Shklo v t o th e Bucharia n Jews , date d Decembe r 1802 , ap pended t o Derishat tsiyon [Pursui t o f Zion ] (Frankfur t o n th e Oder , 1806). Th e letter' s patrioti c hyperbol e an d it s clai m tha t Tsa r Alexan der I "has mad e u s equal wit h al l inhabitant s o f the lan d i n everything " are indication s o f its author' s emancipationis t orientation . Th e descrip tion o f th e Shklo v synagogu e i s fro m Otsar yisra^el [Th e Treasur y o f Israel Encyclopedia] , ed . J . D . Eisenstad t (Ne w York , 1917) , 10 : 208 . For a depiction o f Shklov i n thi s perio d base d o n loca l fol k memory , se e Y. Litvi n ( = S. Hurwitz) , "Ve n Shklo v i z geve n eret s yisroel " [Whe n Shklov Wa s th e Lan d o f Israel] , Yidishe neshomes [Jewis h Souls] , (Ne w York, 1916) , 1 : chapter 2 1 (unpaginated) . 13. Se e Michae l S . Stanislawski , Tsar Nicholas I and the Jews: The Transformation of Jewish Society in Russia 1825-1855 (Philadelphia , 1983) , 49-52; Mahler , Divre yeme yisra'el, vol . 1 , book 4 , 25-68 . 14. Iuli i Gessen , Evrei v rossii [Th e Jews i n Russia ] (St . Petersburg , 1906) ; I . Tsinberg, "Shklo v i eg o 'prosvetiteli ' konts a XVI I logo veka " [Shklo v and It s 'Enlighteners ' a t th e En d o f the Eighteent h Century] , Evreiskaia starina 1 2 (1928) : 17-44 , an d i n hi s Geshikhte fun der literatur bay yidn [History o f Jewish Literature ] (Ne w York , 1943) , 5 : 320-39; 7a : 263-70 . Notes to

Chapter 1

1. Fo r a n overvie w o f th e conflic t betwee n Hasidi m an d Mitnagdi m i n English, se e Bernar d Weinryb , The Jews ofVoland (Philadelphia , 1973) , 282-301; an d Mordecha i Wilensky , "Hasidic-Mitnaggedi c Polemic s i n the Jewis h Communitie s o f Easter n Europe : Th e Hostil e Phase, " i n Gershon D . Hunder t (ed.) , Essential Vapers on Hasidism (Ne w York , 1991), 244-71 . Th e classica l treatmen t o f th e subjec t i s b y S . Dubnow , Toldot Ha-hasidut [Histor y o f Hasidism ] (Te l Aviv , 1975 , fourt h edi tion). Wilensy' s Hasidim ve-mitnagdim [Hasidis m an d Opponents] , 2 vols. (Jerusalem , 1970) , i s a n indispensabl e collectio n o f primar y sources. 2. Shneu r Zalma n b . Barukh o f Liady, 'Igrot kodesh kevod kedushat admor ha-zaken [Sacre d Letter s o f th e Ol d Rabbi] , ed . Shalo m Dube r Levin e (Brooklyn, N.Y. , 1980) , 126 ; also cite d wit h sligh t variation s b y Wilen -

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sky, Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1:40 , n . 24 . The lette r wa s writte n i n 1805 ; significantly, R . Avraha m di d no t den y R . Shneur Zalman' s charges . 3. Chai m Meye r Heilman , Bet rabi, 8 ; Mikhae l Vilensk y i n Kiryat sefer I (1924): 240 ; R . Josep h Isaa c Schneerson , "Avo t Ha-Hasidut " [Th e Fa thers o f Hasidism] , Ha-tamim (Decembe r 1935) : 62-6 3 an d passim . For a critica l evaluatio n o f th e historica l literatur e produce d b y th e Lubavitch movement , se e Ad a Rapoport-Albert , "Hagiograph y wit h Footnotes: Edifyin g Tale s an d th e Writin g o f Histor y i n Hasidism, " History and Theory 27 (1988) : 119-59 . R - Avraha m o f Kalis k referre d to th e tolk, an d t o th e charg e tha t h e wa s responsibl e fo r th e sin s of Hasidi m i n Byelorussia , i n a 180 1 lette r t o R . Shneu r Zalman , pub lished i n Davi d Zv i Hilma n (ed.) , 'Igrot ba'al ha-tanya u-bene doro [Letters b y th e Autho r o f th e Tany a an d Hi s Contemporaries ] (Jerusa lem, 1953) , 156 , an d Jaco b Barna i (ed.) , 'Igrot hasidim me-'erets yisra'el [Letter s o f Hasidi m fro m th e Lan d o f Israel ] (Jerusalem , 1980) , 255-56. 4. Yisrae l Loebel , Sefer vikuah [Boo k o f Disputation ] (Warsaw , 1798) , 3a ; in Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 2: 274 : "The y conside r i t permit ted t o kill , beat , an d infor m o n thos e wh o oppos e them , a s the y di d t o R. Shole m o f Lubavitch , an d a s the y di d t o R . Jaco b o f Shklov. " Afte r serving th e communit y o f Shklo v fo r mor e tha n twent y years , R . Jaco b surfaced i n th e Lithuania n tow n o f Slutsk , wher e h e die d i n 1774 , suggesting a sudde n departure . O n R . Jacob, se e pp. 23-2 4 below . 5. Thi s wa s first pointe d ou t b y Immanue l Etke s i n hi s study , "Ha-gr a ve reshit ha-hitnagdu t la-hasidut " [Th e Viln a Gao n an d th e Beginnin g of Oppositio n t o Hasidism] , i n Temurot ba-historiya ha-yehudit hahadasha, kovets ma'amarim shai le-Shmuel Ettinger [Ettinge r Jubile e Volume] (Jerusalem , 1987) , 439-58 . Th e Hasidi c traditio n speak s o f two Shklo v disputations , on e i n 1771-7 2 an d anothe r i n 1776-77; Heil man, Bet rabi, 8 , 13 . 6. Zemir 'aritsim ve-harvot tsurim [Th e Sound s o f Oppressor s an d Sword s of Stone ] (Alksenits , 1772) , i n Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 63. Heilman, Bet rabi, 8 , report s tha t th e pronouncemen t wa s mad e a t a special assembl y hel d severa l month s afte r th e disputation . 7. Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 64. 8. Etke s ha s note d ("Ha-gr a ve-reshi t ha-hitnagdut, " 444-48 ) tha t th e Vilna Gao n ha d a negativ e vie w o f Hasidism eve n prio r t o receivin g th e writings fro m Shklov . Nonetheless , fro m th e perspectiv e o f ou r topi c i t is important t o point ou t tha t th e event s i n Byelorussi a an d th e disputa tion i n Shklo v motivate d hi m t o launc h a campaig n t o destro y th e movement. 9. Edwar d C. Thaden, Russia's Western Borderlands 1710-1870 (Princeton , 1984), 32-55 . 10. Joh n D . Klier , Russia Gathers Her Jews: The Origins of the "Jewish Question" in Russia 1772-1825 (Dekalb , 111. , 1986), 64-65 ; Iuli i Gessen ,

NOTES T O CHAPTE R I 14

1

Istoriia evreiskogo naroda v rossii [Histor y o f th e Jewis h Peopl e i n Russia] (Petrograd , 1916) , 1 : 133-36 . 11. Gessen , Istoriia, 1 : 136 , 139 ; Evreiskaia entsiklopediia, "kagal, " 8 : 8 8 90. 12. O n th e statu s o f Jewis h self-governmen t i n Polan d an d th e debate s surrounding th e rol e o f th e kaha l i n th e 1770 s an d 1780s , se e Raphae l Mahler, Toldot ha-yehudim be-folin [Histor y o f th e Jew s i n Poland ] (Merhavia, 1946) , 440-456 ; S . Dubnow , "Evreiskai a pol'sh a v epokh u poslednikh razdelov " [Jewis h Polan d a t th e Tim e o f th e Las t Parti tions], Evreiskaia starina 4 (1911) : 441-463 ; N . M . Gelber , "Di e Jude n und di e Judenreform au f de m vierjahrige n Seim, " i n Isma r Elboge n e t al. (eds.) , Festschrift zu Simon Dubnows siebzigsten Geburtstag (Ber lin, 1930) , 136-53 13. "Pinka s kaha l kados h Petrovitz, " Yiv o Archives , Tcherikove r collec tion, file #917 , esp . pp . 69a , 70b , 71a ; th e tex t o f th e statute s wa s published b y Dubno w i n Russia n translation , "Istoricheski e soobschen iia: kagalni e ustav i s konts a i6og o d o konts a i8og o veka " [Historica l Notes: Kaha l Constitution s fro m th e Lat e Sixteent h t o th e Lat e Eigh teenth Centuries] , Voskhod 1 3 (1894) , no . 2 : 90-105 . O n th e jurisdic tional disput e betwee n th e tw o Mstislavls , se e "Pinka s kaha l kados h Mtsislav," Yiv o Archives , Tcherikove r collection , file #918 , pp . 98-99 . 14. Tolnoe sobranie zakonov rossiiskoi imperii, vol . 21 , no . 15,436 ; cite d by Gessen , Istoriia, 1 : 136 . Gesse n suggeste d tha t th e complain t wa s submitted b y persecute d Hasidim ; " K istori i religiozno i borb i sred i ruskikh evreev " [O n th e Histor y o f th e Religiou s Struggl e withi n Rus sian Jewry], Voskhod 2 2 (1902) , no . 1 : 131. 15. Thes e reform s hav e bee n studie d b y severa l historians ; Klier , Russia Gathers Her Jews, 67-74 ; Richar d Pipes , "Catherin e I I an d th e Jews : The Origin s o f th e Pal e o f Settlement, " Soviet Jewish Affairs 5 (1975) , no. 2 : 3-20 ; Shmue l Ettinger , "Ha-yesodo t ve-ha-megamo t be-'itsu v mediniuto she l ha-shilto n ha-rus i klap e ha-yehudi m 'i m haluko t polin " [Principles an d Tendencie s i n th e Formatio n o f Russia n Polic y towar d the Jew s afte r th e Partitio n o f Poland] , He-'avar 1 9 (1972) : 20-34 . Se e also the treatmen t b y Isaa c Levitats , The Jewish Community in Russia, 1772-1844 (Ne w York , 1943) , 26 , 48-49. 16. Se e th e lette r o f approbatio n b y th e rabbini c cour t o f th e medinah t o David Karo , 'Ohel Rahel [Th e Ten t o f Rachel] (Shklov , 1790) . 17. O n th e "Sage s of Shklov" see below , chapte r 6 . 18. O n th e secon d Shklo v disputation , se e th e lette r b y R . Shneu r Zalma n to hi s Hasidi m i n Vilna , i n Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 198 99, an d Heilman , Bet rabi, 13-14 . Etke s contend s (i n "Ha-gr a ve-reshi t ha-hitnagdut") tha t onl y on e disputatio n too k place , i n 1771-72 . I a m inclined t o follow Wilensk y an d Heilma n o n thi s point , sinc e R . Shneu r Zalman refer s t o on e Shklo v disputatio n a s a debacle , a t whic h R . Avraham Kaliske r wa s unabl e t o respon d convincingl y t o Mitnagdi c

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charges, an d t o th e othe r a s a Hasidi c victor y i n whic h h e himsel f personally participated , an d refute d al l accusations . Th e succes s o f th e Hasidim a t th e secon d disputatio n le d th e antagonisti c audienc e t o resort t o violence . 19. Heilman , Bet rabi, 117 ; see als o pp . 13 , 35-36, 118-19 . Heilma n report s that a n anti-Hasidi c gatherin g o f Russia n Jewis h communitie s wa s convened i n Shklo v i n 1781 , simultaneous wit h th e gatherin g o f Polis h Jewish communitie s a t th e Zelv a fai r whic h issue d severa l anti-Hasidi c bans. 20. Se e th e 178 7 takanot ha-medinah agains t Hasidis m whic h hav e sur vived i n thre e differen t versions , Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 142-59. Se e als o th e vehemen t lette r b y R . Menahe m Mend l b . Baruk h Bendet o f Shklov , writte n i n 1805 , ibid. , 1 : 315-18 , an d th e causti c remarks o f R . Israe l b . Shmue l o f Shklov , writte n i n 1808-10 , i n Isaia h Tishby, "Kitrug o she l R . Yisrae l Mi-Shklo v 'a l ha-hasidim " [Th e Po lemic o f Rabb i Israe l o f Shklo v agains t th e Hasidim] , Kiryat sefer 5 1 (1976): 300-303 . Fo r a surve y o f th e majo r theme s i n Mitnagdi c polem ics, se e Wilensky' s articl e "Hasidic-Mitnaggedi c Polemics " (abov e n . 1).

21. Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 149-50 . 22. Ibid. , 348-49 . 23. Ibid. , 151-52 . I have followe d th e versio n firs t publishe d b y P . Marek i n "Vnutrenaia borb a v evreistv e v XVIIIo m veke " [Th e Interna l Struggl e in Jewry i n th e Eighteent h Century] , Evreiskaia starina 1 2 (1928) : 126 27, whic h i s fuller and , t o m y mind , mor e authentic . 24. Marek , "Vnutrenai a borba, " 131 , n. 1 . The minutes , whic h wer e date d the 21s t o f Elul , 554 [ . . . ] (17 8 [ . . . ] ) , wer e personall y examine d b y Marek, bu t neve r published . I woul d assum e tha t th e yea r wa s 5541 , based o n th e mont h indicated , Elul . Accordin g t o Hasidi c tradition , a herem wa s issue d b y th e Russia n Mitnagdi m i n Shklo v a t th e tim e o f the Polis h herems a t th e Zelv a fair , i n Elu l 5541 ; Heilman, Bet rabi, 35 . A simila r clai m regardin g officia l Russia n authorizatio n t o persecut e the Hasidi m wa s mad e b y th e gubernskii kagal o f th e Mins k provinc e in 1797 : "W e hav e th e abilit y t o pursu e the m an d persecut e them . Fo r by th e grac e o f God , w e hav e bee n grante d th e authorit y [t o d o so ] b y our Genera l Governor. " Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 193-94 . 25. Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 296-97 ; 'Igrot kodesh (abov e n . 2), 5 . R . Shneu r Zalma n als o ordere d th e Hasidi m t o ac t wit h restrain t and no t resor t t o denunciation s t o th e Gentil e authorities . 26. Se e Louis Jacobs, Hasidic Vrayer (Ne w York , 1973) . 27. Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 161-62 ; 'Igrot kodesh, 16 . Se e Esther 3:1 3 and 7:3 . 28. Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 166-67; '^S rot kodesh, 23-24 . Re ports o f anti-Hasidi c persecutio n i n th e Mogile v provinc e reache d th e Hasidic master s i n Palestine , R . Menahe m Mend l o f Vitebs k an d R .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R I 14

3

Avraham Kalisker ; se e Barnai , 'Igrot hasidim, 63-65 , 95-96 , 104 . R . Menahem Mend l and R. Avraham emigrate d t o Palestine in 1777. 29. Shau l Ginsburg, "Mays e Ushats" [The Incident a t Ushats], in Historishe shriftn (Ne w York , 1941) , 3 : 180-81 . Th e threa t t o th e physica l well being o f Hasidi m i n th e Mogile v provinc e i s a them e i n Hasidi c tradi tions abou t R . Shneu r Zalman' s son-in-law , R . Avraha m Sheynes . R . Avraham gre w u p i n Mitnagdi c Shklov , an d wa s th e so n o f on e o f it s leading rabbini c scholars . Whe n h e became intereste d i n Hasidism , h e ran awa y from hom e to R. Shneur Zalman's seat of residence in Liozna . R. Avraham' s fathe r wrot e t o R . Shneu r Zalma n demandin g tha t hi s son be sent home, but the son was afraid t o go home "lest the people of the plac e kil l me. " Onl y afte r extractin g a vo w fro m Shklov' s towns men befor e a rabbinic cour t tha t the y woul d no t caus e him an y harm , did R. Avraham agre e to return. Heilman , Bet rabi, 116-17. 30. Se e th e lette r b y R . Menahe m Mend l o f Vitebsk , date d 1783-84 , i n Barnai, 'Igrot hasidim, 104 . 31. Heilman , Bet rabi, 35-36 . Heilman consistentl y treat s th e easter n Byelorussian provinces , whic h h e refers t o as "our land" (medinatenu) , a s a discrete region in the history of Hasidism. The one community i n th e Mogilev provinc e know n t o hav e tolerate d a Hasidi c minyan i n th e period unde r consideratio n wa s Stary Bykhov . It s rabbi, R . Israe l Rappoport, was congratulated b y R. Shneur Zalman fo r his efforts t o establish peac e betwee n th e warin g camps . Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 298-99; 'Igrot kodesh, 30-32 . 32. Heilman , Bet rabi, 12 . R. Menahem Mend l ma y hav e fle d fro m Minsk , where he was targeted b y the Mitnagdim a s the "image of jealousy," to the free r atmospher e o f th e Polots k province . Se e Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 65, 102. 33. O n R . Shneu r Zalman' s ris e t o power , se e I . Etkes , "'Aliyat o she l rab i Shneur Zalma n mi-Liad i le-'emda t manhigut " [Th e Ris e o f Rabb i Shneur Zalma n o f Liady to a Position of Leadership], Tarbits 54 (1984 85), 429-39 . Th e issuanc e o f guidelines , som e tim e i n th e 1780s , re stricting th e frequenc y wit h whic h Hasidi m coul d visi t Liozn a i s evidence o f R . Shneu r Zalman' s growin g popularit y a s tsadik; 'Igrot kodesh, 53 . I n th e lat e eighteent h century , Liozn a belonge d t o th e Polotsk (late r Vitebsk) province ; Heilman, Bet rabi, 1. 34. Lette r by R. Israel of Polotsk, 1778 , in Barnai, 'Igrot hasidim, 73-78 . 35. Barnai , 'Igrot Hasidim, 93 ; the lette r i s date d 4 'Ada r 554 2 [ = March 1782].

36. 'Igrot kodesh, 22 , an d Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 16 6 (wit h slight variations) . 37. See , for instance , R . Phineha s b . Judah, Keter torah [Crow n o f Torah ] (n.p., 1859) , i6b-i7 a (firs t edition : Shklov , 1788) . A comprehensiv e analysis of R. Phinehas's though t i s provided b y Alan L . Nadler's forth coming book, A Religion of Limits: The Theology of the Mitnaggedim.

144 NOTE S T O CHAPTE R I The list o f subscibers to R . Phinehas' s commentar y o n th e praye r boo k Sha'ar ha-rahamim [Gat e o f Mercy ] (Shklov , 1788 ) indicate s th e exis tence of non-Hasidic congregations in Vitebsk, Nevel, and Polotsk . 38. Th e tex t o f th e oat h i s reproduce d b y Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 323 . 39. I . Etkes, "'Aliyato shel rabi Shneur Zalman" (abov e n. 33). 40. 'Igrot kodesh, 3-4 , 8-9; Barnai , 'Igrot hasidim, 93. 41. Barnai , 'Igrot hasidim, 174; Hilman, 'Igrot ba'al Ha-tanya u-bene doro, 3542. 'Igrot kodesh, 44 . In anothe r letter , R . Shneur Zalma n state s explicitl y that h e i s no t requestin g donations , bu t i s imposin g fee s "wit h grea t threats and decrees"; ibid., 52. 43. Heilman , Bet rabi, 132 ; see th e responsa , appende d t o Shulhan 'arukh ha-rav (Vilna , 1904) , pt. 4. 44. Cf . I . Etkes , "Rab i Shneu r Zalma n mi-Liad i ke-manhi g she l hasidim " [Rabbi Shneu r Zalma n o f Liad y a sa * Hasidi c Leader] , Zion 5 0 (1986) : 321-54. 45. Se e the recent treatmen t b y Klier, Russia Gathers Her Jews, 75-80 , an d the literature cite d there . 46. Volnoe sobranie zakonov rossiiskoi imperii, vol . 23, no. 17 , 327; cited by Gessen, "K istorii religioznoi borbi," 132. 47. R . Avigdor's denunciation wa s first published b y Dubnow, "Vmeshatel stvo ruskog o gosudarstv o v anti-khasidskuy u borbu " [Th e Interferenc e of the Russia n Stat e in th e Anti-Hasidi c Struggle] , Evreiskaia starina 3 (1910): 90-109 , an d i s availabl e i n Hebre w translatio n i n Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 237-58. The passage in question i s on p. 108 of Dubnow's article, an d pp. 256-57 in Wilensky. 48. Heilman , Bet rabi, 9 (n. 1) , 53; similarly p. 40. 49. Th e title pag e and othe r section s of this first edition ar e reproduced i n Yehoshua Mondshein , Sifre ha-halakha shel ha-admor hazaken [Th e Halakhic Works of the Old Rabbi], (Brooklyn , N.Y., 1984) , 1-5 50. Heilman , Bet rabi, 119-20. 51. Se e the lis t o f th e head s of habad minyanim a t th e en d o f the "Liozn a ordinances" of March 1796 ; 'Igrot kodesh, 78-79 . 52. Heilman , Bet rabi, 140-43 ; quote from p . 140. 53. O n the final stage of the conflict betwee n 179 7 and 1801 , see the treat ment b y Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 210-22 , 230-36 , base d on document s whic h wer e unknow n t o Dubnow . Th e provincia l au thorities i n Lithuani a reiterate d th e officia l polic y denyin g th e kahal th e authority t o exercise civil, judicial, an d police powers; ibid., p. 212 .

54. O n th e continue d hars h Mitnagdis m o f R . Menahe m Mend l an d R . Israel o f Shklov , se e th e citation s i n n . 2 0 above . O n th e cemeter y controversy, se e Shlomo Berman, "Mishpeho t kaha l kados h shklov ('a l pi pinqa s ha-niftari m she l hevra t gemilu t hasadi m she l 'emet) " [Th e

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 14

5

Families o f th e Shklo v Jewis h Communit y (Base d o n th e Recor d Boo k of th e Buria l Society)] , Kovets 'alyad, N.S . I [11] (1936) : 166 . 55. Articl e 5 3 of th e polozheniia 0 evreakh; se e Shmuel Ettinger , "Takano t 1804" [Th e Statut e o f 1804] , He-'avar 2 1 (1977) : 87-110 , esp . p . 109 ; in Russian—O . Levanda , Volnii khronologicheskii sbornik zakonov i polozhenii kasayushschikhsa evream [Complet e Chronologica l Collec tion o f Law s an d Statute s Concernin g th e Jews], (St . Petersburg , 1874) , 60. Th e text s o f R . Shneu r Zalman' s sermon s whic h h e delivere d i n Shklov i n 1804 , ar e containe d i n Ma'amare ha-admor ha-zaken [Essay s of th e Ol d Rabbi ] (Brooklyn , N.Y. , 1957) , 1 : 1-3 , 8-11 , 13-15 ; Ma'amare ha-admor ha-zaken 5564 (Brooklyn , N.Y. , 1980) , 43-59 . Notes to

Chapter 2

1. Uklides [Euclid' s Elements ] (Th e Hague , 1780) , introductio n (unpagi nated). 2. Fo r a n analysi s o f th e Viln a Gaon' s imag e a s a forerunne r o f th e Haska lah, se e Immanue l Etkes , "Ha-gr a ve-ha-haskalah : tadmi t ve-mitziut " [The Viln a Gao n an d th e Haskalah : Imag e an d Reality] , i n Vrakim betoldot ha-hevra ha-yehudit be-yeme ha-benayim ve-ba-'et ha-hadasha mukdashim le-profesoryaakov katz [Katz Jubilee Volume], ed . E . Etke s and J . Salmo n (Jerusalem , 1980) , 192-217 . Schick' s imag e a s a discipl e of th e Viln a Gao n ha s likewis e a lon g history . See , fo r instance , S . Stanislavskii, "Biograflcheski e etiudi " [Biographica l Studies] , Voskhod 10 (1891 ) no . 12 : 143-57 , esp . pp . 143 , 176. 3. Cf . S . J. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah [Th e Loya l City ] (Vilna , 1915) , 146 ; Zinberg, Geshikhte fun der literatur bay yidn 5 , 320-24 ; Mahler , Divre yemeyisra'el, 1 , book 4 : 14-16 , 53-56 . 4. Schick' s dat e o f birth : Jaco b o f Karlin , Keren f orah *al masekhet nazir [Rays o f Ligh t o n Tractat e Nazir ] (Jerusalem , 1959) , introduction . R . Jacob an d hi s brothe r R . Isaa c o f Karli n wer e Schick' s grandsons . Hi s death i s recorde d i n th e pinkas o f th e Sluts k buria l societ y (Jewis h National an d Universit y Library , 4 0 927) , a s ros h hodes h ada r 556 8 ( = 1808) . O n Schick' s father , se e th e letter s o f approbatio n t o th e lat ter's posthumou s Moreh tsedek (Shklov , 1783) ; on th e Ginzbur g famil y and Schick' s relatio n t o it , se e Magid , Toldot mishpehot ginzburg, 2 7 28, 32 , 54-56, 168-71 . 5. "Pinka s hevr a kadish a shiva h keruim, " Jewish Nationa l an d Universit y Library, fols . 4a , 6a , 7a , 10a , 17b , an d passim ; Avraha m Hai m Shabad , Toldot ha-yamim she-'avru ( al hevra kadisha shivah keruim [Histor y o f the Shiva h kerui m Society ] (Vilna , 1909) , 7-9 . Schick' s semikha wa s printed i n hi s editio n o f Yesod 'olam (Berlin , 1777) ; hi s forme r pos t a s dayyan figure s o n th e titl e pag e t o Uklides. 6. Schick , 'Amude ha-shamayim-tiferet adam [Pillar s o f th e Heaven s an d the Splendo r o f Man ] (Berlin , 1777) , 2b .

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7. Shabad , Toldot ha-yamim, 5 , 7-9 . 8. Yesod 'olam, introductio n (unpaginated) . 9. Se e below . 10. Kitve shabetai donelo [Th e Work s o f Shabbeta i Donello] , ed . Mutne r (Jerusalem, 1949) , 36 ; Joseph Ib n Aknin , Sefer musar, ed . Bache r (Ber lin, 1911) , 75; Meir Aldabi , Shevile 'emunah (Te l Aviv , n.d.) , 33a . 11. Se e m y articl e "Rabb i Mosh e Isserle s an d th e Stud y o f Scienc e amon g Polish Rabbis, " i n Bernar d Do v Coooperma n (ed.) , Tradition and Crisis Revisited (Cambridge , 1994) . 12. Ibid. ; Davi d B . Ruderman , "Th e Impac t o f Scienc e o n Jewis h Cultur e and Societ y i n Venice, " i n Gaetan o Cozz i (ed.) , Gli Ebrei e Venezia (Milan, 1987) , 417-48 . 13. Isaa c Eisenstein-Barzilay , "Th e Backgroun d o f th e Berli n Haskalah, " i n Essays on Jewish Life and Thought in Honor of Solo W. Baron (Ne w York, 1959) , 184-185 ; R. Jonathan o f Ruzhany's Yeshua be-yisra'el [Sal vation i n Israel ] (Frankfurt , 1720) , i s a comprehensiv e commentar y t o Maimonides' Hilkhot kidush ha-hodesh. 14. Tiferet adam, 210-220 , 25b ; 'Amude ha-shamayim, 240-253 ; J. Leibow itz, "Smukhi m harvianii m ba-refua h ha-'ivrit " [Reference s t o Harve y in Hebre w Medica l Literature] , Ha-rofe ha-'ivri 2 (1957) , 36-48 ; Hille l Levine, "Paradis e No t Surrendered : Jewish Reaction s t o Copernicu s an d the Growt h o f Moder n Science, " i n Rober t Cohe n an d Ma x Watkowsk y (eds.), Epistemology, Methodology, and the Social Sciences (Dor drecht, 1983) , 205-22 . 15. Tiferet adam, 8a ; 'Amude ha-shamayim, 2b , 5a, i o a - b ; o n Cardan o an d Viete, se e Charle s C . Gillesp e (ed.) , Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York , 1971-76) , 3 : 64-67; 14 : 18-25. 16. Tiferet adam, introduction , 2b . I t i s difficult t o comprehen d wh y Schic k singled ou t Isaa c Israeli' s Yesod 'olam an d Josep h Shlom o Delmedigo's 'Elim fo r criticis m o n accoun t o f thei r ignoranc e o f "book s in foreig n tongues , suc h a s Euclid. " Bot h wer e replet e wit h reference s to Eucli d an d othe r Gree k scientists . 17. N . M . Gelber , "Le-toldo t ha-rofi m ha-yehudi m be-poli n ba-me'a h ha 18" [O n th e Histor y o f Jewis h Physician s i n Polan d i n th e Eighteent h Century], i n I . Tiros h (ed.) , Shay le-yeshayahu: seferyowel le-yeshayahu volfsberg (Te l Aviv , 1956) , 347-71 . Gelbe r list s six Padu a graduate s from Lithuani a an d Byelorussi a i n th e eighteent h century . 18. O n Gordon , se e S. Ginzburg, Ramhal u-vene doro [Rabb i Mosh e Hayyi m Luzzatto an d Hi s Contemporaries] , (Te l Aviv , 1937) , index ; I . Tishby , "Darke hafatsata m she l kitv e ramha l be-foli n ve-lita " [Th e Dissemina tion o f Luzzatto' s Writing s i n Polan d an d Lithuania] , Kiryat Sefer 4 5 (1977): 139-50 . Fo r additiona l evidenc e suggestin g Gordon' s intermedi acy betwee n Padu a an d Shklov , se e below . 19. Tiferet adam, 4a , 8a .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 14

7

20. 'Amude ha-shamayim, 24b , 26a-b , 27a-b , 28b . Tiferet adam cite s th e Bible an d Talmu d o n pp . 6b, 7a , 8 a - b , 23a-b , 27b , an d passim . 21. I . Tishby , Mishnat ha-zohar [Teaching s o f th e Zohar ] (Jerusalem , 1971), 1 : 140-48 , 155-58 ; A . Altmann , "Th e Delphi c Maxi m i n Medi eval Isla m an d Judaism," i n Studies in Religious Philosophy and Mysticism (Ne w York , 1969) , 14-19 . 22. Tiferet adam, 22b , citing Zoha r 4 : 234a an d 235a . See R. Yehuda Ashlag , Zohar ( Im perush ha-sulam (Jerusalem , 1957) , 17 : 148-151 , 167 ; Tiferet adam, 28b , citin g Tikune zohar, 52b ; Tiferet adam, 13a , citin g Zohar 3 : 128b ; similarl y Tiferet adam, 18 a citin g Tikune zohar, 128 a and others . 23. Tiferet adam, 17a , citin g Zoha r 3 : 235a . Y . S . Reggio , a n enlightene d Italian rabbi , criticize d Schic k fo r hi s utilizatio n o f th e Zoha r fo r ana tomical data , Otsar nehmad 1 (1856): 9. 24. Tiferet adam, ia . 25. Ibid. , 2a . 26. Ibid . 27. Mosh e Hayi m Luzzatto , Adir ba-marom [Might y i n Heaven] , ed . S . Luria (Warsaw , 1880) , 2a-b . 28. Tiferet adam, 2a ; o n Gordo n se e th e reference s i n n . 1 8 above. 29. Se e Mendl Piekarz , Bi-yeme tsemihat ha-hasidut [A t th e Birt h o f Hasid ism] (Jerusalem , 1978) . 30. Shabad , Toldot ha-yamim, 16 . Accordin g t o Mahler , Divre yeme yisra'el, 1 , bk. 4 : 53-54, Schic k journeyed first t o London , studie d medi cine there , an d visite d Berli n e n rout e bac k t o Poland . I have foun d n o evidence t o suppor t an y o f thes e claims . R . Sau l Berli n i n hi s lette r o f approbation t o 'Amude ha-shamayim-tiferet adam state s tha t Schic k "came her e fro m th e lan d o f Lithuani a wit h a scrol l o n kiddus h ha hodesh an d anatomy. " 31. M . A . Shulvass , Between East and West (Detroit , 1971) . 32. Ber l Kagan , Sefer Ha-Vrenumerantn (Ne w York , 1975) , Yiddis h intro duction, i x - x . 33. Se e th e haskamot t o 'Amude ha-shamayim-tiferet adam an d Yesod 'olam, a s well a s Schick's introductio n t o th e latter . 34. O n th e Mendelssohnia n circle , se e A . Altmann , Moses Mendelssohn: A Biographical Study (Philadelphia , 1973) , 346-420 ; Jaco b Katz , Tradition and Crisis (Ne w York , 1961) , 245-74 . 35. B y contrast, 'Amude ha-shamayim-tireret adam, publishe d shortl y afte r Schick's arrival , wa s a simple , low-cos t publication . I t appear s tha t Schick ha d no t ye t mad e th e acquaintanc e o f Berlin' s elit e a t th e tim e of its printing . 36. Yesod 'olam, verso , pp . 1 , 2. 37. O n th e Berliners ' attitud e towar d Polis h Jews, se e N . H . Wessely , Divre shalom ve-'emet [Word s o f Peac e an d Truth ] (Berlin , 1782) , 55-56;

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Aaron Hall e Wolfsohn , "Siha h be-'eret z ha-hayim " [ A Conversatio n i n Paradise], Ha-me'asef 7 (1797) : 55. Th e anonymou s fanati c Mendels sohn debate s i n thi s imagine d dialogu e i s clearl y a Polis h Jew ; se e pp . 56, 58 , 123 , 131 . On Maimon' s receptio n b y th e Berli n Maskilim , se e hi s Autobiography, translate d b y J. Clar k Murra y (London , 1954) , 109-13 . See, mor e generally , Steve n Aschheim , Brothers and Strangers: The East European Jew in German and German-Jewish Consciousness, 1800-1923 (Madison , 1982) . 38. Yesod 'olam, 2 a - b . 39. Wessely , Divre shalom ve-'emet, 45-46 . 40. Maimon , Autobiography, 134-37 . Th e origina l Germa n provide s th e initials o f th e person s involved . Thes e wer e Dr . B . an d Messrs . F. , J. , and L. ; accordin g t o Altmann , th e initial s refe r t o Dr . Bloch , Fried lander, Jaroslav , an d Levi ; Moses Mendelssohn, 363 . 41. Se e th e partia l reprin t o f Lefin' s Modah le-binah unde r th e titl e Refuot ha'am [Remedie s fo r th e People ] (Zolkiew , 1794) , titl e pag e an d verso ; Joseph Klausner , Historiyah shel ha-sifrut ha-'ivrit ha-hadasha [Histor y of Modern Hebre w Literature ] (Jerusalem , i960) , 1 : 225-26. 42. Schic k spen t hi s late r year s i n Mins k (t o 1791) , i n Ustye , a privat e estate i n th e Mogile v provinc e o f tsaris t Russi a (t o roughl y 1797) , an d in Slutsk , wher e h e die d i n 1808 . He publishe d bu t on e boo k durin g thi s span o f time , a secon d editio n o f Keneh ha-midah [Th e Lengt h of Measurement ] (Shklov , 1791) . Hi s mos t intriguin g ac t wa s hi s be coming a member , i n 1785 , o f th e Vienn a chapte r o f th e Orde r o f th e Asiatic Brethren , a pseudo-Masoni c organizatio n whos e member s in cluded Austria n aristocrat s an d Jewis h Frankists . Despit e thi s unusua l association, abou t whic h ver y littl e i s known , ther e i s n o basi s fo r doubting Schick' s religiou s orthodox y i n th e 1780 s an d 1790s . Se e G . Scholem, "Karyera h she l frankist : Mosh e Dobrushk a ve-Gilgulav " [Th e Career o f a Frankist : Mosh e Dobrush a an d Hi s Metamorphoses] , i n Mehkarim ve-mekorot le-toldot ha-shabta'ut ve-gilguleha [Studie s and Source s o n th e Histor y o f Sabbateanis m an d It s Transformations ] (Jerusalem, 1974) , esp . pp. 160-63 . On Schick' s Usty e period , se e belo w chapter 3 . 43. Schick , Derekh yeshara [Th e Straigh t Path ] (Th e Hague , 1778) , intro duction; Uklides, postscrip t appealin g fo r advanc e subscribers . 44. Se e abov e pp . 22 . 45. Schick , Keneh ha-midah (Prague , 1783) , verso . 46. Whil e i n Prague , Schic k conducte d mathematic s classe s fo r a grou p o f adult students , an d enliste d th e financia l suppor t o f severa l prominen t citizens o f th e Jewis h community , mos t notabl y th e member s o f th e Jeitteles family . O n Pragu e i n thi s period , se e Hille l J . Kieval , "Cau tion's Progress : Th e Modernizatio n o f Jewis h Lif e i n Prague , 1780 1830," i n Jaco b Kat z (ed.) , Towar d Modernity: The European Jewish Model (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. , 1987) , 71-105 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3 14 9 47. Uklides, introduction . Thes e "enemie s o f wisdom" were a veiled refer ence to Hasidism; see below, chapter 6. 48. Ibid . 49. Ibid . Th e positio n o f thi s sentenc e i s ambiguous ; i t ma y b e rea d a s a continuation o f th e word s o f th e Viln a Gao n whic h preced e it , or , alternatively, a s Schick' s ow n words . I a m convince d tha t th e senti ment i s Schick's and is totally uncharacteristi c o f R. Elijah. 50. Uklides, introduction . 51. Arthu r Hertzberg , The French Enlightenment and the Jews (Ne w York and Philadelphia, 1970) , 253-54, 256-57, 279, 294, 309, 311 . 52. Uklides, introduction . Th e claim tha t th e rabbis of antiquity ha d bee n masters of science, or that th e sciences had originated amon g them an d had been lost in the travails of exile, was an old one. What was new i n Schick's case was the us e of this argument a s part of a polemic agains t the Enlightenment's view of Judaism. 53. Schick , Keneh ha-midah, introduction . 54. Wessely , Divre shalom ve-'emet, 45-46 . 55. O n Jewis h numbe r mysticis m an d gematria , se e Gersho m Scholem , Kabbalah (Jerusalem , 1974) , 38-39, 54, 337-43. 56. Zoha r 3 : 47a~48a; se e Ashlag , Zohar 'im perush ha-sulam, 13 : 33-38. One of th e accepte d interpretation s o f th e passag e i s that i t i s incum bent upon one to combine wisdom with foolishness .

Notes to Chapter 3 1. Y . P . Zakalinskaya , Votchinnie khoziaistva mogilevskoi gubernii v vtoroi polovine XIHogd veka [Estat e Economie s o f th e Mogile v Prov ince i n th e Secon d Hal f o f th e Eighteent h Century ] (Mogilev , 1958) ; my thanks to Professor I . R. Christies of University College, London, fo r making a cop y o f thi s rar e boo k availabl e t o me . Th e mos t recen t biographical treatment s o f Potemki n an d Zoric h are : A . N . Fateyev , Totemkin Tavrichevski (Prague , 1945) , and Han s Halm, "Seme n Gavrilovic Zoric,"Jahrbucher fur der Geschichte Ost-Europas 8 (i960), no. 1: 1-9. A handy surve y of Zorich's estate i s available i n E . P. Karnovich , Zamechatelnie bogatstva chastnikh lits v rossii [Extraordinary Wealt h among Private Individuals in Russia] (St . Petersburg, 1874) , 314-327. 2. A . S . Pishchevich , autobiograph y i n Chteniye v imperaterskom obschestve istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh pri moskovskom universitete, 1 (1885): 28. Pishchevich visited Shklov in 1787. 3. Aleksand r Barsukov, "Shklovskie avantiuristi" [Shklov Adventurers], in Razkazi iz ruskoi istorii XVIIIogo veka [Tale s from Russia n Histor y i n the Eighteenth Century ] (St . Petersburg, 1883) , 245-49. 4. Christia n Hieronymu s Julian Schlegel , Reise aus Volen nach St. Petersburg (Erfurt-Golga , 1818) , 264-65. 5. Schlegel , Reise, 255, 266-67.

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6. M . I . Meshcherski i an d A . N . Korsakov , "Semio n gavrilovic h zorich, " Russkii arkhiv 1 7 (1879) , boo k II , no . 5 : 50 ; Pischevic h (abov e n . 2) , P- 3i 7. Schlegel , Reise, 272 . 8. Meshcherski i an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 50 , 53 ; N . B . Drizen , " K istori i krepostnogo teatra : shklovski i balet " [Towar d th e Histor y o f Peasan t Theater: Th e Shklo v Ballet] , Stolitsy i usadba (Jul y 1914) : 8-11 ; G . I . Barishev e t al. , Muzikalnii teatr belorussii, dooktriabrskii period [Musi cal Theate r i n Byelorussia : Th e Pre-Octobe r Period ] (Minsk , 1990) , 194 99» 2 35 - 39; an d Barishev' s Teatralnaia kultura belorussii 18ogo veka [The Theatrica l Cultur e o f Byelorussi a i n th e Eighteent h Century ] (Minsk, 1992) , passim . 9. Barishev , Muzikalnii teatr, 195 , 235. 10. Meshcherski i an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 53-56 . Th e Empress' s entourag e on he r visi t t o Shklo v included : Coun t Grigori i Potemkin , governor general o f Ne w Russia ; Coun t Iva n G . Chernyshev , vice-presiden t o f the Admiralty ; Coun t Yako v A . Bruce , governor-genera l o f Moscow ; Prince Fedo r Bariatinskii ; A . D . Lanskoi , the n th e Empress' s favorite ; A. A . Bezborodko , th e Empress' s literar y secretary ; Princ e S . Gagari n and others ; ibid. , S5* n - 53- Gran d Duk e Paul , Catherine' s eventua l successor, visite d Shklo v wit h hi s wife i n 1781 , ibid., 57. 11. Russkii biograficheskii slovar', 7 : 468. 12. Schlegel , Reise, 269-72 . 13. Ibid. , 268-69 , 2 7l> Meshcherski i an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 90-96 ; Barsu kov, "Shklovski e avantiuristi, " esp . pp . 254-56 . 14. O n Salle-Morant , se e Drizen, "Shklovski i balet " (abov e n . 8) , 10 ; Meshcherskii an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 81-82 , 95-96 ; Barsukov , "Shklovski e avantiuristi," 250 , 254-56 . 15. Meshcherski i an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 52 . A ful l lis t o f th e employee s of Zorich' s cour t i n 1783 , includin g it s man y foreigners , i s preserve d in th e Russsia n Stat e Archiv e o f Ancien t Act s (RGADA) , fon d 7 , fil e 2636. 16. Meshcherski i an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " p . 50 ; populatio n figure s an d other informatio n o n Shklov' s econom y an d institution s ar e culle d from "Ekonomicheski e primechani e mestechk a stari i i novi i shklov " [Economic Note s o n th e Town s o f Old an d Ne w Shklov] , RGADA foun d 1355, file 719 , 153-67 . 17. "Di e einzig e Unbequemlichkeit , de r ma n be i seine n Aufenthal t i n Sklow unterwerfen , is t das s ma n be i ei n Jude n logire n muss , w o ma n wohl ei n ode r zwe i Zimme r habe n kann . Abe r si e sin d meissten s schlecht un d schmuzig. " Schlegel , Reise, 273 . 18. RGAD A fon d 7 , fil e 2636 , mention s severa l Jews wh o serve d a s contractors fo r Zorich' s court , includin g on e Joe l Berkovitc h wh o wa s sen t t o Prussia t o purchas e playin g cards . Se e als o Y . Litvin , "Ve n Shklo v i z

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3 15

1

geven eret z yisroel " [Whe n Shklo v Wa s th e Lan d o f Israel] , Yidishe neshomes [Jewis h Souls ] ( New York , 1916) , 1 : 2-4. Th e estimat e o f ta x revenue wa s mad e b y Jaco b Hirsch , i n a 178 3 memorandu m t o th e Tsarist authoritie s regardin g th e creatio n o f Jewis h stat e schools ; Regesti i nadpisi 3 (St . Petersburg , 1913) : 242-43 . O n Hirsch' s memoran dum, se e below . 19. Drizen , " K istori i krepostnog o teatra " (abov e n . 8) , 10 . Yankelevic h assumed th e famil y nam e Dokhovnikova , whic h ma y indicat e tha t sh e converted t o Russian-Orthodoxy . 20. R . Judah Ley b Margoliot , Bet midot [Hous e o f Virtues ] (Shklov , 1786) , 26b. O n Margoliot , se e below, chapte r 6 . 21. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, passim , esp . pp . 40-41 , 360 , 444 ; S . L . Tsitron , "Reb nos n notkin, " Shtadlonim [Intercessors ] (Warsaw , n.d.) , 68-89 , esp. pp . 68-70 . Gesse n an d Tsitro n provid e th e fulles t portrait s o f Not kin i n th e historica l literature ; unfortunately , Tsitro n doe s no t identif y his sources . 22. L . V . Engelgardt , Zapiski [Notes ] (Moscow , 1868) , 24 , n . 4 , cite d b y Meshcherskii an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 54 , n. 31. 23. Richar d Markgraff , Zur Geschichte derjuden aufder Messen in Leipzig von 1664-18^9 (Bischofswerda , 1894) , 69. 24. Y . Litvin , "Nos n not a de r shtadlen, " Yiddishe neshomes, (unpagi nated); Ha-me'asef 2 (1784-85) : 1 ; Zemirot yisra'el (Berlin , 1791) , verso. Fo r a n analysi s o f Notkin' s proposal s t o refor m Russia n Jewry , see below, chapte r 5 . 25. Pinkhe s Kon , " A loyb-li d fu n de r mohileve r kehil e lekove d katerin a de r tsveyter" [ A Panegyri c b y th e Mogile v Communit y t o Catherin e II] , YIVO historishe shriftn 1 (1929) : 753-760 ; Chai m Borodianski , "D i loyb-lider lekove d katerin a de r tsveyte r u n zeyer e mekhabrim " [Th e Panegyrics t o Catherin e I I an d Thei r Authors] , YIVO historishe shriftn 2 (i937) : 531-37 . 26. Y . Litvin , "Ve n Shklo v i z geve n eret s yisroel " (abov e n . 18) , 2 ; Mesh cherskii an d Korsakov , "Zorich, " 58 , 87; Zorich's letter t o Coun t Alekse i Borisovich Kurakin , genera l procurato r o f Russia , Ma y 1797 , recount s Notkin's "servic e t o th e fatherland, " Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 41-42 . 27. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 41-42 . Th e partnershi p betwee n Notkin , Shos hinin, an d Ikono v wen t bankrup t i n 1799 . 28. M . F . Shugurov, "Istorii a evree v v rossii" [History o f the Jews in Russia] , Russkii arkhiv 3 2 (1894) , no . 2 : 166 , cite d i n par t b y Gessen , Istoriia evreiskogo naroda v rossii, 1 : 175-76. 29. Gessen , Istoriia, 176-77. A legall y define d real m o f Jewis h settlemen t was create d i n 1794 , afte r th e secon d partitio n o f Poland , an d include d the newl y acquire d Lithuania n an d Ukrainia n provinces , a s wel l a s New Russia ; se e Klier , Russia Gathers Her Jews, 75-76. 30. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 41-42 .

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31. Ibid. , 78 . 32. Ibid. , 34-36 , 81 , 361. On Notkin' s proposal s t o th e Stat e Committe e fo r the Organizatio n o f Jewis h Lif e o n reformin g th e Jews ' status , se e below, chapte r 5 . 33. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 42 ; Tsitron, Shtadlonim, 73 . 34. Quotatio n fro m Litvin , "Nos n not a de r shtadlen, " 2 . On hi s intercesio n on behal f o f R . Shneu r Zalman , th e Smolens k community , an d othe r Jews i n distress , se e Heilman , Bet rabi, 75-76; Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 452-53; an d idem , "I z biografi i not i khaimovich a notkina " [Fro m th e Biography o f Not a Haymovitc h Notkin] , Buduschnost 1 (1900) , no . 45 : 894-95. Severa l legendar y tale s abou t Notki n ar e relate d b y Tsitron , "Reb nosn notkin, " 76-83 . 35. Magid , Toldot mishpehot ginzburg, 50 . 36. J . L . Gordon, " K istori i poselenii a evree v v peterburge " [O n th e Histor y of Jewis h Settlemen t i n St . Petersburg] , Voskhod 1 (1881) , no . 2 : 36 37, 42. 37. Biographica l portrait s o f Zeitli n ar e foun d i n Tsitron , Shtadlonim, 2 8 52, an d Zinberg , Geshikhte fun der literatur bay yidn, 5 : 333-34 . Se e S. L . Fuenn , Kneset yisra'el (Warsaw , 1886) , 430-3 1 (o n hi s rabbinica l studies), an d Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 4 1 (o n hi s brother) . O n th e Zeitli n family se e Shlom o Berman , "Mishpeho t kaha l kados h shklov, " Kovetz 'alyad, N.S . 1 (1936): 154-158 , 172-73 . 38. Tsitron , Shtadlonim, 28-29 , 36 ; Zemirot yisra'el (Berlin , 1791) , sub scription list ; Besamim rosh (Berlin , 1793) , verso . O n th e latte r wor k and th e furo r i t aroused , se e Mosh e Pelli , Bi-ma'avake temurah [I n th e Struggles ove r Change ] (Te l Aviv , 1988) , 149-65 . 39. Sha i Hurvitz , "Sefe r hayai " [Th e Boo k o f M y Life] , Ha-shilo'ah 4 0 (1922): 3 ; se e als o th e portrai t b y Zeitlin' s son-in-law , Mordecha i Na thanson, i n Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 277-79 . 40. Fuenn , Kneset yisra'el, 431 ; idem, Kiryah ne'emanah, 277 . On th e titl e nadvornii sovetnik, se e Jame s Hassell , "Th e Implementatio n o f th e Table o f Rank s i n th e Eighteent h Century, " Slavic Review 2 9 (1970) : 283-95. 41. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 277 . Zeitlin' s rol e mode l i n constructin g hi s court ma y hav e bee n Potemkin , whos e "extravagance s i n th e field o f clothing, jewelry , th e tabl e carriages , horses , palace s an d gardens , be came legendary" ; Isabe l d e Madariaga , Russia in the Age of Catherine the Great (London , 1981) , 348. 42. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 277 . Nathanso n relate s tha t Schic k con ducted chemica l experiment s i n Ustye ; Hurvit z relate s tha t h e wrot e a book o f mathematic s (whic h h e mistakenl y identifie s a s Uklides); "Sefer hayai, " 5 . O n Lefin' s Heshbon ha-nefesh, se e Immanue l Etkes , Rabi yisra'el salanter (Jerusalem , 1982) , 135-46 , an d th e literatur e cited there .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3 15

3

43. Gordon , " K istori i poselenii a evree v v peterburge, " Voskhod 1 (1881 ) no. 2 : 31 ; Gordo n relate s tha t Lefi n wa s recommende d t o Abraha m Perets b y Davi d Friedlander , "wit h who m Peret s wa s friend s an d i n frequent contact. " 44. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 277 ; se e A . Ya'ari , "Ha-defu s ha-'ivr i bi Shklov" [Jewis h Printin g i n Shklov] , Kiryat sefer 2 2 (1945) : nos . 116 , 147; Sefer mitzvot katan 'im hagahot hadashot (Kopys , 1820) . Zeitlin' s letter fo r th e Volozhi n yeshiv a wa s printe d i n Ha-peles 2 (1902) , 293 . On hi s clos e frien d an d colleague , R . Benjami n Rivlin , wh o als o spen t many year s i n Ustye , se e below, chapte r 6 . 45. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 277 ; Hurvitz , "Sefe r hayai " (abov e n . 39) , 4; Tsitron , Shtadlonim, 31-32 . Tsitron , 74 , report s tha t Zeitli n an d Notkin, althoug h clos e friends , differe d o n ho w t o dea l wit h th e Rus sian authorities . Zeitli n preferre d case-by-cas e intercessio n i n instance s of anti-Jewis h persecution , wherea s Notki n advocate d a broade r strat egy of presentin g plan s t o refor m th e Jews' socia l an d lega l status . 46. S . Beilin , "Perepisk a mezhd u bukharskim i evream i i shklovskim i evreami" [Th e Correspondenc e betwee n th e Jew s o f Bukhar a an d Shklov], Terezhitoe 2 (1910) : 277 ; Barsukov , "Shklovski e avantiuristi, " 3547. Emanue l Ringelblum , Kapitlen geshikhie [Chapter s o f History] (Bueno s Aires, 1953) , 187-90 ; H . J . Kruger , Die Judenschaft von Konigsberg in Treussen iyoo-1812 (Marburg , 1966) , 95 ; o n th e anonymou s pamphle t itself, se e Mahler , Toldot ha-yehudim be-folin, 442-43 . 48. Ringelblum , Kapitlen geshikhte, 206-7 . 49. Zer'a kodesh [Hol y Seed ] (Berlin , 1797) , 16b , 19b , 230-243 , 25b , 29b 30b (lette r b y Wessel y t o Kerner) . Kerne r wa s bor n i n th e Polis h tow n of Zlotowo , an d move d t o Shklo v a s a young man . 50. Humash netivot ha-shalom, Genesi s (Berlin , 1780) ; Ha-me'asef 2 (1784-85): 1 ; 3 (1786) : 211 ; Isaac Satanov , Sefer ha-shorashim (Berlin , 1787), Sefer ha-midot (Berlin , 1790) , an d Mishle 'asaf (Berlin , 1792) . 51. B . Weinryb, "Yehud e poli n ve-lit a ve-yahasehe m le-breslau " [Th e Jew s of Polan d an d Lithuani a an d Thei r Relation s wit h Breslau] , i n Mehkarim be-toldot ha-kalkalah ve-ha-hevra shel yehude polin [Studie s o n the Economi c an d Socia l Histor y o f Polis h Jewry ] (Jerusalem , 1939) , 58-59. 52. Regesti i nadpisi, 3 : 240-43. A Hebrew translatio n o f Hirsch's memoran dum wa s publishe d i n He-'avar 1 9 (1972) : 78-80 . 53. Regesti i nadpisi, 241 ; He-'avar, 79 . Hirsc h als o suggeste d tha t ta x revenues o n th e slaughte r an d sal e o f koshe r mea t an d othe r commer cial transaction s b e applie d towar d th e establishmen t o f th e schools . 54. Litvin , "Ve n Shklo v i z geven eretsyisroel, " 8 ; Ya'ari, "Ha-defu s ha-'ivr i bi-Shklov," 60 .

154 NOTE

S T O CHAPTE R 4 Notes to

Chapter 4

1. O n Lefin , se e Mahler , Divre yeme yisra'el, 4 , boo k 1 : 71-88; an d Hille l Levine, "Be n hasidu t le-haskalah : 'a l pulmu s anti-hasid i musve " [Be tween Hasidis m an d Haskalah : O n a Veile d Anti-Hasidi c Polemic] , i n I. Etke s an d J. Salmo n (eds.) , Vrakim le-toldot ha-hevra ha-yehudit beyeme ha-benayim ve-ba'et ha-hadasha mukdashim le-profesor yaakov katz [Kat z Jubile e Volume ] (Jerusalem , 1980) , 122-31 , an d th e litera ture cite d there . 2. Th e scholarl y treatment s o f Schulma n t o dat e are : S . Stanislavskii , "Biograficheskaia zametka " [Biographica l Note ] Voskhod 16 (1896), no . 2: 151-57 ; I . Zinberg , Geshikhte fun der literatur bay yidn, 5 : 334-36 ; and A . R . Malachi , Masot ve-reshimot [Essay s an d Notes] , (Ne w York , 1937) > 109-14 ; Kat z ha s bee n overlooke d b y moder n scholarship . 3. Quotatio n fro m Mordecha i Plungian' s biograph y o f th e Manasse h o f Ilya, Ben porat [So n o f Porat ] (Vilna , 1858) , 67. 4. Stud y o f th e Guide wa s a ke y earl y phas e i n th e metamorphose s o f Mendl Lefin , Solomo n Maimon , Manasse h o f Ilya , an d Isaa c Be r Levin sohn int o Maskilim . O n th e Berli n Haskalah' s imag e o f Maimonide s and th e Guide, se e James H . Lehman , "Maimonides , Mendelssohn , an d the Me'asfim, " Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 2 0 (1975) : 87-108. 5. Hille l Noa h Steinschneider , "Kalma n Schulman, " Ha-melitz (1899) , no. 7 : 12 ; Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 160 . Th e inciden t i s relate d wit h slight variation s b y Joshu a Hesche l Levin , 'Aliyot eliyahu [Th e As cendance o f Elijah ] (Vilna , 1885) , 13a , an d Kalma n Schulman , Toldot gedole yisra'el [Histor y o f Grea t Jews ] (Vilna , 1913) , 2 : 135-36 . Schul man exhibite d hi s interes t i n disseminatin g knowledg e o f th e Guide to the Verplexed i n hi s editio n o f Zekher raw (Shklov , 1804) , t o whic h h e prefaced a length y excerp t fro m Maimonides ' introductio n t o th e Guide. 6. Mordecha i Plungian , Ben porat, 67; Zekher raw, introductio n (unpagi nated), 5 ; H . N . Steinschneider , "Le-toldo t R . Kalma n Schulman, " Hatsefirah (1889) , no . 172 : 703. 7. Pelli , Be-ma'avake temurah; Tsema h Tsamriyon , Ha-me'asef: ktav ha( et ha-moderni ha-rishon be- (ivrit [Ha-me'asef: Th e Firs t Moder n He brew Periodical ] (Te l Aviv , 1985) , 72-91 . 8. "Hakdama t ha-mev i li-ve t ha-defus, " i n R . Manasse h Be n Israel , Mikveh yisra'el [Th e Hop e o f Israel ] (Shklov , 1797) . 9. Ibid . 10. Th e lis t wa s printe d i n Be n Israel' s origina l editio n i n smal l typefac e a t the bac k o f th e book . I n Schulman' s edition , i t wa s presente d i n larg e bold prin t a t th e ver y outse t o f th e volume . 11. Aaro n Hall e Wolfsohn , "Siha h be-'eret s ha-hayim " [ A Conversatio n i n Paradise], Ha-me'asef, 7 (1794-97) : 131. 12. Se e Maimonides , Guide to the Verplexed, 1:73 , an d Isaa c Israeli , Yesod

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4 15

5

'olam [Foundatio n o f th e Earth ] (Berlin , 1777) , 18a , 21b , 36a . Schick , in hi s note s t o Yesod 'olam, correcte d Israeli' s error , an d remarke d tha t "the recen t wiseme n foun d man y dwellin g place s i n th e souther n half, " and tha t "indee d ther e ar e dwellin g place s opposit e ou r feet. " Schick' s and Schulman' s contemporarie s ha d rathe r backwar d notion s o f geo graphy. Th e Viln a Gao n contende d tha t th e eart h wa s square , base d on hi s understandin g o f biblica l verses . Se e Levin , 'Aliyot eliyahu, 62 , n. 85 . 13. Hayi m Avraha m Katz , Simhat levav, hu sefer Hovot ha-levavot 'im biur hadash [Jo y t o th e Heart : A Commentary o n "Dutie s of the Heart" ] (Shklov, 1803) , introduction , 4b~5a . 14. Th e editor s o f Ha-me'asef recommende d tha t Frankfurter-Mendelsohn' s book b e purchase d "especiall y b y th e dea r Jew s o f Poland , wh o don' t read th e book s of th e Gentil e nations" ; Ha-me'asef (1810) : 96. 15. Zekher rav, introductio n (unpaginated) , 5 . Schulman' s linea r transla tion dre w heavil y o n a prio r translatio n b y Yerahmie l Fal k Katz , pub lished i n th e Brun n 179 0 editio n o f Zekher rav (thi s wa s first pointe d out i n Ha-Magid 3 [1858], no. 34 : 134-35 ) • The linea r biblica l reference s and inde x wer e Schulman' s ow n innovations . 16. Zekher rav, introductio n (unpaginated) , 4-6 . 17. S . Assaf , Mekorot le-toldot ha-hinukh be-yisra'el [Source s o n th e His tory o f Jewish Education ] (Jerusalem , 1925) , 1 : 45-52, 61-63 ; M . Klein berger, Ha-mahshavah ha-pedagogit she! ha-maharal mi-Vrag [Th e Ed ucational Philosoph y o f R. Judah Loe b of Prague ] (Jerusalem , 1962) . 18. Zekher rav, introductio n (unpaginated) , 4 . 19. Se e Katz, Out of the Ghetto (Cambridge , Mass. , 1973) , 66-69; Mordeca i Eliav, Ha-hinukh ha-yehudi be-germanya be-yeme ha-haskalah ve-haemantsipatsya [Jewis h Educatio n i n German y i n th e Ag e o f Haskala h and Emancipation ] (Jerusalem , 1961) . 20. Zekher rav, introductio n (unpaginated) , 5 . 21. Solomo n Maimon , Autobiography, 95 , 108 , 112 , 126 , 129 ; R. Rosenfeld , "Rabi menash e ilyer, " Ha-tekufah 2 (1918) : 226 . R . Manasse h o f Ilya' s lack o f fluency i n Germa n hampere d hi s ques t fo r genera l knowledge , and contemporar y Galicia n Maskilim , wh o wer e fluent i n German , considered hi s leve l o f knowledg e quit e backward ; S . H . Hurwitz , Tsiyun le-nefesh rabenu nahman ha-kohen krokhmal [I n Memor y o f Nah man Krochmal ] (Warsaw , 1887) , 61. 22. Sinc e th e languag e o f th e traditiona l "khumes h taytsh " i n th e heder was itsel f a n archai c for m o f Yiddish , i t was , t o begi n with , close r t o German tha n contemporar y spoke n Yiddish . Se e Shlom o Noble , Khumesh taytsh [Bibl e Translation ] (Ne w York , 1943) , esp . pp . 13-16 . Schulman's translatio n consciousl y expunge d th e Slavi c componen t o f Yiddish, an d ma y b e considere d on e o f th e first example s o f Maskili c daytshmerish, i.e. , employin g a n intentionall y "Germanized " lan guage.

156 NOTE

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23. Zekher rav, introductio n (unpaginated) , 5 ; S . J . Fuenn , Safah lane'emanim [Tongu e o f th e Faithful ] (Vilna , 1881) , 147 . A linea r Rus sian translatio n o f Zekher rav wa s publishe d i n Warsa w i n 187 3 b y Naftali Maski l Le-'Eitan , bu t whethe r th e translatio n wa s Schulman' s is unclear . 24. Zekher raw, final page . 25. Schulman' s hym n t o th e Gran d Duches s wa s Shir ve-halel [Son g an d Praise] (Vilna , 1806) ; o n hi s late r educationa l ventures , se e Stein schneider, "Kalma n Schulman " (abov e n . 5) ; idem , "Le-todo t R . Kal man Schulman " (abov e n . 6) , 703 . See also A. Z . Rabinovitz, "Le-toldo t ha-hinukh ve-ha-haskala h she l ha-yehudi m be-rusiya " [O n th e Histor y of Jewish Educatio n an d Enlightenmen t i n Russia] , Ha-hinukh 3 (1912 13): 105 .

26. Avraha m Ya'ari , "Le-toldo t ha-dram a ha-yisre'elit : dram a 'ivri t me haye yose f ve-ehav " [O n th e Histor y o f Jewis h Drama : A Hebre w Drama o n Josep h an d Hi s Brothers] , Bama 5-6 (1934) : 28-34 ; Zipora h Kagan, "Mekoro t ve-mekori'u t ba-mahaz e milham a ba-shalo m le hayim avraha m katz " [Source s an d Originalit y i n th e Pla y "Wa r agains t Peace" b y Hayi m Avraha m Katz] , Bama 4 3 [96 ] (1969) : 62-77 , an d 4 4 [97] (1970) : 70-78. 27. Hayi m Avraha m Katz , Milhama ba-shalom [Wa r agains t Peace ] (Shklov, 1797) , 2a . 28. Ibid . 29. Introductio n t o Katz , Simhat levav, 5a . 30. Katz , Milhama ba-shalom, 2a ; th e section s wer e containe d i n th e drama's secon d part , entitle d "ope n rebuke " (tohakhat megule). 31. Thi s poin t i s examined b y Kagan , "Mekoro t ve-mekori'ut, " 67-69 . 32. Katz , Milhama ba-shalom, 7a . 33. Ibid. , i 6 a - b , i9a-2oa , 23bff . an d esp . 25a. Other character s were Mirod , the chie f butler , Belkin , th e Eunuch , an d th e anonymou s priso n warden. 34. Ibid. , i 3 a - b . Th e stor y wa s similar t o th e legen d o f Solomon an d Asma dai. Se e Kagan' s lis t o f storie s an d parable s i n "Mekoro t ve-mekori'ut, " 73-74. 35. Se e Kagan , "Mekoro t ve-mekori'ut, " passim , esp . pp . 68 , 7 4 for furthe r examples. Th e dialogu e betwee n Jaco b an d th e wol f i s foun d i n Yose f Dan (ed.) , Sefer ha-yashar (Jerusalem , 1986) : 197-98 . O n th e Yiddis h chapbook o f th e lat e eighteent h century , se e Davi d G . Roskie s "Th e Genres o f Yiddis h Popula r Literatur e 1790-1860, " Working Tapers in Yiddish and East European Jewish Studies 8 (1975) ; o n Hasidi c story telling i n thi s period , se e Yose f Dan , Ha-sipur ha-hasidi [Th e Hasidi c Tale] (Jerusalem , 1975) , 34-79 ; Gedalya h Nigal , Ha-siporet ha-hasidit: toldoteha ve-noshe'ah [Th e Hasidi c Novella : Histor y an d Formulation ] (Jerusalem, 1981) , 13-23 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5 15

7

36. Katz , Milhama ba-Shalom, 2b , an d i n th e bod y o f th e drama , pp . 3b , 4b~5a; cf . Sefer ha-yashar (ed . Dan) , 187-89 . 37. Katz , Milhama ba-Shalom, 9b ; compar e wit h th e thoroughl y negative , uni-dimensional presentatio n o f Zelih a i n Sefer ha-yashar, 199-203 . 38. Th e firs t know n tex t o f th e mekhires yosef shpil wa s publishe d b y Berman o f Limbur g i n Frankfur t i n 1707 ; on thi s an d late r versions , se e KhoneShmeruk (ed.) , Mahazot mikrai'im be-yidish 1697-1750 [Biblical Dramas i n Yiddish , 1697-1750 ] (Jerusalem , 1983) , esp . pp . 26-28 , 4 5 48, an d 533-621 ; Y . Shiper , Geshikhte fun yidisher teater-kunst un drame fun di eltste tsaytn biz 1750 [Histor y o f Jewis h Theate r an d Drama fro m th e Oldes t Time s unti l 1750 ] (Warsaw , 1925) , 2:249-50 . 39. Se e Hayi m Shirman , "Shmue l romaneli , ha-meshore r ve-ha-noded " [Shmuel Romanell i th e Wanderin g Poet] , i n Le-toldot Ha-shira ve-hadrama ha-'ivrit (Jerusalem : Mosa d Bialik , 1979 ) 2:277-79 , a n a " Gersho n Shaked's introductio n t o Melukhat sha'ul (Jerusalem , 1968) , esp . pp . 21-28. Shirman , 277 , note s tha t Ha-kolot yehdalun "reall y ha s n o plot , and i s actuall y a serie s o f monologue s an d dialogue s expressin g emo tions an d moods. " Shaked , pp . 25-26 , note s tha t "th e weaknesse s o f [Melukhat sha'ul] ar e mos t eviden t i n it s manne r o f characterization . . . . Most o f the character s ar e abstract , lik e walking ideas. " 40. Kat z late r contended , i n hi s introductio n t o Simhat lew aw, 4b~5a, tha t he publishe d hi s dram a i n orde r t o rais e fund s fo r hi s father-in-law , whose financia l affair s ha d severel y deteriorated . Wit h a n ey e towar d protecting hi s father-in-law' s prid e an d honor , h e di d no t wis h t o disclose hi s authorshi p o r hi s motiv e fo r publishin g th e dram a a t th e time. 41. Drizen , " K istori i krepostnog o teatra, " 10 ; Simo n Karlinsky , Russian Drama from Its Beginnings to the Age of Pushkin (Berkeley , 1985) , esp . pp. 63-84 , 94-115 . Karlinsk y note s tha t didacti c pros e dramas , usin g realistic Russia n speech , becam e a prominent genr e i n th e 1760s , i n th e works of Vladimi r Luki n an d others . 42. Elieze r Pavir' s adapte d Yiddis h translation , Gedulasyosef (firs t edition : Zolkiew, 1801 ) wen t throug h mor e tha n fort y edition s i n th e nine teenth century . Se e Avraha m Ya'ari , "R . Elieze r pavi r ve-mi f alo ha sifruti" [Elieze r Pavi r an d Hi s Literar y Activity] , Kiryat sefer 3 5 (i960) , no. 4 : 499-520, an d Davi d G . Roskies , "Th e Mediu m an d Messag e of th e Maskilic Chapbook, " Jewish Social Studies 4 1 (1977) , no . 2 : 275-90. Notes to

Chapter §

1. Staats- und Gelehrte Zeitung des Hamburgischen Correspondenten, 1787, no . 5 3 (Apri l 3) : 2; referred t o b y R . J. Wunderbar , Geschichte der Juden in den Vrovinzen Liv- und Kurland (Mittau , 1853) , 32 . 2. Juda h Ley b b . Noa h (Nevakhovich) , Vopl dshcheri iudeiskoi (St .

158 NOTE

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etersburg, 1803) , 62-63 ; i n Hebrew : Kol sha'avat bat yehuda (Shklov , 1804), 34 , [reprinte d a s a supplemen t t o He-'avar 2 (1918)] . The ellipsi s points ar e found i n Nevakhovich' s origina l text ; h e considere d th e ter m zhid defamatory , an d inappropriat e fo r print . O n Nevakhovich' s work , see below . 3. Cf . Joh n D . Klier , "Zhid : Biograph y o f a Russia n Epithet, " Slavonic and East European Review 6 0 (1982) , no . 1 : 1-15 . I n ligh t o f th e 178 7 petition an d Nevakhovich' s testimony , Klier' s suggestio n tha t th e ter m zhid graduall y becam e a n anti-Semiti c epithe t durin g th e firs t hal f o f the nineteent h centur y need s t o b e reconsidered . 4. O n th e municipa l refor m se e d e Madariaga , Russia in the Age of Catherine the Great, 329-60 ; on th e statut e o f 1786 , see Klier, Russia Gathers Her Jews, 70-74 . 5. Se e Tsitron, Shtadlonim, 15-27 , 28-30 , 34 . Based on Derzhavin' s report , the Senat e rule d i n 180 1 tha t mos t o f th e Jews' complaint s wer e valid , and tha t landlord s coul d no t trea t th e inhabitant s o f thei r town s lik e their privat e serfs . Th e case , however , wa s moot ; Zoric h ha d die d more tha n a yea r earlier . Se e th e Senate' s rulin g i n S . A . Bershadskii , "Polozhenie o evreak h 180 4 goda " [Th e 180 4 Statut e o n th e Jews] , Voskhod 1 5 (1895) , no . 4 : 97-109. 6. Shir tehla, cite d b y Mahler , Divre yeme yisra'el, 1 , boo k 3 : 116 . Th e German translatio n whic h accompanie d th e Hebre w tex t i s produce d by N. N . Golitsyn , Istoriia russkogo zakonodatelstva o evreakh [Histor y of Russia n Legislatio n o n th e Jews ] (St . Petersburg , 1886) , 377-79 . I t reads i n part : Lass in Seinen tage n Religions-has s und Verfolgun g unerhoere t Seyn . Wer Dich, allgerechter Gott, fuerchtet, Deine n ewigen Gesetzen getreu, De m Landesherren und De m Vaterland e redlic h dienet , Jed e Kraf t seine r Seele , jede s Vermoege n seines koerpers , de m allgemeine n Woh l De s Staats weiht, de m se y ei n gleiche s Loos beschieden. E r trage dies last Des Landes [sic] und geniesse froh ih r Glueck; er saettige sich von ihrer Fruchtbarkei t un d leb e furchtlose unde r Dem schatte n heiliger unverbruechlicher Gesetze . Mahler, Divre yeme yisra'el, 1 , boo k 4 : 231 , argues tha t th e poe m wa s written b y Wessely , base d o n it s stylisti c similarit y wit h othe r poems . Wessely i s known t o hav e compose d poem s i n hono r o f Empres s Cather ine I I (se e above , chapte r 3 ) an d Tsa r Alexande r I . O n th e latter , se e the not e i n YIVO Historishe shriftn 2 (1937) : 680. 7. S . Bershadskii , "Polozheni e o evreakh, " Voskhod 1 5 (1895) , no . 1 : 86 92. 8. Se e S . Ettinger , "Ha-yesodo t ve-ha-megamo t be-'itsu v mediniut o she l ha-shilton ha-rus i klap e ha-yehudi m 'i m haluko t polin " [Principle s an d Tendencies i n th e Formatio n o f Russia n Polic y towar d th e Jew s afte r the Partitio n o f Poland] , He-'avar 1 9 (1972) : 20-34 , esp . pp . 29-30 ; Klier, Russia Gathers Her Jews, 85-94 . Th e mos t importan t an d influ -

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5 15

9

ential respons e t o thi s surve y wa s th e repor t submitte d b y Governo r Ivan G . Frize l o f Lithuania ; se e Klier , 88-95 . 9. Th e memorandu m wa s publishe d b y Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 444-46 . 10. Ibid . 11. O n Dohm' s an d Mendelssohn' s writing s o n reformin g th e Jews ' socia l and economi c positio n i n society , se e Jaco b Katz , Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipation 1770-1870 (Cambridge , Mass., 1973) , 57-64 . Josep h II' s colonizatio n projec t i s mentione d b y Gessen, Evrei v rossii, 43 . Notkin's colonizatio n proposa l wa s based , i n part, upo n hi s ow n intimat e familiarit y wit h Ne w Russia , whic h h e acquired durin g th e years whe n h e serve d a s Potemkin' s purveyor . 12. Ettinger , "Ha-yesodo t ve-ha-megamot, " 30-33 ; Klier , Russia Gathers Her Jews, 95-113 . Notki n ha d submitte d a cop y o f hi s 179 7 memoran dum fo r consideratio n b y Derzhavin , an d th e latte r adopte d Notkin' s proposal fo r establishin g Jewis h colonie s i n Ne w Russia , transformin g it fro m a pla n fo r voluntar y resettlemen t int o on e fo r th e force d depor tation o f "unnecessary " elements . 13. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 83-84 . 14. I n hi s memoirs , Derzhavi n charge d tha t Notki n offere d hi m a brib e t o change th e view s h e expresse d i n th e Stat e Committe e fo r th e Organi zation o f Jewis h Life ; Gavrii l Derzhavin , Sochineniia [Works] , ed . Y . Grota (St . Petersburg , 1876) , 6: 763-64 . 15. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 84 , 452-53. 16. A n abridge d versio n o f Notkin' s memorandu m wa s printe d b y Derz havin, Sochineniia (St . Petersburg , 1878) , 7 : 353-55. 17. Ibid. , 354 . 18. Ibid. , 355 . 19. Notki n als o reiterate d hi s proposa l t o fre e Jew s fro m doubl e taxation ; ibid., 354 . 20. Se e Isaa c Levitats , The Jewish Community in Russia, 1772-1844 (Ne w York, 1943) , 94-97 an d th e literatur e cite d there . 21. Derzhavin , "zapiski, " i n Sochineniia, 6 : 764 , als o p . 767; Gordon , " K istorii poselenii a evree v v peterburge, " 34 . Th e pag e dedicatin g th e Hebrew versio n kol sha'avat bat yehuda (Shklov , 1804 ) t o Peret s i s missing fro m mos t existin g copie s o f th e work , an d ma y hav e bee n removed du e t o hi s subsequen t conversion ; Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 91 , n. 1 . 22. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 80-81 . Peret s wa s als o a n activ e trade r a t th e Breslau fairs ; se e Bernar d Weinryb , "Yehud e poli n ve-yahasehe m le breslau," i n Mehkarim be-toldot ha-kalkala ve-ha-hevra shel yehude polin [Studie s o n th e Economi c an d Socia l Histor y o f Polis h Jewry ] (Jerusalem, 1939) * 5323. Hasidi c legen d present s a thoroughl y negativ e imag e o f Perets . One tal e relates tha t whe n R . Shneu r Zalma n wa s release d fro m hi s first arres t in 1798 , h e wa s take n fro m th e St . Petersbur g priso n t o th e neares t

l6o NOTE

S T O CHAPTE R 5

Jewish household , whic h happene d t o be Perets's. The latter proceede d to abuse and insult the Hasidic master, an d held him under house arrest for severa l days ; Heilman, Bet rabi, 65-66. Anothe r lat e sourc e claim s that Peret s wa s th e mai n informe r agains t Hasidi m t o th e Russia n authorities; Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 2 : 354. This i s in shar p contrast t o th e imag e o f Not a Notkin , who , althoug h n o Hasid , wa s given credi t fo r bringin g abou t R . Shneu r Zalman' s release ; Heilman , Bet rabi, 75. 24. Gordon , "K istorii," 31; Y. D. Baum, "Evrei Dekabrist: grigorii abramovich perets" [A Jewish Decembrist: Grigorii Abramovich Perets], Katorga i ssilka 25 (1926): 100-102 . Perets' s daughte r Miria m staye d behin d i n Ustye wit h he r mother , an d die d i n 1810 , a t a young age ; S . Berman , "Mishpehot kahal kadosh shklov," 155. 25. Se e S. Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and Poland (Philadelphia , 1916), 1 : 340; Gessen, Evrei v rossii, 85-87, 114-15. 26. Juda h Ley b Nevakhovich, Kol sha'avat bat yehuda (Shklov , 1804 ) [re printed a s a supplemen t t o He- (avar 2 (1918)] , introduction , 1 . O n Nevakhovich's rol e a s tuto r o f Russian, see , Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 81; Tsitron, Shtadlonim, 39-41 . 27. Se e Wilensky, Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 273, 280-81, 290. 28. Juda h Ley b Nevakhovich , Vopl dshcheri iudeiskoi, reprinte d i n th e annual scientific-literar y supplemen t t o Budushchnost 3 (1902) : 114-31. See the dedication t o Kochubei, 11 7 (in th e Hebre w Kol sha'avat, 9) . Thi s an d al l subsequen t quotation s ar e from th e Russia n text ; the analogou s passage s fro m th e Hebre w versio n ar e cite d i n paren theses. 29. Budushchnost, 118-1 9 (Kol sha'avat, 11) . 30. Budushchnost, 125-2 6 (Kol sha'avat, 20-21) . I n a note , Nevakhovic h contended that anti-Jewis h student violence was prohibited b y Russia's municipal authorities , wh o wer e guide d b y th e provision s o f Cather ine's Charte r fo r Provincia l an d Municipa l Institution s (promulgate d in 1775) . After a few disorders took place, the perpetrators were imprisoned "an d Jews saw fo r th e first time tha t cruelt y wa s not a Christia n obligation." 31. Nevakhovich , "Chustvovani e verno-poddannag o . . . , " Vopl dshcheri iudeiskoi, (St . Petersburg , 1803) , 57-60 (Kol sha'avat, 32-33) . I would like to express my thanks to Mr. Viktor Kelner of the Public Library, St. Petersburg, fo r makin g a copy of the original editio n o f Vopl availabl e to me. 32. Vopl, 61-63 (Kol sha'avat, 34) . 33. Vopl, 63-64 (Kol sha'avat, 35) . 34. Vopl, 65-66 (Kol sha'avat, 36) . 35. Budushchnost, 12 2 (Kol sha'avat, 16) . 36. Budushchnost, 122-2 3 (Ko / sha'avat, 16-17) . Nevakhovich include d a separate apostroph e betwee n "Intolerance , Trut h an d Peace " i n hi s

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6 l6

l

pamphlet, i n whic h Intoleranc e i s charged wit h inflictin g endles s suffering o n th e people s o f Europe , an d i s banishe d fro m th e lan d fo r eternity. Vopl, 50-56 (Kol sha'avat, 29-31) . 37. Budushchnost, 123-24 , 12 6 (Kol sha'avat, 17-18 , 22). 38. Budushchnost, 126 (Kol sha'avat, 21-22) . A n explici t appea l t o Christian merc y i s made o n p . 12 2 (Kol sha'avat, 16) : "Oh Christians , wh o are famous fo r your meekness and mercy! Have pity upon us! Turn you tender hearts to us!" 39. Budushchnost, 127-2 8 (Kol sha'avat, 23-24) . The last point, comparin g the moral s of Jews in different lands , was omitted fro m th e pamphlet' s Hebrew version . 40. Ibid . 41. Budushchnost, 13 1 (Kol sha'avat, 28) . 42. Kol sha'avat, 7-8 . 43. Ibid . Notes to Chapter 6 1. Se e above, chapters 3 and 4. 2. Introductio n t o Sefer megine 'erets (Shklov , 1803) , by R. Elijah's sons , R. Judah Ley b and R . Abraham, pp . 2b~3a. Fo r references t o R. Benja min Rivlin' s yeshiva, se e th e entr y "Shklov " (b y Joshua Dube r Khav kin), i n 'Otzar yisra'el, 10 : 208; C. H. Rivlin, Hazon tziyon: shklov veyerushalayim [Visio n o f Zion : Shklo v an d Jerusalem ] (Jerusalem , J 953)» 13-H ; an d S . Berma n "Mishpeho t kaha l kados h shklov, " 14 7 (which record s th e deat h o f "ou r maste r R . Mendl , wh o use d t o sit i n the house of study of our master R. Benjamin") . 3. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 168-69 ; Berman, "Mishpeho t kaha l kados h shklov," 176-77. The 178 7 takkanot an d othe r anti-Hasidi c document s were compile d b y Rivlin i n a manuscript, whic h wa s circulated i n hi s name. See Wilensky, Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 142. 4. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 206 . R. Avraham's letter s of approbation t o books publishe d i n Shklo v ar e note d i n Ya'ari , "Ha-defu s ha-'ivr i be Shklov," nos . 56, 57. He late r move d t o th e tow n o f Rogola , an d wa s popularly know n a s "reb avrohom rogoler. " See R. Avraham b . Shlomo Zalman, Ma'alot ha-torah [Virtue s of the Torah] , ed. Miche l Feinstei n and Nissan Waxman (Ne w York, 1946) , xiii-xxiii. 5. Sefer megine 'erets, 2b~3a; 'Otzaryisra'el, 10 : 208 . 6. Ary e Leib Frumkin, Toldot Hakhme yerushalayim [Histor y of the Sages of Jerusalem] (Jerusalem , 1929) , 3: 158-63,^. J. Dinstag , "Raben u eliy ahu mi-vilna : reshima bibliografit " [Rabb i Elijah o f Vilna: A Bibliography], Talpiyot 4 (1949) , no . 1-2 : 269-356 . O f thes e works , onl y th e notes o n th e Shulhan 'arukh wer e fro m th e Gaon' s ow n manuscript . The others wer e base d o n R . Menahem Mendl' s notes , which , i n som e cases, were reviewed b y the Gaon during his lifetime.

162 NOTE

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7. Thre e o f R. Menahe m Mendl' s kabbalisti c work s were recentl y reissued , Mayim 'adirim —menahem tziyon —biurim ve-likutim [Grea t Waters — Comfort o f Zion—Collecte d Commentaries ] (Jerusalem , 1987) . 8. Frumkin , Toldot Hakhme yerushalayim, 3 : 164-67 ; Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 169 ; Khayk l Lunski , "Geoyni m u n gdoyli m fu n noent n over" [Sage s an d Giant s o f th e Nea r Past] , Dos Vort 488 , 1 Adar (1934) , 2; S . Levi , "Rab i yisra'e l mi-shklov " [Rabb i Israe l o f Shklov] , Sinai 3 (1939), no . 1-2 : 30-37 9. Se e Rabb i Shlom o Goren , "Ha-gr a ve-heyerushalmi, " i n Sefer Ha-gra [Vilna Gao n Volume] , ed . Rabb i Yehud a Lei b Maimo n (Jerusalem , 1954), 4 : 45-107. 10. Elija h b . Shlom o Zalma n o f Vilna , Ayil meshulash [Geometry] , (Vilna / Grodna, 1833) ; idem , Dikduk eliyahu [Elijah' s Grammar ] (Vilna / Grodna, 1833) . See Dinstag's bibliography , 303-4 . 11. Avraha m Danziger , Sefer Tsava'at . . . Yehezkel (Vilna , 1871) , 25. 12. Introductio n t o R . Elijah' s commentar y o n tractat e Avot, Masekhet avot im perush rashi ve-perush ha-ga'on . . . rabenu eliyahu (Shklov , 1804). 13. Introductio n t o Israe l b . Shmue l o f Shklov , Te'at ha-shulhan (Safed , 1836); cite d fro m th e Jerusalem, 196 8 edition, 5 . 14. Lette r t o Kalma n Schulman , printe d a s a prefac e t o th e latter' s Milhamot ha-yehudim 'im ha-roma'im [Th e Jewis h War s wit h th e Romans ] (Vilna, 1862) , v-vi . 15. Baruk h b . Jacob Schick , Uklides, introduction , 2 . 16. O n th e Gao n a s Talmudist, se e Louis Ginzberg, "Th e Gaon , Rabb i Elija h Wilna," i n Students, Scholars and Saints (Philadelphia , 1928) , 125 145, esp . pp . 135-39 , an d Hayyi m Tchernowitz , Toldot ha-poskim [Th e History o f Talmudic Adjudicators ] (Ne w York , 1948) , 3 : 210-33. Ortho dox biographie s o f th e Gaon , suc h a s Bezale l Landau , Ha-Gaon hehasid mi-vilna [Th e Gao n an d Sain t o f Vilna ] (Jerusalem , 1978) , 217 , 225-26, hav e cas t aspersion s o n th e veracit y o f Schick' s quotation , i n part becaus e o f its implicit criticis m o f most sage s an d scholar s through out th e ages . This is , i n fact , furthe r evidenc e o f its accuracy . 17. H . H . Be n Sasson , "Ishiut o she l ha-gr a ve-hashpa'at o ha-historit " [Th e Personality o f th e Viln a Gao n an d It s Historica l Impact] , Zion 3 1 (1966): 39-86 , 197-216 ; Jaco b J . Dinstag , "Ha-'i m hitnage d ha-gr a le mishnato ha-filosofi t she l ha-rambam? " [Di d th e Viln a Gao n Oppos e the Philosophi c Teaching s o f Maimonides?] , Talpiyot 4 (1949) , no . 1-2 : 253-68. 18. Se e Immanue l Etkes , "Ha-gr a ve-ha-haskalah : tadmi t ve-mitziut. " 19. Benjami n b . Shlom o Zalma n Rivlin , Geviei gevia ha-kesef [Th e Silve r Goblet], secon d editio n (Warsaw , 1897) , 1 0 (o n Ecclesiaste s 9:11) ; 3 7 (on Shabba t 10a) ; 47 , an d passim . Rivli n cite d hi s master , R . Elijah , numerous time s i n th e volume ; see , fo r instance , pp . 7 , 8 , 10 , 15 , 17 , 25, 33, 46 , an d 47 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6 16

3

20. Ibid. , 5-6 (o n Genesi s 18:5-6) ; 1 7 (o n Isaia h 28:9) ; 19-2 0 (o n Jer . 22:15); 47 , an d passim . 21. Ibid. , 25-26 . 22. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 272-73 . 23. Ibid . Similary , Zeitlin' s descendan t Sha i Hurvit z relate s tha t Rivli n established a chemica l laborator y an d a botanica l preserv e a t Ustye ; "Sefer hayai, " 5 . 24. Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 272-73 ; see above , chapte r 2 , o n R . Baruk h Schick, an d m y article , "Rabb i Mosh e Isserle s an d th e Stud y o f Scienc e among Polis h Rabbis, " i n Bernar d D . Cooperma n (ed.) , Tradition and Crisis Revisited (Cambridge , Mass. , 1994) . 25. R . Israe l b . Shmuel o f Shklov, Ve'at ha-shulhan, introduction , 5 . 26. O n R . Elijah' s interes t i n th e translatio n o f various work s int o Hebrew , see th e testimonie s o f R . Avraha m Simch a o f Mtsislav l (abov e n . 14) , and o f R . Baruk h Schic k (n . 15) . Fo r evidenc e o f Rivlin' s readin g non Hebrew scientifi c literature , se e th e citation s fro m Geviei gevi a ha kesef below . 27. Rivlin , Geviei gevia ha-kesef, 37 . 28. Ibid. , 53 . 29. Ibid. , 51-52 , a s well a s pp. 41-42 , 49-50 , 50-51 . 30. Sefer magine 'erets, verso . R . Mosh e Zeitlin' s mathematica l hidushim were als o publishe d a s a n appendi x t o Sefer tsava (Shklov , 1803) , 11b 12b.

31. O n Margoliot , se e I . Zinberg , Toldot sifrut yisra'el [Histor y o f Jewis h Literature] (Te l Aviv , 1958) , 3 : 314-17; (Te l Aviv, 1959) , 5: 137-40 , an d A. R . Malachi , "Rabiyehud a ley b margoliot, ve-hagr a mi-vilna " [Rabb i Judah Ley b Margolio t an d th e Viln a Gaon] , Ha-do'ar, Tamu z 11 , 1959. Margoliot publishe d tw o edition s o f hi s scientifi c prime r 'or 'olarn al hokhmat ha-teva (Frankfurt , 1777 , an d Novydvor , 1783) . 32. Se e th e letter s o f approbatio n b y R . Avraha m Katzenellenboge n o f Brest-Litovsk an d R . Issacha r Be r b . Judah Ley b o f Shklo v t o Bet midot (Shklov, 1786) . 33. Margoliot , Bet midot, 2b~3a . Citation s o f Aristotle' s Ethics ar e o n pp . 8a, 9b , 13b , 15b , 16b , an d passim . 34. Ibid. , 5 a - b , 11b . Amon g th e Musli m philosopher s cite d ar e Avveroe s (p. 5a) , Algazz i an d Abuhama d (p . 19a) . O n pp . 23a-b , Margolio t advocated th e stud y o f Kabbala h t o enhanc e one' s fea r o f God , bu t the poin t wa s lef t undeveloped . Hi s ow n boo k di d no t dra w upo n kabbalistic works . 35. Ibid. , n b - 3 2 b . 36. Ibid. , 2ob-2ia . Margolio t concede d tha t th e philosophi c book s o f Jew ish sages , suc h a s Maimonides ' Guide, di d no t pos e a threa t t o one' s faith, bu t h e argue d tha t readin g thei r book s woul d inevitabl y an d unavoidably lea d on e t o peruse th e harmfu l work s of non-Jewish philos ophers.

164 NOTE

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37. Ibid. , 20b . Thi s distinctio n betwee n scienc e an d philosoph y wa s no t new; se e R . Mosh e Isserles , She'elot ve-teshuvot ha-rama [Responsa] , ed. A . Sie v (Jerusalem , 1971) , no . 6 , an d Kleinberger , Ha-mahshavah ha-pedagogit she ha-maharal mi-prag, 148-55 . 38. Margoliot , Bet midot, 20b . 39. Ibid. , 26b ; see abov e chapte r 3. 40. Anothe r them e i n Bet midot whic h ma y hav e bee n influence d b y Maskilic though t i s th e criticis m o f blin d obedienc e t o custom . Notin g that th e letter s o f th e Hebre w word s minhag (custom ) an d gehenom (hell) wer e identical , h e tol d th e story "o f a man who visited a town o f blind-men an d proceede d t o scratc h ou t hi s eyes—les t h e deviat e fro m their custom." Ibid., 27a . 41. Barnai , Igrot hasidim me-'eretsyIsrael, 119 . 42. Ibid. , 130-31 . R . Menahe m Mendl' s deputy , R . Avraha m o f Kalisk , added his own word s of admonition: "On e should reject the ways of th e Gentiles an d thei r practices, an d should conside r them lik e nothingnes s and emptiness." Ibid., 132 . 43. Ibid. , 147 . 44. Shneu r Zalma n b . Baruk h o f Liady , Shulhan arukh ha-rav [Cod e o f Jewish Law] , "Hilkho t Talmu d torah " 3: 7 (Brooklyn , N.Y. , 1968) , 5 : 1 695-96. R . Shneu r Zalma n lef t ope n th e possibilit y tha t scholar s coul d study worldl y science s "incidentally, " i n orde r t o acquir e word s o f Torah an d fear of God, bu t "th e rest of the peopl e ma y not. " 45. Shneu r Zalma n b . Baruk h o f Liady , Likute amarim-tanya [Th e Tanya ] (Brooklyn, N.Y. , 1968) , i3a-b . 46. Schick , Uklides, introduction , 1 . 47. Ibid . 48. Ibid . 49. Ibid. , p . 2 . Schick' s characterizatio n bor e a n uncann y resemblanc e t o that o f th e Galacia n Maski l Joseph Perl , writin g i n 1816 : "The study o f all science s i s strictl y forbidde n b y thi s sect . . . . The y oppos e nothin g so strongly a s science, culture , an d enlightenment . Peopl e wh o posses s any light , wh o stud y an y science , o r wh o wis h t o contribut e towar d the cultura l leve l o f thei r brethre n ar e intolerabl e t o them . The y cal l such peopl e heretic s (min, apikoyres)." Josep h Perl , Ueber das wessen Der Sekte Hasidim, ed . A . Rubinstei n (Jerusalem , 1977) , 147-48 . 50. Ther e was , however , als o on e prominen t Mitnagdi c rabbini c figur e i n Russia wh o vocall y oppose d th e study o f science an d Gentile wisdom — the preache r R . Pinha s b . Juda h o f Polotsk . Se e Alla n L . Nadler , " A Religion o f Limits : The Theology o f Mitnagdism Accordin g t o Phineha s Ben Judah Maggi d of Polotsk," unpublished Ph.D . dissertation, Harvar d University, 1988 , 266-75. 51. Margoliot , Bet midot, 32a-b . 52. Ibid .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7 16

5

53. R . Hayyi m o f Volozhin , introductio n t o Sifra de-tseni'uta 'im biure hagra (Vilna , 1820) ; R . Menahe m Mend l o f Shklov' s lette r t o R . Juda h Dibutin, i n Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 315-16. 54. R . Israe l Loebl , Sefer vikuakh (Warsaw , 1798) , 2 i a - b , i n Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 320-22; R. Menahe m Mendl' s polemic : ibid. , 1:317. 55. Aaro n Hall e Wolfsohn , "Bikore t sefari m hadashim, " Ha~me'asef (1790) : 177-86, esp . p. 180 . Wolfsohn criticize d Margolio t fo r hi s "inconsistent " attitudes towar d Gentiles , Gree k wisdom , an d philosophy . H e als o charged tha t man y o f th e th e bes t section s o f Bet midot wer e lifted , without attribution , fro m Naftal i Hirt z Wessely' s boo k Gan na'ul (Am sterdam, 1765-66). 56. Wilensky , Hasidim ve-mitnagdim, 1 : 151. Notes to

Chapter 7

1. Litvin , "ve n shklo v i z geven eretsyisroel, " Yidishe neshomes. 2. O n th e liquidatio n o f Zorich' s estate , se e RGADA , fon d 1239 , ("Palac e Archive"), inventor y 3 , file 37,840 . 3. S . Beilin , "Perepisk a mezhd u bukharskim i i shklovskim i evreami " [Th e Correspondence betwee n th e Jew s o f Bukhar a an d Shklov] , Verezhitoe 2 (1910) : 274-80 ; th e Hebre w tex t o f th e lette r i s reproduce d o n pp . 276-77. 4. V . Nikitin , Evrei zemledel'tsi [Jewis h Farmers ] (St . Petersburg , 1887) , 5-30; S . V. Borovoi , Evreiskaia zemledeV cheskaia kolonizatsiia v staroi rossii [Jewis h Argicultura l Colonizatio n i n Ol d Russia ] (Moscow , 1928), 41-53 . 5. Point s no . 6-1 0 o f th e 180 4 Statute, publishe d i n Levanda , Volnii khronolgicheskii sbornik, 53-60 ; fo r Hebre w translation , se e He-'avar 2 2 (1972): 102-10 .

6. Point s no . 16 , 19 , 34-38. 7. Point s no . 51 , 54. 8. Se e Klier , Russia Gathers Her Jews, 144-64 ; P . Kon , "Veg n efene n yi dishe shuln i n Mohileve r u n Vitebske r gubernye s i n yor 1808 " [Concerning Openin g Jewis h School s i n th e Mogile v an d Vitebs k Province s i n 1808], Tsaytshrift 2- 3 (1928) : 156-63 , 753-60. 9. I n a petitio n t o th e Tsa r writte n i n 1826 , Peret s surveye d hi s state contracted commercia l activitie s betwee n 180 4 an d 1815 . The y in cluded: th e sal e an d deliver y o f salt t o th e Smolensk , Kursk , Orlov , an d Vorozhensk province s (1804- 5 a n d 1808-12) ; servin g a s purveyo r t o the Russia n military' s Balti c port s (1805-9) ; transportin g sal t fro m Nizhgorod t o th e Smolens k provinc e (1808-12) ; transportin g provision s to Russia n militar y force s statione d i n Bessarabi a (1815) ; leasin g the concession s o n foodstuf f taxe s i n St . Petersbur g an d it s district ,

166 NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 7 Moscow, th e Tulsk province, an d othe r area s (1811-15) ; State Archiv e of the Russian Federation (GARF) , fond 109 , file 3188, pp. 9-12. 10. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 136-39 ; als o Baum , "Evre i Dekabrist, " 103 ; Hame'asef, Tammu z 5569 ; Berman , "Mishpeho t kahal-kados h shklov, " 155; A. Rogachevski, "Vernopoddanii evrei : novie dannie o leibe nevakhoviche" [Loya l Jewish Subject : Ne w Informatio n o n Ley b Nevakhov ich], Vestnik evreiskogo universiteta v moskve 1 (1992): 133 . The ru mors o n Perets ' immanen t conversio n ar e referre d t o i n a lette r fro m Count Dubrovi n t o A . Arakcheev ; Golitsyn , Istoriia russkogo zakonodatelstva, 988 . n . Gordon , " K istori i poselenii a evree v v peterburge, " 31-32 ; V . an d L . Perets, Dekabrist grigorii abramovitch Verets [The Decembris t Grigori i Abramovich Perets] , (Leningrad , 1926) , 9, 13-1412. Gordon , " K istorii," 32; P. Berliner, "Banki r Perets" [The Banker Perets], Novii voskhod (1913) , no. 1 : 45-48. Perets's letter indicate s tha t h e did not los e all ties with th e Zeitlin famil y afte r hi s conversion. Indeed , R . Joshua Zeitli n is reported to have remembered Peret s in his will, an d t o have stipulate d that , i n th e even t tha t th e Empir e force d al l Jews t o sell thei r lands , "i t i s my desir e tha t m y estat e Usty e b e purchased b y my son-in-law Perets" ; Hurvitz, "Sefe r hayai," 6. 13. Baum , "Evrei Dekabrist," 102-3 ; Perets and Perets, Dekabrist, 25. 14. Baum , "Evre i Dekabrist, " 106-7 , 121 . Cf. Notkin' s pla n fo r th e settle ment o f Jew s i n Crimea , abov e chapte r 5 . Residua l tie s t o Judais m also persiste d wit h Sofi a who , afte r he r conversio n an d marriage , continued t o ligh t Sabbat h candle s o n Frida y nights ; Gordo n " K ist orii," 32. 15. Baum , "Evre i Dekabrist," i n , 128 , Perets and Perets, Dekabrist, 14 , 3643. After hi s release, Grigorii suffered fro m illness, loneliness, and social stigmatization, an d finally died in 1855. 16. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 95-96 ; Rogachevski , "Vernopoddani i evrei, " 131-32.

17. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 137; Rogachevski, "Vernopoddani i evrei. " 18. Gessen , Evrei v rossii, 137-38 . Nevakhovich' s son s wer e bot h Russia n literati; th e olde r one , Alexander , wa s a playwright, an d th e younger, Mikhail, a cartoonist an d publisher . 19. Frumkin , Toldot Hakhme yerushalayim, 3 : 138-40 , 158-64 , 170 , 22324. Se e als o Yose f Yoe l Rivlin , "Ha-gr a ve-talmida v ve-yishu v eret s yisra'el" [Th e Vilna Gao n an d Hi s Disciple s an d th e Settlemen t o f th e Land of Israel], in Sefer Ha-gra [Vilna Gao n Volume] , ed. Yehuda Lei b Maimon (Jerusalem , 1954) , 4: 111-62 , esp. pp. 120-25 . The writings of Y. Y. Rivlin on the early history of the Ashkenazic yishuv i n Palestine , and C . H . Rivlin' s Hazon tsiyon: shklov ve-yerushalayim [Visio n o f Zion: Shklov an d Jerusalem] (Jerusalem , 1953 ) ar e based, i n large part, upon ora l tradition s passe d o n i n th e Rivli n famil y an d th e crypti c historical poem s of their ancestor , R . Yoseph Rivlin, writte n i n Jerusa-

NOTES T O C O N C L U S I O N 16

7

lem i n 1858 . Thes e writing s contai n valuabl e information , a s wel l a s dubious legends , an d nee d t o b e use d wit h extrem e caution . 20. Frumkin , Toldot, 3 : 139-40 . 21. Ibid. , 140 , 164-67 ; Y. Y . Rivlin , "Ha-gr a ve-talmidav, " 125-26 . See als o the article s b y S . Levi , "Rab i yisrae l mi-shklov, " an d Avraha m Ya'ari , "Shelihuto she l r . yisra'e l mi-shklov " [Th e Missio n o f R . Israe l o f Shklov], Sinai 3 (1939) , no . 1-2 : 30-37 , 52-65 . Y. Y. Rivlin, "Mishpaha t rivlin be-'eret s yisra'el " [Th e Rivli n Famil y i n th e Lan d o f Israel] , i n Yad yosef yitzhak rivlin: sefer zikaron (Rama t Gan , 1964) , 48-49 , re lates tha t th e Jerusalem settlemen t wa s establishe d i n 1811 ; the gener ally accepte d dat e i s 1816 . 22. Quot e fro m Avraha m b . Ashe r Anshi l o f Minsk , 'Amud ha-yemini (Minsk, 1811) , cite d b y A . Morgenstern , Meshihiut ve-'erets yisra'el [Messianism an d th e Lan d o f Israel] , (Jerusalem , 1985) , 68-69 . 23. Morgenstern , Meshihiut, 69-72 ; Mordecha i Nathansohn' s memoir s o n Rivlin, i n Fuenn , Kiryah ne'emanah, 279 . 24. Thi s i s Morgenstern's hypothesi s i n Meshihiut. 25. Ya'ari , "Shelihut o she l r . yisra'el mi-shklov, " 57; also in hi s book, 'Igrot erets yisra'el [Letter s fro m th e Lan d o f Israel] , 2n d ed . (Rama t Gan , 1971), 330 . 26. Ya'ari , "Shelihuto, " 62 , 6 3 (i n 'Igrot erets yisra'el, 339 , 340) . O n R . Hayim Kat z se e Frumkin , Toldot, 3 : 140 , 168-69 . 27. Ya'ari , "Shelihuto, " 60 , 64 (i n 'Igrot erets yisra'el, 336 , 341). The letter s do no t mentio n th e purchas e o f farmland i n th e contex t o f th e commu nity's economi c struggle , bu t rathe r a s a separat e item . Jew s i n th e diaspora coul d fulfil l th e "commandment s contingen t upo n th e land " by sendin g donation s fo r th e purchas e o f farmland , an d becomin g lega l partners i n it s ownership . 28. Cf . Morgenstern , Meshihiut, 116-17 . 29. Se e Ya'ari, "Ha-defu s ha'ivr i bi-Shklov" ; Y . Y. Rivlin, "Ha-gr a ve-talmi dav," 117 , n. 16 . Notes to

Conclusion

1. Isaa c Be r Levinsohn , Di hefker welt [Th e Worl d o f Chaos] , ed . B . Na thanson (Warsaw , 1902) , 31-32 . 2. Josep h Perl , Bohen tsadik [Th e Test o f the Righteous ] (Prague , 1838) , 9 7 106. Historica l document s refe r t o Finkelstei n a s bein g fro m Cherikov , not fro m Shklov ; se e Borovoi , Evreiskaia zemledel'cheskaia kolonizatsiia, 41-44 . 3. O n Nathanson , Kalma n Schulman , an d th e Haskala h i n Vilna , se e Israe l Klausner, Vilna —yershalayim de-lita: dorot rishonim, 1495-1881 [Vilna—the Jerusale m o f Lithuania : Earl y Generations , 1495-1881 ] (Te l Aviv, 1986) , passim .

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Index

acculturation, 47-52 , 90-91 , 133-34 . See also Berlin ; Haskalah ; Mendelssohn , Moses; Zorich , Semio n Gavrilovic h and Haskalah , 5-6 , 22-23 , 30 , 34-37 , 42, 60-63 , 66-73 , 74-75 , 79 , 11 5 and languag e acquisition , 69-71 , 90 , 94 and Margoliot , 11 5 (se e als o Bet midot) and middl e class , 51-5 2 moderate ideal , an d Zeitlin , 57-5 9 and Notkin , 53 , 59, 80, 90-91, 13 4 opposition to , 91 , 115-1 8 and Perets , 92-9 3 and rabbis , 101 , 107-8, 122 , 132 , 133 36 and Schulman , 7 3 in Shklov , 6 , 47-52 , 80-81 , 101 , 107- 8 Zorich's court , impac t of , 46-52 , 122 23, 133 , 15 0 n Ackord, Elia s of Mogilev , 6 0 'Akedatyitshak ('Arama) , 11 3 Aknin, Josep h Ibn , 2 5 Albo, Joseph, 113 , 11 4 Aldabi, Meir , 2 5 America, controvers y abou t existenc e of, 66-6 8 Amsterdam, 69 , 7 3 anatomy, stud y of , 25 , 26 and Job 19:26 , 25,2 9 lack o f moder n knowledg e of , 26-2 8 and th e Zohar , 28-3 0 anti-Semitism and Derzhavin , 85-87 , 124-2 5 directive o f 1787 , zhidy vs . evrei, 8 0

Karneev 179 7 memo, 83-8 4 Nevakhovich's "Lament " on , 96-9 8 and Russia n policy , 18 , 83, 84, 124-2 5 zhid a s epithet, 15 8 n 'Arama, Isaac , 113 , 11 4 Aristotle source fo r Bet midot, 113 , 11 4 Vilna Gaon' s rejectio n of , 10 7 Asherb. Yehiel , 11 4 astronomy, stud y of , 25-26 , 11 4 lack o f moder n knowledg e of , 26-2 8 publication o f Yesod 'olam [Founda tion o f th e Earth ] (Israeli) , 32 , 33, 34-37 Avigdor o f Pinsk , 1 9 Avraham b . Ashe r Anshi l o f Minsk , 12 9 Avraham b . Shlom o Zalman , 102-3 , 161 n Avraham Simh a o f Mtsislavl , 105- 6 ballet, i n Shklov , 48-49 , 51 , 122 Barcanti, Paulo , 4 8 Benjamin o f Tudela, 66 Berlin Mendelssohnian circl e in , 6 , 22-23 , 31-37, 57, 67, 71 , 134 migration o f Jews to , 31 , 60-61, 6 4 and Notkin , 5 3 rabbi of , 31,5 7 rabbinic court , 3 3 and Shklov , 57 , 59-63 , 101 , 113 , 13334 Berlin, Shaul , 5 7 Besamin rosh [Th e Incens e o f Rabb i Asher] (Berlin) , 5 7 l8l

182 I N D E

X

Bet midot [Hous e o f Virtues] (Margol iot), 113-15 , 120 , 121 , 164 n, 16 5 n Bi'ur (Mendelssoh n an d Dubno) , 32 , 53, 61 Bi'ur ha-gra (VilnaGaon) , 103 , 112 Bohen tsadik [Th e Tes t o f th e Righteous ] (Perl), 13 5 Bresslau, Mendl , 7 9 Brest-Litovsk (Brisk) , 24 , 13 8 n yeshiva, 3 Brody, 1 3 Byelorussia. Se e als o medinat rusiya; Po land/Polish Lithuani a Common wealth; Shklov ; specifi c citie s eastern and Hasidim , 14 3 n Jews of , 4 , 7 , 8 Russian ruler s of , 9-1 0 elections, 1784 , 11 6 Jewish settlemen t of , 2 western, an d Lithuania , 4 Bykhov, 6 1 Canon Mathematicus (Viete) , 2 7 Cardano, Girolamo , 2 7 Catherine th e Great , 18 , 19 , 46 directive, evrei t o replac e derogator y zhidy, 80 , 9 5 and Jews, 55,95 , 16 0 n visits t o Shklov , 48-49 , 52 , 53, 80, 150 n and Zeitlin , 57 Chaus, 10 , 59 Hasidim in , 2 0 Haskalah in , 6 3 Chelma, 2 6 Chelovek v prirode Hi perepiska dvukh prosy eshchenikh druzei [Ma n i n Na ture, o r Th e Correspondenc e betwee n Two Enlightene d Friends ] (Nevakhov ich), 12 7 Chernyshev, Z . G., 9 , 10 , 15 0 n Chmielnicki massacres , 2 courts. Se e bet din; kahals ; rabbini c courts culture o f Russia n Jewr y and acculturation , 47-52 , 90-91 , 133 34

concerns abou t inferiority , 38-43 , 62 , 72, 115 , 15 5 n division betwee n Maskili m an d tradi tionalists, 23 , 31, 90-91 and Haskalah , 5-6 , 32-37 , 38 , 13 4 limitations of , 3-4 , 33 , 35-36, 66, 155 n Ustye, a s Jewish court , 58 , 59, 64, 93, 148 n, 15 2 n Zorich's court , impac t of , 46-52 , 122— 23, 133 , 150 n Czartoryski, Adam , 8 6 Danziger, Avraham , 104 , 12 9 dayyanim, 12 , 24, 26 , 31 Decembrist movement , 126-27 , 16 6 n Derekh yeshara [Th e Straigh t Path ] (Schick), 3 7 Derzhavin, Gavriil , 55, 56, 9 2 draconian proposals , 85-87 , 124 , 15 9 n opinion o n th e Jews, 85-86 , 8 7 dietary law s (kashrut an d Hasidim) , 1 3 Divre shalom ve-'emet [Word s of Peac e and Truth ] (Wessely) , 35-36 , 40 , 70, 71, 15 7 n Dohm, C . W. , 85 , 98 Donello, Shabbetai , 2 5 Dov-Ber o f Mezeritc h (theMagid) , 7 Dubno, Solomon , 31 , 32 Dubrovna Hasidim in , 2 0 Haskalah in , 6 1 education. See also Schick , Baruk h first nonecclesiastica l school , Shklo v Nobility academy , 49-50 , 122-2 3 foreign languages , 52 , 69-71, 72-73 , 90, 94 , 12 4 Freischule (Berlin) , 32 , 33 , 37 geography, stud y of , 66-68 , 75 , 15 5 n Hasidic teacher s (melamdim) forbid den, 1 3 limitations o f Jewish, 35-36 , 67-68 , 72, 98 , 14 8 n, 15 5 n mathematics, 37 , 38 , 52, 11 4 medical, 25 , 26, 27, 37 , 60, 14 6 n reform of , 5 , 22 , 32, 61-62, 13 4 Derzhavin's forced , 124-2 5

I N D E X 18 elementary school , 42 , 60, 134 , 151 n, 15 3 n Notkin's, 89-9 0 Schick's, 37-4 4 Schulman's, 69-73 , 13 4 Talmud-centered, 70 , 13 4 sciences (hokhmah), 22 , 25-28, 35, 42,71-72,75, 11 4 Hasidim a s enemies of , 119 , 16 4 n Zorich's danc e schoo l fo r women , 48 , 122 Eldad th e Danite , 66 Elements (Euclid) , 2 7 translated b y Schick . Se e Uklides Eliezer o f Slonim, 5 9 Elijah b . Shlom o Zalma n o f Vilna. See Vilna Gao n 'Emunot ve-de'ot (Sayd a Ga'on) , 11 3 Etkes, Immanuel , 1 7 "Feeling o f a Loya l S u b j e c t . . . " (Nev akhovich) 95-96 , 12 5 Frankfort o n th e Oder , 31 , 33 Frankfurter-Mendelsohn, Moshe , 68 , 155 n Frasier, Davi d an d George , 5 0 Frederick I I of Prussia , 5 3 Freischule (Berlin) , 32 , 33, 37 French language , 48 , 52, 93 French-Russian Wa r (1812) , 5 Friedlander, David , 22 , 32, 33 , 42, 15 3 n Fuenn, Samue l Joseph, 7 1 Gelut ha-arets ha-hadasha [Th e Discov ery of th e Ne w Land ] (Gunzberg) , 6 8 Gentiles. See also Tsaris t Russi a anti-Jewish prejudice s b y masse s (rjarod),97 "Gentile wisdom, " 67-68 , 114-15 , 116 , 117, 15 5 n Hasidic rejectionis m toward , 115-18 , 164 n Jewish merchants ' tie s with, 63 , 13 4 and Jews, negativ e view , 81 , 87-88, 96-99 on Baruk h Schick , 4 3 serfs, 4 8 views of Jewish inferiority , 39-43 , 11 5

3

geography, stud y of , 66-68 , 75, 15 5 n German languag e difficulty o f acquirin g fluency , 70-71 , 155 n lack o f a s cultural limitation , 35-3 6 Schulman's teachin g of , 69 , 70, 71, 155 n Zekher rav a s German-Hebrew diction ary, 7 1 Gessen, Iulii , 12 5 Geviei gevia ha-kesef [Th e Goble t o f Silver] (Rivlin) , 108 , 110-1 2 Ginzburg, Ayr e Leyb . See Sha'agat arye Ginzburg family , a s rabbinic power , 138 n Glink, Fedor , 12 7 Gordon, Yekutiel , 27 , 30 Grech, N.n , 9 2 Grevenits, Alexander , 12 7 Grevenits, Maria , 12 7 Grodna, a s printing center , 103 , 104 , 12 3 Guide to the Verplexed (Maimonides) , 64-65, 113 , 15 4 n, 16 3 n Gunzburg, Mordecha i Aaron , 6 8 Ha-'efrati, Joseph , 7 9 Ha-kolot yehdalun [Th e Voice s Cease ] (Rommanelli), 7 9 halakhah Hasidic boo k on published , 2 0 manual o n agricultura l laws , Sha're tsedek [Gate s o f Righteousness ] (Danziger), 130 , 13 1 ruling agains t Hasidi m a s heretics, 8 9, 14 0 n Shneur Zalma n o f Liady' s authorit y in, 1 8 and Viln a Gaon , 106- 7 Halperin, Yehiel , 3 Hamburg Staats- und Gelehrte Zeitung, 80 Ha-me'asef (Haskala h journal) , 53 , 61, 121, 125 , 15 5 n Hasidim (Lubavitch-Habad) . See also Shneur Zalma n o f Liad y accusations against , 12 , 16-1 7 conflict wit h Mitnagdi c rabbinism , 4 , 7, 11-15 , 16-17 , 19-21 , 108 , 118-21 , 143 n

184 INDE

X

Hasidim (continued) decrees (herem) against , 7-9 , 12-13 , 19, 14 0 n, 14 2 n dominance i n Polots k Province , 15 18, 115 , 14 3 n driven underground , 13-1 5 emigration o f leader s t o Lan d of Israel, 16 , 115 , 142-4 3 n and Gentiles, 115-18 , 16 4 n and Avraha m Kalisker , 7- 8 kulyen zikh (somersaults) , 8 in Liozna , 16 , 14 3 n prayer, importanc e of , 1 4 quest fo r dvekut (communio n wit h God), 1 4 radical/aggressive (haside talk/tolk), 7-8, 14 0 n in Shklov , 5 , 7 first Hasidic boo k in Russia , 20 , 12 1 as major cente r of Hasidism, 20 , 13 2 ordinances agains t (1787) , 11-13 , 102, 121 , 14 2 n, 16 1 n public disputatio n (1775) , 1 1 and Shneur Zalma n o f Liady , 7-8 , 13 14, 15 , 16 , 14 3 n spread afte r Russia n shift i n policy , 19-21 supernaturalism an d miracle claims , 120-21 travel o f leaders prohibited, 1 3 inVilna, 7 , 9 , 1 3 wonder tales , 77 Haskalah (Jewis h Enlightenment) , 4 and Ackord, 6 0 circle i n Berli n (Mendelssohnian) , 6 , 22-23, 31-37 , 53 , 57 circle i n Shklov , 5 , 6 , 57, 59-63 , 75, 101, 107-8 , 113 , 117 , 133-3 6 education progra m of, 7 1 emergence o f Russian, 5-6, 22-23 , 30 , 34, 36-37 , 60-63 , 66-73 , 74-75 , 79 , 115 and Kerner , 60-6 1 "Lament o f th e Daughte r of Judah, The," as Haskalah tract , 92 , 94-9 9 literature, 64 , 6 8 major concerns of , 38 , 42, 62, 66, 7 0 and Talmud , criticis m of , 41 , 42, 7 0

Haye 'adam [Lif e of Man] (Danziger) , 104, 12 9 Hayyim b . Tuvy a Kat z of Vilna, 130-3 1 HayyimofVolozhin, 105 , 112 , 12 9 Hertz, Marcus , 3 2 Heshbon ha-nefesh [Sel f Examination ] (Lefin),58 hidushe torah, 110-1 2 Hilkhot kidush ha-hodesh (Maimon ides),25, 28 , 3 0 Hilkhot talmud torah (Shneu r Zalma n of Liady) , 20 , 11 7 Hirsch, Jacob of Breslau , 61-62 , 134 , 151 n , 15 3 n History of the Jews (Basnage) , 3 7 Holtz, Erich , 5 0 Horodok, 1 5 Horowitz, Sheftl , 69 , 7 0 Hurvitz, Shai , 57, 16 3 n Hurwitz, Hayim-Chaikl , 6 8 'Ikkarim (Albo) , 11 3 Ilya, 7 1 Immanuel (be n Solomon ) o f Rome, 7 3 Imperial Statut e Concernin g th e Jews (1804), 21 , 124-25 , 134-3 5 Israel, Lan d of emigration o f disciples of Vilna Gaon , 129-32 emigration o f Hasidi m to , 16 , 142 43 n Israel b . Shmue l o f Shklov, 103-4 , 105 , 107, 11 2 migration t o Israel , 129-3 2 Israel o f Polotsk , 1 7 Israel o f Zamosc, 2 6 Israeli, Isaac , 3 2 Issachar Be r b. Judah Leyb , 12 , 10 2 Issachar Be r of Lubavitch, 1 7 Itzig, Isaa c Daniel , 3 3 Jerusalem (Mendelssohn) , 9 7 "Jew" terminology, 80-8 1 iudei, reactio n t o by Gentiles, 96-9 7 zhid, derogatory , vs . evrei, 80 , 95, 158 n Jews, The, or On the Necessary Reform of Jewsin the Republic ofVoland, 6 0

I N D E X 18 Jonathan o f Ruzhany , 2 6 Joseph II , Empero r o f Austria , 49 , 85, 159 n Edict o f Toleration, 6 2 Judah Loe w o f Prague , 7 0 Kabbalah. See also Zoha r dominance i n Easter n Europea n reli gious thought , 3 0 and Luzzatt o (Ramhal), 27 , 2 9 and Margoliot , 16 3 n and Menahe m Mend l o f Shklov, 10 3 numerology, 4 4 and scientifi c study , 30 , 44 Sefer yetsirah, 10 3 and superna l imag e (Adam 'elyon), 28, 2 9 and Viln a Gaon , 103 , 107 kahals. Se e als o va'ad medinat rusiya authority of , 9-11 , 15,81,8 4 curtailment o f powers , 11 , 18-21,81 , 124-25, 14 4 n foreign languag e directiv e fo r leaders , 124 Hasidic contro l o f i n Polots k province , 16 regional bodie s (uyezdnie, gubernskie kagali), 10 , 17 , 19 , 14 2 n Russian ruler s us e t o control Jewis h population, 9-1 1 in Shklov , 8 1 and "Statut e Concernin g th e Jews," 21 and va'ad medinat rusiya, 3 , 1 0 Kalisk, 8 Kalisker, Avraham , 1 5 dispute wit h Shklo v community , 8 , 140n, 141-4 2 n emigration t o Lan d o f Israel/leader ship from , 15 , 17 , 14 2 n-143 n physically attacke d i n Shklov , 11 , 141 n-142 n and Shneu r Zalma n appointing provincia l rabbi , 1 7 letter from , 7-8 , 14 0 n Kankrin, E . F. , 92 Karamzin, Nikolai , 94 , 97 Karneev, Zakhar , 179 7 memo, 83-8 4

5

Katz, Hayi m Avraham , 64 , 68, 15 7 n and belletristi c literature , 7 4 Milhama ba-shalom [Wa r Agains t Peace], 73-79 , 15 7 n and science , 75 and Zoric h court , 7 9 Katzenellenbogen, Avraham , 3 , 24, 138 n Keneh ha-midah [Th e Too l o f Measure ment] (Schick) , 38 , 39, 42-43, 4 4 Kerner, Mosh e b . Eliezer , 60-6 1 Khaimakovich, Isaac , 6 0 Kiev, 6 0 Kochubei, Vikto r Pavlovich , 55, 86, 87, 94 Konigsberg Academy, 4 8 Jews in , 33 , 60 Kopelman, Jacob , 10 6 Kopys, 3 Hasidim in , 2 0 as printing center , 13 9 n Krichev, 12 , 46 Kurakin, Alekse i Borisovich , 55, 56, 84, 85 Kutaisov, I . P. , 92 "Lament o f th e Daughte r o f Judah, The " [Vopl dshcheri iudeiskoi] (Nevakhov ich), 92 , 94-99, 125 , 12 7 Landau, Ezekiel , 3 9 Lefin, Menahe m Mendl , 31 , 37 advocate o f reform , 5 8 and Berli n Haskala h circle , 5 8 and Haskala h literature , 64 , 15 4 n Heshbon ha-nefesh [Sel f Examina tion], 5 8 Moda le-binah [Announce r o f Wis dom], 3 7 and Perets , 153 n at Ustye , 64 , 9 3 Lessing, Ephrai m Gotthold , 9 7 Letishev, 9 4 Levin, Hirschl , 31-32 , 3 3 Levin, Shaul , 31-32 , 3 3 Levinsohn, Isaa c Ber , 5 , 15 4 n Liady, 15 . See also Shneu r Zalma n o f Liady

186 I N D E

X

Likute 'amarim-Tanya (Shneu r Zal m a n ) , 11 7 Liozna, 16 , 14 3 n Lissa, 3 1 literature. See also Katz , Hayi m Avra Jiam; Nevakhovich , Juda h Leyb ; Schulman, Naftal i Hirt z belletristic, 7 4 classical Hebre w poetry , 7 3 dramatic writin g Berlin Haskalah , 7 9 first Hebre w drama , Milhama bashalom (Katz) , 73-7 9 Nevakhovich, 127-2 8 Haskalah, 64 , 68-72, 7 9 Hebrew-Aramaic dictionar y b y Schul man, 65-66 Jews depicte d in , 9 7 Margoliot's Bet midot (Jewis h ratio nalist literature) , 113-14 , 120 , 121, 164 n, 16 5 n on Ne w World , importanc e of , 66-6 8 Vurim-shpiln, 78-7 9 traditional, 64 , 65, 66 in Viln a Haskala h subculture , 13 6 wonder tales , 77 Lithuania, 1 , 122 . See also Byelorussia ; Poland/Polish-Lithuanian Common wealth Litsei (journal) , 12 7 Loebel, Israel , 120-2 1 Lubavitch, 8 , 1 7 Luzzatto, Mosh e Hayi m (Ramhal), 27 , 29-30

Ma'alot ha-torah [Th e Virtue s o f th e To rah] (Shneu r Zalman) , 10 3 Maharsha (Shmue l Edels) , 6 9 Mahbarot (Immanue l o f Rome) , 7 3 Maimon, Solomon , 31 , 33, 37, 70-71 , 154 n Maimonides (Mose s be n Maimon) , 8 , 25, 28,64-65,68 , 107 , 11 4 Manasseh b . Israe l o f Amsterdam , 6 6 68,73 Manasseh o f Ilya , 71 , 15 4 n, 15 5 n Marek, P. , 1 3

Margoliot, Juda h Leyb , 51-52 , 16 3 n and Berli n circle , 11 3 Bet midot [Hous e o f Virtues], 113-15 , 120, 121 , 164 n, 16 5 n inShklov, 112-1 3 Maskilim, 22 , 31 , 65, 71, 121, 135-36 . See also Haskalah ; Katz , Hayi m Avra ham; Mendelssohn , Moses ; Schulman , Naftali Hirt z first Russian , 73 , 79 and Guide to the Perplexed (Maimon ides) a s influence, 64-65 , 15 4 n , 163 n Ha-me'asef journa l of , 53 , 61, 121 , 125, 155 n and Lefin , 6 4 and Schick , 4 3 andShklov, 5 , 135-3 6 medicine Ackord a s physician, 6 0 criticism o f Polis h physicians , 3 7 medical education , 25 , 26, 27 , 37 , 60, 146 n Talmud an d physicians , 11 0 medinat rusiya ("th e lan d o f Russia") , 1. See also Hasidim ; Mitnagdim ; Mogi lev province ; specifi c citie s annexed b y th e Tsaris t Empir e (1772) , 1 , 4 , 7 , 9 , 18,46 , 12 2 Gentile populatio n of , 1 Jewish populatio n of , 1-2 , 4 , 18 , 13 8 n limitations of , a s center o f Jewish cul ture, 3-4 , 3 3 persecution o f Jewry in , 2 , 21 , 56, 83, 84, 123-2 5 rabbinic powe r in , 3 , 12 4 self-government in , 1 , 2-3, 4, 10-11 , 17-18, 19 , 20, 21, 124-25 , 13 7 n (see also kahals ; va'ad medinat rusiya). Melukhat sha'ul [Saul' s Kingdom ] (Ha 'efrati), 7 9 Menahem Mend l b . Baruk h Bende t o f Shklov, 103 , 107 , 112 , 12 0 migration t o Lan d o f Israel , 128-3 2 Menahem Mend l o f Vitebsk , 15 , 16 , 17 , 115-17, 118 , 142-4 3 n Mehamem Nahu m o f Chaus , 5 7 Mendelssohn, Moses , 4 , 22 , 23, 31, 33, 42,53,85, 11 3

I N D E X 18 Bi'ur (Mendelssoh n an d Dubno) , 32 , 53,61 followers of , 6 , 31-3 7 German translatio n o f Psalms , 53 , 57, 61 Jerusalem, 97 merchants. See also Notkin , Nota ; Per ets, Abraham ; Zeitlin , Joshu a double taxatio n of , 18 , 83, 84, 12 4 mobility/cultural enlightenmen t of , 60, 13 4 power an d wealt h of , 92 , 12 3 restrictions on , 90 , 12 4 Metsi'at ha'arets ha-hadasha [Th e Find ing of th e Ne w Land ] (Frankfurter Mendelsohn), 68 , 15 5 n middle class , acculturatio n of , 51-5 2 migration to Lan d o f Israe l Hasidim, 1 6 Shklov's rabbini c elite , 128-3 2 to Ne w Russia , 12 3 westward (Prussi a an d Berlin) , 31, 60-61, 70-7 1 Mikveh yisra'el [Th e Hop e o f Israel ] (Ben Israel) , 66-68 , 72 , 15 4 n Milhama ba-shalom [Wa r Agains t Peace] (Katz) , 73-7 9 Minsk, 15 , 12 9 blaze o f 1762 , 24 Hasidim, persecutio n o f in , 14 2 n , 143 n Jewish population , 2 , 13 8 n Karneev 179 7 memo, 83-8 4 Barukh Schic k in , 24 , 26 , 30-31 , 3 8 shivah keruim society , 24 , 30-3 1 yeshiva, 3 , 56 Mishne Torah (Maimonides) , 8 Mitnagdim charges agains t Hasidim , 1 2 conflict wit h Hasidism , 4 , 7 , 11-15 , 19-21, 118-21 , 14 0 n letter o f R . Avigdo r o f Pinsk , 1 9 in Polotsk , 16 , 14 4 n and Rivlin , 10 8 inShklov, 11 , 12, 15,20-2 1 and Viln a Gaon , 5 , 6, 11 , 20 Moda le-binah [Announce r o f Wisdom ] (Lefin), 3 7

7

Mogilev (Mohylew ) provinc e annexed i n first partitio n (1772) , 1 , 4, 52, 12 2 Catherine th e Grea t meetin g in , 4 9 Haskalahin, 61 , 68 kahalsin, 9-11 , 18-1 9 massacre, 2 prosperity o f Jews in , 51 , 123 suppression o f Hasidis m in , 11-15 , 10 2 Moscow Jewish expulsio n from , 5 4 Jewish prohibition , 9 0 Notkin in , 54 , 90-9 1 Mtsislavl, 10 5 anti-Hasidic position , 1 2 dispute betwee n Ol d an d Ne w (Slobeda), 1 0 location, 1 rabbi of , 12 , 1 3 and va'ad medinat rusiya, 10 , 12 , 1 3 Mussafia, Benjamin , 68-69 , 7 3 mysticism. See Kabbala h Napoleon, 5 war o f 1812 , 12 6 Natan Not a b . Hayim . See Notkin , Not a Khaimovich Natan Not a b . Menahe m Mendl , 12 9 Nathan the Wise (Lessing) , 9 7 Nathanson, Mordechai , 109-10 , 13 6 Natural Religion (Reimarus) , 3 7 Nevakhovich, Juda h Leyb , 80 , 92 background, 9 4 Chelovek v prirode Hi perepiska dvukh prosveshchenikh druzei [Ma n in Nature , o r Th e Correspondenc e between Tw o Enlightene d Friends] , 127 civil service , 12 7 collaboration o n Deborah, 12 7 conversion t o Lutheranism/admissio n into Russia n society , 125 , 128 , 13 5 drama of , 12 6 "Feeling o f a Loya l Subject . . ., " 9 5 96 "Lament o f th e Daughte r o f Judah , The," 92 , 94-100, 125 , 12 7 marriage t o Catherin e Michelson , 12 8 Oden, King of the Skifites, 12 7

188 I N D E

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Nevakhovich, Juda h Ley b (continued) in St . Petersburg , 94 , 12 5 in Shklov , 9 4 sons of, 16 6 n success of, 127-2 8 Sullites, The, or The Spartans of the Eighteenth Century, 12 8 as translator, 94 , 12 8 in Warsaw , 12 8 Nevel, 14 4 n New Russia , 57 , 15 1 n deportation/colonization plan , 85 , 89, 159 n migration to , 12 3 Niesviezh, 7 0 Notes of a Russian Traveler (Karam zin),97 Notkin, Not a Khaimovic h (Nata n Not a b. Hayim) , 6 1 and acculturation , 53 , 59, 80, 90-9 1 background an d busines s interests , 52-54 and Berli n circle , 5 3 contractor, Russian-Turkis h War , 1787, 53-54 , 8 1 death of , 56 , 12 3 and Hasidim , 16 0 n high socia l standin g amon g Jews, 56 influence an d prestig e wit h Russians , 52-56, 13 3 in Moscow , 54 , 90-9 1 as political leade r an d shtadlan o f Russian Jewry (Shklov) , 56, 81 , 91, 101, 133, 15 3 n and Potemkin , 53 , 81, 15 9 n proposal fo r Jewish economi c refor m and acculturation , 55 , 90-91, 13 4 reform o f Russia n polic y 1797 memo, 84-85 , 91 , 15 9 n 1803 memo, 87-9 1 rejection of , 124 , 134-3 5 in St . Petersburg , 55 , 56, 92 Jewish Buria l Society , 56 , 93 on Stat e Committe e fo r th e Organiza tion o f Jewish life , 55 , 86-91, 12 4 and Zorich , 52 , 53, 55-56, 8 1 Notkin, Shabbetai , 56

obscurantism, an d Judaism, 43 , 65, 6668, 11 9 Oden, King of the Skifites (Nevakhov ich) 12 7 'Omek halakha [Th e Depth s o f Halak hah] (Kopelman) , 10 6 "Opinion Regardin g th e Avoidanc e o f Grain Shortag e i n Byelorussi a b y Cur ing th e Mercenar y Trade s o f th e Jews, The" (Derzhavin) , 85-8 7 "Orientalische Buchdruckerei, " 6 1 Orsha, Hasidi m in , 2 0 Ostrov, 5 5 Padua, Italy , Lithuania n Jew s educate d in, 27 , 146 n Pale o f Settlement , 18 , 54, 83, 90 parnas, 24 , 26 , 3 3 passports, issuanc e of , 9-1 0 Pavia University , 2 7 Ve'at ha-shulhan (Israe l b . Shmuel), 10 4 Perets, Abraha m and Berli n Haskalah , 57 , 93 and Besamin rosh [Th e Incens e o f Rabbi Asher ] (Berlin) , 57 chief rabbi , Berlin , 57 commercial activities , 165-6 6 n contemporary's vie w of , 9 2 conversion t o Lutheranism/admissio n into Russia n society , 125-26 , 135 , 159 n, 16 6 n death of , 12 6 death o f daughter , 126 , 16 0 n family estrangement , 93 , 16 6 n financial decline , 12 6 and Hasidim , 159-6 0 n marriage t o Carolin e D e Somber, 12 6 marriage t o Zeitlin' s daughte r (Feygele), 57 , 91,93, 12 6 in St . Petersburg , 9 2 in Shklov , 57 and son' s education , 9 3 and Speranskii , Mikhail , 91-9 2 on Stat e Committee , 91 , 93, 12 5 status i n Tsaris t Russia , 92-9 3 Perets, Hirs h (Grigorii) , 58 , 93 conversion t o Lutheranism , 12 6 death of , 16 6 n

INDEX 18 as Decembrist, 126-27 , 16 6 n discrimination against , 12 6 Jewish identity , 12 7 marriage, 12 7 Perets, Tsir l (Sofia) , 126 , 127 , 16 6 n Perl, Joseph, 135 , 16 4 n persecution expulsion o f Jews fro m countryside , 123, 12 5 expulsion o f Jews fro m towns , 56 , 83, 84 of Hasidim , 8-9 , 11-15 , 141-4 2 n in Poland , 9 5 of Russia n Jewry, 2 , 84 Phinehas b . Judah o f Polotsk , 16-17 , 144 n, 16 4 n Pines, Elijah , 3 Pinsk, 2 , 13 8 n Poland/Polish-Lithuanian Common wealth, 1 . See als o medinat rusiya ("the lan d o f Russia" ) abolishment o f va'adim, 10 , 11 , 144 campaign agains t Hasidi m in , 1 1 first partitio n (1772) , 1 , 4, 52 , 12 2 golden age , 10 6 Jewish self-governmen t in , 2-3 , 10 , 137 (see also kahals ; rabbini c courts) legal statu s o f Jews, 6 0 nobility, 8 6 and Notkin , 5 2 persecution o f Jews in , 9 5 Russian invasio n (1654) , 2 second an d thir d partitions , 4 , 18 , 122, 151 n Polotsk Provinc e dominance o f Hasidis m in , 15-18 , 61, 143 n non-Hasidic congregations/rabbi s in , 16-17, 14 4 n regional governmen t in , 17-1 8 Poniatowski, Kin g Stanislaw Augustus , 52 Potemkin, Coun t Grigorii , 46 , 15 0 n death of , 5 8 and Notkin , 53 , 81 and Zeitlin , 57-58 , 81, 15 2 n Potocki, S . O., 8 6

9

Prague, 38 , 39 prayer, 1 4 printing presses/publishers , Hebre w Berlin Freischul e press , 3 7 first Hasidi c boo k i n Russia , 2 0 flourishing of , 5 Grodna, 103 , 104 , 12 3 Kopys, 13 9 n lack o f i n medinat rusiya, 3 Mendelssohn circle , 3 7 (se e als o Yesod 'olam, below ) "Orientalische Buchdruckerei, " 6 1 Sklov, 5 , 20 , 62-63, 82-83 , 103 , 112, 123, 133 , 16 1 n and Yesod 'olam [Foundatio n o f th e Earth] (Israeli) , 32 , 33, 34-3 7 prushim (recluses) , 129-3 2 Turim-shpiln (Puri m fol k plays) , 78-7 9 rabbinic court s of Berli n an d Frankfor t o n th e Oder , 33 of Counci l o f Lithuania , 3 , 13 7 n curtailment o f powers , 12 4 (see also kahals) of medinat rusiya a s appellat e court , 10 in Polotsk , 17-1 8 rabbis. See also Viln a Gaon ; specifi c rabbis acculturation an d enlightenmen t among, 101 , 107-8 , 122 , 132 , 133-3 6 Byelorussian elite , 23 , 31, 128-3 6 foreign languag e directiv e o f 1804 , 12 4 Ginzburg family , a s rabbinic power , 138 n Italian, 25 , 26 lack o f scholarshi p i n medinat rusiya, 3-4 migration t o Israel , 128-3 2 as physicians, 25 , 26 and raw ha-medinah, 3 "Sages of Shklov, " 11 , 12, 15 , 20, 102 , 107-8, 122 , 133 , 13 5 and scientifi c study , 25-26 , 104- 8 semikha (ordination) , 2 4 Rabenu Tarn , 11 4 Rappoport, Israel , 14 3 n

190 I N D E

X

reform. See Haskalah ; Tsaris t Russi a residence expulsions from countryside , 123 , 12 5 from Moscow , 5 4 from villages , 56 , 83, 84 Pale o f Settlement , 18 , 54, 83, 90, 12 4 and propert y ownership , 52 , 96 restrictions on , 18 , 96, 15 1 n in Europe' s capita l cities , 50 , 91 outside o f Byelorussia , 54-55 , 9 0 91, 12 4 Rivlin, Benjami n b . Shlomo, 11 , 12, 20, 59 anti-Hasidism, 102 , 108 , 121 , 161 n and "book s o f th e Gentiles, " 110-1 2 death, o n journey t o Lan d o f Israel , 130 as disciple o f Viln a Gaon , 102 , 108 , 110 Geviei gevia ha-kesef [Th e Goblet o f Silver], 108 , 110-1 1 leadership of , 102 , 130 , 13 9 n as physician, 11 0 study o f sciences, 109-10 , 117 , 121, 163 n hidushim, 111 , 11 2 as Talmudist/Mitnagdist, 108-9 , 12 1 yeshiva of , 5 , 50 , 109 , 13 2 andZeitlin, 110 , 16 3 n Rivlin, Hillel , 12 9 Rogola, 161 n Romm press , 5 Rommanelli, Samuel , 7 9 Russian languag e first boo k writte n b y a Jew, "Lamen t of th e Daughte r o f Judah, The, " 92, 94-99 Jewish us e of , 5 2 study of , 71 , 72,90,9 4 Russian-Turkish War , 1787 , 53-54, 57 Ruzhany, 2 6 Sa'adya b . Natan Not a o f Vilna, 12 9 Safed, Israel , 129-3 2 "Sages of Shklov, " 11 , 12, 15 , 20, 102 , 107-8, 122 , 129-32 , 133 , 13 5 Salle-Morant, Timolea n Alfons e Galie n de, 5 0

Satanov, Isaac , 31 , 32, 65 SaydaGa'on, 113 , 11 4 Schick, Baruk h anti-Hasidic stance , 118-21 , 16 4 n and Berli n (Mendelssoh n circle) , 22 23, 31-37 , 43 , 45, 14 7 n birth of , 14 5 n books of, 2 4 Derekh yeshara [Th e Straight Path] , 37 early works , 26-3 0 Keneh ha-midah [Th e Too l o f Mea surement], 38 , 39, 42-43, 4 4 subscribers for , 31 , 33 Tiferet adam [Th e Splendo r o f Man], 24 , 29-30 , 32 , 44, 14 7 n Uklides [Euclid' s Elements], 22 , 37 40,42,44, 118 , 119 , 14 9 n Yesod 'olam [Foundatio n o f th e Earth] (Israeli) , 32 , 33 , 34-37, 38 , 39 concern abou t Jewish inferiorit y i n learning, 39-43 , 115 , 13 4 death of , 14 8 n early lif e i n Shklov , 23-2 5 family pedigree , 23 , 31, 34 German language , lac k o f fluency in , 35,36 and Haskalah , 22-23 , 30 , 34-37 , 38, 40,41,42,43,44-45 and Ezekie l Landau , 3 9 Latin, knowledg e of , 2 7 marriage of , 2 4 mathematics study , 32 , 38 , 40, 43, 148 n in Minsk , 24 , 26 , 30-31 , 38 , 138n , 148 n and Orde r o f th e Asiati c Brethren , 148 n in Prague , 38 , 39, 14 8 n rabbinic an d communa l status , 24 , 26, 34, 13 8 n Ramhalian (kabbalistic ) influenc e on, 28-30 , 4 4 and scientifi c study , 24 , 25, 26, 40, 43, 44 rabbinic sources , 28 , 44 as reformer of , 37-44 , 13 4 religious rationales , 28-30 , 4 4

INDEX 19 scientific content , 26-2 8 Talmudic study/defense , 24-25 , 41-42 , 45, 13 4 and Viln a Gaon , 22-23 , 38-39 , 42, 106, 107 , 11 9 Wessely's pamphle t and , 35-36 , 4 0 Wessely's poe m on , 3 4 and Zeitlin , 58 , 15 2 n Schick, Chanok h Henekh , 2 0 Schick, Jacob b . Judah, 3 , 23 death of , 14 0 n harassed b y Hasidim , 8 , 118 , 14 0 n Schlegel, Christia n Julian , 47 , 49, 51 Schulman, Kalman , 13 6 Schulman, Naftal i Hirt z in Amsterdam , 7 3 early years, 64-6 5 editor o f Mikveh yisra'el [Th e Hop e o f Israel] (Be n Israel) , 66-68 , 72 , 15 4 n educational refor m program , 69-73 , 134 as first Russia n Maskil , 7 3 German, teachin g of , 69 , 70 , 71 , 15 5 n and Guide to the Verplexed (Maimon ides), 64-65 , 15 4 n Hebrew-Aramaic dictionary , 65-66 proposal fo r periodical , 7 2 reissuing o f Zekher raw [Great Remem brance] (Mussafia) , 68-69 , 71 , 72, 154 n Russian, fluency in/teachin g of , 71-7 3 school, attempt s a t opening , 72-7 3 and Shklov , 66 , 101 , 134 in Vilna , 65-66, 72-73 , 10 1 and Viln a Gaon , 65 Schwerin, 3 1 Seder ha-dorot [Th e Orde r o f Genera tions] (Halperin) , 3 Sefer ha-yashar, 75 Sefer mitsvot katan [Smal l Boo k of Com mandments] (Zeitlin) , 5 9 Sefer yetsira, 10 3 serfs, 4 8 Jewish ownershi p of , 58 , 61 Sha'agat arye (Ayr e Ley b Ginzburg), 3 , 23, 56, 13 8 n Sha'are tsedek [Gate s o f Righteousness ] (Danziger), 130 , 13 1 Shakhovskii, A. , 12 8

1

Sheynes, Avraham , 14 3 n Shimon ba r Yohai , 2 8 shivah keruim societ y (Minsk) , 2 4 Shklov (Szklow) . See also Notkin , Not a Khaimovich; Schick , Barukh ; Zeitlin , Joshua acculturation in , 6 , 46 , 50-52, 80 , 101, 107-8 ballet an d theate r in , 48-49 , 79 , 109 , 122-23 Berlin Haskala h an d Wester n Europe , ties to , 57 , 59-63 , 101 , 113, 133-3 4 Catherine th e Great' s visit s to , 48-49 , 52, 53 , 80, 15 0 n charter/establishment of , 2 , 12 2 communal rabb i of , 12 , 20, 2 3 dance school , 48 , 50 decline a s Mitnagdi c Jewish center , 122-24, 132 , 134-3 5 description of , b y Russian , 4 7 Hasidim antisocial behavio r in , 8 first boo k published , 2 0 major cente r o f Haba d Hasidis m after 1795 , 20, 13 2 separate buria l of , 2 1 Haskalah in , 5-6 , 57, 59-63 , 75, 101 , 107-8, 117 , 134 , 135-3 6 Jewish population , 2 , 50 , 13 8 n Jewish prosperit y in , 2 , 50 , 12 3 kahals in , 8 1 literacy/learning in , 4 0 manufacturing an d industry , 5 0 as metropolis an d cultura l cente r o f Russian Jewry, 5 , 51 , 63, 81, 101, 122, 133-3 4 Mitnagdim conflict wit h Hasidi m in , 7-8 , 1 1 15, 20-21 , 102 , 118 , 134 , 14 0 n , 141-42 n migration t o Israel , 128-3 2 "Sages o f Shklov," 11 , 12, 15 , 20, 102, 107-8 , 122 , 133 , 13 5 strength of , 20-2 1 Nobility Academy , 49-50 , 122-2 3 poor in , 62 , 12 3 publishing in , 5 , 133 , 16 1 n first Hasidi c book , 2 0 first politica l pamphlet , 82-8 3

192 INDE

X

Shklov (continued) Vilna Gaon' s works, 103 , 11 2 Yiddish pamphlet , 62-6 3 rabbinic enlightenmen t an d accultur ation support o f Katz' s Milham ba-shalom, 75 support o f Schulman's Maskili c works, 101 , 13 4 scholars in , 3-4 , 23-24 , 10 2 (see also Rivlin, Benjamin ) synagogue, 5 , 5 0 va'ad medinat rusiya in , 3 , 10 , 11-13 , 15, 2 0 and Viln a Gaon , 101-4 , 107-8 , 122 , 128-32, 133 , 13 5 Western colon y in , 5 0 yeshiva (o f Rivlin), 5 , 50 , 102 , 13 2 Zeitlin's Jewish court , 58 , 6 4 Zorich authority ove r town, 81 , 15 7 n court, impac t of , 46-52 , 122-23 , 133, 15 0 n death of , 122 , 134 , 15 7 n Shneur Zalma n b . Baruk h of Liady , 4 , 7 , 15 appointed hea d o f bet din/provincia l rabbi, 17-18 , 14 4 n appointed leade r of Hasidim, 16 , 117 , 143 n arrests/imprisonments, 21 , 56, 94, 159 60 n first visit t o Shklov, 2 1 and Gentil e rejectionism , 117 , 11 8 letters Kalisker, 7-8 , 14 0 n for mercy fro m va'ad, 14-15 , 1 6 persecution o f Hasidim , 13-1 5 physically attacke d i n Shklov , 1 1 publications hilkhot talmud torah, 20 , 11 7 Likute 'amarim-Tanya, 11 7 on rabbini c court , 1 7 Shulhan arukh, Oryisrael [Ligh t of Israel] (Yaffe), 3 Simha Bune m b . Baruk h Bendet , 10 3 Slonin, 5 9 Slutsk, 2 , 13 8 n, 14 0 n, 14 8 n

Smolensk province , proposa l t o expe l Jews, 5 6 Solomon o f Chelma , 2 6 Speranskii, Mikhail , 8 6 and Perets , 91-92 , 9 3 St. Petersbur g Cadet Corps , 122-2 3 court cultur e of , 52 , 10 8 Imperial Ballet , 48 , 12 2 Jewish Buria l Society , 56 , 93 Jewish resident s in , 55, 60, 90-91, 9 4 Russian Imperia l Cour t in, 6 Stary Bykhov , 10 , 64, 14 3 n State Committe e fo r the Organization o f Jewish Life , 55, 86-91 , 93 , 124-2 5 Stefan, Joseph Ludwig , 4 8 Sullites, The, or the Spartans of the Eighteenth Century (Nevakhovich) , 128 synagogues Great Synagogu e o f Shklov, 5 , 5 0 Vilna (kloyz-yashan), 6 5 Taklin hadetin (Israe l b . Shmuel), 10 4 Talmudists. See also Mitnagdim ; Rivlin , Benjamin; Viln a Gao n Israel b . Shmuel, 10 4 migration t o Lan d of Israel , motiva tion o f piety for , 130-3 2 mocked b y Hasidim, 7-8 , 12 , 11 9 Pines, Elijah , 3 "Sages of Shklov," 11 , 12 , 15 , 20, 102 , 107-8, 122 , 133 , 13 5 Schick, Jacob , as , 23 , 24 scholars a t Ustye , 59 , 16 3 n Schulman's criticis m an d reforms , 69 70 Sephardic Talmu d Tora h i n Amster dam, 6 9 Torah an d scientific studies , 22 , 34, 35, 42 , 43, 45, 105-6 , 110-12 , 114 , 117 Vilna Gaon' s reform o f Torah study , 102, 10 6 Tana de-ve eliyahu (Pines) , 3 taxes collected b y kahals, 9 , 10 , 11 , 51, 84

I N D E X 19 collected b y va'ad medinat rusiya, 2 3 collected b y Shneur Zalman , a s hea d of rabbini c cour t i n Polotsk , 17-1 8 double, afte r shif t i n Russia n polic y (1794), 18,83,84 , 12 4 Teudah be-yisrael [Testimon y i n Israel ] (Levinsohn), 5 theater. See also Nevakhovich , Yehud a Leyb Imperial State , 127-2 8 in Shklo v (Zoric h court) , 48-49 , 79, 109 Tiferet adam [Th e Splendo r o f Man ] (Schick), 24 , 29-30 , 32 , 44, 14 7 n Toledot ya'akov yosef, 12 1 Tosafot, 6 9 Tsar. See also Catherin e th e Grea t Aleksei Mikhailovitch , 1 , 2 Alexander I , 21,72,86,9 5 Paul I , 19 , 82, 85, 86, 15 0 n Tsarist Russi a abolishment o f herem an d powe r o f kahals, 18-19 , 20 , 21 , 81 anti-Jewish prejudice s b y masse s (narod),97 census, 1772-73 , 13 8 n civil service , Jews in , 92 , 126 , 127 , 13 4 confiscation o f Polis h an d Lithuania n estates, 4 6 court culture , 10 8 Decembrist movement , 126-2 7 French language , us e of , 4 8 Imperial Statut e Concernin g th e Jew s (1804), 21 , 124-25 , 13 5 imperial ukaz (decree ) o f 1795 , 19 , 20, 21 integration o f Jews int o throug h ka hals, 9-1 1 and Jewish merchants , 6 , 123-2 4 "Jewish question, " 83-90 , 91-92 , 94 , 124-25 Karneev 179 7 memo, 83-8 4 reform o f Jewish lega l status , 11 , 8 791, 124-25 , 13 4 shift i n polic y afte r 1795 , 18-21 , 8 3 social positio n o f Jews in , 83 , 95-9 6 State Committe e fo r th e Organizatio n

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of Jewish Life , 55 , 86-91, 93 , 124-2 5 surveys o n Jewish question , 84 , 15 9 n Tsofnas pa'aneah [Th e Reveale r o f Secrets] (Hurwitz) , 6 8 Uklides [Euclid' s Elements] (trans . Schick), 22 , 37-38 , 39-40 , 42 , 44, 118 , 119, 14 9 n Ustye, Zeitlin' s estat e i n Mogile v prov ince, 16 6 n as Jewish court , 5 8 and Haskalah , 6 4 scholars-in-residence, 59 , 93, 148n , 163 n

va'ad medinat Vita, 102 va'ad medinat rusiya, 2-3 , 17 , 13 8 n bet din a s appellat e court , 1 0 campaign agains t th e Hasidim , 11-15 , 20, 102 , 121 , 142 n, 161 n duties/powers of , 2-3 , 1 3 highest officia l (rav ha-medinah), 3 loss of powers , 18-2 1 reestablishment of , 1 0 Shneur Zalma n lette r to , fo r mercy , 14-15, 1 6 succession o f Shklo v an d Kopys , 3 supervision o f kahals , 1 0 and ta x collection , 10 , 1 3 Vasilkov, 6 0 Viete, Francois , 2 7 Vilna. See also Viln a Gao n acquired b y Russia , 2 1 anti-Hasidic ordinances , 13 , 21 denunciation o f Schulman , 65 , 73 Hasidic presenc e legitimized , 2 1 Haskalah subcultur e in , 13 6 Hebrew boo k publishin g in , 5 herem (ruling ) agains t Hasidim , 7- 9 informed o n Shneu r Zalman , 2 1 intellectual connectio n t o Berlin , 2 3 "reformed" congregation , 13 6 synagogue, 65 Vilna Gao n ( Elijah b . Shlomo Zalman) , 4,6 asceticism, 10 8

194 I N D E

X

Vilna Gao n (continued) defense o f Schulman' s lectures , 65 disciples of , 102-12 , 122 , 128-32 , 133 , 135 and geography , 15 5 n as halakhist, 23 , 106- 7 as kabbalist, 103 , 10 7 opponent o f Hasidism , 8-9 , 102 , 14 0 n opponent o f rationalism , 10 7 publication o f note s an d commentar ies, 103 , 112 and science s (an d othe r non-Talmu dic studies) , 22 , 26 , 38-39, 104-8 , 110 and Schick , Barukh , 22 , 38-39, 4 2 supernatural illumination s of/golem , 107, 12 0 ties wit h Shklov , 11 , 12, 101-4 , 107-8 , 122, 133 , 13 5 Vitebsk (Witebsk ) Hasidism in , 1 5 kahal in , 16 , 1 8 non-Hasidic congregations , 14 4 n Vohlyn, 12 , 94 Volozhin, 59 , 105 , 112 , 12 9 Warsaw, 64 , 12 8 Wessely, Naftal i Hirtz , 22 , 32 , 34 , 35-36 , 40, 42 , 53 , 72, 15 7 n Wolfsohn, Aaro n Halle , 67 , 121 , 14 8 n , 165 n women ballet dance r i n Shklov , 5 1 Zorich's danc e schoo l for , 4 9 Yaffe, Israel , 3 Yaldut u-vaharut [Childhoo d an d Youth] (Bresslau) , 7 9 Yankelevich, Elena , 51 , 151 n yeshivas. See also educatio n in Brest - Li to vsk, 3 lack o f i n medinat rusiya, 3 in Minsk , 3 , 56 in Shklo v (Rivlin's) , 5 , 50 , 102 , 13 2 in Volozhin , 5 9 Yesod 'olam [Foundatio n o f th e Earth ] (Israeli), 32 , 33 , 34-37,38,3 9 Yiddish archaic, 15 5 n

attack o n us e of, 7 0 chapbooks, 77 Milhama ba-shalom (Katz ) trans lated, 79 , 15 7 n pamphlet published , 62-6 3 Vurim-shpiln (Puri m fol k plays ) 78-7 9 Yigdal, 9 8

Zamosc, 2 6 Zanovich, G. , 6 0 Zaslaver, Ayzik , 1 2 Zeitlin, Joshu a acculturation, moderat e idea l of , 5759, 11 7 and Berli n Haskala h circle , 5 7 contractor, Russian-Turkis h war , 57, 81 custody battl e wit h Perets , 9 3 daughter's marriag e to/estrangemen t from Abraha m Perets , 57 , 91, 93, 126, 16 6 n family of , 5 6 influence i n Russia n affairs / aristoc racy, 57-58 , 81-82, 15 3 n as leader o f Russian Jewry, 59 , 81-82 , 101, 133 , 135 , 15 3 n patron o f scholars, 58 , 11 0 patron o f yeshiva, 5 9 piety an d rabbini c learning , 56, 57, 59 and Potemkin , 57-58 , 81 , 152 n andRivlin, 11 0 Sefer mitsvot katan [Smal l Boo k of Commandments], 5 9 Ustye, estat e i n Mogile v as Jewish court , 58 , 59, 15 2 n and Haskalah , 6 4 scholars-in-residence, 59 , 93, 14 8 n , 152 n Zeitlin, Moshe , 11 2 Zeitlin, Solomon , 12 6 Zekher rav [Grea t Remembrance ] (Mus safia), 68-69 , 71,72 , 15 4 n Zlotowo, 3 1 Zohar, 3 , 11 1 and anatomica l study , 28-30 , 4 4 and mathematics , 4 4 Zorich, Semio n Gavrilovich , 4 6 castle of , 47-4 8

INDEX 19 court in Shklov, 47-52, 56, 58, 122-23, 133, 15 0 n death of, 122-23 , 134 educational institutions , 49-50, 122— 23

and Jewish community of Shklov, 55 lawsuit brought by, 81, 158 n and Notkin, 52, 53, 55-56, 81 and Zeitlin, 56, 8 1 Zubov, V. A., 86

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