Robert Copland : Poems [1 ed.] 9781442679429, 9780802057969

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ROBERT COPLAND

Poems

Copland's rose garland device

ROBERT COPLAND

Poems

edited by Mary Carpenter Erler

U N I V E R S I T Y OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1993 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-5796-9

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Copland Robert, fl. 1508-1547 Poems Includes index. ISBN 0-8020-5796-9

I. Erler, Mary Carpenter. II. Title. PR2235.C78A17 1993

821'.2

c93-094474-7

Illustrations from The Seuen Sorowes and The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous by permission of the British Library; illustrations from Iyl of Braintfords Testament by permission of the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California. The cover and frontispiece show Copland's rose garland device, McKerrow no 71a.

Contents

Acknowledgments vii Editorial Conventions ix INTRODUCTION Life: 'Melius est nomen bonum quam divitiae multae' 3 Poetry: 'Dytees and letters them can I make my selfe' 11 Printing: 'By my soule ye prynters make such englyshe' 20 Addendum: Device and sign 22 Notes 24 Tables 30 POEMS AND N O T E S 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

A Complaynt of Them That Be To Soone Maryed 43 The Complaynte of Them That Ben To Late Maryed 46 The Kalender of Shepeherdes 49 The Castell of Pleasure 58 The Spectacle of Louers 64 The Introductory to Wryte / and to Pronounce Frenche 66 The Myrrour of the Chyrche 69 The Passyon of Our Lorde 73 Ipomydon 76 The Tauerne of Goostly Helthe 78 The Begynnynge ... of the Knyghtes Hospytallers. The Syege ... of Rodes 80 The Seuen Sorowes That Women Haue When Theyr Husbandes Be Deade 83 The Secrete of Secretes 125 The Rutter of the See 131 The Doctrynall of Mekenesse 134

vi

Contents 16 17 18 19 20 21

The Assemble of Foules 137 The Rosarye of Our Lady in Englysshe 144 Guystarde and Sygysmonde 149 Rhymed Life of Christ 160 y of Braintfords Testament 164 The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous 187 Glossary 247 Works Frequently Cited 255 Index 261

Acknowledgments

My chief debt is to the late William A. Ringler, Jr, who suggested this study to me, and whose continuing interest helped me to complete it after a lapse of years. His monumental edition of Sidney's poems is dedicated to his own teacher, Robert Kilburn Root, 'who both by precept and example tried to teach me what a scholar ought to be.' That teaching he was at pains to communicate to many others; I was fortunate to be one of them. I want also to recognize the teaching, at once inspiring and meticulous, of Jerome Taylor, University of Wisconsin emeritus, and the firm guidance of the late Sister Miriam Joseph, C.S.C., whose work on sixteenth-century rhetoric carved a path for later students. Like everyone who studies early English printed books, I am indebted to Katharine F. Pantzer for her immensely learned and helpful responses to a great many queries, beginning as long ago as 1964 when I first visited the STC revision project. I am most grateful to Fordham University, and to the Renaissance Society of America, each of whom provided publication subsidies for this volume. Darlene Money's expert and graceful editing has saved me from many errors. I acknowledge the help I have received in the form of microfilms and photocopies from the British Library; Lincoln's Inn Library; Bodleian Library; John Rylands Library; Blairs College; Bibliotheque Nationale; Koninklijke Bibliotheek; Venerable English College, Rome; and in the United States from Folger Shakespeare Library, Harvard University Library, and Henry E. Huntington Library.

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Editorial Conventions

This volume presents all of Copland's original verse. In an effort to provide a sequential view of the author's writing and printing activity, works are arranged by date of the first edition with which he was involved. Thus when in several instances (To Late Maryed, Ipomydon, Rutter) an earlier fragmentary edition carried a text by Copland that survives only in a later edition, the work has been entered under the date of its first edition. Seuen Sorowes, which survives only in an edition tentatively dated [c 1565], has been entered under 1526, the probable date of its composition. Within each year books that provide a month date in their colophon precede those that carry only a year date, but where two or more books of a given year provide only a year date, they are for the most part arranged by STC number. The STC order has been superseded where a group of related books appear within a given year. In 1521 I have placed Myrrour and Passyon together because of verbal similarities in their verse; in 1522 and 1529 the 16° devotional books have been listed together, as have the three Skelton works in 1545. The text transcribed is, with the exception ofy , that of the earliest surviving edition in which Copland had a hand. Texts are preceded by a bibliographical paragraph that includes a reference number, title (in old spelling but with modern capitalization), short title,STCnumber, date, date of first edition, and brief bibliographical description using an abbreviated form that does not note measurements, line divisions, and differences in type size. Location of copy used is provided together with library accession number, University Microfilms reel number, locations of other copies, and a capsule list of other editions. This bibliographical paragraph concludes with nonsixteenth-century reprintings of Copland's verse, and with each poem's Ringler number (see Works Frequently Cited). In the texts, obvious errors like turned letters have been corrected, with the original reading noted at the bottom of the page. Abbreviations

x

Editorial Conventions

have been expanded with underlining (& = and). The sixteenth-century u/v distinction has been maintained, but I have not reproduced long s, the alternate r, the distinction between large and small capitals, or variations in type size or fount, ¶ has been substituted for CD. No accent have been provided on sixteenth-century French texts. Punctuation has been retained as it appears in the original, though I have arbitrarily capitalized at the beginning of each line. Dates are new-style, except for Kalender, where Sommer's old-style datings have been kept for convenience of reference. Works cited only once appear in the notes. Works mentioned more than once appear in Works Frequently Cited at the end of the volume or in the bibliographical paragraph that precedes each text.

INTRODUCTION

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Life: 'Melius est nomen bonum quam divitiae multae' Almost all of our information about Robert Copland comes from the autobiographical remarks embedded in his prefaces and envoys. These verses, intended as formal frames for the printed text, manage to preserve the text's printer from mere anonymity, providing the details of work and life that would otherwise have perished. Although Anthony a Wood apparently intended to provide a life of Copland, none survives, and Wood's belief that 'R. Copland and E. More had as it seems spent some time in Oxon, in the condition of poor scholars'1 is refuted by Copland's own statement that 'in scole nor countre / I neuer take effect' (The Castell of Pleasure, 'R. Coplande to thauctour/ 4). Neither Oxford's nor Cambridge's biographical register records his presence, and even the line in The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous that F.C. Francis read as indicating Copland's northern origins may be differently interpreted.2 Because in his 1510 prose preface to Kynge Appolyn ofThyreCopland remarked that he was 'gladly folowynge the trace of my mayster Caxton / begynnyng wyth small storyes and pamfletes and so to other,' first Bagford3 and later H.R. Plomer conjectured that Copland might have been employed by Caxton before he worked for de Worde. 'Allowing him to have been seventy-eight years of age at his death in 1548 [more probably 1547] when he was known as the oldest printer in England, he might easily have been one of Caxton's apprentices, and would have been between twenty and thirty years of age when he began to work for Wynkyn de Worde.'4 But Copland's self-description elsewhere suggests a different conclusion. In his verses accompanying A Complaynt of Them That Be To Soone Maryed, dated 1535, he calls this verse translation his 'fyrst werke.' Since its companion piece, The Complaynte of Them That Ben To Late Maryed, survives in an edition of 1505, probably To Soone, Copland's initial effort, appeared in that year as well. His 1510 reference to his ignorant youth (Kynge

4Introduction

Appolyri) may likewise have been made earlier, since the state of the cuts has suggested a lost first edition.5 If in 1508, for instance, Copland was twenty-four, perhaps the latest age at which a Tudor citizen could be called a youth,6 he would have been sixty-three at his death around 1547, about which time Andrew Boorde called him England's oldest printer.^ Then 1484 would be the earliest year in which we could locate his birth, and a slightly later date is possible. These calculations would not support the possibility of a Caxton apprenticeship, since Caxton died in 1491, and since apprentices usually entered service in their early or middle teens.8 Copland's five early translations from French, all published by de Worde, may perhaps be considered jointly to comprise his 'fyrst werke,' Besides the verse complaints To Soone and To Late Maryed, these include the prose and verse advice miscellany The Kalender of Shepeherdes (1508), and the two prose romances, Kynge Appolyn and The Knyght of the Swanne (1510 and 1512). Work as a translator continued intermittently throughout Copland's career; indeed he has been called 'one of the main channels' of French literary influence in England.9 The French light reading that Copland and de Worde made available - here, romances and misogynist satire - responded to a continuing English interest.10 By 1514 Copland had begun his own career as a printer. Three books bear his first device, the hind-and-wreath mark: one of these, Modus tenendi curium baronum [1514?] was printed at de Worde's shop. Another, the 1514 The Deyenge Creature, survives in two variants: both have de Worde's colophon, but one uses Copland's device and one de Worde's.11 According to Frank Isaac, 'It seems probable from the setting of type that [Copland] printed this book for de Worde and shared the edition with him.'12 The third of these early titles, the 1515 The lustices of Peas, also appeared in a shared edition, since two copies survive with de Worde's colophon and two with Copland's. lustices is the first book to mention Copland's own shop: 'Enprynted at London in Fletestrete at the sygne of the Rose garlande by Robert coplande/ In these first ventures as a printer, Copland was supported by de Worde. The older printer's publication of all three works in previous editions suggests there was little financial risk for the younger in these reissues of two law books and the popular art-of-dying material.13 In the matter of lucrative indulgence printing, de Worde's practical assistance showed itself again. Such printing included 'letters' - that is, of guild confraternity - and 'breves' - lists of guild membership benefits or indulgences to be pasted up as publicity. From 1520 to 1522

5Introduction

de Worde had printed for the guild of St Mary Rounceval, a Westminster fraternity, 825 breves (at 8d/ioo) and 550 letters (at i8d/ioo). In 1522-4 Copland printed about the same number of letters, 500, at the same price, but the fraternity's large order for 2100 breves produced a lower price: 41/2d per hundred.14 A solitary survival from Caxton's printing for the Rounceval guild has recently been discovered,15 suggesting that this particular printing assignment may have been passed from Caxton to de Worde to Copland. The profitable nature of such job-printing is shown even more clearly by Richard Pynson's contemporary work for the guild of St Botolph, Boston (Lines), whose representative in 1523 ordered 4000 letters and 4000 breves.16 In a 1532 colophon (The Tryumphant Vyctory} Copland described his establishment as 'in Flete strete by Flete brydge.' Its situation on the south side of the street is made clear by a document Duff quotes, the 1557 will of Thomas Alsop, which mentions '2 messuages and i garden ... in the several tenures of William Copland, stationer, and Dionisius Bayly, spurrier, situate in the parish of St Bridget in Fleetstreet, London, to wit, between the tenements of John Conyngham and Thomas Jacson on the east, the tenements of George James and Thomas Pole on the west, the tenement in the tenure of Sir Thomas Grey on the south, and the high way of Fleet Street on the north.'1? The shop thus faced on Fleet Street, and its nearness to Fleet Bridge indicates it was east of de Worde's shop, which itself stood on the south side of Fleet Street near the conduit; hence Copland's was almost in the shadow of St Bride's.18 De Worde was certainly, and Copland probably, a member of this large extramural parish that in 1548, the year after Copland's death, was estimated to have 1400 communicants. (Only St Sepulchre with 4000 and St Giles Cripplegate with 2440 had larger congregations).19 De Worde's connections with St Bride's parish and neighbourhood are illustrated in his will. Copland, Henry Pepwell, and John Gough were the document's overseers,20 and de Worde left Copland ten marks, the highest of the three overseers' bequests.21 It is generally thought to be de Worde's death of which Copland speaks in lyl of Braintfords Testament (written in 1535 or 1536) when he alludes to 'the losse of a certain freend / As God knowes few be to finde' (61-2). Proof for Copland's own connection with St Bride's has not survived; however, the marriage licence of his successor, William Copland, and Joanne Tyddeswell, granted 19 November 1546, places both in that parish, and the ceremony took place there.22 Though Copland's marital status has not been known heretofore, the will of Cecilye Clowgh,

6

Introduction

'wedow of the parisshe of Seynt Bride the Virgin/ tentatively dated 28 January 1543, provides a bequest to 'my ostis Coplonde' - perhaps Copland's wife, in view of the parish and date.23 (The MED defines the word hostess as 'the mistress of a household/ as well as a female innkeeper.) The difficulty of disentangling Copland's printing from de Worde's is demonstrated by his next projects. Both printers' 95 mm textura types employ the same letter forms, and indeed Copland's types were probably cast from de Worde's matrices.24 Castell of Pleasure survives in two editions, one printed in 1518 by Henry Pepwell, one about 1530 by de Worde. Both carry Copland's original verses, in which, as he was to do many times in his subsequent career, he ambiguously calls himself 'the printer'; in addition the author commands, 'Enprynt this boke / Coplande at my request.' A lost edition of Castell printed by Copland has been suggested; or the presence of the three names, Copland, Pepwell, and de Worde, may imply that both the younger printers were again sharing a financial arrangement with the older. Similarly, in The Spectacle ofLouers, probably written and published around 1520 (though no edition survives until de Worde's of 1533), Copland's verse does not reveal whether he printed the book, or merely added his verse to de Worde's edition. The occasional verse that forms so large a part of Copland's work finds its model both in Caxton's prefaces and envoys and in continental book production. Such verse appears to have been considered by contemporaries an important element in the volume's finished and pleasing presentation. Its advertising function was perhaps a secondary asset: Copland's stanzas in the 1521 Passyon of Our Lorde, for instance, list other de Worde-published titles by Passyon's translator, Andrew Chertsey, that the buyer might wish to consider. Though Copland sometimes wrote occasional verse to accompany his own editions (notably the religious stanzas that appear in his several 16° devotional volumes, and his egregious lines in The Introductory to Wryte Frenche addressed to the Duke of Norfolk), for the most part his rhymed prologues and epilogues accompany de Worde's productions. Their complete absence from Copland's work after de Worde's death suggests both that his master preferred these embellishments, and that their popularity was confined to the first two generations of English printing. In this editorial verse the poet several times remarks upon the decay of reading. Though these sentiments are conventional, Copland's position in the emerging printed-book trade makes his mistaken judgment a piquant one. 'Bokes be not set by theyr tymes is past I gesse/ he

7

Introduction

says ruefully in Castell (1518), and The Assemble ofFoules and Guystarde and Sygysmonde (1530 and 1532) contain similar comments. Contemporary printing's low technical standards are noted: after criticizing books 'so yll spelled, so yll poynted' Copland has his speaker say seriously, 'Your wardeins ben therof to blame' (The Seuen Sorowes 76, 83). This line may constitute a playful hit at his old acquaintance Henry Pepwell, one of two Stationers' Company wardens in 1526 when Copland was probably writing these verses. One of the few comments on printing at its English beginnings, these remarks perhaps indicate that to some extent modern reflections on the absence of traditional craft standards were shared by printing's early practitioners. It has been observed that despite these criticisms Copland's own productions are physically not more distinguished than those of his contemporaries.25 If this is so, his frequent contract printing, with its pressures of time and money, may be partly responsible. Nevertheless, Herbert called Copland's 1534 Tree 'the first black letter book in which I have observed the comma stop used' (together with the virgule), although the distinction should probably go to his two books printed earlier that year for Byddell: Funus (STC 10453.5) and Monycion (STC 5547) on 5 and 7 January 1534. He might be responsible, too, for the presence in Funus of a copy of the well-known Erasmus portrait roundel designed by Holbein, which had appeared less than a year earlier in Froben's Basel edition of the Adagiorum.2-6 Copland's editorial work for de Worde several times included copyediting, as well as the writing of vers d'occasion. The clearest idea of these duties is contained in his verses to de Worde's 1530 Assemble of Foules, which once again show his admiration for beauty and accuracy in printing. The lines boast of the Chaucerian text's rescue from a muchdecayed manuscript, and its physical and literary restoration for which the printer is responsible: Whiche hathe the kepte frome ruynous domage In snowe wyte paper / thy mater for to saue With thylke same langage that Chaucer to the gaue In termes olde / of sentence clered newe. (10-13) In their explicit recognition of the printer, their recommendation of the edition's paper, and their view of printing as an antiquarian act of piety, Copland's verses, perhaps deliberately, recall the anonymous stanzas attached to de Worde's 1495 De Proprietatibus Rerum. Besides their well-known references to Caxton, de Worde, and paper maker

8

Introduction

John Tate, the earlier stanzas present restoration of text as consequent upon the new technology: Thise bokes olde and blynde whan we renewe / By goodly pryntyng they ben bryght of hewe' (STC 1536, oo v). Copland's sentiments are perhaps not so much an encomium to de Worde as, like the earlier lines, an endorsement of his late-arrived craft's utility and stature. The Assemble verses illustrate, too, their author's belief that modernization of language constitutes the editor's proper function, indeed his service to earlier authors.2? Copland's single stanza prefacing de Worde's edition of the romance Ipomydon refers again to this function. Complaining of the poem's difficult ('impure') language, it concludes, 'Syth that no wryter / wolde take it [the text] to amende / In this my labour / I myght it not entende' [attend]. This apology for inadequate textual care, in the absence of an independently contracted editor, together with the existence of altered readings in the manuscript that also appear in the print, suggests that as printer, Copland was unwillingly responsible for editing this poem's text.28 Copland worked in a period for which almost no Stationers' Company records survive, but we do catch a single glimpse of him as one of a group of colleagues. On 25 October 1526 the bishop of London, Cuthbert Tunstall, warned thirty-one members of the book trade against printing Lutheran books, and stipulated that all books were to be licensed by the archbishop of Canterbury or the bishop of London. Copland's name appears among those present on this occasion, and he may also have been part of a similar meeting two years earlier.29 His religious sympathies are unclear. In an original passage in Hye Way he condemns Preestes and clerks that lyue vycyously Not caryng how they shold do theyr duty Vnruly of maners / and slacke in lernyng Euer at the alehous for to syt bybyng Neglectyng the obedyence to them dew And vnto Chrystes flocke take none auew But lyke as wolues that rauysh the folde These people do this ryght way holde. (498-505)

Since such criticism of clerical laxity constitutes a centuries-old topos, the following anti-papal lines may be considered more telling, though they need not, of course, represent the poet's own views. Asked if any pardoners come by the hospital, the porter responds:

9Introduction Yea syr, they be our proctours / and fayn they may Chyefly syth theyr fals popery was knowen And theyr bullysh indulgence ouerthrowen They be all nought / reken eche with other Subtilte is theyr father / and falshod theyr mother. (465-9)

Nevertheless Copland's devotional poetry, written in the 15205 and early 15305, offers thoroughly traditional late-medieval imagery of Christ's wounds as wells of life, and invokes Mary as 'moder noryce.' The sense conveyed by these poems, that their author was a traditionalist in religion, is heightened by the absence from his printing oeuvre of any text that could be called reforming. Although from the mid-15305 on the London presses were full of such projects, only the books that Copland produced for John Byddell in 1534 (see table i) could be so classified. The record of his successor, William, is very different. Perhaps in such a combination of sentiments - traditional religious devotion together with anger at clerical corruption - Copland was not far from many of his Tudor contemporaries. During this busy middle period of his life, his verse twice points to some animus that may reflect the competitive nature of early printing. The envoy verses to The Seuen Sorowes, probably written after 1530, first praise the printer Thomas Berthelet and then warn 'And from all nacyons, if that it be thy lot / Lest thou be hurt, medle not with a Scot' - perhaps a reference to the printer John Skot, whose Golden Letany and Rosary of Our Lady incorporate original material from Copland's earlier editions of these two works. Again in 1532 his envoy to Guystarde and Sygysmonde warns his book to beware of 'boyes and lerners' and asks reprinters to 'folowe your copy / and lette thamendynge alone / He may yll mende two tonges that can but one.' (Discussion of these lines' reference can be found in the notes on Guystarde on page 158.) In the years after de Worde's death, Copland continued to occupy himself in printing and translating. The four books he produced for Richard Kele in the 15405 were contracted work like that he did earlier for de Worde. During these years Copland also printed two books for himself - a herbal and The Pryncyples of Astronamye. He made two translations from French for other printers - The Questyonary of Cyrurgyens for Richard Bankes and Henry Tabbe and The Art of Memory for William Middleton. The lay subsidy assessment taken in Copland's ward of Farringdon Without on 4 April 1544 records his worth as xx s ij d (PRO E 1797

io

Introduction

144/123). Duff pointed out that stationer and entrepreneur Thomas Berthelet's possessions, by contrast, were assessed at £400.3° These figures' implication of destitution is most likely misleading. Commenting on the problems raised by similarly low valuations in Coventry, one authority says, 'a substantial minority of people credited with nil assessments cannot possibly have been total paupers ... it is ... difficult not to suspect extreme artificiality in assessment of goods generally/31 Though in the 15405 we hear Copland's voice only once, in the prose preface to his [1542] Questyonary translation, two mentions of him survive from the very end of his life. Andrew Boorde's Breuiary of Helthe (STC 3373.5), dated 15 July 1547, refers to Boorde's book Introduction of Knowledge, 'whiche hath been longe a pryntynge for lacke of money and paper and it is in pryntynge with pyctures at Roberte Coplande prynter/32 Further, in his Pryncyples of Astronamye (STC 3386), which Copland printed [1547?], Boorde refers again to this work: 'Introduction of knowleg a boke of my makyng the whiche ys aprintyng at old Robert Coplands the eldist printer of Ingland the which doth print thes yere mi pronosticacions' [A2v]. This evidence, combined with STC'S assignment of the Copland-printed herbal to [1547?], indicates the printer was still active in this year. He perhaps died before its end, however, since in 1547 William Copland printed A Fruteful... Instruction for Richard Kele.33 Diligent search has failed to uncover a will, and perusal of the relevant lay subsidy records from 1523 to the end of Henry vin's reign reveals no additional information about Copland. In the absence of documents, his death is signalled simply by the substitution of 'William' for 'Robert' in the ribbon below the rosegarland device.

Poetry: 'Dytees and letters them can I make my selfe'

Occasional Verse These short poems participate in a tradition whose existence has barely been acknowledged. The preface and envoy verses that accompany printed books in the first hundred years of printing are numerous, though often so formulaic that they have been dismissed as without interest. Where they provide facts about text, author, circumstances of composition or printing, they suffer the disrepute of all informative verse. Such lines were attached to early printed books by translators, by authors, by editors, by printers, and often seem simply intended to provide a situating comment on the work that follows. The vogue for their use may have come at least partially, like so much else in early English printing, from France. Their themes, however, antedate the coming of printing: the writer's disclaimer of responsibility, or of talent, or of serious intention; the request for correction; the provision of the author's or translator's name; the 'go little book' topos. These flourishes come together in the work of Copland and his contemporaries to form a short-lived genre, mostly, though not wholly, conventional.34 The influence of French fashion can be seen in the two acrostic verses spelling out his name that accompany Copland's 'fyrst werke,' the mal marie complaint translations of about 1505,35 as well as in the texts themselves with their jocular deployment of conventional misogyny. Since the two acrostics' final rhyme-words are identical (London / de Worde / sun) the poems are clearly companion pieces. The To Soone verses contain the sort of joke that Copland was to enjoy later in lyl. The lines 'Ventosyte [windiness, perhaps flatulence] must abyde dygestyon / So I muste do or I come to eloquence' imply that since the writer has not waited, either for maturity or digestion, this first work can only be considered an undigested trifle. French formal influence is similarly present in the ballade royal en-

12

Introduction

voy to Kalender of Shepeherdes (1508), which, though it contains only a pedestrian summary of the book's contents and the most conventional 'go little book' sentiments, demonstrates Copland's facility by ringing changes upon a single set of rhymes carried through four stanzas. Both here and in his 1518 Castell of Pleasure verses Copland employs the Latinate diction of contemporary high style. But in the Castell verses both speakers, author and printer, soon descend to a colloquial, even a proverbial, level. 'It [my book] doost no good lyenge styll in my chest,' says the former, and the latter responds prosily, 'loue of gold / these dayes blyndeth the syght.' The interest shown throughout Copland's work in levels and varieties of language suggests that both the idealistic author's importunities and the worldly-wise printer's calculations are here mocked through presentation of their contrasting utterances. The printer's elegant declaration in stanza i, 'Who wyll construe / is of grete effycace / your sentences,' [who will understand your meaning is most important] modulates into a commercial idiom when he prophesies gloomily in stanza 7, 'the vtteraunce [sale] I thynke wyll be but smale.' Copland's inclusion of two envoys in French, one dedicated to the poem's author and one to Henry vm, together with a final apology to the author for supplying all this material without his knowledge, constitutes a performance of hectic energy. More centrally, it demonstrates the poet's early consideration of the links between character and speech. Though the Spectacle of Louers verse [1520?] illustrates the envoy mode at its most conventional, even these single-stanza pieces can at times be wittily ingenious. The envoy to Rutter of the See (1528), for instance, is imagined as an exhortation to the sailors who might use this navigational guide, and hence is hearty and nautical. In this bagatelle Copland invokes the joint help of God and of the book the verse promotes, suggesting that if the mariners both 'let god stere' and work 'with this boke' they will be able 'to go sauf thorow.' The motives invoked are a nice combination of the spiritual and the economic. Gentyll maryners on a boune vyage Hoyse vp the sayle / and let god stere In the bonauenture making your passage It is full see / the wether fayre and clere The nepetydes shal you nothyng dere A see horde mates S. george to borow Mary and John / ye shal not nede to fere But with this boke / to go sauf thorow.

13

Introduction

Copland's French verse accompanies Alexander Barclay's Introductory to Wryte ... Frenche (1521) in the form of two stanzas to Barclay's patron, the duke of Norfolk, celebrating his victory at Flodden Field eight years earlier. Like the French verses addressed to Henry vm in the Castell of Pleasure, or the Secrete of Secretes envoy (1528), these stanzas may reflect a general hope for patronage, but perhaps not a very specific one since such embellishments are so frequently found in this period: laudatory verse addressed to Henry vm sprinkles Barclay's Ship of Fools, for instance. After 1521 French influence in Copland's verse wanes. The first of his occasional verses that might be thought to deserve independent life apart from its accompanying text is The Myrrour of the Chyrche's trinitarian poem (1521). Like Rutter's envoy, it juxtaposes spiritual and financial themes, here through the punning use of 'werkes' in the refrain that ends each stanza - pointing either to works of virtue or to the book, 'this lytel werke.' The monetary figure is strengthened by the puns on 'purchase' (28) and on 'besynesse' (2): 'Be now my guyde / in this my besynesse' - either preoccupation (busyness) or pursuit (business). Further, stanzas 2 and 3 suggest that the spiritual gifts requested will come through the medium of the book, itself an object available for purchase. The envoy emphasizes the book's elevated function by comparing it with that of the apostles, sent out at Pentecost divinely inspired to preach and convert - and Copland forecasts a similar mission for the book 'endued wz'tfz thy grace.' Inspired by economic motives, the poet transforms these into literary motifs; both here and in the envoy to Andrew Chertsey's Passyon, spiritual and financial gain are seen as harmonizing pleasantly. (The regular iambic pentameter of both poems is noteworthy.) During the 15205 and 15305 Copland printed nine 16° devotional volumes. Four carry his own religious poems, all in iambic trimeter due to the book's small format. Both the poems and the texts that they preface display an affective devotion that may owe something to continental models. Copland's knowledge of French farced Aves probably underlies the poem to Mary in The Rosarye (1521), a religious parody that contains elements of the Ave Maria and Salve Regina. The simplicity it explicitly claims for itself constitutes its charm: I haue no maner arte Thy praysyng to suffyse But yet with all my harte After my symple guyse

14

Introduction This wyse / I wyll deuyse O excellent / o pure. O heuenly creature.

The envoy to Secrete of Secretes in 1528 closely follows Stephen Hawes's envoy to his Conuersyon of Swerers (de Worde 1509): Hawes: Go lytell treatyse deuoyde of eloquence Tremblynge for drede to approche the maieste Of our souerayne lorde surrnountynge in excellence But vnder the wynge of his benygnyte Submyttynge the to his mercyfull pyte And be[se]che his grace to pardon thy rudenes Whiche of late was made to eschewe ydylnes.

Copland: In humble maner / and moost due reuerence Tremblynge for drede afore thy souerayne Yf thy chaunce be to come in presence Where ony person shall the there retayne Submytte thy selfe as one that wolde be fayne His grace to please in all maner degre And of thy rudenesse for to pardon the.

'Tremblynge for drede' in the second line of each stanza; 'Submyttynge the' and 'Submytte thy selfe' in line 5 of each; 'to pardon thy rudenes' and 'And of thy rudenesse for to pardon the' in lines 6 and 7 respectively are particularly close. Imitating Hawes, Copland acknowledges his predecessor's work within the envoy convention, and demonstrates their common understanding of the 'go little book' tradition.36 One stanza from Secrete's envoy has been several times reprinted because of its ingenious comparison of the printed page with its multitude of letters, to a field of grain with its multitude of stalks. The stanza suggests the eye's necessary supervision of each: Where many wedes be in a felde of corne All though the weders thynke to wede it clene Some shall remayne / whan the fylde is shorne.

15

Introduction Drawke or cokle / yet there wyll be seen The fawtes thereof / is in the handes and eyen Lykewyse where many / wordes and lettres be No meruyale is / though I some ouerse.

Copland's consciousness of printing's susceptibility to error is nowhere more fully expressed, though it is noted as early as about 1520 in the Spectacle ofLouers envoy, and receives longer consideration in the Guystarde and Sygysmonde envoy, where the translator is asked to grant 'pardon of mysmakynge' to the 'impressoure/37 Copland is not alone here; Hawes, too, fears the effects on his metre of printing slips: 'Go lytell boke I pray god the saue / From mysse metrynge / by wronge Impressyon' (The Pastyme of Pleasure 5803-4). In the Assemble ofFoules verses discussed above, endorsement of the turtle dove's loving faithfulness over the goose's self-interest provides an early response to Chaucer's poem, one that identifies these positions, by implication at least, as moral ones. Here Copland's belief in poetry's central moral function, which he shares with contemporaries like Hawes, is clear. This view is implicit in the suite of verses accompanying Guystarde and Sygysmonde (1532), perhaps Copland's most ambitious short work, in which his poetry of comment alternates with William Walter's narrative of doomed love. The diction is aureate ('inflammate,' 'lubryke/ 'abreuyate,' 'insapyent'), while the allusions to classical lovers Pyramus and Thisbe, Dido and Aeneas, Paris and Helen, are clearly also intended to sustain an elevated tone. Though the verses' attempt to invoke the mood of tragic horror is perhaps not completely successful, the combination in Guystarde and Sygysmonde of narrative and reflection looks forward to A Mirror for Magistrates and backward to The Fall of Princes. Indeed the form may owe something to Lydgate's work. Two editions of the Fall were published by Pynson in Copland's lifetime, and de Worde, too, printed short moralizing excerpts from the Fall as The Prouerbes of Lydgate. In addition, Barclay's verses of moral comment in The Ship of Fools, particularly his apostrophes to Fortune and to Pride, influenced Copland's work here, both in their provision of alternating narrative and reflection, and in several turns of phrase. Longer Work

Copland's three longer pieces illustrate his skill in the creation of dramatic situation and character through dialogue. A short, funny jeu d'esprit, lyl offers a surprise ending that grows out of a lovingly de-

16

Introduction

veloped situation, and this narrative pattern together with its insistently sustained excremental puns might qualify it as a very late English fabliau. Occasionally, however, both in lyl and Hye Way, the stock characters move into a rich self-awareness. Here lyl understands her own foolishness: I haue a little boxful of diaculum [a medicine] I dare not for nigardship take sum I wisse I am vnwise so for to spare it For I should take therof a fore the fit (148-51)

So does the counterfeit beggar in Hye Way acknowledge the exigencies of his life: 'se what here is / Many a knaue haue I called mayster for this.' (148-9) In both poems Copland is writing in a comic tradition that derives its appeal from treatment of a broad group, yet in passages such as these the characters' self-consciousness seems to shimmer at the edges of late-medieval estates satire. Likewise in Hye Way the vigour and immediacy of the first section, with its realistic observation, struggles unsuccessfully with the repetitive and formulaic French foollist satire of the second section. Just so, the first part's pained and thoughtful response to social problems succumbs, in the second part, to the selfish reductionism with which the fool tradition greets failure - 'to the wall.' This partially successful synthesis of realistic and typical elements found in both lyl and Hye Way is present also in The Seuen Sorowes, whose heroine, the widow, is pictured simultaneously as an individual absorbed by personal reflections and feelings, and as the representative of a familiar medieval type. Seuen Sorowes' interest comes from the first view, its comedy from the second. The poem is perhaps Copland's most substantial achievement. The form is a familiar one, a parody of religious meditations on the joys or (more often) sorrows of the Virgin. Copland himself printed such a tract, and it is tempting to see In the Honor of the Passion of Our Lorde And the Compassyon of Our Blyssed Lady and Seuen Sorowes as companion pieces, the latter a broadly comic reprise of the former's themes. In Seuen Sorowes the widow's emotions and thoughts are presented sympathetically, with an interior focus rare for this period. Simultaneously the narrator's ironic comments provide distance and ambiguous comedy. The use of the two perspectives is, for the most part, managed successfully, though occasionally the tone shifts somewhat uneasily between seriousness and farce, as psychological realism jostles conventional misogynist fun.

17

Introduction

Techniques Copland's occasional verse utilizes the conventional fifteenth- and sixteenth-century patterns, rhyme royal and Monk's Tale stanza. His four stanzas with identical refrain that preface The Myrrour, discussed above, embody the form in which the French ballade, stripped of its repeating rhymes, was domesticated in England. His prefacing verses to Hye Way, which ring changes on the refrain 'not poor of heart/ owe something to the ballade also. His longer works are written mainly in tetrameter couplets, less formal than either rhyme royal or Monk's Tale stanza and hence suited to the popular subject matter of all three poems; they perhaps are indebted to French octosyllabics. His metrics are those of his period: that is, in places accentually and syllabically regular and in other places apparently governed loosely by stress. The Myrrour verses, for instance, in regular iambs, are faultlessly decasyllabic. Like his contemporaries, however, he often allows himself great freedom in number of syllables and number of stresses, and the Guystarde and Sygysmonde verses are probably to be read as four-stress 'riding rhyme,' with two beats on either side of the caesura. Ringler points out (7-8) that 'regular accentual-syllabic verse only gradually became the dominant form in the 15305 and i54os.'38 THynflammate desyre / of your good intent Newes to compyle / eschewynge ydelnesse Cometh of grace / and of wysdome excellent To occupy suche / as haue no besynesse Whiche veriu of doynge / moche harme doth oppresse For surely ydelnesse / is portresse of all synne Euery vyce / redy to lette in.

Copland knew the work of Chaucer and Lydgate: his invocation of 'archwyues' in Seuen Sorowes recalls the Clerk's Tale envoy, and the Guystarde and Sygysmonde verses allude to the Knight's Tale and The Legend of Good Women, Lydgate's Fall of Princes may lie behind this latter work as well, and his Order of Fools is echoed in Hye Way (489-91). Contemporary writing such as John Rastell's Interlude of the Four Elements and Alexander Barclay's Ship of Fools verses seems likewise to have left traces in Copland's work (Assemble 4, 28; Guystarde and Sygysmonde passim). Copland began to write, however, when the century's opening was dominated by two court poets, Stephen Hawes and John Skelton. De Worde published all of the former's and some of the latter's work, and

i8

Introduction

it is clear from Copland's writing that he had read both (for example, Assemble 17-21 or Guystarde and Sygysmonde 6). He admires the former's high ornate style (and the syntactic disjunction that Hawes shares with other early sixteenth-century writers is sometimes present in Copland, too, as a concomitant of this style). It is the Skelton of The Bowge of Court, however, whose powerful creation of character through speech represents the most sympathetic influence on Copland's poetry in his longer works, Seuen Sorowes, lyl, and Hye Way. Hawes and Skelton each embody an older, more familiar model of authorship, however: the one a courtier, the other a cleric. For Copland, authorship springs directly out of the world of early printing, with its constitutive elements of commerce and technology as well as literature. The juxtaposition of these elements in the careers of Caxton, and particularly of de Worde, provided his immediate pattern. Conclusions Translation projects both begin and end Copland's career, and the perspective afforded by continuous work with two tongues no doubt partly explains the frequency with which he presents language as the object of examination. Antiquated language, varieties of language (thieves' cant, national jargon, proverbs), language as illustrative of social divisions - all receive consideration. In his own writing he can choose 'playnly to say' (Hye Way 93) in an unadorned middle language; or he can command a vulgar idiom, or deploy at least the common coin of a learned tradition. Centrally, he is concerned with the language of speech, and how it reveals and characterizes. The dialogue form toward which he seems instinctively to move, even in his early work, depends on contrasts in spoken language in order to characterize. His early Castell of Pleasure prologue, written as a dialogue between himself and the author, presents the nucleus of a dramatic situation, the author pressing for publication, the printer demurring. The prefatory dialogue to Seuen Sorowes gives us a complacent customer with whom the badgered printer has to deal. Finally the prefatory material to lyl contains the joking exchange between Copland and his friend John Hardlesay. Each of these short dialogues is tangential to the poem's central concern, yet their vividness and their frequency indicate that Copland finds this form most congenial for developing both narrative and character. In each of these examples he uses himself as poetic subject, though the persona is complex, and appears variously as authoritative and foolish. Always, however, the other speaker is more fully realized than

19

Introduction

the neutral author, through the satiric rendering of his speech. This dramatist's concern is most fully developed in the conversational exchanges of the longer work, lyl and Seuen Sorowes, and particularly in Hye Way, where in the marginally participating narrator and the selfrevealing speakers, Copland surely has Chaucer's example very much in mind.

Printing: 'By my soule ye prynters make such englyshe' From the mal marie translations around 1505 to the printing work around 1547, Copland's multifold career as translator, printer, editor, and author lasted more than forty years. If we count the three volumes shared with de Worde at the outset of this career and disregard the ephemera - indulgences and images of pity - books survive from thirtyfive editions. Of this number a substantial portion that bear his colophon were probably printed for de Worde, though, given the identity of de Worde's and Copland's 95 mm textura type, it is impossible to say how many. Ten of the thirty-five editions - almost a third of his output - are identifiable as work for or with still other printers (Richard Kele, four; John Byddell, three; Richard Bankes, two; Michael Fawkes, one). This record suggest a continuing lack of capital - as does his expressed concern for accurate and pleasing presentation, taken together with volumes that are not particularly strong in either regard.39 His books were for the most part directed toward assured markets: a pilgrim's guide (Pylgrimage), a seaman's handbook (Rutter), a prognostication (Pryncyples of Astronamye). The question of block purchase by religious institutions needs further investigation, but it may be that some of Copland's religious titles were printed for Syon Abbey, and that thus a guaranteed sale was secured for at least part of an edition. The large number of his books that survive in unique copies - twentytwo out of the thirty-five editions - testifies to the popularity of his choices. William Copland, Robert's successor, reprinted a number of romances that first appeared under de Worde's name. Perhaps some lost editions, printed by Robert, intervened. Two of his long poems, lyl and Seuen Sorowes, survive only in versions printed by William in the 15608 that are unlikely to be their first editions. Caxton's prologues provide the best-known formulations of the way in which early printers and editors conceived their work. In his preface

21

Introduction

to The Consolation of Philosophic (1478), the printer's work is subsumed in the teacher's. Since translations of Boethius are rare 'for the erudicion and lernyng of suche as ben Ignoraunt & not knowyng of it' and at the request of a friend, 'I William Caxton haue done my debuoir & payne tenprynte it in fourme as is here afore made / In hopyng that it shal prouffite moche peple to the wele & helth of their soules' (W.J.B. Crotch ed The Prologues and Epilogues of William Caxton [New York: reprint ed 1971] 37). The rhetoric is elevated: through its instructive function printing is defined as one of the spiritual works of mercy. On the other hand Caxton's prologues also convey an intense, if veiled, consciousness of monetary pressures, and it has become conventional to stress the early printers' economic concerns. Copland's testimony might modify this assessment in some ways: the Ipomydon verses, for instance, suggest the regular employment of a 'learned corrector' by the printer, while his condemnation of inaccurate work is referred to above ('By my soule ye prynters make such englyshe / So yll spelled, so yll poynted, and so peuyshe'). Since reading is often defined by late medieval book owners as a moral act rather than an intellectual one, printing's moral role is easily invoked, as in Caxton's lines above and in Copland's Castell, Myrrour, and Assemble verses. His strong antiquarian interest is notable, as he praises the printer's role in preserving the manuscript's 'mater ... With thylke same langage that Chaucer to the gaue.' Despite his invocation of technology, Copland's view here of himself and de Worde as conservators of the text places them in the direct line of their scribal predecessors. Nevertheless in the persona of his jocular yet harried printer he does acknowledge a diversity of pressures, both educational ('Syr I haue a very proper boke / Of morall wysdome please ye their on to loke') and, indeed, economic ('I care not greatly, so that I nowe and than / May get a peny as wel as I can') (i2b/23~4, 89-90).

Addendum: Device and sign

Though Copland's shop sign, the rose garland, remained constant throughout his career, his device did not. Like many of the early English printers' devices, Copland's first mark copied a French original, one that belonged to Robert de Gourmont (fl. 1498-1518).4° It shows two winged stags holding a shield, the whole surrounded by a border of leaves and flowers (Silvestre no 81). Claudin says this mark 'represeinte les armoiries des Gourmont, originaires de Saint-Germain-de-Barreville, pres de Valognes/41 Copland changed the animals to what McKerrow describes as hinds, substituted his scrolled motto for the bordering leaves ('Melius est nomen bonum quam divitiae multae'), placed his own device on the shield, inserted his name, and added his rose garland emblem about the shield. The similarity of the initials R.G. and R.C. and of the names Robert Gourmont and Robert Copland, probably underlies Copland's choice (McKerrow no 36). This device is used only in his first three books. The handsome rose garland that was to be his principal emblem throughout the rest of his life (McKerrow no 713) first appears in Robert Langton's 1522 Pylgrimage: it is accompanied, in the upper left- and right-hand corners, by the Tudor rose and by Catherine of Aragon's pomegranate. No source has been discovered for the garland device, and its symbolism is not clear. An analogue appears in a 1514 Sarum primer (src 15918) printed for Francis Byrckman, perhaps by W. Hopyl, in London. Here a similar garland of roses encloses a rosary and is labelled 'le noble chapellet de nostre dame'. A late fifteenth-century tale, 'The Wright's Chaste Wife,' offers a contrasting possibility: its central talisman is a rose garland that will remain fresh as long as a wife is faithful.42 Either of these associations, the religious or the sexual, might find echoes in Copland's writing. Besides the rose garland Copland's books carry two other smaller marks. Between 1528 and 1532 he used the sillpiece (McKerrow no

23

Introduction

77) three times, to finish off at the conclusion of a text. In 1529 he twice used a small device like a backward 4 surmounting his initials (not in McKerrow). It was probably made especially for the small 16° books in which he employed it. In 1534 the rose garland device appears twice in a variant state, with the pomegranate cut away (McKerrow no 73) - a response to the reduction of Catherine's status to that of princess dowager.

Notes

1 Athenae Oxonienses. A New Edition with Additions ... by Philip Bliss 4 vols (London 1813) I 249-50. According to Bliss, 'It appears that Wood intended to have given a distinct life of this person, who is so slightly noticed in the preceding article; since Tanner in his Bibliotheca quotes The Third Vol. of the ATHENAE as his authority for a list of Copland's works given in that publication. This Third Volume consisted of loose slips of paper in Wood's own hand, which were bequested to Tanner. Many of these he inserted in the copy of the first edition of the ATHENAE, now preserved in Ashmole's museum, and many are still remaining among his MSS. in the Bodleian. A great portion of them also were, after they had been used for the Bibliotheca Britannica, either destroyed or lost, amongst which is the account of Copland ...' (I 252-3). See also Thomas Tanner Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica (London 1748) 199. 2 The beggar, asked by 'Copland' where he comes from, responds 'And lyke your maystershyp / of the north.' Hazlitt read the line as meaning 'If it please your mastership, of the north,' rather than Francis's 'And, as your mastership is, of the north' (2ib/25i; Hazlitt I 336; Francis 9). John Foxe Acts and Monuments ed S.R. Cattley and G. Townsend 8 vols (London 1837-41) iv 221-44 mentions a Robert Copland who informed against a Joan Bernard in a 1521 heresy investigation pursued by Bishop John Longland in the diocese of Lincoln. Although many of the accused lived in a London Lollard colony, since Joan Bernard's home was the parish of Amersham, Lines, it is unlikely that her accuser was the London printer. 3 Quoted in Ames et al Typographical Antiquities I 345 4 Plomer Contemporaries 53. Plomer believed that Copland's very earliest work might have been the rhymed colophons in de Worde's 1494 Scala Perfectionis and 1495 Polychronicon; the verses, however, contain no evidence of authorship.

25

5 6

7 8 9 10

11

12 13 14

Notes Copland's phrase 'my mayster Caxton' is almost exactly duplicated by Richard Pynson, in the prologue to his first book, the Canterbury Tales (STC 5084 [1492?]). Pynson describes the book as 'diligently ouirsen and duely examined by the pollitike reason and ouirsight of my worshipful master William Caxton.' E. Gordon Duff, quoting this phrase, rejects the possibility that Pynson was employed by Caxton (Printers 57-8). Hodnett A.&C. xiii. Charles Phythian-Adams suggests that the term 'young man' in early sixteenth-century Coventry records encompasses the ages twelve to twenty-four (Desolation of a City [Cambridge 1979] 126). Keith Thom cites a variety of opinions on the age adolescence ended and adulthood began including twenty-two, twenty-five, even twenty-eight, but says 'the most favoured alternative legal age of adulthood [other than twenty-one] was twenty-four complete ... twenty-four was a much invoked age' ('Age and Authority in Early Modern England' Proceedings of the British Academy 62 [1976] 205-48; quotation 227). The suggestion that Copland was younger than twenty-four when he deprecated his ignorant youth would advance his birth date further and make the Caxton connection even less likely. In the preface to his undated Pryncyples of Astronamye, [c 1547] Andrew Boorde refers to 'old Robert Copland, the eldist printer of Ingland.' S.R. Smith 'The London Apprentices as Seventeenth-Century Adolescents' Past & Present 61 (1973) 157-8 Berdan 502 Transmission of Christine de Pizan's work in English manuscript and print, for instance, illustrates both the taste of such a readership and efforts to supply it. See P.G.C. Campbell 'Christine de Pisan en Angleterre' Revue de Litterature Comparee 5 (1925) 659-70. Location symbols throughout are those used by STC. The L copy of The Deyenge Creature has Copland's device, while the C copy has de Worde's. The HN and O (colophon only) copies of lustices have de Worde's colophon; the C and second O copies have Copland's. Isaac i under 'Robert Copland' no page De Worde also printed John Byddell's and John Cough's first books (Duff Century 20, 58). St Margaret Westminster assumption guild accounts (Westminster Abbey muniments) for 2-5 Henry vn, or Michaelmas 1486-9, show de Worde's name under the heading 'newe Brethern & Sistren' with the customary entrance payment of 6/8 (f 4v). To de Worde in 1520-2, St Mary Rounceval guild paid 8 d/ioo for breves, 18 d/ioo for letters ('Master Wylkyns the prynter'), ff 8, lov. For payments to Copland 1522-4, see ff 5v, 7v;

26

15 16

17

18

19 20

Notes he charged the same for letters, but the order he received for 2100 breves in 1522-3 produced a payment of only 7/4, or a bit over four and a half pence per hundred - a price about half that of de Worde. These accounts are also summarized in H.F. Westlake The Parish Gilds of Medieval England. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (London 1919) 85. Paul Needham The Printer and the Pardoner (Washington DC 1986) Arthur J. Slavin summarizes older work on Pynson and St Botolph's in his illuminating essay 'The Gutenberg Galaxy and the Tudor Revolution' in Print and Culture in the Renaissance ed Gerald P. Tyson and Sylvia S. Wagonheim (Newark NJ 1986) 90-109. Duff 'Borde' 31. The inquisition and will are summarized in George S. Fry ed Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem Relating to the City of London part i, British Record Society no 15 (London 1896) 149-50. The messuages in Alsop's will probably contained both shop and living quarters. In his edition of Elizabethan surveyor Ralph Treswell's work, John Schofield says, 'The great majority of small and medium-sized properties which had street frontages had a shop as the ground-floor front room' (The London Surveys of Ralph Treswell. London Topographical Society no 135 [London 1987] 22). The Thomas Alsop who was William Copland's landlord, and hence perhaps Robert's, may be the author who produced a modernized version of the Man of Law's Tale in the mid-i52os for Pynson, a bit before Copland's own editing work on The Assemble of Poules for de Worde in 1530. For Alsop's biography see Franklin B. Williams, Jr 'Alsop's Fair Custance: Chaucer in Tudor Dress' English Literary Renaissance 6 (1976) 351-403. The 'Agas' map, produced between 1561 and 1570 from the Copperplate Map of 1552-9, provides a detailed view of Fleet Street's buildings (The A to Z of Elizabethan London comp Adrian Prockter and Robert Taylor. London Topographical Society no 122 [London 1979] 19). For Copland's location see also STC m 257 'Index 3E: London Addresses.' C.J. Kitching ed London and Middlesex Chantry Certificate, 1548 London Record Society no 16 (London 1980) 51-2 For more information on the will see Erler 'Wynkyn de Worde's Will: Legatees and Bequests' The Library 6th ser x (1988) 107-21. Copland, Pepwell, and Gough had each begun his career somewhat earlier than had the executors. Copland's To Soone verses date from c 1505, Pepwell's first book appeared in 1518, and the earliest record of Cough's activity is in 1526. By contrast Byddell's and Gaver's careers cannot be traced before the 15303 (Century 20, 53-4, 58, 119-20). Thus the overseers' positions may have belonged to slightly senior friends of the de-

27

21

22

23

24

25

26

Notes ceased. A modern legal text cautions that 'the overseer has no power to administer or intermeddle otherwise than to counsel, persuade, and advise; and if that fail to remedy negligence or miscarrying in the executors, he may complain to the Court' (Sir E. Vaughn Williams Law of Executors and Administrators gth ed [London 1893] i 194). One mark = 135 4d. For an idea of how much this amounted to in contemporary terms we may compare John Rastell's statement in a 1536 letter to Cromwell that for some years he had been earning forty marks a year by the law (H.R. Plomer 'John Rastell and His Contemporaries' Bibliographia 2, 441). The ranger [park-keeper] in John Heywood's Play of the Weather (1525-33), however, says he makes five marks a year (417), so de Worde's legacy to Copland might be thought to equal a modest annual wage. Joseph Lemuel Chester and George J. Armytage eds Allegations for Marriage Licenses Issued by the Bishop of London 1520 to 1610 2 vols Harleian Society 25 and 26 (London 1887) I 10. Poll tax returns in 1379 show a Thomas Copland, one of fourteen chaplains attached to the parish of St Bride (A.K. McHardy, The Church in London 1375-1392 [London: London Record Society 1977] 7). Ida Darlington ed London Consistory Court Wills 1492-1547 London Record Society 3 (London 1967) 84. H.R. Plomer discovered a William Copeland, bookbinder, of St Clement Danes parish (just outside Fleet Street's Temple Bar) mentioned in a common pleas suit of 1492, who he suggested might be the printer's father ('Some Notices of Men Connected with the English Book Trade from the Plea Rolls of Henry vn' The Library 3d ser I [1910] 289-301; quotation 299). Paul Needham has recently remarked, 'the status of type identification is still surprisingly chaotic and fragmented. The easy work - defining types peculiar to a single press - has mostly been done. The hard work - defining and distinguishing virtually identical founts, i.e. founts derived in full or in large part from a single set of punches, but used by more than one press - is still to be done' ('ISTC As a Tool for Analytical Bibliography' in Bibliography and the Study of i$th-Century Civilisation ed Lotte Hellinga and John Goldfinch. British Library Occasional Papers 5 [London 1987] 39-54; quotation 49). Francis says, 'as a printer Copland failed to rise above the very low standards that prevailed in this country. His books are nearly all mediocre productions, mean and unattractive in appearance and displaying no hint of any awareness of what could be accomplished' (14). Percy Simpson, however, accords him the moderate distinction of being 'a printer who was careful about spelling and punctuation' (56). Ames et al Typographical Antiquities m 120. Hollstein's German Engrav-

28

27 28

29 30 31 32 33

34

Notes ings, Etchings and Woodcuts 1400-2700 ed Fritz Koreny and Tilman Falk xiv A: Hans Holbein the Younger (Roosendaal 1988) 185 For discussion of how early printers viewed their responsibility to text and author, see Hellinga 'Manuscripts.' Markings in the manuscript and discoveries about its owner, John Colyns, have led Carol M. Meale to conclude independently that London BL Harley 2252 was ancestral to de Worde's print ('Wynkyn de Worde's Setting-Copy for Ipomydon' Studies in Bibliography 25 [1982] 156-71). Reed 166, 173-4. The 1524 monition does not contain the names of those present. Duff 'Borde' 33 Phythian-Adams 132 (see n6) Duff 'Borde' 30 Based on type analysis, Katharine F. Pantzer has suggested that an additional group of four undated books may be assigned to [1548?] and to 'R. or W. Copland': [13175.12?], [18222.5?], [22160?], [24203.7?]. These books' type is similar to that of a second group that she has assigned to William Copland, between 1545 and 1550 (src in 45 'Index i: Printers and Publishers'). Prefatory verse from a French fortune-telling book, published about 1500, provides the sort of model Copland probably knew well. (Hugh Wm Davies ed. Catalogue of a Collection of Early French Books ... 2 vols. [London 1910] 11 754) [P]Er manier de passer tamps. Et enlieu quasi de rien faire: Pour contenter les escoutans. Et mon Intention parfaire. Selon la teneur exemplaire. Ai fait ceste translation. Et si lia rien a refaire. le me met-i a correction.

De lonbart ie lai translate. En francois ainsy que lay seu. Excuses ma fragilite len ay fait le mieux que lay peu. Et tout ainsy que lay congneu. Sans minuer ou aiouster. Selon quen lexemple lay veu. lay escript point nen fault doubte.

Loran lesprit sans fiction. Feust Inventeur de cest art cy. Pour doner recreation. Aux signeurs et dames aulxi. Et le feist protestant ainsy. Ou qui feust veu ne en quelliu. Quon naioustat foit a cecy. Car on doit croire en vng seul dieu.

Atous ceulz qui cecy liront. Nous supplions tres humblemant. Tiennent telz termes qui seront. Hault ou bas car moienemant. It precede et rudemant. Tout est fait en groT borguinon. Vous nous par donres franchemant Sans aduiser de nous lenom.

29 35

Notes Author Christopher Goodwyn, in his translation of 'Le songe de la pucelle/ The may dens dreme [1542?], similarly plays on his own name. The Authours name. THus Adue, myne owne maystresses all To (Chryst) I comende you, that sytteth on hye Vnto whom my prayers. I (Offre) shall That with hym you may reygne, aboue the sterry skye So I requyre you all hartely (Good) virgyns to praye that I maye (wyn) The eternall Glory, in auoydynge syn. (STC 12047, 84v)

36 Copland recognizes the conventional nature of these sentiments: in the Seuen Sorowes envoy, c 1526, he writes: 'And to thy readers, as custome is to say / Do thy deuoyr ...' (8-9). 37 In the following examples, 'impressyon' = printing: Spectacle, c 1520: 'Excusynge thyne impression al way' (3); Secrete, 1528: 'Yf by impressyon / ony thynge be amys / In worde / in sence / or in ortography' (29-30); Guystarde, 1532: 'And yf thou happe to reimpressyon / Desyre ... that no transgressyon / ... be made in ony clause' (15-18). 38 'Many of the earlier poets allowed themselves considerable variations both in number of stresses and number of syllables per line. Hawes, for example, wrote rhyme royal with lines of four to six stresses and six to fourteen syllables' (7-8). 39 'A printing business requires a large capital investment, chiefly because a lot of money has to be spent on wages and paper before the sale of books brings in a return'; see further Gaskell 176-8. 40 For more on de Gourmont, see Philippe Renouard Repertoire 177-8. 41 Histoire de I'imprimerie en France au xve et au xvie siecle 5 vols (Paris 1900-15) ii 360-1 42 FJ. Furnivall ed The Wright's Chaste WifeEETS OS 12 (Oxford 1865)

30

Tables

TABLE 1

Robert Copland: Career 1505?

Translates A Complaynt of Them That Be To Soone Maryed, from La complainte de trop tot marie (perhaps by Pierre Gringore), although no edition survives until 1535. Attaches ROBERTUS COPLANDE acrostic verses in which he calls the translation 'my fyrst werke.' Translates Pierre Gringore's La complainte de trop tard marie as The Complaynte of Them That Ben To Late Maryed. Attaches ROBERTE COPLAND acrostic verses. Two leaves of [1505?] survive, then an edition of 1518.

8 December 1508

Revises and writes verse for The Kalender of Shepeherdes for de Worde, though the surviving edition, dated 1508, is actually 1516.

before 1510

Probably translates and writes prologue to a first, lost de Worde edition of Kynge Appolyn of Thyre, though no edition survives until 1510. (Hodnett suggests this earlier edition on the basis of the cuts in 1510.)

6 February 1512

Translates and writes prologue to de Worde's edition of The Knyght of the Swanne or Helyas.

1514

Publishes joint edition, with de Worde, of The Deyenge Creature.

1514?

Prints Modus tenendi curium baronum.

1515

Publishes joint edition, with de Worde, of The lustices of Peas. This is the first book of Copland's that has the rose garland colophon and device.

1518

Writes introductory and concluding verses, in French and English, to Pepwell edition of William Nevill's The Castell of Pleasure.

c 1520

Probably writes envoy to a lost edition of William Walter's The Spectacle of Louers. No edition survives until [1533?].

3i

Tables

TABLE i continued 22 March 1521

Prints Alexander Barclay's The Introductory to Wryte / and to Pronounce Frenche; attaches his own translation of The Maner of Dauncynge of Bace Daunces.

i January 21 April 1521

Writes verses to de Worde's edition of a translation from Latin of Edmund Rich's The Myrrour of the Chyrche (colophon dated 12 Hen 8).

6 October 1521

Writes prologue and envoy verses for de Worde's edition of Andrew Chertsey's translation of The Passyon of Our Lords.

1522-4

Prints indulgences for Rounceval guild, Westminster.

18 November 1522

Prints The Pylgrimage of M. Robert Langton Clerke to Saynt lames in Compostell, by Langton.

c 1522

Probably writes verse for, perhaps edits for de Worde, or perhaps prints for himself an edition of Ipomydon. (Only one leaf survives from this edition; the first complete edition is dated c 1527.)

1522

Prints In the Honor of the Passion of Our Lorde. And the Compassyon of Our Blyssed Lady.

1522

Prints and writes verses for The Tauerne of Goostly Helthe.

1522

Prints Accidentia ex Stanbrigiana (probably for de Worde).

1523?

Prints John Blakman's Collectarium mansuetudinum et bonorum morum regis Henrici vi.

23 July 1524

Translates, prints, and writes envoy verse for The Begynnynge and Foundacyon of the ... Knyghtes Hospytallers ... with The Syege ... of Rodes.

c 1525

Prints two xylographic Images of Pity STC 14077 c. HA and .i7A), both used later in The Pomander of Prayer (1528). Number 17A survives in BL Egerton ms 1821.

32

Tables

TABLE i continued

c 1526

Writes The Seuen Sorowes That Women Haue When Theyr Husbandes Be Deade. No edition surviving until [c 1565?].

7 August 1528

Translates, prints, and writes verses to The Secrete of Secretes. Attaches translation of Certayne Reasons of... Sydrac to the Kynge Boctus.

24 December 1528

Prints The Pomander of Prayer, perhaps edited by Richard Whitford. Second edition 31 October 1530.

1528

Translates, prints, and writes prose preface and verse envoy to The Rutter of the See for Richard Bankes.

20 September 1529

Prints The Serche of Confessyon.

28 September 1529

Prints and writes verse for The Doctrynall of Mekenesse.

1529

Prints The Psalter of Jesus.

1529

Prints The .XV. Oos.

1529

First appearance, in a Paris primer (STC 15961.3) printed by Francois Regnault, of The Maner to Lyue Well, Copland's translation of Jean Quentin; it continued to appear in primers until 1556.

24 January 1530

Writes verses for and perhaps edits, for de Worde, Chaucer's The Assemble of Foules.

19 June 1531

Prints The Golden Letany in Englysshe.

1531

Prints and writes verse for The Rosarye of Our Lady in Englysshe.

1532

Writes prefatory and interpolated verses and an envoy to de Worde's edition of William Walter's translation, Guystarde and Sygysmonde.

1532

Translates and prints The Tryumphant Vyctory of the Imperyall Mageste agaynst the Turkes for Richard Bankes.

1533?

Writes verse for and prints Rhymed Life of Christ.

33

Tables

TABLE \ continued 5 January 1534

Prints Erasmus' The Dyaloge Called Funus for John Byddell.

7 January 1534

Prints John Colet's A Ryght Frutefull Monycion for Byddell.

1534

Prints and probably edits The Tree of the Holy Goost.

1534?

Prints The Dialoge betwene lulius the Seconde, Genius, and Saynt Peter for John Byddell.

5 June 1534 19 January 1535

Death of de Worde

29 October 1535

Prints The xn Frutes of the Holy Goost with Michael Fawkes and issues it bound with The Tree of the Holy Goost,

c 1535

Writes lyl of Braintfords Testament. No edition survives until [c 1563].

1529-36

Writes and prints The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous.

1542

Translates and writes preface for Wyer-Bankes-Tabbe edition of The Questyonary of Cyrurgyens. (Translation date on Ai is 4 Feb.)

1545?

Prints Christmas Carolles for Richard Kele.

1545?

Prints John Skelton's Phyllyp Sparowe, Colyn Cloute, and Why Come Ye Nat to Courte for Richard Kele.

c 1545

Translates Petrus Tommai's The Art of Memory for William Middleton.

c 1547

Is printing (or holding) Andrew Boorde's The Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge, though no edition survives until William Copland's [1555?]

1547? 1547? 1547?

Prints Andrew Boorde's The Pryncyples of Astronamye. Prints A Boke of the Propertyes of Herbes. Prints [A.C. Merry Talys]. 4 leaves survive.

34

Tables

TABLE 2

Chronological List of Copland's Original Verse 'ROBERTUS COPLANDE' envoy acrostic to A Complaynt of Them That Be To Soone Maryed. Poem calls this 'my fyrst werke.' No edition survives until 1535.

Three Monk's Tale stanzas

'ROBERTE COPLAND' envoy acrostic to The Complaynte of Them That Ben To Late Maryed. Two leaves only. No complete edition until 1518

Three rhyme royal stanzas

8 December 1508

The Kalender of Shepeherdes

Four inserted rhyme royal stanzas on estates; one rhyme royal stanza on plowmen; 18 lines in twostress couplets; one stanza rhyming ababcdcdcc; five rhyme royal stanzas 'Ho ho'; four rhyme royal envoy stanzas

1518

French and English verse in The Castell of Pleasure. De Worde edition undated [1530?] but Pepwell edition dated 1518

Seven rhyme royal preliminary stanzas. End: two seven-line envoy stanzas in French, one eight-line stanza in French. One rhyme royal stanza.

c 1520

Envoy to The Spectacle of Louers

One rhyme royal stanza

22 March 1521

Verses to Duke of Norfolk, in Alexander Barclay's The Introductory to Wryte / and to Pronounce Frenche

Two Monk's Tale stanzas in French

i January 21 April 1521

Religious verses to The Myrrour of the Chyrche

Four rhyme royal stanzas at beginning, one Monk's Tale stanza at end

15051

35

Tables

TABLE 2 continued 6 October 1521

Prologue and envoy for Andrew Chertsey's translation of The Passyon of Our Lorde

Three rhyme royal stanzas at beginning, one Monk's Tale stanza at end

c 1522

Envoy stanza to Ipomydon

One rhyme royal stanza

1522

Religious verses to The Tauerne of Goostly Helthe

Two iambic trimeter stanzas, ababbcc

23 July 1524

Envoy to The Syege of Rodes

One Monk's Tale stanza

c 1526

The Seuen Sorowes That Women Haue When Theyr Husbandes Be Deade. No edition until [c 1565?]

One Monk's Tale preliminary stanza; 100 lines in iambic pentameter couplets; 470 lines in the same; two rhyme royal envoi stanzas

7 August 1528

Envoy stanzas and probably a prefatory one to The Secrete of Secretes

One prefatory and five envoy rhyme royal stanzas

1528

Envoy stanza to The Rutter of the See

One Monk's Tale stanza

28 September 1529

Religious verse for The Doctrynall of Mekenesse

Three iambic trimeter stanzas, ababbcc

24 January 1530

Prefatory and envoy stanzas to Chaucer's The Assemble of Foules

Four Monk's Tale prefatory stanzas; three rhyme royal envoy stanzas

1531

Religious verse for The Rosarye of Our Lady in Englysshe

Ten iambic trimeter stanzas, ababbcc

1532

Prefatory, envoy, and interspersed verse to Guystarde and Sygysmonde

Four rhyme royal prologue stanzas; twelve rhyme royal stanzas interspersed throughout text; five rhyme royal envoy stanzas

1533?

Religious verse for Rhymed Life of Christ

Four iambic trimeter stanzas, ababbcc

36

Tables

TABLE 2 continued

c 1535

lyl of Braintfords Testament. No edition survives until [c 1563]

343 lines. Two prefatory stanzas, abab; 76 lines in iambic tetrameter couplets; 259 lines in a mixture of rhyme royal, couplets, and triplets

1529-36

The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous

1096 lines. Prologue: twelve rhyme royal stanzas. 1004 lines in couplets. One Monk's Tale envoy stanza

TABLE 3

Chronological List of Copland's Original Prose

1508

The Kalender of Shepeherdes

329 words

before 1510

Kynge Appolyn of Thyre

265 words

1512

The Knyght of the Sutanne or Helyas

447 words

1528

The Rutter of the See

661 words

1542

The Questyonary of Cyrurgyens

355 words

TABLE 4

Chronological List of Copland's Translations Verse 1505?

A Complaynt of Them That Be To Soone Maryed, The Complaynte of Them That Ben To Late Maryed

Prose 8 December 1508

The Kalender of Shepeherdes

37

Tables

TABLE 4 continued before 1510

Kynge Appolyn of Thyre. No edition before 1510 survives, but Hodnett suggests an earlier one on the basis of the cuts.

6 February 1512

The Knyght of the Swanne

22 March 1521

The Maner of Dauncynge of Bace Daunces after the Vse of Fraunce

23 July 1524

The Begynnynge and Foundacyon of the ... Knyghtes Hospytallers with The Syege ... of Rodes

7 August 1528

The Secrete of Secretes. Also Certayne Reasons of ... Sydrac to the Kynge Boctus

1528

The Rutter of the See

1529

The Maner to Lyue Well

1532

The Tryumphant Vyctory of the Imperyall Mageste agaynst the Turkes

4 February 1542

The Questyonary of Cyrurgyens

c 1545

The Art of Memory

TABLE 5

Chronological List of Work Printed by Copland, with Device and McKerrow Number

1514

STC 6035,6035.5

Deyenge Creature. Both issues have de Worde's colophon, but 6035.5 has Copland's device no. 36.

1514?

STC 7706.5

Modus no, 36

1515

STC 14865

Justices of Peas. Has Copland's colophon and device no 36, while STC 14864.5 has de Worde's.

1521

STC 1386

Introductory. No device

38

Tables

TABLE 5 continued Indulgence printing, no copies survive

1522-4 STC 14552

Passion of Our Lorde. No device

STC 15206

Pylgrimage no. 713

STC 23148.3

Accidentia. No device

STC 23707

Tauerne. No device

1523?

STC 3123

Collectarium no. 713

1524

STC 15050

Syege of Rodes no. 713

C1525

STC 140770.HA and .i7A

Two Images of Pity. No device.

1528

STC 770

Secrete of Secretes no. 713

STC 11550.6

Rutter. Bankes's mark

STC 25421.2

Pomander of Prayer no. 77

STC 6933

Doctrynall of Mekenesse. No device

STC 14563

Psalter of Jesus. No device

STC 20196

XV Oos.*

STC 22141

Serche of Confessyon.*

1530

STC 25421.3

Pomander of Prayer no. 77. McKerrow says no. 713 also, but only no. 77 is present in the Folger copy I examined.

1531

STC 15707

Golden Letany. No device

STC 17545

Rosarye of Our Lady. No device

STC 5018

Tryumphant Vyctory no. 77

1522

1529

1532

39

Tables

TABLE 5 continued 1533?

STC 14552.7

Rhymed Life of Christ. No device

1534

STC 5547

Monycion. Byddell's mark

STC 10453.5

Funus no. 73

STC 13608

Tree no. 73

STC 14841.5

lulius Exclusus. Byddell's mark

1535

STC 13608

XH Frutes no. 713

1536?

STC 5732

Hye Way no. 713

1545?

STC 5204.5

Christmas Carolles. No device

STC 22594

Phyllyp Sparowe. No device

STC 22601

Colyn Cloute. No device

STC 22615

Why Come Ye Nat to Courte. No device

STC 3386

Pryncyples of Astronamye. No device

STC 13175.11

Boke of ... Herbes. No device

STC 23664.5

[AC. Merry Talys]. Not seen

i547
e pacient schal absteyne and spare salte metis.' 16 Passyon first appeared in a Scots-English edition published probably in Paris, perhaps for Antoine Verard about 1508 (STC 14557). This edition included a notable series of full-page cuts signed V.G., the initials of Urse Graf, a teacher of Holbein (Hodnett 41). The awkwardness of the English made it necessary to retranslate the text if the book were to be successful in an English market. Andrew Chertsey had already performed a similar assignment for de Worde in 1505 when he retranslated the Scots-English Art of good lyivyng & good deying, which, like the Passyon, was first published in Paris by Verard (30 May 1503). 8b.

Iflnuocacyon of Robert Coplande.

5 Copland is punning on endewe's two senses: 'bedew', 'moisten/ hence 'cleanse'; and 'endow' or 'invest' (with spiritual quality). In both cases the agent will be the blood of Christ crucified. 7 The second mention of 'floure' (cf. 8a/8), intended to recall Chertsey's title 8 The 'werkes' are both spiritual activities in general, and the books offered for sale. The verb vse in the envoy's last line echoes the noun vse in the prologue's first one.

9

IPOMYDON

Ipomydon STC 5733 [c 1527] First edition: [c 1522] An earlier edition of Ipomydon survives in a single leaf, unsigned, at the British Library (0.40.01.9(18), STC 5732.5; UM reel 1303) Wanting quire A Bi Of your court and your norture ... I6v HEnprynted at London in the Fletestrete / at the sygne of the sonne by Wynkyn de Worde. 4°: [ ]B-H4l6; 34 leaves; PML (20896); UM reel 1303; no other copies known Reprinted: E. Kolbing ed Ipomedon in drei englischen bearbeitungen (Breslau 1889) (A, B, and C versions); Henry Weber ed Metrical Romances of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries 3 vols (Edinburgh 1810) n 281-365 (B version, London BL Harley 2252); Ringler TP 475 11 Lenuoye of Robert C. the prynter.

5

[I6v]

Go lytell lest / vndepured of speche Vnto thy reders and alway me excuse To take thy mater I hertly them beseche Though thou rudely / no other termes vse This is thy copy thou can it not refuse Syth that no wryter / wolde take it to amende In this my labour / I myght it not entende. HFinis

9 IPOMYDON

Ipomydon, a twelfth-century romance by Hue de Rotelande (Laura A. Hibbard Medieval Romance in England [New York 1924] 224) survives in three

77

Ipomydon

forms. Version A provides almost 9000 lines of tail-rhyme stanzas (Manchester Chetham's Library 8009). Version B, 2345 lines in couplets, is represented by London BL Harley 2252 and by two de Worde editions, the first a one-leaf fragment dated around 1522 (STC 5732.5, formerly 14128) and the second an edition published around 1527, which lacks the A quire (STC 5733). The C version is in prose, preserved in Longleat 257. The text provides some insight into Tudor printers' editorial practice. Harley 2252, the sixteenth-century commonplace-book of John Colyns, bears nineteen altered readings in its text of Ipomydon, fourteen of which appear in the print. This evidence, together with marginal casting-off marks, has led Carol Meale to suggest that the manuscript served as printer's copy for Ipomydon. Further evidence includes Meale's discovery that Colyns was engaged in 'sellyng of Prynted bokes and other small tryfylles' and thus may have commissioned the edition ('Wynkyn de Worde's Setting-Copy for Ipomydon,' Studies in Bibliography 35 [1982] 156-71). See also Meale's 'The Compiler at Work: John Colyns and BL MS Harley 2252' in Manuscripts and Readers in Fifteenth-Century England ed Derek Pearsall (Cambridge 1983) 82-103. The manuscript is described in A Catalogue of the Harleian Collection of Manuscripts 2nd ed, 4 vols (London 1808-12) n 5&4ff, and in two editions of the stanzaic Morte Arthur. J.D. Bruce ed EETS ES 88 (London 1903), and P.P. Hissiger ed (The Hague 1975). Meale discusses in some detail the very many changes made from manuscript to print, including attempts to regularize metre, modernize vocabulary, eliminate dialect, both remove and insert archaism, and 'produce greater consistency and intelligibility in the text' ('Setting-Copy' 166). She concludes that 'the most probable explanation is that the revisions are the work of an editor in the printshop' (168), but does not connect these revisions with Copland. The envoy stanza, however, may be interpreted to mean that in the absence of a 'wryter' (the implication in line 6 that de Worde sometimes used a corrector is noteworthy), Copland was compelled to amend the text himself, but could not do it justice. This hypothesis would agree with Meale's conclusion, which is based on the manuscript's physical appearance rather than on Copland's verse, that 'the manuscript was initially scrutinized and briefly corrected, and that the compositor was then left to effect further changes as he went along' (168).

10

THE TAUERNE OF GOOSTLY HELTHE

Tauerne STC 23707 1522 Ai HHere ensueth a lytell treatyse named the Tauerne of goostly helthe. [Hodnett no 666, fig 68] A8v f Thus endeth the Tauerne of goostly helth. Emprinted at London in the Fletestrete at the sygne of the Rose garlande / by Robert Coplande. Anno dommi .M.ccccc.xxii. 16°: A8 (-A6); 7 leaves; Blairs College, Aberdeen; privately filmed; no other copies known Ringler TP 786 H R. Coplande the prynter.

5

10

I thyrste good lorde full sore To drynke of thy tonnes fyue Thy grace to me restore Whyle that I am on lyue Of all my synnes to shryue In heuen at thy repaste Of thy swete wyne to taste If I wote I dyde offend By wyne in grete excesse Good lorde I wyll amend And all my fawtes redresse One drop of thy wyne presse From thy moost dulcet grape Into my hert thou shape, amen.

[Aiv]

79

The Tauerne of Goostly Helthe 10 THE T A U E R N E OF GOOSTLY HELTHE

This mystical work, whose source is unknown, presents Christ as the taverner, his skin as the tavern gate, his wounds as the tavern's barrels of wine. Copland's verses have thus been composed to echo the themes of the prose work they accompany. Rosemary Woolf points out that such themes are found most often in continental literature (zooff), though Richard Rolle's comparisons of Christ's wounded body to a dovecote full of holes and to a net might also be recalled. Tauerne is one of seven 16° devotional books Copland printed between 1522 and 1531 now surviving in unique copies in a sammelband. For descriptions of all seven, see James Fowler, Kellas Johnstone, and Alexander Webster Robertson Bibliographia Aberdonensis 2 vols (Aberdeen 1929-30) I 25-6, 33-4, where authorship is attributed to Alexander Barclay. A similar collection of four 8° devotional volumes, three of them unique, all printed by Robert Redman between 1531 and 1535, is preserved as Manchester JRL 12403. i A recollection of Christ's 'I thirst' or 'Sitio' on the cross 3-7 The parallel 'of in lines 5 and 7 contrasts earthly and heavenly life, 'Restore thy grace to me so I may be cleansed of sins in this life, may taste thy wine in the next.' 12 St Peter Damian (1007-72) called Mary the wine stock from which was pressed the grape on the tree of the cross, and a fifteenth-century Dutch monk, Ulrich Stocklins, in a 'Rosaire voue a la mere de Dieu,' spoke of the grape pressed in the winepress of Calvary, a grape from which came the wine of the chalice (Maurice Vloberg L'eucharistie dans I'art [Grenoble and Paris 1946] 44). In Caxton's edition of the Fifteen Oes attributed to St Bridget of Sweden (1491), which Copland was to reprint in 1529, the same theme of Christ's cross as mystical winepress occurs in the fifteenth invocation: 'O Blessed Ihesu verai and true plenteuous vyne. Haue mynde of thy passion and habundaunt shedynge of blode / that thou sheddest most plenteuously. as if it had be threst out of a rype clustre of grapes. Whan they pressed thy blessid body as a ripe clustre vpon the pressour of the crosse' [A7v].

11

THE BEGYNNYNGE AND FOUNDACYON OF THE KNYGHTES HOSPYTALLERS. THE SYEGE / CRUELL OPPUGNACYON / AND LAMENTABLE TAKYNGE OF THE CYTE OF RODES

Knyghtes and Syege of Rodes 51015050 23 July 1524 Ai, A2 wanting A3 HThe begynnynge and foundacyon of the holy hospytall / and of the ordre of the knyghtes hospytallers of saynt lohan baptyst of lerusalem. [type ornament] A4v IfThus endeth the treatyse of the begynnynge and foundacyon of the noble ordre of the knyghtes hospytallers of lerusalem. [type ornament] Here foloweth the syege / cruell oppugnacyon / and lamentable takynge of the cyte of Rodes. [border] A5 [Hodnett A.&C. no 1117] E4v Hlmprynted at London in the Fletestrete at the sygne of the Rose garlonde by Robert Coplande. The yere of our lorde god .M.v.c.xxiiii. the .xxiii. day of July, [type ornament] [Copland's device: McKerrow no 713 within two sidepieces] Fol: A-D6E4 (-Ai, 2, 6); 25 leaves; (c.55.11.5); UM reel 70; no other copies known Reprinted: Copland's prose translation and condensation of Syege in Hakluyt, STC 12626, 2, pt i, 72-95. This text summarized in Letters and Papers Henry 8, 3, pt 2, no 2841; Ringler TP 471 If Lenuoy of the prynter.

5

Go lytell boke / and wofull tragedy. Of the Rodyan ferfull oppugnacyon To all estates complanynge ruthfully Of thyn estate / and sodayne transmutacyon Excusynge me yf in thy translacyon Ought be amysse in language or in werke I me submytte with theyr supportacyon To be correct that am so small a clerke.

[E4V]

8i

The Begynnynge ... of the Knyghtes Hospytallers 11 K N Y G H T E S AND SYEGE OF RODES

This unique volume comprises two of Copland's prose translations from French. The first, a brief history of the Knights Hospitallers of St John of Jerusalem, was written by Guillaume de Caorsin (c 1430-1501), who served successively as vice-chancellor and secretary of the Knights. It prefaced a reediting of the order's statutes in 1489, and in 1493 was translated from Latin into various vernaculars (Recueil des historiens des croisades [Paris 1895] cxxvi). Comparison of Copland's translation with the Harvard copy of this text (Le fondement... de lordre de la chevalerie des hospitallers de saint iehan baptiste de iherusalem [C3] Paris after 1493, Pierre Le Dru?) shows that his is a word-for-word rendering of the French. The second item in this volume is Copland's translation and condensation of the Chevalier Jacques de Bourbon's eyewitness account of the 1522 fall of Rhodes: La grande et merveilleuse et tres cruelle oppugnation de la noble cite de Rhodes. (For de Bourbon, see J.F. Michaud Biographie universelle [Paris 1870-3] vol 10) Rhodes had been the home of the Knights since the fourteenth century. The preface to Syege calls the island 'key of crystendome / the hope of many poore crysten men with holden in turky to saue and kepe them in theyr faythe. The rest and yerely solace of noble pylgrymes of the holy sepulcre ... the refuge and refresshynge of all crysten people hauynge cours of marchaundyse in the partyes of Lauant' [A5v]. In 1480 the island had successfully repelled a Turkish attack of 160 ships. (De Caorsin wrote an account of this battle that was translated into English by John Kay and printed around 1482 [src 4594].) Suleiman the Magnificent succeeded in avenging this defeat in 1522, despite immense losses, when Rhodes surrendered after a siege of 145 days. Two editions of La grande ... oppugnation were published in 1525, with subsequent editions in 1526 and 1527. Copland's English edition of this book, however, is dated 23 July 1524. Perhaps, since the entire volume was published under Templar auspices, Copland had access to the French work before its publication. The commissioning of the English volume by the grand prior of the order in England is revealed by its title-page, missing in the unique surviving copy, but reprinted, along with Copland's translation (though he is not named) by Hakluyt in his edition of 1598-1600: 'A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes, by Sultan Soliman the great Turke, translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray, great Prior of the order of lerusalem in England, in the yeere, 1524' (The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English nation Hakluyt Society 12 vols [Glasgow 1903-5] n i

82

Poems and Notes

72). (For Docwra's unsuccessful candidacy for the office of grand master in 1521 see Letters and Papers Henry 8, 3, pt i cccxcii.) 2 Oppugnacyon: Copland carries over his French original's word, one that is perhaps new to English; OED cites only two uses, the first in 1533, the other later in the century, and MED, though it gives the verb oppugnen from c 1425, does not list the noun at all. 3-4 A pun on estates as 'classes of people' and estate as 'condition' 4 This line suggests that Copland translated from his French original soon after the battle, perhaps before the appearance of a French edition (see above). 7 Supportacyon is used in formulas of supplication, e.g. 'with supportacyon of,' as here. Though its general meaning is simply 'support/ it can also designate specifically financial support, a meaning that Copland may intend. 7-8 The request to correct and the topos of authorial modesty are conjoined. For the former, Gluck and Morgan give several examples in their notes to lines 17-19 of Hawes's Conforte of Louers, and they cite Schick's note to Lydgate's Temple of Glass line 1400, for additional examples.

12

THE SEUEN SOROWES THAT WOMEN HAUE WHEN THEYR HUSBANDES BE DEADE

Seuen Sorowes STC 5734 Written c 1526 [printed c 1565] Ai UThe seuen sorowes that women haue when theyr husbandes be deade. Compyled by Robert Copland, [type ornaments] [cut of four men carrying a coffin out of a house, mourning figure at left, priest asperging and acolyte holding cross at right. In ribbon above: UOut alas, out out.] C4v Imprented at London in Lothburi ouer agaynste Sainct Margarytes church by me Wyllyam Copland. 4°: A-C4; 12 leaves; L (C.2o.c.3i); UM reel 920; no other copies known. Reprinted: John C. Meagher 'Robert Copland's "The Seven Sorrows'" English Literary Renaissance 7 (1977) 17-50; i2b reprinted in Simpson 223-6, and in Francis [cut of first sorrow] I2a.

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f The excuse of the Author. TO all archewyues I do pray instantly And to all wydowes of the seconde degree Me to excuse, that ignorantly Your wordes to wryth I haue taken on me For surely it is of no malignitie But only to comforte young wyues that haue Young louyng husbandes in their felicite How after their death they may them haue.

123/5 surely] suerly; malignitie] malignitite

[Aiv]

85 I2b.

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The Seuen Sorowes If Prologue of Robert Copland. IfCopland. WHY should I muse suche tryfles for to wryte Or wanton toyes, but for the appetyte Of wandryng braynes, that seke for thynges new And do not reche if they be fals or trew. Quidam. With what newes? or here ye any tidinges Of the pope, of the Emperour, or of kynges Of martyn Luther, or of the great Turke Of this and that, and how the world doth worke. Copland. So that the tongue must euer wagge and clatter And waste their wyndes, to medle of eche matter Thus ben we prynters called on so fast That meruayle it is, how that our wittes can last. Quidam. With haue ye the takyng of the Frenche kyng Or what conceytes haue ye of laughyng Haue ye the balade called maugh murre Or bony wenche, or els go from my durre Col to me, or hey downe dery dery Or a my hert, or I pray you be mery. Copland. Thus if our heades forged were of brasse Yet shoulde we wexe as dulle as any asse And al of baggage nought worthe in substaunce But bokes of vertue haue none vtteraunce As thus, syr I haue a very proper boke Of morall wysdome please ye their on to loke Or els a boke of comen consolation. Quidam. Tusshe a straw man, what should I do therewith Hast thou a boke of the wydowe Edith That hath begyled so many with her wordes

i2b/25 Or els] Of els

[A2]

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Or els suche a geest that is ful of bourdes Let me se, I wyll yet waste a peny Vpon suche thynges and if thou haue eny. Copland. How say ye by these, wyll ye bestowe a grote Quidam. Ye syr so muche? nay, that I shorowe my cote A peny I trow is ynough on bokes It is not so soone goten, as this worlde lokes By saynt Mary I cannot tell the brother Money euer goeth for one thyng or for other God helpe my fryende, this worlde is harde and kene They that haue it wyll not let it be sene But let that passe vn to another tyme Haue ye not scene a prety geest in ryme Of the seuen sorowes that these women haue Whan that their husbandes been brought to graue. Copland. No I fayth, I dyd neuer here ther of. Quidam. By God and it is a very propre scoffe If it were prynted, it wyl be wel soulde [A2v] I haue heard it or now, ful madly tolde. Copland. It may well be, but I wene I should gyt Displeasure of women if that I prynt it And that were I loth, for I haue alway Defended them, and wyll to my last day. Quidam. Ah ha, than I se ye be wel at ease Whan ye are afrayde women to displease. Copland. What nede me gette angre, if I may haue thanke In faythe I can not se, but as madde a pranke As soone wyl a man do as a woman Why should they be rayled and gested on than And to say soth it is but a fond apetyte To geste on women, or a gainst them to wryte. Quidam. That is truthe, if they be good and honest But this is but a mery bourdyng leest

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The Seuen Sorowes Without reproufe, dishonesty or shame That in no wyse can appayre their good name. Copland. That is good, but haue ye any copy That a man myght enprynt it thereby And whan I se it, than I wyll you tell. If that the matter be ordred yll or well. Quidam. I haue no boke, but yet I can you shewe The matter by herte, and that by wordes fewe Take your penne, and wryte as I do say But yet of one thyng, hertely I you praye Amende the englysh somwhat if ye can. And spel it true, for I shall tel the man By my soule ye prynters make such englyshe So yll spelled, so yll poynted, and so peuyshe That scantly one cane rede lynes tow But to fynde sentence, he hath ynough to do For in good fayth, yf I should say truthe In your craft to suffer, it is great ruthe Suche pochers to medle, and can not skyl Of that they do, but doth al marre and spyl I ensure you, your wardeins ben therof to blame It hyndreth your gayne and hurteth your name Howe be it, it is al one to mee Whether ye thryue, or elles neuer thee. Copland. Wei brother. I can it not a mende I wyl no man ther of dyscommende I care not greatly, so that I nowe and than May get a peny as wel as I can Howe be it, in our crafte I knowe that there be Connyng good worke men, and that is to se In latyn and englysh, whiche they haue wrought Whose names appereth, where they be sought But to our purpose, nowe tourne we a gayne And let me begyn to wryte a lyne or twayne.

i2b/78 ynough] ynought; izb/89 not greatly] no greatly

[A3]

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Quidam. Wyth al my hert, but fyrst I pray you say Vnto all women that I them hertely pray To haue me excused of thys homely dede And what I say, of themselfe take no hede [cut of first sorrow]

lac.

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[A3v]

If The fyrst sorowe. THe fyrst sorowe that these women haue Is or theyr husbandes be layde in graue And that is duble in this maner wyse This man full sycke in deadly paynes lyse Many a daye, nygh to the houre of deth His eyene dymmeth, and very shorte is his breth The flewme ratleth in his brest and throte His powlces beten, his tounge is roughe and hote Phisicions forsake him euery chone Whan that they se his money almost gone Than this pore woman that so greatly toyled Wrappynge, and warminge wyth many a hand defoyled Doth hym beholde, and seeth he wyll dye The holy candell she lyghteth hym by And so he lyeth consumyng to his ende This wyfe then that busely doth hym tende Seing hym lye to longe in that case [A4] With droppes and markes in euery place Consyderyng her good, that is gretly spente And the candell well nygh wasten and brent She loketh on the candell wyth a dolefull gost Alas seyth she, thou arte gone almost Now shall I for go thy company Whan thou arte gone, I ensure perfytely To my lyues ende I wyll haue no mo For thy sake, I haue the loued so Alas good woman full wo arte thou

i2c/n greatly] hreatly; 120/12 Wrappynge] Wrappyge; 120/25 lyues ende] lyves nede

The First Sorrow. Widow, left, in mourning hood, leaving house as four men carry out the coffin, centre. At right, priest asperging, with crucifer. In scroll: Out alas, out out.

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Poems and Notes But what wylt them do wyth hym now Bury hym, alas thou arte ther to full loth But though that she be neuer so wrothe It must be done, and so this good woman Ordreth all thynges so well as she can For his buryenge, and other seruyce So cometh the prestes and other lyke wyse As the mourners, and executours Torche berers, kynsfolke and neyghbours Than is the corps layd on the bere Or in a coffyn as the guyse is here Than this pore widow clothed all in blacke Of sorow be sure she doth nothyng lacke From her chamber she cometh a downe Than for great fere to fall in a swowne Vpon her she bereth some confeccion As powder of peper, or a red onyon And whan she cometh ther the corps doth lye Her handes she wryngeth pyteously Out out alas, what shall I do forth on Wolde god I were by thy graue anon This sorow is longe, what shal me now betyde I beseche lesu thy soule in heauen may bide. [cut of second sorrow] 11 The second sorow.

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THe seconde sorow that these wyues do make Is whan .iiii. men the corps on them do take Toward the chyrche, and the prestes do syng This wofull wydow al waye folowyng With bedes in hande, in mournynge hood God knoweth yf syghes do her any good Now thinketh she, here haue I much to do

120/42 a swowne] aswowne; 120/45 ther] thre

IA4v]

The Second Sorrow. Funeral procession: mourning figure following coffin at left; four men carrying coffin in street, centre; priest and crucifer leading it at right. In scroll: alas well on ye way.

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Poems and Notes And haply thys wydowe hath a shorte sho That streyneth her toes, and doeth hurte her fote Than thynketh she, I be shrew the hearte rote Of the horeson sowter, it greueth me so And to the churche we haue ferre to go Or els she is laced in her new blacke gowne That for straytnes she is lyke to swone Or els it may fortune so that she Hath in her som lose infyrmyte Or els the wynde doth waste the waxe to sore And she knowes well that she must pay therfore But whan they nyghe vnto the churche be Who soroweth nowe: for sothe none but she I can suppose, beyng so nere the place Where he must rest, this is a heuy case Who sygheth now, alas this pore woman For I am sure that she woulde be as than As farre home warde, but she dothe take in worthe This heuy chaunce, and wofully goeth forthe And to her selfe al pryuely doth saye What remedy all is wel on the waye Well a way, than sayd the executour That ledeth her, why make ye this dolour I you ensure that ye do God displease So for to fare, but it were more ease For the soule, to saye som good oreyson Nothynge can helpe your lamentacyon Alas syr she sayeth, ye saye of certaynete But yet my heart can not so serue me And therewithall she doeth wepe so fast That her heart tikleth as it would brast O kynde womane I blame the not at all Thou woulde hym haue in christen buryall [cut of third sorrow]

120/62 churche] chrche

[Bi]

[Biv]

The Third Sorrow. Mourning figure and widow at left, priest and crucifer centre, gravedigger right. In scroll above: Wold to god I were etc.

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If The thyrd sorowe.

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FOrth now than goeth this wofull creature To the thyrd sorowe. I may you well ensure In to the chyrche and sytteth in a pewe Full often than chaungeth all her hewe For veray fayntnes, or is to harde enbraced Would God sayth she that I were vnlaced Or els may chaunce with chylde that she go Of .x. wekes tyme, or haply of mo Or els some qualme may in her stomacke ryse As women haue in many dyuers wyse But for all that this wydowe sytteth styll Puttyng her selfe all in goddes wyll Hearyng deuoutly the deuyne songe A lesu mercy thys seruyce is longe And she is very sycke and would be thence In fayth I had leuer than .xl. pence She were awaye, so I might her excuse But not so, she will her selfe sadly vse Men shal not say thai she would fayne be ryde Her sorowes shal be womanly hyde And in her prayers, her selfe occupy Ne were it so that the beggers cry On her so faste and let her for to pray With some good man haue these folke away I neuer sawe such folke, and so lewde With stande at the dore knaues al be shrewde Ye troble this woman, and it is no nede Come to morowe and ye may haply spede Thus is thys woman troublously arayde Tyll that the last dyryge is sayde And wyth the corps walketh to the pytte But than in dede harde is to forgette Alas sayth she, all this busines Nowe were me leuer for to die than lyfe Now wyll I all my goodes away gyue The mantyll and ryng, now wyll I take Alas alas, now must I leue my make

i2c/io6 than] that; 120/116 With stande] Withstande

[B2]

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Fare well my loye, thou art gone for euer Ah my pore herte in sonder wyll sheuer Ah fals death, why haste thou hym so slayne And leueth me here in thys most woful payne Thus nethelesse, this man is layde alowe And than the priest earth vpon him doth throw She seyng that loketh full heuely Vpon the clerke, and wofully doth crye A good swete man, please it the trinite That I were layd vpryght vnder thee Whan this is done though it be to her payne As wo full as she went, she must go home a gayne [cut of fourth sorrow]

[B2V]

If The fourth sorowe.

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NOwe wofull woman lesu be thy spede Harde is to knowe what lyfe thou wilt lede All this nyght, when I to me mynde call With no more rest than a stone in a wall Now wyll thou consyder thy great coste And howe thow hast a good husbande loste I meane thy bedfelowe, for he is gone Thus is a newe payne for to lye a lone Now muse thou must, where thou wast wont to pla; Yet for all this as sone as any day Thou must a rys and ouer se thy hous With come here, go there, as busy as a mous Bring this fetche that, care this thens Walke hyther, renne thyther, be not long thens Go for hym, fetche her and desyre them To go wyth me to the masse of Requiem Lo thus these women can not be out of care But what then yet wyl they nothyng spare To be quyte of thys charges, and what than? God haue mercy on hys soule good man I am well a payde that I haue brought to passe Thus far forth, now let vs go to masse

120/141 woman] women

[B3]

The Fourth Sorrow. Church interior, widow on left, standing before catafalque, makes an offering to priest on right standing before altar.

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The Seuen Sorowes Beshorow me, yf I woulde take suche payne On condicion to haue hym a gayne Whan for thys, for that, one thyng and other Fye on it Fye, I swere by godds mother Ye wyll not beleue what is the exspens For this .xl. shyllynges and for that .xl. pens Here a noble, and there well nyghe a pounde There goeth a grote, and there a shyllyng rounde The prestes and clarkes, for the knyll and pyt And other thynges, that I am wery of it Here is great sorow but what remedy Go we to church I pray you hartely I thinke this sorow wyl euer last Mayde lay meate to fyre for our breke fast A gaynste we come home, wel wel maystresse Ye shal se me do al my busines To masse now is the widow on her way Deuoutly for her husband to pray There doth she syt, god wat how sore mournynge Tyl that the tyme come of the offring Than for her husbande cannot fro her mynde The most fayrest peny that she can fynde She taketh and in to the quere Sayng softly that al the prestes may here Lokyng on the peny with wofull eye Full loth am I to depart fro the I can not blame her yf she were loth to parte Wyth that she loueth wel with all her harte Thus with her loue, sorowe, and kyndnesse The wydowe bydeth the reside we of the masse. [cut of fifth sorrow]

11 The fyfth sorowe. THe fyfth sorowe is very dolorous As he is buried and the wyfe in hous

I2c/i68 pens] penens

[B3v]

The Fifth Sorrow. Widow seated before a table, left, holding bread and knife, as friends crowd in doorway, right. In scroll above: I care not whiche etc.

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Alone is left, and al her neyghbours gone Styl museth she than makyng great mone Sayng, wo is me thys tyme for to se Now must I both husband, and wyfe be Yet what of that I may take such sorow Parauenture to dye or tomorowe Nay let it be, for I wyl take no thought Sorow wyl ryght soone bryng me to nought Now syth he be gon, wel what remedy Other be wyddwes as wel as I Than sytteth she sadly downe on the benche What lone I say, and called her wenche Come hyther lone to me is your hous drest: I pray god gyue all chrysten soules good rest And with her knyfe bytwene her fyngers two She dalieth, waggyng it to and fro With dydle dydle dydle, tyrle tyrle tyrle The brayne renneth and ther of no ferle As in suche a case, and than wyl requyre O sorowe great, more hote than the fyre Now is thys woman in greate fantasy And no maruayle, yet hathe she no couse whi For haply he was vn to her vnkynde But for al that as clene out of her mynd Of womanhed, and eke of here kyndnes She dothe forget hys waywerde folyshnes And doth performe the tenour of hys wyl And is in purpose hys mynd to fulfyl Remembrynge greatly how the pore soule is In great peryl, yf he haue left ought amysse And than a gayne her owne selfe for to chere Her mayde she calleth as I dyd saye ere Com hyther lone and goo on my arande Goo and desire my gossyp Coplande My gosseyp Miles, and my gossip Susan My gossip Stodarde, and my neybour An The good wyfe Rychardson, and the good wyfe Gayes

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P4]

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And to Peters wyfe, and pray them streyght wayes To do so moch as to come speke with me And whan thou hast done loke that thou hie the And take a pot and go to saint lohans heade For a quart of Muscadel and newe bread A couple of bounes or maunchettes newe bake For I promyse thee / my hert doth ake Anone maystresse sayth she as a good damsell And douth her message right fayre and well And whan the gossyppes assembled be What chere goode gossyp, than sayeth she and she Be ye of good chere, and thanke god of all This worlde ye se, doth tourne lyke as a ball Now vp, and now downe, now to and now fro Now myrth than loye, nowe care and than wo A good man, god haue mercy on thy soule By my trouth whan I dyd her the bell tole My hert erned and I shall tell you why Ah good man thou speke ful meryly Thys day seuen nyght and now thou art ful lowe Now by my faythe in al this strete I trowe Is not his felow in euery degree By my sowle yf ye wyll beleue me I trowe he wyll neuer out of my mynde Surly gossyp he was euer kynde A lesu howe he woulde you prayes His mynde was so occupyed alwayes On this worlde, in his myrth and his game I harde hym neuer no man defame Ah gossyp, gossyp sayth thys wydow than Though I say it he was an honest man He left me so to dryue the wat a way That I am bounde for hym dayly to pray For by thys syluere and wyne in this cuppe And there with she made a soppe Saynge gossyppes my hert is so sore

120/232 wyfe] vyfe

4v]

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That I care not whyche ende doth go a fore And therewyth putteth it in to her mouthe And swere by hym that dyed in the southe There was neuer sorow, wo nor smerte That euer dyd go more nerer my herte Alacke good woman, take it not so heuyly Sayth her gossyppes, lest that ye dye Now he is gone, there is no better reede

[Ci]

Thus this wydowe they comfort euery day The best they can, to dryue her care a way [cut of sixth sorrow]

f The syxte sorowe. 280

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Now hath thys wydow, thanked be lesu Performed the burying, as to her is due Sadly and wysely me nede not to tell She hath behaued her ther in so well That I dare sweare if it chaunce her a gayne She can it do with lesse coste and payne But for all that she is to hym so kynde That she wyl not forget his monethes minde Nor his anniuersary at the yeres ende She doth so well that eche doth here commende She renneth not hourly fro house to hous But kepeth home as duly as a mous Erly she ryseth and lyeth downe late And laboureth sore to kepe her estate Walkyng sadly in towne and strete Without acquayntaunce of them that she mete And somtyme hereth how folke doth her prayes Unus Se ye yonder wydowe that goeth that wayes

[Civ]

120/280 burying] buriyng; 120/286 That] Thao; 120/287 anniuersary] annuuersary; 120/295 her] der

The Sixth Sorrow. Widow seated in doorway, left, talking to five neighbours, centre and right. In scroll above: If I coude rule: etc.

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I ensuer you she is a sadde woman By my trouth if I were a sengleman If I had fourty pounde and fourty thereby I could fynde in my herte to make her lady. Alyus. Ye but I pray you is she of any substaunce That would make a man any fortheraunce. Unus Ye by sant Mary I holde her well at ease I tell you if that ye coulde her please Or haue her good wyll than were it cocke For better it were to haue her in her smocke Than som other that hath more good It is a great treasure to haue womanhood. Alius. That is truth, but I shall tell you one thyng Many that been so smothe in their goyng Been also shrewed as is the deuell of hell And neuer cease, but euer fyght and yell Euer vnquiet, and alway chyde and brail And that freteth a man both herte and gall And many tymes in stede of fleshe or fyshe A dede mannes head is serued in a dyshe And he ther with is made so very mate That hous and profite he doth in maner hate For I haue herde a hundred tymes and mo That wyues and smoke cause men there hous to forgo Unus He that is afrayde to treade on the grasse Through medowes I counsell hym not to passe He must aduenture that suche a thyng wyll haue Often he for goeth, that fereth for to craue Thus been these wowers euer in greate doubt That sumtyme do bryng ther mater so a bout That they went to haue God by the cote And haue the dyuel fast a bout the throte As I haue herde say I wote not what it meaneth

120/323 suche] shuche

[C2]

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The matter goeth not as some folke weneth But what of that, we must forth on precede To our wydowe, lesu be cure spede She lyueth so well and so honestly That all her knowledge woweth her company Fro the tauerne, daunces, and common playes And wanton maygames, she kepeth her alwaies Pleasaunt pylgrymages, wylsdon and Crome She seketh not, but tarieth styll at home So chaunceth it, that on a festfulday Whan that folke wandred to pastyme and play This woman at home hath a delyte to be Saufe to the dore no farther walketh she And on thresholde fortuneth to syt Than som neyghbour happeneth to se it And to her cometh to pastyme and to talke For she no lust hath, a brode as than to walke With good euen fayre wydowe, how do ye today Well I thanke you as a lone woman may That hath great charges, and but smal counsel Wei neyghbour sayth he, al thyng shal be wel Thanked be God ye be out of det God haue his soule that hath you so well set Ye nede not to sequester vnder the bysshoppe And that is sene by your warehous and shoppe And I am sure there is muche owyng you Mary sayth she I can not shew you how For he occupied muche more without Than within, and that causeth me dout How to get inwarde that other men haue And I am ashamed on them for to craue For all my sorow, payne, and thought Is for to gather, that to hym was aught For he was fre, and lent it here and there To them that would borowe euery where How be it, yet for his owne sowle sake

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[C2V]

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The Seuen Sorowes Here and there somwhat I wyll ay take As they may paye, for I wyll none trouble For I ensure you, though that it were double I set not by it, but I wyll haue all ryght As nyghe as I can of euery wyght For what by tayle, by wrytyng and by score I am ryght sure ther is ought me more Than I wyl say, and that they would maruayle One can not lyue with scoryng on the taile No ywys neybour, and that you know full wel As wel as I, me nede not therof for to tell For it is a new thyng for to take in hand To order all thynges right as it shoulde stande For one that is but lytle wount ther to No remedy but it must nedes be do But how be it I shall tell you what If I coulde wel rule and guyde all that Without the dore as I cane that within I would not care therfore scantly a pyn But or it be longe, neyghbour I trust It shall be ordred partly as I lust Ye, ye, neyghbour sayth he I dare trust your wit That well ynough ye wyll puruey for it And what I can do ye shall fynde me redy Whan that ye nede, both late and erly And fare you well I take my leue as now Neyghbour she sayth, I pray god thanke you. [cut of seventh sorrow]

UThe .vii. sorowe. THis laste sorow, yf any sorow be Is so the wydow of her charite

120/376 therof for] ther offor; 120/393 THis] TOis; 120/394 charite] chairte

[C3]

The Seventh Sorrow. Widow crossing stream on stepping stones, left; two men standing by a building, right. In scroll above: God haue mercy: & etc.

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Now must perfourme her husbandes intent Touching his wyll, his mynde and testament And so she doth, as nygh as she can So that no where ther is any man That can demaunde of ryght and duty But she them pleaseth well and honestly So that her name is so wel spredde That many delyteth her for to wedde Wouers com with many a proude offre Some with loue, and other som with proffre Som come gayly, and all in pleasure Som come poorely wyth countenaunce demure Som launcheth mony largely fro theyr powches Some sheweth rynges, leweles, and riche owches Some sendeth her a tokne or a Capon Som sendeth her wyne, other sendeth venyson And all for to kendle, and set her hert on fire To cause her to bowe, and folow ther desyre But this wydow as stedfast as a wall As she well can, thanketh them greatly all Excusyng her as she can do full well For certayne causes more than I can tell How be it perchaunce that she woulde fayne But she casteth in her mynde a gayne Yf I should wedde and holde me vnto one Than myght fortune all this chere were gone Me thynke I lede a metely mery lyfe Whiche I should not yf that I were a wyfe To bed I go and ryse whan I wyll All that I do is reason and skyll I commaunde other but none commandeth me And eke I stande at myne owne liberte How be it I do note in consyence Whether to wedde or lyue in continence For I am yonge / and may the worlde increase And vnto me it is full harde to cease

400

405

410

415

420

425

430

[C3v]

[C4]

120/416 than] that; 120/420 Than] That; 120/422 were] whre; 120/427 consyence] consynence

108

435

440

445

450

455

460

465

Poems and Notes The wanton delyte, that younge women haue And ferthermore my good name for to saue For the resorte that here do com dayly I take suche thought, and so muche care that I Wote not well in what estate to a byde For yf a yonge man shoulde me betide That were to sharpe, or hath no worldli shifte Than myght I say a dew farewel my thryfte And yf I sholde hym in any wyse contrary Than myght perchaunce that we two shoulde vari And so me bete, saying olde wyddred hore In the deuyls name, peke thee out at the dore Or lay to pledge suche as I haue, or sell Yet had I leuer neuer with none to mell Yf he be olde and a waywarde wyght He is yll to please, eyther day or nyght Euer hummyng at thys thyng and that And alway chydyng, and wotes not for what And yf he fall ones in ialowsy The deuyl than troubleth his fantasy Thus I ne wote by god and by my soule How that I may now me selfe controule He that I had, me thought was very yll But yf god pleased I wolde I had hym styll So than this wydow herselfe to comforte Vnto a frende of hers dothe resorte With her neyghbours, and goynge be the way They chaunce to walke ouer an olde cawsay Whiche is to broke, and the pauement tore Than taketh she vp her clothes a fore For fylyng, rememberyng her husbandes entent That euer a mended that broken pauement Saynge our lorde lesu graunt hym his grace That was wont to lay stones in this place But if that I may lyue an other yere They shal be layde as well as euer they were Ah true wydowe, so true, louyng and kynde Thy husbandes dedes be not fro thy mynde

12C/439 contrary] contray; 120/441-2 reversed

[C

109

The Seuen Sorowes

470

Now all true wydowes as ye do entende In all your sorowes Chryst you comforte sende. HFinis. deo laus et honor.

i2d.

Lenuoy of .R. Copland

5

10

GO lytle quayre, god gyue the wel to sayle To that good sheppe, ycleped Bertelet For through it thou mayst the more preuayle A gaynst the rockes, that blyndly ben yset Vp on the land thy substaunce for to fret And from all nacyons, if that it be thy lot Lest thou be hurt, medle not with a Scot. 11 And to thy readers, as custome is to say Do thy deuoyr, but to wydowes chefely Desyringe them to take it as in play For that to do, was myne entent truely Desyryng them to accept my fantasy And to a mende thyne englyshe where is nede For to pastime myne intent was in dede. HExplicit

12 THE S E U E N SOROWES THAT W O M E N H A U E W H E N T H E Y R H U S B A N D E S BE D E A D E

Literary variations on the theme of the lascivious widow are many, beginning with the influential Widow of Ephesus tale found in Petronius' Satyricon, but the best-known French versions, Marie de France's twenty-fifth fable (twelfth century) and the fabliau 'Celle qui se fist foutre sur la fosse de son mari' (thirteenth century) are remote from Copland's work, as is the English version in the Seven Wise Masters of Rome, printed by de Worde [1506?] (STC 21298). Portrayals of widows that might have influenced Copland include the thirteenth-century fabliau La Veuve by Gautier Le Leu; Chaucer's Wife of Bath (though perhaps only the funeral glances at the clerk and the allusive use of 'tikleth'); and William Dunbar's poem The Tretis of the tua mariit wemen and the zvedo, printed c 1507 (STC 7350).

120/470 your] our

no

Poems and Notes

The poem survives in a single copy printed by William Copland around 1565, but an earlier, lost edition almost certainly appeared. First, the poem's references to political events (i2b/5~8, 13) suggest a date of composition in late 1525 or 1526; second, its envoy indicates that Thomas Berthelet, whose career flourished after 1530, was this edition's printer. The remarkable woodcuts that incorporate lines from the poem participate in two traditions. As the poem alludes verbally to the Marian sorrows, the woodcuts allude visually to the devotional book's form, which presents a series of illustrations each accompanied by a meditation. Indeed the speech scrolls (at least in the first three examples) pick out lines of text that emphasize sorrow ('alas', 'welaway'). At the same time the presentation of secular text accompanied by specially commissioned cuts was thoroughly familiar to Copland from de Worde's practice: Hawes's Example of Vertu, Walter's Titus & Gesyppus and Guystarde and Sygysmonde all provided such illustration. Still closer to Seuen Sorowes is The fyftene joyes of man/age (c 1507 and 1509, de Worde), an anonymous translation from French describing the husband's miseries, and including the first appearance of seven commissioned cuts. Though he has been suggested, Copland was not the translator, since the prefacing verses invoke the writer's age, while in his 1510 translation, Kynge Appolyn, he pleaded his ignorant youth. The Seuen Sorowes cuts were made for the first edition since in William Copland's later editions the borders are broken, and the widow wears the gable headdress of the 15205 and 15305 in cut 6. The cutting is lively rather than adept: the depiction of domestic scenes in numbers 5 and 6 and the parodic eucharist in 5 are particularly interesting. iza.

HThe excuse of the Author.

1-6 Copland here recalls Chaucer's envoy to the Clerk's Tale, also a tonguein-cheek admonition to wives. Like Copland's 'Excuse' it calls upon 'archewyves' (1195), or great powerful wives, contrasting them with 'sklendre wyves' (1198). Copland's 'wydowes of the seconde degree' (2), seem to constitute a middle category between his own 'archewyues' and his 'young wyues' (6). 4 Perhaps a pun, since wryth can mean 'twist/ and is also a variant form of write 8 haue: 'behave/ to contrast with haue meaning 'possess' in line 6 I2b.

IfPrologue of Robert Copland.

1-4, 22 Cf. 43/45-9 for an earlier assessment of the book-buying public's deficiencies.

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The Seuen Sorowes

5-8, 13 Utley notes (306) that Luther published his ninety-five theses in Wittenberg in 1517, and the French king, Francis I, was captured at the battle of Pa via 25 February 1525. In addition Suleiman the Magnificent, the 'great Turke/ began his reign in 1521, and Emperour Charles v initiated his war with Suleiman in 1526. If the conjunction of 'Emperour' (6) and 'great Turke' (7) is intended, 1526 would be the earliest possible date of composition. If not, the poem could have been written in the latter part of 1525, after 23 March (see note to 28). This section contrasts the printer's testy thoughts with the buyer's innocent questions. 'With' (5, 13) and 'As thus' (23) are signals that introduce direct discourse. All of 'Copland's' observations are interior (1-4, 9-12) until line 23 where he first speaks. 14 The two English joke books that Copland most likely knew were Caxton's Fables of esope of 1484 (STC 175) with four subsequent editions by Pynson, the latest about 1525, and A.C. Mery Talys []. Rastell 1526?] (STC 23663); STC suggests Copland himself may have printed an edition near the end of his life. Conceytes in the sense of 'witty expressions' is perhaps somewhat unexpected at this early date, but is found in 1513 in the prologue to Douglas' Eneydos, line 344: 'Als oft as 36 him reed ... 36 fynde ilk tyme sum merye new consait.' 15-18 Of the seven ballads mentioned, three can be tentatively identified. 'Col to me' is the refrain of 'For my pastyme vpon a day' (Boffey 835.5), found in London BL Royal Appendix 58 f 4r. It is also no 52 in The Complaynt of Scotland, c 1548 (Robert Laneham's Letter ed Frederick J. Furnivall, New Shakespeare Society, ser vi no 14 [London 1890]). Furnivall mistakenly cites, besides Royal App. 58, an appearance in the Fayrfax ms, London BL Additional 5465 (c 1500). 'Hey downe dery dery' may possibly be 'Downbery doun,' present in BL Additional 31922 f 25r, 'Henry vin's Manuscript' of c 1510-20 (Boffey 688.8). Like 'Col to me/ this piece also appears in BL Royal App. 58 f 2r. 'A my hert' may be 'Ah my hart / ah this ys my songe/ which is found in Oxford Bodleian Ashmole 176 f 99r, from the collections of Elias Ashmole and William Lilly (Boffey 13.5). Equally possible is 'A a my herte I knowe yow well/ in the Fayrfax ms, ff 3v~4r (Boffey 0.2). 'Go from my durre' and 'I pray you be mery' are probably refrains rather than titles. The refrain 'Go fro my vindow, go' is found in a ballad in Oxford Bodleian Arch. Selden 3.24 (printed by PJ. Frankis Anglia 73 [1955] 301-2). Its first line is imperfect, but probably reads 'I am your servant madame.' None of these songs survives in printed versions, according to Ringler, although Quidam's request for them may mean that such editions once existed.

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19 Does Copland mean that printers are required to be as oracular as the speaking head of brass supposedly made by Roger Bacon? 20 Cf. Skelton's Magnyfycence 1386: 'They drove me to learning like a dull ass/ 23-5 'As thus' signals the turn from reflection to speech. The 'boke of morall wysdome' may be The boke of wysdome, folowynge the auctoryties of auncyent phylosophers (STC 3357). Although the earliest surviving edition is 1532, STC mentions two leaves of another, possibly earlier, edition (London BL Harleian 5919/105, 108). The 'boke of comen consolation' might be either The boke of comforte agaynste all trybulacyons, published around 1505 in two editions (STC 3295, 3296), or Rote or myrour of consolacyon and conforte,published by de Worde in four editions, the first in 1496 (STC 21334, 21335, 21336, 21337). 27 An exclamation, 'nonsense!' 28 Walter Smith's poem The wydow Edyth .xii. mery gestys of one callyd Edyth was printed by John Rastell 23 March 1525 (STC 22869.7). 33 a grote: the printer asks for four times what Quidam offers to spend. 35 A penny is perhaps intended to represent too low an offer for a pamphlet of three sheets like Seuen Sorowes, since in 1520 John Dome, the Oxford bookseller, 'had in stock broadsheets of ballads at V2d or id, [and] single leaves of carols, prognostications at id.' (Richard Axton Three Rastell Plays [Cambridge and Totowa NJ 1979] 126). H.S. Bennett concludes, however, that the price of one penny was standard for from one to three sheets until about 1550 ('Notes on English Retail Book-prices, 1486-1560,' The Library 5th ser v (1951) 172-8; quotation 174). 47-8 These lines suggest the simultaneous circulation of oral and printed versions of narrative. Cf. 69-71 and 96, where the printer apparently intends to obtain copy by writing from dictation, again indicating the closeness of spoken and written culture. W.R.J. Barren speaks of 'the cultural time-lag by which communal living and social preference maintained the habit of reading aloud almost into modern times, leading poets similarly conditioned to address ears rather than eyes long after growing literacy had made private reading possible for many in all but the lowest classes' (English Medieval Romance [London 1987] 55). 49-52 Copland's first translations, two jocularly anti-feminine complaints that appeared around 1505, make this protest a whimsical one. 69 Archaic use of show for 'tell'. These lines command the printer to write from dictation the manuscript that will later serve as printer's copy-text, and in 95-6 the printer agrees. Lines 73-4, 'Amende the englysh somwhat if ye can. / And spel it true/ might refer either to this transcription of copy from recitation, or to a later step in which a reader read proof to the corrector.

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The Seuen Sorowes

On the question of whether type was ever set directly from dictation see Ronald B. McKerrow An Introduction to Bibliography (Oxford 1928) 241-6 and Gaskell 49, 112, 352. 72-82 These critical lines have been noticed in comments on Copland's own printing practice, which does not seem more meticulous than that of his peers. 81 In Hye Way Copland uses the verb poche in the sense of 'poke/ 'thrust' (308), suggesting the meaning here is 'meddlers.' The French pocher means 'to sketch roughly/ 'blot/ hence perhaps a dabbler. 83 Henry Pepwell, like Copland a beneficiary in Wynkyn de Worde's will, was one of the two wardens of the Stationers' Company in 1525 and 1526 (Duff Century 119-20). These lines thus represent a playful jab at an old acquaintance, and strengthen the hypothesis that Seuen Sorowes was written in 1525 or 1526. 91-4 Perhaps a tribute to Thomas Berthelet, this work's printer; see i2d/2. 12C.

[The Seuen Sorowes]

The First Sorrow. The cut illustrates 34-47: the widow, left, wrings her hands (46), saying 'HOut alas, out out' (47), as four men carry the coffin (38) out of the house, while the priest, asperging, and crucifier stand right (34). 3 Centrally duble means simply 'heavy/ though in addition Meagher suggests that the doubleness of the first sorrow consists in 'the cares of [her husband's] terminal illness and the cares of his subsequent death' (45). The introduction of the candle, however, with its sexual symbolism (14), may mean that the widow's double sorrow encompasses an unselfish grief at her husband's death and a baser regret at the loss of her sexual pleasure. The translator of de Worde's The fyftene ioyes of maryage, c 1507, speaking of the husband's trouble about his wife's pregnancy, says: He hath grete thought and out goth in an hete The nourysses and gossyppes for to gete Whiche must her kepe of chylde whyle she lyeth in What tyme his double sorowe dooth begyn For so they drynke the wyne in euery houre As in to olde botes one dyde it poure. (src,i5258 [C6v] PML copy) Besides Chaucer's reference to Troilus' double sorrow (line i), 'duble' is used in Troilus and Criseyde to characterize verbal ambiguity: 'And but if Calkas lede us with embages / That is to seyn, with double wordes slye' (5:

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897-8)- The widow's double sorrow may imply a public and a private misery. 14 The candle/penis equation, made more explicit in 20-6, was perhaps a familiar one: Thomas W. Ross Chaucer's Bawdy (New York 1972) 54 quotes MED: to 'lighten candel at (someone's) lantern means (figuratively) to have intercourse with (another man's) wife. 18 droppes and markes: MED quotes Guy de Chauliac, c 1425, J>e rede droppe, I>e scabbe ... J>at ben spotty infecciouns of pe skyn.' The candle is also marked, as it is consumed, with drops of wax. 38 This line suggests a foreign source for the poem. 43-4 Meagher suggests (22) that these remedies were used not to avoid faintness but to produce tears. Cf. William Dunbar's The Tretis of the tua mariit wemen and the wedo: Quhen frendis of my husbandis behaldis me one fer I haif a wattir spunge for wa within my wyde clokis, Than wring I it full wylely and wetis my chekis; With that watteris myn ene and welteris doune teris. (436-9) In the Boke of Mayde Emlyn (STC 7681): 'A reed onyon wolde she kepe / To make her eyes wepe / In her kercher I say' [B2v] 45-9 The thirteenth-century fabliau La Veuve by Gautier Le Leu provides a number of parallels to Seuen Sorowes (Le jongleur Gautier Le Leu ed Charles H. Livingston [Cambridge MA 1951]) 159-83. It is not impossible that Copland knew this tale, since at least one manuscript was in England from the fifteenth century and bears the name of Yorkshire owner John Bertrem (formerly Wollaton Hall ms, Livingston's ms M; now Nottingham Univ Library Mi LM6). See Report on the Manuscripts of Lord Middleton ... at Wollaton Hall. Historical Manuscripts Commission Report 69 (1911), 221-34. Cil qui a li montent plus pres, Le tienent par bras et par mains Des paumes battre, c'est del mains, Car ele crie a haute vois: 'C'est mervelle conment je vois! Bele dame Sainte Marie, Con sui dolante et esmarie! Ce poise moi que je tant dure. Molt est ceste vie aspre et dure. Ne place Deu que je tant voie Que je repair par ceste voie, Si soie avuec mon segnor mise Cui j'avoie ma foi promise. (10—22)

H5

The Seuen Sorowes

With line 18 above, compare 'God helpe my fryende, this worlde is harde and kene' (i2b/39). 47 forth on: 'onward.' Either an injunction to herself with 'go' understood, or 'What shall I do in the future?' Caxton provides an example of this use in regard to time: 'He ... shold be his frend fro than forthon' (Game and Playe of the Chesse n 1474). Cf. 331. The Second Sorrow. The cut illustrates 52-5: the widow, left, in 'mournynge hood' (55) as in the first cut, says 'alas well on ye way/ (approximating 78) as '.iiii. men' (52) carry the coffin, led by the priest and crucifer. They are outside, coming 'toward the chyrche' (53) whose window is seen. 57 The line can mean both 'Here I have much business to attend' and 'Here I have much fuss and trouble' (to-do). The whole passage, which includes the subsequent references to her tight shoe, laced gown, diarrhoea, and concern for expense (58-68) emphasizes the difference between her public and private selves. 58-9 Chaucer uses the shoe that wrings the foot twice as a symbol for men's unhappiness in marriage: Wife of Bath's Tale 492; Merchant's Tale 155361 Sowter = 'shoemaker,' but also, like horeson, it was a term of abuse. 63 From the 15405 and 15503 OED provides for 'strait-laced' the separate meanings 'obstinate,' 'prudish/ and 'uncommunicative or morose/ the last perhaps most relevant here. 72 Lear says to Gloucester, 'Your eyes are in a heavy case, your purse in a light' (iv vi 144-5). 73 Who sygheth now: parallel with 70, Who soroweth nowe 74 as than: OED provides a similar example from Wyclif (c 1380) of as whan for simple when: 'bread that he had in hys handes as whan he sayde ...' 78-9 The widow utters this line, rather than simply thinking it, as her phrase all is wel on the waye ('everything has been set in motion') is overheard by the executor, who understands the common mournful 'wellaway/ (His duties apparently include supporting the widow.) 84 'Your lamentation cannot help at all.' 86 The executor understands 'I can't stop weeping'; but perhaps she also means that she doesn't wish to pray. 88 tikleth: Generally, her heart is stirred, but tikleth can hint at sexual arousal, as Chaucer suggests when the Wife of Bath remembers her life: 'It tikleth me aboute myn herte roote' (Prologue 447). 89 Throughout the poem kynde relies both upon its older meaning, 'natural/ and its modern one. Cf 467. The Third Sorrow. The cut illustrates the scene at the 'pytte' (121). Left to

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right: female friend, widow (whose mourning hood is now black and whose beads [55] are at her waist), priest, crucifer, gravedigger. The speech scroll, 'Wold to god I were etc,' alludes to 96, or perhaps, since it is spoken at grave side, paraphrases 137-8. 95 The straytnes mentioned in 64 104 Both service and sorrow (49) are long, in the widow's reflections. 109 Ryde can mean both 'rid' ('delivered from') and 'ridden/ a sexual pun. 111 The widow will her selfe occupy, with a sexual meaning, in 221. 114-18 The first two lines are the widow's, while in 116-18 a male protector, perhaps the executor, speaks. Each voice is signalled by the opening speech prefix with. 118 Apparently the dole will be distributed to the needy the day after the funeral. 119 arayde: in a (particular) state. Perhaps troublously arayde here, and 'wofully arayde/ the refrain of the well-known fifteenth-century ballad (London BL Harley 4012 and other mss), are both variants on a phrase in current use, with a pun here on the widow's tight lacing. Gluck and Morgan provide a series of parallels between the ballad and Hawes's Conuercyon of Swerers 146-7. 120 Dyryge is the first word of the antiphon at matins of the Office of the Dead, and by extension is used for the entire funeral service - including the Mass, as here. 127 The mantle and ring were the signs of vowed chastity, received at an episcopal or abbatial ceremony, usually by widows. 135-6 The Wife of Bath, of course, was Similarly attracted to Jankyn at her fourth husband's funeral (WBT 593-5). 137 The joke turns on the identity of the 'good swete man' and whether she is to lie in bed or pit. The Fourth Sorrow. The cut illustrates the widow's offering as she goes 'in to the quere' (181-5). She stands before the catafalque, left, facing the priest who stands before the altar, right. It is clearly by a different hand, and the absence of speech scroll and the size difference indicate it was originally made for another purpose. 140-1 The repetition of 'wofull' connects the end of the third sorrow with the beginning of the fourth. Similarly the phrase 'this wydowe' (277), at the end of the fifth sorrow, is repeated in the first line of the sixth (279). 143 Perhaps this line should read 'when I ye to mynde call/ 144 The conjunction of motionlessness and unease is puzzling, and not found proverbially. The widow must lie motionless as a stone all night in anxiety. Absence of end punctuation after 142 allows the opposite suggestion of sexual activity ('what lyfe thou wilt lede / All this nyght').

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144-8 Here and in 429-31 ('For I am yonge / and may the worlde increase / And vnto me it is full harde to cease / The wanton delyte, that younge women haue') compare La Veuve: Une dolcors al cuer li point, Qui le soslieve contremont; Et li doiens le resomont, Qui desire a mangier car crue Qui n'est de paon ne de grue, Ains est de 1'andolle pendant U les plusors sont atendant. (134-40) 153-4 Meagher amends 154 to 'hens/ on the assumption that the duplication of thens in these two lines is an error, and points out that the case is slightly different in 123/6 and 8, since haue and haue are homonyms (47). Copland's practice in Hye Way includes two such sets of homonyms (w)hole, hole (645-6), and gestes (stories), iestes (jokes) (955-6), also the homophones rest and wrest (552-3). lyl, however, includes one case of what appears to be identical rhyme: make an end, shambles end (2ob/3i-2). 158-9 But what then and and what than conclude two parallel statements of the widow's burdens, and seem equivalent to 'and what can be done?' 159 quyte of thys charges: 'free of these cares / expenses' 160—75 The widow's reflections which begin here partially respond to or illustrate the narrator's in the lines preceding (141-59). 162 The 'forthfare/ perhaps intended here, was both the going forth, or procession, of the corpse, and the passing bell rung during it. 167, 171-2 Ye wyll not beleue what is the exspens: cf. La Veuve: Et li prestres isnelement, Qui 1'ofrande desire a prendre, Rueve les candelles esprendre. Qant il li a fait le pardon Dont cante de molt grant randon. (28-32) In Fulgens & Lucres n 2 A enters with the same conventional disclaimer: 'Ye wyll not beleue how fast I haue gone!' 168 Forty pence may be a formula indicating a large sum, since B says in Fulgens & Lucres, 'And dowtles he wyll be here anone / In payne of forty pens' (n 117-8). 171 Elizabethan charges for burial at St Bride's were: in a coffin 35 4d; without coffin 35; pit and knell 8d (Walter George Bell St Bride's, Fleet

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Poems and Notes

Street: A City Church and Parish London Guildhall Library 18277, unpublished typescript, c 1930). 175 The opposite sentiment is proverbial; see Whiting s 517. 176 The widow moves from reflection to speech. 185 Perhaps should be 'She taketh and she goeth in to the quere' The Fifth Sorrow. The cut illustrates 265-8, as the widow, left, makes a sop, putting the extended piece of bread into the cup while her neighbours enter the door, right. 'I care not whiche etc'. She still holds 'her knyfe bytwene her fyngers two' (209) in her right hand. The conjunction of what is rendered visually as host and chalice recalls the commandment 'Do this in commemoration of me.' This injunction might be applied both to the widow's memorial meal of bread and wine, and to her preceding activity. 209 The knife enables her to 'both husband, and wyfe be' (198). 211 Dydle and tyrle build on the suggestion in 209-10. Dydle means 'to move back and forth,' and in addition OED provides a nineteenth-century sense, 'to masturbate.' Tyrle is an alternate spelling of the verb tirl: 'to pluck/ and of a second verb tirl: 'to twiddle, turn over and over.' Skelton uses the word as a noun for the female genitalia: 'And howe Cupyde shaked / His dart, and bent his bowe / For to shote a crowe / At her tyrle tyrlowe' (Colyn Cloute 946-9), and Scattergood (478) cites Partridge, 'tirlywhirly, the female pudend: Scots, late ci8-2o.' Thus the whole passage, down to 225, carries a sexual meaning. 212-13 'The brain wanders (and no wonder in such a case), and then will search' ie roam. The expression no ferle for 'no wonder' occurs in Havelok, c 1325; MED'S latest citation is c 1475 and OED, though it glosses ferle, provides no later examples of the idiom. Most of OED'S and MED'S citations are northern. 214 Chaucer uses a similar phrase to describe the sexually charged atmosphere of the temple of Venus: 'sykes hoote as fyr' (Parliament of Fowls 246). 215 Fantasy can signify both mental musing and sexual desire. Line 212 'the brayne renneth' supports the first meaning, implying that she is preoccupied with wandering thoughts; lines 216-17, /vet hathe she no couse whi / For haply he was vn to her vnkynde' support the second, implying that she has no cause to desire her husband. 225 Absence of punctuation makes it possible to link this line either with the preceding or the. following one, and hence to conclude that she cheers herself by doing sexually what her husband would have done, or by calling her maid. 226-33 With this passage on the calling of the gossips, compare The fyftene ioyes of man/age, c 1507:

119

The Seuen Sorowes The moder sayth vnto her chamberere Sa damoysell / wherwith she draweth nere Go to my gossyppes suche and suche and say I recommaunde me to them all and pray They wyll come and dysporte them here with me ... (sic 15258, M4, PML copy)

229-31 The names listed here are probably those of Copland's neighbours or acquaintances in the book trade. William Stodard, stationer, was made free 26 April 1534 (Duff Century 152), and Duff mentions a John Richardson, bookbinder, who was at work about 1520, and a Richard Richardson, stationer, who became a freeman about 1540 (137). The 'good wyfe Gayes' may be Margaret, wife or relative of George Gay. The latter's 1505 will (PCC 42 Holgrave) mentions lands and tenements bounded by Fleet St on the north, St Bride's churchyard on the south, on the east by the tenements 'late of John Frauncys,' and on the west by the lane at the west end of St Bride's leading to Fleet St. 235 saint lohans heade: A tenement called 'Saint John's Hed' in St Martin's Lane, Aldersgate, is mentioned in 1541: it perhaps gave its name to St John's Alley and Court (west out of St Martin-le-Grand, ie Aldersgate) (Henry A. Harben A Dictionary of London [London 1918] 322, 324, 325). 243-60 Meagher divides this passage among the eight gossips mentioned in 228-32 as follows: 243-6; 247; 248-9, 250-1, 252-3, 254-5, 25^-7/ 258-60. 244-6 A traditional saying that Whiting cites from c 1400, Proverbis of Wysdom, 'The world turnythe, as a ball' (w 672). The 'now ... now' formula is likewise frequent; see Whiting N 179 for a copious list of analogues beginning with Aelfric's Homilies, c 1000. Most similar to Copland's lines, in combining the 'world turns' topos and the 'now ... now' formula: 'Lo! how this werld is turnyd up and downe, Now wele, now wo, now tranquilyte, Now werre, now pese, and now rebelyoun' (Brown Lyrics xv 238. 2-4). 258-9 The poem's earlier use of occupy, 111, is suggestive, but in this passage, and below in 357, the innuendoes are even clearer, implying both that the husband's praise was for his wife's sexual performance and that 'his myrth and his game' were sexual pleasures. 260-3 These lines praising the husband for being a good provider are similar to the following passages from La Veuve: For Diu, con vos m'estes embles! Com estoit vos avoirs doubles! Dix, con vo cose vos venoit,

120

Poems and Notes Et combien il vous avenoit Aler contreval de le cort! (53-7) Or vos dirai de mon segnor: II savoit molt bien gaegnier Et asanler et espargnier. Sen arme soit en grant repos! (278-81)

263 Perhaps should be 'to drive the want away/ although Wright's English Dialect Dictionary refers to a wat or ignis fatuus whose appearance to prisoners 'is accounted a most fatal omen' (John Brand Popular Antiquities of Great Britain [London 1813] 681-2). 266 In 236 the widow has ordered the necessary ingredients for a sop: bread and muscatel. This passage's conjunction of soppe and sorrow may provide the same idea as Heywood's 'To have sorrow to his sops' (Proverbs [1546], 268-9; Dent s 661). 268 Describing his master, who has recently inherited a fortune, B says in Fulgens & Lucres: 'He carith not whiche ende goth before' (i 704). 270 This line remains puzzling. The Sixth Sorrow. The cut illustrates 340-5: left, the widow sitting 'on thresholde' (343); right, five neighbours, male and female. 'If I coude rule: etc,' (approximating 382). The contrast spoken of between 'without' and 'within' (383) is shown visually, and the widow's pose is sexually suggestive. 283-4 Cf. 163-4. 286 Mass at one month's anniversary of death 290 as duly as a mous: perhaps the proverbial dormouse that sleeps all day and thus does not leave the house. See Whiting D 353; Tilley D 568. 303 'I judge her to be well-off.' 305 Although OED does not provide the adjectival meaning 'best' for cocke, it does note an example under the substantive meaning 'leader' that is similar to Copland's use. From Nicholas Udall's 1542 translation of Erasmus' Apophthegmata 164: 'The contrarye [side to dice] to this ... was called venus or Cous, and yt was cocke, the beste that might be cast.' 310 Who, that is, are seen 'walkyng sadly in towne and strete' (293) 315-16 Tilley (w 336) cites Heywood's Proverbs (1546), referring to him who marries a widow: T haue sure a dead mans head in my dyshe (n vii, f.I3v). 319-20 Cf Wife of Bath's Tale 278-80. 321-2 Whiting cites Hoccleve's Regement, c 1412: 'Men seyn, who-so of every grace hath drede / Let him beware to walk in any mede' 68/887-8 (G 438).

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The Seuen Sorowes

323 Cf Whiting A50 'Adventure may often avail.' 327-8 Tilley lists four occurrences of a similar proverb, beginning with Hall's Chronicles (1548): The duches thinkyng to haue gotten God by the foote, when she had the duell by the tayle' (G 260). 334 zvoweth: her company avows her knowledge. 337 The church of Willesden, Middlesex, and Crome's Hill at Greenwich were both popular pilgrimage sites near London. The palmer in Heywood's Four PPs says he has been 'At Crome, at Wilsdon, and at Muswell' (48). 353 to sequester vnder the bysshoppe: Had her husband died in debt his effects might have been sequestered, or held until the creditors' claims were satisfied. 'Vnder the bysshoppe': presumably, by the ecclesiastical authority, but with a sexual innuendo. 354 warehous and shoppe: 'The great majority of small and medium-sized properties which had street frontages had a shop as the ground-floor front room ... Where the partition had not been removed, the rear room might be a warehouse' (The London Surveys of Ralph Treswell ed John Schofield. London Topographical Society no 135 [London 1987] 22) 356-86 The widow's long speech is full of sexual double entendres that depend on the senses of occupy ('employ money in trading' and 'deal with sexually/) and on the familiar Chaucerian sexual pun on tail / tally (cf Shipman's Tale 416). Aught in 362 can be 'owed' or 'anything' as in lyl 38-42; it is ambiguous throughout the passage. Lines 369-70 can mean, depending on punctuation, 'I will have everything I can of every man' or 'I will have all correctly or justly, as near as I can, of every man.' In the preceding sorrow we saw the widow take in hand (377) her sexual arrangements, though lytle wount ther to. Lines 382-3: 'If I were as successful in business matters as in sexual ones ...' Finally lust (386) can be read generally ('desire') or more specifically. 355-62 Cf La Veuve: Et s'ele a deniers amasses, Volentiers avuec li les porte, Puis dist c'uns hon devers le porte Li vint paier des hui matin. Puis nome Robert o Martin Qui encor Ten doivent sept tans Qu'il li volront paier par tans, Mien ensiant, ains quinze dis. Molt se fait rice par ses dis (224-32) 368 Double here recalls the doubleness of her first sorrow. 387-91 The neighbour responds in kind to the widow's suggestive speech.

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Poems and Notes

388 puruey: Although OED gives no examples of this word used in a sexual sense, this would be a natural extension of its root meaning 'provide/ 'supply/ The Seventh Sorrow. The cut illustrates 458-60, the widow crossing water on a path of stones and lifting her skirts, as two men stand by a building, right. 'God haue mercy: & etc' reproduces 247, or perhaps compresses 463. 400 pleaseth: satisfies sexually 404-10 The resemblance to Dunbar's Wedo's suitors is very close: Sum Sum Sum Sum Sum Sum

rownis and sum ral^eis and sum redis ballatis, raiffis furght rudly with riatus speche; plenis and sum prayis, sum prasis mi bewte; kissis me, sum clappis me, sum kyndnes me proferis; kerffis to me curtasli, sum me the cop giffis; stalwardly steppis ben with a stout curage ... (480-5)

413 Cf Whiting w 15. 416-29 Cf La Veuve: Si dist: 'De bone eure fui nee, Car je n'ai mais qui me destragne. Je ne criem prive ni estraigne, Nului ne bis ne blanc ne rox. Or est mes cavestres derox. Dont n'a ele soing de reponre ../ (196-201) 417 Meagher glosses this line, 'However she happens to decide to dissemble/ but it may also be read, 'However perhaps she would fain' [marry]. 424 reason and skyll: MED gives several fifteenth-century examples of this doublet, which seems to mean simply 'reasonable' (see resoun 23). 444 mell: both 'mix' and 'copulate' 454 She has wished the opposite in 163-4. 460 The lifting of her skirts leaves this place ambiguous, as does the presence of stones (464). 461 fyling: both 'defiling' and 'filling', with a sexual meaning; cf lyl 2oa/8. 464 Another 'stones' joke is B's in Fulgens & Lucres: 'How be it I thinke that at the laste / I shall come within two stonys caste / Of her I aske no more' (i 853-5). 465-6 The forecast of sexual fulfilment with which the sixth sorrow ended is present here also.

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The Seuen Sorowes

i2d.

Lenuoy of .R. Copland

1 Skelton uses the work-as-ship metaphor in the conclusion of Colyn Cloute 1251-61 beginning, 'The forecastell of my shyppe / Shall glyde and smothely slyppe / Out of the wawes wodde ...' and Hawes refers to his 'Shyppe of dylygent trauayle ... with wawes enclosed so tempestyous' (Pastyme 4491-3). Curtius provides the classical precedents and says, 'this class of [nautical] metaphor is extraordinarily widespread throughout the Middle Ages and long survives into later times' (Ernst Robert Curtius European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages [New York 1963] 129). 2 Bertelet: The printer Thomas Berthelet, a neighbour of Copland's who worked at the sign of the Roman Lucrece in Fleet Street and was married at St Bride's. In giving his 'lytle quayre' into the other printer's hands, Copland plays upon the latter's name (3-5), since berth is defined by OED as 'convenient searoom, or a fit distance for ships under sail to keep clear, so as not to ... run upon the shore, rocks, etc.' Though Seuen Sorowes' date of composition is 1525 or 1526, the envoy is likely to be somewhat later, since before 1526 Berthelet had printed only one book (src 19816.5; see Strickland Gibson 'The Protocollum of Thomas Berthelet/ The Library 5th ser I [1946-8] 47-9.) The appellation 'that good sheppe' would be most appropriate following Berthelet's 1530 appointment as King's Printer. Duff says, 'Among all the early presses that of Berthelet was preeminent for good workmanship ... In beauty and variety of type he surpassed all printers of the century' (Printers 183). Berthelet's 1532 edition of Confessio Amantis, for instance, featured a Geoffrey Tory title-page border, provided notes and headings in roman type, and supplied additional text not found in Caxton's preceding edition. See Colin Clair 'Thomas Berthelet, Royal Printer' Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1966) 177-81. Likewise if the disparaging reference in line 7 alludes to printer John Skot (fl 1521-37) the envoy might be dated after 1537, when Skot's editions of Rosary of Our Lady (STC 17545.5) and Golden Letany (src 15707.5, 1536?) reprinted meditative material original to Copland's 1531 editions of these books. An earlier date for the envoy, after 1525, could be posited if, as Utley suggested (308), Copland is alluding scornfully to Skot's Boke of Mayde Emlyn published around that year (STC 7681). It offers a debased version of Chaucer's wife in tail rhyme. Widow Emlyn is a flat and simple figure by comparison with Copland's heroine, but Skot is not the author since fragments printed by Pynson around 1510 survive (STC 7680.5). 4 These 'rockes' might represent difficulties in publication, if a lapse of time between composition and publication occurred; see 2. 7 Proverbial; for instance in a letter to Cromwell of i April 1536 Andrew

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Poems and Notes

Boorde says, 'Shortly to conclude, trust you no Scot, for they will use flattering words, and all is falsehood' (G.H. Cook ed Letters to Cromwell and Others ... [London 1965] 96). Nonetheless, inclusion of praise for one printer may suggest that condemnation of another is intended. Unlike Berthelet, Skot was not remarkable for a high standard of work: Duff says of his device 'so carelessly has it been engraved that both his name and monogram are printed backwards' (Century 149). 9 Do thy deuoyr. 'pay thy respects.' 12 Fantasy used to describe a product of the literary imagination seems to be an emerging sense in the early sixteenth century: from a 1542/3 Act of Henry vm: 'Balades, plaies, rimes, songes, and other phantasies.'

13

THE SECRETE OF SECRETES

Secrete STC 770 7 August 1528 [Ai wanting; text begins Az] Iiv HThus endeth the abstract of the secrete of secretes of Arystotle prynce of Phylosophres. IHere folowe certayne reasons of the grete phylosophre Sydrac to the kynge Boctus / which I haue translated out of the Pycardes speche / thynkynge it necessary in this sayd treatyse. I4v HThus endeth the secrete of secretes of Arystotle with the gouernayle of prynces and euery maner of estate with rules of helthe for body and soule very prouffytable for euery man / and also veray good to teche chyldren to lerne to rede Englysshe. Newly translated and enprynted by Robert Copland at London in the fletestrete at the sygne of the Rose garlande the yere of our lorde .M.ccccc.xxviii. the .vii. day of August the .xx yere of the reygne of our moost dradde souerayne and naturall kynge Henry the .viii. defender of the fayth. 4°: A-I4 (-Ai); 35 leaves; c (Sel.5.6o); UM reel 3; no other copies known. Other editions: STC 770.3 W. Williamson for A. Kytson. 1572; STC 770.7 An edition of part of STC 770 titled The dyfference of astronomye. R. Wyer [1555?] Reprinted: Secreta Secretorum (Amsterdam and New York 1970) photographic reprint. About a fourth of Copland's prose text, plus his verse, is reprinted in M.A. Manzalaoui ed Secretum Secretorum: Nine English Versions. Vol. r. Text EETS OS 276 (Oxford 1977). Ringler: 133 not present; i3b TP 902

i3a.

[Lordes and maisters] Lordes and maisters, wise and honourable, Of this said booke make oft a loking glas: For ye shal find it good and profitable,

133/3 profitable] pofitable

[Ai]

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Poems and Notes

5

With wisedome to bring your dedes to passe: Make your entent, as the auctoures was, Which grounded it on right hie grauitie, Counselling you to lyue in equytie.

i3b. If Lenuoy and excuse of Robert Coplande the translatour and Imprynter of this boke [I3v]

5

10

15

20

25

1f In humble maner / and moost due reuerence Tremblynge for drede afore thy souerayne Yf thy chaunce be to come in presence Where ony person shall the there retayne Submytte thy selfe as one that wolde be fayne His grace to please in all maner degre And of thy rudenesse for to pardon the If And where as thou art but as an abstract As touchynge the auctours compylacyon Yf I therfore be ony wyse detract In defaut of thy abreuyacyon Lay thou the blame in the frensshe translacyon Whiche I haue folowed as nygh as I can Vnder correcyon of euery wyse man. II Yf ony man dyspyse the language rude Whiche barayne is / of puryd eloquence Desyre them that they do not delude Thy fronysate mater full of sentence But in theyr hertes / enprynt thy morall sence. Which compyled is / by wysdome naturall Of prudent men / the veray gouernall 11 Where many wedes be in a felde of corne All though the weders thynke to wede it clene Some shall remayne / whan the fylde is shorne. Drawke or cokle / yet there wyll be seen The fawtes thereof / is in the handes and eyen Lykewyse where many / wordes and lettres be No meruayle is / though I some ouerse

133/4 dedes] des; 133/5 auctoures] auc; 133/6 grauitie] grau

P4]

127

30

35

The Secrete of Secretes

f Yf by impressyon / ony thynge be amys In worde / in sence / or in ortography I you requyre / to mende where the faute is In the best wyse / it for to lustyfy For though all be not to your fantasy In formall maner / do ye it dyscus Saue onely god / nemo est perfectus. UDeo gratias. IfDytee du translateur f Tost ou tard / pres ou loing A le fort du foible besoing. 13 THE SECRETE OF SECRETES

Supposedly written by Aristotle to Alexander the Great in order to instruct him in the duties of a prince, this work was compiled from various sources in Syriac in the eighth century, translated into Arabic, then into Latin and thence into the vernaculars. Its complicated history has been traced in detail, first by Robert Steele (Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Baconi, Fascicle v. Secretum Secretorum (Oxford 1920), and more recently by MA. Manzalaoui (ix-xlvi). A number of English versions precede Copland's. Perhaps the most famous of these is Lydgate and Burgh's Secrees of Old Philisoffris ed Robert Steele EETS ES 66 (London 1894). Both Manzalaoui and Steele agree that Copland's text comes from a shortened French version. This short French text, according to Manzalaoui, appears in Cambridge University Library Ff.i.33, London BL Royal i6.F.x and Harley 219, and Verard's 1497 Paris edition (226). Shortened English versions that come from the short French version, besides Copland's, include London Royal iS.A.vii (printed by Steele) and Oxford University College 85 (printed by Manzalaoui). Manzalaoui says, however, that the readings in these last two manuscripts and in Copland's text, when compared with Ff.i.33 'show no steady affiliations'; therefore he concludes only, rather guardedly, that all are derived from 'French texts of the same recension as Ff.i-33' (xlvi). Copland's source is uncertain, but, in the portion of text provided by Manzalaoui's edition, his translation follows a 1517 Paris edition titled Le mirouer exemplaire, printed by Guillaume Eustace, as against Verard's 1497 edition. In addition to Verard and Eustace, however, six other early French editions survive, all undated, and definite identification of Copland's source must await fuller comparison of texts (Cat. Bib. Nat. iv 99-100).

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Poems and Notes

A long section from the middle of Copland's translation was lifted around 1555 and reprinted by Robert Wyer as The Dyfference of Astronomye (STC 770.7, formerly STC 6837). Wyer simply began with the section of Copland' text titled 'The dyfference of astronomy' and followed Copland's translation for a total of twenty-nine chapters. Aside from the first chapter, none of the rest of the book is about astronomy; rather it is a compendium of instructions for keeping or regaining health. In addition, around 1530 Wyer published The Compost of Ptholomeus, a selection from the Kalender of Shepeherdes that may have drawn on Copland's work. In 1572 Copland's whole text was reprinted, with spelling modernized, by W. Williamson for Anthony Kitson. Thomas Harrison suggests that William Copland's death in 1568 may have meant that Kitson felt free to reprint the text (The Folger Secret of Secrets' in Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies ed J.G. McManaway, G.E. Dawson, and E. Willoughby [Washington DC 1948] 603). The text of the Secrete ends on Iiv, and to fill out the remaining leaves of the I gathering, Copland translated just five topics from a French Boctus and Sydrac, like the Secrete an encyclopaedic compilation of instructions to a ruler (see F.L. Utley 'Sydrac and Boctus' in A.E. Hartung ed A Manual of the Writings [New Haven CT 1972] 3: 744-5). Copland's brief 1528 excerpts constitute the first English version, and have not been noticed previously in discussions of the work. The topics he translated are 'How one ought to vttre his speche,' 'The maner of angre,' 'To vttre secretes,' 'How thou ought to sport with thy frende,' and The maner to doubt and trust thyn enemy.' Since according to Copland he 'translated out of the Pycardes speche,' the most likely candidate among the several French editions that predate his appears to be the 25 August 1513 edition printed by J. Belon at Valence (Valenciennes), La Fontaine de toutes sciences, du grand philozophe Sydrach (BN Res. p.z.357 [34]; not seen). Natalie Zemon Davis comments on the infrequency of regional dialect printing (Society and Culture in Early Modern France [Stanford CA 1975] 197)Some time after Copland's edition, about 1537, Thomas Godfray published a verse Boctus and Sydrac translated from French (STC 3186). About 1550 two little books by Robert Wyer appeared, each a different excerpt from some longer, unidentified Boctus and Sydrac. The first, the Boke of Demaundes, of the scyence of Phylosophye, and Astronomye (STC 31883; Tracy 89) contains a series of questions and answers focusing on cosmography. Bennett comments, 'Wyer selected from [Godfray's verse edition] the questions dealing with astronomy, and turned them into prose' (117). This seems unlikely; Wyer includes a large number of questions not present in Godfray,

129

The Secrete of Secretes

and the treatment of the question on wine, for example, is quite different in Wyer from the only question on wine in Godfray. The second of Wyer's books is titled Here be Certayne Questyons of Kynge Bocthus of the maners / tokyns / and condycions of man (STC 3188; Tracy 129). It instructs the reader on how to tell character through physiognomy. Kynge Bocthus is supplemented at the end by 'The propertyes of a good Horse/ part of the Boke of Saynt Albans; its final three pages carry a series of proverbs. 133.

[Lordes and maisters]

Since the title-page of the first edition is wanting, the work's prefatory stanza is reprinted from the second, 1572, edition (STC 770.3) printed by W. Williamson for Anthony Kitson (Folger copy; UM 719). That the verse is Copland's rather than a later addition of Williamson's is suggested by its form (rhyme royal, to match the envoy, which is definitely Copland's work), by its diction (grauitie/'equytie sounds an earlier note, and Copland rhymed grauyte/amyte in 43), and by the decline from fashion of title-page verse during the latter part of the century. Letters in lines 3, 4, 5, and 6 are obscured in the unique copy of STC 770.3. Although Manzalaoui prints nedes in line 4, the word looks slightly more like dedes. rjb.

Lenuoy and excuse ...

These verses to Secrete, together with his stanzas to Assemble of Foules, may be considered the most successful of Copland's envoys, because of their greater complexity and the pleasing metaphor of text as field of grain. Four of the five stanzas use contrary-to-fact clauses beginning 'yf; the 'you' addressed changes from the book, in stanzas 1-3, to the reader in stanza 5. 18 Copland's use of fronysate in the 1542 Questyonary is the only citation provided by OED, which merely says 'apparently connected with Greek thought, intelligence/ but Fronesis (Understanding) plays a role in the 1501 London pageants for the arrival of Catherine of Aragon, where Sidney Anglo defines the quality as 'Wisdom in the special sense of acuteness of mind' (Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy [Oxford 1969] 83). 34 'Examine or investigate the work's faults in an orderly, proper manner.' Dytee du translateur: These lines constitute the motto of French printer Gilles de Gourmont, the successor of Robert de Gourmont whose printer's mark Copland adapted as his own first device. The couplet is found on

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Poems and Notes

Gilles de Gourmont's device (Silvestre no 83). The lines' very first appearance, however, is in Le chasteau de labor by Pierre Gringore, Paris, 31 March 1501. The couplet opens Le dictz et auctoritez des sages philosophes and is spoken by Ovid: 'Ou tost, ou tart, ou pres, ou loing / A le fort du foible besoing. / Et pourtant ledoit en deporter / Aulcun essoys et surporter.' Copland may have seen the couplet in the French text, or may merely have taken it from Gilles de Gourmont's device. For the brothers Gourmont, see Renouard 177-8.

14

THE RUTTER OF THE SEE

First edition: 1528, colophon only survives: 'Thus endeth the rutter of the see / with the lawes of the yle of Auleron translated and enprynted by Robert Coplande / at the costes and charges of Rycharde bankes dwellyng in the pultry of London. Anno dommi .M.D.xxviii. Cum gratis et priuilegio.' London BL Harleian 5919/131, 159; STC 11550.6 Second edition: Rutter STC 11550.8 18 March 1536 Ai (in a border) The Rutter of the see with the hauens / rodes soundynges / kennynges / wyndes / floodes and ebbes daungers and costes of dyuers regions with the lawes of the yle of Auleron, and the iudgementes of the see. [type ornament] E8v Thus endeth the Rutter of the see with the lawes of the yle of Auleron, lately translated out of Frenche in to Englysshe Imprynted at London in Poules chyrche yarde at the sygne of the Maydens Heed, by me Thomas Petyt. The yere of our lorde god .M.D xxxvi. the .xviii. daye of Marche. 8°: A-E8 (£3 missigned £2); 40 leaves; L22; privately filmed; no other copies known. Other editions: STC 11551 W. Copland [1555?]; STC 11551.5. J. Waley [1557]; STC 11553 [T. Colwell 1560?]; STC 11553.3. W. Copland [c 1567?]; ST 11554. J- Awdeley for A. Kytson. [1573?]; Ringler: TP 452 Reprinted: STC 11551.5 in facsimile by D.W. Waters, The Rutters of the Sea (see below)

*4

5

The translatoure. Gentyll maryners on a boune vyage Hoyse vp the sayle / and let god stere In the bonauenture making your passage It is full see / the wether fayre and clere The nepetydes shal you nothyng dere A see borde mates S. george to borow

[A3v]

132

Poems and Notes

Mary and John / ye shal not nede to fere But wftfa this boke / to go sauf thorow. 14 THE RUTTER OF THE SEE

A rutter (from French routier, or route book) was an aid to navigation that described coastlines, harbours, distances, tides, and routes. Copland's is the earliest English printed rutter. Its source, according to D.W. Waters, who draws upon the work of W. Senior, is Le routier de la mer, printed at Rouen by Jacques le Forestier between 1502 and 1510 and surviving in only one copy (BN Res. z.2747) (The Rutters of the Sea [New Haven CT: Yale Univ Press 1967) 12). Le routier is an abbreviation of a longer original titled Le grant routtier (Poictiers 1520), written by Pierre Garcie, a shipmaster from St Gilles sur vie (Vendee) about 1483, the date of its dedication (Brunei n 1482; Senior 'The Rutter of the Sea' The Mariner's Mirror 6 [1920] 243-6). Garcie's work, which draws on 'German fifteenth-century seebucher, fifteenth-century Italian portolani, and fifteenth-century Portuguese roteiros' (Waters 12), as well as his own sailing experience, adds at its end three brief treatises: on the courses of the moon; on the historical rights of the dukes of Brittany and the viscounts of Leon, mostly regarding salvage; and on the laws of the isle of Oleron, a thirteenth-century marine code. All are included in Copland's translation. Waters observes that English pilots 'were content with the relatively primitive Rutter of the Sea' until the 15805 and the 'sudden emergence of the English as a vigorous, inventive, and adventurous seafaring nation' (30-1). Copland's work, however, contributed to this late-sixteenth-century English naval renaissance. In 1571 appeared the first English printed navigational instruction book (as distinct from sailing directions): An Almanacke and Prognostication for Three Years. According to Waters (174), its author, William Bourne, included the tenth section of Copland's Rutter without acknowledgment: 'Soundings that ye shal fynde comynge from spayne Leuante or Portyngale to seke vsshante/ and printed it again three years later in his A Regiment for the Sea (both works ed E.G.R. Taylor under the latter title, Hakluyt Society 121 [Cambridge 1963]). Copland's verses continue too in subsequent Rutter editions until the final one (J. Awdeley for A. Kytson, [1573?]), where they are revised as follows: Gentle Mariners on nowe vpon a boun vyage, Hoyse vp your sayles and let Christ our Lord stere: Let not curssyng and swearyng bee your vsage,

133

The Rutter of the See But thanke God for all weathers, be they blacke or cleare. Then neede ye not in daungers dread nor feare, For sure trust in Christ lesu, and godly lyfe Bee great comfortes when death draweth neare. And in heauen wyll place you from al stormes and stryfe. Now Mates then forward, and take this booke And for your profit thereon often looke.

Rutter represents the first of three printing ventures in which Copland was connected with Richard Bankes. Here in 1528 and again in 1532 (Tryumphant Vyctory STC 5018), he translated and printed, with Bankes bearing the cost. In 1542 Copland translated The Questyonary of Cyrurgyens, printed by Wyer for Henry Tabbe and Richard Bankes (STC 12468). i Cf 'bon voyage.' 3 bonauenture: apparently a generic name for a ship. The OED gives only one sixteenth-century citation from 1592, 'The pilgrime must imbarke, Within a shippe the Buonaventure named.' On this basis it is defined as 'a kind of boat or ship' but the dictionary comments, 'of the generic use no explanation appears.' 5 Neap tides occur one or two days after the first and third quarters of the moon when rise and fall are least, hence at this time ships would be most likely to go aground. 6 The OED glosses this phrase 'to the seaward side of a ship,' but does not provide any examples of its use as an exhortation. S. george to borow: 'St. George for a surety,' a rote phrase used both in drinking and in farewell. For the latter use see Hawes's Conforte of Louers (1511), 'Good be my guyde / and saynt George vnto borowe' (305) and in a maritime context, Cocke Lorelles bote (1518?), 'Forthe they rowed Saint George to borowe' (16, no lineation).

15

THE DOCTRYNALL OF MEKENESSE

Doctrynall STC 6933 28 September 1529 AI IfThe doctrynall of mekenesse [Hodnett no 735] C4v Thus endeth the doctrynal of mekenesse with other deuout and goodly praers. Emprynted at London at the sygne of the Rose garlande by Robert Copland. HThe yere of our lord god .M.CCCCC. and .xxix. the .xxviij. day of Septembre. 16°: A8B8C4; 20 leaves; Blairs College, Aberdeen; privately filmed; no other copies known. Ringler: TP 1292

11 R. Copland to the reders

5

10

[B2V]

O heuenly folke and good Which lyst for to take payne To taste of this swete flode Which on the rode dyd straine In your hertes let remaine The swete tast and sauoure Of that heuenly lycoure. Out of that doulcet well To sowles con[f]ortatyfe Moost reuthfully dyd swell The very streme of lyfe To vs restoratyfe Whice payed the hole raunsom For thy heuenly kyngdome

15/9 confortatyfe] conortatyfe

[B3]

135

15

20

The Doctrynall of Mekenesse

Let in your hertys degout That spryng of lyfe most swete That from godes hert did spoute And from his handes and fete And thus with grace replete Ye maye be full sure From all mysauenture. HFinis 15 THE D O C T R Y N A L L OF M E K E N E S S E

The theme of devotion to the heart of Christ unifies this small volume and is expressed in its prayers, in its cuts, and in Copland's verses, which divide the first half, a meditation on meekness as found in the wounds of Christ, from the second, a series of seven meditations on the pains of Christ's heart. The source of these devotions is not known: the incipits on [A2] and 64 do not appear in Jolliffe's Check-List or the Index of Middle English Prose. [Ai]: The title-page cut of the Holy Family illustrates the virtue of humility, as Mary weaves and Joseph saws, in the presence of the Christ child. It is copied from a cut that appears on A8v in Willem Vorsterman's Rosarye of Our Lady (STC 17544), the source of Copland's Rosarye. Similarly, the titlepage verso shows Christ humbly washing his disciples' feet (Hodnett no 647). [A2]-B2: A prose meditation on meekness beginning 'Veray mekenesse is in a parfyte soul whoo that hath not true bodyly mekenesse may not come to parfyte goostly mekenesse.' B2V-B3: Copland's three stanzas 'O heuenly folke and good' on the crucifixion. The verses are connected with the preceding meditation, which advised the reader to seek meekness in the wounds of Christ. B3v: cut of crowned heart captioned 'To the hert of our lorde.' In a scroll above the heart 'Welle of lyfe that euer shall last / My herte withe [?with thee] make thou steafast' [sic] (Hodnett no 677). A crowned right and a crowned left foot belonging to this series appear in Copland's Rhymed Life of 1533, where they are labelled 'welle of pyte' and 'welle of confort' and, like the heart, carry a rhymed couplet caption (Hodnett nos 675 and 676). 64: 'Here begynneth a ryght goodli and deuout prayer of the moost holy and sacred herte ...' Its refrain is repeated seven times, between reflections on the pains of Christ's heart during his life: 'O most gloryous and precyous hert of Ihesus cryste lete thy paine habounde in me as moche as it habounded in the.' Following are several separate meditations.

i36

Poems and Notes

Cy. 'A bryefe oryson in callynge the helpe of god agaynst temptacyon.' It begins 'Lorde god almyghti that ledeth all too good' and was probably added to fill up the C gathering. Interest in the heart of Christ is rare in early sixteenth-century England, and as with his Tauerne verses, Copland's poem expresses a religious sensibility to which R.W. Pfaff's characterization might be applied: 'the ardours of Flemish - or more accurately, Burgundian court - spirituality' (New Liturgical Feasts in Later Medieval England [Oxford 1970] 101). The work juxtaposes the human heart, to which the poet refers in stanzas \ and 3, and Christ's wounded heart, described in stanza 2. 9 Confortatyfe, like 'cordial' can be either an adjective or a noun.

16

THE ASSEMBLE OF FOULES

Assemble STC 5092 24 January 1530 Ai [in a ribbon] If The assemble of foules. fHere foloweth the assemble of foules veray pleasaunt and compendyous to rede or here compyled by the preclared and famous clerke Geffray Chaucer. [Hodnett no 926, fig 82] B6v Iflmprynted in london in Flete strete at the sygne of the Sonne agaynste the condyte / by me Wynkyn de Worde. The .xxiiii. day of January / in the yere of our lorde. M.CCCCC. and .xxx. 4°: A8B6; 14 leaves; HN (31325); UM reel 132; no other copies known Other editions: STC 5091. Caxton [1477?]; STC 5091.5. J. Rastell [1525?]; S 5088. R. Pynson [1526?] Reprinted: i6a and i6b partly in Francis; Ringler: i6a TP 1199; i6b TP 1011

i6a.

5

10

Roberte Coplande boke prynter to new fanglers. f Newes / newes / newes / haue ye ony newes Myne eres ake / to here you call and crye Ben bokes made with whystelynge and whewes Ben there not yet ynow to your fantasye In fayth nay I trow and yet haue ye dayly Of maters sadde / and eke of apes and oules But yet for your pleasure / thus moche do wyll I As to lette you here the parlament of foules. f Chaucer is deed the whiche this pamphlete wrate So ben his heyres in all suche besynesse And gone is also the famous clerke Lydgate And so is yonge Hawes / god theyr soules adresse Many were the volumes that they made more and lesse Theyr bokes ye lay vp / tyll that the lether moules

[Ai]

i38

Poems and Notes

15

But yet for your myndes this boke I wyll impresse That is in tytule the parlyament of foules

20

25

30

H So many lerned at leest they say they be Was neuer sene / doynge so fewe good werkes Where is the tyme that they do spende trowe ye In prayers? ye / where? / in feldes and parkes Ye but where be bycomen all the clerkes? In slouthe and ydlenesse theyr tyme defoules For lacke of wrytynge / conteynynge morall sperkes I must imprynt the parlament of foules. H Dytees / and letters them can I make my selfe Of suche ynowe ben dayly to me brought Olde morall bokes stonde styll vpon the shelfe I am in fere they wyll neuer be bought Tryfles and toyes they ben the thynges so sought Theyr wyttes tryndle lyke these flemysshe boules Yet gentyll clerkes folowe hym ye ought That dyd endyte the parlyament of foules. HFinis.

i6b. H Lenuoy of R. Coplande boke prynter.

5

1O

[Aiv]

[B6v]

LAyde vpon shelfe / in leues all to torne With letters dymme / almost defaced clene Thy hyllynge rotte / with wormes all to worne Thou lay / that pyte it was to sene Bounde with olde quayres / for aege all hoore and grene Thy mater endormed / for lacke of thy presence But nowe thou arte losed / go shewe forth thy sentence And where thou become so ordre thy language That in excuse thy prynter loke thou haue Whiche hathe the kepte frome ruynous domage In snowe wyte paper / thy mater for to saue With thylke same langage that Chaucer to the gaue In termes olde / of sentence clered newe Than methe moche sweter / who can his mynde auewe.

i6b/n: snowe wyte] snowe swyte

139

The Assemble of Foules

15

And yf a louer happen on the to rede Let be the goos with his lewde sentence Vnto the turtle and not to her to take hede For who so chaungeth / true loue dothe offence Loue as I rede is floure of excellence And loue also is rote of wretchednesse Thus be two loues / scryture bereth wytnesse. IfFinis.

20

16 THE ASSEMBLE OF FOULES

Three editions of Chaucer's Parliament of Fowls precede Copland's and de Worde's of 1530. Caxton's [1477] manuscript source is unknown. John Rastell printed an edition around 1525; one surviving leaf contains introductory verses while the other prints eight stanzas of a corrupt text inferior to that of almost any of the manuscripts (E.J. Devereux 'John Rastell's Text of the Parliament of Fowls' Moreana 27-8 [1970] 115-20). Neither Caxton's nor Rastell's edition is Copland's source. The third appearance of the Parliament is in Richard Pynson's three-part edition of Chaucer's works, published in 1526. Copland used Pynson's edition, as some identical unique readings attest (eg, 335-6, 504, 547), but also, and more unusually, as he says explicitly, he printed from a faded and defaced manuscript. This manuscript can be identified as Oxford Bodley 638 (hereafter Bo), an anthology of verse copied probably in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, and, with its related manuscript Oxford Fairfax 16, one of the principal witnesses for Chaucer's minor poems (see Bodleian Library MS Fairfax 16 intro John Norton-Smith [London 1979]). Bo contains thirteen substantive readings from Parliament of Fowls that are not found in any other manuscript, and Copland's edition reproduces twelve of these (63, 140, 152(2), 263, 335, 394, 406, 551, 556, 637, 644). Pynson prints eight of these Bo readings also, but in four instances where Pynson and Bo differ, Copland follows Bo (152(2), 406, 556). Even more tellingly, examination of the manuscript shows casting-off marks in lower-case roman letters, made in ink on the parchment leaves (the outer bifolia of each gathering), in plummet on the inner paper ones, which correspond with the pages in Copland's edition. (For the rarity of parchment-paper combination see R.J, Lyall, who notes only eight examples

140

Poems and Notes

in a survey of 174 fifteenth-century manuscripts: 'Materials: The Paper Revolution' in Griffiths and Pearsall 11-30, table p 12). The first 21 lines of Parliament are missing; then marginal numeration runs from iiij to xvj (Copland's A gathering in eight) and from b[i] to xj (B gathering in six). Three of the ink numbers are visible in the recently published facsimile edition of Bo: on f gSv appears the numeral viij, beside the text that in Copland's edition begins A^v, that is, the eighth page of the A gathering. Likewise on f 1O4V is written iij and on f 105, iiij. In Copland's edition these are 62 and B2V, that is, the third and fourth pages of the B gathering (Manuscript Bodley 6)8: A Facsimile intro Pamela Robinson [Norman OK 1982]). In its appearance, too, Bo fits Copland's description of the manuscript he used, which had 'leues all to torne' (large portions of Bo's ff 71, 197, and 201 are missing, and corners are torn off its ff 15, 16, 19, 61, 92, 198, 202, 203, 205). Further, the manuscript is said to be 'with wormes all to worne': wormholes appear on Bo ff 2-5, 62-5, 92-6. Its 'hyllynge rotte' cannot be confirmed, since the manuscript now wears a seventeenth-century binding (perhaps necessitated by the earlier one's condition), but Copland's statement that the manuscript's letters are 'dymme / almost defaced clene' describes the condition of Bo's final leaf, its verso so rubbed as to be unreadable even under ultraviolet light (Robinson xxxiii). The concern that Copland expresses in his verses for preservation and presentation of Chaucer's text is noteworthy, though Rastell's prefatory verses to his edition (partly reprinted by Devereux) likewise mention his own labours ('with oft inquisicyon I haue hyt achyuyd / And hyt publisshede and made to be prentyd') and they note Rastell's conviction that Parliament was Chaucer's work. Cf. with Copland's Assemble, Thomas Alsop's c 1525 modernization of the Man of Law's Tale, printed by Pynson (Franklin B. Williams, Jr 'Alsop's fair distance: Chaucer in Tudor Dress' English Literary Renaissance 6 [1976] 351-403). Like Chaucer's text, those by contemporary poets were similarly, if silently, updated: A.S.G. Edwards notes more than three hundred changes made to Hawes's Example of Vertu between editions of 1509 and 1530, modernizations of 'language, syntax, and style' perhaps by de Worde (Stephen Hawes [New York 1982] 88). i6a.

fRoberte Coplande boke prynter to new f anglers.

New fanglers is Copland's invention, though 'newfangledness' appears in both Chaucer's and Lydgate's work. i At this date newes can mean either 'tidings' or 'new things,' though the latter appears more likely here. William Marshall's 1535 translation of the Ypres poor relief statutes (STC 26119) opens: 'Lo here nouelles, if eny man delyte / Newe thinges to see, and newe thynges to rede.'

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The Assemble of Foules

3 Whystelynge and zvhewes: Probably two sorts of sound, the whewes formed in imitation of a whistling sound, although whistles and whewes, two sorts of pipe, are sometimes coupled in OED'S citations. 4 An early complaint about the multiplication of books, and at least partly a conventional one, since in John Rastell's Interlude of the Four Elements, published about 1520, the Messenger similarly complains: 'What nombre of bokys in our tonge maternall / Of toyes and tryfellys be made and imprynted / And few of them of matter substancyall' (Axton ed, 16-18). Cf. Copland's Tryfles and toyes they ben the thynges so sought' (28). 6 The contrast is between serious books and frivolous ones. Cf. the Nun's Priest's Tale ('Men dreme alday of owles and of apes' [3092]), where the phrase is equivalent to 'trivialities,' and likewise Skelton'sMagnyfycence, Foly to Fansy ('Ye, for all thy mynde is on owles and apes' [Scattergood ii34])8 Because the prefatory poem serves as advertising for the volume, Copland incorporates the book's title in the last line of each of the four stanzas. 9 The brevity, and perhaps the lightness, of 'pamphlete' contrasts with 'volumes' and 'bokes' below (13 and 14). 12 Copland's 1530 reference to 'yonge Hawes' as dead follows soon after the earliest mention of the poet's death in Thomas Feylde's A contrauersye bytwene a louer and a laye (STC 10838.7) [1527?]: 'yonge Steuen Hawse whose soule god pardon' (22 Pro/). Both Feylde and Copland allude to the poet's youth. A.S.G. Edwards points out that the mention of Hawes may serve as advertising, since in 1530, the same year as Assemble, de Worde published his thoroughly revised third edition of Example of Vertu ('From Manuscript to Print: Wynkyn de Worde and the Printing of Contemporary Poetry,' Gutenberg-fahrbuch 1991 143-8; p 147). 14 This theme, the non-use of books, has been sounded before in the 1518 Castell of Pleasure verses: Bokes be not set by / theyr tymes is past I gesse The dyce and cardes / in drynkynge wyne and ale Tables / cayles / and balles / they be now set a sale Men lete theyr chyldren vse all suche harlotry That byenge of bokes they vtterly deny (45-9) Copland returns to the topic here in 26-9. 17-21 Cf. Skelton's Speke Parrot, written between 1519 and 1521: So many morall maters, and so lytell vsyd; So myche newe makyng, and so madd tyme spente; So myche translacion into Englyshe confused;

142

Poems and Notes So myche nobyll prechyng, and so lytell amendment; So myche consultation, almoste to none entente; So myche provision, and so lytell wytte at nede Syns Dewcalyons flodde there can no clerkes rede. (449-55)

Skelton's poem is copied partially in London BL Harley 2252, the commonplace-book of London mercer John Colyns, which Copland used to produce an edition of the romance Ipomydon, and Copland may have seen Skelton's poem in Colyns' manuscript. 24 This line suggests that by 1530 Copland had not only written numerous short poems ('dytees') but also had completed some longer work ('letters'). 26 Copland again suggests, as in stanza 2, that the work of Chaucer, Lydgate, and Hawes is little purchased. 28 For the prevalence of worthless books, again cf. Four Elements: But now so it is that in our englyshe tonge Many one there is, that can but rede and wryte, For his pleasure wyll oft presume amonge New bokys to compyle and balates to indyte: Some of love or other matter not worth a myte; Some to opteyn favour wyll flatter and glose, Some wryte curyous termys nothyng to purpose. (36-42) This passage, and the one quoted at line 4, were both noted by an anonymous author (Two References to the English Book-Trade circa 1525' Bibliographica 6 (1895). Cf. the verses signed T.M. that preface STC 18078.5, The boke of the fayre gentylwoman ... (Wyer, c 1540): 'Lo unlerned men now a dayes, wyll not spare / To wryte, to bable, theyr myndes to declare' (11-12), quoted in S.R. Maitland Early Printed Books in the Lambeth Library (London 1843) 440-1. 29 Like 'flemysshe boules' here, cayles or ninepins are cited in Copland's Castell verses as a game preferred to reading. i6b.

Lenuoy of R. Coplande boke prynter.

Stanzas \ and 2 constitute a forceful endorsement of the power of printing, and at the same time provide a rationale for the linguistic changes made in the transition from manuscript to print. In addition they witness to the unusual employment of a manuscript, rather than earlier prints, as the edition's central authority. The printer, who is probably de Worde (though

143

The Assemble of Foules

H.R. Plomer suggested, on the basis of stanza 2, that Assemble might have been previously printed by Copland), has preserved Chaucer's text and, for the contemporary reader, has clarified the poet's meaning while remaining essentially faithful to his words ('thylke same langage that Chaucer to the gaue.' (For discussion of early printers' attitude toward their texts see Lotte Hellinga 'Manuscripts.' Both stanzas refer to the preservation of mater and sentence, perhaps respectively 'substance' and 'meaning.' Whether the printer was de Worde or Copland, the editorial work described in 11-13 was surely Copland's. i 'leues all to torne' is perhaps a deliberate echo of Chaucer's 'myn olde bok totorn' (PF no). 5-7 Copland puns on bounde, ie 'enclosed in covers' and 'inhibited/ and contrasts it with 'losed/ the republication for which the printer is responsible. 6 'Your content dormant because undisseminated.' The OED gives only two examples of endorme (1512 and 1637), from 'in dorme,' meaning 'dormant,' and no examples of endormed. 9 in excuse = 'in defence of (thy printer) 14 In the latter half of the century, auewe meant simply 'view/ but earlier it had the sense of 'reconnoitre' or 'survey/ which is perhaps intended here. 16 The goose's advice is 'But she wol love hym, lat hym love another' (PF 567), while the turtle cries, 'Nay, God forbede a lovere shulde chaunge' (582). Since the goose is female, her in 17 is correct, while his in 16 is an error. Copland's third stanza indicates that he reads the poem as an exploration of love's nature. 21 The concluding line's allusion to Scripture reinforces the view presented in the preliminary verses of Chaucer as a moral poet.

17

THE ROSARYE OF OUR LADY IN ENGLYSSHE

Rosarye

STC 17545

1531

Ai Here begynneth the Rosarye of our Lady in englysshe with many goodly peticyons dyrect to her [Hodnett no 748] D4V Emprynted at London in Fletestrete at the sygne of the rose garlande by Robert Coplande. Anno domini .M.ccccc. and .xxxi. [type ornaments] 16°: A8 B-C8D4; 281eaves; Blairs College, Aberdeen; privately filmed; no other copies known. Other editions: STC 17544. W. Vorsterman [c 1525]; STC 17545.5 J. Skot 1537 Reprinted: Copland's verse in Francis; Ringler: TP 524

If A deuout prayer to our lady / compyled and imprynted by Robert Coplande.

5

10

15

[D2]

If Hayle Mary ful of grace Our lorde is with the loyes to the in eche place For thy femynyte The holy trynyte In the hath made his boure Thou arte of suche honoure Blessed of all women By excellent vertu So must thy fruyt be then That of the dyde yssu That blyssed babe lesu The kynge of kynges all Whose name is immortall The prophetes longe beforne

[D2v]

145

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

The Rosarye of Our Lady in Englysshe

Of the dyde prophecy That of the sholde be borne The sonne of god on hye Thy name can neuer dye But euermore renewe In goodnesse and vertewe f Thou arte moder noryce Our fode / and our welfare Our chefe consolatryce Our refuge in our care We can the neuer spare Therfore we say to the Spes nostra salue / salue

P3]

11 Bicause thou art so good Of ecellent mercy From this moost deedly flood To the dayly we cry O blyssyd swete Mary In the gretely we trust When we wold haue our lust 11 There can no persone spyll That dooth the truely serue Thou art clene without yll Thy bounte can not swerue Al prayse thou doost deserue From A / vnto / Amen. Thy praysynge cannot pen. f To laude the we are bounde Thou shewest vs such grace The deuyl thou doost confounde That dooth vs sore menace Afore thy sones face Thou doost alway repete Our fraylte to forgete. 11 Graunt me a boone lady To preserue me this day Without shryft not to deye

[D3v]

146

55

60

65

70

Poems and Notes And to synne by no way Thy sones preceptes to obay His name to gloryfy And thyn eternally.

[D4]

U I haue no maner arte Thy praysyng to suffyse But yet with all my harte After my symple guyse This wyse / I wyll deuyse O excellent / o pure. O heuenly creature. Lawd / hympne / giue honour Symphony synge iubyle Vnto the of women flour The queres thre times thre Before the trynyte Prayse thyn excellence In all the sayntes presence.

[D4v]

17 THE ROSARYE OF OUR LADY IN ENGLYSSHE

The source of Copland's volume is a 16° book printed at Antwerp by Willem Vorsterman: The Rosarye of our lady in englysshe (STC 17544) about 1525. It consists of fifty chronological meditations on the events of Christ's life and the Virgin's part in them, each meditation illustrated by a woodcut. Its five groups of ten meditations are separated by a longer prayer beginning 'Haill' and followed by a Pater Noster. All directly address the Virgin, her title changing with each group: Moder of god / Blyssed moder / Dere moder / Moder of Cryst / Moder of the kynge of glorye. Each meditation ends with a petition that provides a connection between the event in Christ's life and the supplicant's own life. Such late-medieval rosaries were not uncommon. Sandra Hindman, comparing a contemporary Dutch manuscript (San Marino Huntington 1140) with an identical printed version (G. Leeu's Rosarium [Antwerp 1489]), suggests that 'the manuscript and printing trades were executing similar sorts of books with identical cycles in the late fifteenth century' (Pen to Press [Baltimore MD 1977] 120-1). John Skot's Rosary, printed six years after Copland's in 1537, is described

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The Rosarye of Our Lady in Englysshe

by src as a revision of Vorsterman's edition, but it also draws heavily upon Copland's, which regularly adds original phrases to the meditations, phrases that Skot then reprints. For instance, in the fifth meditation, the final colorful comparison in parentheses is Copland's, reprinted by Skot: 'Mother of God which did lappe thy lytel swete babe in clothes / and bytwene two beestes in a crybbe layde hym in hey, praye for me that my naked soule may be lapped in drede and loue of my lorde god and the / (and that I may oft remembre my flesshe is but donge and hey in this crybbe of mortalitie).' London BL Arundel 285, a sixteenth-century devotional miscellany edited by J.A.W. Bennett, provides a text of the rosary that, despite many idiosyncratic and Scottish readings, follows Skot's edition closely. It demonstrates, both in text and illustrations, the close relation between manuscript and printed book remarked on by Hindman, since it contains pasted-in woodcuts from printed volumes, two of which Bennett identifies as from Antwerp books (xxxii-xxxiii). (See also his later essay on Arundel 285, 'Scottish preReformation devotion' in So Many People Longages and Tonges ed Michael Benskin and M.L. Samuels [Edinburgh 1981] 299-308). Copland's title-page cut of the sacred heart (Hodnett no 748) is a copy of Vorsterman's block, which appears in his Rosarye on A6v. Three other cuts used in Copland's 16° books are copied from Vorsterman's Rosarye also: the XV Oos's title-page crucifixion comes from Vorsterman's cut on C6 (reproduced Hodnett fig 41, no 746; it also appears in Vorsterman's Hortulus Animae of 1525, reproduced as no 158, pi xvi in W. Nijhoff and M.E. Kronenberg Nederlandsche Bibliographic ['s-Gravenhage 1923]). Second, the title-page cut in Copland's Doctrynall, a view of the Holy Family, copies the cut in Vorsterman on A8v (Hodnett no 735). Hodnett noted these two resemblances. Third, another crucifixion cut (Copland's The Psalter of Jesus Div, and xv Oos C3v) is copied from a cut used on C5 and C7 in the Antwerp Rosarye. Like so many of his verses, these devotional stanzas of Copland's were added at the end of the text to fill out the remaining leaves. They constitute a set of variations on the Ave Maria (1-14) and Salve Regina (23-5, 62-3; see below). Woolf points out that such vernacular paraphrases of Latin hymns existed both in France and England, though they were more frequent in France (282 and note). Copland may have been familiar with examples in French printed books: such a Marian poem appears, for instance, in an edition of Le grant kalendrier & compost des Bergiers, published by Nicholas le Rouge at Troyes, 1529 ('Marie, dame toute belle'). For a fifteenth-century English example see IMEV 1073, in which the first word of each line read downward forms the prayer (London BL Additional MS 37049). Following is a comparison of Copland's verses with the Salve Regina:

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Poems and Notes

Thou arte moder noryce Our fode / and our welfare Our chefe consolatryce Our refuge in our care We can the neuer spare Therefore we say to the Spes nostra salue / salue

Salve regina Mater misericordiae Vita dulcedo Et spes nostra salve.

Bicause thou art so good Of ecellent mercy From this moost deedly flood To the dayly we cry O blyssyd swete Mary ...

Ad te clamamus Exules filii Evae Ad te suspiramus Gementes et flentes In hac lacrimarum vallae ...

O excellent / o pure. O heauenly creature.

O clemens, o pia O dulcis Virgo Maria

22 moder noryce: a term often used of the Virgin, Christ's nurse 42 The active instead of the passive voice ('cannot be penned') 65 Symphony: The context requires an imperative sense, 'harmonize.' OED offers only 'symphonize' from de Worde's Vitas Patrum of 1495: 'Infenyte nombre of people Symphonysynge.'

18

GUYSTARDE AND SYGYSMONDE

Guystarde and Sygysmonde STC 3183.5 1532 Ai f Guystarde and Sygysmonde, fHere foloweth the amerous hystory of Guystarde and Sygysmonde / and of theyr dolorous deth by her father / newly translated out of laten in to englysshe by Wyllym Walter seruaunt to syr Henry Marney knyght chaunceler of the duchy of Lancastre [type ornaments above and below Hodnett A.&C. no *92ja] 03 f Thus endeth the amorous hystory of Guystarde and Sygysmonde. Imprynted at London in Fletestrete at the sygne of the Sonne by Wynkyn de Worde. In the yere of our lorde .M.CCCCC.xxxij. [Hodnett no A.&C. *^2ja\ D3v [Hodnett A.&C. no *927c, *927a] 04 [Hodnett A.&C. no *927b, *927d] 04v [de Worde's device McKerrow no 21] 4°: A-D4; 16 leaves; L (€.132.1.42); UM reel 1746; no other copies known Reprinted: H.G. Wright ed Early English Versions of the Tales of Guiscardo and Ghismonda and Titus and Gisippus from the Decameron EETS os 205 (London 1937); The Life of St. Ursula. Guiscard and Sigismund Roxburghe Club (London 1818). Copland's envoi in Francis. Ringler: TP 1903 i8a.

5

11 R. Coplande to the translatour. THynflammate desyre / of your good intent Newes to compyle / eschewynge ydelnesse Cometh of grace / and of wysdome excellent To occupy suche / as haue no besynesse Whiche vertu of doynge / moche harme doth oppresse For surely ydelnesse / is portresse of all synne Euery vyce / redy to lette in If The wretched lyfe / of osyosyte Engendreth slouth / pouerte and payne

[A2]

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10

It is nouryce / of voluptuosyte And setteth the mynde on all thynges vayne It sleeth the body / and troubleth the brayne Vnstedyeth the wyt / and wasteth good dede And letteth vertu / and goodnesse to precede

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2O

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II Example playne / of ydle Sygysmonde Fedde deyntely / no maner werke to vse Whiche caused ydelnesse / for to habonde And vnto pleasure / set onely for to muse Daunce / songe / and play / she dyd not refuse Whiche thynges assembled / engendred delyte Of natural! lust / to do her appetyte H Here lacketh besynesse / and good pastyme Grace of good doynge / was from her exyled Caught as a byrde / tangled with lyme Fyrst by one feder / and than with all begyled Ryght so who with this vyce is fyled Take with one synne / all other dothe ensue Er go / good besynesse / is gate of vertue II Thus endeth the prologue.

i8b.

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10

H R. Coplande to these louers in the effect of theyr loue SE here in loue / the merueylous effect Without foresyght / compassynge the ende Onely of lust / the doynge to coniect As by this lady / whiche dyd condescende Vnto this knyght / her mynde so to haue pende Not regardynge / her state of wydowheed Honour and good fame / forgetynge as deed H O folysshe Guystarde / O vnwyse Sygysmonde / O newe Pyramus / O younge wanton Thysbe / Was no reason / nor fere in you founde

183/28 Ergo] Er go; i8b/g Pyramus] Pryamus

[A4]

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Guystarde and Sygysmonde

To pondre of Tancrede / the inwarde cruelte O blynde loue / suche is thy properte Youthe to enclose with thy lubryke fyre Nothynge regarded / but to do theyr desyre 15

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i8c.

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11 Alas Guystarde where is thy memory Thou doost not pondre thy maysters gentylnesse Whiche from thy youthe hath fostred tenderly His house and doughter thou wylt pollute rechelesse Thou wylt dystayne / his honoure and noblenesse His loue thou lesest / his good worde and his dede Beware / suche seruyce / suche is the wage or mede

[A4v]

1f R. Coplande by exclamacyon to fortune.

[B2V]

VNstable fortune / tomblynge as the see Than yse more slypper / frosen after rayne Here is thy dede / here is thy properte Neuer in one / but chaungeable sodayne These two louers / by thy bryttle trayne Thou hast assembled / and now wylt desceuer A worthy acte / this is thy guyse euer U Pyram and Thysbe / thou goodly behyght Dydo to Ene / thou caused to combyne Arcyte to Emely / in sturdy fyght And Heleyn to Parys / holly to enclyne Ypomyneus to Athelant of noble lyne Troylus to Cresede / by reason of Pandare At last vnwares / thou dydest them separe U O fortune harde / of chaunces moost extreme To brynge her father / O wycked slacke traytresse Was there none other person in all the reme For to dyscouer / theyr secret besynesse None? no / alas / here is greate heuynesse Of ony other / it myght haue ben denayde But nay for sothe / thou fortune hast them trayde

180/8 Pyram] Pryam

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i8d.

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Poems and Notes

If Robert Coplande to the constauncy in loue of Sygysmonde.

[C2V]

O Constant lady / O lyght of louers shene O turtle true / thy louer so absent What myght thou more / than wiih courage clene Offre thy selfe / to dethe moost vyolent For thy Guystarde / whiche hath his ludgement Alas my pen / for ruthe sorowe doth quake Onely for ruthe / that I haue for thy sake 11 Alas swete woman / thou loued not for mede Nor yet in comune / but stedfastly to one Whiche secrete was in worde /thought and dede And neuer loued but onely the alone Alas what sorowe / now that he is gone Doth the compasse / standynge all in drede Herynge hym iudged / to deth by fyers Tancrede f Wyll none excuse / thy faders herte relent And thou his chylde / O nature moost vntrewe Alas me thynke I se the here present Berayned with teres / and asshy deedly hewe Thou doost not praye his fauoure to eschewe But hardyed in loue / makynge thy ludgement Wenynge therby / his herte for to relent HFinis. 11 R. Coplande by exclamacyon to Tancrede in executynge tyranny. OUte on the tyraunt / O cruell Tancrede What hast thou done / fury to commyt Beholde Guystarde w/tftouten herte here blede Wo worth thy dome / and hasty shyttle wyt

i8e/title, i Tancrede] Trancrede

[C4]

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5

Outrage alas how is thy reason quyt Onely but dethe / fye out alas for wo No pryson / banysshment / nor punysshynge but so

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i8f.

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1f Thou has not regarded the wordes of thy chylde Nor her answers / with promysse desperate But in angre thou hast / thy selfe begylde Now to repent / thou shalt it fynde to late A se what cometh of domes abreuyate But repentaunce / O fole insapyent Of folysshe ludge / an hasty iudgement 11 With dethe of one / thou thought to haue the other Thou lesest bothe / and all with hastynesse True loue of deth is the very mother Recorde of Dido / as Vyrgyll doth expresse Dyanyra / Isyphyll / and Lucresse With many other whiche at this tyme I spare And now by the is come these louers share. HFinis. f The lenuoy of R. Coplande.

[D2]

GO tragedy vnto thy translatoure Bewayle to hym thy chaunce vnfortunate Yf ought be amys / thyne impressoure In addycyon / or sense myslytterate Pray hym of helpe / thy faultes to castygate And where nede is / to adde or elles detray Pardon of mysmakynge / gladly thou hym pray If And hym requyre / accordynge to promys His boke to acheue / he knoweth myne intent Whiche is of substaunce worthe many of this And more worthy / of mater excellent How be it with this I do ryght well assent That he with Pamphletes many doth occupy Whiche morall bokes / redeth not wyllyngly

[D2V]

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If And yf thou happe to reimpressyon Desyre them / the whiche shall be the cause Though thou be yll / that no transgressyon By them nor theyrs / be made in ony clause Correccyon / I agre / but there a pause Folowe your copy / and lette thamendynge alone He may yll mende two tonges that can but one If None be the maysters / that with me wyll dele Than beware / my lytell boke I pray From boyes / and lerners / lest they thy trowthe stele And holly thy fautes / vnto me lay Shewe forthe thy mater / what euer that they say Of loue / foly / fortune / hastynesse / and shame Vnto thyne auctour / and not to me the blame If And vnto them / whiche chayned be in loue Shewe example / of wylfull appetyte Ordre eche where / theyr courages to moue Well cometh entent / taken of wyse respyte Gyue councell / to leue sensuall delyte Take the as myrrour / suche daunger to ensewe By harme of other / they may the same eschewe. FINIS 18 G U Y S T A R D E AND S Y G Y S M O N D E

Though the story of these lovers appears in the Decameron, this version by William Walter comes not from Italian but from Leonardo Bruni's Latin, according to Wright. Almost nothing is known of Walter. Ronald Bayne, in his DNB essay, suggests that all his work may have been written earlier than 1532, the date of Guystarde and Sygysmonde, since Sir Henry Marney, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster and Walter's patron, who is mentioned on the title-page, died in 1523. Thus Guystarde and Sygysmonde, like Walter's Spectacle of Loners (for which Copland wrote the envoy and perhaps did the printing) may have been issued in an earlier, lost edition. The poem is illustrated, like Walter's earlier Tytus & Gesyppus (STC 3184.5), with de Wordecommissioned original woodcuts.

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Guystarde and Sygysmonde's ninety-two stanzas include twenty-one stanzas by Copland that enlarge on the poem's events, pausing at points to heighten its impact with reflection. This pattern of alternating narrative and comment is familiar from Lydgate's Fall of Princes, for instance, of which Pynson printed two editions in 1494 and 1527. The instructive element in Lydgate's work is intensified in the selections made from it by de Worde in [1510?] and [1520?], published as Prouerbes of Lydgate. Copland probably knew this version, which presents, for example, the sententious envoys that follow the tales of Adam and Eve, and of Theseus; the commendation of patience; and the envoy on ingratitude (Henry Bergen ed Lydgate's Fall of Princes 4 vols. EETS ES [London 1924-7] iv 121-4). These poems may have been in Copland's mind, since his verses likewise provide envoys to each section of Guystarde and Sygysmonde. Their moral emphasis is consistent with other contemporary printers' responses to literature (see, for example, Julia Boffey, 'Richard Pynson's Book of Fame and the Letter of Dido' Viator 19 [1988] 339-53). Copland's insistence, however, on the trifling nature of Walter's work may be thought unusually strong (i8f79-14), though his Assemble verses of 1530 likewise speak slightingly of contemporary writing. His diction in these stanzas is, like Walter's, somewhat aureate: 'thynflammate desyre' (i8a/i); 'lubryke fyre' (i8b/i3); 'abreuyate' (186/12); 'insapyent' (186/13). i8a.

R. Coplande to the translatour.

This romantic lovers' tale is presented under a familiar medieval rubric: the avoidance of idleness. Copland's preliminary verses repeatedly contrast vertu of doynge, besynesse, good pastyme, and grace of good doynge with ydelnesse, osyosyte, and their consequence, voluptuosyte. 1-4 The translator is praised for wisdom in his desire to present a new work that will both occupy the idle and teach them the dangers of idleness. Newes is clearly here 'new things/ as, less clearly, in Assemble, line i. 6 Copland's immediate source for these lines is probably Hawes's Conuercyon of Swerers: 'For ydlenesse the grete moder of synne / Euery vyce is redy to lette ynne' (48-9), though Hawes himself is drawing upon a various convention in depicting idleness, which can be not only mother, but nurse, root, portress. In Copland's choice of the last epithet he echoes Lydgate: 'And ground of al, as cheif porteresse, Texile vertu was froward idilnesse' (Fall of Princes HI 794. 696-7) and 'Slombryng ydelnesse, Which of al vices is cheeff portresse/ (Dietary in Mirror of Princes n 706. 140-1). Chaucer's description of idleness as 'norice' and 'porter of the gate ... of delices' in the

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Second Nun's Tale is not so close to Copland's lines as are Hawes's, though Chaucer also cites the writer's 'bisynesse' (24) as opponent of 'ydelnesse' (22).

23 Sygysmonde lacks grace of good doynge or the power of virtuous activity, which the translator is said to possess in stanza i. 25 Besides 'tricked/ MED gives for begyled the specifically sexual meaning 'seduced/ and also cites from Trevisa the meaning 'to lure (a bird)/ the figure Copland uses. 28 Besynesse, the gate of virtue, here opposes ydelnesse, portress of sin, in stanza i. i8b.

R. Coplande to these louers in the effect of theyr loue (ie 'regarding the consequence of their love').

1-3 'See here in love the monstrous result of contriving sexual union without prudently considering the outcome.' Onely is emphatic. Here lustful doynge contrasts with vertu of doynge (5) in i8a. 9 For Chaucer's Pyramus and Thisbe, Legend of Good Women 706-923, and for Gower's, Confessio Amantis iii i33iff 10 For similar rhetorical questions to the poem's characters, see LGW 1819-24 (poet to Tarquin in legend of Lucrece) and 2716-18 (poet to Lynceus in legend of Hypermnestra). 17 The object thee is understood. 20-1 'For such (unfaithful) service, loss of patronage is the (fitting) wage.' i8c.

R. Coplande by exclamacyon to fortune.

i In Barclay's verses from Ship of Fools titled 'Of the mutabylyte of fortune' the tenth of sixteen rhyme royal stanzas begins 'Unstable fortune exalteth some a loft' (i 189). 5 bryttle trayne: Wright glosses 'treacherous device'; alternately perhaps 'changeable series of events.' 8-13 These lovers whom Fortune brings together and then separates are mostly found in Chaucer (Dido and Aeneas LGW 924-1367 and Arcite and Emily in the Knight's Tale). Chaucer mentions Helen as one of the women included in LGW in both the Man of Law's introduction (70) and the LGW 'Balade' (254), but her story is not part of LGW as it survives. Atalanta and Hippomenes appear in Ovid Metamorphoses x 563-708, where Fortune, in the person of Venus, mates them, but then turns both to lions. 16 Cf. Book of the Duchess, where Fortune is 'The false trayteresse pervers' (813).

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i8 Secret business again contrasts with virtuous activity. i8d.

Robert Coplande to the constauncy in loue of Sygysmonde.

3 courage dene: 'pure heart' (Wright) 20 'Thy Judgement' [Sygysmonde's] is opposed to 'his Judgement' [Tancred's] in 5, which is imposed on Guystarde. i8e.

R. Coplande by exclamacyon to Tancrede in executynge tyranny.

1-2 Cf. Barclay's similarly titled 'An exclamacion ayenst pryde' in Ship of Fools (n 164). Barclay's first lines, like Copland's, mention fury, out on, tyranny / tyraunt. 'O pryde despytous, o hasty tyranny. / Infernall fury with venym maculate / Fy on thy fraylte, out on the I cry.' 5-6 reason = 'justice/ 'just treatment.' Perhaps 6 should read 'by' death. Then: 'How is thy justice requited? Only by death.' 14 Proverbial: Tilley j 94 'From a foolish judge a quick sentence,' but the earliest citation is 1596. 17 For the conjunction of love and death, cf. Chaucer's conclusion to his story of Hypsypile: 'Ne nevere hadde she joye at hire herte / But deyede, for his love, of sorwes smerte' (LGW 1578-9). 18-19 All these women appear in LGW with the exception of Deianira (for whom see Ovid Met. ix 100-60). In Chaucer's Man of Law's introduction, however, Deianira (66) is one of eight women Chaucer mentions as included in LGW who do not actually appear, a discrepancy that is usually attributed to Chaucer's composition of the MLT introduction before his completion of LGW. For Dido, see i8c/9 and House of Fame i 252-383, where love and death are again explicitly joined: 'O that your love ... / May holde yow stille here with me! O haveth of my deth pitee!' (321, 324-5). For Hypsypile (Isyphyll), deserted by Jason, see LGW 1396-1579, and for Lucrece, who killed herself to preserve her honour after Tarquin's rape, see LGW 1680-1885. i8f.

The lenuoy of R. Coplande.

4 myslytterate: Clearly Copland's coinage, since the word is not defined in MED, and OED cites only this line (it is glossed 'unlearned'). 8-9 These lines - 'And request him to complete his book, as he promised imply that Walter's translation was not finished at the time Copland's verses were made. Thus 5-7, also addressed to Walter and containing the classic

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request to amend errors, open the possibility of correction by the translator before publication. 13-14 The opposition between pamphlets and moral books occurs also in the 1530 Assemble verses, where it refers partly to size but more particularly, as here, to the contrast between diverting and improving reading. 20-1 Percy Simpson believed (222) that in these lines Copland attempted t preserve the integrity of Walter's translation, since presumably future emenders would need, like Walter, to know both English and Latin. The following stanza, however, whose thought is continuous with these lines, implies a more personal concern ('None be the maysters / that with me wyll dele'). If Copland's lines were written in 1532, rather than for an earlier lost edition, their catalyst may have been Robert Wyer's publication of his Compost of Ptholomeus around 1530 (src 20480), near the time of Guystarde and Sygysmonde's appearance. This short book is taken entirely from the Kalender of Shepeherdes, a work revised, edited, and partly retranslated by Copland in 1508. H.B. Lathrop says that the source of Wyer's Compost is Julian Notary's edition of the Kalender [1518?], and cites the prologue, which indeed Wyer did take word for word from Notary ('Some Rogueries of Robert Wyer' The Library 5 [1914] 349-64). Notary's edition, however, is a combination of two preceding editions: Pynson's in 1506 and de Worde-Copland's in 1508. In comparing Wyer's text with the text (mostly from Pynson, some from Copland) printed in H. Oskar Sommer's edition of the Kalender, it seems clear that where Pynson and Copland differ, Wyer never uses Pynson's translation, and always uses Copland's, which indeed is superior. However, there are no pieces in Wyer that are not in Notary: that is, Wyer took nothing directly from Copland. Although it would require a more minute comparison of the texts to see exactly how Wyer's is derived (Lathrop says his text 'filiates from Notary's 1518 edition through de Worde's of 1528' [362]), nevertheless much of Notary's (and hence Wyer's) edition was originally Copland's work. Wyer was probably young enough in 1532 to be considered one of the 'boyes and lerners' (24) against whom Copland inveighs. Wyer is called a 'prynter' in the lay subsidy rolls of 1523/4 (Duff 'Notes on Stationers' 262); he attended a meeting, with thirty other printers, called by the bishop of London in 1526 (Reed 173-4); on 7 September 1527, he appeared before the bishop's vicar-general, charged with ignoring a previous warning and both translating and printing a book called Symbolum Apostolicum (Reed 171-2). Nevertheless, despite these pieces of evidence, no work from his press survives until 1529/30, though several books to be sold by him have been assigned to 1528 and 1529 (P.B. Tracy 'Robert Wyer' and src m 191-2).

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Copland's career, by contrast, had begun about 1505, at least eighteen years earlier than Wyer's, and he was older than Wyer, since he was called 'the eldist printer of Ingland' in 1547, the year in which he died, while Wyer was alive as late as 1558/9. Thus Wyer might be a 'lerner' still in 1532, at least in Copland's eyes. 32 'That view is sound that comes from consideration, or delay' 34 The meaning of ensewe here seems to be 'reveal.' Though neither MED nor OED records such a sense, Hawes's Conforte of Loners 473-4 is close: 'To shewe our godhed to be hygh and true / And at his transfyguracyon our power to ensue.'

19

RHYMED LIFE OF CHRIST

Rhymed Life STC 14552.7 [1533?] Ai wanting A2 How Gabryel made annuncyation / To Mary of Chrystes incarnacyon Text defective at end also Collation unknown, but format probably 16°: 16 leaves survive, the first signed A2 and the tenth signed C; Blairs College, Aberdeen; privately filmed; no other copies known Ringler: 193 1302; igb not present

193.

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[O lyuely herte] O lyuely herte moost good Of blyssed Chryst lesu That bou3t with thy dere blood The soule of man vntrue Now for thy grete vertue dense my poore soule so clene That no synne may be sene. All vanytees day and nyght Whiche vnto me may chaunce Eschue by thy grete myght In thy swete remembraunce Housell / shryft / and penaunce Graunt me or that I dye And heuen eternally. Amen. f Pater noster. Aue maria.

193/4 vntrue] vntue

[leaf 15]

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[on verso: Cut of crowned bleeding foot; above it, 'fOf the ryght fote. Welle of pyte sprede and sprynge / And take fro me worldly lykynge.' Underneath in scroll, 'welle of pyte.']

igb.

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[Thy ry3t fote]

[leaf 16]

11 Thy ry3t fote lord so fayre In goodnesse do me lede In thy wyll to repayre The ryght way for to spede The way of synfull dede Good lorde lete me not vse But wylfull refuse If I haue gone amyse By dede or by consent Swete syr forgyue me this For now I do repent With all my hole intent As hertely as I may Of pardon I the pray. Amen. II Pater noster. Aue maria.

[on verso: cut of crowned bleeding foot; above it, 'f Of the lyfte fote. Well of comfort that cannot fayle / Kepe me fro synns that me assayle.' Underneath in scroll, 'welle of comforte.']

19 R H Y M E D LIFE OF CHRIST

Though Copland's name does not appear in this volume, the Rhymed Lifeis connected to him by the appearance of the (unsigned) iambic trimeter verses that resemble those in his other 16° books; the similarity between the cuts of the crowned right and left foot in Rhymed Life and the cut of the crowned heart in Doctrynall of Mekenesse; the uniformity of type and format with Copland's other 16° books; and the unique copy's survival bound with the rest of these 16° books. The Rhymed Life consists of a series of woodcuts illustrating Christ's life, each with a rhyming couplet and a pater and ave below it. At the conclusion of this Lifeis added a series of cuts illustrating Christ's wounds: these, too, are accompanied by rhyming couplets, and they alternate with Cop-

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land's verses. Only two leaves survive from this portion: the fifteenth leaf carries Copland's poem to Christ's heart (recto) and cut of right foot (verso), the sixteenth bears Copland's poem to the right foot (recto) and cut of left foot (verso). The devotion to Christ's wounds as wells has a definite order: the right hand is called 'well of mercy;' the left is the 'well of grace;' the heart is the 'well of life/ while the right and left feet are the wells of pity and of comfort respectively. Verses on this theme appear in two mid-fifteenth-century manuscripts: Oxford Bodleian Douce i (Summ. Cat. 21575) and Princeton Taylor 17 (olim Amherst 20). Douglas Grey points out the occurrence of these verses in Richard Fawkes's A gloryous medytacyon of Ihesus crystes passyon (STC 14550), c 1523, probably printed from one of these two manuscripts ('The Five Wounds of Our Lord' Notes and Queries 10 [1963] 50-1, 82-9, 127-34, 163-8). Copland's verses are original, and Fawkes is not his source for other of the devotion's elements, since Copland prints one of the five couplets that Fawkes inadvertently omits. The two manuscripts and two prints are all tiny pocket devotional books. Copland's book may have been inspired by a Dutch source, since it is similar to Martinus van Keyser The mystik sweet rosary of the faythful soule (Antwerp 1533) (STC 21318) in combining a chronological woodcut life of Christ with a series of five-wounds cuts. Although many cuts are missing from part 1's life-of-Christ series (eg, the Nativity, the Crucifixion), thirty survive (Hodnett nos 634 roughly through 676, with some omissions). Some are identical to members of a series that illustrated de Worde's 1514 Fruyte of redempcyon (STC 22557 then copied smaller for the Rhymed Lifeand for a 1532 edition ofFruyte. The crowned-heart cut is similar enough, in Fawkes and Copland, to suppose a common original, perhaps Dutch, though Fawkes has vertical ribbons and Copland horizontal; but the remaining members of the wounds-cut series in Fawkes and Copland are dissimilar. iga.

[O lyuely herte]

Though apparently simple, the verses make some use of wordplay: eg, grete myght (10) repeats grete vertu (5). i lyuely: 'living' and 'life-giving' 10 Eschue: with the older meaning 'keep free of

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igb.

[Thy ry3t fote]

here parallels ryght way in 4, while the latter phrase contrasts with way of synfull dede (5). Repayre (3), refuse (7) and repent (11) form a series. 3 repayre: 'go/ 'find a home.' For this sense, cf Troilus and Criseyde m 5 where Love is 'In gentil hertes ay redy to repaire.'

20

IYL OF BRAINTFORDS TESTAMENT

lyl STC 5730 Written c 1535 [c 1567?] Ai lyl of braintfords Testament. Newly Compiled, [type ornaments] [top cut page 165] 84 Hlmprinted at London by me William Copland. 4°: A-B4; 8 leaves; HN (13072); UM reel 526; no other copies known Other editions: STC 5731. W. Copland [c 1563] Reprinted: STC 5731 in F.J. Furnivall ed Jyl of Breyntford's Testament (London 1871); short excerpts from 5731 in Collier Rarest Books n 154-5; Ringler

2oa.

[Preface]

[Aiv]

Preface maistris lyllian with your company I pray you fil not to much of the mutton I promise you that it is very queisy And or ye be ware wil make your bely button [bottom cut page 165]

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Take no thought good sir how I shall be fild But come you neer and take parte of our swilling Leue your curtesy I pray you be pyld And couer your head / I beshrew the filling II Prologus of Robert Copland the auctor. AT Brentforde on the west of London Nigh to a place that called is Syon Ther dwelt a widow of a homly sort

203/2 the] that Loth; 2ob/3 homly] holy Lond

[A2]

lyl title-page: two factotum figures, male and female, with empty scrolls overhead.

lyl title-page verso: a standing, haloed woman, left, addresses a seated man with book, right. Source unidentified.

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Honest in substance and full of sport Dally she could with pastime and lests Among her neighbours and her guests She kept an Inne of right good lodging For all estates that thither were comming It chaunced this widow as it is supposed In her sporte and merily disposed After her death for a remembrance Thought to haue some matter of pastance For people to laughe at in such company As are disposed for to talke merily Mingled with many proper scoffes and boords Of sundry tauntes with some mery wordes The which I haue heard at many seasons Full of pastime with prety reasons For yf any did a thing ouerthwart They saide euer ye shall haue a fart Of lyll of Brantford for your paine The which saying oft troubled my brayne For I neuer knew what the matter was Nor could the meaning bring to passe Till at the last vpon a day I met on John hardlesay A mery felow in ech company Which said Copland thou lookest dry The truthe quod I is as ye say For I drank not of al this day And of a short tale to make an end To the red lyon at the shambles end We went for to drink good ale And as he was telling his tale I offered him for to drink first Copland quoth he art thou a thirst And biddeth me afore the to drink To my iudgement I do think Of lyll of Brentforde worthy thou art By her bequest to haue a fart

aob/8 were] was Loth; 2ob/36 quoth] quod Loth; aob/40 by] Be Loth

[A2V]

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lyl of Braintfords Testament And truly now is come to my mynde Not long ago how I did finde An olde scrow all ragged and rent Beseming it is some mery entent As diuers say that do it reed But gallant toyes ther semes indeed It is Antick, broken / and so raced That all the cheef is clene defaced Take it and I pray the hartely Looke theron and if thou espy That it be of any substance Of mirth or of honest pastaunce And where thou spiest that it dooth want Or where for lack the matter is scant Put to it as is according To the matter in euery thing Keep it with thee, and take sum payne The poore man shall haue his mare again II Whan I came home, at leisure My hart not parfitly at pleasure For the losse of a certain freend As God knowes few be to finde For recreation I it toke To pas the time theron to loke And of troth oft in the reding It did stir me to fall on smiling Considering the prety pastime And rydicle order of the rime The couert termes, vnder a mery sence Shewing of many the blinde insolence Taunting of things past and to come Where as my self was hit with some And for that cause I did intend After this manner to haue it pend Praying all them that mery be

[A3]

2ob/47 Antick] so antyk Loth; 2ob/57 keep] here Loth; 2ob/58 the poore mare shall haue his man again] Lond and Loth; 2ob/62 God] good Loth

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If it touch them not to blame me. HAn end of the prologue. 20C.

5

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Heere foloweth the preface and Testament of mistres lyllyen of Braintford This mery widow mastres lyllian On a day dysposed ioyfully By any way that I presuppose can Ordeyned a little banket of deinty At the which to bere her company For certaine of her neighbours she sent And for her Curat to be there present Praying him for to bring paper and ynke To write somwhat after her entent She made him cheere of her meat and drink That doon she said, this is mine intent That you as now shall write my testament For I doo feel that age dooth me oppresse Good is to haue all thing in redinesse My neighbours here shall be with you record How I am penitent at this making And whole of minde now thanks to our Lord How be it I haue oft a shrewd shaking Ye shalbe pleased for your pain taking Yea maistres quod he I am your curate I am bound to serue you erly and late

25

Wei than quod she, In dei nomine Amen My soule I bequeth to our Lord almight He hath it made, it is his owne then He hath it bought, it is his be right In heauen to be in the eternall light And to the earth I bequethe my body It is his owne I can it not deny

30

My sinnes all I commit to the Deuil Let him take them with him to hell For he was the causer of all mine euill

[A3v]

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35

My goodes to the world yf I doo wel For they be his I can it not expell Heere I found them, heere they must remain Saue fame and name / I leaue nothing certain

40

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Now vnto my freends, reason is I should Haue a singuler aspect by nature I giue vnto them all that they holde Asmuch as I doo to any creature If they get ought then are they sure After my death yf they do for me I bequethe to them of my charitie

[A4]

But now good sir I pray you for to take This cup of ale and drink ones for Gods sake For I am disposed to ordain a dole To all manner people thorow a hole For I would not haue to ouer much prease Lest that with throng my almes should cease Now ye haue drunk ones good ghostly father I trust for to make an end the rather 11 And write as I doo bid you hardly I bequethe a fart to him that is angry With his freend, and wots not why

55

To him that selleth all his herytage And all his life liueth in seruage I bequethe a fart / for him in his age He that sets by no man, nor none by him And to promotion fain would clim I bequethe a fart, for to make him trim.

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65

He that wil not lerne, and can doo nothing And with lewd folk, is euer conuersing I bequethe a fart, toward his liuing He that boroweth, without aduantage And euermore renneth in arrerage I bequeath a fart for to lye to gage

[A4v]

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He that giueth, and keepeth nought at all And by kindenes to pouertie dooth fall Shall haue a fart to help him with all 70

He that is euer wayward at hart And with euery man is ouerthwart For to please him I bequeth a fart He that hath drink in his hand and is dry Bidding him drink first that standeth him by I bequethe a fart his thirst to satisfy

75

80

He that hath a faire wench in bed all night And kisseth her not onse or it be day light Shall haue a fart to dense his eye sight He that lendeth a horse with all things meet And on his own voyage goeth on his feet Shall haue a fart to keep him fro weet He that suffereth all maner of offence And loseth his goods through neglygence Shall haue a fart for a recompence

85

He that taketh a wife and hath nothing And boroweth althing to them belonging I wil a fart toward their offering He that prepareth not for his housholde Against winter, and him self is olde Shall haue a fart, to keep him from colde

90

[Bi]

He that goeth to a feast, to sup or to dine And hath no knife with him, neither course nor fine Shall haue a fart, for to drink with his wine He that boroweth so much, til none wil lend him

20C/70 ouerthwart] ouer wart Loth; 200/76 kisseth] kyssyng Loth; 200/84 hath] haue Loth; 20C/93 boroweth so much] boroweth Loth

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95

And swereth so much / til none will beleeue him Shall haue a fart / for to releeue him He that mourneth for that, he cannot haue And vnpossible to get, that he dooth craue Shall haue a fart / as a foolish knaue

100

He that dooth nothing, but shaue and poll And taketh no thought / to saue his soil Shall haue a fart, his passing bel to toll. A Prentice, or seruant that wil not obay And wil not lerne, but oft run away A fart for his freedome, I doo puruay.

105

no

He that suffereth his wife to do her lust And seeth that to folly she is ful trust Shall haue a fart, though I should burst. A widdowe that once, hath been in the brake And careth not whome that she dooth take Shall haue a fart, though mine ars ake A maid that marrieth, not caring whome And dooth repent whan she commeth home Shall haue a fart to by her a come

115

H He that dooth drink euermore And wil not shift to pay therfore Shall haue a fart for to set on his score He that goeth to a fray at the beginning And to a good meale at the latter ending Shall haue a fart for his good attending

120

He that goeth oft where he is not welcome

20C/100 to saue] for to saue Loth; 200/101 his] my Loth; 200/116 on] no Loth

[Biv]

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And to his freends house goeth but seldome Shall haue a fart for his good wisdome UMaistres lyll Now holde your hand make a stay there How many farts haue I bequest heere For by my trothe I am almoste wery The Curat. For sooth maistres / heere is foure and twenty UMaistres lyll Nay set in one mo to make a hole quarteron Curat Tel me what and it shall be doon anon KMaistres lyll Mary he that dooth his wepon lend And hath nothing him self to defend Shall haue a fart, and there an end These I doo bequethe in especial! But as for all the other in generall That are without number shall not be swarued But delt to all such as haue them deserued But tary I pray you all if ye please For I feel me sudenly euil at ease It is a stich, rumbling in my side Which dooth greeue me at many a tide I must rest me til the pang be gone For other medisin knowe I none It commeth in manner of a winde That causeth my bely for to grinde I feare it wil turn to a strangury To an vncom, or to a timpany With qualmes and stitches it dooth me torment That all my body is torne and rent I haue a little boxful of diaculum I dare not for nigardship take sum I wisse I am vnwise so for to spare it .

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[B2]

200/123 holde your hand make] and make Loth; 200/126 heere is foure and twenty] iomp foure and twenty Loth; 200/145 vncom] vndom Lond

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For I should take therof a fore the fit UThe Curat. 11 With that she groned as panged with pain Griping her bely with her hands twain And lift vp her buttok somwhat a wry And like a handgun, she let a fart fly UMaistres lyll. If Ah sira, mary a way the mare The deuil giue thee sorow and care For thou hadst me almoste slain I pray God thou come neuer again UThe Curat. With that sum laughed / and sum did frown And for shame held their heads down UMistres lyll Be mery neighbours, much good doo it you I thank God, I am wel eased now Lo there is my greef gon and past I wist wel that it would not long last I pray you all for to be mery I giue it among this company For to make you some cheer with all For I tel you mine executors shall Neuer haue all, by God I swere I wil deale while I am here Now and than, where as I list By Christe I tell you, I have a chest Ful that shall be open while I liue Secretly and openly for to giue I shall haue inough / I wil not them spare As wel for other, as mine owne welfare Whan I am dead they that come after me Shall dele the rest, at their necessitie Therfore as now, this is sufficient As concerning this said Testament To subscribe your names it shall not skil For I make it but a copy of a wil

[B2V]

200/162 mery] mercy Loth; 200/180 this is] thys Loth; 200/183 a c°Py] as COPY Lot

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As touching the choyce of mine executours Of my funeralles / and surveiours And other trifles ye shall not take the paines Another time whan it comes in my braines It shall be ordered after such a sort That some shall not take it as a sporte But neighbours I pray you be not angry Because that I am so bolde and homly To keep you heere at my foolish reason Some wil think my wittes be geson But yet I tell you that all this season We haue neither said heresy nor treason And if they take it neuer so at harts I wis it is but a bequest of farts Willed to them that with out aduisement Doo that thing where they repent Therfore I wil you no longer trouble What maid, come hither I shrew your neck Bring vs vp shortly a quart of Seek A cuple of Bunnes and set vs some cheese Lo freends, ye shall not all your labour leese I haue as now no better cheer to make you Be mery and welcome, to God I betake you Finis, [cut: same as on Aiv] f The auctor When the company was all passed and gon And the curate with maistris lil alone Maistres qwod he, if it be your plesance Ye know it is the custome and ordinance Of them that write a deed, indenture or Bil That it is of right, reson and skil Some recompence of labour for to haue Giue what ye lust, for I wil not craue By our Lady quod she, that is but wel said What lohan Howe; come hither maid

200/196 they] the Loth; 200/199 where] waer of Loth

[B3]

[B3v]

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lyl of Braintfords Testament Go call the company again to me For I haue to say / two woords or three Whan they came, she said neighbours I pray You beare record what I doo say I sent for you / for a certain purpose Which a fore you I did disclose The trueth is so, after the same rate I did send also for maister Curat To write the same my simple Testament Now indeed, as is conuenient He dooth aske for his labour therfore Indeed, because he made no bargain before And dooth put it to my conscience Truely this shall he haue for a recompence And because afore hand he knew not my minde He shall not finde me to him vnkinde A fart and a half / I wil giue him no les Nor no more this is of my gentlenes For he that woorketh vnknowing what to haue Not half a fart is woorthy for to craue And beside that, a hood full of bels Why quod the preest, get I nothing els Than to the deuil, I giue whole fart half and all Nay take it thy self, foolish sir hoball Sir lohn Whipdok, sir lak Whipstock Sir lohn Smelsmock, as wise as a woodcok A hedge Curat, with asmuch wit as a Calf To sit so long for a fart and a half But to prooue your braines to be thinner Or euer ye go / pay for your dinner This she railed as her manner was to iest And so without farwel lost her dayly gest Finis. H Thus endeth lyll of Brainfords testament containing xxvi. farts and a half. IIAn exhortation. My maisters I pray you all that shall reed

20C/226 the same] ye sawe Loth; 200/232 he knew not] he kewe Loth

P4]

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Poems and Notes Or heare this little prety fantasy Passing foorth meryly in it to proceed The manner how for to dele moste egally This half fart, truely for to try That the Curat, for his parte be not denyed Of the fart and the half, and let the rest ly And who shall haue the half among you to be tried In this matter if you doo agree Who shall haue this half fart, say ye? 20 IYL OF B R A I N T F O R D ' S T E S T A M E N T

The prologue lines noting 'the losse of a certain freend / As God knowes few be to finde' (2ob/6i-2) probably allude to de Worde's death between 5 June 1534 and 19 January 1535, and would date the poem around 1535. His mentor's loss provides a sombre background to Copland's joke in which death, money, and scatology are linked. The text survives in two undated editions printed in the 15605 by William Copland. The colophon of STC 5730, dated [c 1567?] by src, reads 'London/ while that of src 5731, dated [c 1563], has 'Lothbury.' According to Katharine F. Pantzer, this order is based partly on the similarity of 573o's assortment of types with those used in src 11553.3, a^so dated [1567?], and partly on the absence of specific place-assignment in William Copland's final books (573o's 'in London') (personal communication). Of the two editions, 5730 provides substantially stronger readings, and hence has been printed here. The only notable exception is 5731's apt description of lyl as homly rather than holy (aob/3) and the text has been amended here. Examples of 5731's substantive misreadings include As good knowes for As God knowes (2ob/62); Be mercy for Be mery (2oc/i62); and centrally, he kewe my mynde for he knew not my mynde (20^232), lyl's verdict on the curate. lyl bears the traces of three kinds of early French literature. Like Hye Way, it is influenced by the medieval fool-catalogues that are incorporated in Robert de Balsac's Le chemin de I'ospital (ist ed 1502). Annotation is provided here from the 1525 edition of Le chemin printed by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque. Similar fourteenth-century lists survive, for instance in Cambridge University Library Gg.i.i (hereafter Ms G, ed Wright and Halliwell) and in

200/251 this] is Loth

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London BL Arundel 507 (hereafter Ms A, ed Meyer). Lydgate's short poem 'The Order of Fools' was also influenced by these French fool-lists, and since 'Order' appears in Oxford Bodley 638, which Copland used as copy text for Assemble of Foules, he may have seen the poem there. Copland brings this French interest in folly to England through both lyl and Hye Way. Barbara Swain notes: 'Collections of English proverbs furnish few illustrations of the use of the fool, except in proverbs which seem to be adaptations from the French or to date from later than the sixteenth century' (190 n 7), and indeed the proverbs in Tilley that express lyl's ideas (eg H 675, M 23) do not use the word fool (see notes to 78-80, 111-13). Those excoriated in these French lists include time-wasters, dreamers, the disagreeable, the negligent, and, repeatedly, the overgenerous. Economic success is valued, together with a hard-headed realism. In the figure of lyl - hypochondriacal, talkative, stingy - Copland creates a persona in whose utterance these traditional warnings seem perfectly at home. Second, lyl has been influenced by the fifteenth-century French vogue for the testament. B.C. Perrow notes that after Villon's Le Petit Testament (1456) and Le Grant Testament (1461) numerous others appeared, for example, Le Testament de la Mule de Barbeau (1465), Le Grand Testament de Taste-Vin (1488), and Le Testament de Jenin de lesche (c 1520) ('The Last Will and Testament as a Form of Literature/ Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters 17 [1913] 682-753). Anatole de Montaiglon says: 'On sait 1'accueil que recurent du public le Grant et le Petit Testament, des qu'ils furent popularises par I'imprimerie. Souvent le titre d'une composition litteraire est le principal element de son succes; la rubrique du Testament avait reussi, le Testament fut a la mode. Chaque rimeur voulut ecrire le testament de quelqu'un ou de quelque chose' (x 371). Finally, it is possible to see the influence of the fabliau in lyl's amusing vulgarity of language and theme, in the presence of the familiar characters of the old woman and the priest, and in the resolution of action through a trick - a trick that displays the fabliau's anti-clerical tendency, since the priest is bested by the woman. Roy Pearcy has suggested that William Dunbar's poem, the Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo, belongs to a fabliau genre previously unrecognized, the iugement: like Dunbar's poem, Copland's displays a woman who offends propriety in a wittily outrageous way, and both works conclude with an authorial request for judgment from the audience ('The Genre of William Dunbar's Tretis of the Tua Meriit Wemen and the Wedo' Speculum 55 [1980] 58-74). To some extent, also, Copland may be drawing on the 'gossips' meeting' genre. In Les evangiles des quenouilles, translated by Copland's contemporary Henry Watson around 1510 as The gospelles of dystaues (STC 12091), an anonymous male narrator is

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employed to transcribe the proceedings of a female neighbours' meeting, is promised reward, and is fobbed off by the women with the promise to serve him as amorous go-betweens. In its narrative of a fart-legacy and in its final problem - how to apportion the legacy - lyl's story of course recalls Chaucer's Summoner's Tale, which Copland might have known from any of the six editions of Canterbury Tales in print before 1535. Structurally, too, Copland follows Chaucer in employing a mock-conclusion after the bequest is made (Copland's first 'finis' between 207-8; Chaucer's heading 'The words of the lordes squier ...'). Both works then provide a final section in which the joke is pushed further (the curate's legacy in lyl; the wheel invention in Sum.T.). Verbally, Chaucer's notable pun ars-metrike (2222) is echoed by Copland's cascade of variations on fill, hole, press, try. No source has been found for either Chaucer's or Copland's tale: Bryan and Dempster (275-86) cite only an analogous French fabliau of a man who bequeaths his bladder to an importunate friar, 'Le dis de le vescie a prestre,' by Jacques de Baisieux. Benson and Andersson print 'How Howleglas Served His Ghostly Father' (360-1). Utley (133) and Rollins (no 960, 1339) provide citations to lyl from later sixteenth- and seventeenth-century literature, including Thomas Nashe, Sir John Harington, and The Merry Wives of Windsor. In the first two examples, the allusions might point to a knowledge of Copland's work; in Shakespeare's play lyl is more likely a folk-character. After the two advertisement stanzas (203), the 'prologus of ... the auctor' (2ob) establishes the narrative's frame. lyl's testament (2oc) follows, presumably transcribing the contents of the 'scrow' (2ob/43); this section contains all the French-derived material. The testament ends with the first 'Finis' of two. Following is the contribution that Hardlesay has told 'Copland' to provide (2ob/55); this addition also ends 'Finis.' An 'exhortation' closes the work with a question. The metres are many. The eight lines (abab cdcd) of advertisement verse in 2oa give way to couplets in all of 2ob. In 2oc lyl's testament opens with six rhyme royal stanzas, the bequests are in triplets, and the exhortation contains a single Monk's Tale stanza, but between and after these elements the poem returns to its couplet base. zoa.

[Preface]

On Alv the first stanza is printed above, the second below, the cut of a standing woman, left, and a seated man with a book, right, representing lyl and the curate (not in Hodnett; unidentified). The first stanza is spoken by the curate; the second is lyl's response. The lines were probably written ex-

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pressly as a preliminary to the poem, since although this conversational exchange may be considered part of the narrative, it does not repeat any of the following text, and its jocular punning (see 2, 7 below) provides a sampling of the text's character. The title-page verso thus offers a taste of what is to follow, for advertising purposes. The page layout of STC 5731 is the same, substituting for this cut three factotum figures captioned 'Fantasy./ M. lyllyan./ and 'blank.' Elizabeth Ingram, Eastern Michigan University, has identified the source of 5731's titlepage cut showing a priest, left, outside a doorway, bidding farewell to a woman with a basket, right, as STC 17557, the Antwerp-printed Mary of Nemmegen [1518?]. Ingram has also discovered a drawing of this cut, probably derived from 5731 rather than 17557, *n tne Ohio State University copy of Caxton's edition of Higden's Polychronicon (STC 13438) (personal communication). 1 proface: 'May it do you good/ a formula of welcome used at a meal 2, 5 After the unambiguous fil (with food), fild puns on this meaning and on 'defiled/ 'dirtied.' Thus in 5 lyl tells the curate not to worry about either how much she will have to eat, or its laxative effect. 4 Or ye be ware: 'before you know it.' Button: 'to send out, cast forth.' Dent cites an example of a noun formed from the verb: A 381 His ASS makes buttons, from Jack Juggler, c 1555. Cited from lyl and defined as 'to break wind' by C.A. Huttar, Notes and Queries 210 (1965) 376-8 7 Pyld is lyl's pun on the clerical tonsure ('bald') and 'pillaged/ 'robbed/ a forecast of the curate's treatment at her hands. 8 Couer your head, ie, after the curate has removed his head covering as a mark of respect (and perhaps also because he is pyld.) I beshrew the filling continues the punning on fil (2 and 5) and may simply mean 'A plague on eating too much.' But filling also means 'satisfying' (a desire), and can carry a sexual sense, or it can simply refer to (ful)filling or completing a task. Thus when lyl tells the curate 'I beshrew the filling' she is predicting that he won't get satisfaction of any sort from her. The puns made possible by fil's ambiguity are ideal for these brief advertising verses. 'Copland' later ascribes lyl's appeal to just this humorous manipulation of meaning, its 'couert termes, vnder a mery sence/ (2ob/69). 2ob.

Prologus of Robert Copland the auctor.

2 Copland most likely knew the Bridgettine abbey of Syon since he printed The Tree and xij Frutes (STC 13608) in 1534 and 1535 probably for Syon, and from what may have been a Syon-owned manuscript, London BL Additional 24192 (see J.J. Vaissier ed The Tree and xij Frutes of the Holy Goost [Groningen 1960] xxxviii).

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3 Though lyl might ironically be introduced as a holy widow (STC 5730'$ reading), the multiple meanings offered by homly (STC 5731/8 reading) and its use in aoc/igi make it a more compelling reading here. Nominally lyl is described as simple and unassuming; however, the senses 'unattractive/ 'crude/ and 'shamelessly impudent' are present also. In addition homly can mean 'to be sexually intimate with.' Finally MED cites examples from Guy de Chauliac, c 1425 (whom Copland translated) of the meaning 'inner/ 'interior' applied to parts of the body: for instance, a shoulder dislocation might be 'tof>e homely, inner partie ... [or] toj>e vttre partie.' lyl contains similar bodily puns on chest and hole. 4 honest in substance: The usual meanings of honest, 'proper/ 'seemly/ and, used of women, 'chaste,' are ironically applied to lyl, though the additional sense 'frank' is certainly relevant. Likewise in substance is ambiguous, since it can mean 'in reality,' or, less flatteringly, 'in the main.' Thus lyl is said to be both genuinely truthful, and decorous - for the most part. 5-8 Cf. The gospelles of dystaues, 'I transported me in to the hous of a well aeged damoysell my neyghbour nere / where as I was accustomed for to resorte and deuyse with her / for dyuers of neyghbours came theder for to spynne and deuyse of dyuers small and loyous purposes ...' (STC 12091, a3v). 15 scoffes and boards: jokes and tales 18 prety reasons: clever remarks 19 ouerthwart: from thwert, 'crosswise/ this adjective can mean 'rude/ 'contrary/ or generally wrong or amiss. 24 The MED does not give instances of the idiom bring to passe, ie 'understand/ but it resembles such expressions as 'bring to resoune' = 'interpret/ or 'bring into exaumple' = 'explain.' 30 drank not of al this day: The idiom may be 'drank off,' ie completely. In Hye Way, Copland says the drunkards 'suppe all of / by pottes and tankardes' (830). 32 Collier (154) situated Hardlesay and Copland in the Red Lion Inn at Brentford, where indeed an inn of this name dated from the fifteenth century (Fred Turner History and Antiquities of Brentford [Brentford 1922] 62). The Red Lion at the shambles end may be in London, however, whose shambles consisted of two rows of butcher shops in the middle of the present Newgate Street northwest of St Paul's, about where Greyfriars Passage now enters the street. (For 1512 boundaries of the shambles see Philip E. Jones The Butchers of London [London 1976] 76-7.) Stow speaks of the tippling houses in Mountgodard Street (306) parallel to the shambles and just south of it (see map, 'The City of London in the i5th Century' in C.L. Kingsford Prejudice and Promise in Fifteenth Century England [London 1925]). If

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the Red Lion stood at the west end either of Mountgodard Street or of the shambles proper it would have been only a short walk eastward from Copland's shop in Fleet Street. 41-2 Moxey reports (97) that in a Dutch satiric work, Leenhof der Gilden (The Feudal Property Court) by Jan van den Berghe (Antwerp 1564) the author disclaims responsibility by asserting that he received the poem in a tavern, the site where Copland first hears of lyl and her story. 43 If Assemble of Foules (1530) represented Copland's serious recuperation of text from decayed manuscript, this recovery constitutes its parody. 44 beseming: Syntax would require a third person singular form, besemyth = 'it seems' (it is some merry intention). The noun biseminge = 'propriety, seemliness/ would be ironically relevant, but syntactically obscure. 45-6 Sense might be improved if these lines were reversed. 46 gallant toyes: merry trifles 47-8 The manuscript is antique, torn, and so rubbed that the writing is entirely gone. 55-6 These lines provide Copland with formal carte blanche for various vulgar jokes since he is directed to treat the (low) subject in a way suited to it. 58 Proverbial: 'All will be well'. Collier (n 155) pointed out the parallel with A Midsummer Night's Dream (m ii 463). The reversal of 'man' and 'mare' seems to be an error. 61-2 Probably de Worde's death between 5 June 1534 and 19 January 1535 67 pretty pastime: 'verbally apt amusement' 68 rydicle order of the rime: absurd or comical manner of the verse narrative 69 couert termes: 'double meanings.' Cf Bowge of Courte 9-11: 'Poetes olde ... Under as coverte termes as coude be / Can touche a troughte.' 70 blinde insolence: 'short-sighted inexperience' 72 See 20C/72-4. 74 to haue it pend: to have it put into proper written form, since it is 'Antick, broken / and ... raced' (47). 2oc.

Heere foloweth the preface and Testament of mistres lyllyen of Brain tford

3 In some unspecified manner, somehow or other 4 a little banket of deinty: because of the adjective, a brief repast between meals rather than a feast; the diction is ironic. 10 Perhaps 203, the caption lines, provide the details summarized in this line. 12 as now: 'now'

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15 Probably should be shall bear with you record, ie 'shall vouch for me/ as in 221 16-18 Wills usually opened with a statement of physical health or sickness (though lyl is somewhat too explicit regarding her shrewd shaking, or dreadful tremor, in 18), and with an insistence on mental competence, as here. In 22 the formula resumes. 19 pleased: The general meaning 'satisfied' includes specifically sexual gratification. The gospelles of dystaues narrator is promised for his scribal services 'suche remuneracyon that it sholde suffyse me/ (STC 12091, a3v). 28, 33 The MED records this use of his referring to a thing (earth; world) as late as 1500. 33 expell: Copland puns on 'disregard' (a meaning that fits the context, though OED does not give an example until 1575), and 'eliminate/ in a scatological sense. 35 lyl's 'fame and name' survive in the 'saying/ (2ob/2o-i). 37 Although lyl has a singuler aspect, or special regard, for her friends, the nature of her bequest to them is intentionally unclear. With occasional midline instead of end punctuation, 38-42 might be glossed: 'I give them all they (be) hold, or all they hold (of their own). I would do as much for anyone (not just for a friend). If they get anything [ought], or if they are owed [ought], then they are assured after my death. If they do for me, I will remember them.' The device is used by Bottom and company before Theseus in A Midsummer Night's Dream (v i 108-17). In this speech lyl invokes selfinterest under the guise of charity. 43 Furnivall erred in positing an omitted line after 42. The poem here moves from rhyme royal into couplets. 44 Here and in 49 lyl indicates that the curate's first drink should be his last. 45-9 The alms to the poor distributed at funerals in the form of bread or coins are given this unusual presentation to avoid over-large crowds, lyl says, quibbling on the meanings of hole as 'window' or 'bodily orifice.' The manner of distribution accounts for the double meanings of prease (n. 'crowd'; v. 'push forward') and throng (n. 'crowd'; p.sg. of thringe, 'thrust'). Cf. Merchant's Tale: 'And sodeynly anon this Damyan / Gan pullen up the smok, an in he throng' (2352-3). In leaving a dole lyl may be somewhat unusual: Alan Kreider says, 'Only a minority of the pre-Reformation wills that I have read which established obits made specific provision for alms' (English Chantries: The Road to Dissolution [Cambridge MA 1979] 68). Susan Brigden provides the following figures: 'Of testators whose wills were proved in the London commissary court between 1522 and 1539, 13.4 per cent made bequests to relieve the poor.'

i»3

lyl of Braintfords Testament

London wills proved in the wealthier prerogative court of Canterbury between 1520 and 1522 show 34 per cent left money for this purpose (104-5). 47 In a fool-testament recorded in the 15305 commonplace-book of Londoner John Colyns (London BL Harley 2252), the fool leaves his bauble to an almoner because 'when he delyvereth ye almys amonge the pore pepyll they prese on hym and then he bette them with hys staffe untyll the blode ron ... and my babyll ys softe/ (Brigden 104, italics mine). Brigden also quotes from Kingsford ed Two London Chronicles 7 the account of a 1533 dole in Southwark where 'was so great preace of pore people yt ther [seven people] was smoulderyd in ye strete' (107). 52 The French-derived material begins here. 58 dim: alternate spelling of climb, meaning 'to rise/ 'advance' 59 Since trim as a verb, 'to modify one's attitude/ does not appear till the late seventeenth century, trim is here an adjective: 'to make him well-prepared.' 60-6 'Ke nul bien ne set, et nul veut aprendre/ (Ms G); 'Ki nul bien ne volt apprendre/ (Ms A); 'Gens qui se gouvernent par le conseil des folz et meschans et leur donnent charge de leurs besongnes/ (Chemin 1525 f 2); 'He that can nouht, nor lerne wil no good' (Lydgate Order 20). For abbreviations, see above, notes, 13. 65 to gage: 'in pawn' 66-8 'Ke taunt doune, e rien ne reteint/ (Ms G); 'Ki tut doigne e nient receit/ (Ms A); 'Ceulx qui donnent leurs biens trop excessivement/ 'Ceulx qui font leur dommaige pour faire plaisir a autruy/ (Chemin 1525 ff 3, 4v); 'He that al yeveth, and kepeth hymself nothyng' (Lydgate, Order 27). 'Crete folye is in him that taketh hede / Upon other, and not to his owen nede' Whiting F 381, from Earl Rivers Morale Proverbes, 1478. 69-71 'Ke tut quide veindre par mut mesdire/ (Ms G); 'Ki trop soi fait hauteigne e fere/ (Ms A); 'Ceulx qui sont opiniastres et incorrigibles/ (Chemin 1525 f 2v); 'He that is to euery man contrarye' (Lydgate Order 82). 72-4 Copland's condition in the prologue 78-80 'Ceulx qui prestent leurs bons chevaulx et habillemens a ceulx qui sont ingratz et de maulvaise conscience/ (Chemin 1525 f 5). Tilley's citation is late, 1659: 'Lend your Horse for a long journey, you may have him return with his skin/ (H 675). 81-2 'Ceulx qui par paresse et faulte de couraige laissent perdre leurs biens/ (Chemin 1525 f 3) 93-5 'Ke mut acceit, e n'ad dunt rendre'; 'Ke tant jure que nul ne li creit/ (Ms G); 'Ki tant jure que nul ly creit/ (Ms A); 'Ceulx qui sont si grans babilleurs, menteurs, et flateurs en la fin ne sont gueres prisez et si font mal leurs besongnes/ (Chemin 1525 f 5)

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96-8 'Ki demande qanq'il veit/ (Ms A) 99 shaue and poll: 'commit extortion/ 'rob through excessive taxes/ or simply cheat. 105, 108, 111 Wives' waywardness, widows' lustiness, maids' anxiety to be wives are all conventional. In 106 trust probably equals 'trussed' or bound. In 108, though the description of the widow's sexual activity ('that ... hath been in the brake' or bushes) has an idiomatic ring, I can find no other examples. With 111-13 cf. Tilley (M 23) 'A maid that loves too soon will repent too late/ (c 1598). 117 Cf. Heywood A Dialogue of Proverbs 1546; 'And it is yll commyng, I haue harde say / To thend of a shot, and begynnyng of a fray' (2093-4). 121 'Ki de ces amys soi loigne/ (Ms A) 127 a hole quarteron: lyl's line suggests that earlier editions may have existed of STC 993 containing the .xxv. orders of knaues (1565) and src 995.5 Here begynneth the .xxiiii. orders of knaues (c 1561). 133-5 'As for the multitude of unspecified fools, none of them shall be forsaken, but [farts] dealt to all who have deserved them.' 143 to grinde: 'to pain/ 'torment/ 'afflict' 144-5 strangury: a disease of the urinary organs characterized by slow and painful emission of urine; vncom, a sore; timpany, a swelling or tumour 148 A drug of vegetable juices, litharge (lead monoxide), and oil or wax 156 The mare was a goblin supposed to produce nightmare by sitting on the sleeper's chest, hence by extension, the 'blues/ 'melancholy.' Cf. Elynour Rummynge, 'Now away the mare / And let us sley care' (110-11). 162 Cf. 166 and 207, for 'be mery.' 'Much good doo it you' echoes 'proface/ (203/1). 169 Executors were notoriously unreliable; see Ralph Houlbrooke Church Courts and the People During the English Reformation 1520-1570 (Oxford 1979) chap 4, 'Testamentary Administration and Litigation.' Also Dent w 700 'Women are forgetful, children unkind, executors covetous and take what they find/ from about 1536. In A.C. Mery Talys (1526) an executor son, having spent his entire patrimony, deputes his remaining possession, a cock, to sing for his father's soul (no 22; Zall 86-7). 171 Deale carries a secondary sexual meaning, and hence what lyl will deale here, and giue in 175, is a threefold bequest: goods, sexual favours, and farts. Chaucer has his squire recommend 'How that this fart should evene deled be' [shared] (Summoner's Tale 2249). 173 According to MED chest can be 'a sack-like or pouch-shaped part of a person's body.' It cites Guy de Chauliac, c 1425: 'some [excrescences] bef> contened in a bag or a chiste.' 182-6 lyl passes over the latter portion of the will, following the bequests, which would ordinarily contain names of executors, overseers (surveiours),

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lyl of Braintfords Testament

and witnesses. Since this will is only a draft, the witness signatures that would give it validity are not necessary. Copland was one of the overseers of de Worde's will, granted probate 19 January 1535, which may account for his familiarity with testamentary forms. 195 A conventional coupling: in Gentleness and Nobility, c 1525, pretentious and ill-learned clerks are said to warn, 'it is treason or herysy that ye spek now' (742). 201 A missing line 202-4 Cf. Seuen Sorowes 236-7 where the maid is sent 'For a quart of Muscadel and newe bread / A couple of bounes or maunchettes new bake.' lyl's neighbours receive from her both fart and food, just as does the curate. 203-4 A conventional, limited repast resembling the funeral 'dole' lyl has promised in 45. William Martyn's 1532 will left money for 'honest poor people to have brede, chese and threpeny ale,' PRO Prob 11/27, ff 28v~3 quoted in Brigden 106. 208 Here the material begins that 'Copland' has been commanded to 'put to' or add to the 'scrow' (2ob/55). 216 but wel said: since but sometimes means 'as good as/ 'almost/ perhaps lyl's faint praise of the curate is ironic. 217 The maid Joan is summoned with an exclamation: 'ho/ Cf. Seuen Sorowes 12C/227 'Com hyther lone and goo on my arande.' 224 after the same rate: 'similarly' 234 The gospelles of dystaues narrator is thanked by his female employers and 'for my hyre and rewarde they promysed me yf I requyred them for to auaunce me towarde some damoysell/ but he declines because of age (src 12091, [E5v]). 236-7 Cf. Tales and quicke answeres (71532, src 23665) no 54, in which Turpin, Master Vavasour's servant, is promised £100 by his master. When he claims the money Vavasour responds, 'show me thy writing' and continues, 'whensoever thou makest a bargain with a man, look that thou take sure writing' (Zall 285). 238 a hood full of bels: fool's attire 242 Sir John Whipdok, sir lak Whipstock: The second of A.C. Mery Talys (71526) quotes a citizen speaking to a priest: 'I call thee Sir John because every foolish priest most commonly is called Sir John' (Zall 65). Since dok means 'buttocks/ the epithet Whipdok refers to the priest's sexual prowess; in addition dok may be an alternate form of 'doxy' or trollop. Although OED gives early seventeenth-century examples for whipstock meaning a man who drives horses (1615), a whipping post (1619), or one frequently whipped (1619), since stock can mean a box, hollow receptacle, trough, or basin, perhaps a sexual meaning is intended here, too. 243 Smelsmock: a licentious man; early used as a surname. As wise as a

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woodcok: gullible, foolish, from the ease with which the woodcock is taken in a snare. Free Will, in Hickscorner (1514) calls himself 'as wise as a woodcock' (816); cf. Tilley w 746. 244 hedge Curat: A hedge priest was an itinerant, hence an uneducated, one. Cf. Whiting c8, 'As wise as a Calf/ with citations from Heywood's 1533 Play of the Weather and More's 1533 Apologye. 247 For another tale of a misassigned dinner charge, cf. Howleglas' insistence that the hostess pay him for eating a meal at her inn, chap 28 src 10564 (Zall 185-7). 249 Dayly can mean 'constant/ so perhaps the line implies that the curate has visited with tedious frequency. between 249-50 Since 'exhortations' are most usually preachers' urging to virtuous conduct (see MED exhortacioun), this encouragement to the secular audience of readers and hearers, in calling upon them to solve the problem of disposal, invokes the preaching tradition. 250-1 reed or heare: implies lyl's audience may not have been entirely a literate one. 252ff Copland prays the audience involved (passing foorth) with the tale to deal with (proceed)the manner of distributing the half fart remaining after lyl's bequest. Try (254) puns on 'choose' and 'extract/ the latter in a vulgar sense: 'how to deal most equally this half fart, truly to select (who shall receive the legacy)' or 'truly to extract (the legacy).' Tried, 257, seems to mean only 'chosen.' Since the half fart will be assigned to some member of the audience, the implication is that they are at least half fools to be reading/ hearing this jeu d'esprit. 258-9 Cf. the conclusion of Dunbar's Tua Meriit Wemen: 36 auditoris most honorable that eris hes gevin Oneto this uncouth aventur quhilk airly me happinnit: Of thir thre wantoun wiffis that I haif writtin heir, Quhilk wald 36 waill [choose] to 3our wif gif 36 suld wed one? (527-30)

21

THE HYE WAY TO THE SPYTTELL HOUS

Eye Way STC 5732 [1536?] Ai flThe hye way to the Spyttell hous [factotum figures captioned in ribbons, 'Porter/ 'Copland/ 'Begger'; cut page 188] HCopland and the porter. KWho so hath lust or wyll leaue his thryft / And wyll fynd no better way nor shyft / Come this hye way, here to seke some rest / For it is ordeyned for eche vnthrifty gest. E4v IfEnprynted at London in the Fletestrete at the Rose garland, by Robert Copland. [Copland's device: McKerrow no 713] [ornament strip page 188] 4°: A-E4; 20 leaves; L (€.57^.30); UM reel 32 Other copy: HN (Title-page transcribed from the HN copy, since film reproduction of the L copy was faint.) Two separately numbered handwritten extracts from the poem (Oxford Ashmole 36, 37, f 290) survive among Elias Ashmole's papers at the Bodleian (Margaret Crum ed First-Line Index of English Poetry 1500-1800 in Manuscripts of the Bodleian Library, Oxford 2 vols [Oxford 1969] i 973). Reprinted: E.V. Utterson ed Select Pieces of Early Popular Poetry 2 vols (London 1817) n 5-50; W.C. Hazlitt ed Remains of the Early Popular Poetry of England iv 26; A.V. Judges ed The Elizabethan Underworld (London 1930). Ringler: TP 2254, 2017

2ia.

5

II Prologue of Robert Copland compyler and prynter of this boke. TO dyspyse poore folke is not my appetite Nor suche as lyue / of veray almesdede But myn intent is onely for to wryte The mysery of suche as lyue in nede And all theyr lyfe in ydlenesse dooth lede

[Aiv]

Hye Way title-page: three factotum figures, left Porter; centre Copland; right Begger.

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Wherby dooth sue suche inconuenyence That they must ende in meschaunt indygence

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11 Chryst in this worlde ryght pouerte dyde sue Gyuyng vs example to folowe that degre Sayng / beati pauperes spiritu Beati mites / beati mundo corde Blyssed be they that poore in spyryte be And ben clene in herte / and meke therwith all For they shall possede the realme celestyall II They be not poore that haue necessyte If that they thynke that they haue competent Nor they be not ryche that haue grete plente Except therwith they ben ryght well content And euer pleased with that god hath them sent For surely it is our lordes ordynaunce That eche sholde be pleased with suffysaunce 11 That man that hath more than suffycyent With goodes at wyll / and dayly doth encrease And euer is bare / hungry and indygent Scrapynge / and snudgynge / without ony cease Euer coueytynge the mynde hath no pease But lyueth by rapyne and vsury And careth now how he cometh therby f Eke in dystres / doyng no benyfyte Letyng the poore / dye in great mysery His neyghbour in pryson / dooth not vysyte Nor yet forgyue / small parcell of duety Wery traueylers / in the stretes let ly The deed bodyes / without ony buryall His goodes / his god / a man may full well call 11 Of suche ryche men recyteth the gospell Makyng lykenes of impossybylyte

213/16, 18 reversed; 213/23 doth] dyth

[A2]

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40

Sayeng that more easyly a great Camell May passe and go through a nedyls eye Than a ryche man in heuen for to be For who so mys vseth that god hath hym sent With cursed Diues in hell shalbe brent.

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II These trewant beggers begging fro place to place Nor yet these nedy of all maner facyon These apprentyces that do renne from all grace These hyred seruaunts that kepe no condycion Nor all that fayne parfyt deuocyon Nor many other lyuyng in nede couert Though they lacke good / be not poore of hert. 11 Se ye not dayly of all maner estate How in the lawe they trauers and coniect How neyghbours do fall at anger and debate Twene man wyfe eke the lyfe imperfect The father and chyld / from quyetnes abiect And all for good / they make eche other smart Which is a sygne they be not poore of hart. If If that our prynce do aske a subsedy From our ennemyes vs to defend Or yf our credytours demaund theyr duety To confesse pouerte than we do pretend But yf our neyghbour in ought vs offend Than we fynd money to play ouerthwart Which is a token we be not poore at hart II How many poore that haue lytell in store Is content with his small substaunce But euer they grudge and wysh for more To be promoted and haue furtheraunce The very beggers for theyr pytaunce From bag and staffe are lothe for to depart Which is a token they be not poore at hart

213/38 easyly] easyly

[A2V]

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous II Of these two estates there be four degrees A ryche ryche, a poore poore / a rych poore also A poore ryche in all necessytees The two can agre / but the other no A proud hert / a beggers purs therto The ryche purs / and the poore spyryt May well agre / and be in one parfyt. fExhortacion of the compyler. III pray all you, which haue ynough with grace For the loue of god, to do your charyte And fro the poore, neuer turne your face For Chryst sayth, what euer that he be That to the least of myne, dooth in the name of me Vnto my self, I do accept the dede And for rewarde my realme they shall possede. HFinis. f Here begynneth the casualyte Of the entraunce in to hospytalyte

[cut gb, page 192]

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TO wryte of Sol in his exaltacyon Of his solstyce or declynacyon Or in what sygne, planet, or degree As he in course is vsed for to be Scorpio, pisces, or sagyttary Or whan the moone her way dooth contrary Or her eclypse / her wane / or yet her full It were but lost / for blockysh braynes dull But playnly to say / euen as the tyme was About a fourtenyght after Halowmas I chaunced to come by a certayn spyttell Where I thought best to tary a lyttell And vnder the porche for to take socour To byde the passyng of a stormy shour For it had snowen / and frosen very strong With great ysesycles on the cues long The sharp north wynd hurled bytterly

[A3]

Hye Way, between prologue and poem: two men talking outside a door; inside a man and a woman naked in bed, he offering her a ring. Hodnett, A.6C no *9oob.

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous And with blacke cloudes / darked was the sky [A3v] Lyke as in wynter / some days be naturall With frost and rayne / and stormes ouer all So styll I stode / as chaunced to be The porter of the hous / stode also by me With whome I reasoned of many dyuers thynges Touchyng the cours of all suche wetherynges And as we talked / there gatered at the gate People as me thought / of very poore estate With bag and staf / both croked / lame / and blynde Scabby and scuruy / pocke eaten flesh and rynde Lowsy and scalde / and pylled lyke as apes With scantly a rag / for to couer theyr shapes Brecheles / bare foted / all stynkyng with dyrt With .M. of tatters / drabblyng to the skyrt Boyes / gyrles / and luskysh strong knaues Dydderyng and dadderyng / leaning on their staues Sayng good mayster / for your moders blyssyng Gyue vs a halfpeny / toward our lodgyng The porter sayd what nede you to craue That in the spyttell shall your lodgyng haue Ye shall be entreated / as ye ought to be For I am charged / that dayly to se The systers shall do theyr obseruaunce As of the hous is the due ordynaunce. IfCopland. H Porter sayd I / gods blyssyng and our lady Haue ye for spekyng so curteysly To these poore folke / and god his soule pardon That for theyr sake / made this foundacyon But syr I pray you / do ye lodge them all That do aske lodgyng in this hospytall? UPorter. f Forsoth yea / we do all suche folke in take [A4] That do aske lodgyng for our lordes sake And in dede it is our custome and vse Somtyme to take in / and some to refuse. ICopland. 11 Than is it comyn to euery wyght How they lyue all day, to lye here at nyght As losels / myghty beggers / and vacabonds

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Poems and Notes And trewands that walke ouer the londs Mychers, hedgecrepers / fylloks and luskes That all the somer kepe dyches and buskes Lewtryng and wandryng fro place to place And wyll not work / but the bypaths trace And lyue with haws, and hunt the blakbery And with hedge brekyng make themself mery But in the wynter they draw to the towne And wyll do nothyng / but go vp and down And all for lodgyng that they haue here by nyght Me thynk that therin ye do no ryght Nor all suche places of hospytalyte To confort people of suche iniquyte. But syr I pray you / of your goodnes and fauour Tell me which ye leaue / and which ye do socour? For I haue sene at sondry hospytalles That many haue lyen dead without the walles And for lacke of socour haue dyed wretchedly Vnto your foundacyon / I thynke contrary Moche people resorte here / and haue lodgyng But yet I maruell greatly of one thyng That in the nyght so many lodge without: For in the watche whan that we go about Vnder the stalles, in porches and in doores I wote not whither they be theues or hoores But surely euery nyght there is found One or other lyeng by the pound In the shepe cootes / or in the hay loft And at saynt Barthylmews chyrch doore full oft And euen here alway by this brycke wall We do them fynd, that do bothe chyde and brail And lyke as beastes / togyder they be throng Bothe lame and seke / and hole them among And in many corners where that we go Whereof I wondre greatly why they do so But oftymes whan that they vs se They do renne a great deale faster than we. IfPorter. f Suche folkes be they that we do abiect We are not bound to haue to them aspect Those be mychers, that lyue in trewandyse,

[A4v]

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Hospytalyte dooth them alway despyse. UCopland. U Syr I pray you, who hath of you relefe? UPorter. UForsoth they that be at suche myschefe That for theyr lyuyng can do no labour And haue no frendes to do them socour As old people / seke / and impotent Poore women in chyldbed haue here easement Weyke men sore wounded by great vyolence And sore men eaten with pockes and pestylence And honest folke fallen in great pouerte By myschaunce or other infyrmyte Way faryng men, and maymed souldyours Haue theyr relyef in this poore hous of ours And all other which we seme good and playne Haue here lodgyng for a nyght or twayne Bedred folke / and suche as can not craue In these places / moost relyef they haue And yf they hap / within our place to dye Than are they buryed / well and honestly But not euery vnseke stoborne knaue For than we shold ouer many haue, UCopland. f How say you by these comyn beggers that crye Dayly on the worlde / and in the hye wayes lye At Westmynster / and at saynt Poules And in all stretes they syt as desolate soules Me thynke it is a very well done dede With deuoucyon suche people to fede fPorter. U Where ony gyueth almesse with good entent The rewarde can not be nowyse mysspent UCopland. f Ye but syr I wyll not lye by my soule As I walked to the chyrche of saynt Poule There sate beggers: on eche syde the way two

zib/iio it is] it it

[Bi]

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As is seen dayly, they be wont to do Syr one there was, a myghty stoburne slaue That for the other began to beg and craue Now mayster, in the way of your good spede To vs all four / behold where it is nede And make this farthyng worth a halfpeny For the fyue ioyes of our blyssed lady Now turne agayn for saynt Erasmus sake And on my bare knees here a vowe I make Our ladyes psalter thre tymes euen now Now turne agayn / as god shall turne to you Now mayster, do that no man dyd this day On yone poore wretch / that rotteth in the way Now mayster for hym that dyed on tre Lete vs not dye for lacke of charyte Thus he prated / as he full well can Tyll at last an honest seruyng man Came by the way / and by compassyon Of his wordes / dyd his deuocyon Whan he was gone a lytell fro thens I sawe the begger pull out .xi. pens Sayeng to his felaws .se what here is Many a knaue haue I called mayster for this Lete vs go dyne / this is a symple day My mayster therwith shall I scantly pay Come these folkes hyther good mayster porter? UPorter. UNo in sothe / this house is of no such supporter They haue houses / and kepe full yll gestyng And to them resorte all the hole ofspryng In the Berbycan / and in Turnmyll strete In Houndesdyche / and behynd the Flete And in twenty places mo than there Where they make reuell and gaudy chere With fyll the pot fyll / go fyll me the can Here is my peny / I am a gentylman And there they byb / and fyll as dooth a gull

2ib/i39 rotteth] rotteh; 2ib/i54 They] Thye

[Biv]

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And whan that they haue theyr heades full Than they fall out and make reuylyng And in this wyse make the dronken rekenyng Thou beggerly knaue, bag nor staf hast thou none But as I am fayne dayly to lend the one Thou getest it no more / though it lye and rote Nor my long cloke / nor my new patched cote This rule make they / euery day and nyght Tyll lyke as swyne they lye slepyng vpryght Some beggerly churles to whom they resorte Be the maynteners of a great sorte Of myghty lubbers / and haue them in seruyce Some iourney men / and some to theyr prentyce And they walke to eche market and fayre And to all places where folke do repayre By day on styltes / or stoupyng on crowches And so dyssymule as fals lewtryng slowches With bloody clowtes all about theyr legge And playsters on theyr skyn whan they go beg Some countrefayt lepry / and other some Put sope in theyr mouth to make it scomme And fall downe as saynt Cornelys euyll These dysceyts they vse wors than ony deuyll And whan they be in theyr owne company They be as hole as eyther you or I But at the last / whan sekenes cometh in dede Than to the spyttell hous must they come nede IfCopland. If Ah lesu mercy / what man coud coniect The mysery of suche a wretched sect None honest man, but yet I you hertyly pray Tell me of other that come these way Come here ony of these maysterles men That euery where do go and ren That haue serued the kyng beyond the se And now that they out of wages be They must beg / or els go brybe and steale

2ib/i93 Hazlitt emends 'thys way'

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Me thynk it is a great soule heale To help them tyll they were pouruayd Into some seruyce for yf they were arayd Some of them were propre men and tall And able to go whyther they shall IfPorter 11 That is trouth, but they vse one yll thyng For they do were souldyers clothyng And so beggyng deceyue folke ouer all For they be vacabondes moost in generall And wyll abyde no laborous subiection With honest persones vnder correction For whan they be wery they wyll renne away And parchaimce cary with them what they may And so whan a man wold bryng them to thryfe They wyll hym rob / and fro his good hym ryfe IfCopland. 1f Though some so do / they do not all so For some myght chaunce well as many one do. IfPorter. 1f That is true / but it hath ben seen long agone That many haue fared the wors for one And of these be two sortes moost comynly The one of them lyueth by open beggery Ragged and lowsy with bag / dysh / and staf And euer haunteth among such ryf raf One tyme to this spyttell, another to that Prolyng and pochyng to get somwhat At euery doore / lumpes of bread or meat For yf the staf in his hand ones catche heat Than farwell labour / and hath suche delyte That thryft and honesty fro hym is quyte And in suche mysery they lyue day by day That of very nede they must come this way fCopland. 11 Of the other now / what is theyr estate fPorter. UBy my fayth nyghtyngales of newgate These ben they that dayly walkes and lettes In theyr hose trussed rounde to theyr dowblettes

2ib/ao8 laborous] labdrous; 2ib/2i3 ryfe] lyfe

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And say / good maysters of your charyte Helpe vs poore men that come from the se From the Bonauenture we were cast to lande God it knowes as poorly as we stande And somtyme they say that they were take in Fraurcce And had ben there .vii. yeres in duraunce In Muttrell / in Brest / in Tourney or Tyrwyn In Morlays / in Cleremount / or in Hedyn And to theyr countrees they haue ferre to gone And amonge them all peny haue they none Now good mennes bodyes wyll they say then For goddes sake helpe to kepe vs true men Or elles they say they haue in pryson be In newgat / the kynges benche or marchalse As many true men take by suspecyon And were quitte / by proclamacyon And yf ony axe what countrey men they be And lyke your maystershyp / of the north all thre Or of Chesshyre / or elles nygh Cornewale Or where they lyst for to gabbe and rayle And may parchaunce the one is of London The other of Yorke / and the thyrde of Hampton And thus they lewter in euery way and strete In townes and chyrches where as people mete [B3v] In lanes and pathes / and at eche crosse / way There do they prate / bable lye and praye But yf ye be clenly and haply come alone Your puree and clothynge may fortune to be gone But at no dore for brede / drynke / nor potage Nor scoules of meat / nor no suche bagage They none desyre / to put in bagge nor male But very whyte threde / to sewe good ale And whan they haue goten what they may Than to theyr lodgynge / they do take theyr way In to some aley / lane / or blynde hostry And to some corner or hous of bawdry Whereas ben folke of theyr affynyte Brothelles / and other suche as they be And there they mete / and make theyr gaudy chere

2ib/258 pathes] patthes

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And put on theyr clothyng and other gere Theyr swerdes and boclers / and theyr short daggers And there they reuell as vnthryfty braggers With horyble othes / swerynge as they were wood Armes / nayles / woundes / herte soule and blood Dethe / fote / masse / flesshe / bones / lyfe / and body With all other wordes of blasphemy Bostynge them all in dedes of theyr myschefe And thus passe the tyme / with daunce hore / pipe thefe The hang man shall lede the daunce at the ende For none other ways they do not pretende And whan that they can gete nothyng by beggyng To maynteyne suche lyfe they fall to stelyng And so this way they come at the last Or on the galowes make a tomlyng cast HCopland. f More pyte / to se our owne nacyon For to behaue them on suche facyon [64] Surely there is an act of parlyament That yf ony strong vacabond be hent To be set in a payre of stockes openly Certayn days / with bread and water onely And than to be banysht from town to town I thynk that act is not yet put down If it were execute / as to my reason Men shold not se within a lytell season So many of them / nor ydle slouches And myghty beggers / with theyr pokes and crouches But they be mayntened by this noughty sect That all this land is with them infect I meane these bawdy brybrous knaues That lodgeth them that so powles and shaues It were almes that they were loked on For they be wors than ony thefe or felon If But to our purpose / cometh not this way Of these Rogers? that dayly syng and pray With Aue regina / or De profundis Quern terra ponthus / and Stella maris

2ib/274 daggers] daggebs; 2ib/a86 they] the

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At euery doore there they foot and frydge And say thay come fro Oxford or Cambrydge And be poore scolers / and haue no maner thyng Nor also frendes / to kepe them at lernyng And so do lewtre only for crust and crum With staffe in hand / and fyst in bosum Passyng tyme so bothe day and yere As in theyr legend I purpose shall appere And other tyme after my fantasy IfPorter. IfSuche folkes of trouth cometh here dayly And ought of ryght this hous for to vse In theyr aege / for they fully do refuse The tyme of vertuous excercyse Wherby they shold vnto honour aryse HCopland. II Syr yet there is another company Of the same sect / that lyue more subtylly And be in maner as mayster Wardayns To whome these Rogers obey as capytayns And be named Clewners, as I here say UPorter. HBy my sothe all fals harlots be they And deceyuers of people ouerall In the countree moost of them fynd ye shall They say that they come fro the vnyuersyte And in the scoles haue taken degree Of preesthod / but frendes haue they none To gyue them ony exhybycion And how that they forth wold passe To theyr countrees / and syng theyr fyrst masse And there pray for theyr benefactours And serue god all tymes and houres And so they lewtre in suche rogacyons Seuen or eyght yeres walkyng theyr stacyons And do but gull / and folow beggery Feynyng true doyng by ypocrysy As another tyme shalbe shewed playne IfBut yet there is of a lyke maner trayne Of fals brybours, deceytfull and fraudelent That among people call themselfs Sapyent

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These ryde about in many sondry wyse And in straunge aray / do themself dysguyse Somtyme in maner of a physycyan And another tyme as a hethen man Countrefaytyng theyr owne tongue and speche And hath a knaue that doth hym englysh teche With, me non spek englys by my fayt My seruaunt spek you what me sayt And maketh a maner of straunge countenaunce With admyracyons his falsnes to auaunce And whan he cometh there as he wold be Than wyll he feyne merueylous grauyte And so chaunceth his hostes or his hoost To demaund, out of what straunge land or coost Cometh this gentylman? forsothe hostesse This man was borne in hethennesse Sayth his seruaunt. and is a connyng man For all the seuen scyences surely he can And is sure in Physyk and Palmestry In augury, sothsayeng, and vysenamy So that he can ryght soone espy If ony be dysposed to malady And therfore can gyue suche a medycyne That maketh all accesses to declyne But surely yf it were knowen that he Shold medle with ony infyrmyte Of comyn people, he myght gete hym hate And lose the fauour of euery great estate Howbeit of charyte / yet now and then He wyll mynyster his cure on pore men No money he taketh, but all for gods loue Which by chaunce ye shall se hym proue II Than sayth he / qui speke my hostesse Graund malady make a gret excesse Dys infant rumpre vng grand postum By got he ala mort / tuk vnder thum What sayth he? sayth the good wyfe Hostesse he swereth, by his soule and lyfe That this chyld is vexed with a bag In his stomacke, as great as he may wag

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So that or two or thre days come about It wyll choke hym withouten dout But than he sayth / except ye haue his read This chyld therwith wyll sodeynly be dead Alas sayth she / yf she loue it well Now swete mayster / gyue me your counsell For gods sake I aske it, and our lady And here is twenty shyllyngs by and by Quid est, sayth he? Forsoth she dooth offre Viginti solidi, pour fournir vostre coffre To do your help / sayth this fals seruyture Non poynt dargent sayth he / par deu ie non cure He wyll no money / hostesse I you promyt For gods sake / he dooth it eche whyt Than calleth he anone for his casket That scantly is worth a rotten basket And taketh out a powdre of experyence That a carte lode is not worth two pence And in a paper he dooth fayre fold it vp Fastyng thre days / he byddeth that to sup Than for a space he taketh lycence God wot as yet he payd for none exspence And so departeth. and on the next day One of his felawes wyll go the same way To bolster the matter of his fals bewpere He sytteth down / and maketh good chere Which in lyke wyse loketh on the chylde Sayeng / that heuenly vyrgyn vndefylde Our lady Mary, preserue this chyld now For it is seke / hostesse I tell it you For or thre days / but our lorde hym saue I ensure you it wylbe in a graue Good syr sayth she / alas and weleaway Here was a gentylman euen yesterday That tolde the same accesse and dysease Hostesse sayth he / yf that it wold you please What maner man was it? I pray you tell Good syr she sayth / in sothe I know not well But englysh speche / in dede he can none And is a lewe / his man told vs echone

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Yea was, sayth he / I knowe hym well in dede I wolde I had spoke with hym or he yede But hostesse, in faythe toke he ony thyng By my trouth sayth she / not one farthyng I wote sayth he / but I maruell that he wold But of charyte, in suche a meane houshold Do say so moche / for yf great estates it knew His company than wold they all eschewe Good syr sayth she / yet of your gentylnes Help this poore chylde, of this sayd sekenes And here is .xx. shyllyngs for your payne And your exspence for a weke or twayne Well hostesse sayth he. I wyll do more than that For you. but I shall tell you what For my labour I aske nothyng at all But for the drogges / that occupy he shall The which be dere / and very precyous And surely I wyll neuer out of your hous Tyll he be hole as eyther you or I Than gooth his knaue to a town to bye These drogges that be not worth a torde And there they lye / a fourtenyght at borde With these good folkes / and put them to cost Bothe meat and money clerely haue they lost Yet god wote what waste they made and reuell So at the last departeth this lauell With the money / and streyght rydeth he Where the thefe his felaw / and dyuers other be And there they prate / and make theyr auaunt Of theyr deceytes / and drynk adew taunt As they lyue / I pray god them amend Or as they be / to bryng them to an end For the spyttell is not for theyr estate Howbeit they come dayly by the gate HCopland. fl A shrewd sorte by our lady / and a comberous lesus kepe them out of euery good mans hous

2ib/449 a fourtenyght] at fourtenyght

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous But cometh ony pardoners this way? UPorter. !fYea syr, they be our proctours / and fayn they may Chyefly syth theyr fals popery was knowen And theyr bullysh indulgence ouerthrowen They be all nought / reken eche with other Subtilte is theyr father / and falshod theyr mother For by lettres they name them as they be P. a pardoner .Clewner a .C. R. a Roger. A an Aurium /and a Sapyent .S. Thus they know eche other doubtles But whan theyr iuggelyng cores do fayle They renne ashore / and here stryke sayle IfCopland. If By my sothe I am wery to here of theyr lyuyng [C3] Wherfore I pray you / yf ye be pleasyng Tell me shortly of all folke in generall That come the hye way to the hospytall UPorter. IT is tedyous / but for your mynde As nye as I can / I wyl shew the kynde Of euery sorte / and which by lykelynes To the spyttell his way dooth adres But as for ordre I promyse none to kepe For they do come as they were scattered shepe Wandryng without reason / rule or guyde And for other lodgyng do not provyde f But to our purpose, there cometh in this vyage They that toward god haue no courage And to his worde gyue none aduertence Eke to father and mother do not reuerence They that despyse folke in aduersyte They that seke stryfe and iniquyte They that for themself do kepe nothyng And suche as hate other in theyr well doyng They may be sure or euer they dye Lest they lacke lodgyng here for to lye. II Preestes and clerkes that lyue vycyously Not caryng how they shold do theyr duty Vnruly of maners / and slacke in lernyng

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f Yong heyres that enioy theyr herytage Rulyng themself / or they come to aege Occupyeng vnthryfty company Spendyng vp theyr patrymony Whyles they be yong, and vse dyssolute playes Of very nede they must come these wayes 11 All suche people as haue lytell to spend Wastyng it, tyll it be at an end And whan they be seke / and haue nothyng Toward the spyttell than they be comyng II They that haue small londes and tenements Wearyng dayly costly garments That at the last they must be fayne To sell theyr rentes / themself to sustayne Whiche is a token of veray experyence This way for to come by consequence 11 Bayllyfs, stuardes, caters, and renters Paymaysters, credytours, and receyuers That be neclygent to make rekenyngs Delyueryng and trustyng without wrytyngs Vncaryng for to renne in arerage By this way they must nede make passage 11 Landlordes that do no reparacyons But leue theyr landes in desolacyons Theyr housyng vnkept wynd and water tyght Letyng the pryncypals rot down ryght And suffreth theyr tenauntes to renne away The way to our hous we can them not denay 1f They that sew / in the court dayly For lyttell besynesse and spendeth largely

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With grete gyftes and yet theyr labour lost This way they come to seke for theyr cost

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f Fermours and other husbandmen that be In grete fermes / and dooth not ouer se Theyr housbondry / but leteth theyr corne rote Theyr hey to must / theyr shepe dye in the cote Theyr land vntyld / vndunged / and vnsowen Theyr medowes not defenced and vnmowen Theyr fruyt to perysh / hangyng on the trees Theyr catell scater / and lose theyr hony bees 11 All yong heyres borne in a ryche estate And wold lyue styll after the same rate Beyng yong brethren of small possybylyte Not hauyng wherwith to mayntene suche degre But make shyftes / and borow ouerall Suche trace pryson to be theyr hospytall II Selfwylled people that can not be in rest But in the lawe do euer wrythe and wrest And wyll not fall to ony agrement Tyll in theyr neckes is layd by lugement The costes and charges / and so are made full bare Lodgyng for suche folke we do euer spare f People that alway wyll be at dystaunce And on theyr neyghbours euer take vengeaunce Beyng auengyng on euery small wrong From this way they cannot be long II They that wyl medle in euery mans matter And of other folkes dedes dooth alway clatter Mayntenyng theyr own sayeng to be true And is not beleued they can not eschue But they must nedes come hytherward For by moche medlyng theyr credence is mard H Marchauntes that beyond the see bye dere And lend it good chepe whan they be here

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And be neuer payed / but by the lawe Here haue no beddyng / but lye on the strawe

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H They that sell good cheap in despyte Lattyng all theyr gaynes for to go quyte Byeng ware deare / and sell for a lytell They be very gestes to lye in our spyttell 1f Craftes men that do worke day and nyght Hauyng great charge and theyr gaynes lyght Wastyng theyr tooles / and can them not renew Full well may saye / farwell good thryft adew If He that wynneth moche / and whan he hath doone With waste and games spendeth it soone Leauyng not wherwith agayn to begyn In this hye way he hasteth to ryn 11 He that hath a good occupacyon And wyll lyue on the courtly facyon And to worke or labour is wery Wenyng for to lyue more easyly Somtyme dooth make an vnthryfty chaunge With bag and staf in our parke to raunge II Rufflers / and masteries men that can not werke And slepeth by day / and walketh in the derke And with delycates / gladly doth fede Sweryng and crakynge an easy lyfe to lede With comyn women dayly for to haunt Makynge reuell and drynke a dieu taunt Saynge make we mery as longe as we can And drynke a pace / the deuyll pay the malt man Wyne was not made for euery haskerde But bere and ale / for euery dasterde And whan theyr money is gone and spent Than this way is moost conuenyent 11 Tauerners that kepe bawdry and pollyng Marryng wyne with brewyng and rollyng 11 Inholders that lodge hoores and theues Seldon theyr getyng ony way preues

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So by reason / theyr gaynes be geason This way they renne many a season

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Bakers and brewers / that with musty grayne Serue theyr customers, must take it agayne And many tymes haue they no vtteraunce For theyr weyght and measure is of no substaunce And lose bothe theyr credence and good Come this way by all lykelyhood For they do infect that shold be mans food. K They that wyll be surety for euery det And wyll pay more than they of ryght be set For to be named a man lyberall And in maner he hath nothynge at all Suche folysshe facers whan theyr good is spent To the spyttell warde they renne incontynent 1f Yonge folke that wedde or they be wyse And alway charges on theyr hand dooth ryse Hous rent and chyldren / and euery other thyng And can do nothyng for to gete theyr lyuyng And haue no frendes them for to sustayne To com this way / at last they must be fayne They that sell away all theyr rentes and landes And bestoweth it for to be merchandes And auentreth tyll them haue all lost And turmoyleth alway fro pyler to post And euer leseth all that they go about Cometh this way amonge the other rout 11 They that in hope to haue theyr frendes dye Wyll do nothynge / but lyue wantonly Trustynge to haue the treasour that is left But many tymes it is them bereft And haue nothyng and nothynge can do Suche come this way with other to

2ib/629 them] then

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Poems and Notes II They that dooth to other folkes good dede And hath themselfe of other folke more nede And quencheth the fyre of another place And leueth his owne, that is in wors cace Whan it is brent / and woteth not where to lye To the spyttell than must he nedes hye

[D2]

11 They that wyll not suffre theyr clothe hole But iag and cut them with many a hole And payeth more for makyng than it cost Whan it is made / the garment is but lost Patchyng them with colours lyke a fole At last they be ruled after our scole 11 They that do make to moche of theyr wyues Suffryng them to be nought of theyr lyues Letyng them haue ouermoche of theyr wyll Clothyng them better than they can fulfyll Letyng them go to feestes / daunces / and plays To euery brydale / and do nothyng on days And gyueth them all the soueraynte Must nedes come this way / for they cannot the HCopland. U Come hyther ony of these wofull creatures That be sore wounded / and moche wo endures With a shrewd wyfe / and is neuer quyet By cause that she wold haue all her dyet But bralle and chyde / babble / crye and fyght Euer vncontented bothe day and nyght UPorter. II Come this way quod a? yes I warraunt you Of them alway come this way ynow We haue chambres purposely for them Or els they shold be lodged in Bedlem HCopland. 11 Mary god forbyd it shold be as ye tell UPorter.

2ib/658 the] pthe

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous UBy good fayth, the very deuyll of hell I trowe to my mynd hath not moche more payne One were in a maner as good be slayne For there is no ioye / but euer anguysh On bothe sydes they do always languysh For the one gooth hyther, and the other thyder Bothe they spend, and ly nothyng togyder So at the last of very necessyte Hyther they come / to seke lodgyng of me HCopland. H I do knowe it is the ryght facyon A realme stryuyng in it self gooth to desolacyon God amend all / I haue herd what it is Tell of some other / I am wery of this UPorter. If All maysters that lete theyr seruaunts play Fedyng them deyntyly euery day And dooth cloth and pay them as they shold be Beyng neclygent theyr worke to ouerse Suffryng them waste / and theyr good spyll In theyr presence to do theyr lewd wyll And all those that pay not theyr hyre Vengeaunce of god it dooth desyre These on bothe partes do eche other wrong This way they come with a great throng II All suche seruaunts as be neclygent In theyr seruyce / and wyl not be content To do theyr werk / but slacke theyr besynes Brybe and conuey fro mayster and maystres Chaungyng maysters, and ren fro town to towne And are late rysyng / and betyme lye downe Playeng by nyght / and tryflyng by day Of ryghtousnes they do here stay II Suche folke as take on them great rent In soyles for them inconuenyent Vnto theyr faculte, and often do remeue Entreprysyng that they cannot acheue

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Doyng curyous labours, and haue small wage Vnto our hous they come for hostage

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11 They that borow on theyr garments and napry And do not fetche them agayn shortly But lete them be worn / and than pay the somme In to our hye way they be far comme f They that borow, and purpose not to pay Tyll in pryson they spend all away And do forswere that is theyr dew IfThey that lawe for a debt vntrew And receyueth money in another mans name Not beyng content to restore the same II They that forget that to them is ought They that stryue with all folke for nought 11 And they that lend / and set no tyme to pay Reason wyll dryue them to come this way 11 Old folkes that all theyr goodes do gyue Kepyng nothyng wheron to lyue And put fro theyr hous whan they haue nede Toward our hous fast do they spede U They that gyue chyldren money to spend And causeth them not at theyr byddyng attend But dooth mayntene them in theyr lewdnes And fro synne wyll them not redres In ydle wantonnes suffryng them to be Nor teache them vertuous faculte Are the cause that whan they be olde To take the way toward our houshold U They that euermore haue a delyte To fede, and make feastes at theyr appetyte With costly dysshes, and deynty drynke Letyng theyr stocke euermore shrynke Makyng a great porte, and be lytell worth To come hyther they come streyght forth

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11 They that take no hede to theyr houshold But lete theyr implements molde Theyr hangyngs rot, theyr napery vnclene Theyr furres and wollen not ouersene Theyr vessell mar / and theyr goodes decay Cannot chuse / but nedes come this way 1f Lechours / fornycatours / and aduouterers Incestes / harlots / bawdes / and bolsterers Applesquyers / entycers / and rauysshers These to our place haue dayly herbegers UCopland. 11 No maruell of them / and happy they be If they do end in so honest degre For surely theyr endyng is fayrest If that with pouerte they be supprest For I do fynd wryten of aduoutry That these fyue sorowes ensueth therby U Ex istis penis patietur quisquis adulter Aut erit hie pauper / hie aut subito morietur Aut aliquod membrum casu vulnere perdet Aut erit infamis / per quod sit carcere vinctus. If Eyther they shall be poore / or dye sodeynly Or lese by wound / some membre of the body Or to be sclaundred to suffre sharpe pryson Therfore pouerte is fayrest by reason And yet besyde that / they be so beaten That with great pockes theyr lymmes be eaten 1f How say ye by these horryble swerers These blasphemers / and these god terers Come there ony this way to haue socour? KPorter. HDo they? yea / I warraunt euery hour All rotten and torne / armes, heades, and legges They are the moost sorte that ony where begges And be the people that moost anoy vs. HCopland. HI beleue well, for I fynd wryten thus

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Vir multum iurans replebitur iniquitate, et a domo eius non recedet plaga. Eccliastic. xxii. If A great swerer is full of iniquyte And fro his hous the plage shall neuer be In the commaundements is wryten playn Thou shalt not take the name of god in vayn For who sow dooth vse it customably The stroke of god can not eschew truly. But come none of these slouthfull folkes hyther That be so vnlusty / so sluggysh and lyther That care not how the world dooth go Neyther halydays / nor workyng days also But lye in bed tyll all masses be doone Lewtryng theyr worke tyll it pas noone And so enioye to lynger and to slepe And to theyr lyuyng they take no maner kepe UPorter. If These folkes come in so great nombre That all the ways they do encombre And with them dothe come all these folke that spare To assay theyr frendes for theyr owne welfare But folow theyr owne myndes alway Nor to theyr frendes in no wyse wyll obay And of theyr promesses / they be nomore set by But to this way they must them nedes apply UCopland. f And how by these people so full of coueytyse That all the worldes good can them not suffyse But by vsury / rapyne / and extorcyon Do poulle the pore folke of theyr porcyon And they that inuent newes by tyranny Vpon poore mens landes fraudelently And lyke as wolues the shepe dooth take and tease For theyr owne lucre / and to lyue in ease And day by day / in euery maner degre They do prolonge theyr iniquite

2ib/78i: line missing because of clipped top margin, Hazlitt's reconstruction; 2ib/792 owne] dwne

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous UPorter. 11 As for with them we haue to do nothyng Vnto the lawe it is all belongyng How be it yf they chaunce to be poore Then often in dede they do come by our doore [Ei] HCopland. It But then I pray you how say ye by these That breke this precept (Non furtum facies) Theues and murtherers / and these watchers of wayes That robbe and steale / bothe by nightes and dayes And that delyte in murder and in theft Whose condycyons in no wyse can be left Do not they oft tymes come hyther by you? IfPorter. HOf them there cometh dayly ynow But they be led / and comenly fast bounde Bycause theyr lodgyng may soner be founde And ben conueyed by men of charyte Where that they haue hospytalyte And ben well kept; and wrapped surely And whan tyme cometh that they must dye They be buryed aloft in the ayre Bycause dogs shall not on theyr graues repayre. HCopland. H Almyghty lesu of his mercy defende Euery good mannes chylde from suche an ende And how say ye by all these grete dronkardes That suppe all of / by pottes and tankardes Tyll they be so dronke / that they can not stande That is but lytell vsed in this lande Except it be among duche folke or flemynges For englysshe men knowe not of suche rekeninges UPorter. No do? yes yes. I ensure you hardely They can do it as well as ony body With dowble beare / be it wyne or ale [Eiv] They ceas not tyll they can tell no ryght tale With quyxte quaxte / ic brynxte lief brore An ortkyn / or an half beres / by gots more

2ib/828 an ende] and ende

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Poems and Notes Yea rather than fayle drynke it clene out With fyll the pot ones agayn round about Gyue vs more drynke / for sparyng of bread Tyll theyr cappes be wyser than theyr head And so syt they / and spend vp all theyr thryft And after come here / they haue no other shyft fCopland. U How say ye by these folkes full of yre That brenne in wrath / hoter than fyre And neuer be quyet / but chyde and brail With wrath and anger fretyng hert and gall Wayward / wode / furyous / and fell For where they be / quyetnes cannot dwell But alway stryfe / mystrust / and great dysease And in no wyse none man can them please IfPorter. f Hyther they come / and I wyll tell you why None can lyue by them / well nor quyetly But with eche one they fall out and make bate Causyng people them for to hate And wyll suffre them to dwell nowhere But are fayne for to remayne here UCopland. H It may well be so, for where is none agre Neyther thryft nor welfare cannot be But I trust it be not betwene man and wyfe Than it were pyte / and eke a sory lyfe For where is no peas at bed nor at borde I reken theyr thryft is not worth a torde But of these people that ben so stout That in welth and wo bere it so out That pryde wyll not suffre them for to fall Me thynke this way they come not all UPorter. 11 O yes yes / god wote of them be not fewe For here all day they assemble in a rewe And here they crake / bable and make grete boste And amonge all other wolde rule the roste

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous With stande backe you lewd vylayne beggerly knaue I wyll that thou knowe my wyfe and I haue Spent more in a day with good honeste Than thou in thy lyfe euer was lyke to be For I tell the I haue kept or now suche reporte That all my neyghbours dyd to me resorte And haue or now kept a grete housholde And had ynough of syluer / and of golde In all our parysshe was none better decked And I thynke scorne for to be thus checked Of suche lewde persones that neuer had good And eke I am borne of as good a blood As ony in this towne / and a gentylman But yf I had as moche as I wyst whan I shold make a meyny of these poore carles to know What maner thyng a gentylman is I trowe HCopland. f Lo here one may se that there is none wors Than is a proude herte and a beggers purs Grete boost and small roost / this is euydent For a proude hert well neuer be shent H But good porter I pray you be so kynde To tell me of them out of mynde As for the enuyous I lete them dwell For theyr hospytall is the depe pyt of hell fPorter. U How say ye by this lewd Ipocrysy? That is vsed so superstycyously I cry god mercy yf I make ony lye Of them that deuout prayers seme to occupy As yf god fro the cros by them sholde be vndone And syt in the chyrche tyll it be noone Neuer speakyng in ony folkes presence But it soundeth to vertue and reuerence Yet whan they be moeued to anger and wrath I trowe to my mynde / that other folke hath Not half the spyte, vengeaunce and rygour As they wyll haue to theyr poore neyghbour For some of them / yf they myght be a lorde

2ib/894 proude] proudo; 2ib/88o neyghbours/neyghtbours

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Poems and Notes Wold hang another / they be of suche dyscorde And where they ones take hatred or enmyte Duryng theyr lyfe haue neuer charyte And who that hath no charyte nor loue Can neuer please the amyte aboue And so this way they be fayne to come HCopland. HI beleue well / for truely there be some That neyther haue loue to one nor other For I wene yf it were syster or brother They wold nomore pyte them nor rewe (They be so fell) / than on a thefe or lewe For whan ye thynk to haue them moost in reason Than be theyr hertes full of deadly poyson And in theyr fury they be so vyolent That they wyll bryng one to an exegent And neuer pardon / nor no man forgyue Tyll theyr neyghbour hath nothyng on to lyue And so they make by theyr own consyence Betwene god and the deuyll no dyffrence 1f But hey alas / do none this way trace That do take wyues of small effycace Which cannot get / bestow / nor yet saue And to go gay they wyll spend and craue Makyng men wene that they loue them alone And be full fals vnto them echone Spendyng theyr goodes without ony care Without good gownes / but not of hoodes bare HPorter. 1f They must come hyther / for they cannot chuse For they that wyll them selfe so vse The one to gete / and the other spend And whan all is brought to an end Hether they come to haue conforte Syr I beshrew all the hole sorte Suche genyfenyes kepeth many one lowe Theyr husbandes must obey as dog to bowe Alas sely men / ye are yll at ease These deynty huswyues for to fede and please

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous For so they syt and sew half an hour on a clout Theyr hole dayes worke is patched out And so by theyr tryflyng and lyuyng nought With other meanes they be hyther brought HCopland. If Well good porter / I pray you let them alone For happy is he that hath a good one I pray you shewe me of other gestes For agaynst women I loue no iestes The showre is almoost done / and I haue fer to go [E3v] Come none of these pedlers this way also With pak on bak / with theyr bousy speche lagged and ragged / with broken hose and breche UPorter. If Inow. ynow / with bousy coue maund nace Toure the patryng coue in the darkman cace Docked the dell / for a coper meke His watch shall feng a prounces nobchete Cyarum by salmon / and thou shalt pek my iere In thy gan / for my watch it is nace gere For the bene bouse / my watch hath a wyn And thus they babble tyll theyr thryft is thyn I wote not what / with theyr pedlyng frenche But of the spyttle / they haue a party stenche And with them comes gaderers of cony skynnes That chop with laces / poyntes / nedles / and pyns UCopland. 11 Come ony maryners hyther of Cok lorels bote UPorter. IfEuery day they be alway a flote We must them receyue / and gyue them costes fre And also with them the fraternyte Of vnthryftes / which do our hous endewe And neuer fayle with brethren alway newe If Also here is kept / and holden in degre With in our hous the ordres .viii. tyme thre Of knaues onely / we can them not kepe out

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They swarme so thyke as bees in a rout And chyef of all that dooth vs encombre The ordre of fooles / that be without nombre For dayly they make suche preas and cry That scant our hous can them satysfy UCopland. 11 Yet one thyng I wonder that ye do not tell Come there no women this way to dwell? UPorter. II Of all the sortes that be spoken of afore I warraunt women ynow in store That we are wery of them euery day They come so thycke that they stop the way The systerhod of drabbes / sluttes and callets Do here resorte / with theyr bags and wallets And be parteners of the confrary Of the maynteners of yll husbandry IfCopland. If A lewd sorte is of them of a surety Now mayster porter / I thank you hertyly Of your good talkyng / I must take my leue The shoure is done / and it is toward eue Another tyme / and at more leaser I wyll for you do as great a pleaser UPorter. f There be a .M. mo than I can tell But at this tyme I byd you farwell.

[E4]

f Lenuoy of the auctour. GO lytell quayre to euery degre And on thy mater desyre them to loke Desyryng them for to pardon me That am so bolde to put them in my boke To eschue vyce, I the vndertoke Dysdeynyng no maner of creature I were to blame yf I them forsoke None in this world, of welth can be sure. HFinis

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous 21 THE HYE WAY TO THE SPYTTELL HOUS

The poem was probably begun around 1529 (see note to 2ib/24o-i), and portions were written before the period June 1530—March 1531, when the governmental response to vagabondage changed from stocking to whipping (see notes to 2^/290-5). The earliest legislation to which 'bullysh indulgence ouerthrowen' could refer is that of 12 September 1530 (see note to 21^/465-7), although this phrase may instead allude to a proclamation of 1534. Tals popery' (466) suggests a later date: OED'S first example of this word, from Tyndale, is dated [1536?]. The use of 'popery' would be unlikely before the 1534 act forbidding papal dispensations and payment of Peter's pence (25 Henry vm.c.2i). In this year also the master of St Bartholomew's hospital acknowledged the royal supremacy and repudiated papal authority (Letters and Papers Hen 8 vii 921). (The reference to the nursing sisters (2ib/ 40) can only locate the poem generally, before the hospital's closure between 1536 and 1538). This cessation, the poem's terminus ante quern, was identified by Norman Moore with the February 1536 passage of the act for dissolution of the lesser monasteries (27 Henry vm.c.28), those with annual revenues under £200, and he states: 'the property of the hospital was given into the king's hands in 1537' (11 125). More recently it has been suggested that this act would not have affected St Bartholomew's, whose annual income was variously placed (Moore n 125-6) at approximately £305 or £371 (Gweneth Whiteridge and Veronica Stokes A Brief History of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew [London: Governors of the Hospital 1961] 14). The hospital had certainly ceased operation by the time of the City of London's petition for reestablishment, dated 1538 by Letters and Papers Hen 8 xiii (2) 492, which speaks of St Bartholomew's as 'vacant and altogether destitute of a master and all fellows or brethren' (Rotha Mary Clay The Mediaeval Hospitals of England [London: Methuen 1909] 237). The hospital thus was dissolved between 1536 and 1538 (it was reconstituted in 1544), but it is likely that Hye Way was written earlier, over a period of several years between 1529 and

1534During these years the problem of poverty and society's response to it occupied the minds of many. As early as 1517 the king's council had instructed the London aldermen to control begging, and a system of tokens for deserving beggars had been instituted, based on ward residence (London, Corporation Record Office Repertories iii, ff iSgv-igo, quoted in Slack, 116 ni6; also Journal xi, ff 337-8, printed in Aydelotte 140-2). (For the most recent estimates of the number of London's deserving poor see Steve Rappaport Words within Worlds [Cambridge 1989] 168-9.) Harvests were poor in

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1527, 1528, and 1529, and the debasement of the coinage in 1527 meant that wheat prices nearly doubled (E.M. Leonard The Early History of English Poor Relief [Cambridge 1900] 49-50). Thus the June 1530 proclamation ordering vagabonds to be whipped and the March 1531 legislation that followed may have been responses to these particularly difficult conditions. At the same time proposals for poor-relief legislation were being mounted. The first of these, an anonymous draft begun in 1530 and worked up again for the 1531 parliament (PRO SP 6/7) proposed a standing council that would oversee a national system of public works. Its author is now thought to have been the lawyer Christopher St German (J.A. Guy The Public Career of Sir Thomas More [Brighton 1980] 151-8). In 1535, perhaps by autumn, a second, different draft proposal was written (London BL Royal iS.C.vi), possibly by William Marshall, who had translated and published in that year the city of Ypres's poor-relief program (STC 26119; G.R. Elton 'An Early Tudor Poor Law' Economic History Review 2nd ser 6 [1953] 55-67). Similarities in language between this 1535 draft and Hye Way suggest that Copland's poem might have been in print by fall 1535 and could have been seen by the draft's author (see note to 2ib/59o). (For the most recent and inclusive summary of poor-relief legislation and its authors from the end of Henry vii's reign to the 1540 and 15505, see Slack 115-22.) Poverty constituted a moral, as well as a political problem, never more pressing than in the effort to define those to whom the Gospel injunctions applied. Copland's prologue verses grapple with this question: who is poor in spirit? The twelfth-century canonist Huguccio (c 1188) lists the traditional groups: those born poor who willingly endure poverty for the love of God (213/64-5); those who voluntarily relinquish goods for religious reasons; those whose poverty is involuntary (Tierney 11). For a summary of the theology of poverty and of charity, see Miri Rubin Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge (Cambridge 1987) 58-74. Contemporary explorations of the topic, which repeat these ideas, include the Book of Vices and Virtues (see its p 213) and the fifteenth-century Dives and Pauper (commandment ix, caps xiii-xvi), printed for the third time in 1536, perhaps in connection with the parliamentary poverty legislation of that year. About 1532 The myrrour ... of lyfe (STC 11499) written by the anonymous J.G. - perhaps Copland's contemporary, printer and reformer John Gough - divides the contemporary poor into two groups: acknowledged beggars and respectable, secret failures to whom 'it is deedly & mortall greffe to be knowen' [i iii]. The distinction made both by Copland and by the 1531 and 1536 legislation between those deserving of charity and those able to work (2^/97-115) is found as early as Piers Plowman. To varying extents, however, all these texts, imaginative and political, are influ-

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enced by the notion of idleness as voluntary, 'a form of disobedience, rebellion, and sin to be punished' (Beier 1974, 10 Copland's poem must be regarded as a central contribution to the earlymodern discussion of poverty: theoretical in its original prologue taxonomy of the rich rich and the poor poor, descriptive in its central focus. If it conveys the anxiety and to some extent the helplessness produced by these social problems, a profound concern for personal failures in charity also underlies its rueful jocularity. Hye Way's debt to Robert de Balsac's Le chemin de I'ospital was first noticed by Aurelius Pompen (The English Versions of the Ship of Fools [London 1925] 194 n4), and was treated at more length in two essays by W.G. Moore. De Balsac, a courtier, soldier, and administrator (+C15O3), also wrote a military work, La nef des batailles. This piece, together with Le chemin, first appeared at the conclusion of a 1502 volume partly written and partly assembled by the Lyonnaise physician Symphorien Champier: La nef des princes. Tamizey de Larroque gives additional information on de Balsac's life. Le chemin provides a listing of types who are likely, through improvidence, generosity, or laziness, to end in the poorhouse. Each item in the list begins 'Gens qui/ 'ceulx qui,' and many end impatiently, 'A Ihospital.' De Balsac's work belongs to a long tradition of French fool literature (see Swain for discussion), and was influenced by medieval fool-lists such as those in London BL Harley 4677 (ed Jubinal n 372); Cambridge University Library Gg.i.i (ed Wright and Halliwell-Phillips, I 236); and London BL Arundel 507 (ed Meyer). (Parallels between the latter two manuscripts and the text of lyl are provided in notes to lyl.) Le chemin's first edition of 1502 lists 146 kinds of people who deserve reproach, while the later 1525 edition contains 118 much abbreviated entries. Copland's list, which provides only 46 sorts of fools, combines and synthesizes the brief and sometimes repetitive French categories. At least two of Copland's fools appear just in the 1502 edition; see notes to 2ib/62i-6 and 725-32. Earlier scholars suggested that Hye Way was indebted also to the Narrenschiff and to Barclay (see Moore 1931, 407; Herford 360 ff; Zeydel 37, 40), but this influence seems somewhat glancing (see notes to 213/20-1, 69; 2ib prefatory notes, 350, 504). Moxey distinguishes Brant's work from de Balsac's (Copland's principal source) as follows: 'The animating idea of The Ship is that folly is a moral deficiency, whereas that of The Poorhouse is that folly is economic irresponsibility' (90). There is no evidence that Copland knew the German Liber vagatorum (c 1509), which classifies kinds of beggartricksters and provides a cant vocabulary (The Book of Vagabonds and Beggars

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... trans J.C. Hotten, ed D.B. Thomas [London 1932 ]). Copland's own influence on later sixteenth-century writers is problematic; reading John Awdely, Thomas Harman, and Robert Greene's five cony-catching pamphlets gives a strong impression that they did not know Hye Way. Thomas Dekker, however, plagiarized Copland's canting verses in Lanthorne and Candle-light, 1609 (see notes to 21^/961-7). Copland appears to have been reporting peddler's French close to its beginnings (see note to 2^/969). Many of the cant words for which OED's earliest citation is Harman's Caveat for Common Cursitors (1567) are found in Copland thirty years earlier: cove, darkman, docked the dell, gan, maund, nobchete, wyn. The title-page lines 'Who so hath lust' are printed below factotum figures captioned 'Porter/ 'Copland/ and 'Beggar.' Like the verses on lyl's title-page verso, the lines do not appear in the poem but constitute a specially composed advertisement for it. Headed 'Copland and the porter/ they represent the latter's response to the question 'Copland' asks several times in the text: 'Who hath of you relefe?' (2ib/69, 96, 193). The porter's description of the hospital's clients in 219-29 resembles these title-page lines. 2ia.

Prologue of Robert Copland compyler and prynter of this boke.

Though these prologue verses open with a statement of the author's merely descriptive intention, they then attempt to establish categories of rich and poor (stanzas 2 and 3). The vices of wealth are first condemned (stanzas 4 through 6), then those of poverty (stanzas 7 through 10). Stanza 11 provides a novel synthesis of the offered categories, and stanza 12 invokes Christ's approval of those who perform the corporal works of mercy (their absence has been deplored in stanza 5). Variations on the refrain we/they 'be not poore of hart' are employed in stanzas 7 through 10. Note the stanza linking at 21-2: suffysaunce / suffycyent, and 63-4: poore / poore. 1 Cf. Dives and Pauper's opening dialogue on holy poverty, to which Copland may be indebted both here and elsewhere in the prologue: 'A ryche manne is not to be worshypped for this cause onely that he is ryche, neyther a poore man is to be despised bycause of his pouertie' (f Ai). Written about 1405-10, Dives and Pauper was printed by Pynson in 1493, by de Worde in 1496, and, at about the same time that Hye Way was published, by Berthelet in 1536, the latter edition perhaps reflecting the contemporary interest in these social problems to which the 1536 poor law testifies (STC 19212, 19213, 19214) 2 suche as lyue / of veray almesdede: 'those who survive on true charity.' Cf.

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the opening of Simon Fish's A supplicacyon for the beggers [1529?], which similarly invokes the alms-dependent: the 'nedy, impotent, blinde, lame, and sike, that Hue onely by almesse, howe that theyre nombre is daily so sore encreased that all the almesse of ... youre realme is not halfe ynough ...' (STC 10883, Alv).

3 Cf. 'For myn entente is nat but for to wynne' Pardoner's Tale 403 7 Of meschaunt, which can mean both 'wicked' or, as here, 'miserable,' OED says 'frequent in Caxton.' 10-11 Matthew 5: 3, 4, 8; Luke 6: 21 15-21 Summarizing Senecan ideas (see Riverside Chaucer 874), the Wife of Bath tells her knight: Whoso that halt hym payd of his poverte, I holde hym riche, al hadde he nat a sherte. He that coveiteth is a povre wight, For he wolde han that is nat in his myght; But he that noght hath, ne coveiteth have Is riche, although ye holde hym but a knave. (1185-90) See also Jacob's Well (1400-25) 308. Gentleness and Nobility, c 1525, similarly contrasts necessyte andsuffysaunce,in asking what estate is most noble. Its Plowman says, 'So, suffycyency is ever noblenes / And necessyte is ever wrechydnes' (295-6). With Copland's stanza cf. also: But a man that can this meanys fynd, To have fode and cloth and a mery mynde, And to desyre no more than is nedefull That is in this worlde the lyfe most joy full; Which lyfe in this worlde no man shall acquire Tyll he subdew his insaciat desyre. (435-40) 16, 18 These lines are reversed in the original, which confuses Copland's description of two forms of contentment. 'Those in need are not poor if they believe what they have is suited to their position; those who have plenty aren't rich unless they're happy with what they have.' 20-1 Cf. Barclay Ship of Fools: 'He that is symple, and on the grounde doth lye / And that can be content with ynoughe or suffisaunce / Is surer by moche than he that lyeth on hye.' (i 32) 22 The sentence's conclusion is delayed by a series of examples until line 3525 snudgynge: Copland's is the earliest use of this word cited by OED.

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29-35 These lines describe the absence of four corporal works of mercy: to shelter the homeless, visit the imprisoned, comfort the dying, and bury the dead. 38-40 Matthew 19: 24; Mark 10: 25; Luke 18: 25 41-2 Luke 16: 19-31 43 trewant: 'vagabond/ 'idle rogue/ or 'feigning beggar.' This meaning goes back to the thirteenth century, while the sense 'lazy person, especially a child absent from school' grew up in the mid-fifteenth. 45 See 'The London Apprentices as i/th-Century Adolescents' S.R. Smith Past & Present 61 (1973), 149-61. 46 kepe no condycion: 'honor no contract' 48 nede couert: not merely undisclosed or hidden need, but with a secondary meaning 'furtive/ since undesirable forms of poverty are being catalogued 51 trauers and coniect: 'argue and calculate' 57 Wolsey's inventive use of the subsidy is described by John Guy Tudor England (Oxford 1988) 98-102. The exactions of 1512-17 were in aid of Henry vm's French wars; the Parliamentary subsidy of 1523 was supplemented by further popular taxation (termed 'loans'); and the king's intention in spring 1525 to invade France led to Wolsey's famous request for what he called an 'amicable grant' and what Guy calls 'a tax rebellion.' For details of popular resistance to taxation see Hall's Chronicle for 16 and 17 Henry vm (1525-6). Copland probably has this background in mind, rather than the Subsidy Act of 1534, since according to G.R. Elton that was 'the first tax levied which justified itself on the grounds of the King's service to the common weal, rather than by pleading the fact or the threat of war' (Reform and Renewal [Cambridge 1973] 159). 60 Pretend here bears both the modern meaning 'feign' and the older one 'claim.' 64-70 Cf. Dives and Pauper, 'For more shrewes fynde I none, than pore beggers that haue no good / that the world hath forsake, but they not the worlde' (f A7). From Jacob's Well: 'manye poure & nedy man is rychere in herte, in wyll, & desyre, J>an sum ryche man. ffor sum beggere desyreth in wyl to haue more rychesse 3if he my3te haue it, & wolde haue more worschypp, and makyth more of hymself, & heyere in herte beryth him I>an sum ryche man. pis man, be he neuere so poure in catel & in nede, he is no3t poure in spiryte' (308). 69 Bag and staff were the signs of the beggar's calling. Cf. Ship of Fools: 'If the begger haue his staf and his hode / One bagge behynde and another before / Than thynkes he hym in the myddes of his goode' (i 305). 71-6 Chapter 8 of Dives and Pauper's section 'Holy Poverty' discusses desirable and undesirable couplings of wealth and poverty.

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75 Whole sections of Hye Way illustrate the poor's desire for ill-gotten gains, but see especially 891-2: 'there is none wors / Than is a proude herte and a beggers purs.' 81-4 Matthew 25: 34, 40 2ib. The difference in tone between the first and second sections of Hye Way has been noticed by almost all its commentators (Berdan 226, 228; Herford, 358-62; Moore 1932, 357). The first section, 1-487, is based on Copland's own observations, and presents contemporary low-life types who come to London's St Bartholomew's Hospital. The second section, 488-744, is heavily indebted to Robert de Balsac's Le chemin de I'ospital (ist ed 1502), which in its turn incorporates material from medieval French fool-lists. This section gives way to a description of additional social types under the rubric of the seven deadly sins 745-898). Such a juxtaposition of folly and sin is found elsewhere, eg, in the Narrenschiff. Finally a short section of about 100 lines (899-1004) provides a hodgepodge of categories: hypocrites, abused husbands, peddlers, various literary fools, and at last women. The initial couplet may be glossed 'Here beginneth the chance event (or the misfortune) / Of the reception of guests (or entry into hospital lodging).' Felicity Heal notes that scriptural and canonist 'demands for good hospitality were essentially injunctions to care for the poor' (Hospitality in Early Modern England [Oxford: Clarendon Press 1991] viii). The cut, Hodnett A.&C. no *90ob, is one of those de Worde had made for William Walter's Tytus & Gesyppus, c 1525. It is used here presumably because its left half shows two men talking outside an entrance door, like Copland and the porter. 1-8 A rhetorical opening alluding either to the phases of the sun (1-5) or moon (6-7) would be lost on the rude audience for which the work is intended. These lines parody the conventional astrological opening that implies the influence of the heavens on following events, or simply provides an elevated context for the poem. Cf. the opening of Skelton's Bowge of Courte: In autumpne, whan the sonne in Vyrgyne By radyante hete enryped hath our corne; Whan Luna, full of mutabylyte, As emperes the dyademe hath worne Of our pole artyke, smylynge halfe in scorne At our foly and our unstedfastnesse; The tyme whan Mars to werre hym dyd dres. (1-7) Hye Way's opening lines are even closer to the beginning of Hawes's Exam-

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pie of Vertu (which itself is following Skelton). Note dedynacyon, degre, sygne, and the presence of phebus and Dyane, or Sol and moone, in both Hawes and Copland: In Septembre in fallynge of the lefe Whan phebus made his declynacyon And all the whete gadred was in the shefe By radyaunt hete and operacyon Whan the vyrgyn had full domynacyon And Dyane entred was one degre Into the sygne of Gemyne. (29-35) 10 Though Herford (358) calls the date, 14 November, 'perfectly void of significance/ some association with the feast of St Martin of Tours, 11 November, may be intended, because of his sponsorship of beggars. In addition, R. Chambers The Book of Days 2 vols (Edinburgh 1864) identifies St Martin as 'the patron saint of publicans, tavern-keepers, and other dispensers of good eating and drinking' (n 568). 11 The hospital has been universally assumed to be St Bartholomew's, because of line 83, and hence 44-5 have been read as an allusion to Rahere, its twelfth-century minstrel founder. 'It was established ... ca. 1122 as part of the Priory of St Bartholomew, from a very early date providing care for the poor and sick ...' (W.K. Jordan The Charities of London 14.80-1660 (London 1960) 187). 14-19 This passage of realistic description contrasts with the parodic conventionality of the opening. 24 the gate: See note to 78-85. 28 pylled lyke as apes: a conventional comparison; cf. Reeve's Tale 3935, meaning 'hairless.' 29 shapes: generally, 'bodies/ but specifically 'sexual organs.' Cf. note to 233 for a Chaucerian example of this use. 36 The duties of the porter when the hospital was reconstituted in 1544 after the Dissolution are printed by F.J. and Percy Furnivall The Anatomie of the Bodie of Man EETSES 53 (London 1888) 312-13, from a document of 1552 titled 'The Ordre of the Hospital of S. Bartholomewes.' They include giving 'good hede to all suche persones as shall at any tyme passe to & fro out of this house/ ejecting women from the men's wards and vice versa, stocking the unruly, and watching for theft of the poor's necessities. 40-1 Four Augustinian nuns were part of the hospital's original foundation; see Norman Moore n 756-7. 48-51 In the first couplet the porter appears to say that all those who deserve help are admitted (these are further specified in 97-113), while in the

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second couplet he warns that some are refused (and he reiterates this in 114-15). 55 trewands: See 213/43. 56 mychers: not a cant word, but one with a history going back to Ancrene Riwle, c 1200; 'sneak thief/ also a loiterer or suspicious character, one who skulks about 57 'Besides ease of travel, the summer months offered the best subsistence opportunities for vagrants, especially at harvest time when the economy was flush' (Beier 1974, 25; his table n presents vagabond arrests 1564-87 by months). 59 the bypaths trace: travel the little-known or secret paths, hence figuratively, take a devious course 60 The haw is the fruit of the hawthorn, while the blackberry is among the commonest of wild fruits, hence a type of what is plentiful and little prized. 77 Both Copland's shop and St Bartholomew's hospital lay in the ward of Farringdon Without. The hospital would have been part of the nightly rounds made by the watch of this ward. Its location just outside the northwest corner of the city wall can be seen on the 'Agas' map (1561-70) reproduced in The A to Z of Elizabethan London comp Adrian Prockter and Robert Taylor, London Topographical Society no 122 (London 1979), 3K. In addition the Privy Council organized late-night, ward-based vagabond searches in 1519, 1522, and 1525 (Anderson 161-2). When badges or tokens were given to aldermen in 1518 (and again in 1533) to designate the deserving poor, Copland's ward of Farringdon Without received two hundred, the largest number of any ward (Anderson 419). 78-85 The gates to St Bartholomew's hospital and to St Bartholomew's priory are shown in Hugh Alley's 1598 drawing of Smithfield (Hugh Alley's Caveat: The Markets of London in 1598 ed Ian Archer, Caroline Barren, and Vanessa Harding, London Topographical Society no 137 [London 1988] 71. This large open space, London's principal live-animal market, lay just north of the hospital gate. Stalles (78) were standing-places or sheds for horses or cattle. The pound (81) is also an enclosure for cattle, but it can be an alternate form of 'pond' and Barren points out that the Horsepool lay just east of the animal pens. These pens to which Copland refers (81, 82) are shown in the drawing: Barren notes that they 'had become a permanent fixture in the market by the middle of the sixteenth century' (94). The proximity of the animal market suggests the appropriateness of Copland's simile, 'lyke as beastes / togyder they be throng' (86). Though 'the gateway to the medieval hospital was pulled down in the early eighteenth century' (Barren 94), and the priory gatehouse no longer exists, that the former was made of brick is shown by 84. 93 Perhaps 'good' (aspect) ie, benevolence, should be supplied for this un-

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usual usage. MED gives only one example that is close to Copland's use: 'Oile of violet hal> aspecte to membre3 f»at bene dried by any infirmite' (c 1425ArderneFistula); the word is here defined 'effectiveness.' 94 OED gives only 'truantry/ (F. truanderie) or 'truantship,' rather than trewandyse for fraudulent begging, knavery, roguery. 95 They scornfully refuse hospital care. 96 The question asked in 69 is repeated. 97-111 The deserving poor include those who cannot work, the friendless, the old, the ill, pregnant women, victims of crime, the poor through mischance, travellers, and ex-soldiers. Almost the same list appears in Piers Plowman: Ac olde and hore, J>at helples ben and nedy, And wymmen with childe £>at worche ne mowe, Blynde and bedredne and broken in here membres ... As mesels and medenantes, men yfalle in meschief, As prisones and pilgrimes and paraunter men yrobbed Or bylowe thorw luther [bad] men and lost here catel after ... (C text x 175-81) Of this passage Geoffrey Shepherd says, 'the full and careful list identifies and consolidates almost with legal precision a class with a role and status in society' ('Poverty in Piers Plowman,' in Social Relations and Ideas ed T.H. Aston et al [Cambridge 1983] 169-89, ref 174. 106 Way faryng men: legitimate travellers, as opposed to 'trewands that walke ouer the londs/ or wanderers (55) 108 which we seme: an example of a prefixed indirect object ('to us') eventually converted to a subject ('we'), hence the meaning grows up, 'think,' 'deem,' 'imagine.' 114 Vnseke may represent a recently introduced word, since OED's first citation is c 1500. 116-19 On 5 March 1531 Henry vm reproved the London Court of Aldermen for 'allowing great multitudes of vagabonds to infest the streets' (Aydelotte 59-60, from London, Corporation Record Office Repertories viii f 218; Anderson 179 dates this 1532). In February 1534 (and again in November) the mayor ordered the alderman to see the watch was kept and to round up beggars (Ibid 181-2). 130 The first of five approaches (130, 134, 137, 138, 140), each beginning with the importunate 'now' 132 The beggar asks an increase of 100 per cent, from a fourth of a penny to a half.

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134 According to Butler's Lives of the Saints, St Erasmus (+303) is often pictured with his entrails wound through a hole in his body by a windlass - a suitable patron for beggars with dramatic, though simulated, injuries. 137-41 The wordplay on turne (twice); do / dyd; and dyed / dye in these lines suggests a beggar verbally skilled. 142 Thus he prated: City of London orders of 1517-18 attempted to deal with such repeated requests: 'If he or they be denyed of almes of any persone outher by his word or Countenaunce [gesture] of his hand, That then the seyd poore persone or persones so askyng almes to cease of any farther crauyng of the seyd persone so denyeng, and to departe from hym for that tyme, and thys from tyme to tyme as often as it shall so happen, vpon the payne of lesyng [his beggar's badge]' (Aydelotte 141-2 from London, Court of Common Council Journal xi ff 337-8). Anderson (150) dates these orders February 1518. 145 dyd his deuocyon: 'gave an alms' 149 as in 130, 138, 140 150 The liturgy is simple, as for a lesser feast, but the feast's relevance to the beggar's earnings is unclear. 151 The beggar-master (see 326) will receive less than his accustomed cut if the two dine first. 156-7 Judges 491 says, 'The Barbican became later a quite respectable street; the Spanish Ambassador was living there in 1618. Turnmill Street continued to have an evil reputation into Jacobean times. Houndsditch, once part of the city moat, was paved in 1503, and became a popular place of business for small dealers and vendors of second-hand clothes; it was regarded as a dirty quarter.' The Fleet refers to 'the prison which stood on the east bank of the Fleet ditch and north of Ludgate Hill.' Except for Houndsditch on the eastern edge of the city, all are in the neighbourhood of St Bartholomew's. 159 Edmond Huguet Dictionnaire de la langue franqaise du seizieme siede (Paris 1925) glosses OF gaudechere as 'joyeuse vie.' The OED defines Copland's gaudy here and 272 as meaning 'luxurious.' 160-1 Formulaic drinkers' exclamations, as in 837 ff. Cf. Youth 440: 'Now we will fill the cup and make good cheer.' 162 The context indicates that the noun gull here means drunkard, from the verb meaning 'to guzzle.' Palsgrave has (1530) T guile in drinke, as great drinkers do, ie engoulle' (576/2). In 342, however, the verb gull clearly means 'trick,' perhaps the earliest appearance of this sense. 171 To 'lye slepyng vpryght,' or on the back, was ill-thought of: the OED quotes Sir Thomas Elyot's Castle of Helthe 1539: 'Lieng vpright on the backe is to be vtterly abhorred.'

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173-5 The mention here of maynteners ('governors/ 'commanders'), and of journeymen and apprentices, and wardens in 326, suggests that a beggars' guild may have been a real social organization rather than a literary fiction. 184 saynt Cornelys euyll: epilepsy. A c 1518 pardon granted to the fraternity of St Cornelius at Westminster says, Ther is also founded an hospytall for the relyef of them that haue ye fallynge sykenes' (Oxford, Bodleian Gough Gen. Top. 364, src 14077 c.83, de Worde). Aydelotte (24-5) prints the confession of one Miles Rose of St Botolph Aldersgate, who often counterfeited the falling evil in parish churches, whereupon 'diverse persones of their good myndes have putte vppon his fyngers jememes of sylver called Cramp Ryngs which he hath taken to hys owen vse besydes ij d at many tymes' (London, Corporation Record Office Repertories iii f 201, 11 March 1518). 194 A.L. Beier records the arrest of 294 masterless men in London between 1516 and 1566 (thus in this fifty-year period, only about six each year), drawing on the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen and the Journals of the Court of Common Council (Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 [London 1985] table ix, 222). For case reports, mostly late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth centuries, see chapters 6 and 7. 206-11 Beier (1974) says, 'The masterless man represented mutability, when those in power longed for stability' (9). 208 No wearisome period of service 216-17 Apparently proverbial, but not in Tilley or Whiting 221 ryf raf: The first example MED gives of this expression, 'persons of low degree,' is from c 1475, Gregory's Chronicle. 225 yf the staf... catche heat: a figure for anxiety to be gone. Heywood's Proverbs 1546 has, The walkyng staffe hath caught warmth in your hand.' 231 Though the term jailbirds is a seventeenth-century one, gaol's double meaning of 'prison' and 'birdcage' must underlie Copland's expression nyghtyngales of newgate. Newgate prison was intended mainly for non-freemen of the city, aliens, felons, and those charged with violent crimes, according to Ian Lancashire ed Two Tudor Interludes (Manchester 1980) 118. 233 Their hose are tied to their doublets (waist-length jackets) producing a tight and therefore stylish fit. Cf. Parson's Tale: 'somme of hem shewen the boce of hir shap, and the horrible swollen membres, that semeth lik the maladie of hirnia, in the wrappynge of hir hoses' (423). 236 Bonauenture, used before by Copland as a generic name for a ship (Rutter 1528), is not so given in OED. 240-1 Judges identifies these place-names as 'encounters and sieges in Henry the Eighth's campaign of 1513 in Flanders and Picardy' (491). Fighting occurred, however, at several of the places mentioned both in 1513 and

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again in 1521-2: Brest, Tournai (Tourney), Montreuil (Muttrell). Therouanne (Tyrwyn) was a great victory of 1513, while Morlaix and Hesdin belong to 1522. Since these rogues say they have been held captive for seven years, a date of about 1529 is suggested for beginning composition, although 'seven years' may be merely a formula equivalent to 'a long time.' 245 true men: law-abiding citizens 247 King's Bench and Marshalsea prisons stood next to each other in Borough High Street, Southwark. Attempts to deal with the problem of debt and imprisonment for debt included the 1518 establishment of the Court of Requests for relief of poor debtors in London and the liberties; see R. Mark Benbow 'Thomas Dekker and Some Cures for the "City Gout"' Yearbook of English Studies 5 (1975) 52-69, especially 56 ni. 248-9 'Like many honest citizens, taken on suspicion and acquitted by proclamation' 251 Francis interpreted this line as evidence of Copland's northern origins: 'And as your mastership is, of the north' (9), while Hazlitt (i 336) read it as the beggar's identification of his own origins, prefaced by a polite phrase: 'And [if] it please your mastership, of the north.' 265 Whyte = 'silver/ hence the request is for drink money, punning on the meanings of sewe: 'to stitch/ 'to serve at table/ 'to drain/ but I have been unable to find a second sense for threde. 268 blynde hostry: 'dark lodging' 277-8 Presumably all these nouns would be prefaced by 'God's/ Cf Parson's Tale: 'Ne swereth nat so synfully in dismembrynge of Crist by soule, herte, bones, and body/ (590). 281 In a similar context Heywood's Proverbs, 1546, has: 'Nowe go to thy derlyngs, and declare thy greefe / Where all thy plesure is, hop hoore, pype theefe' (2299-300). 287 tomlyng cast: somersault, with play on the several meanings of cast: the situation in which one finds oneself; a throw of the dice; a throw or fall in wrestling; a stratagem 290-5 Copland is referring to the 1495 and 1503 vagabond legislation (11 Hen vii.c.2; Statutes of the Realm [hereafter SR] 2, 569, and 19 Hen vn.c.i2; SR 2, 656), whose provisions are exactly those reported in these lines: to be stocked on bread and water, then banished from town to town. Even Copland's lack of specificity may be deliberate: he says punishment is to last 'certayn days/ perhaps because the 1495 legislation specifies stocking for three days and nights, while the 1503 act reduces the punishment to one day and night for first offence. Judges, following Furnivall, assumed that Copland was alluding in these lines to the better-known legislation of 1531 (22 Hen viii.c.12; SR 3, 328),

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which mandated whipping of vagabonds. Judges suggested (491) that the absence of whipping in Hye Way meant the punishment was not widely enforced, but it appears rather that this portion, at least, of the poem was written before June 1530 when the proclamation that preceded the 1531 statute and that also mandated whipping was issued (Hughes and Larkin 128). (Line 295 indicates the legislation referred to was not recent.) R.W. Heinze believes that this proclamation of June 1530 represented 'emergency legislation introduced to deal with an increasingly severe problem' (The Proclamations of the Tudor Kings [Cambridge 1976] 118). 300-2 Copland here attributes the multiplication of beggars to innkeepers by whom they are lodged and 'mayntened' (supported). This use contrasts with 173, where maynteners (from OF mayntenour) implies the master-man relation. Harman says: Tor what thinge doth chiefely cause these rowsey rakehelles thus to continue and dayly increase? Surely a number of wicked parsons that keepe typlinge Houses in all shires, where they haue succour and reliefe' (Caveat 1567, in Viles and Furnivall 24). 'Vagrants were not complete outcasts ... Most commonly they received hospitality from nongentry ... the next most common place of hospitality was the alehouse or the inn' (Beier 1974, 16-17). 303 powles and shaues: literally 'cuts hair and barbers,' figuratively 'cheats' 304 It were almes: 'it were good.' Cf. Dent A 225, 'It were ALMS to breke Some of these knaves brows' c 1495, Medwall's Nature C2 726f. 307 Copland's appears to be the first use of roger, here described as a corrupt clerical-student beggar. The word does not appear in MED, while OED says 'of problematic origin, unless a perversion of rorer: a turbulent fellow.' One of Chemin's final provisions is for 'Rogier Bontemps qui ne pense a tomber es inconveniens et necessites du temps advenir' (1525 f 7). Harman's rogers are false tavern beggars; since his third edition substitutes roge for the second edition's roger (Viles and Furnivall 84), perhaps by 1575 roger had slipped out of use. 308-9 These four incipits come from various portions of the Office, and do not seem to have any common link. 'Ave regina' is one of four Marian antiphons, and is used at the termination of the Office, while 'Quern terra ponthus' and 'Ave maris Stella' are hymns to the Virgin, both used on a wide variety of Marian feasts. 'De profundis' (Psalm 129) comes from vespers of the Office for the Dead. 311 Aydelotte says, '[Begging licences] were usually given to students in pairs and for the period of one vacation, the scholars giving security for the return of the licence,' (24). 317 their legend: their account, or history. Here and in 344 Copland declares his intention of writing another work on counterfeit scholar-clerics.

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319-23 Proverbial. 'He that in youth no virtue uses, in age all honour him refuses/ Tilley Y 37 with earliest citation 'i5th c'; Whiting Y 29 with citations from c 1400 326 The terms 'master' or 'warden' of the beggars in contemporary evidence usually refer to beggar supervisors rather than rogue captains. At Sir Thomas Lovell's funeral (+25 May 1524): 'Item paide and in Rewarde geuen to lohn pyklyng Wardeyne of the Beggers and his ij seruaunte3 with othir his menne for attendaunce geving iij daye3 at thentierment to kepe othir frome enpesteringe of the house. And for the goode ordre at the doole dalte in the grete yerde at seynte Marye espittell, x s' (London BL Additional 12462, f i5v; also Letters and Papers Henry 8 iv, no 366 (p 150). Anderson records the appointment by the Court of Aldermen on 3 July 1523 of Robert Pykeryng (perhaps the man referred to above) as 'Mayster & cheff avoyder & keper oute of this Citie ... of all the myghty vagabundes & beggers & all othir suspect persones' (159, from Repertories iv, f i54v). 328 Clewners: perhaps from duner, Cluniac monk, since the men claim to have 'taken degree / Of preesthod'? (333-4) 340 rogacyons: beggings, with a pun on 'rogations,' the litany of the saints chanted on rogation days 342 The earliest citation that OED gives for gull as a verb, 'to trick.' In 162 it appears as a noun, 'heavy drinker' rather than 'foolish fellow.' 347 Sapyent: wise man, ironically, as with Harman's 'upright man' for a rogue leader. Though Copland is the first to use the adjective as a noun, Disciplina Clericalis, c 1500, refers to sapient men. 350 Barclay treats the subject of false physicians (Ship I 260), though Copland is not indebted to him. 356 maketh a maner of straunge countenaunce: 'behaves strangely (and falsely,' since the idiom 'maken countenance' = pretend). 372-5 Judges says, 'It was already unlawful in Copland's time to practise medicine or surgery without a licence ... 14-15 Henry vm, c. 5 [1522-3] exempted physicians from ecclesiastical control [licensing by the diocesan ordinary]; those who were not qualified university graduates must get permission to practise from the London Society of Physicians' (491). 380-3 In this passage the sapyent speaks a mixture of English, French, and thieves' cant; in addition, dys and by got suggest German. He adds Latin to his accomplishments in 396. 'Great illness causes a great fever. This child ruptures a great ulcer; by God he is near death, taken [by illness] secretly.' In 385-91 the sapyent's servant translates this speech. Copland's story of the child's illness bears a remarkable resemblance to a later anecdote recounted by the Maidstone surgeon John Halle, in his An Historiall Expostulation Against the beastlye Abusers, bothe of Chyrurgerie, and

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Physyke, in oure tyme (1565). In 1555 a healer named Joan 'tooke in hand an honest mans child, who had a suppurat tumor in his navell, percynge dangerouslye near the panicles [muscles] of the belye, to whome she administered [a powder made of anise seed and laurel], in so muche that the childe dyd vomyte continuallye for the space of halfe a daye and more, withoute ceassynge, whereby the sayde aposteme brake. [His parents] feared much, by the grevousnesse of the syghte, that his stomache woulde breake, whiche may be thought that in very dede it so dyd.' When Halle was called in his prognosis was dark, but Joan offered to be locked in a room with the child and to be punished if she did not cure him. The child died, however, and she and her 'walking mate' fled, taking with them sheets, pillowcases, and blankets, and accompanied by the maidservant of the household, thanks to whom they had been served with muscatel instead of beer during their stay (TJ. Pettigrew ed Early English Poetry, Ballads, and Popular Literature of the Middle Ages Percy Society xi [London 1844] 4). 395 An enormous amount, in view of the beggar warden's wage of 10 s for three men for three days (see note to 326). 397 viginti solidi: twenty shillings 399 'By God, he says, I don't cure for money.' 404 powdre of experyence: 'tested medicine' 408 taketh lycence: 'departs' 412 The first citation for bolster as a verb ('to support') comes from OED 1508, Fisher's Works. 427 A Jew, presumably, because 'borne in hethennesse' (363) 428 Yea was: an elision, 'yea he was' 434-5 Cf. 372-5453 Richard Axton says: 'The name javell [rascal] is associated in ME with chavel: jaw; hence, perhaps, "jawing" or gossiping. The devils in the Towneley Plays (Judgement 337) gloat over sinners who sit "all nyght with hawvell & lawvell"' (Three Rastell Plays 154). The MED, too, after its definition 'brawler,' 'rascal,' cites jawvel, variant of chavel, and also MnE javel, 'to quarrel.' 457 adew taunt: from the French ataunt, 'as much'; hence 'to the full.' Cf 595465-7 Proctours were legal beggars, licensed to solicit for the hospital. Copland's lines probably refer to the 1534 statute (25 Henry vm, c. 21; SR m, 464-71) that legislated against any payment to Rome for licences, faculties, dispensations, 'and other infinite sorts of bulles'; it made the licenser the archbishop of Canterbury. Judges says, however, 'but licenses to proctors to collect money for charitable purposes - with a proviso against the practices of the bishop of Rome - were issued during many years after this' (491),

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and Aydelotte provides examples (24-5) granted under Edward vi. A list of licensees in the diocese of Hereford between 1517 and 1533 shows that many of these proctors were from London institutions such as the hospital of St Mary of Bethlehem (Bedlem). See Registrum Caroli Bothe, Episcopi Herefordensis 1516-55 ed Arthur Thomas Bannister. Canterbury & York Society 28 (London 1921) 354-60. 'Bullysh indulgence ouerthrowen' might refer instead to the earlier proclamation dated 12 September 1530 (Hughes and Larkin 130) prohibiting papal bulls prejudicial to royal prerogative from being received in England. Hall says this measure 'was much mused at ... Some sayd that it was made because that the quene had purchased a new Bull for the ratificacion of her mariage ...' (773). Line 466 provides an early appearance of popery. The first example in OED is from Tyndale's An exposition vpon the v. vi. vii chapters of Mathew (STC 24441, now dated [1536?]. These lines give a rare suggestion that Copland's religious beliefs may have been other than conservative. 470-2 The porter here summarizes the preceding categories: rogers (307), cluners (328), sapients (345), and pardoners (464). The aurium has not been mentioned previously. 472 Aurium does not appear in MED or OED. S. Musgrove suggests it may be a misprint for abram, a feigned lunatic-beggar ('Thieves' Cant in King Lear' English Studies 62 [1981] 10). 474-5 iuggelyng = cheating, tricking. The lines are generally reminiscent of Cocke Lorelles bote, eg: Than men myght here the ores classhe And on the water gaue many a dasshe ... Than Cocke wayed anker and housed his sayle And forthe he rowed without fayle They sayled England thorowe and thorowe Vyllage towne cyte and borowe ... (pp 15, 17) 482 by lykelynes: 'in all probability' 488-92 The second section of Hye Way begins here with lines that recall the opening of Lydgate's Order of Fools (as C.H. Herford noted, 361). Copland may have seen Lydgate's work in Oxford Bodley 638 (see lyl introductory notes). Both Lydgate and Copland begin by pointing to those who do not reverence God. Lydgate then criticizes those who slight God's church, while Copland attacks those who ignore God's word: this difference is perhaps significant. Next both writers mention those who ignore father, mother, or the poor. 'In a passage ... known to the canonists ... Ambrose wrote that a

238

Poems and Notes

man ought to love first God, then his parents, then his children, then the other members of his household, and then strangers' (Tierney 57). Lydgate says: Cheef of alle folys, men in bokys redeth Able in his foly to holde resydence, Is he that nouther loveth God nor dredith, Nor to his chirche hath noon advertence Nor to his seyntys doth no reuerence, And hath dysdeyn of ffolk in poverte, To ffader, moder doth no benyvolence A-seele his patent, for he shal neuer the. (9-16) Copland's use of the French material drawn from Le chemin de I'ospital also begins here. At least seven editions of this work were published between 1502 and 1635, as follows: La nef des princes et des batailles de noblesse auec aultres enseignements utilz & profitables a toutes manieres de gens pour cognoistre a bien viure & mourir ... Lyon: Guillaume Balsarin, 12 September 1502 Brunet i 1769; BN, BL catalogues; Pantzer no 18 Le chemin de lospital, Et ceulx qui en sont possesseurs et heritiers Lyon: Claude Nourry 1505 Brunet i 1830; BL catalogue La nef des princes et des batailles de noblesse auec le chemin pour aller a lospital ... Paris: Philippe le Noir, 9 August 1525 Brunet i 1770; BN catalogue; Pantzer no 1486 Le chemin de lospital, Et ceulx qui en sont possesseurs. Paris: veuve feu Jehan Trepperel & Jehan Jehanot, no date Brunet i 1830 Le droict Chemin de Lopital et de ceulx qui en sont possesseurs et heritiers. No place or date Brunet i 1830 Le Grand Chemin de I'hospital; et ceulx qui en sont possesseurs et heritiers. Troyes: N. Oudot, no date BN catalogue Le Grand Chemin de I'Hopital, pour ceux qui veulent etre possesseurs du dit heritage. Lyon: M. Baudin [1635?] BL catalogue (I have not included the edition cited in Brunet i 1830 [Lyon: Martin Hauard

239

The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous

for Loys le Bourg, 12 January 1508], since it opens 'Antoine de lospital seigneur de souffrance.'). The editions of 1502 (reprinted by Allut) and 1525 (reprinted by Tamizey de Larroque) are cited in the notes; see bibliography. 489 'Gens ingratz envers Dieu et qui ne le servent point ...' (Chemin 1525 f 5 v). 494 Cf. Lydgate: 'He that al yeveth, and kepeth hymself nothyng' (27). 498-505 These lines have no parallel in the French text. 504 The description of rapacious clerical shepherds as wolves may owe something to Simon Fish's denunciation of clerical vice, A supplicacyon for the beggers [1529?]: 'These are (not the herdes, but the rauenous wolues going in herdes clothing deuouring the flocke)/ AIV, src 10883. Barclay uses the figures of the wolf or fox in sheepskin to describe hypocrites (Ship n 323), and the covetous are called wolves in Hye Way (803). 512-13 'Ceulx qui ont petit & despendent beaucoup' (Chemin 1502 p 119) 516-19 'Gens qui ont petite prise & rente qui portent draps de soye & chiers habillemens' (Ibid) 522—7 'Tresoriers recepteurs et despenciers qui demeurent longtemps sans rendre leurs comptes et qui donnent 1'argent sans en avoir bon acquit' (Chemin 1525 f 6) 528-33 'Ceux qui laissent plouvoir sur leurs greniers en leurs maisons et sur les courtines par faulte de les couvrir': 'Ceulx qui par faulte de reparation qu'ilz feroient bien laissent cheoir une maison' (Ibid ff 3v, 4v) 534-5 'Gens plaideurs, harseleurs et nourrisseurs de proces' (Ibid f 2v) 538-45 'Ceulx qui laissent les prez et les jardins ouvrez sans clerre, et sans garder, quant les fruitz y sont'; 'Ceulx qui laissent menger les prez et les bledz pour paresse d'aller geter le bestail de dedans ou le faire garder'; 'Ceulx qui par negligence laissent pourrir le foin du pre' (Ibid ff 3v, 4, 5v) 546-50 'Enfans se fient aux biens de leur pere qui est riche' (Ibid f 6) 'Gens qui sont saillis de grant maison & riche qui ne ont gueres de biens en leur part & veullent tenir le train & la despence de la maison dont ils sont saillis non pas eulx arrenger selon leurs biens' (Chemin 1502 p 124) 548 of small possybylyte: 'of little ability' 552 'Ceulx qui veullent user le leur voulente plus que de raison' (Chemin 1525 f 5) 558-60 'Gens qui se veulent vengier d'aulcun mal ou desplaisir que on leur a fait, car tel se veut venger qui souventeffois se deservist' (Ibid f Iv) 562-7 'Ceulx qui sont si grans babilleurs, menteurs et flateurs en la fin ne sont gueres prisez et si font mal leurs besongnes' (Ibid f 5) 568-9 'Marchans qui achaptent cher et vendent a bon marche et credit' (Ibid f Iv) 569 A rare use of lend to mean 'sell'

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Poems and Notes

576-83 No French source for these lines 584-7 'Gens poures qui veullent estre bien ayses & bien vestus & ne veullent rien faire ni trauailler' (Chemin 1502 p 124); Tovres gens qui veullent estre bien aises et ne veullent rien faire' (Chemin 1525 f 6) 590-614 With the exception of 592, 'Compaignons et povres gentilz hommes achaptans et mengeans choses friandes et cheres' (Ibid f 3v), this passage points to English rather than French social problems. 590 Rufflers: The MED does not give this noun form, though the verb, meaning 'to quarrel' was common from the mid-fifteenth century. The OED'S first citation of the noun, in 1536, comes from that year's statute against vagabonds (27 Henry vm. c. 25). The word is also used in an anonymous draft for this parliamentary legislation, perhaps written by William Marshall in autumn 1535. The draft's descriptive language is similar to Hye Way's: 'seruyng men comenly called Ruffelers which ... lyve idely in Cities and Townes (and namely in the Citie of London) ... Scolers of the vnyersitees of Oxforde and Cambridge that go about beggyng without sufficient authorite; Shipmen pretendyng naufrages or hurt in the Kynges wares or seruyce ... proctours and pardoners goyng about and not autorized by the Kinges highnes ... such as pretende knowlege and conyng in physik, surgery, phiysnamye palmestrie, destenyes, or other craftie sciences wherby the poore rude and innocent people is disceived' (BL Royal iS.c.vi, ff 32-3) 597 Tilley D 288, first example Copland's; an expression of careless pleasure 598, 599 Haskerde and dasterde are both defined as a worthless or low fellow. 603 brewyng and rollyng: dilution and (?) disturbing 606 A rare example of internal rhyme 608-14 The two earliest surviving printed assizes of bread and ale, which represent attempts to give a standard value for money, are roughly contemporary with Hye Way: STC 864, printed by Bankes [before 1532] and STC 863.5, m tne house of Berthelet [1532?]. These lines owe nothing to Balsac. 615 'Ceulx qui sont pleges et cautions pour aultruy' (Chemin 1525 f 3v) 621-6 'Gens poures qui se marient par amourettes sans auoir rien' (Chemin 1502 p 120) 627-8 'Ceulx qui vendent leur chevance pour estre marchans' (Chemin 1525 f4v) 630 'Pillar to post' is found in Lydgate's 1420 Assembly of the gods 1147, though reversed: 'Fro poost to pylour he was made to daunce.' 633-6 'Ceux qui attendent d'avoir la succession de aulcuns de leurs parens laquelle a la [sic] d'aventure ilz n'auront jamais' (Chemin 1525 f 5v) 637 'He that can nouht, nor lerne wil no good' (Lydgate Order 20)

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The Hye Way to the Spyttell Hous

645-5° 'Ceux qui coupent leurs chausses au genoil et descouppent leurs pourpointz et habillemens' (Chemin 1525 f 4) 651-7 'Ceulz qui chargent trop grant estat a leurs femmes'; 'Ceulx qui mainent souvent leurs femmes en voyages' (Ibid f 3). 659-78 Standard anti-marital material, not indebted to de Balsac 668 The porter jocularly refer them to another London hospital, St Mary of Bethlehem. Though OED says it was mentioned as a hospital for lunatics as early as 1402, such references become very frequent in the early sixteenth century, eg Skelton Why Come Ye Nat to Courte (655). 675-6 'Ceulx qui n'ont pas grant rente ne revenues, lesquelz le seigneur menge a un lieu et la dame en 1'autre, et font troys ou quatre disners 1'ung apres 1'autre' (Chemin 1525 f 5) 680 Whiting R 55; from Matthew 12: 25 683-7 'Les maistres qui seuffrent faire a leurs seruiteurs largesse de leurs biens a leurs comperes & commeres & aultres accointances & en faire leurs amicies & bienueillances a ses despens' (Chemin 1502 p 121); 'Ceulx de qui serviteurs jouent jusques a la minuyt' (Chemin 1525 f 2v) 693-9 'Maison ou apres que le seigneur ou la dame sont couches les seruiteurs sont grans banquez auant quilz se couchent' (Chemin 1502 p 120) 701-4 'Gens qui entreprennent plus grant chose qu'ilz ne peuvent' (Chemin 1525 f 2v) 707-9 'Ceulx qui vendent et engaigent leur chevance sans grant cause' (Ibid *4) 715-16 'Ceulx qui recoivent 1'argent d'autruy et le mettent en leurs affaires' (Ibid f 6) 717 'Gens qui laissent perdre leur bon droict et proces par faulte de poursuivre' (Ibid f 4v) 721-3 'Ceulx qui se despouillent avant que aller coucher, si n'est a gens qui y soyent bien tenus par raison et soient bien seurs d'eulx' (Ibid f 3) 725-32 'Gens qui donnent plus a leurs filles que leur cheuance ne biens ne peuuent porter' (Chemin 1502 p 124) 733-7 'Maison ou len dance continuellement & sont festes & nont point de coustume dauoir grant argent ne de bien faire leurs besongnes' (Ibid p 120); 'Ceulx qui font souvent grans banquetz et grandes assemblees' (Chemin 1525 f 3 ) 739-43 'Ceulx qui laissent leur tapisserie, couvertes, linceulx, habillemens, qui sont ung peu rompus, perdre et qui laissent epancher la plume de leur litz, par faulte de radouber la coeste'; 'Ceulx qui laissent le pave de leurs chambres et les foyers et cheminees aussy les verrieres sans radouber' (Ibid ff 6v, 7) 745-898 Here the French fool material on which Copland is drawing gives

242

Poems and Notes

way to categorization based on the seven deadly sins, though the conjunction of folly and sin is a familiar one. Barclay's translation of the Narrenschiff, for instance, mixes fools and sinners in the juxtaposition of chapters such as 'Of yonge folys that take olde wymen to theyr wyues' and 'Of the vyce of slouthe/ Many of the fools of Copland's second section would, in fact, fit well under the heading of presumption, one of the branches of pride. The former's varieties include 'singularity,' 'prodigality,' 'foolish undertaking,' and 'boasting' (see The Book of Vices and Virtues 17). Copland's categories are: lust 745 ff; swearing 765 ff; sloth 781 ff; covetousness 797 ff; theft and murder 811 ff; drunkenness 829 ff; anger 847 ff; pride 867; envy 897-8. These constitute the seven deadly sins, with the characteristic late-medieval inclusion of swearing. Theft and murder, according to The Book of Vices and Virtues, are branches of covetousness, and indeed they follow this sin in Hye Way. 746 Bolsterer, OED suggests, may be from the verb bolster, 'to lie on the same bolster,' hence 'bedfellows/ Copland's is the only citation given. 755-8 Robert Greene uses the same four Latin lines against adultery in his A disputation betweene a hee conny-catcher, and a shee conny-catcher (1592), and like Copland he translates them, but independently. The use of this tag, and 773-4, may indicate that Copland knew a little Latin, though formally unschooled. 773-5 Cf. Hawes's Conuercyon of Swerers: HVnde. Ecclesiastici .xxxiii. Vir multum iurans implebitur iniquitate et non discendet a domo eius plaga. A man moche swerynge with grete iniquite Shall be replete / and from his mancyon The plage of vengeaunce shall not cessed be. (213-15) The source is neither Ecclesiasticus xxii (Copland) nor xxxiii (Hawes) but xxiii. 11. 781-8 The slothful are mentioned in Le Chemin also: 'Gens paresseux moulx & negligens' (1502 pp 119-20); 'Ceulx qui se couchent tost et lievent tard;' 'Ceulx qui ayment mieulx leur ayse et plaisir que leur prouffit et honneur' (1525 ff 2v, 4v). 793 'Gens opiniastres & incorrigibles' (Chemin 1502 p 120) 816 'Whose manner of living cannot be overlooked' 819-26 This passage suggests that prisons, rather than hospitals, are such folks' proper lodging, by invoking a double meaning both for ben well kept (ie, 'securely imprisoned' and 'adequately looked after') and wrapped surely (ie 'tightly bound,' as in 819, and 'well-covered'). The sense becomes univocal with the description of their burial.

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830 Cf. lyl 2ob/3o for the expression drank of, ie 'drank completely.' 833 Andrew Boorde presents the national stereotype in The Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge, perhaps first published c 1542 (ed. F.J. Furnivall, EETS ES 10 [London 1870]). From chap 13, p 156: I am a base Doche man, borne in the Nether-lond Diuerse times I am cupshoten, on my feet I cannot stand Dyuers tymes I do pysse vnderneth the borde, My reason is suche, I can not speke a word ... And from chap 8, on Flanders: 'The people be gentyl, but the men be great drynkers/ (147). 837, 839-40, 842, 843 These lines offer a series of drinkers' slogans, with signalling speech. In line 837, dowble beare is strong beer. Lines 839-40 may be mock-Dutch: quyxte is a form of 'whist,' 'quist'; quaxte = 'to quaff.' Brynxte ('brince,' 'brinche/ 'brinke') from Italian 'brins' means 'to drink to,' 'pledge.' Ortkyn is a corruption of Dutch 'oortkin/ a small coin, but used in English speech. 'Be silent, drink: I pledge, dear brother, / A penny for a half beer, by God's mother.' 844 Heywood Proverbs has 'Thy cap has more ease than thy head/ quoted in Tilley € 6 5 . 857-8 Cf. Whiting N 86, 'Ever more fie discord and hate, With thy neygbore make no debate.' 861 The noun form, agre, (for 'agreement') seems to be Copland's coinage. 874 This expression dates from around 1500, when it is found in the 'Debate of the Carpenter's Tools' (Early Popular Poetry line 85, quoted in Tilley R 144). 875-80 Copland may have had in mind the dignified and reasonable claims of the knight throughout Gentleness and Nobility, beginning line 18: 'Mary, I am a gentylman, I wold ye knew.' The boast of this former member of a parish oligarchy must be considered parodic in comparison. 884-5 checked of: 'snubbed by' 888 I wyst whan = 'once upon a time' 892 Echoes 213/75. 893 Heywood Proverbs, 'Great boste and smal roste, Maketh vnsauery mouthes,' quoted in Tilley B 488 896 out of mynde: 'beyond calculation,' ie, tell me of them all. 899-930 These heartfelt lines treat what Copland calls hypocrisy: quarrelsomeness and litigiousness manifest absence of charity and recall the themes of the prologue verses: cf. 213/50-6 903 'As if their prayers were powerful enough to undo the crucifixion' 905-6 'Sownynge in moral virtu was his speche/ (General Prologue 307).

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929-30 Pithy, but apparently not proverbial 931-56 This standard reprise of anti-feminine charges concludes with the familiar claim (956) to be women's defender. 938 but not of hoodes bare, ie, fools 945 genyfenyes: The OED gives 'jan' as thieves cant for a purse (1610), so perhaps 'purse-women/ since women's free spending has just been condemned. 946 Quickly and accurately, like a dog trained to track game wounded by the bowmen. Chaucer uses the figure twice: Merchant's Tale 2013-14; Friar's Tale 1369-71; Whiting D 303; Tilley D 437, where Copland's is the first example. 950 patched out: put together hastily and insecurely 961-7 Based on Harman's Caveat for Common Cursitors (1567), Judges, M. Schlauch The English Language in Modern Times (Warsaw 1959), and others, these lines might be translated: Drunken fellow, beg drunken. See the priest in the night Swived the girl for a copper halfpenny He shall take a chapman's hat. By the mass, thou shalt eat my turd In thy mouth; for me it is drunken business. For a good drink, I have a penny. Patryng coue: either a fellow (cove) who knows the cant (patter), or, as Harman has, patrico, a priest. Since cove is abbreviated 'co' ('Kynchen co') in Harman, perhaps patryng coue had come to be elided between Copland's time and Harman's, to patrico (a priest is a pattering fellow). Docked: Imagination in Hickscorner 900 says: 'There shall no man play doccy there' [in the stews]. Salmon = 'by Solomon,' a thieves' oath sometimes said to mean 'by altar or Mass.' In Lanthorne and Candle-light 1609, Thomas Dekker reprints Copland's 'Bousy coue maund nace' verses, supplying this preface: 'Stay and heare a Canter in his owne language, making Rithmes, Albeit (I thinke) those charmes of Poesie which (at the first) made the barbarous tame, and brought them to civillity, can (uppon these savage Monsters) worke no such wonder. Yet thus he singes (uppon demaund whether any of his owne crue did come that way) to which he answers, ye (quoth he)' (Temple Classics [London 1936) 182). lere (in Harman gerry; Viles and Furnivall 86) is glossed by Samuel Rowlands (Martin Mark-all 1610), demonstrating that some of this slang was alive seventy-five years later.

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969 J.A.S. McPeek quotes Palsgrave Lesclarcissement de la langue francoyse 1530: 'I speke a pedlars frenche, or a gyberishe, or any contrefait langaige, Je jargonne/ and says 'Palsgrave's definition suggests that the term [peddler's French] was already in general circulation at the time he wrote' (The Black Book of Knaves and Unthrifts [n.p. 1969] 39). According to Harman 'their languag - which they terme peddelars Frenche or Canting - began but within these xxx. yeeres, lytle aboue' (Caveat 1567 in Viles and Furnivall 23). 970 I am unable to define party stenche. 971 The juxtaposition of these gaderers of cony skynnes with the sinister peddlers may mean that this represents an early use of cony for 'dupe' (OED'S earliest example is from Greene 1591), but perhaps the gaderers are simply another kind of itinerant vendor. 973-84 Two editions of Cocke Lorelles bote exist, dated [1518?] and [1519?] STC 5456 and 5456.3). No Fraternyte of vnthryftes survives, though John Awdely printed two editions of The fraternitie of vacabondes in 1565 and 1575 (STC 993 and 994). Copland's mention of the ordres .viii. tyme thre / of knaues suggests an earlier, lost edition, since the only surviving one is from c 1561 (Here begynneth the .xxiiij. orders of knaues, STC 995.5). A work titled The .xxv. orders of knaues was printed with the two editions of Fraternitie; STC suggests that it is another version of the xxiiij orders. No printed edition of Lydgate's Order of Fools survives, but the text appears, in whole or part, in seven manuscripts (IMEV and Suppl 3444). 975 Perhaps a pun on 'expenses' (costes) and 'coasts'

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Glossary

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1i

To Soone To Late Kalender of Shepeherdes Castell Spectacle Introductory Myrrour Passyon Ipomydon Tauerne Syege of Rodes

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

Seuen Sorowes Secrete Rutter Doctrynall Assemble Rosarye Guystarde and Sygysmonde Rhymed Life lyl Hye Way

The glossary is intended to present only unfamiliar words and senses. Copland's puns have been treated in a single entry; two meanings of the same word occurring in different locations have been given separate entries. Vocalic y has been treated as z. In general only the word's first appearance has been included. abiect pp. cast out 213/54 aborde v. approach 2/16 abreuyate adj. hasty i8e/i2 absteyne v. refrain (from) 8a/2 accesses n. sudden illnesses, fevers 2ib/37i accorde v. make a formal agreement 2/18 acheue v. complete, bring to an end i8f/9 adresse v. guide 163/12

admyracyons n. ?marvels 2ib/357 agre n. agreement 2ib/86i alecte v. allure 43/7 algate, all gate adv. in every way, by all means 2/5; in any case 43/39 al way, alway adv. at all times 5/3, 9/2 alyde v. bound 3f/22 ampte n. ant 2/5 amyte n. friendship 43/7

248

Glossary

and if conj. if i2b/32 anon adv. immediately 120/48 antick adj. antique 2ob/47 a payde adj. satisfied, pleased i2c/ 161 appayre v. damage i2b/64 appetite n. desire 2ia/i applesquyers n. pimps 2ib/747 arayde pp. in a particular state; dressed 12C/H9 archewyues n. powerful wives i2a/i aspect n. regard 200/37; ?efficacy 2ib/93 assemble v. couple sexually 2/18 auayle v. lower, strike 3d/2 aught pp. owed; n. anything i2c/ 362;

20C/40

balles n. ball games 43/47 bare adj. impoverished, deprived 213/24 bate n. debate 2ib/857 behyght pp. promised, vowed i8c/8 berayned pp. sprinkled i8d/i8 beseming pr.p. apparently 20b/44 be shrew, beshorow v. curse, blame i2c/6o; be shrewde pp. 120/116 besynesse n. diligence; activity, task; profession, trade 73/2 betake v. commend 200/207 bewpere n. companion 2ib/4i2 blynde adj. dark 2ib/268 blyndly adv. without foresight or reason i2d/4 bolsterers n. (?illicit) bedfellows 2ib/746 boords, bourdes n. jokes i2b/3o; tales 2ob/i5; bourdyng pr.p. joking 12b/62

boryall adj. northern 36/4 bounes n. buns 120/237 bousy adj. boozy 2ib/959 boystous adj. loud, rude 36/4 brenne v. burn 43/28 brewyng pr.p. dilution 2ib/6o3 bryttle adj. unstable 180/5 buskes n. bushes 2ib/57 button v. cast forth 203/4 callets n. whores 2ib/993 can v. knows 2ib/365 casualyte n. chance occurrence, misfortune 2ib/heading caters n. buyers of provisions 2lb/522

cayles n. ninepins 43/47 chsunce v. occur 193/9 checked pp. snubbed 2ib/884 cheef n. hesding; main portion 2ob/48 chop v. sell 2ib/972 clenly adj. decorous, decent 2ib/26o clewners n. beggar captsins 2ib/328 clowtes n. rags 2ib/i8o comberous adj. troublesome 2ib/462 compsssynge pr.p. planning, considering i8b/2 competent n. a portion suited to one's rank or position 213/16 compyle, compyled v. compose 43/19, 40; 183/2 comyn 3dj. common (or pp. come?) 2lb/52

conceytes n. witty expressions I2b/i4 condescende v. hsrmonize, sgree 43/12; give consent i8b/4

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Glossary

condycyons n. circumstances 2ib/8i6 confortatyfe adj. strengthening, reviving; n. reviving medicine, cordial 15/9 confrary n. fraternity 2ib/995 coniect v. contrive, plot i8b/y, n. conjecture 21 b/190 construe v. explain; pass judgment on; form an opinion 43/4 conuenyent adj. appropriate 5/7 conuey v. steal 2ib/696 corpolence n. materiality 3f/i9 courage n. heart, spirit 43/13 crakynge pr.p. boasting 2ib/593 crouches n. crutches 2ib/299 dadderyng pr.p. shaking 2ib/33 dasterde n. low fellow, dullard 2ib/599 defoyled adj. defouled 12C/12 degout v. shed in drops, distill 15/15 degre, degree n. social ckss, condition 5/2; 12C/253 deiect adj. rejected; deprived of influence 3f/28 delude v. mock i^b/ij demure 3dj. sober, serious 12C/4O6 densyde v. denied i8c/2o deny v. repudiate 43/49 dere v. annoy, trouble 14/5 despyse v. refuse, scorn 2ib/95 detract v. lessen the worth of i3b/io detray v. subtract i8f/6 diaculum n. a drug made of vegetable juice, lithsrge, and oil or wax 20C/148 dishonesty n. disgrace, unchastity i2b/63

distyll v. trickle, flow 8b/4 do pp. done i2c/38o domes n. judgments 186/12 drabbes n. whores 2ib/993 drabblyng pr.p. spattering 2ib/3i drawke n. a kind of grass growing 3s a weed among grain i3b/25 drede n. respect 33/27 dydderyng pr.p. shivering 2ib/33 dyleccyon n. love, ususlly elevsted or spiritual 43/25 dyscommende v. find fault with i2b/88 dyscrete adj. judicious 43/21 dyscus v. investigste, examine 13V34 dystaunce n. at -~ at odds 2ib/558 dystsyne v. sully i8b/i9 dyte n. poem 43/18, 163/24 effect, effecte n. result 43/2; toke —? schieved 4d/4 effycsce n. force 43/4 enboost ad], swollen, bulging; embossed, stsmped 73/18 enbrace v. sccept, take to hesrt 4a/5 enbrsced pp. corseted 12C/95 endeuer (thyselfe) v. strive, endesvour 5/1 endewe v. moisten 8b/5; endow, invest with a quslity 43/13, 8b/5 endormed 3dj. dormsnt i6b/6 endyte v. compose, write 43/10 ensue, ensewe v. follow 183/27 ?show i8f/34 ensure v. sssure i2b/&3 entende v. sttend 9/7, 12^469 entendement n. understsnding 36/14 entrested pp. treated 2ib/38

250

Glossary

entreprysyng pr.p. trying 2ib/7O4 erecte v. elevate 73/4 erned pp. grieved 120/249 eschue, eschewe v. shun 193/10; forgo iSd/ig estate n. condition 11/4 estates classes, occupations 11/3 exegent n. critical occasion, straits 2ib/936 exemplayre n. example 83/7 exercyse n. practice 8a/2 exhybycion n. support, maintenance 2ib/335 expell v. disregard; eliminate 2oc/33 exploytynge pr.p. applying (themselves), prospering 43/32 facers n. braggsrts, bullies 2ib/6i9 fsntssy n. fsncy, preference i3b/33; literary composition i2d/i2 far forth v. go forth, depart, start 12C/162

fast adv. closely 3f/22 fayne adv. gladly; v. dissimulate 120/417 fedde pp. raised i8a/i6 ferle n. wonder 120/212 fild pp. defiled; filled 203/5 foot v. step 2ib/3io for prep, to prevent i2c/46i formall ad}, according to established procedure i3b/34 fortheraunce, furthersunce n. advancement 120/302, 213/67 forth on adv. henceforth 120/47; onwsrd 120/331 fourme n. style 3f/5 frsntyke ad], foolish 36/33 fronysste 3dj. thoughtful i3b/i8 frydge v. fidget 2ib/3io

fylloks n. wsnton young girls 2ib/56 fylyng pr.p. dirtying; filling 120/461 gsge n. psyment; pledge 200/65 gallant adj. gay, merry 2ob/46 gate n. way 2/2 gaudy chere n. fun 2ib/i59 geest n. story i2b/30, 42 gentylnesse adj. nobility; kindness i8b/i6 genyfenyes n. ?pursewomen 2ib/945 geson adj. scarce 200/193 geste on, gested on v. jeer at, mock i2b/58 gestyng n. entertainment; lodging 2ib/i54 gossyp, gosseyp, gossip n. friend 120/228, 229 gost n. spirit 120/21 gre n. in~~ with good will or favour 4 d/i grinde v. pain, torment 200/143 grote n. fourpence i2b/33 gull n. heavy drinker 2ib/i62; v. trick 2ib/342 haply adv. perhaps 120/217 hardly adv. assuredly 200/51 hardyed pp. made resolute i8d/20 harlotry n. frivolity 43/48 haskerde n. low fellow 2ib/598 haue v. behave 123/8 hedgecrepers n. sneaking rogues 2ib/56 hent pp. spprehended 2ib/29i herbegers n. lodging, hospitality 2ib/748 ho v. stop 33/8, 36/1 hobsll n. clown, fool, idiot 200/241

251

Glossary

holde v. behold; possess 200/38 hole adj. holy 3d/7 homely adv. plain, rude i2b/99; impudent, shameless 2ob/3; homelynesse n. plainness, rudeness 4d/7 housell n. Eucharist 193/12 hummyng pr.p. grudging, expressing disapproval 120/447 hurled pp. whirled 2ib/i6 hyllynge n. covering i6b/3 iauell n. rascal 2ib/453 iest n. gest, metrical romance 9/1 iettes v. struts 2ib/232 immundycyte n. uncleanness 36/12 incontynent adj. unrestrained 33/25 inflammate adj. burning, intense i8a/i insolence n. inexperience 2ob/7o inwarde adj. hidden i8b/n iwis, ywys adv. indeed, certainly 120/375 knyll n. funeral kneel 120/171 kynde adj. natural, tender 120/89, 467; kyndnes, kyndnesse n. natural affection 120/191 lauryste adj. distinguished; -*< grauyte 'high seriousness' 43/6 legend n. narrative 2ib/3i7 lend v. sell 2ib/569 let, lette v. hinder 120/113; bequeath i6a/8 lewde 3dj. base, good-for-nothing 12C/115

lewtre v. loiter 2ib/3i4 lose infyrmyte n. diarrhoea 120/66 losels n. ne'er-do-wells 2ib/54 lubbers n. louts 2ib/i/4

lubryke adj. lascivious i8b/i3 lukerous adj. pertaining to lucre 33/9 luskes n. idlers 2ib/56; luskysh adj. sluggish, idle 2ib/32 lust n. inclination 120/346 lykenes n. image 213/37 lyther ad], base 2ib/782 lyuely adj. lively; life-giving 193/1 madly adv. foolishly, merrily i2b/48 male n. bag, wallet 2ib/264 mate adj. worsted, exhausted 120/317 maunchettes n. small loaves 120/237 mede n. reward 43/35 mell v. meddle; copulate 120/444 merueylous adj. unnatural, monstrous i8b/i meschaunt 3dj. wretched 213/7 metely adv. moderately 120/421 methe n. mead i6b/i4 meyny n. compsny 2ib/889 mychers n. snesk thieves 2ib/56 ne sdv. not 120/112, 451 necessyte n. need 213/15 neclygence n. carelessness 36/7 newes n. novelties 2ib/8oi nigsrdship n. stinginess 200/149 noble n. six shillings eightpence 120/169 note v. use 1/14 nouryce n. nurse 183/10 nycete n. folly 43/31 occupy v. busy (oneself); deal with sexuslly or cohsbit 120/111; use 2ib/443; occupyed, occupied pp.

252

Glossary

employed (money) in trading, invested; dealt with sexually i2c/ 258, 357 of conj. because of 120/219 one adj. obs. err. form of own 1/18 oppresse v. suppress 183/5 oppugnacyon n. attack 11/2 or prep, before 120/200 osyosyte n. idleness i8a/8 ouerthwart adj. contentious, contrary, reckless 200/70; rude 2ob/ 19; n. contentious person 213/62 ought pp. owed; n. anything i2c/ 362; 2OC/40

owches n. brooches, ornaments 120/408 parcell n. particle 213/32 passing foorth pr.p. doing, accomplishing 200/252 psstance n. recreation 2ob/i2 pecunyall adj. monetary 36/13 pende, pend pp. imprisoned i8b/5; put into written form, drawn up 2ob/74 pensement n. thoughts 36/13 perdurably adv. everlastingly 1/16 perseuerscyon n. perseverance 1/10 peuyshe adj. foolish; harmful I2b/y6 plenarly adv. completely 3f/7 pochers n. spoilers, meddlers i2b/ 81; pochyng pr.p. intruding 2lb/223

poll v. cut hair, fig. rob 200/99; pollyng n. extortion, robbery 2lb/6o2

potage n. soup, stew 2ib/262 pound n. snimal enclosure 2ib/8i poynted pp. punctuated i2b/76 prease n. crowd; v. push forward 20C/47

presuppose v. assume, postulate 200/3 pretende v. aspire 43/11; intend 2ib/283 prety v. adj. crafty, skilful, apt 2ob/67 preues v. thrives 2ib/6o5 proceed v. deal with 200/252 proctours n. licensed collectors of alms 2ib/465 proffre n. proposal 120/404 promyt v. promise, pledge 2ib/4oo proue v. experience 73/13 pry ncy pals n. m3in beams 2ib/53i pryuely adv. secretly 120/77 puruey v. provide 120/388; pouruayd pp. conveyed 2ib/2oo puryd sdj. refined I3b/i6 put forthe v. thrust out 1/11 pyld adj. bald, shaven; pylled pp. robbed, pillsged 2ib/28 qusrteron n. quarter (of 3 hundred) 200/127 quayre n. book i2d/i quere n. choir 120/185 quyt, quyte pp. excused, exempt 186/5; go —> be released 2ib/573 rapyne n. robbery, plunder 213/27 resd n. sdvice 2ib/390 ressoned pp. tslked 2ib/22 reche v. care i2b/4 recure n. aid 43/41 relent v. melt, soften i8d/i5 replete sdj. filled 36/7 requyre v. ask, demand 120/213 resorte n. crowd 120/433 retayne v. entertain i3b/4 rethrograte sdj. moving bsckwsrd V4 regocyons n. prayers 2ib/34o

253

Glossary

roger n. counterfeit scholar-clerk 2ib/3O7 rollyng pr.p. ?disturbing 2ib/6o3 rubryke n. section 4d/2 rufflers n. quarrellers 2ib/590 ruthe n. pity i2b/8o; ruthfully adv. piteously 11/3 ryfe v. snatch 2ib/2i3 rynde n. skin 2ib/27 sad, sadde adj. sober, serious i2c/ 297; sadly adv. soberly 12C/2O5, 281, 293 sale n. set a —> for sale 43/47 sapyent n. trickster, esp. false physician 2ib/472 scoffe n. derisive jest i2b/46 scoules n. strong, shallow baskets 2ib/263 scrow n. scroll, writing 2ob/43 se v. say i2b/92 sengleman n. bachelor 12C/298 sentence(s) n. significance, meaning 43/5; i2b/78 sequester v. impound for debt 12C/353 sewe v. stitch; serve at table; drain 2ib/265 shamfastnes n. modesty 33/27 shape v. direct 10/14 shapes n. bodies; sexual organs 2lb/29

sharpe adj. harsh, peremptory iac/437 shaues v. extorts 2ib/303 shene adj. shining, beautiful i8d/i shewe v. tell i2b/69 shifte n. living 12C/437 shorowe v. curse, blame greatly i2b/34

shrewed, shrewd 3dj. shrewish i2c/3ii; terrible, dreadful 2oc/i8 shryft n. confession 193/12 shryue v. absolve 10/5 shyttle adj. wavering, fickle 186/4 singuler adj. special 20C/37 skyl, skil n. can not —• of, have no knowledge of, am not versed in i2b/8i; it shall not >*-> shall not mstter 2oc/i82 slacke adj. careless i8c/i6 sleyght n. cunning 33/14 snudgynge pr.p being miserly 213/25 soppe n. bread dipped in wine i2c/ 266 sourge n. fountsin; the source of a river 73/15 sowter n. shoemsker; also a term of abuse i2c/6i spede v. prosper i2c/n8 stones n. testicles 12^464 strangury n. a disease of the urinary organs 20C/144 straytnes n. tightness 12C/64 streyneth v. constrains 12C/59 styltes n. crutches 2ib/i78 subtylly adv. cunningly 2ib/325 sue v. follow 213/6 supportscyon n. sssistsnce, support 11/7 surveiours n. will overseers 2oc/i85 swsrued pp. —< (from), deserted 20C/134 syth prep, since 12C/203 tables n. backgammon 43/47 tsile, tayle n. financial credit (via the tally-stick); posterior 12C/371, 374

254

Glossary

tauntes n. pieces of banter 2ob/i6; taunting pr.p. bantering aob/ji thee v. prosper i2b/86 thereby adv. in addition, besides . 120/299 throng n. crowd; p. sing, of thringe, thrust 20C/48, 2ib/86 tikleth v. stirs, perhaps sexually 12C/88 timpany n. swelling, tumour 2oc/ 145 to-prefix —> broke, an intensifier 12C/459 tomlyng cast n. somersault 2ib/287 tonnes n. barrels 10/2 toune n. tune 33/7 trace v. traverse 2ib/55i transgressyon n. violation i8f/i7 trauers v. contradict, dispute 213/51 trayne n. course of events i8c/5 trewands n. idle rogues 2ib/55; trewandyse n. roguery 2ib/94 trim adj. well-prepared, -equipped 20C/59 trow v. believe i2b/35 trust pp. trussed, bound 2oc/io6 try v. distinguish, choose; extract 2oc/254; trayde, tried pp. tried i8c/2i; chosen; extracted 2oc/ 257 tryndle v. revolve, roll, as a ball 163/29 tyrle v. twiddle, spin 12C/2H

vncom n. sore 2OC/145 vncouthe adj. unfamiliar, marvellous 43/10 vndeiect adj. unrejected 4d/5 vndepured adj. impure, rude 3f/4 vpryght adj. supine 12C/138 vre ad], in ~, sccustomed 33/18 vysensmy n. physiognomy 2^/367 ventosyte n. belching, flstulence 1/7 vertue n. power 193/5 voluptuosyte n. sensuality i8a/io wsnton adj. sportive i2b/2 wat v. knows i2c/i8i well st esse ad], well-to-do 12C/303 well set pp. estsblished 12C/352 wene v. think, imsgine i2b/49; weneth 12C/33O think whery n. light rowbost 3d/3 worthe n. t3ke in ~, take in good part 12C/75 wote v. know 10/8 woweth v. vows 12C/334 wo worth excl. may evil befall; a curse upon 186/4 wrothe adj. grieved 12C/3O wryth v. twist; write 123/4 wynde v. haul up 3d/7 ycleped pp. cslled i2d/2

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Allut, Paul Etude biographique et bibliographique sur Symphorien Champier (Lyons: N. Scheuring 1859) Ames, Joseph, William Herbert and Thomas Frognall Dibdin eds Typographical Antiquities 4 vols (London: T Payne 1810-19) Anderson, Kitty 'The Treatment of Vagrancy ... Based upon the Local Records of London to 1552 ...' D Phil thesis London Univ 1933 Aydelotte, Frank Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds 2nd ed (London 1967) Barclay, Alexander The Ship of Fools ed T.H. Jamieson 2 vols (Edinburgh 1864) - The Eclogues ed Beatrice White. EETS no 175 (London 1928) Beier, A.L. 'Vagrants and the Social Order in Elizabethan England' Past & Present 64 (1974) 3-29 Bennett, H.S. English Books & Readers 14.75 to 1557 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press 1952) Benson, Larry D. and T.M. Andersson The Literary Context of Chaucer's Fabliaux (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs Merrill 1971) Berdan, John Early Tudor Poetry 1486-154.7 (New York: Macmillan 1920) Boffey, Julia Manuscripts of English Courtly Love Lyrics in the Later Middle Ages (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer 1985) The Book of Vices and Virtues. A Fourteenth-Century English Translation of the Somme Le Roi ed W. Nelson Francis EETS OS 217 (London 1942) Brigden, Susan 'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London' Past & Present 103 (1984) 67-112 Brunet, J.-C. Manuel du libraire 8 vols (Paris: Firmin Didot 1861) Bryan, W.F. and Germaine Dempster Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (Chicago: Univ of Chicago Press 1941) The Castell of Labour introd A.W. Pollard. Roxburgh Club (Edinburgh 1905) Catalogue general .. de la Bibliotheque nationale 227 vols (Paris: Imprimerie nationale i897~present) Chaucer, Geoffrey The Riverside Chaucer ed Larry D. Benson 3d ed (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1987)

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Herford, C.H. Studies in the Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ Press 1886) Heywood, John A Dialogue of Proverbs ed Rudolph E. Habenicht (Berkeley: Univ of California Press 1963) Hodnett, Edward English Woodcuts 1480-1535. Additions & Corrections Bibliographical Society (Oxford and London: Oxford Univ Press 1973) Hughes, Philip L. and J.F. Larkin eds Tudor Royal Proclamations: The Early Tudors (New Haven CT: Yale Univ Press 1964) Index of Middle English Verse ed Carleton Brown and R.H. Robbins. Index Society (New York 1943). Supplement to the Index of Middle English Verse ed R.H. Robbins and John Cutler (Lexington: Univ of Kentucky Press 1965) Isaac, Frank English and Scottish Printing Types, 1501-35, 1508-4.1 Bibliographical Society Facsimiles and Illustrations no 2 (Oxford: Oxford Univ Press 1930) Jacob's Well ed Arthur Brandeis. Part i. EETS 115 (London 1900) Jolliffe, P.S. A Check-List of Middle English Prose Writings of Spiritual Guidance (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies 1974) Les joyeusetez, faceties et folastres imaginations 16 vols (Paris: Techener 1829-34) Jubinal, A. Nouveau recueil de contes, dits, et fabliaux 2 vols (Paris: E. Pannier 1974) Judges, A.V. ed The Elizabethan Underworld (London: G. Routledge 1930) Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry vm et J.S. Brewer, James Gairdner, and R.H. Brodie 21 vols (London 1862-1910) Lydgate, John The Fall of Princes ed Henry Bergen EETS ES 121-4 (Oxford: Oxford Univ Press 1918-19) - The Minor Poems ed Henry Noble MacCracken 2 vols EETS OS 192 (London 1934) McKerrow, R.B. Printers' and Publishers' Devices in England and Scotland 1485-1640 Bibliographical Society (London 1913) Medwall, Henry Fulgens & Lucres ed F.S. Boas and A.W. Reed (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1926) Meyer, Paul 'Bribes de litterature anglo-normande' Jahrbuch fur romanische und englische literatur 7 (1866) 56-7 Montaiglon, Anatole de ed Recueil de poesies franqoises des xve et xvie siecles 13 vols (Paris: P. Jannet 1855-78) Moore, Norman The History of Saint Bartholomew's Hospital 2 vols (London: C.A. Pearson 1918 Moore, W.G. 'Robert Copland and His Hye Way' Review of English Studies 7 (1931) 406-18

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Index

The main entry for each poem by Copland is in boldface. Information in tables and in the preliminary bibliographical paragraph preceding each poem has not been indexed. acrostic verse, 11, 44, 45, 47 advertising verse, 6, 73-5, 178-9, 224 'Agas' map, 26, 229 Alley, Hugh, 229 Allut, Paul, 239 alms, 225, 230, 234 Alsop, Thomas, 5, 26, 140 Ambrose, 237 Ames, Joseph, 24, 27 Ancrene Riwle, 229 Anderson, Kitty, 230, 231, 235 Andrewe, Laurence: The vertuose boke, 72 Anglo, Sidney, 129 anti-feminism, 112, 244.See also misogyny under Copland, Robert: poetry Appleby, Simon: Fruyte of redempcyon, 162 Archer, Ian, 229 Arderne Fistula, 230 Art of Memory, The, 9 Ashmole, Elias, 111 Assemble of Foules, The, 7, 8, 15, 17, 18, 21, 26, 129, 137-43, 155, 158,

, 177, 181. See also Parliament of Fowls under Chaucer, Geoffrey Ave Maria, 147 Awdely, John, 224; The fraternitie of vacabondes, 245 Axton, Richard, 112, 141, 236 Aydelotte, Frank, 221, 230, 231, 232, 234, 237 Bacon, Roger, 112, 127 Badius Ascensius, Jodocus, 71 ballade royal, 11, 17, 61 ballads, 112, 116; titles of, 111 Bankes, Richard, 9, 20, 133, 240 Bannister, Arthur Thomas, 237 Barclay, Alexander, 13, 79, 223; The Introductory to Wryte ... Frenche, 6, 13, 66-8; Jugurthine Wars, 68; Life of St George, 68; Ship of Fools, 13, 15, 17, 156, 157, 225, 226, 23 239, 242 Barren, Caroline, 229 Barren, W.R.J., 112 Bayne, Ronald, 154 beggars, 16, 223, 226, 230, 235; badges or tokens, 221, 229, 231

262

Index

beggar-masters, 231, 235; beggar wardens, 235, 236; clothing, 226; guild, 232; kinds, 223; language, 223, 224 (see also cant); licences, 234, 236; proctors, 236, 240; regulation of, 231; supporters of, 234. See also vagabonds Begynnynge ... of the Knyghtes, The and Syege of Rodes, 80-2 Beier, A.L., 223, 229, 232, 234 Bell, Walter George, 117 Benbow, R. Mark, 233 Bennett, H.S., 112, 128-9 Bennett, J.A.W., 147 Benskin, Michael, and M.L. Samuels, 147 Benson, Larry D. and T.M. Andersson, 178 Berdan, John, 25, 227 Bergen, Henry, 155 Berthelet, Thomas, 9, 10, no, 113, 124, 224, 240; King's Printer, 123 Bertrem, John, 114 Bliss, Philip, 24 Boccaccio: Decameron, 154 Boctus and Sydrac: Copland's first English version (prose), 128 Boethius: The Consolacion of Philosophic, 21 Boffey, Julia, in, 155 Boke of comforte, The, 112 Boke of Mayde Emlyn, The. See under Skot, John Boke of Saynt Albans, 129 Boke of the fayre gentylwoman, The, 142 Boke of wysdome, The, 112 Book of Vagabonds and Beggars, The 223 Book of Vices and Virtues, 222, 242 book prices, 112

Boorde, Andrew, 3, 10, 123-4; The Breuiary of Helthe, 10; The Introduction of Knowledge, 10, 243; The Pryncyples of Astronamye, 9, 10, 20, 25 Bothe, Charles, bishop of Hereford, 237 Bourne, William: An Almanacke and Prognostication for Three Years, 132 Brand, John: Popular Antiquities, 120 Brant, Sebastian:Narrenschiff, 223, 227, 242 Brest, 233 Brigden, Susan, 182-3, 185 Bruce, J.D., 77 Brunet, J.-C, 44, 47, 132, 238 Bruni, Leonardo, 154 Bryan, W.F. and Germaine Dempster, 178 Butler, Alban: Lives of the Saints, 231 Butterworth, C.S. 71 Byddell, John, 7, 9, 20, 25, 26 Cambridge, University of, 3, 240 Campbell, P.G.C., 25 candle, symbolism of, 113, 114 cant (peddler's French), 223, 224, 229, 235, 237, 244, 245 Canterbury, archbishop of, 8, 236 Caorsin, Guillaume de, 81 Capp, Bernard, 55 Castell of Pleasure, The. See Nevill, William Catherine of Aragon, 22-3, 68, 129 Caxton, William, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 18, 20-1, 25, in, 115, 123, 139, 179, 225 Chambers, R., 228 Champier, Symphorien: La nef des princes, 223, 238 Charles v, emperor, in

26 3

Index

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 7, 15, 17, 19, 21, 140, 142, 143; Book of the Duchess, 156; Canterbury Tales, 25, 178; Clerk's Tale, 17, no; Friar's Tale, 244; General Prologue, 115, 243; Knight's Tale, 17, 156; Man of Law's Tale, 157; introduction to, 156, 157; Merchant's Tale, 115, 182, 244; Nun's Priest's Tale, 141; Pardoner's Tale, 225;Parson's Tale, 232, 233; Reeve's Tale, 228; Second Nun's Tale, 155-6; Shipman's Tale, 121; Summoner's Tale, 178, 184; Wf/e of Bath's Tale, 115, 116, 12 225, Wife of Bath, 109, 115, 116, 123; House of Fame, 157; Legend of Good Women, 17, 156, 157; Parliament of Fowls, 118, 139-40, 143 (see also Assemble of Foules, The); Troilus and Criseyde, 113, 163 Chertsey, Andrew: 77ie Cra/te to Lyue Well and to Dye Well, 74; The Floure of the Commaundementes, 74; The Lucydarye, 74; The Ordynarye of Crystyanyte, 74; The Passyon of Our Lorde, 6, 13, 72, 73-5 Chertsey, Edmund, MP Rochester, 74 Chester, Joseph Lemuel and George J. Armytage, 27 Christine de Pizan, 25 Clair, Colin, 123 Clay, Rotha Mary, 221 Clowgh, Cecilye, 6 Cocke Lorelles bate, 56, 133, 237, 245 Collier, John Payne, 65, 180, 181 Colyns, John, 28, 77, 142, 183 Complaynte of Them That Ben To Late Maryed, The, 3, 4, n, 20, 44, 45, 46-8, 112 Complaynt of Scotland, The, in

Complaynt of Them That Be To Soone Maryed, A, 3, 4, n, 20, 26, 43-5, 47-8, 112 Copeland, William (?father), 27 Copland, Robert: biography: ?Caxton apprenticeship, 4; death, 3, 10; 'eldist printer,' 10, 25, 159; first printing, 4; first work, 3-4, 11, 44; indulgence printing, 4-5; lay subsidy assessment, 9-10; neighbours, 119; regional origins, 3, 24, 233; religion, 8-9; rose garland sign / device, 4, 10, 22-3; shop location, 5, 229; wife, 6; youth, 3-4 poetry: devotional poems, 9, 13-14, 147; dialogue, use of, 18; estates satire, 16, 82; French influence, 11-13; 'go little book' topos, n, 12, 65; Latinate/aureate diction, 12, 15, 155; levels of language, 12, 18; longer work, 15-16; metre, 13, 17-18, 29, 178; moral function, 15, 155; misogyny, 4, n, 16, 45; occasional verse, 6, 7, 11-15 printing: antiquarian role, 21; choice of texts, 20; copyediting, 7-8, 77; economics, 21, 62; instructive function, 21; lack of capital, 20, 29; 'learned corrector,' 21, 77; output, 20; possible additional work, 28; responsibility to text, 21, 28; 16° devotional books, 13, 21, 79, 146, 161; standards, 7, 27, 113; susceptibility to error, 15, 29; type identification, 6, 20, 27, 176 translation: 4, 9, 18, 44-5, 47-8, 54-7, 67, 81-2, 110, 127-30, 132-3 Copland, Thomas, 27

264

Index

Copland, William (successor), 5, 9, 10, 20, 26, 28, 47, 109, no, 176; death (1568), 128 Copperplate Map, 26 Cornelius, Roberta D., 61 Coventry, 25 Cra/te fo Lywe Well and to Dye Well, The. See under Chertsey, Andrew Crome's Hill, Greenwich, 121 Cromwell, Thomas, 123-4 Curtius, E.R., 123 Daneau, Lambert, 67 Darlington, Ida, 27 Davis, Natalie Zemon, 128 de Balsac, Robert, 240; Le chemin de I'ospital, 176, 183, 223, 227, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242; La nef des batailles, 223, 238 'Debate of the Carpenter's Tools/ 243 de Bourbon, Chevalier Jacques, 81 de Chauliac, Guy, 114, 180, 184 de Gourmont, Gilles, 129-30 de Gourmont, Robert, 22, 29, 129-30 Dekker, Thomas, 233; Lanthorne and Candle-light, 224, 244 de Montaiglon, Anatole, 44, 177 Dent, R.W., 120, 179, 184 De Proprietatibus Rerum, 7 Devereux, E.J., 139-40 Devotio Moderna, 70-1 Deyenge Creature, The, 4 d'Hericault, Charles, 44 Disciplina Clericalis, 235 Dives and Pauper, 222, 224, 226 Dockwra, Thomas, 81-2 Doctrynall of Mekenesse, The, 134-6, 147, 161

Dome, John, 112 Douglas, Gawin: Eneydos, 111 Doyle, A.I., 74 Duff, E. Gordon, 5, 9, 25, 26, 28, 54, 113, 119, 123, 124, 158 Dunbar, William: The Tretis of the tua mariit wemen and the wedo, 109, 114, 122, 177, 186 Edward VI, 237 Edwards, A.S.G., 65, 140, 141 Elton, G.R., 222, 226 Elyot, Sir Thomas: Castle of Helthe, 231 England, Tudor, 136, 147, 177 English Dialect Dictionary, 120 Erasmus: Adagiorum, 7; Apophthegmata, 120; portrait roundel, 7 Erler, Mary C, 26 Eustace, Guillaume: Le mirouer exemplaire, 127 fabliaux, 109, 114, 177, 178; 'Le dis de le vescie a prestre/ Jacques de Baisieux, 178. See also Gautier Le Leu farts, bequest of, 178, 182, 184, 185, 186 Fawkes, Michael, 20 Fawkes, Richard: A gloryous medytacyon of Ihesus crystes passyon, 162 Feylde, Thomas: A contrauersye bytwene a louer and a laye, 141 Field of the Cloth of Gold, 68 .XV. Oos, The, 79, 147 Fish, Simon: A supplicacyon for the beggers, 225, 239 Fisher, John, 236 Flanders, 232, 243 Fleet Street. See under London

265

Index

Flodden Field, 13, 67 Floure of the Commaundementes, The. See under Chertsey, Andrew fools/folly, 177, 183-6, 223, 227, 239-42, 244 Forshaw, Helen, 71 Fowler, James, 79 Foxe, John, 24 Francis I, king of France, 111 Francis, F.C., 3, 24, 27, 44, 233 Frankis, P.J., 111 French literary influence, 4, 6, 11-13, 177' l83-4 French prose, 4, 81-2 French verse, 12, 17, 28, 43-57, 60-3, 66-8, 109-10, 114, 117, 119-20, 121, 122, 128, 147, 223 Fruyte of redempcyon. See Appleby, Simon Fry, George S., 26 Fulgens & Lucres. See under Medwall, Henry Funus, 7 Furnivall, Frederick J., 29, 111, 182, 233, 243; and Furnivall, Percy, 228; and Viles, Edward, 234, 244, 245 Fyftene joyes of man/age, The, no, 113, 118-19 Game and Playe of the Chesse, 115 Garcie, Pierre: Le Grant routtier, 132; The Rutter of the See, 12, 13, 20, 131-^3, 232 Garter motto, 62 Gaskell, Philip, 29, 113 Gautier Le Leu: La Veuve, 109, 114, 117, 119-20, 121, 122 Gaver, James, 26 Gay, J., 44, 47 Gibson, Strickland, 123

Goldschmidt, E. Ph, 70-1 Goodwyn, Christopher, 29 Gospelles of dystaues, The (Les evangiles des quenouilles), 177, 180, 182, 185 'gossips' meeting' genre, 177-8 Gough, John, 5, 25, 26, 222 Gower, John: Confessio Amantis, 123, 156 Graf, Urse, 75 Greene, Robert, 224; A disputation betweene a hee conny-catcher ..., 242, 245 Gregory's Chronicle, 232 Grey, Douglas, 162 Griffiths, Jeremy and Derek Pearsall, 140 Gringore, Pierre, 44, 45, 47; Le chasteau de labor, 130; La complainte de trop tard marie, 44, 47; Le dictz et auctoritez des ... philosophes, 130 Guy, J.A., 222 Guy, John, 226 Guystarde and Sygysmonde. See under Walter, William Hakluyt, Richard, 81 Hall, Edmond: Chronicles, 121, 226, 237 Halle, John: An Historiall Expostulation, 235-6 Hammond, Eleanor Prescott, 63 Harben, Henry A., 119 Harding, Vanessa, 229 Hardlesay, John, 18, 178, 180 Harington, Sir John, 178 Harman, Thomas, 235; Caveat for Common Cursitors, 224, 234, 24 245 Harrison, Thomas, 128 Hawes, Stephen, 15, 17-18, 29, 142,

266

Index

156; death, 141; 'yonge Hawes/ 141; Conforte of Louers, 82, 133, 159; The Conuersyon of Swerers, 14, 56, 72, 116, 155, 242; Example of Vertu, no, 140, 141, 277-8; The Pastyme of Pleasure, 15, 62, 65, 123 Hazlitt, W.C., 24, 233 Heal, Felicity, 227 Heinze, R.W., 234 Hellinga, Lotte, 28, 143 Henry vm, 10, 13, 68, 72, in, 124, 226, 230, 232, 235 herbal, 9, 10 Herbert, William, 7 Herford, C.H., 223, 227, 228, 237 Hesdin, 233 Heywood, John: Four PPs, 121; The Play of the Weather, 27, 186; Proverbs, 120, 184, 232, 233, 243 Hibbard, Laura A., 76 Hickscorner, 186, 244 Higden, Ranulph: Polychronicon,179 Hindman, Sandra, 146, 147 Hissiger, P.P., 77 Hoccleve, Thomas: Regement of Princes, 120 Hodnett, Edward, 25, 75, 135, 147, 162, 178, 227 Holbein, Hans, 7, 28, 75 Holy Family, 135, 147 Hotten, J.C., 224 Houlbrooke, Ralph, 184 Howleglas, 178, 186 Hue de Rotelande: Ipomydon, 8, 21, 28, 76-7, 142 Hughes, Philip L. and J.F. Larkin, 234, 237 Huguccio, 222 Huguet, Edmond, 231 Huttar, C.A., 179

Hye Way to the Spyttel House, The, 3, 16, 17, 18, 19, 113, 117, 176, 177, 180,187-245 Ingram, Elizabeth, 179 In the Honor of the Passion of Our Lorde, 16 Introductory to Wryte ... Frenche, The. See under Barclay, Alexander Ipomydon. See Hue de Rotelande Isaac, Frank, 4, 25 Jack Juggler, 179 Jacob's Well, 225, 226 James iv (red lion), 67 Jesus Christ: as child, 135; crucifixion, 135, 147, 162; hands and feet, 135, 162; heart 135-6, 147, 161; life, 146, 162; mystic winepress, 79; nativity, 162; as taverner, 79; wounds, 9, 79, 135, 161-2 joke books, in; A.C. Mery Talys, in, 184, 185; Fables of esope, in; Tales and quicke answeres, 185 Jolliffe, P.S., 135 Jones, Philip E., 180 Jordan, W.K., 228 Jubinal, A., 223 Judges, A.V., 231, 232, 233-4, 235/ 236, 244 iugement (fabliau genre), 177 lustices of Peas, The, 4 lyl of Braintfords Testament, 5, 15-16, 18, 19, 20, 117, 122,164-86, 223, 224, 237, 243 Kalender of Shepeherdes, The, 4, 12, 49~57/ 63, 128, 158 Kalendrier & compost des Bergiers, Le grant, 147 Kay, John, 81

267

Index

Kele, Richard, 9, 10, 20 Keyser, Martinus van: The mystik sweet rosary, 162 Kingsford, C.L., 180, 183 Kitching, C.J., 26 knavery, 230 knaves: Here begynneth the .xxiiij. orders of knaues, 184, 245; the .xxv. orders of knaues, 184, 245 Knights Hospitallers of St John of Jerusalem, 81 Knyght of the Swanne, The, 4 Knyghtes Hospytallers. See The Begynnynge ... of the Knyghtes Koreny, Fritz and Tilman Falk, 28 Kreider, Alan, 182 Kynge Appolyn of Thyre, 3-4, no Lancashire, Ian, 232 Langton, Robert: The Pylgrimage, 20, 22 Lathrop, H.B., 158 Lee, Sidney, 74 legislation, Henrician, 221, 222, 224, 226, 233-4, 24° Leonard, E.M., 222 Liber vagatorum, 223 Lilly, William, in Livingston, Charles H., 114 London: apprentices, 226; City of, 221, 231, 240; Court of Aldermen 230, 232, 235; Court of Common Council, 232; Court of Requests, 233; Farringdon Without, ward of, 9, 229; Fleet Bridge, 5; Fleet Street, 4, 5, 26, 117-18, 119, 123, 181; Greyfriars Passage, 180; Houndsditch, 231; Ludgate Hill, 231; Mountgodard Street, 180; Newgate Street, 180; Red Lion Inn, 180; St. John's head tavern,

119; St Paul's, 180; shambles, 180-1; Smithfield, 229; Society of Physicians, 235; Southwark, 183, 233; wards, 229; Westminster, 5, 25, 232; wills, 181-2.. See also prisons Longland, John, bishop of Lincoln, 24 Lovell, Sir Thomas, 235 Lucydarye, The. See under Chertsey, Andrew Luther, Martin, no Lyall, R.J., 139 Lydgate, John, 17, 140, 142; Assembly of the Gods, 240;Dietary, 155; Fall of Princes, 15, 17, 72, 155; Order of Fools, 17, 177, 183, 237-8, 239, 240, 245; Prouerbes of Lydgate, 15, 155; Temple of Glass, 82; and Burgh, B., Secrees of Old Philisoffris, 127 Maitland, S.R., 142 mal marie translations. See Complaynt(e) Maner of Dauncynge of Bace Daunces, 67 mantle and ring, 116 manuscripts, 28, 143, 147 Cambridge Cambridge University Library: Ff.i.33: 127; Gg.i.i: 176, 223 London British Library Additional 5465 (Fayrfax ms): 111; Additional 12462: 235; Additional 24192: 179; Additional 31922 (Henry vm's ms): in; Arundel 285: 147; Arundel 507: 177, 223; Harley 219: 127; Harley 2252: 28, 77, 142, 183; Har-

268

Index

ley 4012: 116; Harley 4677: 223; Royal Appendix 58: 111; Royal i6.F.x: 127; Royal i8.A.vii: 127; Royal i8.c.vi: 222, 240 Westminster Abbey muniments: 25-6 Manchester Chetham's Library: 8009: 77 Nottingham Nottingham University Library: Mi LM6: 114 Oxford Bodleian Arch. Selden 6.24: 111; Ashmole 176: 111; Bodley 638: *39/ X 77/ 237; Douce i: 162; Fairfax 16: 139; Magdalen College 72: 71; University College 85: 127 Princeton Taylor 17 (olim Amherst 20): 162 San Marino Huntington 1140: 146 Manzalaoui, M.A., 127, 129 Marchant, Guy, 54-5 Marie de France, 109 Marney, Sir Henry, 65, 154 Marshall, William, 140, 222, 240 Martyn, William, 185 Mary, the Blessed Virgin, 13-14, 79, 135, 146, 147; as nurse, 9, 148; hymns to, 234; sorrows of, 16, no Mary of Nemmegen, 179 Mass, 116, 120, 244 masterless men, 232. See also vagabonds McHardy, A.K., 27 McKerrow, R.B., 22, 113 McPeek, J.A.S., 245 Meagher, John C., 113, 114, 117, 119, 122

Meale, Carol M., 28, 77 Medwall, Henry: Fulgens & Lucres, 117, 120, 122; Nature, 234 Meyer, Paul, 223 Michaud, J.F., 81 Middleton, William, 9 Modus tenendi curiam baronum, 4 Montreuil (Muttrell), 233 Moore, Norman, 221, 228 Moore, W.G., 223, 227 More, E., 3 Morlaix, 233 Morte Arthur, 77 Moxey, Keith P.P., 181, 223 Musgrove, S., 237 Myrrour ... of lyfe, The, 222 Myrrour of the Chyrche, The (Speculum Ecdesiae). See under Rich, St Edmund mystical works, 71, 79 Nashe, Thomas, 178 Needham, Paul, 26, 27 Nevill, Richard, second baron Latimer, 61 Nevill, William: The Castell of Pleasure, 3, 6, 7, 12, 13, 18, 21, 58-63, 141, 142 Nijhoff, W. and M.E. Kronenberg, 147 Norfolk, John Howard, duke of, 67 Norfolk, Thomas Howard, second duke of (white lion), 6, 13, 67-8 Norton-Smith, John, 139 Notary, Julian, 158 Office of the Dead, 116, 234; divine office, 231, 234 Ordynarye of Crystyanyte, The. See under Chertsey, Andrew Ovid, 130; Metamorphoses, 156, 157

269

Index

Oxford, University of, 3, 24, 240 Palsgrave, John, 231; Lesdarcissement de la langue francoyse, 245 Pantin, W.A., 70 Pantzer, Katharine F., 28, 176 Passyon of Our Lorde, The. See under Chertsey, Andrew Pearcy, Roy, 177 Pearsall, Derek, 77 Pepwell, Henry, 5, 6, 7, 26, 62, 113 Perrow, E.G., 177 Petronius: Satyricon, Widow of Ephesus, 109 Pettigrew, T.J., 236 Pfaff, R.W., 136 Phythian-Adams, Charles, 25, 28 Picardy, 232 Piers Plowman, 222, 230 Plomer, H.R., 3, 24, 27, 45, 142-3 Pompen, Aurelius, 223 poorhouse (hospital), 223, 242 'popery,' 221 poverty, 221; categories of, 222, 224, 225, 226, 230; contemporary causes of, 221-2; debtors, 233; early-modern discussion of, 223, 224; moral and political responses to, 222; 'poor of heart/ 224. See also alms printing: editorial practice, 77, 139-40; printer's copy, 77, 112, 139-40; standards, 113 prisons, 242; Fleet, 231; King's Bench, 233; Marshalsea, 233; Newgate, 232 Prockter, Adrian and Robert Taylor, 26, 229 proverbs, 12, 177, 181. See also Dent; Tilley; Whiting Psalter of Jesus, The, 147

'Pycardes speche,' 128 Pykeryng, Robert, 235 Pyklyng, John, beggar warden, 235 Pylgrimage, The. See Langton, Robert Pynson, Richard, 5, 25, 26, 54, 111, 123, 139-40, 155, 158, 224 Questyonary of Cyrurgyens, The, 10, 129, 133 Rahere, 228 Rappaport, Steve, 221 Rastell, John, 27, 111, 112, 139-40, 236; Gentleness and Nobility, 185, 225, 243; Interlude of the Four Elements, 17, 141, 142 reading, 112, 186 Red Lion Inn (Brentford; London), 180 Redman, Robert, 79 Reed, A.W., 28, 158 Renouard, Philippe, 29, 130 Rhodes, 81 Rhymed Life of Christ, 135, 160-3 Rich, St Edmund, 71; The Myrrour of the Chyrche, 13, 17, 21, 69-72 Ringler, William A., Jr, 17, 111 Rivers, Anthony Wydvile, second Earl Rivers: Dictes, 72; Morale Proverbes, 183 Robbins, H.W., 71 Robinson, Pamela, 140 Rolle, Richard, 79 Rollins, H.E., 178 Rosarye of Our Lady in Englysshe, The, 13, 135,144-8 Rose, Miles, 232 Ross, Thomas W., 114 Rote or myrour of consolacyon and conforte, 112 Routier de la mer, Le, 132

270

Index

Rowlands, Samuel, 244 Rubin, Miri, 222 Rutter of the See, The. See under Garcie, Pierre. Ryght Frutefull Monycion, A, j St Augustine of Canterbury, 71 St Bartholomew's hospital, 221, 231; annual income, 221; clients, 224, 227; closure, 221; founder, 228; location of, 229; nursing sisters, 221, 228; porter, 8, 227, 228, 241; priory, 228, 229; re-establishment of, 221 St Botolph Aldersgate, 232 St Botolph, Boston, guild of, 5, 26 St Bride's parish, 5, 6, 27, 117-18, 119, 123 St Bridget of Sweden, 79 St Cornelius Westminster, guild of, 232 St Erasmus, 231 St German, Christopher, 222 St Joseph, 135 St Margaret Westminster, assumption guild of, 25 St Martin of Tours, 228 St Mary of Bethlehem (Bedlem), 237, 241 St Mary Rounceval, guild of, 5, 25 St Peter Damian, 79 Salve Regina, 147-8 Schlauch, Margaret, 244 Schoeck, R.J., 65 Schofield, John, 26, 121 Secrete of Secretes, The (Secreta Secretorum), 13, 14, 29, 56, 125-30 Senior, W., 132 Seuen Soroives, The, 7, 9, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 29, 62, 83-124, 185

Seven Wise Masters of Rome, 109 Shakespeare, William: The Merry Wives of Windsor, 178; A Midsummer Night's Dream, 181, 182; King Lear, 115 Shepherd, Geoffrey, 230 Simpson, Percy, 27, 158 sins, seven deadly, 227, 242 Skelton, John, 17; 'Against the Scottes,' 67; The Bowge of Court, 18, 181, 227; Colyn Cloute, 118, 123; Elynour Rummynge, 184; Magnyfycence, 112, 141; Speke Parrot, 141-2; Why Come Ye Nat to Courte, 241 Skot, John, 9, 124; The Boke of Mayde Emlyn, 114, 123; Golden Letany, 9, 123; Rosary of Our Lady, 9, 123, 146-7 Slack, Paul, 221, 222 Slavin, Arthur J., 26 Smith, S.R., 226 Smith, Walter: The Wydow Edyth, 112 Sommer, H. Oskar, 54-5, 158 Spectacle of Loners, The. See under Walter, William spirituality, 54 Stationers' Company, 7, 8, 113 Stationers' Register, 47 Steele, Robert, 127 Stevens, John, 67 Stocklins, Ulrich, 79 Stow, John, 180 Suleiman the Magnificent, 81, 111 Swain, Barbara, 177, 223 Symbolum Apostolicum, 158 Syon Abbey, 20, 179 Tabbe, Henry, 9, 133

271

Index

230, 235; hospitality for, 234; Tamizey de Larroque, Ph, 176, 223, punishment of, 221, 222, 233-4, 239 Tanner, Thomas: Bibliotheca Britan240. See also beggars Vaissier, J.J., 179 nico-Hibernica, 24 Van den Berghe, Jan: Leenhof der Tate, John, 8 Gilden, 181 Tatlock, J.S.P., 65 Tauerne of Goostly Helthe, The,78-9, Verard, Antoine, 54, 75, 127 Vertuose boke, The. See Andrewe, 136 Taylor, E.G.R., A Regiment for the Laurence Viles, Edward and F.J. Furnivall, Sea, 132 234, 244, 245 testament, 178, 182, 184-5; asliterary fashion, 177 Vitas Patrum, 148 Therouanne (Tyrwyn), 233 Vloberg, Maurice, 79 Thomas, D.B., 224 Vorsterman, Willem: Hortulus Animae, 147;The Rosarye of Our Lady, Thomas, Keith, 25 135, 146, 147 Tierney, Brian, 222, 238 Tilley, Morris P., 120, 121, 157, 177, 183, 184, 185, 232, 235, 240, 243, Walter, William: The Castell of Pleas244 ure, 58-63; Guystarde and SygysTory, Geoffrey, 123 monde, 7, 9, 15, 17, 18, 29, 64, no, 149-59; The Spectacle of Toulouze, Michel, 67 Tournai (Tourney), 233 Lowers, 6, 12, 15, 29, 64-5,154; Tytus & Gesyppus, 65, no, 154, Towneley plays, 236 227 Tracy, P.B., 128, 158 Waters, D.W., 132 translations, 54, 71, 75, 81, no Tree and xij Frutes of the Holy Goost, Watson, Henry, 177 The, 7, 179 Westlake, H.F., 26 Whiteridge, Gweneth and Veronica Treswell, Ralph, 26, 121 Stokes, 221 Trevisa, John, 75 Tryumphant Vyctory, The, 5 Whiting, B.J., 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 183, 186, 232, 235, 241, 243, Tucker, Melvin J., 68 244 Tunstall, Cuthbert, bishop of widow, 109-22, 179, 184. See also London, 8, 158 Gautier Le Leu: La Veuve Turner, Fred, 180 Willesden, Middlesex, 121 Tyddeswell, Joanne, 5 Tyndale, William, 237 Williams, Sir E. Vaughn, 27 Williams, Franklin B., Jr, 26, 140 Utley, F., 44, 47, 65, no, 123, 128 Williamson, W. and Anthony Kitson, 128, 129 178 wills. See testament Wolsey, Cardinal, 226 vagabonds (wanderers), 226, 22

2J2

Index

Wood, Anthony a, 3, 24 woodcuts, 146, 147, 161-2, 178-9, 227; commissioned, no, 154; Seuen Sorowes, no, 113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 122 Woolf, Rosemary, 79, 147 works of mercy: corporal, 224, 226; spiritual, 21 Wright, H.G., 154, 156 Wright, T. and J. Halliwell-Phillips, 223 Wyclif, John, 115 Wyer, Robert, 133, 142; biography, 158-9; Boke of Demaundes, 128; Certayne Questyons, 129; The Compost of Ptholomeus, 128, 158; The Dyfference of Astonomye, 128

Wynkyn de Worde, 8, n, 15, 17, 20, 25, 28, 54, 62, 65, 71, 77, 109, 113, 139, 140-3, 148, 154, 158, 162, 224, 227, 232; career, 18; commissioned cuts by, no; Copland's editing for, 7-8; death, 5, 6, 9, 176, 181; printing for St Mary Rounceval, 25, 26; shop, 5, 45; textual conservator, 21; types, 6; will, 5, 26, 27, 113, 185 Youth, 231 Ypres, poor-relief program, 140, 222

Zall, Paul M, 184, 185, 186 Zeydel, Edwin, 223