Rocks of Ages: Developing Rock Art Tourism in Israel 1789699681, 9781789699685, 9781789699692

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Rocks of Ages: Developing Rock Art Tourism in Israel edited by

Joshua Schmidt

Rocks of Ages: Developing Rock Art Tourism in Israel edited by

Joshua Schmidt with contributions from

Davida Eisenberg-Degen, Ron Frumkin, Dan Gur, Liora Kolska Horwitz, George Nash, Steven A. Rosen, Sara Levi Sacerdotti, Eli Cohen-Sasson, Ifat Shizaf and Natan Uriely

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-78969-968-5 ISBN 978-1-78969-969-2 (e-Pdf) © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2022

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents List of Figures��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iii List of Tables�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������vii Abbreviations����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� x Foreword������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������xi Steven A. Rosen Preface������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ xiii

Part I: The Dynamics of Negev Rock Art Tourism Rock Art in the Negev���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 IMPART Negev Highlands Tourism�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Dan Gur and IMPART Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data������������������������������������������������������������������ 16 Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data��������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Establishing a Benchmark for Open-Air Rock Site Management������������������������������������� 36 Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Notes from an Ethnographic Field Survey of the Negev Highland Bedouin�������������������� 45 Joshua Schmidt

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Part II: Ramat Matred Surveys Ecological Survey at Ramat Matred����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Ron Frumkin Archaeological Survey at Ramat Matred��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 Davida Eisenberg-Degen  The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred�������������������������������������������� 71 Ifat Shezaf  GIS Visualization of the IMPART Surveys (Figures 10.1 to 10.10)������������������������������������ 90 Eli Cohen-Sasson

Part III: Findings, Conclusions and Recommendations Conclusions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 99 IMPART Recommendations������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 104 Joshua Schmidt and IMPART Epilogue���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 IMPART Afterword������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111 Liora Kolska Horwitz Bibliography �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 120

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List of Figures Figure 1.1

Layered Negev rock art motifs contain both alluring and powerful messages (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 Figure 1.2 Map of Negev rock art sites (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen)�������� 5 Figure 1.3 Map of rock art sites in the Negev Highlands (Image: courtesy of Razi Yahel)��� 6 Figure 1.4 Rock art tourists will often go to great lengths for a good photo (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Figure 1.5 Italian and Israeli IMPART researchers conducting fieldwork at Ramat Matred8 Figure 2.1 The Negev - subdivided (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������ 12 Figure 2.2 The Sde Boker Area (Image: courtesy of Courtesy of Google Maps/IMPART)��� 12 Figure 2.3 Mashabim-Ramon Area (Image: courtesy of Google Maps/IMPART)����������������� 13 Figure 2.4 Negev Highlands Region (not included in the above areas): includes Nitzana, Yeruham, Revivim area and more (Image: courtesy of Google Maps/IMPART)13 Figure 3.1 Age class of tourists (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART) ����������������������� 17 Figure 3.2 Main reason of the trip for domestic and international tourists (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Figure 3.3 Means of transport used by domestic and international tourists (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Figure 3.4 Mode of acquaintance with Mitzpe Ramon, by channel (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Figure 3.5 Percentage of tourists that were satisfied or very satisfied, by topic (Image: courtesy of IMPART)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Figure 3.6 Percentage of tourists that wish to visit the existing attractions in the region (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20 Figure 3.7 Domestic tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by age (Image: courtesy of IMPART)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Figure 3.8 International tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by age (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Figure 3.9 Domestic tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by profession (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Figure 3.10 International tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by profession (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Figure 3.11 Culture-oriented tourists, main reason of travel (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Figure 3.13 Mode of acquaintance with Mitzpe Ramon, culture tourism segment, by channel (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)���������������������������������������������� 22 Figure 3.12 Means of transport used by culture-oriented tourists to get to Mitzpe Ramon (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Figure 3.14 Culture-oriented tourists, mode of travel (percentage) (Image Courtesy of IMPART)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Figure 3.15 Total sample vs cultural tourism segment, level of satisfaction, by topic (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������� 22

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Figure 3.16 Mode of acquaintance with Mitzpe Ramon, individual tourists, by channel (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������� 23 Figure 3.17 Means of transport used by individual tourists����������������������������������������������������� 23 Figure 3.18 Number of tourists that would like to visit the listed attractions (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 Figure 3.19 Tourists who are very satisfied or satisfied with each topic (percentage) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Figure 4.1 Analysis of the frequency of answers on different topics, divided into a SWOT table (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats) (Image: courtesy of IMPART)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Figure 4.2 Graffiti on rocks in the riverbed below Ramat Matred; as ascertained from its content, apparently made by soldiers (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)���� 31 Figure 5.1 Western view of the Valcamonica Valley (Image: courtesy of George Nash)���� 39 Figure 5.2 Iron Age cart from Rock No. 73, Naquane (Image: courtesy of George Nash)��� 39 Figure 5.3 Trekking to the Penacosa site in the Côa Valley, Portugal. Organized by the Côa Museum and supporting local tourism initiatives (Image: courtesy of George Nash)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Figure 5.4 One of many hundreds of rock art sites within the Côa Valley, Portugal (Image: courtesy of George Nash)����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Figure 5.5 Roughly pecked horse from the Siega Verde Park, Spain (Panel 74) (Image: courtesy of Carlos Vázquez Marcos)������������������������������������������������������������������������ 40 Figure 5.6 One of many animal engravings from the Siega Verde Park (Panel 21) (Image: courtesy of George Nash)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Figure 5.7 View of the outer triathlon ring of Stonehenge (Image: courtesy of George Nash)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Figure 5.9 One of the fiberglass replicas panels from the Côa Valley Museum, Portugal (Image: courtesy of George Nash)����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Figure 5.8 Faint images of Bronze Age daggers and post-medieval graffiti on Stone 53 (Image: courtesy of George Nash)����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Figure 6.1 IMPART personnel on a visit with Negev Highland Bedouin tourism operators, February 2016 (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)�������������������������� 46 Figure 6.2 Unrecognized Bedouin encampment below a Negev rock art site (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt) ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 Figure 6.3 Bedouin shepherdesses watch over their flock grazing by the roadside of Route 40 in the Negev (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)������������������������������� 46 Figure 6.4 Three generations of Negev Bedouin females gather wheat during a harvest, nearby Abda settlement, June 2016 (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)��������� 47 Figure 6.5 Despite their increasing adjustment to a modern lifestyle, traditional modes of Bedouin culture persist across the generations (Image: courtesy of George Nash)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Figure 6.6 Bedouin from the Negev Highlands take part in a Southern District planning commission meeting, Beer Sheva, 2015 (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)� 48 Figure 6.7 Bedouin tourism operators voice their concerns over their future to visiting government officials, Ramat Tziporim, January, 2015 (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 Figure 6.8 Bedouin hospitality in the Negev, a future groom sits with his friends (Image: courtesy of George Nash)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 iv

Figure 6.9 Figure 6.10 Figure 7.1 Figure 7.2 Figure 7.3 Figure 7.4 Figure 7.5 Figure 7.6 Figure 7.7 Figure 7.8 Figure 7.9 Figure 7.10 Figure 7.11 Figure 7.12 Figure 7.13 Figure 7.14 Figure 7.15 Figure 7.16 Figure 7.17 Figure 8.1 Figure 8.2 Figure 8.3 Figure 8.4 Figure 8.5

Bedouin hospitality in the Negev, a host roasts coffee beans over an open fire (Image: courtesy of George Nash)����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Bedouin protest tent along Route 40, displaying signs demanding equal partnership in local development planning, August 2016 (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Study area and wadis (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)������������������������������������� 55 Geological map of the Ramat Matred region (Zilberman and Avni 2004) (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Haloxylon scoparium plant community in a channel filled with loess (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 56 Ecological corridors, nature reserves and national parks in the region, as defined by the Israel Nature and Parks Authority (2014) (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 Ecological sensitivity of landscape units in the region, per the Ministry of Environment (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)��������������������������������������������������� 56 Vegetation societies, their habitats and points of interest (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Tributary draining into Nahal Avdat with terraces, loess and Haloxylon scoparium (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin) ��������������������������������������������������������� 57 Limestone rocks, Reaumuria negevensis and Artemisia sieberi, Ramat Matred (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Colchicum tunicatum Feinbrun growing from a crack in a rock (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Bedouin shepherd with goats and sheep in the riverbed below Ramat Matred (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Home of spiny mouse (Acomys cahirinus) and ‘dining table’ with molluscs (Xerocrassa seetzenii) (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)��������������������������������������� 59 Partridge (Alectoris chukar) (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)���������������������������� 60 Gecko (Ptyodactylus guttatus) clinging to a rock (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Gecko (Ptyodactylus guttatus) hiding in a crevice amid rock art (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 60 Orgyia dubia (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin) ����������������������������������������������������� 61 Harvest ants (Messor arenarius) collecting seeds at the entrance to their nest in the riverbed (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)������������������������������������������������ 61 and 7.18. Rock art panel in Ramat Matred and Verbascum sinaiticum growing nearby (Image: courtesy of Ron Frumkin)�������������������������������������������������������������� 62 Spur on Ramat Matred chosen as the site of the archeological survey (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen, Courtesy of the IAA)��������������������������������� 65 Linear stone courses crisscross the landscape and divert rainfall for irrigation below Ramat Matred (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen, Courtesy of the IAA)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 Remains of a terrace in the riverbed below the spur surveyed at Nahal Avdat (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 68 Watchtower built of dressed stones from the Roman Period (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 68 Tumulus (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen, Courtesy of the IAA)�� 69 v

Figure 9.1 Figure 9.2

Map of the survey area (Image: courtesy of Boaz Shezaf)������������������������������������ 71 Map showing rock art and other archaeology on Ramat Matred (Image: courtesy of Emil Aladjem/IAA)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Figure 9.3 Superimposed petroglyphs with different patina shades (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Figure 9.4 Distribution of elements according to patina shades (Image: courtesy of Boaz Shezaf)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Figure 9.5 Petroglyphs from different periods superimposed upon one another (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen)���������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Figure 9.6 Petroglyphs amid lichens, Ramat Matred (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 77 Figure 9.7 Map of distribution of petroglyphs by panel and element visibility (Image: courtesy of Boaz Shezaf)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 77 Figure 9.8 Abstract element (Image: courtesy of Ifat Shezaf)������������������������������������������������� 78 Figure 9.9 Hunting scene depicting figure with bow, ibex and dogs (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Figure 9.10 Human figure in an orant position below a group of ibex that from their shade appear to be from a different period; to the right of the panel a hunter is depicted riding on the back of an animal, presumably, from its size and shape, a horse (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)��������������������������������������������� 81 Figure 9.11 Distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs by species��������������������������������������������� 82 Figure 9.12 Breakdown of frequency of zoomorphic images by category (Image: courtesy of Ifat Shezaf)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 Figure 9.13 Petroglyph of ibex with various horn lengths (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 Figure 9.14 Petroglyph showing a rider with bow and arrow riding atop a camel (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 Figure 9.15 Petroglyph of hunter atop a horse; a second, more abstract, horse is depicted above, while below is an Arabic inscription, possibly from the same period (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)����������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 9.16 Petroglyph depicting a dog chasing an ibex in a hunting scene (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 9.17 Petroglyph of ostrich; the dark patina suggests it is from the first engraving phase (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)������������������������������������������������������������ 85 Figure 9.18 Petroglyph of foot (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen)���������������������� 86 Figure 9.19 Map of spatial distribution of hand and foot petroglyphs (Image: courtesy of Boaz Shezaf)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 Figure 9.20 IMPART personnel conducting the rock art survey on Ramat Matred (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 88 Figure 10.1 IMPART project area with roads and settlements layers (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 Figure 10.2 IMPART project area with roads, town settlements and independent farms layers (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)��������������������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 10.3 IMPART project area with roads, town settlements and Bedouin encampment layers (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)��������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 10.4 IMPART project area with roads, town settlements, independent farms and Bedouin encampments layers (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)��������������� 92 vi

Figure 10.5 IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)��������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 10.6 IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves and Jewish National Fund (KKL) parks (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson) 93 Figure 10.7 IMPART project area with Israeli Defence Force (IDF) firing zones (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 10.8 IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves and Jewish National Fund (KKL) parks and official Israel Antiquities Authority sites (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)������������������������������������������������������������ 94 Figure 10.9 IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves (green), IDF firing zones (red), and concentrations of Negev rock art (blue) (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)��������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 10.10 Map depicting the complexity of the landscape in the general Negev rock art area that is surrounded with settlements (yellow), independent farms (dark green), Bedouin encampments (black), Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves (light green) and IDF firing zones (red) (Image: courtesy of Eli Cohen-Sasson)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 11.1 The recognizable logo of the Negev Rock Art Center, 2014 (Image: courtesy of the Negev Rock Art Center)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 102 Figure 11.2 Conducting Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) within the context of IMPART research in the Negev Highlands (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 102 Figure 12.1 International rock art scholar delivers a presentation at the IMPART symposium in December 2016 (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)��������������� 104 Figure 12.2 Unrecognized Bedouin encampment situated below a spur containing Negev rock art; Symposium delegates discussed the past connection the Bedouin have with Negev rock art traditions and conceivable ways to gainfully integrate these communities into forthcoming development within the region (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt) �������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure E.1 Initial mapping of Negev rock art App (Beta version) (Image: courtesy of Elena Chernihovski, Tal Teri & Daniel Ben Zaken) ���������������������������������������������� 110 Figure E.2 Screenshot from home page of Negev rock art App; Users can choose between taking a virtual guided tour or going on a self-guided treasure hunt (Image: courtesy of Elena Chernihovski, Tal Teri & Daniel Ben Zaken)�������������������������� 110 Figure A.1 Photograph of a petroglyph from Har Karkom that Emmanuel Anati (1999: 31) interpreted as depicting the “tablets of the law” i.e. the tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments that Moses received on Mount Sinai. (Image: courtesy of Davida Eisenberg-Degen).������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Figure A.2 New INPA signage at the base of Har Karkom (Image: courtesy of Lior Schwimer and the INPA).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Figure A.3 Sign at the top of the Har Michia rock art park containing a park map and a brief explanation of the trails; in the background a tour group visits ‘Site 1’ (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt).�������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Figure A.4 Trail marker at Har Michia rock art park (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Figure A.5 Roped-off segment at Har Michia rock art park; in the mid-foreground, a petroglyph depicts a rider mounted on a four-legged animal (presumably a vii

horse or donkey) about to discharge a spear onto its prey, an ostrich (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Figure A.6 Tourists in the Ramon Crater walk across a foot bridge enroute to climb the ‘Carpentry’, a hill covered in hexagonal petrified stone prisms that resemble wood beams (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt).��������������������������������������������� 115 Figure A.7 Rocks containing petroglyphs at Ramat Matred are exposed to the desert elements and are therefore susceptible to natural weathering processes (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt)��������������������������������������������������������������������� 116 Figure A.8 Weathering processes wrought by years of exposure to the harsh climatic conditions at Ramat Matred are a direct threat to its rock art panels (Image: courtesy of Joshua Schmidt).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 116

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List of Tables Table 3.1 Table 4.1 Table 5.1 Table 7.1 Table 7.2 Table 9.1 Table 9.2 Table 9.3

Length of stay for domestic and international tourists (percentage)���������������� 17 List of questions used as a guideline for the interviews. Divided by Supply and Demand and general topics covered.��������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Sites identified as applying best practices�������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Vegetation in the area surveyed at Ramat Matred, October 2015����������������������� 59 Coordinates of select sites in the designated plan area and its environs ��������� 61 Distribution of petroglyphs by type, engraving phase and patina color����������� 79 Distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs by species, engraving phase and patina color������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 79 Quantified distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs based on motif and engraving technique��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87

ix

Abbreviations EIA ES FIT

Environmental Impact Assessment Environmental Statement Free Independent Travelers

IAA IDF IFRAO IMPART JNF KII MUPRE

Israel Antiquities Authority Israeli Defense Force International Federation of Rock Art Organizations Integrative Multilateral Planning to Advance Rock Art Tourism

PAPI PRAT-CARP SWOT TARA UNESCO

Pen and Paper Personal Interviews Prehistoric Rock Art Trails - Cultural Route of the Council of Europe Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats Trust for African Rock Art United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

GTC

NDA INPA

Government Tourist Company

Jewish National Fund

Key Informant Interviews National Prehistory Museum of Valle Camonica Negev Development Authority Israel National Parks Authority

x

Foreword Steven A. Rosen The Department of Bible, Archaeology and Ancient Near East, Ben-Gurion University of The Negev, Israel

In considering this IMPART report, Developing Rock Art Tourism in Israel, and placing it in some greater discourse, a large set of ideas and concepts come to mind. I list them here because they reflect the impressive scope of this project: cultural resources, heritage, and its management; multidisciplinary research; applied science; humanities, development and tourism; multiple communities of consumers, service providers (e.g., tour guides, etc.), and constituents; public archaeology; and academic research or basic science. As obvious from the title, the intent of the IMPART project was to explore the developmental potentials for rock art tourism in the central Negev, but this report offers insights well beyond the final set of recommendations. Even beyond the basic research engendered during the course of the project, the project stimulated new thinking and new approaches to heritage and cultural resource management in the region, and new partnerships between the organizations responsible for that development. Although rock art in the Negev has been known at least since the 1950s, in the work of Emmanuel Anati, it began to enter the popular imagination only in the 1980s, again in the work of Anati, especially at Har Karkom (Har means Mount in Hebrew). With access constrained by its location in a militarily restricted area, the threat to the art and archaeology was relatively small. The need for systematic management of these cultural treasures only became evident in the 2000s, with the discovery of additional large concentrations of rock art, far more accessible to the public at large. The IMPART project follows closely in the footsteps of this earlier research. More significantly, although incorporating a basic science aspect, the primary focus of the project was to address questions of heritage and management of cultural resources, that is, the rock art. Thus, as a focus for development toward tourism, beyond the historical framework and basic knowledge, the larger contexts of the rock art needed to be explored, including the geographic and ecological background, as well as the social and political impacts that development might bring. Data were collected from different perspectives, including those of the indigenous Bedouin of the region, the inhabitants of the modern settlements, the tourism providers (tour guides, etc.), and the tourists themselves. Pilot rock art sites were opened and the sites were monitored for impact on the art, and on the general area. The substantive content, the information/knowledge presented to visitors about the rock art, was recorded and its impact assessed. Collaborations between different institutional shareholders, not to mention the international partners offering their own perspectives, were essential for evaluating the potentials of rock art sites, in essence open-air museums, for development and education.

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Fittingly for such a complex set of factors, the project conclusions and recommendations are nuanced. For example, rock art-based tourism may result in damage to the rock art, and the desert environment. Local participation is essential to making the enterprise succeed, and if perceived as a disturbance or intrusion, the success of such development is threatened; and without a properly thought-out plan, development will undoubtedly proceed regardless, with even greater damage. The IMPART project is the first attempt at grappling with these issues with respect to Negev rock art. It is a great start. One final point needs to be considered. In an age when the humanities are discounted, in a country where sophisticated technological industries and education are of the highest governmental priorities, the simple elegance of ancient rock art stands out. We see in the rock art the reflection of thoughts of ancient peoples, no less inspired than ourselves, and in fact, inspiring in their stark beauty even to our modern-day sensibilities. The proper stewardship of this part of our basic human heritage is fundamental.

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Preface The Negev desert in southern Israel is a continuation of a much large desert region that incorporates the Sinai desert to the west and the Arabian desert to the south. Each region has its own unique heritage and in the case of this publication, rock art. The rock art of the Negev contains an estimated 200,000 engraved images that span over four millennia and are organized into four generic groups: early, Timnian/Bronze Age, Iron Age, classical period, and recent Bedouin (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen, 2013). The earliest period dates to just before the Bronze Age, followed by the largest assemblage from the Byzantine period. The remaining groups include mainly textual engravings from the Islamic period and geometric symbols, known as wusum marks, from the semi-nomadic Bedouin tribal groups that currently reside in many parts of the Negev (Ben-David 1989; Ben-David and Orion 1998). Over the relatively recent past, the various rock art assemblages and the archaeology associated with each has come under potential threat from social, political and economic activities such as militarization, settlement and tourism, not to mention environmental change. The following pages are based on the findings from a research project initiated in 2013 to address this matter. Carried out under the acronym IMPART (Integrative Multilateral Planning to Advance Rock Art Tourism), an interdisciplinary team of Israeli-Italian scholars collaborated to pursue two primary streams of investigation: archeo-ecological and socio-touristic. The goal of their study was to explore potential socio-economic, managerial, tourism and policy options for effectively valorizing Negev rock art while duly noting operational hindrances and imperative conservation and safety needs. The bi-national IMPART team included Joshua Schmidt (cultural anthropologist), Davida Eisenberg-Degen (archaeologist and expert in Negev rock art), Natan Uriely (professor of sociology of tourism and sustainable tourism development) and Sara Levi Sacerdotti (specialist in public policy evaluation and strategic territorial development). As well, during the different stages of IMPART research, numerous expert advisors and assistants supported the advancement of the study, the core of whom contributed to this volume. The synergy resulting from the multidisciplinary approach to their project enabled the researchers to formulate a ‘best practices’ benchmark for the future development of Negev rock art tourism together with a set of ‘ground zero’ eco-archaeological landscape indicators, that later can be monitored and compared with future reference points during expected forthcoming periods of increased tourism activity. The volume is organized into 12 chapters that identify the cultural heritage, archaeology and tourism geographies that fill the multilayered landscape in which they sit. Our goal is to focus on finding ways to preserve this unique heritage for future generations by striking a balance between these fragile resources and the pressures for the development of the desert. The IMPART team wishes to warmly acknowledge the generous funding received from the Israeli Ministry of Science and Technology and the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The project was likewise actualized via the ongoing critical physical support kindly provided to the team by a combination of bodies, chief among them: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, the Dead Sea and Arava Science Center, SiTI - Higher Institute on Territorial Systems for Innovation, the Politecnico di Torino, the Compagnia di San Paolo in Turin, Italy, the Embassy xiii

of Italy in Israel, the Israel Antiquities Authority, the Israel National Parks Authority, the Authority for Development and Settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev, the Israel Ministry of Tourism, the Ramat Negev regional and Mitzpe Ramon local-area councils, the Negev Rock Art Center and the Maritime Alps Natural Park. As a final note, the text for this book was written prior to the Covid-19 pandemic and therefore some of the issues raised in the various chapters were and will be still relevant when various lockdown guidelines are relaxed or removed and tourism within this part of Israel is up and running.

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Part I The Dynamics of Negev Rock Art Tourism

1

Chapter 1

Rock Art in the Negev IMPART Rock art, archaeology and culture Rock art is found around the world, either as petroglyphs or as painted images. During prehistoric times, rock art developed on cave and rock shelter walls and on exposed rock outcroppings. It made its way into the Negev and neighboring deserts in the proto-historic times, reflecting the expressions of nomadic and semi-nomadic cultures (Anati 1955, 1956, 1961, 1965; Eisenberg-Degen, Nash, Schmidt 2016; Rosen 2017). While technological studies contribute to our understanding of some of the physical aspects connected with this material culture, attempts to decipher the meanings of this art form are speculative and often highly controversial. Specifically, there are many schools of thought regarding the interpretations of different petroglyphs but, as yet there are no reliable methods for absolute dating of rock art. Rock art therefore is usually dated by identifying certain layers based on historical or physical context or by using analogy from sites that contain identical rock art. In Australia, for example, absolute dating was achieved using radiocarbon assays on the remains of beeswax used to create the imagery (Langley and Taçon, 2010). Cave paintings found across Europe are associated with occupation layers that sometimes abut the painted walls. These layers can be dated by extracting organic material such as charcoal from the various layers and dating it using radiocarbon (Chippendale and Nash 2004). While there are various ways to date petroglyphs, the issue remains hotly debated (e.g. Bednarik 1995; Liritzis et al., 2019). As in many regions of the world, Negev rock art is not without its controversies, both in terms of interpretation and conservation. Understanding the meaning of rock art offers insights into the ancient culture that produced them, but the process is not straightforward. The subjects portrayed in the Negev rock art range from anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations to weapons, hand and footprints, and a myriad of abstract figures whose meanings are often near impossible to determine (Eisenberg-Degen and Nash 2017). At present, there is no single universally accepted typological classification of the different representations found in petroglyphs and diverse scholars interpret rock art differently according to according to their theoretical leanings. This is also true for rock art in the Negev where controversies exist over its meanings and dates. Rock art may shed light on diverse cultures in their geographic and temporal settings, creating an informative learning experience of the present-day environment (EisenbergDegen and Rosen 2013). Additionally, and equally important, inscribed on millennia-old rock outcroppings, rock art provides audiences with a timeless creation that reflects past cultures enigmatic codes and customs. The open-air enormity of the sparsely populated

(Archaeopres 2022): 3–10

IMPART Negev landscape lends the rock art found here a certain mystique that could be beneficial for successfully fostering local area rock art tourism. Rock art and tourism Over the past 50 years, the archaeology and heritage domains have begun to understand the significance of rock art as a means of educating the public. Rock art discoveries such as those at Altamira in northern Spain, and Chauvet and Lascaux in southern France evoke a passionate interest in understanding distant prehistoric communities and the basic human urge to decorate the walls of caves and rock shelters with their knowledge and beliefs. This exquisite imagery is not merely idle graffiti but possess something that is much more alluring and powerful. At their time of use, the images – both painted and engraved – told a story to an audience whose members were familiar with the figures and motifs portrayed (Figure 1.1). Audience, artist, image and rock were interconnectedly linked. Today, however, the link between the rock art and its various audiences, be it scholars, local communities or casual onlookers – tourists – is somewhat tenuous. All three groups crave understanding, each maintains a different narrative for what these cryptic figures represent, generating the stimulus for further debate. Voicing concerns over the potential for the destruction of this fragile artifact, some rock art researchers object to converting rock art areas into tourist sites, particularly where petroglyphs have yet to be fully studied. However, controlled use of rock art for tourism purposes can aid in exposing it to the public through education and thus conserving it for future generations. This can be achieved by devising a conservation and management plan that considers the expected audience and tourism type (Darvill and Batarda Fernandes 2014; Duval, Gauchon and Smith 2018) and helps to limit environmental and or pressures from human agency on the artifacts by taking steps such as limiting access, closing the site seasonally, allowing access only through guided tours, constructing trails and fences, posting explanations and regulations on signs, or in some cases concealing the whereabouts of those rock art sites where imminent damage of destruction may occur.

Figure 1.1 Layered Negev rock art motifs contain both alluring and powerful messages

4

Rock Art in the Negev

Figure 1.2 Map of Negev rock art sites

5

IMPART

Figure 1.3. Map of rock art sites in the Negev Highlands

Over the past two decades there has been an uptick in the worldwide cultural tourism market, that also includes rock art tourism, with sites around the world attracting over 240 million visitors annually (McKercher 2002). In this context, many rock art sites are identified as cultural heritage sites as they afford glimpses into the historical-cultural achievements of an indigenous population even if they often reflect an undecipherable ancient culture; again, we stress the clear tenuous or broken link between audience (i.e. us) and the (pre/proto historic) artist. In Australia, for example, petroglyphs are associated with prehistoric Australian culture and labeled aboriginal art. Applying this theme, rock art is the focal point of some of the national parks that have been established in Australia, attracting a wide spectrum of visitors (Gale and Jacobs 1987). Petroglyphs are used in the development of ecotourism that can be defined as ‘responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment and improves the well-being of local people’ (TIES 2006). According to Weaver (2008), the emerging segment of ecotourism relies on three fundamental characteristics: (1) reliance on natural attractions that connect to the local heritage; (2) providing visitors with learning and educational experiences; (3) applying sustainable management practices to the visited sites. We add to this list the possible associations between the past and the present; the contemporary role of communities and how they react to and are empowered by their heritage (i.e. do they respect their heritage and what means do they use to achieve this and to what end). Rock art therefore is a suitable 6

Rock Art in the Negev attraction for the development of ecotourism in natural areas such as the Negev. However, we again stress that the connection between past and present is inherently complex and hard to precisely identify and understand. Rock art tourism in the Negev Highlands In line with a worldwide rock art trend, in Israel there is a recent increase in rock art tourism (cf. Eisenberg-Degen, Nash and Schmidt 2016). Most petroglyphs in Israel are in the Central Negev in a region known as the Negev Highlands (known in Hebrew as ‘Har Hanegev’) (Figures 1.2 and 1.3). This region is often mentioned in relation to the development of agriculture in antiquity, especially in the Byzantine period. Byzantine and Early Islamic sites are often related to agriculture and are typically surrounded by abundant stone terraced walls, a central component in flood runoff irrigation (Bruins 2007; Ore and Bruins 2012). In addition, the region is scattered with numerous archaeological sites dating from prehistoric periods all the way to the middle ages. These include flint scatters, camp sites, farmsteads, watchtowers, rujum stone heaps and cairns (also known as tumuli, monumental funerary mounds). The Negev rock art is frequently near such sites, although researchers have so far been unable to establish a clear relationship between the two. The central Negev contains hundreds of thousands of petroglyphs that remain in a wellpreserved state due to the arid desert climate and scant population. Currently, the Israel National Parks Authority is developing Israel’s first rock art park at Har Michia (see Anati & Mailland 2009). The park’s operational model is yet evolving. The general idea is to define an open area without fences but with discreet monitoring and guiding, fixed paths between the rock art sites, explanatory signs, a visitor-friendly navigation app and basic unobtrusive landscape architecture. Har Michia is thereby considered in the following context as a prime location for us to observe, record and analyze how local and government stakeholders are conducting rock art tourism development.

Figure 1.4 Rock art tourists will often go to great lengths for a good photo

7

IMPART While there are a few organized hiking trails at Har Michia, the other rock art sites in the Negev are without trail markers, trail signs, information services and standardized guided tours to these sites. In result, tourists seeking to view Negev rock art must either have prior knowledge of its location and/or enough time to search around in the field to locate the petroglyphs, if at all. For this reason, to visit the rock art, visitors mostly use the excellent tourist guiding consortium who run expeditions to various rock art sites that are off the beaten track (Figure 1.4). The IMPART Project In recent decades there has been an increasing interest in the archaeology and cultural heritage of the Negev. As technological-based archaeological methods are becoming more widely applied, so too has our understanding of the past development of this once fertile region of the Middle East. Over the past decade attempts were made to promote Negev rock art, initially with the formation of the Negev Rock Art Center which became an official member of the International Federation of Rock Art Organizations (IFRAO) in April 2017. The IFRAO incorporation followed the Negev’s first international conference on rock art that was held at Sde Boker (also known as Sede Boqer) in April 2014. It is from these recent events, plus heightened concern about the potential detrimental nature of development in the Negev, that prompted the initiation of the IMPART project. Indeed, the growth in public awareness of rock art in the Negev threatens to inadvertently harm this unprotected cultural heritage resource. It is therefore of pressing importance

Figure 1.5. Italian and Israeli IMPART researchers conducting fieldwork at Ramat Matred

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Rock Art in the Negev that the Negev rock art be accurately surveyed while it remains in its current intact state. Under the heading ‘restoring, preserving, valuing and managing cultural heritage’, in 2013 the Integrative Multilateral Planning to Advance Rock Art Tourism (acronym: IMPART) research project was launched with joint funding from the Israeli Ministry of Science and Technology and the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The IMPART team combined a digitally assisted archaeological survey of Negev rock art with the formation of comprehensive guidelines and nuanced recommendations for destination tourism management plan for the Negev Highlands region. Focusing on attaining sustainable visitor management, the Italian-Israeli team of multidisciplinary researchers conducted a feasibility study to verify if Negev rock art could in fact be gainfully integrated as a tourism attraction into the destination marketing plan of the local tourism authority. The IMPART team consisted of two main components. An Italian contingent that hailed from SiTI- Higher Institute on Territorial Systems for Innovation in Turin. SiTI is a research institute co-affiliated with the Politecnico di Torino and the Compagnia di San Paolo and oriented towards primary studies on socio-economic growth based on sustainable planning, logistics and transport, environmental heritage, protection and development. The Israeli team was composed of scholars with expertise in the sociology of tourism (Department of Hotel and Tourism Management at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev), cultural anthropology (the Dead Sea and Arava Science Center, a research body under the joint auspices of the Israeli Ministry of Science and Technology and Ben-Gurion University), and desert archaeology (Israeli Antiquities Authority). Over the course of the study, additional experts in tourism development, ecological systems, geo-digital cartography and (rock art) tourism development were commissioned to support data collection and analysis. The IMPART team applied three integrated methodologies to collect data: • Broad social-economic research with particular archaeological and ecological surveys of the rock art located at Ramat Matred, a rock art laden spur in the central Negev; • Key Informant Interviews: prearranged interviews with private and public stakeholders, government officials and diverse local tourism operators. A SWOT analysis of the combined findings was conducted to ascertain proven best practices; and • Quantitative analysis of supply and demand questionnaires submitted to local tourism operators and Israeli and overseas tourists. From the outset, the researchers planned to focus on the rock art at Har Michia, an area of the Negev that incorporated the four major stylistic phases with a broad chronological spectrum of rock art dating from around circa 3000 BCE. Yet after conducting an initial probe in April 2015, the team determined that it was advantageous to alter the focus of their research and redirected their activities to nearby Ramat Matred (‘Matred Heights’), a parallel yet under-studied Negev rock art area in the same general region as Har Michia. The Ramat Matred assemblage contains an abundance of rock art but is situated in a semi-restricted military training zone and has so far avoided being considered for inclusion as a local tourism destination. Yet with its profusion of Negev rock art typologies, Ramat Matred has inherent value in terms of cultural heritage preservation. Moreover, as the study took shape and the IMPART team came to better comprehend the current local visitor management dynamics, they expanded their gaze from the 9

IMPART concentrating mainly on the archaeology at Ramat Matred to examining wider sets of cross-regional factors affecting tourism development in the Negev. The researchers intended for their findings to yield applicable recommendations for incorporating this significant rock art assemblage in future regional destination management plans. Throughout the two-year project period, the Italian and Israeli teams conducted series of coordinated research activities (Figure 1.3) that culminated in a dissemination seminar held in Mitzpe Ramon in December 2016. Based on the findings and conclusions of the IMPART study, the present monograph offers guidelines to the public sector for incorporating rock art as a tangible cultural heritage resource in future destination management planning for the Negev. It also furnishes private tourism providers with a checklist of empirically derived best practices for combining rock art tourism within the prevailing local tourism network. Finally, lay readers, that is rock art enthusiasts interested in learning more about Negev rock art, will find the monograph contains a wealth of authoritative background information on the subject as well as detailed maps and descriptive pictures and an extensive list of references for further reading.

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Chapter 2

Negev Highlands Tourism Dan Gur and IMPART Geographies of Negev tourism In our analysis of long-term sustainable tourism in the Negev we considered several factors. Chief among them was the environmental and social feasibility of the dominant supply and demand channels. Could a rock art tourist industry flourish without compromising the fragile Negev environment? Moreover, could local businesses cope with increased tourist numbers and what would be the direct and indirect impacts upon the region? Based on the number of beds in tourism accommodation establishments (hotels, guest houses and Air B&Bs) and annual business reports from local tourism providers, rough estimates suggest that the Negev Highlands hosts approximately 1.5 million tourists annually, who generate an estimated 305 million NIS annual turnover (c. 90 million US Dollars) (Gur 2016; Limon 2020). Major local tourism trends include sports and recreational adventure, geological and archaeological tourism, responsible tourism that emphasizes conserving local culture and the environment, health and wellness tourism, family and group trips, and slow tourism that seeks quality over quantity and a connection with the local inhabitants and their communities. These various sectors engage both domestic and foreign tourists as well as individuals and niche groups, all of whom are potential visitors to the Har Michia rock art park. Regarding the site of Negev tourism, the area may be divided into four geographical subregions (Figure 2.1): Sde Boker Area: a closed circuit including the Har Michia rock art park (see Figure 2.2); Mashabim-Ramon Area: tourist sites located along Route 40 from Mashabei Sade to Mitzpe Ramon (Figure 2.3), does not include the Sde Boker area; 3. Negev Highlands (not included in the above areas): consists of Nitzana, Yeruham, Revivim areas and more (Figure 2.4); 4. The ‘Negev Domain’ the Negev as a generalized space that is not related to a specific geographical location but incorporates the movement of tourists through the region mostly enroute to Eilat along National Routes 40, 24, 204, 225 and 71. 1. 2.

As the various subregions are under separate municipal governments, the division is not based on specific administrative or geographical boundaries, but rather regards the area as having a single set of interrelated tourism entities. In many instances there is considerable crossover between the subregions, that are themselves relatively modern conceptual boundaries drawn on a map.

(Archaeopres 2022): 11–15

Dan Gur and IMPART Channeling Negev tourism flow Israeli tourism specialist Dan Gur contributed to the IMPART study a report on tourism in the Negev Highlands. Gur noted that most of the Negev tourism flows are concentrated in areas close to National Route 40, the main highway that runs through the heart of the region, from the Tl’alim junction south of Beer-Sheva to the Tzichor junction on edge of the Arava desert. The activities occur in and around the natural oasis, kibbutz and Sde Boker research station, a site that also has unique historical appeal as it played a central role in the Zionist led settlement of the region in the 1950s and 60s. Gur reports that nearly 850,000 tourists annually visit sites in the Negev and use its lodging services. Almost half, or 425,000 people, use hiking trails and biking trails and 10,000 people travel in offroad vehicles.

Figure 2.1 The Negev - subdivided

With regard to how to make rock art sites more accessible to tourists, Gur recommends “cultivating synergy” with other successful local tourist attractions to create comprehensive

Figure 2.2 The Sde Boker Area

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Negev Highlands Tourism

Figure 2.3 Mashabim-Ramon Area

Figure 2.4 Negev Highlands Region (not included in the above areas): includes Nitzana, Yeruham, Revivim area and more

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Dan Gur and IMPART regional tourism packages (Gur 2016, 33). The ‘Negev Highland Hiking Trail’, ‘Chan Hashayarot’ (a traditional-style caravanserai), ‘Geo-Fun’ (mountain bike tours), the ‘Tent Route’ (traditional Bedouin village hospitality) and the ‘Single-Family Farm Route’ are all tourism-based formats that could potentially be partnered with visits to rock art sites. A short-list of some of the main partners ripe for involvement with the creation of regional tourism packages includes the following public bodies: • Negev Highlands Tourism Association - The Negev Highlands Tourism Association is the body tasked by the municipality for coordinating and overseeing regional tourism activities. The association represents both the Ramat Negev regional council, the Mitzpe Ramon local council and, lately, expanded to include the town of Yeruham. ‘Negev Highlands Tourism’ as it is known locally is the leading tourism body in the region as well as in continuous touch with the Israeli Ministry of Tourism and therefore should be a chief collaborator in local area rock art tourism from the initial planning stage. • Ramat Negev Regional Council & Mitzpe Ramon local council - The Mitzpe Ramon local council is mainly composed from the town of Mitzpe Ramon (population: 5,300). The Ramat Negev regional council, on the other hand, has no towns, but combines a considerably larger slice of the Negev and includes some fifteen kibbutzim and moshavim and nearly the same number of residents as those in Mitzpe Ramon. Together with its tourism department, the council runs an education department and an environmental unit who are both already involved in regional tourism activities and hence are directly relevant to the development of the rock art tourism dynamic. • The Israel National Parks Authority (INPA) - The INPA is the government agency that monitors and oversees Israel’s National Parks. The INPA operates three wellvisited sites that are in immediate proximity to Har Michia – Ein Avdat National Park, Avdat World Heritage site and Ben-Gurion’s grave – thus making it a natural partner in combined tourism packages for regional visitors. • The Israel Antiquities Authority - The inherent archaeological value of Negev rock art makes the IAA an indispensable partner for both developing local rock art research and tourism. • Jewish National Fund (JNF) - The education department of the Jewish National Fund Initiative organizes tours in various regions across the country. JNF is a main partner in the formation of the ‘Birthright’ Park that is planned for nearby Sde Boker. There is room for cooperation in the form of joint tours to JNF sponsored sites and Har Michia, particularly for both groups of domestic and incoming tourists. • The Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development - The Ministry of Agriculture is an active participant in funding and training tour operators and promoting regional infrastructure development. • The Authority for Development and Settlement of the Bedouin - The ‘Authority,’ as it is known, is likewise a natural partner in the development of rock art tourism, offering assistance in linking up with and involving the local Bedouin communities in the development of rock art tourism in areas predominantly administered by the Ramat Hanegev Regional Council.

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Negev Highlands Tourism • The Ministry of Tourism and the Government Tourist Company (GTC) - In conjunction with the Ministry of Tourism, GTC operates tours of the Negev for domestic tourism operators, incoming tourism decision-makers and administrative role holders. • The Negev Development Authority (NDA) - A government mandated body with a Negev-wide frame of reference. The NDA works alongside various other private and public forums to develop the Negev including initiating and encouraging the preparation of strategic planning, advancing regional economic development and coordinating the activities of government ministries, municipalities and other organizations involved in the development of the Negev. Gur (2016, 25) profiles the potential target tourism markets according to four parameters: 1. 2. 3. 4.

existing sites and sites in planning and development stages near the park and in the first closed circuit (free and paid sites); the size of the market segment; existing information on the spending habits of the target audience and their tourism behavior; and visit-encouraging and visit-inhibiting factors.

Each market segment was assigned specific recommendations for the conception and marketing of the tourism product. Based on the quality rating of target audiences, the potential markets were then compared and prioritized. The prioritization formed the basis of the suggested marketing strategy. The prioritized market segments were divided into five sub-categories: educational tourism for domestic tourism groups, family trips of ‘Free Independent Travelers’ (FIT) in domestic tourism, cyclists in FIT domestic tourism, ‘serious leisure’ in the FIT domestic tourism, touring and sightseeing among groups of incoming tourists. The FIT tourist population was further sectioned into individual sub-markets that are characterized, among other things, according to attitudes displayed both upon selecting a travel destination and during a given trip. The FIT market segment is recognized as the world’s largest consumer of cultural tourism (WTO, 2020). This segment is largely composed from ‘Boomers’, people born between 19461964, whose children grew up and left home, leaving them with the time and the means for slow exploratory travel. FIT market sub-segments include knowledge seekers, nature lovers and slow-tourism vacationers (Hyde and Lawson, 2003). The knowledge seeker market segment produces the largest expenditure among FIT tourists. Rather than using their trip as a holiday for resting and relaxation, the knowledge seeker segment is motivated by a desire to appreciate and understand the places and cultures visited in a personally meaningful way and they are typically quite active at a local destination. The knowledge seekers are generally interested in local culture, history, architecture, the natural environment and natural landmarks and often sightsee by visiting museums, galleries and heritage sites that may include natural wonders such as geological and geomorphological sites.

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Chapter 3

Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Introduction What does the Negev around the town of Mitzpe Ramon have to offer tourists? There are a number of natural ‘wonders’ that make Mitzpe Ramon an ideal center for tourism, the most obvious of these is the Makhtesh Ramon (Ramon Crater). Mitzpe Ramon is located immediately north of the crater edge. A geological landform, the crater was formed by millions of years of weathering (rather than from a meteorite or volcanic activity) and is the largest erosion cirque in the world. Its steephead or box canyon formation is around 45km in length and 2.5 to 11km in width and up to 500m deep. This natural wonder forms much of Israel’s largest National Park. Exposed within the depression is a near-complete geological history that extends some 300 million years. Tourists can also see flocks of ibex and onagers which freely roam around the ridge areas of this remarkable natural phenomenon. The area around Mitzpe Ramon is also world famous for its Dark Sky star-gazing astronomy experience. The limited light pollution allows visitors to experience the Milky Way and other astronomical phenomenon such as the recent comet Neowise (Comet C/2020 F3) in a unique way. To the north of Mitzpe Ramon there is of course many archaeological sites, including rock art and lost settlements. These and the natural phenomena to the south allow visitors to taste the rich resources this area of the Negev has to offer. To supplement Gur’s input with data directly derived from the field, the IMPART researchers conducted a survey of visitors in the Negev Highlands region. The tourism survey and subsequent analysis of the collected data were overseen by the Israeli team member Natan Uriely, a professor of the sociology of tourism with insightfully critical knowledge of the tourism dynamic in southern Israel. The researchers used the Pen and Paper Personal Interviews (PAPI) methodology – a technique for collecting data in the social sciences that consists of an assisted interview in which respondents do not directly fill out questionnaires, but rather engage with them via support from the interviewers. The survey was conducted in cooperation with local tourism operators, following an investigation of the supply services in the area, an analysis of the visitations data obtained from the Israeli Ministry of Tourism and information provided by independent tourism consultants interviewed within this context. Respondents were approached in various locations within and outside the region, including Avdat, Mitzpe Ramon and Be’er Sheva and were selected according to previous leisure and tourism-oriented visitation in the Negev Highlands. The research team collected some 150 questionnaires. The sample consisted of 84 Israeli visitors and 66 international tourists. In terms of gender, 84 were male and 66 were female. Most visitors were under 30 years of age, while only about 8% of them are over 50. The results of the survey are conveyed here via short (Archaeopress 2022): 16–25

Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data

Figure 3.1. Age class of tourists (percentage)

summaries supported by descriptive graphs, with additional focus lent to cultural tourism (Figure 3.1). Length of stay From our research, an important difference emerged between domestic and international tourists regarding the length of stay. International visitors spent on average about one week in Mitzpe Ramon while Israeli tourists only 3 days. On the one hand, it is not surprising to find that international tourists spending a longer time in Mitzpe Ramon; with over two-thirds of the respondents coming from the United States, many of whom have a Jewish connection (however modest that may be). However, it should be noted that the higher average length of stay of international visitors is also due to the presence of varying group of ‘programmed’ visitors who stay in Mitzpe Ramon as temporary workers for a month or longer. Excluding this group from the sample shows that the average length of stay is comparable to the domestic tourist sample (Table 3.1).   Average Median Minimum Maximum

Domestic 2.8 2 1 14

International 7.4 1 1 32

Table 3.1 Length of stay for domestic and international tourists (percentage)

Trip motivation The majority of the tourists interviewed in Mitzpe Ramon were on vacation. A relatively high percentage of visitors (19.5%) indicated work or study as the main reason for their trip, in particular international tourists (26%). Around 13% of Israeli respondents were visiting family or friends and 3% of the total sample was there for a special event (Figure 3.2). For these visitors, the choice of the destination appears independent of their eventual interest toward cultural heritage and rock art so that this specific segment is likely not effected by refocusing the management of the Negev Highlands as a tourism destination. In fact, an examination of this phenomenon found that just over 40% of heritage site visitors indicated that while the seeing an attraction urged their desire to continue travelling, they were not necessarily initially motivated to travel with a goal to visit a specific heritage site (cf. Richards 1999). 17

Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART

Figure 3.2 Main reason of the trip for domestic and international tourists (percentage)

Trip organization and means of transport Regarding the organization of the trip, almost 40% of interviewed visitors were part of an organized group, one-third of whom were traveling with friends or family, 25% with family and only 5% were traveling alone (Figure 3.3). Most of the tourists traveling with an organized group affirmed that they did not make any booking before arrival (63%). One-third booked accommodations before arriving, and less than 10% of respondents booked transport and tours, while only 2% reserved restaurants. Significant differences between domestic and international tourists emerged concerning the means of transport used to get to Mitzpe Ramon. Most international visitors (70.7%) used an organized coach and almost 20% of them arrived in a car they did not own, often a rental car. Israeli tourists, on the other hand, traveled by car: about 70% of them with their personal cars and 15% in someone else’s car. Only one respondent used their bicycle. How visitors heard about Mitzpe Ramon Almost 70% of Israeli visitors came to Mitzpe Ramon through their knowledge of the tourism offerings in the area, with one-third of them hearing about it via the internet or word-ofmouth. Not surprisingly, most international visitors heard about Mitzpe Ramon from a travel

Figure 3.3 Means of transport used by domestic and international tourists (percentage)

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Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data agency (55%) or from the internet (25%) while a comparatively smaller amount (19%) by word-of-mouth recommendations (Figure 3.4).

Figure 3.4 Mode of acquaintance with Mitzpe Ramon, by channel (percentage)

Evaluation of travel experience of visitors The researchers applied a combination of factors to evaluate overall visitor experience satisfaction (Figure 3.5). Safety and city cleanliness satisfied most visitors, particularly international travelers, while most were clearly concerned by value for money and the cost of living, especially regarding accommodation. Most of the interviewed visitors were content with the tourism information they received and the quality of tourism services, with around half of international travelers satisfied with opening times and accessibility. On the other hand, Israeli tourists were less satisfied with these two topics, with less than 20% satisfied by the accessibility to various sites. Yet, the overall experience of visitors seems to have been positive, with the vast majority of the tourists who completed the questionnaire stating that they would like to visit Mitzpe Ramon again and to stay between one and three days in either the spring or autumn. Preferred tourist attractions Visitors were also asked to indicate which existing tourism attraction in the region they would most like to visit. The Ramon Crater was the preferred site of domestic tourists, while the astronomy tour was selected as being the most interesting activity for many visitors, both domestic and international. Significant differences emerged between foreign and

Figure 3.5 Percentage of tourists that were satisfied or very satisfied, by topic

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Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART

Figure 3.6 Percentage of tourists that wish to visit the existing attractions in the region

Israeli travelers in regard to visiting the regional sites. Nabataean-Byzantine towns were visited by 55% of international tourists compared to only 18% of domestic visitors, while 45% of international tourists visited the Ein Akev spring compared with 27% of their domestic counterparts, and 64% of the foreign travelers paid a visit to a local area Bedouin community versus just 35% of domestic tourists (Figure 3.6). Cultural tourism Three main cultural heritage sites are Nabatean-Byzantine towns (e.g., Avdat, Shivta and Mamshit), Har Karkom and Har Michia are archaeological/rock art sites. Har Karkom situated on the western border with Egypt is in a closed military firing zone. Access to the site is possible only on certain weekends and holidays. Tourists interested in cultural attractions were for the most part relatively young. More than half of the culture-oriented domestic tourists were between 21 and 30 years old. International culture-oriented visitors were even younger, with 51% of them less than 20 years old. The graphs (Figures 3.7 and 3.8) depict that domestic visitors were keen to visit the Har Michia rock art site, while the international visitors preferred to visit a Nabatean-Byzantian town. Visitors who expressed an interest in at least two of these three attractions might be considered a potential tourism segment for Negev rock art tourism. Based on this assumption, one-third of the total sample conveyed an interest in cultural sites, particularly male visitors from Israel and abroad, especially the United States. Figures 3.9 and 3.10 provide further insight into the professional backgrounds of the domestic and international tourists who are interested in three main cultural heritage attractions. Most of the culture-oriented tourists were traveling in organized groups (68%), while 18% were with friends, and the remaining 14% traveling alone or with family (Figure 3.11). The average number of travelers in a group was 18 people, a figure that is much higher than in the total sample due to the presence of several organized groups. Nearly 60% of this segment were travelling while on holiday with the remaining 40% visiting the area for work or study. Only 3 people were visiting family or friends.

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Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data

Figure 3.7 Domestic tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by age

Figure 3.8 International tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by age

Figure 3.9 Domestic tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by profession

Figure 3.10 International tourists’ interest in the three cultural attractions, by profession.

Because of the high number of visitors in organized groups, it is not surprising that more than 65% of cultural tourists arrived to Mitzpe Ramon by coach, around 20% by private car and 12% used public transport (Figure 3.12). It should be noted that all international visitors came to Mitzpe Ramon by bus. The average length of stay of this segment is more than one week, that is considerably longer in comparison to the total sample. A nearly equal amount of the folks interviewed knew about Mitzpe Ramon from both travel agencies and personal knowledge (Figure 3.13) with the vast majority coming to Mitzpe via an organized trip (Figure 3.14). Figure 3.15 contains a comparison between the total samples and the selected segment regarding satisfaction levels for different topics. In general, the cultural tourism segment seemed to be more content than the total sample. Indeed, visitors identified as cultural tourists 21

Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART appeared more satisfied with safety, quality of guided tours, information availability, opening and closing times and site accessibility. On the other hand, this group was less satisfied with the quality and price of accommodation and the prices for activities.

Figure 3.11. Culture-oriented tourists, main reason of travel (percentage).

Figure 3.12 Means of transport used by cultureoriented tourists to get to Mitzpe Ramon (percentage)

Figure 3.13 Mode of acquaintance with Mitzpe Ramon, culture tourism segment, by channel (percentage)

Figure 3.14 Culture-oriented tourists, mode of travel (percentage)

Figure 3.15 Total sample vs cultural tourism segment, level of satisfaction, by topic (percentage)

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Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data Individual tourists In the total sample, 54 people travelled in an organized group while 96 individual visitors were traveling alone mostly with family or friends. As people traveling in organized groups have limited decision-power once they are at a destination, we focused on the characteristics and preferences of individual travelers. Individual visitors were mainly from Israel, with only 16 international travelers, and 57% of them are male. The average length of stay was less than 3 days, which is considerably shorter with respect to the total sample and the cultural tourism segment, but in line with the average length of stay of domestic visitors. More than half of the visitors knew Mitzpe Ramon from personal knowledge, around 20% via the internet, another 20% by word-of-mouth, and only one visitor by a travel agency (Figure 3.16). The majority of these tourists used a car to get to Mitzpe Ramon, their car (61.4%), or someone else’s car (25.3%), while only 13% used public transport (Figure 3.17).

Figure 3.16 Mode of acquaintance with Mitzpe Ramon, individual tourists, by channel (percentage)

Figure 3.17 Means of transport used by individual tourists

Figure 3.18 Number of tourists that would like to visit the listed attractions (percentage)

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Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART

Figure 3.19 Tourists who are very satisfied or satisfied with each topic (percentage)

Regarding interest in the attractions in the area, we noted (Figure 3.18) that a smaller percentage of this segment would like to visit the attractions, except for the Ramon Crater and sports and other activities. Reviewing the data per the three tangible cultural heritages, we noted that with respect to the sample, individual tourists seemed less likely to visit these sites: Har Michia rock art site (10% less), the Nabatean- Byzantine towns (50% less) and Mount Karkom (9% less). Individual tourists also generally expressed a lower satisfaction rate, even if they ranked their responses in a similar way to the other groups. However, most of the individual travelers, as well as organized groups, would like to visit the area again (55% absolutely and 40% probably), staying between 1 and 3 days (52% of them) or 3-5 days (24%) (Figure 3.19). The following bullet points summarizes the main findings from the quantitative survey of Negev tourism. Total sample • Most visitors are from Israel and, among the international travelers, a large proportion came from the United States; • Visitors were generally young, more than half were under 30 years old; • The average length of stay was around 3 days, with an exception for organized groups; • Most tourists were on vacation, but about 20% came to work or study; • Matters of safety, city cleanliness and tourist information were evaluated positively, while accommodation and activity prices were a point of contention; and • A majority of the visitors expressed a desire to visit Mitzpe Ramon again. Cultural tourism • The three cultural heritage sites most visited included the historic Nabatean-Byzantine towns, Mount Karkom and Har Michia archaeology/rock art area; • Domestic visitors are more interested in the Har Michia rock art site, and international travelers in the Nabatean-Byzantine towns; • The average length of stay is more than one week; 24

Quantitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data • Most of this segment comprised students and teachers traveling mainly in organized groups; • The main reason for the visit is leisure, but some 40% of the sample also reported to be in the area for work and/or study; • Higher levels of satisfaction were reported in this segment than found in the total sample. Individual tourists • • • • •

Most are domestic travelers, staying an average of 3 days; Knowledge of Mitzpe Ramon and its environs came mainly from personal sources; Most travelled to the area in private cars; Many were less interested in cultural tourism; Lower levels of satisfaction than detected in the total sample even as 95% expressed a desire to return to Mitzpe Ramon.

Tourism in Israel and Mitzpe Ramon, a comparison • In Mitzpe Ramon the percentage of international tourists is on average higher than the national figures: international travelers represent 44% of the interviewed visitors, whereas in general Israel, foreign tourists represent 35% of all tourists. This is despite the relatively remote location of Mitzpe Ramon; • The average length of stay of tourists in Israel is between 1 and 3 days for 22% of travelers, 5-9 days for the 34% and 10-14 days for 15% of visitors. In Mitzpe Ramon the average length of stay is 5 days for international tourists, with domestic tourists, per the short (one day) Israeli weekend, staying less than 3 days, with some organized groups spending several days at a time. In summary and based on the findings of the various IMPART tourism surveys, Mitzpe Ramon provides visitors with the necessary means for short or long duration stays. Moreover, the town is within proximity to several natural sites that showcase the richness of the geology and topography of the region. It should be noted that as a tourism destination, the Makhtesh Ramon is not just one natural phenomenon, but many. The archaeological resources that surround Mitzpe Ramon, including the Nabatean-Byzantian desert towns and the Har Michia rock art complex are considered significant archaeological and cultural heritage resources but probably require better marketing to general and niche tourist groups, particularly those that are on vacation from outside the Negev region.

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Chapter 4

Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Methodologies for gathering qualitative data To further examine the main tourism supply in the Negev Highlands region, the IMPART team undertook two types of analysis. First, it analyzed the current tourism supply, gathering available quantitative data on a national and regional level. Second, the team conducted field research by interviewing key informants in the Negev Highlands region, taking into consideration the entire tourist area (to include Avdat, Sde Boker and Mitzpe Ramon) and not only within the vicinity where the main rock art areas are located. Key Informant Interviews (KII) were conducted with stakeholders from both the private and public sectors from Israel and abroad. Furthermore, surveys were taken among tourism operators and service providers to verify their perceptions of the Negev Highlands tourism market. The qualitative approach – integrated afterwards with currently available statistics – was based on a system of semi-structured interviews with key informants. The IMPART team chose this particular methodology because it gives greater flexibility in the conversation and requires addressing certain key questions covered by topic. The key topics analyzed during the interviews are listed in Table 4.1 below. Moreover, it should be noted that key informant interviewees are not direct ‘objects’ of the research, but as they are a part of the local tourism and destination management system, they are perceived as possessing relevant information and knowledge of the topics covered. Key informants can furnish valuable qualitative information about the tourism supply with critical approaches, that are not always visible in the overall statistics. Even as local authorities and researchers tend to divide the Negev Highlands region into separate geographical localities, as noted above, the region is served by a single overarching tourism infrastructure with all the attractions accessible by public and private transportation. Moreover, the distances are relatively small. Also, tourists do not think in terms of administrative boundaries, but rather tend to move freely between where the different attractions are located. As such, the researchers decided to analyze the entire region to better comprehend both its overarching positive and negative components. Many of the interviews took place in February 2016, during the Italian Team’s second mission to Mitzpe Ramon. Hoping to include an additional layer of perspective – that is, of the informed outsider looking in (cf. Tedlock 1991; Stahlke Wall 2016) – this research segment was managed by the Italian IMPART team leader, Sara Levi Sacerdotti, a specialist in analysis and evaluation of public policies and territorial competitiveness from a local perspective. To gather an array of outlooks, the selection criteria for the interviewees was based on maintaining a balance between diverse private and public stakeholders. Informants included staff at ecolodges and (Archaeopress 2022): 26–35

Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data

Table 4.1: List of questions used as a guideline for the interviews. Divided by Supply and Demand and general topics covered.

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Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART backpacker accommodation providers as well as luxury hotels and high-end accommodation providers. In addition, the researchers spoke with the owners of single-family farms and specialty lodging facilities, and with role holders involved in park management and general tourism destination management and promotion. The views and answers opined by this multifarious group were quite different, reflecting the spectrum of views and beliefs held by these diverse informants. Ultimately, a general trend prevailed with informants recognizing the importance of the desert and its natural beauties as a unique resource that, while available for tourism development, likewise needs to be preserved and protected. SWOT analysis of qualitative fieldwork The data received from the interviews were recorded in a double-entry table, analyzing the frequency of answers on different topics and separating the data into a SWOT table (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats). A SWOT analysis (otherwise known as a SWOT matrix) is a strategic planning tool used to identify various aspects of a particular dynamic and can be applied in project managing of cultural heritage and archaeological sites/landscapes. A SWOT analysis is an ideal tool for tourism management and can be applied in cultural heritage and archaeological decision making at a strategic level. The SWOT methodology can likewise be merged with parallel approaches such as Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) and Environmental Statements (ESs) that concentrate on direct impacts, indirect impacts, impact on the setting, the magnitude of impact, the significance of effect and mitigation.

Figure 4.1. Analysis of the frequency of answers on different topics, divided into a SWOT table (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats)

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Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data Figure 4.1 summarizes the most frequent answers given by the interviewees. The blue section on the top right signifies the Strengths, the orange section on the top left represents the Opportunities, the yellow section on the bottom left the Threats, and the grey section on the bottom right the Weaknesses. The bigger the ‘bubble’ is, the higher in frequency are the answers received from the interviewees. Strengths One of the highest rated and most listed assets mentioned as a strength during the interviews was the desert itself. As a vast and mostly uninhabited desert, the Negev is a powerful natural attraction, unparalleled in Israel. Tourism operators are already taking advantage of the desert’s natural resources and are currently promoting the destination by linking its outdoor products to an image of tranquility and relaxation. Another important point about the desert that was stressed during the interviews is the political situation in the Middle East: compared to other neighboring countries in the region that are suffering a huge drop in tourism due to political unrest or wars (Syria, Libya, Egypt, Tunisia), Israel – and particularly the Negev – is still regarded as a safe destination for domestic and international tourists. This competitive advantage over its neighboring countries is a unique strength that – according to the interviewees – needs to be further exploited. Thus, in a blanket attempt to market the overall region, the Negev Highland tourism association refers to its product as the “Friendly Negev Desert” (Facebook page). Additionally, interviewees reiterated the importance of cultural heritage as a source of strength for the Negev Highlands tourist destination. It is important to note that when we refer to cultural heritage we not only speak of tangible goods (such as rock art, archaeological monuments or historical sites), but also of intangible cultural heritage. Intangible cultural heritage, such as local Bedouin communities and traditions, is becoming more central to tourism planners, since intangible heritage can be a tourism product in and of itself. Moreover, the narrative supporting this sort of tourism needs to be established and coordinated with local communities and so can become a means for local community empowerment. Of interest among the various narratives is the semi-nomadic way of life and historical-material traditions of the Bedouin that are both tangibly and intangibly tied to the region. As defined by UNESCO, cultural heritage cannot be limited only to buildings and monuments; the concept of culture goes beyond this definition and must be integrated with new values that also relate to local residents. As a term “cultural heritage” has considerably changed in recent decades, partially owing to the instruments developed by UNESCO. Cultural heritage does not end at monuments and collections of objects. It also includes traditions or living expressions inherited from our ancestors and passed on to our descendants, such as oral traditions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge, and practices concerning nature and the universe or the knowledge and skills to produce traditional crafts.” (UNESCO 2019). Per this definition, intangible cultural heritage is forged from several elements: • Localized: where traditional and contemporary living co-exist;

29

Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART • Inclusive: we may share expressions of intangible cultural heritage that are similar to those practiced by others; • Representative: on a comparative basis, intangible cultural heritage is not merely valued as a cultural commodity for its exclusivity or its exceptional value. Cultural heritage is based in communities and depends on the persons who possess knowledge of traditions, skills, and customs that are passed on to the rest of the community, from generation to generation; and • Community-Based: intangible cultural heritage can only be heritage when it is recognized as such by the communities, groups, or individuals that create, maintain and transmit it. Without their recognition, nobody else can decide for them that a given expression or practice is their heritage. The last point, ‘community-based’, is particularly important for the case of specific communities in the Negev, such as the Bedouin community, who have a strong cultural identity but face many obstacles in forming an attractive and sustainable community-based tourism offer. While some initiatives do exist, they are either coordinated by non-Bedouins – who have understood the marketing potential of selling this particular tourism product – or are private, informal initiatives. It is therefore highly recommended to conduct further research on the current situation of community-based tourism initiatives among the Bedouin population in the Negev and its future potentialities (e.g. Eisenberg-Degen, Nash and Schmidt 2018; Schmidt and Uriely, 2018). In some instances, the dichotomous attitudes harbored by the varying informants caused the SWOT elements to overlap or appear double-edged. For instance, the role played by the Israeli Defense Force stationed in the Negev appears as both a strength and a threat, that is, having both a positive and negative effect on the rock art. Many interviewees noted how the presence of the military in the Negev and the fact that most of the rock art and archaeological sites (e.g. Har Harkom, Ramat Matred) are situated in training zones are a key reason why the artifacts at these sites are so well preserved, having not been spoiled by random visitors and invasive tourists. This remoteness – Har Harkom, for example, must be visited with an off-road vehicle and only during the weekends and upon authorization from the military authorities – protects the rock art while also lending the overall site a certain mystique. As a local jeep-trip tour operator told us: …[R]ock art that’s located in a military area is the best thing that could have happened to us, since it remains protected and safe. The firing zone staggered the different development projects(...) Because it’s hard to get to and it involves three hours of difficult jeep driving, the inaccessible becomes desirable. It’s the best marketing tactic you could ever ask for (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). Yet, conversely, the local presence of the military is deemed a negative influence on tourism, especially among Israelis, as it reminds them of their time spent in National service programs and the ongoing conflicts in the region. Domestic tourists often envision the Negev as a hot and dusty space that they connect to memories of arduous military training. Referring to this issue, a nature guide who works with several jeep tour companies in Mitzpe Ramon related that:

30

Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data

Figure 4.2 Graffiti on rocks in the riverbed below Ramat Matred; as ascertained from its content, apparently made by soldiers

[When compared to foreigners] Israelis see the desert in a different way...it’s only at the end of their tour, after they’ve re-visited the desert and re-experienced the grandiose environment that exists here, they’ll say ‘wow…I didn’t expect it to be like this. I was only here when I was in the army’. And I’ll answer them ‘why don’t you come here more often, it’s just a 2-hour drive from Tel-Aviv?’ (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). By the same token, the sort of military training exercises conducted in the desert and referred to by our informants, generally include large numbers of infantry and tanks units and make blunt use of heavy equipment and live ammunition. These kinds of maneuvers can be damaging to the surrounding natural landscape and especially harmful to rock art and other archaeological sites. Evidence of this was found at several Negev rock art sites where the researchers identified signs that certain panels were used for machine gun target practice or painted with graffiti by presumably bored or undisciplined soldiers (Figure 4.2). Thus, the army is seen both positively, as an inadvertent preserver of rock art, but also negatively, as a threat both to the vacationing Israeli tourist and to the rock art itself. Weaknesses In terms of internal or local weaknesses, tourism operators are aware that their current levels of customer service and care are below national standards and, in particular, they pose an obstacle for appealing to high-end tourists. Moreover, the general local population in the Negev is not regularly involved with tourism and residents are therefore unaware of the norms and protocols for appropriately receiving outside visitors, particularly those from abroad. Additionally, the human resources pool in the Negev is limited and much of the senior, professional or managerial staff in the local hotels chains and boutique inns are brought in from the center of the country and so consider their stay in the area as temporary (Schmidt 2015). In fact, role holders whom we interviewed from the national public sector criticized the fact that many local tourism operators assume an unconventional approach towards their entrepreneurship that does not always fit with the demands of standardized tourism systems, 31

Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART such as dress codes or working in shifts or during weekends. This attitude was conveyed in an interview with a local tourism service provider who runs a successful local business aimed at incoming clients: I always joke that nobody in Mitzpe Ramon makes any real money. No matter what business you have, the odds are kind of against you. There aren’t that many big opportunities here, but if you’re good [at doing business] you can survive (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). Moreover, public officials claimed that the tourism operators in the Negev possess varying degrees of professionalism and surprisingly low participation levels in terms of working together with the public sector. This notion was substantiated by a council member in the Mitzpe Ramon municipality involved in tourism development: Yesterday there was a big meeting among the tourism operators [in the Negev Highlands region]. Out of 300 tour operators in the area and only 15 came to the meeting. People from Mitzpe Ramon aren’t willing to drive 30 minutes to attend a meeting [held in Sde Boker]. They completely fail to understand the opportunities being given to them – they think too much about their side only. They are too independently minded and hard to cooperate with’. (IMPART KII Interview, June 2016) Opportunities One of the highest-rated opportunities voiced among our key informants was that the natural surroundings of the desert afforded an abundance of accessible outdoor activities. The outdoor adventure tourism market in the Negev features such activities as mountain biking, trekking, camping and jeep safaris. This market shows continuous growth both from domestic tourists and international visitors. Some tourism operators are investing time and resources in creating new adventure tourism activities such as paragliding, motocross rallies and ballooning. Yet, these offerings are still on the fringes of this market and are promoted accordingly. A factor that could be an obstacle in developing these sorts of outdoor activities is the continued presence and large land-use of the IDF in and around the Negev. As a KII interviewee explained: I think adventure tourism is not the best market to promote, but instead, cultural tourism. Because of the off-limits nature of all the land that the army uses, we can’t do many of the adventure activities we would like to such as paragliding or off-roading motorcycle racing. That’s why I think the tourism operators in the Negev should be putting more emphasis on the history of this place – the [Israeli] desert has such a fascinating history it was once connected Europe with Africa. (IMPART KII Interview, June 2016). Indeed, cultural tourism was cited as another highly rated opportunity. Some of the interviewees thought this segment could be marketed as an alternative to outdoor activities and adventure tourism because, unlike other Israeli tourist destinations, the sparsely populated Negev – 32

Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data covering 64% of Israel’s landmass but only accommodating 8% of its citizens – is mostly void of political contentions. Other informants suggested combining outdoor and cultural tourism to produce a single integrated signature ‘Negev domain’ product with which to promote the region. Opinions on the current plans to construct an extensive complex of hotels along the Ramon crater were variously divided along the SWOT spectrum. The planned project is by far one of the strongest points of divergence among the interviewees, reflecting their distinct visions for the sorts of tourism they would like to see take shape in the Negev Highlands region (Schmidt and Uriely 2018). Some informants support the plan, viewing it as a timely opportunity. Both in the Negev Highlands and throughout Israel, private and public stakeholders, particularly commercial-minded businesses, believe that plans to expand local accommodation facilities are an opportunity to accelerate local and regional economic development. The ‘developmentalist’ approach advocates large external tourism investments, such as hotel chains, malls, theme parks and casinos. While this dynamic could very well have a substantial economic impact on the town, it may likewise alter residential demographics and socialcommunal dynamics that currently embody the singular balance of local culture. Moreover, the setting of such development may have a detrimental effect on the surrounding landscape. While the notion to develop mass-tourism is considered an opportunity by some, other stakeholders, particularly environmentally oriented resident tourism operators, fear that overdevelopment will hamper the current copasetic relationship both among diverse local communities and between local residents and the surrounding natural environment. Voiced in Mitzpe Ramon and across the Negev, the ‘preservationalist’ approach places a premium on maintaining the status-quo of the existing tourism supply as a way of preserving the relatively untouched natural environment. Proponents of this viewpoint feel that investment should target the promotion of the eco-natural aspects of the desert tourism experience that they feel contains opportunities for large earnings. As demonstrated with the internationally successful 5+ star rated Isrotel Beresheet Hotel in Mitzpe Ramon – that charges over 500 US dollars per night for its cheapest rooms and has an 80% occupancy rate – nature-oriented tourism offerings can attract high-end tourists who are willing to spend money on unique experiences in the desert. One eco-business minded informant and long-time employee in a local jeep tour company explained this phenomenon claiming that: …[P]eople are looking for special experiences…and ecotourism is still something of a novelty that folks here don’t yet understand, because they think ecotourism and ecolodges are for eccentrics or impoverished travelers. They still have in mind the old concept of large hotels and standardized accommodations. They don’t understand that, when done right, eco-cultural tourism can be really profitable and they [tourism operators] can charge even more [than they would for the same product to mid-level tourists]. There are people out there who will happily pay 400 dollars a night to sleep out in a tent if they think it’s a special experience. People are tired of staying in hotels especially the way they look now’. (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). Meanwhile, a consortium of national government agencies co-tasked with developing ongoing Israeli settlement in the periphery have already earmarked funds for projects with the express goal of substantially expanding the Negev tourism economy using Mitzpe Ramon 33

Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART as its base. At present, the Israeli Ministry of Tourism has established five core tourism cities in Israel – namely Akko, Nazareth, Tiberias, Jerusalem and Eilat – and aims that this venture will be the catalyst to propel Mitzpe Ramon into becoming the sixth such venue. Threats In terms of external or national based threats, the precariousness of the security situation in Israel is a central threat that impacts both Israel and its neighboring countries. For example, a recurring military conflict in Gaza in the summers of 2008 and 2009 and then again in 2014 and the ‘Intifada’ armed conflicts with radical elements of the Palestinian Authority that repeatedly flared-up throughout the 1990s and 2000s led to a troubling if sporadic drop in Israeli tourism, particularly from international locations. Indeed, haphazard business models and a lack of attentiveness to long-term economic planning pose a direct threat to the tourism sector that can be badly affected by a sudden political, meteorological, or public health crisis. Local tour operators are aware of this threat but seem resigned to the fact that it implies circumstances beyond their control: The Municipality puts pressure on the Negev Highlands tourism board to bring in earnings within a year, but you can’t build tourism so quickly. You need at least a five-year plan when it comes to tourism and that’s hard to establish when we’re all dependent on a calm security situation (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). At the same time, it is interesting to note that Israelis regard the Negev as the safest region in the country. Therefore, during episodes of potential conflict, domestic tourism is not always proportionally affected. …[During wartime periods] tourism numbers go down, especially foreign tourism, but there are many people from Israel who feel safer here [in the Negev] because the desert is far away from everything. So sometimes they come here, and we fill up during those periods of war, even as others [tourism venues around the country] remain empty (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). Another key threat, mentioned particularly among private tourism operators, is the tremendous bureaucratic thicket and lack of support from the public authorities. Interviewees repeatedly critiqued the faulty communication between the private and public sectors and the general lack of understanding between them. This relationship hampers the development of a more efficient and comprehensive private-public regional tourism system wherein private entrepreneurs and public officials work together towards the success of a common goal. Additionally, the limited destination marketing of Negev tourism, particularly to international tourists that are already in Israel, frustrates many tourism operators. The Negev is currently under-exploited by the Israeli Ministry of Tourism and under-promoted to foreign tourists, who spend the majority of their time in Israel visiting the ‘top rated sites’ – Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Bethlehem and the Dead Sea. Even though the Negev has great potential for the international market, local tour operators whom we talked with complained that this market is not properly targeted and hence remains 34

Qualitative Analysis of Negev Tourism Data unknown and underdeveloped. An example of this is the fact that the official Negev tourism website was in Hebrew only until approximately July 2016. A KII interviewee reaffirmed this point telling us: The big potential here is not the Israelis. It is the incoming [international] tourism. For Israelis, the desert is something connected to the heat or the Army. The desert now presents an opportunity for Israel, since before all the neighboring countries had a lot of tourism in the desert. But now because of the security situation it has declined. Another local tour operator reiterated this notion, claiming that their needs to be more direct destination marketing since the Negev has a lot to offer visitors from abroad: For overseas tourists, especially Europeans, the desert is something unusual. They are very attracted by its landscapes. When we go [on tours] with Italians, Swiss, or German tourists, they are always amazed by the look of the desert (IMPART KII Interview, February 2016). In summary, the SWOT analysis provided the IMPART team with enough data to understand the current tourism issues and how many of these could be mitigated through public and private dialogue. It appears that this lack of dialogue is longstanding. Furthermore, the tourism industry seems to not be a cohesive body and therefore requires re-organization. More importantly, the available resources (i.e. the archaeology, history and natural environment) require strenuous monitoring and protection, not just from tourism but also from local communities and the military presence. To establish a sustainable future, a process of education, dialogue and appropriate action need be a given priority.

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Chapter 5

Establishing a Benchmark for Open-Air Rock Site Management Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Benchmarking rock art A central objective of the IMPART team was to better understand: what is the current situation of open-air rock art preservation and management in the rest of the world? Therefore, led by the Italian contingent of the IMPART team and advised by Dr George Nash, a British rock art scholar, the researchers undertook to conduct a benchmark analysis of the main open-air rock art sites in Europe and other selected countries around the world to identify best practices and offer recommendations for the selected rock art complex in the Negev Highlands. ‘Benchmarking’ became popular in the last decade of the 20th century. The term is often applied to management dynamics that ask: ‘who is best?’ and ‘what makes them so successful and popular?’ Benchmarking is usually tacked onto an existing, comprehensive quality program and is a way to establish novel, relevant and efficient performance standards. Benchmarking could be defined as “a disciplined process that begins with a thorough search to identify best-practices-organizations, continues with the careful study of one’s own practices and performance, progresses through systematic site visits and interviews and concludes with an analysis of results, development of recommendations and implementation” (Garvin 1993:82). Camp (1989), who is attributed with coining the term benchmarking, defines this methodology as ‘a [generic] process’ aimed for: • • • •

The identification of problems or opportunities; The comparison of its performance with those of the best companies; The search for best practices that allow higher performance; and Planning and implementation of improvements and organizational transformations in your business.

In the case of potential rock art tourism in the Negev, the IMPART team were concerned with how a benchmark could be used in quantifying this archaeological resource. The obvious question was: Is the rock art of the Negev nationally and internationally important and by what means can one substantiate this claim? According to Bednarik and colleagues’ Rock Art Glossary (2003), rock art refers to “non-utilitarian anthropic markings on rock surfaces, made either by an additive process (pictogram) or by

(Archaeopress 2022): 36–44

Establishing a Benchmark for Open-Air Rock Site Management

Côa Valley Archeological Park (PAVC)

2

Siega Verde Archeological Site

3

River Vero Cultural Park Maloti-Drakensberg Park

4

11 12

x

x

x

x

x

x

Private body (Peace Parks Foundation)

KwaZuluNatal Province and Qacha’s Nek District Near Amesbury, Wiltshire Alta

Lesotho and South Africa

x

x

UK

x

x

Norway

x

x

Valle Camonica, Brescia

Italy

x

x

World Heritage Rock- Public body Art Centre – Alta (Alta Museum) Museum IKS Naquane National Public body Rock Engravings Park (Superintentence for Archaeological Heritage of Lombardy) Chongoni Rock-Art Public body Area (The Malawi Department of Antiquities) Richtersveld Cultural Public body (Communal and Botanical Property Association) Landscape Rock-Art Sites of Private Body Tadrart Acacus (TARA – Trust for African Rock Art) Chaco Culture Public body National Historic Park (National Park Service) -Rock-Art in Saudi Arabia

10

x

Spain

6

9

x

Portugal

Stonehenge

8

Country

Private - Foundation Côa Valley (Côa Park - Foundation for the safeguarding and valorisation of the Côa Valley) Association Foz Côa (ADECOCIR – Association for the Development of the District of Ciudad Rodrigo) Public body Aragón

5

7

Area/City

UNESCO World Heritage List

1

Management

Prehistoric Rock Art Trail

Name

Open-Air Rock-Art Conservation and Management

Source

Private body (English Heritage)

Spain

Dedza District Malawi

x

Northern Cape

South Africa

x

Fezzan

Libya

x

New Mexico

USA Saudi Arabia

Table 5.1 Sites identified as applying best practices

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x

x x

Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART a reductive process (petroglyph).” More poignantly, according to Heyd (2005:1) rock art is described as: The name conventionally given to a variety of marks on rock made, arranged, or framed by human beings, from all areas around the world, from all cultures, and from all time periods, beginning in prehistory and ranging into the present. Marks made by adding material to the surface, such as paintings, stencils, and drawings, are called pictographs; marks made by removing material from the surface are called engravings or petroglyphs. Based on this definition, to identify best practices and to analyze them, we chose three criteria: • Type: the rock art resource has to be ‘open-air’ rock art; • Tourism: choosing tourist areas that could be considered good examples of comparison for the Israeli case; and • Conservation: choosing rock art mentioned by UNESCO and/or by the European Union in the Prehistoric rock art trail and/or by Agnew et al. (2015) and their generic work on rock art conservation. After applying the above-mentioned criteria, the researchers identified several comparable best practices that could lead us to an initial analysis and suggestions for developing Israeli rock art, with a special focus on tourism services. The inquiry followed these steps: research and identification of open-air rock art sites; format development; data collection; data analysis; results sharing and guidelines definition. Once the selection criteria for rock art sites was established, the research team set out to collect all relevant information about these sites (Table 5.1). In consideration of spatial limitations, the extended descriptive analysis of these parks was excluded from the monograph but can be found in full in the more extensive IMPART Final Report submitted to the Italian and Israeli government ministries (IMPART 2016). The ensuing section contains our analysis and conclusions from this examination. Open-air rock art belongs to a particular type of cultural heritage related to archaeological sites. Site management of open-air rock art requires protection and conservation of archaeological heritage alongside enabling safe areas for visitors (Darvill & Batarda Fernandes 2014b). The benchmarking carried out on international open-air rock art sites inscribed in the UNESCO World Heritage Site list points to two main types of management, the archaeological site model and the nature park model. The Archaeological site model The first model refers to archaeological areas containing open-air rock art, which include complementary information for visitors to find hospitality services and educational spaces that would form part of their visitor experience. This management model is visible in most European rock art parks: • National Centre of Prehistory and Early History of Valle Camonica, Italy (Figures 5.1 and 5.2) 38

Establishing a Benchmark for Open-Air Rock Site Management • • • •

Côa Valley Archaeological Park, Portugal (Figures 5.3 and 5.4) Siega Verde Archaeological Park, Spain (Figures 5.5 and 5.6) Stonehenge, England (Figures 5.7 and 5.8) World Heritage Rock Art Centre - Alta Museum IKS, Norway.

In all the above-mentioned sites, albeit natural differences linked to the distribution of rock art in each area, there is complementarity and commonality between the open-air sites and tourist infrastructure. The latter results in an archaeological area that is expressly bounded by fences and entrances connected to a visitor center with a museum. This model implies accurate preliminary planning where the main objective is to develop solutions that allow the promotion of the site via a clear and effective tourist experience and supported by appropriate educational tools. The management of these sites is carried out by public or private bodies, or by a public-private partnership, such as the Siega Verde example (Figures 5.5 and 5.6). In this first model, the archaeological heritage is the main resource. It is organized with outdoor itineraries and with an in-depth indoor exhibition. All the analyzed sites host a museum adjoining the archaeological site except for the rock engravings National Park of Naquane. Naquane, in northern alpine Italy, wherein the museum is not close to the park but is nonetheless included in the same ticket. Usually, the museum offers broad opportunities to enjoy and appraise the heritage and contains exhibitions about different aspects of the site. The facility also provides tools that allow visitors to better grasp the historical context of the rock art, helping to identify the culture of local and regions communities and socio-technical development from a specific period. Often, the center provides visitors with information about other activities that are tied in with other rock art sites and/or other regional cultural assets, promoting activities and itineraries for families, children, the general public and schools. Within the Côa Valley, Siega Verde, Naquane, and Stonehenge, replicas are used for educational and explanatory means while also ensuring the original rock art remains protected. These are usually housed in the museums (Figure 5.9).

Figure 5.1. Western view of the Valcamonica Valley

Figure 5.2. Iron Age cart from Rock No. 73, Naquane

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Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART

Figure 5.3. Trekking to the Penacosa site in the Côa Valley, Portugal. Organized by the Côa Museum and supporting local tourism initiatives

Figure 5.4. One of many hundreds of rock art sites within the Côa Valley, Portugal

Figure 5.5. Roughly pecked horse from the Siega Verde Park, Spain (Panel 74)

Figure 5.6. One of many animal engravings from the Siega Verde Park (Panel 21)

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Establishing a Benchmark for Open-Air Rock Site Management

Figure 5.7. View of the outer triathlon ring of Stonehenge Figure 5.8. Faint images of Bronze Age daggers and post-medieval graffiti on Stone 53

Less frequently, rock art is picked up from the original location and exhibited indoors. In Alta three small original panels were moved inside the museum due to inclement weather conditions that blocks access six months of the year. Moving panels or showing replicas are backed by modern technologies such as virtual tours (augmented reality), making rock art accessible for disabled people and Figure 5.9. One of the fiberglass replicas panels showing panels that may not be accessible to from the Côa Valley Museum, Portugal the public. Yet, there is a downside in virtual reconstruction since it is inherently detached from the actual site and its setting. For example, at Stonehenge, the museum has great exposure, the building being the first encounter for tourists but it is necessary for visitors to also purchase an additional ticket to actually visit the stone circle. Moreover, visitors must pay sometimes a refundable car parking fee. Visitors, based on a family of four (two adults and two children), can pay as much as £55 (71 US Dollars or over 240 Israeli New Shekels). Accessibility A private car is the best way to reach rock art centers. In the centers themselves, visitors can access the archaeological area both on foot and by car through expressly marked paths. Walking is preferred when rock art is close to the visitor center, otherwise the center offers specific transportation to the central sites. In the case of dirt road access, the center provides a 4x4 vehicle in addition to guided short walks to reach the engravings. Usually, motorized transfer is included in the price for guided tours but is generally contingent on pre-booking. The sites we analyzed furnished services for disabled people with some providing this service in the whole site, while others only in part of the site, usually in the museum or through adapted itineraries.

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Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART Hospitality As initially mentioned, the visitor center is the focus of this model. The sites are generally open during the morning and afternoon but closed in the evenings. Consequently, there are no campsites within the area and visitors can lodge in hotels near various recommended sites. Tickets provide access both to the exhibition inside the visitor center and to archaeological sites. Guided tours are available during opening times but not always included in the ticket price and often require pre-booking. Visitor centers also provide toilets, cafés, an area to relax in and, sometimes, audio-guides. The recommended visit is from 90 minutes to a full-day visit. To promote regional tourism and give visitors the option to extend their visit, rock art park websites often suggest buying tickets for neighboring sites or nearby itineraries. Thanks to the information on websites about connected itineraries, foreign visitors have an incentive to plan to travel in the area and so contribute to the regional economy. For example, in Italy, the Valle Camonica National Prehistory and Proto-history Center were established in conjunction with wider tourism in mind. The center includes in the ticket price the following attractions: access to the Naquane National Rock - Engravings Park, the Cemmo National Archaeological Park and the MUPRE (National Prehistory Museum of Valle Camonica). In the national park, a guided tour is not provided and instead there are display panels with plans of the Park and themed panels near the engraved rocks. MUPRE offers permanent access to the rock art, temporary exhibitions, meetings and workshops to facilitate community engagement. Similarly, the Côa Valley Archaeological Park and Siega Verde Archaeological Site in Portugal and Spain are as part of the same UNESCO World Heritage site and so offer a joint ticket. Information Every archaeological site has its own dedicated website, except for Stonehenge that has a dedicated section inside the English Heritage website. With the exception of Siega Verde, these sites always include an English version for foreign tourists, even if not as complete as the native language version. In Europe, the preferred international languages used for World Heritage Sites and those sites of National importance usually include English, French, German, Italian and Spanish. Website pages usually offer a detailed description of the site, both with text and images, as well as maps and plans. Webpages also suggest itineraries within the area, a list of road directions to reach the site and information about opening times, ticketing, scheduled activities such as workshops, meetings, temporary exhibitions, cultural projects, as well as educational materials for children, families and schools, and occasionally, information concerning site management and its organization. Based on high-resolution images and rock art digital archives, multimedia content expands the availability of information, allowing travelers to organize future visits and to have a preliminary taste to what they are going to see. Hence, websites are a very important tool for rock art tourism promotion as they are the first encounter most visitors have with the rock art before they physically approach a given rock art site.

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Establishing a Benchmark for Open-Air Rock Site Management The Nature Park model The second model is the Nature Park model where huge areas that are subjected to specific access limitations. In this instance, protection is oriented towards not only archaeological property and historical memory, but also to landscape, environment and nature. Good examples of benchmarking for designated areas included: • • • •

River Vero Cultural Park in Spain, Maloti-Drakensberg Park between Lesotho and South Africa, Richtersveld Cultural and Botanical Landscape in South Africa, Chaco Culture National Historic Park in New Mexico.

The site The areas of each of the benchmarked sites mentioned above are clearly delineated on official and tourism maps and usually incorporate a buffer zone around the main attractions (i.e. the archaeology). The Park boundaries are established beyond the immediate archaeological area, sometimes grouping together public and private areas with the aim of integrating them into the shared human and environmental context. In most cases, a public body is formed to take care of all the resources inside the park as well as to commission private bodies or associations to oversee the park management and the supervision of the visitor services. Accessibility Because of their special flora, fauna and landscape, these sites are in remote areas that are difficult to access and can be only reached by private, often four-wheel drive, vehicles. Their remote locations notwithstanding, parks are equipped with accessibility services for disabled people. Park authorities recommend walking or riding bicycles within the park, along designated tracks. Hospitality Access to the Park is generally between sunrise and sunset. Visitor centers provide reception for visitors and visitor services. Occasionally there is also an on-site museum. The presence of campsites or other accommodation facilities inside the parks suggests a longer visit than the previous model. Ticket categories also encourage longer visits because it is possible to buy a weekly ticket. Possible itineraries include hiking through spectacular sceneries and rock art trails. Information Information about the rock art on the park websites is generally not detailed. As there are many tourist attractions inside the parks, the websites suggest seeing the rock art in combination with various itineraries. The River Vero Cultural Park website only exhibits a guided tour timetable, whereas at the South African parks, visitors can directly contact local

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Sara Levi Sacerdotti and IMPART guides. Finally, in Chaco Culture National Historic Park there are explanatory display panels along the rock art trail. Community engagement This management model is characterized by a concerted effort to engage local communities to assume an active role in park education, protection and volunteering, as in the instance of Maloti-Drakensberg Park between Lesotho and South Africa. Natural heritage protection is another interesting feature of the model. Attention towards the environment is present in codes of conduct, inviting visitors to pay attention during their visits to this aspect of the park and its heritage. Other models considered We also found sites that differ from the previous two management models. These include: • Chongoni Rock Art Area in Malawi, • Rock art sites of Tadrart Acacus in Libya • Saudi Arabian rock art parks It proved quite challenging to find information about their management because they are not yet recognized and discussed as natural parks. However, we should stress that each area is enshrined in the heritage legislation of each of these countries and is therefore protected. To see the rock art, tourists normally use local guides who organize guided tours to these sites. The Chongoni Rock Art Area in Malawi and the Rock Art Sites of Tadrart Acacus in Libya are protected and promoted by TARA – Trust for African Rock Art, a private organization whose mission is to emphasize the significance of African Rock Art. TARA’s website provides extensive material about South African heritage thanks to a collaboration with the British Museum that led to an African Rock Art Photo Gallery, equipped with textual information, involving also sites that are not located in national parks. Thanks to TARA, the rock art site of Tadrart Acasus in Libya is involved in specific activities for community engagement. These include education on protection and maintenance of national archaeological heritage, encouraging an exchange of ideas and knowledge with local communities to locate a common and shared management strategy. Finally, it is important to mention the unique case of Saudi Arabian Rock Art that since 2015 is included in the UNESCO World Heritage Site List. The site makes available its entire heritage through an online map with high-definition images.1 At the same time, it proved difficult to find satisfactory information on visiting individual rock art sites. Yet, to be sure, systematic tourism is developing in this emerging region. More information, especially in English and Chinese, will likely become available.

1

Go to: http://www.bradshawfoundation.com/middle_east/saudi_arabia_rock_art/index.php

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Chapter 6

Notes from an Ethnographic Field Survey of the Negev Highland Bedouin Joshua Schmidt Ethnographic fieldwork Ethnographic fieldwork among the Negev Bedouin was undertaken by the Israeli IMPART team leader, Joshua Schmidt, a cultural anthropologist and well-versed researcher in the societies and cultures in the Negev Highlands. The research included repeated visits to the five main Bedouin encampments in the vicinity of Mitzpe Ramon. On-site semi-structured discussions took place with diverse range of male Bedouin informants. While it would have been beneficial to have also spoken with Bedouin women, females in these communities are not generally involved in public affairs and are traditionally discouraged from interacting with male outsiders. Furthermore, the conversations took place in Hebrew which is spoken by male Bedouin but often not by their female counterparts who, particularly in the remote Negev Highlands, may spend less time in formal national educational frameworks. On several occasions the IMPART team were fortunate to conduct fieldtrips together with their Bedouin informants to ‘backyard’ rock art sites nearby the various encampments (Figure 6.1). There they heard first-hand explanations of how the Bedouin understood the motifs in the rock art panels, while also receiving a chance to observe how the Bedouin relate to the natural environment in which they dwell. The observations – informed from data gleaned from the conversations and contextualized via ethnographic-derived insights – were anchored in theoretical research based on studies pertaining to the historical settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev and the role of indigenous local communities in the development of rock art tourism (Meir and Marx, 2005; Rosen, 2017; Nash, 2019). The following outlines the main point of our combined impressions. Negev Highland Bedouin tribespeople are Arab-Israelis who reside on lands in the Mitzpe Ramon vicinity and constitute an additional community associated with local tourism development (Eisenberg-Degen, Nash and Schmidt, 2018). The presence of the Bedouin in the Arabian deserts goes back at least two millennia. The Negev Highland Bedouin consists of roughly a dozen extended families descending from the Azāzmeh and Tiyaha-Dhullam (Janabib) clan-confederations, whose members are found throughout Israel, Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. These sub-tribal units inhabit five unauthorized villages situated in wadis (dry riverbeds) along Route 40, the highway that runs between Mitzpe Ramon and Sde Boker, the nearest settlement some 30 km to the north (Figure 6.2). This group, all of whom are full-fledged Israeli citizens, are unique in that their remote living circumstances have enabled them to cling to various traditional aspects of their tribal

(Archaeopres 2022): 45–54

Joshua Schmidt

Figure 6.1. IMPART personnel on a visit with Negev Highland Bedouin tourism operators, February 2016

Figure 6.2 Unrecognized Bedouin encampment below a Negev rock art site

Figure 6.3 Bedouin shepherdesses watch over their flock grazing by the roadside of Route 40 in the Negev

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Notes from an Ethnographic Field Survey of the Negev Highland Bedouin

Figure 6.4 Three generations of Negev Bedouin females gather wheat during a harvest, nearby Abda settlement, June 2016

past, particularly herding and lodging in extended family encampments (see Conder 1883). Existing in diverse states of socio-economic squalor, none of these estimated one thousand tribespeople reside within the Mitzpe Ramon local municipality per se, but choose to live within the contiguous Ramat Negev regional council on what they perceive as their ancestral lands (Figure 6.3). As a cultural ideal, an intimate connection with the desert continues to be a central component of their identity, a trait that sets them apart from more urbanized Bedouin in central regions of the Negev who feel that certain features of the traditional Bedouin lifestyle are outdated and incompatible with the modern society that surrounds them. Negev Highland Bedouin of all ages frequents Mitzpe Ramon to attend to their basic commercial, medical, administrative, employment and educational needs. Yet, despite their close physical proximity, the Bedouin and the residents of Mitzpe Ramon remain in disparate life-worlds and seldom interact with one another on a sociocultural or political-economic level. Adult males may be employed as menial laborers for example in the municipality or the National Parks Authorities, or act as watchmen at construction sites or work at the service stations along the empty stretches of desert highway running through the region (Figure 6.4). Belonging to a disenfranchised Arab minority, few, if any, volunteer for the army as in the past. Culturally, the Negev Highland Bedouin identify more with their relatives and fellow tribespeople in Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia than with the values and attitudes of mainstream Jewish Israel. Yet, the Negev Highland Bedouin are less antagonistic towards the state than Bedouin from more central parts of the Negev as well as the members of the other Arab minorities in Israel, possibly because, despite their deep existential connection to the Negev Highlands, they have no official claims on any lands in the area (Figure 6.5). National and regional government planners, decision-makers, policy agents and representatives from the Negev Highland Bedouin villages conducted a series of public hearings to examine potential solutions for this community. In 2013 the Mitzpe Ramon local authority merged with the much larger Ramat Negev regional council to form the ‘Negev 47

Joshua Schmidt

Figure 6.5 Despite their increasing adjustment to a modern lifestyle, traditional modes of Bedouin culture persist across the generations

Highlands Tourism Board’. The chairman of the Ramat Negev council had petitioned rural government developers working within the Ministry of Agriculture to settle the Negev Highland Bedouin through rural tourism initiatives. The proposal called for consolidating the five existing Bedouin villages into a single Bedouin township on a vacant plateau known as Ramat Tziporim (Tziporim Heights) some 25 kilometers north of Mitzpe Ramon (Figure 6.6). The regional council proposed to develop the Shvil Ha’Ohalim (‘Tent Route’) initiative that could lend support to the settlement of the Negev Highland Bedouin through tourism initiatives. The initiative suggests that Bedouin tourism operators host visitors during the day in their current encampments and return home to their full-time residencies in Ramat Tziporim for the night (Public hearing, Sde Boker in March 2014). Through the production of neo-traditional tourism-oriented Bedouin hospitality, the Shvil Ha’Ohalim initiative both provides the Bedouin with a suitable platform for gainful employment, while enabling them to maintain semblances of their longstanding customs and living patterns (Figure 6.7).

Figure 6.6 Bedouin from the Negev Highlands take part in a Southern District planning commission meeting, Beer Sheva, 2015

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Notes from an Ethnographic Field Survey of the Negev Highland Bedouin

Figure 6.7 Bedouin tourism operators voice their concerns over their future to visiting government officials, Ramat Tziporim, January, 2015

Noting the cultural insensitivities that characterized previous Bedouin settlement initiatives in other areas of the Negev, the plan calls for Ramat Tziporim to be subdivided per tribal affiliations and that the land parcels allow for Bedouin domestic subsistence patterns (cf. Rosner- Manor, Rofé and Abu-Rabia-Queder 2013; Meraoit 2011). The plan also attends to governmental concerns regarding finalizing the status of the unregistered Negev Highland Bedouin settlements, making clear distinctions between temporary, daytime tourism sites of Bedouin hospitality with permanent official places of residence. As things proceeded, due mostly to infighting among the various Bedouin communities, the focus of this initiative transitioned from Ramat Tziporim to Abda (Arabic pronunciation of the Hebrew ‘Avdat’), an unregistered Bedouin village situated across from a UNESCO World Heritage site, the Nabatean-Byzantine town of Avdat. Abda is also located at the back end of the Har Michia Rock Art Park. Anticipating the adoption of this model, Bedouin tourism operators have begun directly delivering tourism services (food, lodging, traditional arts and crafts and field guiding) to visitors in the area. “We’ve moved 500 years in the last 50 years,” points out a Bedouin tourism operator who specializes in showcasing the eco-friendly practices found in traditional Bedouin culture, “so now we must use tourism to preserve what’s left of our roots” (S. Sadan, pers comm. April 2015). To lend this enterprise more form, nascent Bedouin tourism operators recently participated in a tourism management course delivered by the Mitzpe Ramon municipality and the Ramat Negev Regional Authority in conjunction with the Ministry of Tourism. The course was designed specifically to meet the needs of Bedouin tourism operators some of whom, in consequence, have begun guiding trips or otherwise including in their tourism offerings the Har Michia rock art site. On the other hand, urged by their more radical relatives in the central areas of the Negev, some factions of the local Bedouin communities have so far declined to voice open support for the Shvil Ha’Ohalim proposition, a stance that would, in essence, constitute a waiver of their direct and ongoing heritage-based connection to the land (Figures 6.8 and 6.9). Informants have also suggested that some of the Bedouin are reluctant to accept the settlement plan as it would interfere with the smuggling activities that occur on a nearly nightly basis along 49

Joshua Schmidt

Figure 6.8 Bedouin hospitality in the Negev, a future groom sits with his friends

the nearby Israel-Egyptian border and with other prohibited activities they are involved in (e.g. clandestine growing of marijuana in seldom visited wadis, often located in military training grounds).

Figure 6.9 Bedouin hospitality in the Negev, a host roasts coffee beans over an open fire

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Yet, at the same time, over the past few years, newcomer [Jewish-Israeli] tourism operators have tapped into the marketability of Bedouin cultural heritage tourism and are employing Bedouin partners to host tourists in the region. Their joint activities serve the newcomers well as they promote a romanticized narrative of Bedouin history and culture, that sidesteps their current state of landlessness and impoverishment, while overseeing the supply and demand channels as well as the division of the earnings. Even if they would prefer to remain as they are in their current locations, the Bedouin recognize the profitability in collaborating with the Jewish tourism operators from Mitzpe Ramon and Ramat Hanegev. Despite, or perhaps due, to the neocolonial underpinnings

Notes from an Ethnographic Field Survey of the Negev Highland Bedouin inherent in these relationships, this dynamic has fostered the basis for the integration of Bedouin tourism within future regional development operations (cf., Dinero 2002). Meanwhile, the policy and decision-makers in Jerusalem, whose ruling on this matter will eventually decide the fate of the Negev Highland Bedouin, are relating to the Shvil Ha’Ohalim compromise with a degree of skepticism and it remains unclear to what degree they will choose to support or obstruct its fulfillment. This outlook seems akin to the sentiment expressed by the military, the principal government funded body in the region and the registered property holder of the lands that most of the Negev Highland Bedouin – and much of the rock art – resides. At a key meeting of the Southern District planning committee, a commissioned government agency that plays a major role in certifying and legislating regional development plans, army officials made a point of emphasizing the impermanence of the current Negev Highland Bedouin villages declaring that, with one exception, they are located within active firing ranges and thus legally off-limits to all civilians (D. Gur, pers comm. in May 2016). This viewpoint reflects the consistent reluctance of the central government to lend legitimacy to Bedouin land ownership claims and historical usage rights or adequately include them in decision-making processes per their role within regional development activities (Figure 6.9). Ultimately, although the Bedouin have lived in the region longer than any of the other local communities, their reduced political stature, manifested in their perpetuated state

Figure 6.10 Bedouin protest tent along Route 40, displaying signs demanding equal partnership in local development planning, August 2016

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Joshua Schmidt of civic impermanence and fiscal destitute, together with their longstanding distrust of governmental administration, largely excludes them from fully participating in the regional social and economic development networks.

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Part II Ramat Matred Surveys

Tracing of ibex petroglyph from the Negev

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Chapter 7

Ecological Survey at Ramat Matred Ron Frumkin Geo-ecological overview Within the tourism-oriented framework of the IMPART study, Israeli ecological surveyor Ron Frumkin contributed an environmental survey of the Ramat Matred eco-system in 2016. The following chapter summarizes Frumkin’s findings within diverse fields – geography, geology, topography, botany, zoology, biology – and is supported by maps and pictures taken in-situ. The Ramat Matred rock art site covers an area of 360 dunams running alongside the upper tributaries of Nahal Avdat, that drains into Nahal Zin, between the Ramon military base (officially known as Kanaf 25) in the west (ca. 2.2 km away) and Route 40 in the east (ca. 5 km away). Nahal is the Hebrew term for the word Arabic wadi, variously translated in English as ravine/gorge/riverbed. The area stretches along an elongated spur (top elevation 638 m) that declines or slopes northward to a tributary of Nahal Avdat. At the foot of the spur are two

Figure 7.1. Study area and wadis

(Archaeopres 2022): 55–63

Figure 7.2. Geological map of the Ramat Matred region (Zilberman and Avni 2004)

Ron Frumkin wadis that each drain northwards. The site is between 570 m and 1100 m long, north to south, and between 370 m and 470 m wide, east to west (Figure 7.1). The exposed bedrock of the spur and north of the Nahal Avdat tributary is composed of massive thin-grained limestone and chalk of the Matred formation (Avdat Group, middle Eocene) (Zilberman and Avni 2004; Figure 7.2). Soil that forms on the surface Figure 7.3. Haloxylon scoparium plant community in a here is greyish brown rendzinic desert channel filled with loess lithosol. Agricultural terraces, which are probably Byzantine and possibly based on earlier Roman or Nabatean terraces, were constructed in dry watercourse channels (wadis) and feature stratified layers of Pliocene-Pleistocene loess deposits and pebbles (Hillel 1982) (Figure 7.3). The Ramat Matred area lies at the heart of an ecological corridor (Israel Nature and Parks Authority 2014), connecting the nature reserves and national parks in Ramat Avdat and Nahal Zin in the northeast with the Negev Mountain Reserve in the southwest (Figure 7.4).

Figure 7.4. Ecological corridors, nature reserves and national parks in the region, as defined by the Israel Nature and Parks Authority (2014)

Figure 7.5. Ecological sensitivity of landscape units in the region, per the Ministry of Environment

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Ecological Survey at Ramat Matred According to an ecological sensitivity map of the landscape unit (Ministry of Environmental Protection; Figure 7.5), the site is located in the landscape unit of Ramat Matred, which has a high ecological sensitivity ranking (4 out of 6). The field survey was conducted at the beginning of October 2015. Vegetation and plant societies were mapped during this survey based on the main local habitats (Figure 7.6). Observations of animals and signs of their activities were recorded. Petroglyph sites that were found during the field survey using GPS were also mapped, with an accuracy level of 4 m.

Figure 7.6. Vegetation societies, their habitats and points of interest

The site can be divided roughly into two main habitats: (1) spurs of limestone and chalk outcrops that are either exposed or covered by a thin layer of soil and (2) watercourse channels with a deep layer of loess soil that is found stratified along ancient agricultural terraces (Figure 7.7).

Plants and vegetation A plant community of Artemisia sieberi (White Wormwood) and Reaumuria negevensis dominates the chalky spurs (Figure 7.8). This is a sub-shrub community characterized by very sparse vegetation cover (7–10%), accompanied by additional sub-shrubs such as Noaea mucronata (Thorny Saltwort) and Gymnocarpos decander in the rocky areas and Zygophyllum dumosum (Bush Bean-caper) on the elevated plateau area (Danin 1970, 1983). Occasionally, there are deep patches of soil that are dominated by Haloxylon scoparium. Other species that are represented by a few specimens are Ochradenus baccatus (Taily Weed), Thymelaea hirsute (Shaggy Sparrow-wort), Ephedra aphylla (Leafless Ephedra), Chiliadenus iphionoides (Goldy-Locks), Astragalus spinosus (Spiny Milk-vetch), Ballota undulata (Common Ballota) and Asparagus horridus (Thorny Asparagus).

Figure 7.7. Tributary draining into Nahal Avdat with terraces, loess and Haloxylon scoparium

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Haloxylon scoparium dominates the loess channels, covering as much as 10% of their surface. Other species found here are Ballota undulata, Achillea fragrantissima (Lavender Cotton), Deverra triradiata, Peganum harmala (Wild Rue), Echinops polyceras (Blanche

Ron Frumkin Globe-thistle), Artemisia sieberi, Centaurea pallescens (Pale Centaury) and Dianthus strictus (Wild Pink).

Figure 7.8. Limestone rocks, Reaumuria negevensis and Artemisia sieberi, Ramat Matred

In all, 33 plant species were documented in the surveyed area. Most of these are perennial since the survey was conducted during the fall and most annual plants bloom in the spring. Table 7.1 presents a list of the documented species according to habitat. Notably, while a similar number of plant species was recorded in both habitats (18 to 20), only five species were recorded in both habitats. Out of all recorded species only two—Colchicum tunicatum and Urginea maritima are protected species (Figure 7.9). These are the only geophytes found in the surveyed area. The time in which the survey was conducted coincided with the beginning of their flowering time. All recorded plant species are very common; none of them are endemic, rare, peripheral, or invasive; however, all contribute to the natural character of the area. Fauna

Figure 7.9. Colchicum tunicatum Feinbrun growing from a crack in a rock

There is a Bedouin encampment with camels, donkeys, goats and dogs on the spur west of the surveyed area. Signs of their activity, represented by tracks and feces, were found in the surveyed area (Figure 7.10).

Mammals According to Dolev and Perevolotsky (2002), the Ramat Matred site falls within a distribution area of several species, including Gazella dorcas (Dorcas Gazelle), Capra nubiana (Nubian Ibex), Hyaena hyaena (Striped Hyena), Vulpes vulpes (Red Fox), Caracal caracal (Caracal) and Felis silvestris (Wildcat). Yet no large mammals nor signs of their activity were traced in the surveyed area. The most common mammal in this area is a small rodent – Acomys cahirinus – 58

Ecological Survey at Ramat Matred Rocky slope   + +   + + +   +   +       + +   + + + + + +         +   + + + + 20

Loess channel + +   +     + +   +   + + + +   +   +   +   + + + +   +       18

Scientific name Achillea fragrantissima Artemisia sieberi Asparagus horridus Astragalus hamosus Astragalus spinosus Atractylis phaeolepis Ballota undulata Centaurea pallescens Chiliadenus iphionoides Cichorium endivia Colchicum tunicatum Cynodon dactylon Deverra triradiata Dianthus strictus Echinops polyceras Ephedra aphylla Eryngium creticum Eryngium glomeratum Gymnarrhena micrantha Gymnocarpos decander Haloxylon scoparium Noaea mucronata Ochradenus baccatus Peganum harmala Phalaris brachystachys Plantago ovata Poa bulbosa Reaumuria negevensis Rostraria cristata Urginea maritima Stipa arabica Thymelaea hirsuta Zygophyllum dumosum  Total

Table 7.1: Vegetation in the area surveyed at Ramat Matred, October 2015

Figure 7.10. Bedouin shepherd with goats and sheep in the riverbed below Ramat Matred

Figure 7.11. Home of spiny mouse (Acomys cahirinus) and ‘dining table’ with molluscs (Xerocrassa seetzenii)

that hides in the ground at the foot of rocks or built terraces. Its burrows can be identified by concentrations of shells of Xerocrassa  seetzenii. The Acomys cahirinus collects these molluscs and eats them in a sheltered place near its burrow and thus keeps safe from predators (Figure 7.11).

Avia According to Dolev and Perevolotsky (2002), the designated park area falls within a distribution area of several endangered species, including Pterocles coronatus (Crowned Sandgrouse), Pterocles senegallus (Spotted Sandgrouse), Chlamydotis and Aquila chrysaetos (Golden Eagle). There was, however, no specific evidence of their presence in the Ramat Matred site. Instead, several habitat birds were documented in the surveyed area, including Scotocerca inquieta (Streaked Scrub-warbler), Ammomanes deserti (Desert Lark), Galerida cristata (Crested Lark), Ammoperdix heyi (Sand Partridge), Alectoris chukar (Chukar Partridge, eight individuals) 59

Ron Frumkin (Figure 7.12), Corvus ruficollis (Brownnecked Raven), Columba livia domestica (Domestic Pigeon); all of which are very common species to the area. During the migration period, in the fall and the spring, dozens of bird species fly over the Negev Highlands. Some make stopovers for eating and resting, presumably also in Ramat Matred. Reptiles Figure 7.12 Partridge (Alectoris chukar)

Of this class, several Lacertidae were documented, such as Mesalina olivieri (in the river bed), Acanthodactylus boskianus (Bosc’s Fringe-toed lizard) (in the river bed) and Ptyodactylus guttatus (Sinai Fanfingered gecko) (on rocks and in rock fractures) (Figure 7.13 and 7.14). Invertebrates

Figure 7.13 Gecko (Ptyodactylus guttatus) clinging to a rock

Several common species were found: Xerocrassa  seetzenii, two types of moths:  Orgyia dubia (Figure 7.14) and Amictoides lutea, Messor arenarius (Figure 7.15) and Myrmeleontidae (Antlion). Finally, it should be mentioned that while many species were not documented in this survey, throughout the course of the year they are bound to appear in the area that lies in an important ecological corridor connecting between biodiversity hot spots in nature reserves and national parks. Summary

Figure 7.14 Gecko (Ptyodactylus guttatus) hiding in a crevice amid rock art

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The area surveyed in Ramat Matred (extending to c. 360 dunams) is not a rare or unique habitat in the context of the Negev Highlands and it comprises only a small part of the entire Ramat Matred region, an area encompassing tens of thousands of dunam. The surveyed area lies adjacent to an existing road (between

Ecological Survey at Ramat Matred

Figure 7.15. Orgyia dubia

Figure 7.16. Harvest ants (Messor arenarius) collecting seeds at the entrance to their nest in the riverbed

ID 1 2 3

Y 519016 519121 519136

X 172769 172688 172684

4 5 6 7

519317 519327 519519 519558

172739 172731 172636 172610

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

519559 519538 519638 519635 519641 519750 519759 519751 519553 519455 519488 519486 519471 519378 519303 519299 519293 519279 519237

172562 172563 172601 172613 172608 172786 172777 172796 172784 172825 172870 172869 172870 172897 172887 172886 172887 172883 172620

Site type Rock art Rock art Colchicum tunicatum Rock art Rock art Rock art Colchicum tunicatum Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Dugout Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art Rock art

Table 7.2. Coordinates of select sites in the designated plan area and its environs

Ramon military base and Route 40). It is located near a small Bedouin settlement that uses the site for pasture. A marked hiking trail leading through a tributary of Nahal Avdat runs through the northern fringes of the park area. Archaeological remains in the surveyed area include stone terraces, stone clearance heap structure remains/burial plots, rock channels for conveying water to agricultural terraces and many petroglyphs (Table 7.2). Sub-shrub communities of Artemisia sieberi and Reaumuria negevensis dominate the elevated plateau area and the loess channels are characterized by the presence of Haloxylon scoparium. There are no rare or endangered plant or animal species in this area that falls into the category of ‘protected natural values’ as defined by Israeli wildlife protection legislation.  Yet according to an ecological sensitivity map of the Ministry of Environmental Protection, this landscape unit has a high ecological sensitivity ranking. It should be noted, however, 61

Ron Frumkin

Figure 7.17 and 7.18. Rock art panel in Ramat Matred and Verbascum sinaiticum growing nearby

that this map fails to consider existing breaches (human settlement, Bedouin villages, roads, military bases) and it presents large areas at a low resolution. Indeed, as mentioned, the main significance of this area is that it is located at the heart of an ecological corridor. This fact must be taken into consideration during the planning and development of a potential rock art park to ensure that this vital function is not compromised. At the same time, there is no significant concern that hiking activities in the vicinity of the petroglyphs will pointedly harm the region’s natural values or their ecological functions. As an interesting side note, during the survey a noteworthy corollary emerged, and it appears that some of the rock art may have been created to reflect what the artists saw in the surrounding environment, in particular, some of the wild animals depicted. An example of this form can be found in the semblance between Figures 7.17 and 7.18. Recommendations As plans to establish a rock art park in the area unfurl, the following are general recommendations to avoid harming the ecological functions found in the region. • • • •

Avoid fencing that may restrict animal movement in the area; Restrict activity in the park after dark; Do not use night lighting; Do not allow vehicle movement in the park area or near it, aside from the use of designated roads that have been approved or marked on hiking trail maps; • Provide parking spaces alongside the existing road or at a 20 m distance from it; • Hiking should be allowed on marked trails only and these should be arranged to allow visitors to view the park’s main attractions; • Garbage disposal receptors within the park should be discouraged so as to ensure that visitors pack out what they bring in; 62

Ecological Survey at Ramat Matred • Keeping the grounds clean and site maintenance should be the responsibility of the park operator; • Lighting fires in the park should be forbidden; and • Multi-language signage should be put up in the parking area stating regulations for vehicle movement and parking. There should also be signs denoting park regulations and warning against garbage disposal, the harming of animals and plants, lighting fires and damaging antiquities. • Finally, and prior to any of the above, a comprehensive ecological survey should be conducted that includes an annual fieldwork campaign in order to fully understand the seasonal changes in the flora and fauna of the area.

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Chapter 8

Archaeological Survey at Ramat Matred Davida Eisenberg-Degen A brief historical account of the Negev Highlands region Based on significant environment and climatic changes, the Negev Highlands has historically played host to a mix of pastoralists and agriculturalists (see Rosen 2017). During the Byzantine period, for instance, a large sedentary farming community extended over much of the Negev Highlands, occupying several settlements and hundreds of farmsteads. On the other hand, the Negev also experienced periods of sparse – possibly non-existent – settlement. It seems that this was what occurred between the Iron Age, the Persian period and between the Byzantine and Ottoman periods following and after the Islamic conquest (c. 7th-17th century AD). Beginning in the mid-10th century AD, there was a steady penetration of nomadic tribes into what is now modern Israel. The Bedouin settlement in the Negev in the past 500 years began in the 16th century during the Ottoman period (AD 1517–1917) and continued during the British Mandate (AD 1917–1948) (Bailey 1980, 1985; Sharon 1988). In this period, the Bedouin population comprised a few thousand people and was divided into eight tribal confederations composed of ninety-five tribal units. The southernmost tribe was the Sarachin, a sub-unit of the ‘Azazmeh tribal confederation, which comprised 800 members who resided in the Negev Highlands. Towards the end of the 19th century AD and as a result of the British and French advances to control the Suez Canal, the Ottomans took measures to stabilize and control the southern border of their empire. To administer the population and exert control over the region, in 1906 the Ottomans established modern-day Be’er Sheva, located in the heart of the Bedouin territory, to serve as an administrative capital. In this period Bedouin livelihood was based on a combined pastoral-agro economy. Moreover, in times of economic or environmental distress, some resorted to banditry. Over the 18th century the Bedouin transitioned from relying principally on pastoralism to a more diversified economy that included agriculture. Their farming was based on run-off irrigation systems derived from revamped terraces that had been previously built throughout the region in the Byzantine era and left fallow in the wake of the Muslim conquest. Yet, with the area on the periphery of the Ottoman Empire, it was only loosely administrated and hence the farming activity oftentimes proved difficult with would-be farmers subject to intertribal rivalries and subsequent crop raids (Avni 2008; Havakook 1986). The British Mandate in Palestine (1917–1948) maintained the policies of its predecessors, exerting soft control over the local population to prevent hunger and crime, digging wells for the Bedouin population and encouraging them to maintain their subsistence farming and trade economy. As their agricultural activities became more central to their economies and lifestyles, the Bedouin began to reside in more permanent communities and hence gained (Archaeopress 2022): 64–70

Archaeological Survey at Ramat Matred an increased sense of territoriality. Following the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, attempts were made to further settle the Bedouin first in administrative reserves, and later in specifically planned towns across the Negev, leading Bedouin culture and lifestyle to undergo significant changes. As the tribal sub-units grew more sedentary, their traditional societal forms altered as they adapted to their new liberal toned, consumer-driven socio-economic reality (Haiman 1995; Meir 1997). Previous archaeological studies of the area Previous archaeological surveys conducted in the region recorded sites dating to the Middle Bronze and Iron Ages and the Nabataean and Byzantine periods (Negev 1976, 1986). The 1954 survey conducted in the central Negev by Emmanuel Anati mentions locating petroglyphs in the area of Nahal Avdat, in the vicinity of Ramat Matred. The region of Ramat Matred was also included in an emergency survey undertaken in the Negev (Lender 1990). The results of this survey were published in the survey map of Har Nafha. This and subsequent publications discuss Thamudic, Nabataean and Arabian inscriptions (Sharon 1990). Although these inscriptions are accompanied by engraved elements, only a handful of the inscriptions and a few of the depicted elements were thoroughly documented. Survey framework An eight-member team of Israeli archeologists performed a survey of Ramat Matred for the IMPART study. The survey was managed and conducted by IMPART Israeli team members Davida Eisenberg-Degen and Ifat Shezaf, an inspector and analytical laboratory referent at the central district of the Israel Antiquities Authority whose Masters degree was written within the context of the IMPART research project and focused on the spatial dynamics of Bedouin society in the Negev as reflected in the wusum petroglyphs in the Negev (Shapira, 2018). The survey (permit S-642) was administered in collaboration with the Israel Antiquities Authority and was part of the initial fieldwork program that is required before creating a conservation management plan for rock art in the region. Davida and Ifat were assisted by Alex Fraiberg,

Figure 8.1. Spur on Ramat Matred chosen as the site of the archeological survey

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Davida Eisenberg-Degen Vladik Lifshits, Martin Pasternak (surveyors), Boaz Freifeld, Reut Shapira, Doron Moskovitch, Rina Feinstein, Irit Nir and Hagay Hamer (rock art documentation) Emil Aladjem (surveyor and GIS) and Sharon Gal. A single spur was chosen as a representative segment of the overall Ramat Matred rock art site (Figure 8.1). A map of the archeological remains found on the spur is found in Appendix 1. The surveyed spur falls within the Har Nafha Survey Map (No. 196; Lender 1990). In Lender’s publication, no archaeological remains were noted on the designated spur. The present survey, however, identified and documented walls for diverting runoff water, terraces and field walls dividing agricultural plots, rock shelters, structures, installations, stone clearance heaps, burials and an ancient travel/trade path. The Ramat Matred survey consisted of two stages. The first stage concentrated on locating and documenting all rock art found within the designated survey area. This occurred between 2015 and 2016. In the second stage the team located and recorded all the archaeological remains (excluding rock art). The data collected on the archaeological remains are summarized below and supported with pictures taken in the field. Survey findings Walling, loose masonry and lines of stones and boulders of varying lengths used for diverting rainwater runoff was found on and along the spur and slopes. Some were several meters long and one wall extended c. 540 m. These walls were usually constructed of a single row of midsized field stones to a height of a single course. The walls were constructed to divert rainwater runoff toward the agricultural plots in the wadi situated west and north of the spur. Terraces are walls traversing the breadth of the ravine, dividing it into agricultural plots (Figure 8.2). Several building techniques were noted in the construction of these walls. Identified were walls whose upper course is made-up of fieldstones set vertically on their narrow end. These are usually attributed to the early Islamic period. Other forms include thick walls whose upper courses form a stepped impression and pairs of terraced walls constructed c. 2 m apart. The construction method seems to have been in accordance with the location of the terrace and the expected strength of the rainwater runoff flow. Field walls extending along or delineating agricultural plots are built adjacent to the ravine edge so as to border the agricultural plots (Figure 8.3). The walls were constructed of several courses of medium-large sized fieldstones. A defined entrance was noted in one such wall. The entrance was constructed of two large stones which served as posts. The entrance offered access to the more southern agricultural plot of the ravine course. This plot was of a higher elevation offering easy access to the slightly lower plots to the north. Natural rock shelters were identified along the northeastern slope. Most of these natural sites had collapsed in antiquity, but two shelters included evidence of recent use. A thick layer of soot was found on the ceiling of one of the shelters. Several modern artifacts were found and seem to indicate that the rock shelter was still used seasonally, perhaps by local Bedouin shepherds. The remains of a wall were found near the opening of the second rock shelter. This rock shelter likely served also as a quarry for limestone building blocks and possibly as 66

Archaeological Survey at Ramat Matred a seasonal cistern. One cannot dismiss the possibility that many of these sites were used in antiquity. A two-story watchtower built of dressed stone was found along the southern edge of one of the wider tributaries of Nahal Avdat (Figure 8.4). The structure was part of a larger complex which included a number of buildings and fieldstone walls. The two-story structure may have been built in the Roman period as part of the system of way stations, fortresses and towers that were built along Roman trade and travel routes. Another possibility is that the watchtower is of a Byzantine age and related to the agricultural development in the region. In both case scenarios the adjacent pen and walls postdate the tower construction. Two similar towers are found only a few hundred meters to the west. Many of the structures identified in the tributary may be dated to the Byzantine–Early Islamic periods (mid-4th – mid 7th century AD). The second type of structure was found built adjacent to the dark-faced rock outcrops (that occasionally contained various petroglyphs). The walls of these structures consisted of a single curved wall built of medium-sized fieldstones. The walls were built close to outcrops that project above the surface, providing additional shelter from the desert winds. These structures likely predate the Hellenistic period though at present cannot be dated. Additional structures noted are comprised of a single – several circular or oval rooms. These were found on the top of the spur and along the eastern slope. No related artifacts were found, and the structures cannot be dated. Installations were identified in the surveyed area. These are made of medium-sized fieldstones laid on their narrow ends. Stone heaps, some stone clearance heaps documented are attributable to modern-day activity. Their function is not clear. Other heaps were seen along the western slope. In some cases, collapsed tombs formed stone heaps (these cases were documented as burials and not as stone heaps). Amorphous heaps were recorded as stone heaps.

Figure 8.2. Linear stone courses crisscross the landscape and divert rainfall for irrigation below Ramat Matred

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Figure 8.3 Remains of a terrace in the riverbed below the spur surveyed at Nahal Avdat

Burials – up to 113 potential on ground burial sites were identified and documented and may point to the fact that the surveyed spur was a recognized burial ground. The burials were found on the top of the spur and along its western and northern slopes. Most tombs were marked by a stone frame, filled with soil and with an upper layer of gravel. The frames were several courses high and of an ovoid, rectangular or square with rounded corners shape. The lower course of the frame was constructed from medium-large sized stones while the upper courses were made of smaller stones. One of the tombs was preserved to a height of 1 m. above the surface (Figure 8.5). While some burials displayed a full stone frame, those on the slope were built leaning on the exposed bedrock and were enclosed only by a partial frame. Some of the tombs were poorly preserved and while the fill and gravel layer were still recognizable,

Figure 8.4. Watchtower built of dressed stones from the Roman Period

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Figure 8.5. Tumulus

the frame is indiscernible and possibly collapsed and is now gone. The orientation of the tombs was not found to be consistent but rather was dictated by the direction of the slope and by the terrain. The burial plots were arranged in rows along the spur’s tabletop, indicating that this was an organized burial ground. Several tombs on the western slope abuts the walls built to divert the rainwater runoff and therefore are from a later period than that attributed to the walls. It appears that the first tombs in this burial ground were excavated on the top of the spur. The burial ground then developed toward the slopes. According to the burial types, the tombs located on the western slope represent the last burial phase in the site. The date of the burial ground and the identities of those interred within it could not be determined. These burials (?) were not excavated. Another interpretation offered is that these are a form of telilat el anab (grape heaps, Arabic), clearance heaps related to run off water in preparation to work the related lands. Telilat el anab are know from throughout the Negev Highlands but are rarely constructed with a retaining wall and details demanding time and effort as those noted at Ramat Matred A single cairn was found during the survey. It was partially dismantled and appears to have been pillaged in antiquity. No frame could be identified enclosing it nor the burial cist. A travel or trade path was identified along the eastern slope. Itv was flanked by a low 2–3-course wall on its Eastern side. The path was traced along the slope and was seen to continue westward, following a 2/3 height crossing the slopes adjacent to Nahal Avdat. The northern segment of the path was not preserved, but this secondary route probably connected between Avdat, the watchtower structure and the edifices in the ravine, continuing toward Kadesh-Barnea. In terms of rock art: the field team recorded up to 247 rock outcrops that contained c. 400 panels and 1891 petroglyphs (included in their entirety in the 2016 IMPART report). The Ramat Matred site is part of a continuum of rock art sites found in the Negev Highlands. While each site presents local characterizations, together these sites define the Negebite rock art tradition. In Ramat Matred, for example, there is a large number of petroglyphs of 69

Davida Eisenberg-Degen feet and sandals and a relatively large number of Thamudic and Arabic inscriptions, found in lower numbers throughout the Highlands. The rock art was made on stones with dark patina. Inquiring into whether the dark-faced patinated stones had a special significance, we observed that in several instances they were incorporated into the tomb structures. In only a few cases, the dark patinated stones were integrated into the upper course of the tomb frame, serving as a headstone and marker and in only one case these stones were engraved. Additional excavation of the tombs may help to date them and shed light on former populations of Ramat Matred and may indicate the relationship between the graves and the rock art and perhaps even expose new rock art. The following chapter goes into greater detail on the rock art surveyed at Ramat Matred. Summary Archaeological surveys conducted in the Negev have enabled researchers to tap into a wealth of data on a breadth of sites and their remains. The present survey in Ramat Matred is a highresolution survey within a limited geographic unit. The survey methods enabled a deeper examination of the rock art phenomenon and the settlement in the Negev over the past few millennia. Also, the survey contributed data that was not included in the previous survey undertaken in the region (Lender 1990). The few pottery sherds collected during the survey were dated to the late Byzantine and mostly to the Late Ottoman-modern periods. Most of the architectural remains cannot be dated with certainty. However, the inscriptions found at the site provide evidence of activity at the site periodically throughout the Roman and Early Islamic periods. The watchtower remains dated to the Roman - Byzantine period, while nearby features such as terraces and walls for diverting runoff are ascribed to the Byzantine and Early Islamic period. The burial ground appears to be from a later date but to determine its precise period will require further investigation. During the documentation of both the rock art and of other archaeological features, several sites were identified as areas in which further excavation could help to shed light on the date of specific petroglyphs.

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The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred Ifat Shezaf Survey framework Within the context of the IMPART study, the research field team, overseen by Ifat Shezaf, conducted a rock art survey at Ramat Matred to locate and document petroglyphs in a preselected area. The survey was conducted both for research purposes as well as a preliminary step for the preparation of a regional tourism management plan. The following section presents the findings from the rock art element of the archeological survey completed within this context. It reviews the physical and chronological data ascribed to the engravings and additional data that will assist in configuring future conservation and tourism management plans. This section also reviews the distribution of petroglyphs by type, engraving phase and rock patina color. The assembled data was entered into a digital database that can be applied

Figure 9.1. Map of the survey area

(Archaeopres 2022): 71–89

Ifat Shezaf

Figure 9.2. Map showing rock art and other archaeology on Ramat Matred

in future studies to provide insight into chronological, cultural and societal aspects of the rock art and hence the local populations in the region. The archeological survey was undertaken at Ramat Matred, an area of ca. 6 sq km and located c. 7 km southwest of Avdat. Ramat Matred is an elevated plateau with a height of 638 m above sea level (Figure 9.1). The designated area, covering a roughly 7-hectare spur was surveyed between January 2015 and June 2016. The rock engravings were located and photographed during an initial field inspection. Each photograph was taken with a north arrow and appropriate scales. Additional data was collected and recorded in detail using CyberTracker® software installed on tablets and smartphones. At the end of each survey day, data were entered into an electronic form that was created specifically to meet the requirements of this survey. In all, 1,891 engraved elements were documented on 400 panels of 247 rocks. These elements comprise 1,510 abstract images, 181 zoomorphic figures, 30 anthropomorphic figures— of which 19 are riding an animal—136 representations of foot and sandals imprints and 33 written inscriptions (see Eisenberg-Degen and Nash 2017). Abstract representations comprise approximately 80% of all surveyed elements (Figure 9.2). These motifs appear throughout all periods documented in the survey. Anthropomorphic figures make up nearly 1.5% of the elements, while zoomorphic depictions comprise 10% of them. Most identifiable animals are horned animals—most commonly ibexes (46% of all animal depictions). The second-most depicted animal is the camel (17%). Ibex and camel representations debut in the earliest 72

The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred

Figure 9.3. Superimposed petroglyphs with different patina shades

engraving phase, but their number decreases significantly in later petroglyphs. Another central motif in the Ramat Matred rock art is depictions of feet and sandals, making up 17% of all surveyed elements. A preliminary examination of the spatial distribution of the elements did not yield a clear distribution pattern. The rock art is evenly distributed across the entire spur. It is possible that upon closer scrutiny or via an additional survey covering a broader area, researchers will be able to unravel new distribution patterns. The information presented in this segment provides a basis for further, in-depth studies of the Negev rock art. The petroglyphs are engraved on rock panels. Most of the panels are dark, but some are found on exposed, light-colored, non-varnished rocks. Rock varnish, known as ‘patina’, is a thin coat that forms on rock surfaces in certain environmental conditions. Over time, the patina layer thickens and turns darker (Anati 1965). Sometimes, several types of varnish are found on a single rock outcrop (Dorn 2009, 2013). Most of the documented panels are coated with a dark patina and the engraving exposed the light color of the host rock. Approximately 10% of all engraved panels had a light color; some of these were found on non-varnished rocks or rocks covered by a reverse patina. The petroglyphs discovered on non-varnished outcrops are lightcolored similarly to the panels, while petroglyphs appearing on panels with reverse patina expose the dark coat of the earlier patina layer lying beneath the light-colored panel (Figure 9.3). Survey methodology These are the criteria followed during documenting the petroglyphs: 1. 2.

Documentation of rocks with petroglyphs: each rock was assigned a number and then located spatially and recorded using GPS to determine its coordinates. Documentation of rock panels with petroglyphs: each panel is considered a single ‘face’ of the rock. Only panels bearing petroglyphs were documented. The petroglyphs 73

Ifat Shezaf

3.

were given sub-numbers that included the number of the rock they belonged to. The recorded data included panel dimensions, rock patina color and the aspect of the panel. For the latter, we used a compass to determine the direction in which the panel was oriented, that is, north, northwest, northeast, west, east, south, southwest, or southeast. The slope gradient of the panel was measured in degrees using an inclination meter installed on a smartphone. Documenting single elements (the actual petroglyph): each petroglyph received a subnumber that included the numbers of the rock and panel it belonged to. The recorded data pertained to the element’s motif, its style, dimensions, color and relation to other petroglyphs on the panel. Additional collected data included the technique used to create the elements (engraving, scratching, pecking, smoothing and painting). The researchers also considered imagery that could help date the petroglyphs, suggesting a terminus post quem for their first appearance in the region. The superimposition of several petroglyphs is another chronological tool that the researchers used to gain insight into the relative dating. It is difficult, however, to estimate what time had passed between the creation of one petroglyph and the other, even when they are superimposed.

Categories of data collected in the survey are divided between those that related to rock art typology and to their relevance for tourism development and include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Time and date of data collection; Name of surveyor; Rock number; Location on the spur (peak, slope top, mid-slope or slope bottom); GPS coordinates; Number of decorated panels on surveyed rock; Is the rock integrated into an archaeological site? If so, what type? (tumuli, embankment, wall, other); Lighting conditions during documentation (sunny, cloudy); Panel number; Panel length; Panel width; Panel slope gradient; Panel aspect (north, northwest, northeast, west, east, south, southwest, southeast, none, facing up); Number of elements on the panel; Number of patina colors on the panel; Rock patina color (using Munsell Soil Guide); Panel visibility from 1 to 5 (1 = not visible, 5 = clearly visible); Degree of significance of panel for study from 1 to 5 (1 = low significance, 5 = unique significance); Panel’s risk level based on rock spalling from 1 to 5 (1 = low susceptibly, 5 = high susceptibility); Element number; Element length; Element width; 74

The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

Element patina color (using Munsell Soil Guide); Association between elements within the sphere of the rock art site; Element superimposition; Element engraving phase (based on superimposition and rock patina color; 1 = first engraving phase, 2 = second engraving phase, etc.); Element creation technique (engraving, scratching, pecking, smoothing and painting); Element motif (anthropomorphic figure; zoomorphic, such as ibex, camel, equid; abstract; inscription, foot/handprint) (e.g. Avner, Horwitz and Horowitz 2016; Eisenberg-Degen and Nash 2014); Element style (lines, contour, polygonal, three-dimensional, abstract); Element visibility degree from 1 to 5 (1 = hardly visible, 5 = clearly visible); and Comments.

Figure 9.4 Distribution of elements according to patina shades

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Ifat Shezaf

Figure 9.5 Petroglyphs from different periods superimposed upon one another

When setting the categories for documentation (See Appendix 1 for an example of petroglyph documentation during the survey), the researchers took several key criteria into consideration: physical data of the rock art; spatial data; data concerning chronology; and data pertaining to plans for conservation and tourism development. Physical data of the rock art The collected data referred to the dimensions of the panels (Nos. 10–13) and the petroglyphs (Numbers 21–22) provided data pertaining to chronology. Rock patina color (Numbers. 15, 16 and 23): The color of the rock patina was determined using the Munsell soil color chart no. 7.5 YR. Munsell charts specify colors by chroma, value and hue (Escadafal et al. 1989). They are often used in archaeological research to describe ceramic finds (Stanco et al. 2011) and in documenting rock art (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013). Patina color can be used as a tool for relative dating of rock art. Petroglyphs were created on limestone that had been covered by a dark-brown coat of patina. When making rock engravings, several techniques are used to remove part of the patina to expose the light-colored host rock: engraving, scratching, pecking, smoothing and painting. This creates contrast between the original color of a rock and the darker shade of its varnished face. With time, new patina forms over the exposed areas, and the petroglyph turns darker. Re-patination rates are affected by environmental conditions, specifically, sun exposure wind and precipitation. Factors of patina color are rock composition, petroglyph depth, panel aspect. It is therefore not possible to establish an absolute timeframe for the rock art based solely on color differences between the petroglyphs. We can, however, establish a relative chronology for several motifs appearing on a specific panel (Anati 1954, 1965, 1999). The petroglyph colors were divided into four color groups, following the classification system used for the Har Micha assemblage (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013). The earliest 76

The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred

Figure 9.6 Petroglyphs amid lichens, Ramat Matred

Figure 9.7 Map of distribution of petroglyphs by panel and element visibility

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Ifat Shezaf petroglyphs with the darkest rock patina compose Group 2.5/1–4/4. Group 7/1–7/8 contains the latest petroglyphs with the lightest rock patina colors. Group 4/6–5/4 and the latter Group 5/6–6/8 contain petroglyphs that are later than Group 2.5/1–4/4 and earlier than Group 7/1–7/8. Only Group 7/1–7/8 includes rocks with light-colored patina, while the other three groups comprise only rocks with dark-colored patina bearing light-colored petroglyphs. Figure 9.4 conveys the spatial distribution of the petroglyphs according to their patina-color groups. This is a useful tool for determining the relative dates of several elements on a single panel when one is superimposed over the other (Figure 9.5). Elements providing a terminus post quem (No. 28): Identifying inscriptions with the appearance of certain animal species and weaponry characterizing a specific period and a stylistic analysis of the database may help establish a chronological timeframe of the rock art (Anati 1999; Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013). That this, the appearance of some animal species in the rock art depictions may provide a terminus

Figure 9.8 Abstract element

Figure 9.9 Hunting scene depicting figure with bow, ibex and dogs

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Motif type

Engraving Patina phase shade

1 Abstract

797 (52.7%) Zoomorph 125 (69%) Anthropomorph 19 (63.3%)

% of assemblage (out of 1891 elements)

N=

Munsell YR 7.5 2 3 452 (29.9%) 45 (24.8%) 10 (33.3%)

4

201 (13.3%) 8 (4.4%) 1 (3.3%)

5

2.5/14/4 14 488 (0.9%) (32.3%) 1 107 (0.5%) (59.1%) 18 (60%)

46 (3%) 2 (1.1%)

4/6-5/4 5/66/8 317 534 (21%) (35.3%) 45 20 (24.8%) (11%) 7 5 (23.3%) (16.6%)

7/17/8 153 (10%) 3 (1.6%)

Lichen 18 1510 79.85% (1.2%) 6 181 9.57% (3.3%) 30 1.58%

Table 9.1. Distribution of petroglyphs by type, engraving phase and patina color

post quem for the petroglyphs. Donkeys were brought to the Negev as early as the Chalcolithic period or in the EB (Grigson 2012), while horses were introduced into the region between the MB II and the LB, becoming common during the course of the LB, and domesticated camels first appeared in the region in LB IIb becoming common in the Iron Age II (Sapir-Hen and BenYosef 2013). As for weapons, long swords were ubiquitous in the region between the LB and the Hellenistic period. They were then replaced with spears and round shields, which were in use during the Roman period (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013). Inscriptions are also quite valuable as a dating tool. Inscriptions in several languages and dialects can be found throughout the Negev. Examples include: Thamudic inscriptions from the first and second centuries BCE, Nabataean inscriptions dating to the second half of the 4th Zoomorphic

Ibex (ibex, oryx and horned animal) Camel Equid Dog (dog and predator) Other (animal, ostrich, snake)

Engraving Patina N= phase color Munsell YR 7.5 1 2 3

% of assemblage 4

59 (71.08%)

21 1 (25.3%) (1.2%)

1 (1.2%)

12 (40%) 5 (71.42%) 5 (71.42%)

13 (43.33%) 1 (14.28%) 2 (28.57%)

44 (80%)

8 1 1 (14.81%) (1.85%) (1.85%)

5

2.5/1- 4/6-5/4 5/6-6/8 4/4 1 52 21 5 (1.2%) (62.65%) (25.3%) (6.02%)

5 (16.66%) 1 (14.28%)

13 (43.33%) 1 (14.28%) 5 (71.42%)

11 (36.66%) 2 (28.57%) 2 (28.57%)

7/1Lichen 7/8 2 3 (2.4%) (3.6%)

6 (20%) 1 (14.28%)

36 9 8 1 (66.66%) (16.66%) (14.81%) (1.85%)

181 83

45.85%

30

16.57%

3 7 (42.85%) 7 54

3.86% 3.86% 29.83%

Table 9.2 Distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs by species, engraving phase and patina color

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Ifat Shezaf century AD, and Arabic inscriptions dating to the 7th century AD onward (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013). Data pertaining to plans for conservation, tourism management and development (Nos. 4, 7, 17–19 and 30) This set of criteria pertains directly to the development plans for the spur, which include charting a hiking trail passing through this area. Petroglyphs could be chosen for conservation based on several factors: (1) the significance of a petroglyph for further research (2) the touristic attention that it draws; and (3) the risk level of a given panel. Risk levels are assessed according to factors such as cracks in the rock, spalling, or the presence of lichen (Figure 9.6). Furthermore, exposing a rock art panel to a wide or rotating audience increases its chances of being damaged. The degree of visibility of a certain element by someone on the hiking trail is likewise relevant to its touristic attractiveness and risk level. Some petroglyphs may be significant to researcher but are hardly noticeable or barely visible and will, therefore, can be unappealing to the tourist. The integration of this database will affect the charting of the hiking trail and the choice of visible panels for conservation. It is important to maintain a balance between conservation and development. The aim is to make interesting, clearly visible and decipherable elements accessible to the tourist. At the same time, it is crucial to consider the significance of these panels for researchers and the risk they run from their exposure to natural and human damage. Figure 9.7 presents the spatial distribution of the petroglyphs based on a combination of panel visibility and the visibility of the engraved element. We applied a 1-5 scale to sum up the interest level awarded to each surveyed element based on visibility criteria (degree of panel visibility + degree of element visibility). The sums ranged between 2 and 10, with 2 representing the lowest visibility of the panel and the element and 10 representing the highest visibility. The red-dot clusters on the distribution map present concentrations of highly visible panels and elements that should be considered when planning a tourist-oriented hiking trail. Several possible analyses of the collected data were based on compiling several combined factors: the distribution of petroglyphs by type, animals appearing in the rock art, the techniques used to create the petroglyphs, the petroglyph distribution by engraving phase on the panel and the patina color of the elements. Distribution of petroglyphs by type, engraving phase and rock patina color Table 9.1 presents information on petroglyphs by engraving phase and patina color and classifies them according to petroglyph type (abstract, zoomorphic, anthropomorphic). The five engraving phases (1–5), from earliest to latest, are relative to one another in a specific panel, and cannot be ascribed to a particular activity phase found in the surveyed region. The petroglyphs can be divided into three main categories: abstract (depicting no identifiable object or human and animal forms; Figure 9.8), anthropomorphic and zoomorphic images (Figure 9.9). In general, the number of elements decreases in later engraving phases. Since most panels display only 1–3 engraving phases, the overall number of elements ascribed to Phases 4–5 is lower anyway. Nevertheless, a decline in the number of elements from Phase 3 to 2 and from 2 to 1 is still notable. Most elements on the panels belong to the first phase. Thirty 80

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Figure 9.10 Human figure in an orant position below a group of ibex that from their shade appear to be from a different period; to the right of the panel a hunter is depicted riding on the back of an animal, presumably, from its size and shape, a horse

percent of the elements were added as a second phase on those panels. Notable is a steep decline in the number of elements from the third engraving phase on the panels onward, to which a number of elements exist. Abstract petroglyphs In all, 1510 non-figurative or abstract petroglyphs were documented in Ramat Matred, comprising nearly 80% of all surveyed elements (Table 9.2). The designs composed of repeated elements, such as line combinations, cross-hatching, parallel lines and polygons. As mentioned, there was a decline in the number of elements in later phases. The researchers identified three engraving phases on most panels, with a decline in the number of elements between Phases 1 and 3. Most abstract elements (52.7%) appear in the first identifiable phases on the panels. It is possible that there were earlier petroglyphs on these panels that can no longer be identified today. Approximately 30% of the abstract elements were added in the second phase, and 13% were engraved in the third phase. Only 4% of the abstract elements appear in the fourth and fifth phases. The abstract petroglyphs with the darkest shade (Group 2.5/1–4/4) comprise ca. 32% of all abstract elements and are probably the earliest surveyed petroglyphs. The percentage of all abstract elements found in the third color group (5/6–6/8) is nearly identical (35%). These numbers may attest to intense activity during the periods represented by these patina colors in comparison to periods represented by other colors. The distribution of elements by patina color is presented in Figure 9.4 above. At this point, it is difficult to date the period of intensive activity. The percentage of abstract petroglyphs belonging to the first engraving phase is higher than the percentage belonging to the darkest patina group. This means that based on petroglyph color during different periods, unmarked panels were preferred to those that had already been engraved. There is a decline in the percentage and number of abstract elements in the petroglyphs belonging to the second color group (4/6–5/4); they comprise only 21% of all 81

Ifat Shezaf abstract elements. This trend does not continue. Instead, there is an increase in the percentage and number of abstract elements in the subsequent period, represented by the third color group (7/1–7/8). This group makes up 10% of all abstract elements and represents a younger phase than other color groups. Approximately 1% of the abstract elements were covered by lichen, making it impossible to determine their patina color.

Figure 9.11 Distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs by species

The abstract element documented at Ramat Matred present similar trends to those documented at Har Michia. At both sites abstract elements comprise over 80% of the assemblage. Likewise both sites presented a peak of abstract motifs in the 5/6-6/8 patina group and a drop in the later, lighter 7/17/8 color range (Eisenberg-Degen 2012: 96). The fact that over half of the abstract elements at Ramat Matred are in the first engraving phase, stands in contrast to the Har Michia data where the number of abstract elements increases over the first three

Figure 9.12 Breakdown of frequency of zoomorphic images by category

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Figure 9.13 Petroglyph of ibex with various horn lengths

engraving phases. These differences seem to stem from different preferences of the mark makers. Those at Ramat Matred preferred unmarked rock surfaces while those at Har Michia seemed to choose to mark panels bearing rock art. Anthropomorphic representations Anthropomorphic images make up about 1.5% of all surveyed elements. Human figures are depicted standing or riding on the back of an animal (horse or camel) wherein some figures wield weapons, such as a bow or a spear. None of the figures have gender characterizations (Figure 9.10). Most anthropomorphic representations appear in the first engraving phases (63.3%). There is a sharp decline in the number of human figures in the subsequent phases, with only ca. 33% of

Figure 9.14 Petroglyph showing a rider with bow and arrow riding atop a camel

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Figure 9.15 Petroglyph of hunter atop a horse; a second, more abstract, horse is depicted above, while below is an Arabic inscription, possibly from the same period

these elements belonging to the second phase and a mere 3.3% in later phases. A similar trend is noted for the distribution of anthropomorphic representations among the different color groups. Approximately 60% of all anthropomorphic representations appear in the first color group, only ca. 23% in the second color group and the remaining 16% in the third color group. A similar trend is noticed for the group of zoomorphic elements; but since there are relatively few zoomorphic images, the sample size is too small to allow a more detailed comparison. Zoomorphic representations Zoomorphic images make up ca. 10% of all petroglyphs. This group includes representations of ibexes and other horned animals, unidentifiable animals, camels, equids, predators, ostriches and others. A detailed breakdown of this image group into representations of different species is discussed below. The decline in the number of zoomorphic petroglyphs is evident from the second phase onward. Most animal images (69%) appear in the first engraving phase on the panels. Most other images (ca. 25%) appear in the second engraving phase. The same trend is notable in the appearance of zoomorphic elements in the color groups. About 60% of them appear in the early, darkest color group (2.5/1–4.4) and 25% of them appear in the second group (4/6–5/4). It seems that for the zoomorphic group there is a correlation between the distribution of elements among the engraving phases and their distribution among the color groups. Most zoomorphic representations are attributed to the early engraving phase. Distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs by species, engraving phase and patina color Table 9.2 (mentioned above) summarizes the data on zoomorphic petroglyphs, which comprise ca. 10% of all petroglyphs in the survey area. In this table, similar to what is shown in Table 9.1, the data are presented according to the engraving phase, patina shade and the species of the depicted animal (ibex, camel, equid, dog or another zoomorphic form). The animals were divided into five categories; their distribution is shown in Figure 9.11 and Figure 9.12. 

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Figure 9.16 Petroglyph depicting a dog chasing an ibex in a hunting scene

The Ibex Group (Capra nubiana) The Ibex Group comprises ca. 46% of all surveyed zoomorphic petroglyphs. It also includes elements that were identified as antelopes (Oryx) and several horned animals that could not be identified with certainty (Figure 9.13). There is a clear decline in the appearance of these elements in the shift from one engraving phase to the next. Most of the ibex petroglyphs (ca. 72%) appear in the first engraving phase and ca. 25% in the second phase. These representations nearly disappear in Phases 3–5, each containing less than 1% of all Ibex Group representations. A similar trend is noted in the distribution of ibex representations among the zoomorphic elements in the different patina color groups. About 63% of them appear in the early, darkest color group (2.5/1–4.4), 25% of them appear in the subsequent group and there are only few, in the light-color groups, comprising only 2–6% of all zoomorphic elements in these phases. These data follow a distribution pattern that is similar to the overall distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs among the entire petroglyph assemblage (see Table 9.1).

Figure 9.17 Petroglyph of ostrich; the dark patina suggests it is from the first engraving phase

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Figure 9.18 Petroglyph of foot

The Camel Group (Camelus dromedarius) The Camel Group comprises ca. 17% of all surveyed zoomorphic petroglyphs. The majority of camel representations divides, in equal parts, between the first and second engraving phases (ca. 41–43% in each phase), and only ca. 17% of the representations appear on panels in the third engraving phase. There are no camel images in later phases. There is a similar decline in the number of camel petroglyphs between the patina color groups. About 43% of all camel images belong to the darkest color group (2.5/1–4/4); ca. 37% to subsequent color group (4/6–5/4); and 20% to the third color group (5/6–6/8). There are no camel images in the lightest color group (7/1–7/8) (Figure 9.14). Figure 9.19 Map of spatial distribution of hand and foot petroglyphs

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The majority of ibex and camel petroglyphs appear in the first two engraving phases on the panels and in the two darkest

The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred

Table 9.3. Quantified distribution of zoomorphic petroglyphs based on motif and engraving technique

patina color groups (2.5/1–5/4). These dates place the ibex and camel representations in the earliest rock art phase in the surveyed area in Ramat Matred. Some of the animals that are depicted provide a terminus post quem for the petroglyph assemblage. For example, the domestication of the camel was completed in the LB IIb, when it was introduced into the Negev. It became common in the Iron Age II. (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013). Based on this data, the ibexes and camels appear in the earliest engraving phase at some point after the Late Bronze Age, as signified by dark patina colors and first two engraving phases. A small number of panels can be dated to an early stage of the Iron Age when the camel became prevalent in the Negev region. The Equid Group The Equid Group comprises ca. 4% of all surveyed zoomorphic petroglyphs. The majority of the horse and donkey representations appear in the first engraving phases (ca. 72%), and only ca. 15% appear in the second and third engraving phases. About 14% of all equid images belong to the darkest patina color group (2.5/1–4/4); ca. 29% to the subsequent color group (4/6–5/4); and an additional 14% to the third color group (5/6–6/8). It is notable that ca. 43% of these petroglyphs are covered by lichen, so it is difficult to determine their color. Additionally, this group contains only seven elements, and since it is difficult to collect information on color for nearly half of them, it is impossible to deduce a clear trend from the data (Figure 9.15). Dog and Predator Group (Canis lupus familiaris) This group comprises ca. 4% of all surveyed zoomorphic petroglyphs. The distribution data for engraving phases and patina color groups are identical. About 72% of the dog and predator representations appear in the first engraving phase, and the same percentage appears in the dark patina color group (2.5/1–4/4). About 29% of these representations appear in the second engraving phase, and the same percentage appears in the second-darkest patina color group (4/6–5/4) (Figure 9.16). This group also comprises a small number of elements, but their dark patina colors and the fact that they appear on panels with superimposed elements are evidence that these depictions are not from the later periods represented elsewhere in the region. 87

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Figure 9.20. IMPART personnel conducting the rock art survey on Ramat Matred

‘Other’ Group This group includes either zoomorphic representations that could not be identified as specific species or other unique animal images depicting one or more specimens (ostrich, snake) (Figure 9.17). ‘Others’ comprise 30% of all zoomorphic elements found in the surveyed area. A majority of these appear in the first engraving phase on the panels (80%); about 15% appear in the second engraving phase, and only 4% appear in Phases 3–4. Most petroglyphs (ca. 67%) belong to the dark patina color group (2.5/1–4/4); about 17% belong to a second-darkest group; ca. 15% to the third color group; and the remaining ca. 2% to the lightest color group (7/1–7/8) (Figure 9.12). In terms of geography, the researchers were unable to identify overall or specific spatial distribution patterns of zoomorphic petroglyphs in the surveyed area. Rather, elements belonging to the Ibex and Camel Groups, composing the vast majority of animal images, were strewn across the terrain. Hand and foot petroglyphs In all, 133 petroglyphs depicting feet and sandals and 2 depicting hands were documented in the Ramat Matred survey (Figure 9.18). Feet depictions comprise ca. 7% of all surveyed elements, that is, a significant part of the petroglyphs. In comparison to other petroglyph types, the number of feet is more than double the number of the Ibex Group. The geographic distribution of the hand and foot petroglyphs is similar to the general distribution of all petroglyphs across the spur (Figure 9.19). Two hand representations appearing on two separate rock outcrops on the center of the spur are unique finds in the surveyed area. A comparison of data on abstract petroglyphs and zoomorphic petroglyphs indicates that while most animal figures were engraved in early phases, and their number declined considerably in later phases, abstract representations occur throughout the time periods, and the decline in their appearance is not as significant. Similar trends were noted at Har Michia 88

The Rock Art and Archaeological Surveys at Ramat Matred (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013). Differences were also seen in the slightly lower percentage of anthropomorphs than those documented at Har Michia (1.5% vs 2.7) and a noticeably large assemblage of foot and sandal prints (7% vs. less than 1%). Distribution of petroglyphs by motif and engraving technique Overall, the petroglyphs we surveyed may be categorized by motif (abstract, zoomorphic, anthropomorphic) and engraving techniques (pecking, engraving, scratching and smoothing). Of the 1510 abstract petroglyphs, ca. 91% were created by pecking, ca. 2.5% by engraving, ca. 6% by scratching and only ca. 0.5% by smoothing. Most petroglyphs created by scratching are abstract. They are not deeply engraved and are likely relatively new, suggesting they will soon erode and disappear, as opposed to deeper petroglyphs created by pecking or engraving. Table 9.3 visualizes the quantified distribution of the zoomorphic motifs and engraving styles. Summary The Ramat Matred rock art survey was undertaken over the course of 37 days between January 2015 and June 2016 (Figure 9.20). Its purpose was to create a database both for research purposes and in preparation for creating a regional rock art conservation management plan. In all, 1891 engraved elements were documented on 400 panels amid 247 rock outcrops. These elements comprise abstract images, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figures, some of which are depicted riding animals, and representations of feet and sandals and written inscriptions. Abstract representations comprise ca. 80% of all surveyed elements. These motifs appear throughout all periods that were documented in the survey. Anthropomorphic figures make up ca. 1.5% of the elements, while zoomorphic depictions comprise ca. 10%. Most identifiable animals are horned animals, with ibexes being the most common (46% of all animal depictions) and the camel the second most depicted animal (17%). Ibex and camel representations debut in the earliest engraving phase, but their number decreases significantly in later petroglyphs. Other central motifs in the Ramat Matred rock art complex include depictions of feet and sandals that comprise 17% of all surveyed elements. A preliminary examination of the spatial distribution of the elements did not yield a clear distribution pattern, but rather they appear to be evenly distributed across the entire spur. A closer examination or an additional survey covering a broader area may reveal more specific distribution patterns. The overwhelming majority of the petroglyphs were created using the pecking technique, which persisted throughout the various rock art periods. The database includes information on the rock art that pertains to their degrees of touristic attractiveness, susceptibility  to damage, visibility of the petroglyphs and their integration with other existing archaeological remains. The data regarding the visual accessibility of panels and the visibility of elements are presented in a map showing the combined degrees of visibility of panels and elements across the spur. The map can be applied as a basis for designing hiking trails for visitors. Other factors that must be considered are the historical significance of the elements, their apparent degrees of distinction and their susceptibility to both potential human and environmental damage. The survey presents the state of the rock art in Ramat Matred to date, data which can be compared and contrasted with previous studies as well as applied both for continued/future research of Negev rock art. 89

Chapter 10

GIS Visualization of the IMPART Surveys (Figures 10.1 to 10.10) Eli Cohen-Sasson As part of the IMPART project, a Geographic Information System (GIS) initiative was employed to gather all relevant archaeological and cultural heritage data to better understand the development of those areas of the Negev where rock art is present. Clearly, rock art is not in isolation. A GIS is a  computer-based  information system that is designed to work with data referenced by spatial or geographic coordinates (Star and Estes 1990). GIS enables the building of maps that can be layered to enable comparisons of various data sets (Wienhold and Robinson, 2018).

Figure 10.1. IMPART project area with roads and settlements layers

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GIS Visualization of the IMPART Surveys (Figures 10.1 to 10.10) A GIS specialist was employed by the IMPART team to craft project-specific maps that allowed the processing and analysis of the data they assembled during their fieldwork. The following maps, therefore, offer a visualized rendering of the project findings discussed in this monograph. The mapping depicts the diverse elements (human settlements, firingranges, national parks, archaeological sites, rock art clusters, Bedouin encampments) found within the IMPART project research area. Combining the various layers together on both separate and ultimately a single map enabled the team – and, in turn, regional planners and especially tourism developers – to better comprehend the synergy between them, as well as the potential strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats the diverse components contain for the future development and valorization of rock art tourism in the region. Of interest to the archaeologist and cultural heritage professionals was the various mapping layers that showed the dispersal of archaeological sites based upon chronology. Many sites from various chronologies appeared to be clustered in distinct groups, some showing evidence of near-continuous use over a 6,000-year period. In terms of the rock art, specialists had in many cases identified that at least three distinct chronological phases were present within certain clusters. Similar chronological clusters were also identified around settlements.

Figure 10.2. IMPART project area with roads, town settlements and independent farms layers

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Figure 10.3. IMPART project area with roads, town settlements and Bedouin encampment layers

Figure 10.4. IMPART project area with roads, town settlements, independent farms and Bedouin encampments layers

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GIS Visualization of the IMPART Surveys (Figures 10.1 to 10.10)

Figure 10.5. IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves

Figure 10.6. IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves and Jewish National Fund (KKL) parks

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Figure 10.7. IMPART project area with Israeli Defence Force (IDF) firing zones

Figure 10.8. IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves and Jewish National Fund (KKL) parks and official Israel Antiquities Authority sites

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GIS Visualization of the IMPART Surveys (Figures 10.1 to 10.10)

Figure 10.9. IMPART project area with Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves (green), IDF firing zones (red), and concentrations of Negev rock art (blue)

Figure 10.10. Map depicting the complexity of the landscape in the general Negev rock art area that is surrounded with settlements (yellow), independent farms (dark green), Bedouin encampments (black), Israeli National Park Authority nature reserves (light green) and IDF firing zones (red).

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Part III Findings, Conclusions and Recommendations

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Chapter 11

Conclusions IMPART Promoting heritage-based tourism in the Negev This chapter summarizes the core findings of the correlated research activities conducted by the IMPART team and their commissioned associates. As with the rest of the world, in Israel there has been a recent upturn in tourism. While the economic profit from travel and tourism and the swell in the number of tourist arrivals has increased annually, it is interesting to note that since 2000, the percentage that the tourism industry contributes to the GDP has slowly decreased. Based on national statistics, tourist numbers are highest in April, May and October with an average stay being around eight days. The primary source markets are North America, France and Russia with the majority of incoming tourists visiting Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. In the Southern district that is characterized by the desert, the most important touristic city is Be’er Sheva, in which international tourists represent 33% of all visitors, and Eilat that is frequented mainly by Israelis (86%). The Key Informant Interviews related to the central Negev sites in the Negev Highlands (Avdat, Sde Boker and Mitzpe Ramon) as one overarching tourism region. The informants provided researchers with primary, up-to-date information that was then collated in a SWOT analysis to enable a more comprehensive understanding of the multiple aspects involved in establishing the area as a cohesive tourist destination (Collins-Kreiner and Wall, 2007). The most frequent asset mentioned by the respondents is the desert itself, which is linked to nature, outdoor activities and social wellbeing. The importance of cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible, was stressed by many keyinformants, as well as the connection between cultural heritage and local communities, that is particularly important in the Negev due to the presence of Bedouin communities with a strong cultural attachment to the indigenous desert environment (e.g. Eisenberg-Degen, Nash and Schmidt 2018). Localized versions of outdoor and cultural tourism are fitting for further development, while large scale, hotel-driven over-development and the ongoing threat of regional armed conflict are the principal threats. Key-informants consider bureaucracy, the lack of support from public authorities and the secondary-level market promotion of the Negev towards international visitors to be the major weaknesses or obstacles currently hindering successful local tourism development. From the benchmark analysis, carried out on twelve rock art sites, two management models emerged: The Archaeological Site model and the Natural Park model. In the first, the archaeological heritage is the main resource and there is a relationship between open-air rock art sites and tourist infrastructure. The visitor center is the main feature of the model and the best way to reach it is by private car. Following the visitor center, it is usually possible to

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IMPART walk or drive to the site or the center will provide suitable transportation. In the Natural Park model, protection extends from the archaeological property to the environment and nature areas that are all considered part of the overall experience. They can usually be reached only by private car and it is often recommended a four-wheel drive vehicle. Another important aspect is the integration of community engagement in local environmental protection. This important aspect of managing a park area can range from litter pick-up events to site monitoring. Based on the fieldwork and the insights garnered in the interviews, we can say that the more suitable management model for the Negev Highlands and Mitzpe Ramon in particular is the second one – the Natural Park model – due to the primary importance of the context – the natural and environmental aspects. It emerges that most tourists visit Mitzpe Ramon on holiday, a clear indicator that confirms that the natural park model is the more suitable one for the region. However, the number of visitors that are traveling for work or study is relatively high and they appear to be more interested in cultural heritage and rock art. As identified in the IMPART study, the typical profile of this tourist is someone under 40, more probably a student or a teacher, that travels in an organized group and stays for more than one week. Tourists interested in cultural heritage could represent a very apt niche market for the development of rock art sites. Promoting tourism in the Negev with rock art This section of the IMPART study sought to examine the possibility of using rock art sites for tourism purposes. From this study, the main questions raised were (1) whether the rock art sites should be turned into tourism sites and (2) if so, in what capacity? The following are the results of the ethnographic inquiries and several suggested alternatives for future development. The researchers found that there is an argument against the establishment of regional rock art tourism. • Forgoing the establishment of a rock art tourist site allows for continued research of the petroglyphs without interruption by visitors; • The absence of an overall narrative for the various petroglyphs and the fact that they cannot be associated with a specific cultural heritage are major disadvantages for an archaeological-based tourism site, especially when considering other significant sites in the region that are rich in historical detail and cultural heritage; Rock art sites don’t offer much diversity. Visitors feel fulfilled after seeing a number of panels and don’t find the need to continue to another rock art site to “see more of the same”. • Many tourists visiting in the area are unaware of the existence of petroglyphs in the Negev Highlands; • In terms of security issues and political facets of valorizing the regional rock art, most petroglyphs are located in or close to military zones where civilian access is denied; • There is also a reluctance of the local Bedouin population to participate in, or cooperate with, current and future plans to establish rock art tourism; and

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Conclusions • Other factors that may weigh against creating a tourist site are climatic conditions. The intense heat in the summer in the Negev is a significant obstacle for attracting tourists to the region. Researchers considered the effect of establishing a large, publicly managed rock art tourism site, concluding that. • Rock art tourism for both scientific as well as touristic purposes is on the rise in many countries and there seems to be an opportunity for its development in the Negev; • A tourism infrastructure including a broad range of facilities exists in the region already – from family farms, low-price hostels to mid-priced and luxury hotels – facilitating the accommodation of all types of guests; • The emerging strand of alternative ecotourism in the bountiful natural environment of the Negev Highlands fits well with the character of rock art tourism which generally attracts tourists interested in outdoor pursuits; and • The sustainable management of one large site may better enable the conservation of the petroglyphs in other sites that are dispersed throughout the entire region. Weighing the pros and cons of establishing a rock art site is not a simple task. While this socalled art lacks at present an accepted scholarly narrative, its mystery is its allure and the fact that much of it remains undeciphered may perhaps be a bonus. Although tourism in the Negev is increasing, it is still not extensive enough to justify the opening of a large rock art tourist park. Another aspect that must be considered is the ongoing archaeological study of artifacts which seeks to arrive at a more definitive typology and period of the imagery. Based on these salient points, a third option is therefore suggested: Establishing an experimental touristic site for a limited audience. • The site would retain its scientific-archaeological character and allow visitors to take part in the ongoing study of rock art. • It is anticipated that this format will encourage awareness of Negev rock art and, in doing so, Negev rock art can become an iconic feature in the branding of the Negev Highlands regional tourism network. • Maintaining archaeological research at a given rock art site may aid to develop other sorts of scientific-based heritage tourism in the region. • To encourage educational authorities to engage students (at all ages) in this unique cultural heritage. Arguably, the earliest rock art, dating to at least 3,000 BCE, is an ideal starting point to understand the fauna and its relationship with modern humans and the environment in which both had to cohabit. An additional option is to not necessarily develop rock art tourism at all, but rather employ some of the local rock art images as a symbol that can then be integrated into the marketing of various attractions in the Negev Highlands, as well as the touristic branding of the entire region. Incorporating some of the more attractive petroglyph images into local area marketing tools such as brochures, websites and souvenirs may contribute to the attractiveness of the region and promote its touristic potential (e.g. Figure 11.1). This option regards rock art as a 101

IMPART complementary product with graphic qualities that can be used to support touristic branding, evoked the interest of many regional tourism industry stakeholders. Within this context, two suggestions emerged that could aid the iconic promotion of the region. 1. Rock art replicas could be one way to compliment and help promote the area while protecting and conserving the rock art as well as avoiding unnecessary administrative complications. Rock art replicas are created by using high-resolution digital scanning devices that are then applied to form molds and ultimately highly authentic replicas of rock art panels. Already in use at key rock art tourism Figure 11.1. The recognizable logo of the sites throughout the world, replicas are a way Negev Rock Art Center, 2014 of introducing regional tourists to the local rock art treasures without putting the actual rock art at risk nor taking the tourists out of their way. In this instance, the replicas serve as artifacts to embellish already existing tourist sites. When choosing which panels should become rock art replicas, the researchers suggest considering their particular attractiveness for tourists to the region, a composite of attributes identified by the IMPART archaeologists during their survey at Ramat Matred (Figure 11.2). Replicas can be distributed at various tourism sites (e.g. campgrounds, visitor centers, hiking trails, information kiosks, commercial hubs) throughout the area and so lend unified visual form to local tourism promotion efforts.]

Figure 11.2. Conducting Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) within the context of IMPART research in the Negev Highlands

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Conclusions Rock art sites can also be accessed via augmented reality. Using an installed mobile phone App, tourists can be guided to rock art sites and at the same time be diverted from those sites that are considered sensitive. 2.

Another way to solidify the stature of Negev rock art in the overall promotion of Negev Highland tourism is through the pursuit of a recognized regional rock art typology. The characteristic methods of application and recurring imagery found in ‘Negebite’ rock art are located – and presently being studied – in much of the contiguous geographical area including Egypt, Jordan, the Sinai and Arabian deserts and beyond (Anati 2001; Corbett 2011;  Hilden 1991, 2010;  Khan 2000). Inter-regional collaboration among researchers may lead to identifying an underlying area-wide rock art narrative, or more likely, several intersecting sub-narratives. Regional cooperation on the study of rock art can likewise yield insights into other associated facets of local social history and cultural heritage. This approach could be further broadened to be adopted by international organizations outside the regional sphere and so be included within the Spanish-based International Association “Prehistoric Rock Art Trails (abbreviated to CARP) organization. CARP is a non-profit-making organization and was founded in 2007 and is incorporated within the Cultural Route of the Council of Europe. In terms of rock art, CARP manages a number of prehistoric rock art trails in Azerbaijan, France, Italy, Portugal and Spain and has associations with rock art organizations in England, Ireland, Norway and Wales.

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Recommendations Joshua Schmidt and IMPART Guidelines for fostering sustainable Negev rock art tourism In December 2016, the IMPART team held a dissemination seminar in Mitzpe Ramon with the title of ‘Integrating the public-private sectors for the successful planning, conservation and management of rock art tourism development in the Negev’ (the flier is found in Appendix B). The seminar aimed to present the principal findings and research results from the IMPART study to various professionals who work within the public and private sectors and then discuss ways for integrating the diverse parties in the future planning, conservation and management of rock art tourism development in the Negev. The meeting was open to the public and included the Italian and Israeli IMPART team members, a host of invited attendees from the Israeli Ministry of Science, the science attaché of the Embassy of Italy, academics and international experts in rock art as well as representatives from the Israeli Antiquities Authority, the Ramat Negev Regional Council, the Mitzpe Ramon local municipality, the Israel Government Tourism Corporation, the Negev Highlands Tourism Board, the Authority for Development and Settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev, the National Parks Authority and a host of regional tourism operators, some of whom had previously participated in the study as informants and interviewees (Figure 12.1). The academic forum and panel debate were preceded by a field-outing to the Ramat Matred rock art site where IMPART archaeologists gave a tour of the survey area and explained their main findings and some of the insights that emerged from their fieldwork. Afterward, the

Figure 12.1 International rock art scholar delivers a presentation at the IMPART symposium in December 2016

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Recommendations participants reconvened in Mitzpe Ramon and participated in two symposium sessions. In the first of these sessions, the IMPART team presented its findings relating to the overall thesis question ‘should we and how can we conserve and develop rock art in the Negev?’ The second session featured a panel discussion. To facilitate the debate and ensure that the diverse public and private panel delegates were up to date with the IMPART study and the main insights derived from the data, prior to the symposium the IMPART team circulated a summary of their findings together with a list of topics to be discussed during the symposium. The delegates were asked to relate to their vision for the conservation of Negev rock art versus its development; the current stance and potential future role for the authority that they represent concerning the management and development of rock art in the Negev; how specifically could their organization contribute to the success of this undertaking; and if they thought there was a need for another rock art park beyond what is being developed in Har Michia? The panel discussion featured representatives from public sector organizations who are active in the fields associated with rock art and tourism development. The panel members discussed ‘conservation vs. development of Negev rock art’ and ‘the need, stance and role the various authorities can take towards the successful management and development of rock art tourism in the Negev’. The debates were focused around four prospective scenarios for the management of Negev rock art: public/public-private/full private/pause development in favor of additional research. In all instances, the development or use of Negev rock art must adhere to guidelines set by the Israel Antiquities Authority. Relating to these diverse management scenarios, the IMPART researchers offered five guidelines for fostering sustainable Negev rock art conservation, preservation and tourism development. • Conceptually: The absence of a precise narrative and/or knowledge of the historical role of Negev rock art lends tourism developers, promoters and local operators leeway to create storylines that show the development of a single rock art narrative that historically and archaeologically accurate and up-to-date. • Administratively: Ineffective cooperation among the central public and private stakeholders stymies successful regional development. Large scale rock art tourism development will likely be destructive in terms of environmental sustainability and further scientific research. • Scientifically: A small scale site combining archeological research and tourism could serve as an initial pilot for determining specific best practices for future rock art tourism development. Visitors to the field gain a participatory experience by being exposed to genuine research questions, issues and dilemmas; these can be delivered through the various guides, written literature or through digital sources such as augmented reality. • Ethics: Due to the politically charged nature of the region, all conservation plans must adhere to an ethical code that is universally accepted across the major rock areas of the world, with the Negev rock art tradition being one such area. Particular emphasis should be placed on the living traditions of the Bedouin and their rock art narratives (Figure 12.2). • Functionally: The uncertain origins of Negev rock art embody a desert mystique; its distinct iconic visual component may be employed for cultivating local identity and destination branding for regional tourism activities. Shared iconography will also help 105

Joshua Schmidt and IMPART Figure 12.2. Unrecognized Bedouin encampment situated below a spur containing Negev rock art; Symposium delegates discussed the past connection the Bedouin have with Negev rock art traditions and conceivable ways to gainfully integrate these communities into forthcoming development within the region.

unite diverse stakeholders whose common interest is the sensible – environmentally, economically and socially sustainable – development of this exceptional cultural heritage resource. Envisioning four potential development scenarios Following the symposium, the IMPART team reconvened to summarize the event and discuss their conclusions. The findings from the combined anthropological, archaeological, ethnographic, environmental and tourism research suggest that the future development and valorization of the Negev rock art can be divided into four potential scenarios: 1. 2.

3.

4.

Limited development through the public management of the rock art to be carried out by the National Parks Authority (INPA): The option of creating a Nature Reserve entails a more limiting statutory arrangement which will feasibly encumber upon working relations with the IDF, the local Bedouin populations and may also clash with ongoing and future tourism development schemes. As such, and within this context, it appears that the best option would be for the INPA to create a National Park whose statutory requirements are less administratively constricting and therefore more inclusionary in terms of the needs of local populations and the various public administrations involved with the day-to-day running of the Negev region. Wide-scale development through the formation of a public-private partnership managed by the Ramat Negev Regional Council/Mitzpe Ramon Local Council (the public component) and supported by an array of private tourism operators (local and incoming): This option would presumably integrate the private sector, local tourism operators, as well as the local Bedouin populations who could conceivably earn a living from employment within the park while also ensuring that it maintains a localized, authentic, character. The downside of this option is that at present it remains uncertain the degree that the public sector, that is the Mitzpe Ramon local authority 106

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5. 6.

7.

and Ramat Negev regional council, is equipped to plan, supervise and gainfully manage a sustainable and functioning rock art park. No development by pausing all future development in favor of continued research pertaining to Negev rock art while also setting in place viable best practices for its sustainable conservation: Especially favored by the Israeli Antiquities Authority, this option would enable researchers to continue studying and cataloging Negev rock art while also allowing for its tightly organized and closely managed exposure to tourists. That is, the Negev rock art sites would be administered by the researchers with visitors/tourists gaining access to the sites only through controlled participatory visits. This manner of ‘archaeological tourism’ has a successful precedent in, for example, the City of David in Jerusalem where a similarly sensitive archaeological site continues to be studied by researchers that are aided in their undertakings by keen visitors who gain exposure to the site and the latest findings by sharing in the ongoing and often tedious, survey work. Large scale development through 100% private development This option will in all likelihood never come to fore as regional development is rooted in and dependent upon the cooperation of the public sector. Moreover, as illustrated in our findings, it is unclear if rock art tourism, particularly within its current jumbled administrative condition, is a profitable undertaking. Moreover, there would always be the requirement for control-through-monitoring of the sustainability of private development.

Five key factors to keep in mind for future planning In summary, the ­seminal points to emerge from combining the archaeological and the tourism components of the IMPART research may be divided accordingly to comprise five overall suggestions:  1. 2.

Operatively: In all instances of development, planning and management will adhere to guidelines set by the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA). Conceptually: There is no clear narrative and no specific story to connect the local communities to the local heritage/Negev rock art: • The narrative is basic for tourism development. • Narratives linked to local communities convey a sense of the authentic and a sense of place. • Rock art as a tourism attraction works when a clear chronology is present. Without a story – and a precise link to the local heritage/history of any one local community –the tourist attractiveness of rock art in the Negev Highlands region for example, remains questionable. This notion is reinforced by archeological research that has yet to determine a well-defined pattern and explanation of the ‘story’ or function of Negev rock art. This lack of narrative and/or purpose may either hinder rock art tourism development or, in contrast, prove beneficial in that it enables tourism developers, promoters and local operators to create their own storyline that suits their particular purposes. Equally, the storyline can in part be left open for the visitor to make their own judgments of how the narrative may be interpreted.

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Joshua Schmidt and IMPART Administratively: Deficient and therefore ineffective levels of cooperation among the main stakeholders – public and private – is a central obstacle to successful regional development. • This is particularly relevant with the current state of limbo of the Negev Highland Bedouin, a situation that may be eased by tying these communities to future development efforts (see the segment entitled ‘Tent Route’ in Appendix 3). • The consequences of a large-scale rock art tourism development in the Negev Highlands might be destructive to the region in terms of its environmental sustainability and future/continued ability to conduct scientific research. It is therefore hard to imagine forwarding the large private park option (#4) both due to a lack of demand and the potential for scientific or environmental harm. Finally, it should be clearly stated, as with any other archaeological resource, rock art is finite. 4. Scientifically: To overcome underlying administrative bottlenecks and address the urgent need to conserve/preserve Negev rock art, a small-scale archeological research-oriented tourism site could host visitors/tourists and serve as a pilot location via which to determine specific best practices for additional future rock art tourism development. • This sort of development would provide tourists with a participatory experience; archaeological tourists participate in the research and tour the park while keeping in mind the study questions and various research-related issues that the scientists are grappling with. Such a venture could be directed towards bolstering public awareness and encouraging visitor identification with the heritage dynamic contained in the rock art. Visits to the site could be geared towards repeated visits by, for example, alternating routes through the park and focusing on particular themes on a seasonal/annual basis. • To some degree, this is already taking place at Har Michia, albeit without a finalized and comprehensive statutory blueprint nor a clear, well defined, and agreed upon notion of which best practices should be followed. As such, the rock art at Har Michia is being ‘sacrificed’ to enable both researchers and would-be promoters an opportunity to see what does and does not work in terms of rock art valorization. • It remains doubtful if there is a need for an additional rock art park beyond what is currently being developed at Har Michia especially since it remains unclear precisely what administrative body will oversee its management. We stress however that the visitor experience requires careful and sensitive forethought in order to ensure that the Park remains dynamic and updated. 5. Functionally: Rock art is potentially useful as a supplemental, rather than a focal, tourist attraction in the Negev Highlands region particularly when combined with other interlinking themes and branding frameworks. • Rock art ties in with the desert mystique/adventure/authentic aspects of current local tourism operations. • As such, rock art might be effectively applied for its distinct iconic visual component and applied to cultivate local identity and destination branding within the framework of regional tourism activities.   3.

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Epilogue IMPART The current thinking among professionals tasked with preservation of rock art is that multisector agreements among public and private bodies are the best bet for achieving long-term sustainable park management. Across Europe, for example, there has been a shift from natural and cultural heritage management that acts to preserve a given site via severe restrictions to visitors, to a new participatory model wherein preservation/conservation is achieved through the willing involvement of local communities. In turn, this win-win relationship enables collaborative management, the upkeep of tourism flows and the advancement of local development. While in the past, valorization processes of a general area originated from park management outward, today this responsibility lies with independent bodies that liaison between the park management and the local municipality. Participating in this dynamic are local operators who run shops, restaurants, accommodations, guiding services etc. By sharing a common interest – the sustainable management of a particular heritage resource – these integrated forces continuously maintain and improve their standards through adherence to an accepted system of quality certifications. As such, present and future success of park related tourism enterprises depends on the (1) continued balance between tourism development and preservation; (2) valorization of the territory through proper marketing and promotion and (3) lending attention to increased local and youth employment. Particularly in light of the current global pandemic, a fourth component could be added to this list: the application of digital based tools to market and monitor rock art sites while conveying its content to potential visitors. That is, visitors interested in touring a given park, could utilize ‘stand-alone’ digital platforms, made available via their cellphones, to experience the site independently and without having to rely on tour guides or other sorts of human interactions. To this aim, currently a mobile rock art application is being developed for Har Michia with the wider goal being to create a series of interrelated apps for rock art sites across the Negev. The effort is being overseen by the author (Schmidt) in conjunction with the National Parks Authority ranger responsible for monitoring the Negev Highlands region, a team of local app developers and researchers from the Department of Industrial Engineering and Management at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (Figure E.1). The app will be free of charge and available for download from the internet. It offers users two options for touring the site. The first, a straightforward informative guide that is meant to utilized by individual park visitors and or tour guides, leading them along prearranged paths in the park. The second, a rock art themed treasure hunt activity that is intended for use by families or groups (Figure E.2). Users can also upload the pictures they take of the various rock art panels to an associated website where they are encouraged to present their interpretations of how they see the engravings, thus producing a collective online body of popular media about Negev rock art. At the same time, the app will furnish local management

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Figure E.1 Initial mapping of Negev rock art App (Beta version)

authorities with basic data pertaining to the numbers of visitors and their behavior while onsite. The first of its kind in Israel, ideally the app will provide the basis for an enlivening interaction between visitors to the Negev and its rock art while also being a blueprint for further development of similar tourist-oriented digital tools. Ultimately, it is our hope, that these efforts will make the rock art accessible to visitors while crucially ensuring its preservation for future generations.

Figure E.2 Screenshot from home page of Negev rock art App; Users can choose between taking a virtual guided tour or going on a self-guided treasure hunt.

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Afterword Liora Kolska Horwitz National Natural History Collections, Faculty of Life Sciences, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem

Israel is a country with an exceptionally rich and well-documented archaeological record going back to at least 1.4 million years (papers in Levy 1995), with archaeological sites and the related material culture being the focus of extensive study by local and international academics. This research has been ongoing since the 1800s (Silberman 1982; papers in Levy 1995). However, contrary to the situation elsewhere in the world, Negev rock art, comprising thousands of engraved images (petroglyphs) depicting the lifestyle, culture and beliefs of past desert inhabitants, has generally been bypassed in Israeli archaeological discourse. This may partly be attributed to the fact that the petroglyphs are stylistically simplistic and more akin to art brut than to ‘high art’, a factor that has perhaps reduced their perceived archaeological value in a world dominated by modern Western perceptions of aesthetics and subjugated to the ethos of ‘art for art’s sake’ (e.g., Abadia and González Morales 2004). Furthermore, one of the difficulties researchers have found in integrating rock art into the archaeological record is that it has not been possible to precisely date the engravings, such that they cannot be “slotted into the [distinct] chronology and the narrative of archaeology” (Bednarik 2014: 60). Time specific features include depictions of Bedouin wusum (Schmidt and Eisenberg-Degen 2015; Eisenberg-Degen, Nash, and Schmidt 2016, 2018) and engraved inscriptions in a variety of Semitic languages most notably proto-Arabic and Arabic scripts (e.g., Nabataean, Taymanitic, Thamudic F, Hismaic, cf., Halloun 1990, Sharon 1990, Avner, Nehmé and Robin 2013) or Greek scripts (e.g., Negev 1981) that are relatively recent, and so perhaps, more easily overlooked. As Steve Rosen noted in the Forward to this book, only in the 1980s did rock art make a mark in the public and professional discourse in Israel following the work of Emmanuel Anati at Har Karkom in the Negev Highlands. This is a location rich in petroglyphs and which Anati identified as the biblical Mount Sinai, based partly on an interpretation of rock art images and natural features as evocative of biblical motifs (Figure A.1).1 These were described in publications with emotive titles such as “The Mountain of God” (Anati 1986, 1999, 2001, 2013). Although these claims are controversial in terms of scientific validity, they have resulted in an exponential increase in visitors to this relatively inaccessible locality which probably has been facilitated by the increased numbers of privately owned 4x4 vehicles in Israel, the general growth of cultural tourism worldwide, and specifically the development of eco-tourism in the Negev with its appeal to “otherness” (Shavit 2014; see also report by Gur Appendix 3 of this publication). This trend has spurred the Israel Nature and Parks Authority (INPA) who manage the Har Karkom site, to recently upgrade facilities including the laying of new paths leading to rock art sites, protecting the rock art (by roping it off) as well as adding signage relating to its content and context (Figure A.2). Another petroglyph was described by Emmanuel Anati as depicting a “serpent and staff ” (see for example Anati 1999: 30; or, https://www.timesofisrael.com/ancient-rock-etchings-on-remote-negev-plateau-evoke-the-bibledraw-r -interest/). The rock bearing this petroglyph has since disappeared from the site. 1

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Figure A.1 Photograph of a petroglyph from Har Karkom that Emmanuel Anati (1999: 31) interpreted as depicting the “tablets of the law” i.e. the tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments that Moses received on Mount Sinai. (Photograph: Eisenberg-Degen).

Figure A.2 New INPA signage at the base of Har Karkom (Photograph courtesy of Lior Schwimer and the INPA).

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Figure A.3 Sign at the top of the Har Michia rock art park containing a park map and a brief explanation of the trails; in the background a tour group visits ‘Site 1’ (Photograph: Schmidt).

As outlined in Chapter 1, since Anati’s pioneering work in the 1950s and 1970s, there has been renewed academic interest in the Negev petroglyphs, and in recent years, investigations have been initiated by numerous researchers (e.g. Eisenberg-Degen and Nash 2014; Schmidt and Eisenberg Degen 2015; Eisenberg-Degen, Nash, Schmidt 2016, 2018; Avner, Horwitz and Horowitz 2017; Schwimer and Yekutieli 2021). In addition, community and professional outreach activities have served to place the Negev rock art in the limelight as a cultural resource of interest for archaeologists, tour operators and the public. Organized activities included: public lectures and field trips under the auspices of the Negev Rock Art Center (NRAC; the local IFRAO recognized rock art organization); an international conference held in 2014 entitled “The First International Conference on Rock Art in the Negev Desert and Beyond” (organized by the NRAC) and another scientific meeting in 2018 entitled “Science & Negev Rock Art Workshop” that was organized by researchers from Ben-Gurion University; online publications such as that by Schmidt, Eisenberg-Degen and Nash on the Bradshaw Foundation website;2 all coupled with the development of the Har Michia Rock Art Park (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen 2013) that is managed by the Israel Nature and Parks Authority (Figure A.3, A.4, A.5). Thus, the launch of the IMPART project (Integrative Multilateral Planning to Advance Rock Art Tourism) in 2016, aimed at assessing the potential development of Negev rock art tourism, has played an important role in promoting interest in rock art and planning for the future. The project provided a baseline and insights to understanding the future demands on tourism within this region of Israel. 2

https://www.bradshawfoundation.com/negev/index.php

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Figure A.4 Trail marker at Har Michia rock art park (Photograph: Schmidt). Figure A.5 Ropedoff segment at Har Michia rock art park; in the mid-foreground, a petroglyph depicts a rider mounted on a four-legged animal (presumably a horse or donkey) about to discharge a spear onto its prey, an ostrich (Photograph: Schmidt).

This innovative volume provides details on the research undertaken by IMPART relating to a broad spectrum of topics, including the archaeology associated with the rock art, the petroglyph motifs, the ecology of the landscape in which the rock art sits, and compilation and analysis of data assembled from interviews with national and local stakeholders in both the public and private sectors, tourist agents as well as members of indigenous communities. Significantly, the baseline research undertaken by the IMPART team has demonstrated that there is a growing demand for Negev-based tourism, both for local and international visitors, although its current scale is still quite small. Furthermore, they have substantiated the claim that there is “a recent increase in rock art tourism” in this region, which appears to mirror a global rise in cultural tourism (at least prior to the Covid-19 pandemic).3 Based on the results of their study, several alternative solutions are offered for the core issues addressed in this research, each with its own set of rationalizations. Thus, the pros and cons of whether to develop and manage more rock art sites, or to establish one large rock art park 3

UNESCO News Article (Cutting Edge), 1/03/2021: https://en.unesco.org/news/cutting-edge-bringing-culturaltourism-back-game

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Figure A.6 Tourists in the Ramon Crater walk across a foot bridge enroute to climb the ‘Carpentry’, a hill covered in hexagonal petrified stone prisms that resemble wood beams (Photograph: Schmidt).

in the Negev, and what is the most appropriate framework for such development (given the plethora of models available from established rock art sites in other parts of the world), are weighed and discussed against social, political, economic, infrastructural and academic considerations. The balanced alternatives on all issues are presented and discussed in the concluding chapters. However, there is a clear ‘take home’ message in this report, namely that it is currently premature to develop more rock art sites or even a large rock art park. Rather, it is more advantageous to focus on and monitor existing rock art localities that are already developed and are accessible to tourists (i.e., Har Michia and Har Karkom). While offering guidelines for both the public and private sectors as to the prevailing issues that need to be addressed, to create a truly sustainable tourism model for Negev rock art, many additional pressing concerns need to be tackled. For example, as noted throughout the monograph, there is an absence of a comprehensive archaeological and/or contemporary narrative that can be directly tied to the rock art rock art. Fortunately, new methods are being developed to date petroglyphs (Bednarik 2017) that hopefully will solve at least one aspect of this problem. In the interim, an alternative approach for tourism marketing should perhaps be considered. I suggest here one that links Negev rock art to its natural landscape, namely the geology and environment. Since the Ramon Crater is a major draw for geotourism (Figure A.6; Mazor and Krasnov 2001), rock art could be presented here, in nearby Mitzpe Ramon or in a dedicated museum, as reflecting past human interactions with the physical environment. This would partly liberate Negev rock art from the constraints of problematic archaeological, historical and socio-political narratives. At the same time, it would enable researchers and the public to more finely appreciate its unique spiritual elements (e.g., Avner, Horwitz and Horowitz 2017). These are universal themes that resound with people everywhere and form part of our common heritage. Another aspect that could be highlighted within ecotourism is the impact of climate change on cultural heritage (Hall et al. 2015). Aside from the anthropogenic agents of potential damage 115

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Figure A.7 Rocks containing petroglyphs at Ramat Matred are exposed to the desert elements and are therefore susceptible to natural weathering processes (Photograph: Schmidt).

Figure A.8 Weathering processes wrought by years of exposure to the harsh climatic conditions at Ramat Matred are a direct threat to its rock art panels (Photograph: Schmidt).

and destruction that are listed in the IMPART report (i.e., military activity, recreational and other vehicles, defacing of images, building and development etc.), there are natural processes of rock weathering accelerated by geochemical impacts on rock surfaces (Figure A.7, A.8; Nir et al. 2019 a, b). Both are influenced by climatic conditions and given that we are now facing a future of extreme climate change, microbial composition and augmented rates of rock weathering are expected. Potentially, this will have a long-term impact on the preservation of the petroglyphs. Moreover, climate induced changes such as shifts in rainfall, wind, temperature, are expected to impact the ecosystem of the landscapes in which the petroglyphs sit. Thus, the natural background documented in the rock art, especially the wild taxa depicted, will disappear from the local landscape and the petroglyphs will be transformed into a paleo-ecological archive, similar to the status of rock art in many other parts of the world (e.g., Miotti and Carden 2007; Akerman 2009; Bednarik 2013; de Menocal 2015).

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Given the complex socio-political make-up of the region, conceptually linking rock art (the past) with tourism marketing (for present use) has proven to be “inherently complex and hard to precisely identify and understand” (Chapter 1: 14). Specifically, with regard to the local Bedouin communities, it is critical to avoid repeating some of the mistakes that have characterized other archaeological endeavors in the region, as described by Shiff (2017).4 In contrast, the IMPART project proposes a significantly different approach, having identified the importance of including local communities as equal stakeholders in rock art site development and management.5 Thus, a path forward has been mapped out that merges cultural and natural heritage management together with the active participation of local communities, resulting in new and diverse partnerships. Indeed, integration of top-down and bottomup (grass-roots) management are considered key factors in ensuring the sustainability of cultural/natural heritage sites worldwide, while also acting as a buffer against the negative impacts of globalization associated with tourism (e.g., articles in Albert et al. 2012). Significantly, as noted in the IMPART study, there appear to be many inherent constraints to transform Negev rock art into an economically sustainable endeavor i.e. one which will enable large numbers of people, particularly local residents, to derive tangible economic benefits over the long-term (Schmidt and Uriely 2018).6 In this regard, it should be borne in mind, that even accreditation of World Heritage status to a site does not necessarily result in attracting more tourists and so generating large-scale economic benefits (e.g. Poria, Reichel and Cohen 2011; Huang, Tsaur and Yang 2012; 2017), while in copious studies, the negative impact of site tourism on the immediate physical and human (socio-cultural) environment, has been firmly documented. Perhaps, the Negev petroglyphs represent a locality where the trappings of touristic success, as measured by a capitalist model of site development linked to mass tourism and generation of sizable profits, are inappropriate goals. Instead, the continuation of small-scale, grass-roots ‘subsistence tourism’ (by private operators and/or co-operatives), may be the most apt and sustainable format. To conclude, despite the uncertainties and difficulties, it is hoped that Negev rock art can play a significant role in the development of the region and in bridging differences between Arab and Israeli communities as well as between religious and secular people, rather than being a potential divisive element. This echoes the sentiment expressed in a newspaper article from 31st October 1950 published in Ha’aretz  by Ze’ev Yeivin, then the director of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, in which he argued for the positive role that archaeology can play in promoting cultural pluralism: “Restoration works may also encourage relations of respect and tolerance to the cultures and spiritual assets of the other, and calm down the spirit of national and political extremism that shows worrying signs recently, especially among the youth” (cited in Kletter 2006: 73). Using the available ‘tools in the box’ – its sense of community, understanding of heritage and ethical tourism values – it is hoped that in future years the Negev can serve as an example of how to develop tourism in the best suited and most appropriate way and so become one of the tourism wonders of the region. 4

“In a sense, the Bedouin traditional lifestyle is presented as a touristic tool in what may be dubbed as the Avdat archaeological theme park. While Avdat’s surrounding landscape is shaped by the touristic projects attempting to emphasize its transformation into an international and Western symbolic “place”, the Bedouin culture becomes one of the exhibits presented in the site, and apparently does not actually exist outside in the real world” (Shiff 2017: 92). 5 Values that are promoted in the United Nations Declaration on Indigenous Peoples (2007) 6 Currently this tourism is primarily the domain of a handful of private tourist operators many of whom are not local.

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